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CORNELL
UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY
BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME
OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT
FUND GIVEN IN I89I BY
HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE
Cornell University Library
a .B64
‘Ta
1924 032 598 9
olin vers
THE
ENCYCLOPEDIA °F SOCIAL REFORM
INCLUDING
POLITICAL ECONOMY, POLITICAL SCIENCE, SOCIOLOGY, AND
STATISTICS, COVERING ANARCHISM, CHARITIES, CIVIL
SERVICE, CURRENCY, LAND AND LEGISLATION
REFORM, PENOLOGY, SOCIALISM, SOCIAL
PURITY, TRADES UNIONS,
WOMAN SUFFRAGE,
Etc.
EDITED BY
WILLIAM D. P. BLISS
WITH THE CO-OPERATION OF MANY SPECIALISTS
INCLUDING AMONG OTHERS
Pres. E. B. ANprews, D.D., LL.D., E>warp Atkinson, Ph.D., LL.D., Prof. E. W. Bemis, Ph.D., Epwarp
Bettamy, HeLen BLacksurn, EmiLy Blackwell, M.D., F. de L. Bootu-Tucker, WM. Cuarke, Prof. J. R.
Commons, A.M.,THomas Davipson, A.M., Rev. S.W. Dike, LL.D., Prof. R. F. FAutkner, Ph.D.,
Wo. Lioyp Garrison, Prof. Franktin H. Gippines, Ph D., Prof. A. T. Haptey, A.M.,
BenjaMIN Kipp, Rev. E. E. Hate, D.D., LL.D., THomas G. SHEARMAN,
Lavy Henry Somerset, Davin A. Wetts, LL.D., Sypney
Wess, LL.B., Frances E. WiLLarb, LL.D.,
CarroLt D. Wricat, LL.D.
FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY
NEW YORK anp LONDON
1897,
st yy
eee es H
Ac\\2522
Copyright, 1897, by Funk & Wacnatts Co.
[Registered at Stationers’ Hall, London, England.]
Printed in the United States, America,
To
William ZL. Bull,
Whose LOYAL FRIENDSHIP AND DEEP SYMPATHY
IN THE AIMS OF THIS WorK
Has LarceLy MADE IT PossIBLe.
PREFACE.
THE two main requisites of an encyclopedia are reliability and serviceableness in information.
The first of these requisites has been sought in this encyclopedia by having every article either
written or revised by some specialist on each particular subject. In the case of all proposed
reforms the statement of the reform has been written, or at least revised, by a believer in the
reform ; but, together with this, or by reference to a corresponding article on the opposing side,
a statement of the opposing view will be found. Individualists and socialists, gold monometal-
lists, bimetallists, and believers in free silver, protectionists and free traders, prohibitionists
and high-license advocates, believers and disbelievers in woman suffrage, appear in this ency-
clopedia side by side. Historical, bibliographical, biographical, and statistical articles have
been prepared and carefully revised by adequate authorities, mainly university professors and
specialists.
Serviceableness has been sought by making the work, while, as shown ahove, accurate and
scholarly, yet popular and not technical. The encyclopedia is for general workers and students
in social reform, It has been prepared by specialists for those who are not specialists. Its
references to books are therefore in the main only to books available to English readers. Articles
have been arranged as to length and quality with this idea of serviceableness in view. No articles,
for example, will be found upon Presidents Washington and Lincoln. This is not because they
did not contribute to social reform, and to a much larger degree than many who are considered
in this encyclopedia, but because the general reader in reform does not need the story of
Washington’s or Lincoln’s life. The space allotted to articles, therefore, has considered the
needs of the reader more than the absolute importance of the subject.
This work is a pioneer, the first of its kind. Its aim has been to give on all the broad range
of social reform the experience of the past, the facts of the present, the proposals for the future,
The subject is so vast, and may be made so inclusive, that almost any subject might have
been included here; but this encyclopedia aims to distinguish sharply between subjects that
belong mainly to the individual and those that belong mainly to society. A few subjects, such
as religion, science, etc., that concern both -the individual and society, are treated only in their
social aspects. The biographical portions will be found to be especially full. Of living persons
the encyclopedia treats only those having national recognition, and has thus been compelled
to pass by many earnest and often more useful and successful workers in local fields.
To the important articles are appended brief bibliographies of the best available books upon
the subject. There has been no attempt to make these exhaustive, but they will serve to guide
the student in his search for more complete information. A general bibliography of social and
economic bibliographies will be found in the appendix.
The editor desires to express his indebtedness to a large number of writers who have most
vi PREFACE.
materially aided him by contributing or revising articles and by reading proof.
those who have contributed or revised signed articles will be found below.
others whose names do not appear who have aided equally with these.
The names of
But there are many
A list of the firms who
have granted courteous permission to quote from their publications is also appended. The editor
desires to express his especial indebtedness to Mr. Louis E. Van Norman, A.M., for valued help
in seeing the work through the press.
If this work shall aid at all those who desire the truth in social reform in finding and in acting
upon it, its aim will have been realized.
Boston, 1897.
W. D. P. BLISS.
CONTRIBUTORS OR REVISERS OF SIGNED ARTICLES.
All the articles in this Encyclopedia have been either prepared or revised by specialists.
We give here only those whose names are signed.
SamueEL W. Axnsotr, M.D
Of the State Board of Health of Massachu-
setts.
Exisua B. Anprews, D.D., LL.D.,
‘President of Brown University.
Ph.D., LL.D.
RacHEL Foster AVERY,
Corresponding Secretary of the National
Women’s Suffrage Association.
EDWARD ATKINSON,
EpwarpD BELLAMY.
E. W. Bemis, Ph.D.
Rev. THomas A. BickForD.
HELEN BLACKBURN,
Of the (British) National Society for Wom-
en’s Suffrage.
Emity BLAcKweLL, M.D.
FREDERICK DE L. Bootu- TUCKER,
Commander of the Salvation Army of the
United States.
Abert A. CARLTON,
Formerly of the General Executive Board
of the Knights of Labor.
Hersert N. Casson,
Founder of the Labor Church in the United
States.
ALBERT CLARKE, A.M.,
Secretary of the Home Market Club, Bos-
ton, Mass., and President of the National
Statistical "Association.
WILLIAM CLARKE.
J. Storer Cops.
Joun R. Commons, A.M.,
Professor of Sociology, Syracuse Univer-
sity.
Ernest H. Crossy, A.M., LL.B.,
Ex-President of the Social Reform Club,
New York City.
Tuomas Davipson, A.M.
Mites M. Dawson
Rev. S. W. Dixe, LL.D.,
Secretary of the National Divorce Reform
League.
Wiiuam A. Dunninc, Ph.D.,
Professor of History and Political Science,
Columbia University.
GerorcE E. Fe.tows, Ph.D.,
Department of European History, Indiana
University.
Roanp P. FAauxn#r, Ph.D.,
Professor of Statistics, University of Penn-
sylvania.
Martua N. GALe.
WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON.
FRANKLIN H. Gippincs, Ph.D.,
Professor of Sociology, Columbia Univer-
sity, First Vice-President of the Ameri-
can Economic Association and of the
- American Academy of Political and
Social Science.
Rev. N. P. Gitman. /
ARTHUR T. Hapiey, A.M., si
Professor of Political Economy, Yale Uni-
versity.
Rev. Epwarpb Everett Hats, D.D., LL.D.
AUBERON HERBERT,
Editor of Free Life.
ALFRED Hicks,
RicHarD J. Hinton.
Epitu M. Howes.
Cuaries D. KELLoce,
General Secretary of the Charity Organiza-
tion Society, New York City.
BenJAMIN Kipp.
CONTRIBUTORS AND REVISERS.
ALFRED Watts LEE.
Henry D, Lioyp.
Eeanor L. Lorp,
W. D. McCrackan.
FREDERICK MILLAR,
Editor of The Liberty Review.
CAROLINE WILLIAMSON MONTGOMERY,
President of the College Settlements Asso-
ciation.
W. A. Mowry.
N. O. NEtson,
Founder of Leclaire Cooperative Commu-
nity. :
FRANK Parsons,
Professor of Insurance, School of Law, Bos-
ton University.
Rev. GEORGE L. PERIN, D.D.
ELTWEED PoMERoyY,
Editor of Dérect Legéslatzon.
Aaron M. Powe Lt,
President of the American Purity Alliance.
Anna RIcE POWELL.
James B. ReyNoLps,
University Settlement, New York City.
Frances E, RussE.t.
- H. B. SAtisBury.
vii
Lucy M. Satmon, A.M.,
Department of History, Vassar College.
Tuomas G. SHEARMAN.
Lady Henry SoMERSET,
Vice-President of the World’s Woman’s
Christian Temperance Union.
Rev. P. W. SPRAGUE,
ELLen G. STARR.
Rev. GRAHAM Taytor, D.D.
Rey. Cuartes M, THompson, D.D.
Joun TREvoR, ;
Founder of the Labor Church in England.
GrorcE B. Watpron, A.M.
J. Bruce WALLACE.
Davip A. WeEtts, LL.D.
E. J. WHEELER, A.M.
Frances E. WILLarD, LL.D ,
President of the Woman’s Christian Tem-
perance Union.
Rev. LEIGHTON WILLIAMS.
RosertT Woops,
Andover House, Boston, Mass.
Carro.u D. Wricut, LL.D.,
United States Commissioner of Labor.
Rev. JAMES YEAMES.
Victor S. Yarros, LL.B,
ACKNOWLEDGMENT.
We desire to express our acknowledgment to the following societies, firms, and individuals
for courteous permission to use the quotations made from the following books on which they
hold the copyright :
The American Academy of Political and Social
Science.
' Annals of the American Academy.
The American Economic Association.
Publications.
D. Appleton & Company.
— Government in the United States, by
. R. Conkling.
Man versus The State, by T. Mackay and
others.
A Plea for Liberty, by Herbert Spencer,
Primer of fPolztical Economy, by W.:
Stanley Jevons.
Progress and Wealth, by George Gunton.
Recent Economic Changes, by David A,
Wells.
The Baker & Taylor Company.
Our Country, by Dr. Josiah Strong.
Mrs. L. N. Brace.
Gesta Christi, by Charles Loring Brace.
The Century Company.
Municipal Government in Great Britain,
by Albert Shaw.
Columbia University, School of Political Sci-
ence.
The Polttical Science Quarterly.
Thomas Y. Crowell & Company.
Anarchy or Government, by W.N. Salter.
American Charities, by A. G. Warner
Distribution of Wealth, by Professor John
R. Commons.
seiaiesia and Social Reform, by R. T,
Ely.
Flood & Vincent.
The Industrial Evolution of the United
States, by Carroll D. Wright.
Harper & Brothers.
Wealth against Commonwealth, by Henry
D. Lioyd.
The M. W. Hazen Company.
The Labor Movement, by George E.
McNeill.
Henry Holt & Company.
History of American Currency, by W. G.
Sumner.
The Humboldt Library.
Live Questions, by ex-Governor John P.
Altgeld.
A. J. Johnson Company.
Johnson's Universal Cyclopedia.
Longmans, Green & Company,
Democracy and Liberty, by W. E. H. .
Lecky.
G. P. Putnam’s Sons.
Economics, by Professor Arthur Hadley.
A General Freight and Passenger Post,
by James L. Cowles.
Monopolies and the People, by C. W.
Baker.
Prisoners and Paupers, by H. M. Boies.
Walter Scott.
The Evolution of Modern Capitalism, by
J. A. Hobson.
The Ezght-Hours’ Day, by Messrs. Cox
and Webb.
Swan, Sonnenschein & Company.
Crime and tts Causes, by W. D. Morrison,
German Soctalism and F. Lassalle, by
W. H. Dawson.
Lllegitimacy, by Albert Leffingwell, M.D,
Stx Centuries of Work and Wages, by
J. E. Thorold Rogers.
C. Osborne Ward.
The Ancient Lowly,
The World.
The World Almanac.
THE ENCYCLOPEDIA
OF
SOCIAL REFORM.
ABANDONED FARMS.—The growth of
modern commercial centers, the development of
factory towns, the increasing part played in eco-
nomic life by the railroad, the general drift of
population from the country to the cities (see
Crrtgs) have led, in certain sections of the coun-
try, to the abandoning of farms. The extent to
which this: has taken place has. been by some
exaggerated, and the prominence given to the
subject a few years ago led to investigations
. which have.shown the exaggeration ; neverthe-
‘less, the number of abandoned farms is not
small, and the fact has a significance of the most
serious character. As we shall see in this arti-
cle, the evil is not confined to New England,
altho most attention has been called to the fact
in that section of the country.
Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, and Massa-
chusetts have made careful statistical investiga-
tions into the subject, with the result (1) of find-
ing that the extent to which farms in New Eng-
land have been abandoned has been somewhat
exaggerated ; and (2) of inducing the State to
take steps to aid the sale and development of
such farms, steps which have culminated in
practical results. These States print lists of
such farms for sale at favorable terms and send
them free to any person who applies to the prop-
er authorities of the respective States. Many
farms have been thus sold and land developed
and homes maintained.
Altho, perhaps, New Hampshire and Vermont
have been most active in thus selling farms,
Massachusetts has most carefully investigated
and reported upon the subject. The twenty-
first annual report (1890) of the Massachusetts
Bureau of Statistics of Labor gives 78 pages to
the subject, from which we quote the prominent
points.
“Many farms in the commonwealth have been aban-
doned by their owners, but not abandoned as to culti-
vation. Such farms have been leased to
their present occupants, who derive a
Definition of living from them, or have been sold to
Abandoned Her ESenert Sat, secopated oe
Farms. fers last indicated is to reduce the num-
ber of farms in the State, but not the
number of acres of cultivated land.
Many farms formerly cultivated for various crops are
now mainly devoted to the production of hay or dairy
roducts; and, in some cases, land formerfy cultivated
is now to be classed as woodland. Such changes are
merely changes in the form of crop, and if made by the
farmer for the reason that, all things considered, it is
found more profitable at present to raise hay, dairy
products, or wood than vegetables or grain, do not in-
volve an abandonment of the farm, altho possibly the
abandonment of the mode of cultivation formerly em-
ployed. In order to secure uniformity and the greatest
ossible accuracy in the returns, and to eliminate as
far as possible the effect of differences of judgment, in
zeplying to our inquiries as to what should be con-
sidered an abandoned farm, the following definition
was placed upon the blanks.sent out to the assessors:
“By ‘Abandoned Farms’ inthis inquiry are meant
those formerly cultivated, but now deserted, upon
which cultivation is now abandoned, and the build-
ings, if any, unoccupied and permitted to fall into
decay. In some cases the grass is still cut on these
farms, but nothing is done in the way of enrichment of
the soil, and the land is practically unproductive and
left to run wild.”
Abandoned farm land in Massachusetts is princi-
pally contined to the western counties. Such land
aggregates 3.45 per cent. of the total
farm acreage of the State, outside the
limits of cities, and about 0.87 per cent.
of the value of such farm land. In
Nantucket and Suffolk counties no aban-
doned farm land is returned. The per-
centage of acreage of abandoned farm
land of total farm acreage, for the counties returning
abandoned farm land, is highest in Hampshire County,
reaching therein 6.85 per cent. It is lowest in Essex
County, being therein only 0.06 per cent.
The average size of abandoned farms with buildings
is §6 acres, and for those without buildings 87 acres.
The average value of abandoned farms with buildings
is $894, and for those without buildings $561. The
average value of buildings on abandoned farms is $337
per farm, ranging much less than the average value of
buildings upon farms under cultivation. Much of the
abandoned land may be bought for less than $10 per
acre.
While some of the towns containing abandoned farms
show a recent decline in the value of agricultural
products and property, this is not universally true,
and the decline in certain localities is overbalanced by
increase in others in the same county; so that, not-
withstanding the existence of abandoned farms, each
county, except Nantucket, shows an increase since
1875 in the value of agricultural products, and every
county shows an increase in the value of agricultural
property. In some counties, also, an increase in the
acreage of land under cultivation appears.
Except in Barnstable and Dukes counties, the towns
reporting abandoned farms show an aggregate increase
in population since 1865; and, except in Barnstable,
Dukes, and Franklin counties, an increase since 1855.
The increase is not usually so great, however, as
appears in the other towns in the counties respectively.
In the towns containing abandoned farms, and having
no important manufacturing industries, a decline in
population generally appears,
Summary of
Results.
Abandoned Farms.
The abandonment of farming land is not entirely of
recent date, altho it is still going on. Replies respect-
ing this phase of the subject, made to the
Secretar y of the Board of Agriculture
Causes for from 7 ene ematese an ete net
in 43 of these the number of abandone
AN abament farms is no greater than existed ro years
of Farms. ago; in 25 the number was considered
greater, in five it was believed to be less,
.,,. While in four instances the replies indi-
cated conditions similar to those prevailing at the ear-
lier date.
The following language may be thought appropriate
to the present day:
“Where is that long line of noble farmers that were
so industrious and prosperous, extending from North
River over Christian Hill to the Green Mountains, and
those cattle drovers and merchants that did more
business than all the stores in a half dozen Western
towns to-day? All are gone. . . . Look over this
town, and sée the once expensive py dwellings
going to ruin in strange hands. They show that far
ack a high order of architecture existed here, and
that a wealthy and prosperous set of farmers and me-
chanics occupied them. They are now indecay. The
same thing,may be seen, ina greater or less degree,
in most of the rural districts of New England.” |
However appropriate this may now appear, it was
written 33 years ago, and formed part of an address
delivered to his neighbors by a citizen of western
Massachusetts. totes i
If the evil is not recent, neither is it local. It is not
confined to Massachusetts, to New England,tothe West,
wherein, it is said, more farms have been deserted
by their owners than in the East, nor to the United
States. Itis one of the features of modern civilization.
While it is possible to accept that civilization as, upon
the whole, good, no one, unless ultra-conservative,
can accept it asa finality, or refuse to recognize the
evils peculiar to it. 7
It is not necessary to enlarge upon the causes which
have led to the abandonment of farming land. No
single cause can be given. If it were otherwise a
remedy might be easily suggested. There are many
factors which have contributed to the result, either
directly or indirectly. Among others, which admit of
no dispute, are the inadaptability of some of the land
to the use of machinery and modern modes of cultiva-
tion, the poorer quality of the soil in one locality as
compared with that in another, or its remoteness from
markets or from the railway which communicates
with markets; and beyond these, everything which
has aided the growths of cities has at the same
ais tended to reduce the population of the remote
owns,
It must be remembered that the abandonment of
farming land does not always imply either the aban-
donment or the decline of agriculture. On the con-
trary, notwithstanding this decline in some sections,
an increase in other sections appears. A careful
study of the tables relative to agricultural products
and property will show that the increase is generally
greatest in the vicinity of the large towns. These
towns afford a ready market for perishable products,
and this fact has led to a gradual change in the agri-
culture of the State, which, developing along the lines
of easiest resistance, has found its greatest profits in
the products of the market garden and the dairy. Of
this sort of agriculture there is considerable within
the territorial limits of the cities themselves, The
farmer near the large towns has frequently an advan-
tage over those in the remote places, in his ability to
sell his crops directly without the intervention of the
middleman. There are economic reasons, therefore,
growing out of the changed conditions of modern life,
‘which have operated to draw some who have not yet
abandoned agriculture into the proximity of cities.
Every new census discloses a larger proportion of
our population within city limits, and nothing pro-
vokes tnore criticism than the failure of a city or large
town to maintain in the census returns its expected
percentage of growth. This growth is considered an
evidence of progress, but it should be remembered
that rapid growth in cities cannot be secured without
retarding the growth in the country districts. In
Massachusetts the immigrant seeks the city and fac-
tory town. Often he comes from an agricultural life,
and desires a change. A movement from the city tow-
ard the country would perhaps correct the evil of
abandoned farms, but it would also check the growth
of the city. In the present state of public opinion,
which is largely controlled by the cities, and will be so
controlled to a still greater extent in the future, any
such movement, if extensive enough to be effective,
Abandoned Farms:
‘ ce
would at once be regarded as evidence of decaden!
in the cities affected by it. ed
The larger towns and cities are constantly engaé ae
in organized efforts to attract population Py as
duction of new industries, by improving Maing ies
of water supply and drainage, by incre: acing ment o£
ciency of their public schools, by the es! airing it pose
public libraries and eee ore 1S etion Ae aidetice
i improve one’s pe 9
a them, through the opportunity a orded for
i loyment, not, like agri-
regular and remunerative emp. ymer oF Se ecaeten
ject to the contingen 2
ge By enlareing the social advantages oS Barer
day deemed essential. Such efforts are ‘Ac 4 e
commendable. It ought to be recognized, however,
that their success involves a drain upon less favored
municiPacentration of population and wealth in cities
and large towns, while it has its dangers, unquestion-
ably opens enlarged social opportunities to all classes,
even the poorest. There is, too, a strange fascination
in city lite ‘which has always existed, and which leads
many who are under its spell to prefer poverty and
privation in the city to independence and comfort in
the country. This fascination is intensified by the un-
doubted benefits which the modern city offers to those
within or near it. . .
The delights of a country life and the indepen-
dence of the farmer are prolific themes of poets every-
where. Unfortunately, the masses of the people have
usually, for various reasons, declined to take the same
view. No doubt the poets are right, but men have to
be raised above the ordinary level to enable them to
accept such aconclusion, It is probably the existence
of conditions more or less artificial that makes a city
life seem preferable to so many, but these conditions
have prevailed so long, and tend in so many ways to
perpetrate themselves, that they cannot at once be
changed.
And yet it must be admitted that the promise which
leads to the abandonment of country life is frequently
unfulfilled. The movement from the country toward
the city may affect, indeed, has affected, the labor
market intwo ways: it may lead toa dearth of agricul-
. tural labor in the depleted districts, thus adding to the
burdens, which in too many cases the farmer alread
bears, and it may intensify the competition to whic
the city laborer is subjected, both as to employment
and as to wages. This competition reacts upon those
who come tothe city for the purpose of improving their
fortunes only to find the opportunities open to them .
constantly growing less. On the other hand, the life of
the farmer, notwithstanding its burdens, was never so
easy in many respects as at present. ... It could be
easily shown that the hardships and poverty Amene
farmers in the early part of the century were muc
greater than they are to-day. The improvements due
to modern invention have lightened farm labor, while
the railroad, the telegraph, and the press have brought
the most retired farms into communication with the
activities of the age. The farmer may not be able to
amass wealth, nor can the majority of those in cities
hope todoso. He is generally sure of a comfortable
living as the reward of his toil, and the contingencies
that affect hisemployment are usually no greater than
those affecting employment in cities. If opportunities
for large profits are not open to him, he is relieved
from the risk incidental to such opportunities, That
some of the burdens under which he suffers might be
and ought to be removed is undeniable, but there are
those in the ely, working for low wages, liable to pe-
riodical unemployment, to whom life upon the aban-
doned farms would offer an agreeable change; onl
they must first be convinced that such a change is de.
sirable. 5s ise
tis sometimes assumed that there are i
cities who would gladly go back to the lands aioe
were obtainable. This report shows that ,
such land exists. Much of it is in towns
which for natural beauty of scenery
and healthfulness of situation are un-
surpassed in Massachusetts. These
towns have an honorable past and still
possess possibilities of growth. In many
of them, as we have shown, agriculture
still flourishes, and, presumably, many
of the abandoned’ farms could be
brought back to fertility, and become
once more the sites of Prosperous and happy ho:
If this could be accomplished it would bea nba
benefit. Can legislation afford any aid? Public
Many of the towns containing abandoned fa:
have small opportunity, compared with that posses ms
by the larger places, to make their advantages know
Can the
Abandoned
Farms be
Reclaimed 2
Abandoned Farms.
These advantages are by no means inconsiderable.
Some of the abandoned land is no doubt rocky and
poor, but it is not all of this class. In some cases,
where its reclamation for agricultural purposes is im-
practicable, it could be developed for summer resi-
dence by those who would be glad to avail themselves
of it, if its exact condition were known. Occupancy
of this sort would be of benefit to the town inviting it.
For most of the land the price is low, and probably
much of it could be bought for occupation at a smail
outlay in cash.
The States of New Hampshire and Vermont have
undertaken to colonize their abandoned land, which is
more extensive than exists in Massachusetts, and have
invited immigration especially to that end.
So far the Massachusetts Bureau. The Maine Labor
Bureau for 1890 (p. 96) Teports in that State 3318
abandoned farms and an average acreage of 767.
The Legislature of Vermont in 1892 ordered a com-
lete report as to its 376 farms said to be unoccupied,
ba found only 200 to be really so. New Hampshire in
1892 Pabliate alist of 322 farms for sale with vacant
buildings, the list being entitled ‘‘Secure a Home in
New Hampshire.”
Incertain localities the abandonment of farms is still
more marked.
In 1889 the Commissioner of Agriculture and Manu-
facturing Interests in Vermont issued a circular, stating
that in the town of Reading there were goooacres of land
offered for sale at $1 or $2 per acre. One half of these,
he says, “tare lands which formerly comprised good
farms, but with buildings now gone, and fast growing
up to timber ; some of this land is used for pasturage,
and on other portions the fences are not kept up, leav-
ing old cellar-holes and miles of stone walls to testify
to former civilization.” In the town of Vershire
“there are from 36 to 40 farms, contiguous or nearly
so, abandoned and unoccupied.” In the town of Wil-
mington there were so00 acres in the
Same condition (7he ‘Nation, No. 1266).
But the condition is by no means pecu-
iar to New England. “A correspondent
of the New York Vafzon, under date of
Statistics.
“November 23, 1889, wrote: “In the rural districts in
Wayne County (New York) there are no less than 400
empty houses. The town of Sodus alone has over 50
deserted houses, and Huron has 30 or more.”
In Michigan there were 7419 fewer farmers in 1890
than in 1880, tho the population had meanwhile in-
creased 457,000 (Ninth Annual Report of Bureau of
Labor Statistics for Michigan, 1892).
Concerning the general depletion of agricultural
sections, Dr. Josiah Strong gives the following state-
ments_and tables taken from census reports. (Zhe
New Era, pp. 167 and 164).
Of the 1502 bownsliips in New England, 932, or 62 per
cent., were more or less depleted. In New York 69.5
er cent. lost population ; in Ohio, 58 per cent.; in In-
aaa 49 per cent. ; in Illinois, 54 per cent. The accom-
dealt ea table shows that the movement was common
to the South and West as well as to the Middle and
Eastern States, tho the rural districts in the region of
large cities naturally felt their attraction most.
aes of
‘ownships
iunbet Of | wiieh lost
PS. Population,
1880~go.
Alabama 704 244
Arizona. . 13 4
Arkansas. . 895 185
California.... 352 132
Connecticut.. 153 79
Delaware .. 32 1s
Florida ...... 161 44
Georgia. 1,181 4l4
Illinois... 15441 792
Indiana. 998 489
Iowa... 1,513 686
Kansas . 1,047 268
Kentuck 803 293
Louisiana 402 96
Maine.... . 54° 348
Maryland. ..... 221 10T
Massachusetts. 208 154
Michigan.... . 1,088 407
Minnesota.,. 1,297 271
Mississippi. * m6 S
ichigan, a ee a & “oa 6
Bianeso' wR & i yy ee
tee te a SR eG
Missouri, wm “ “ oy, «
Montana, “ « oF 8 a «oy 4
Nebraska, re ees. (EE = en 16:- - 5
x evada, a ee « ‘ ae
cea irate “ ‘ «
ie er ae a
New exico, “ce “ 3 © a “ 4 4
mew works i al . 1 Of 4 SS ag ME
orth Caroli she GE & foe ek
NS mth Dakota,” “ce “a 13 ac a “ rs ac
O20, Rw « “ oy &
Oklahoma, i Be. og. NS . ea aS
Oregon, ; “ « 3 « “ « 77 “
Remeriveni, COM TL Bt
i e an ie 4 = 7 15
South Carolina, “ “oe se fo aga) ee
South Dakota, “ “ 73 * ee SS" ah
~ennessee, Hw « “Bw
Texas, wom Ek “ io See
a “ « “ . D ‘
= By as “ x Ts ae C33 33 ‘
Vermont, iy I4
SE we & Ss of &
Washington, < jG ty “ “yw
West Virginia, “ “ a, * “ “ oy, «
Wisconsin, bd SE. Sige oe i s i *
Wyoming, a o 13 “ ae a x3 cis
I: should be remembered, however, that these
ages are continually being changed by legis-
lation.
Reference : For the latest information, see The Philan-
thropist, published monthly for the promotion of social
purity, the better protection of the young, therepression
of vice, and the prevention of its regulation by the
State. Editors, Aaron M. Powell and Mrs. Anna Rice
Powell, United Charities Building, New York.
AGIO (It. agzo, exchange). A commercial
term, used principally in Europe, to denote (1)
the rate of exchange between the currencies of
two countries. (2) The percentage of difference
in the value of (a) two metallic currencies, or
(4) a metallic and a paper currency of the same
denomination and in the same country, hence
premium on the appreciated currency. (3) An
aliowance made in some places for the wear and
tear of coin. Adam Smith uses the word some-
times in the first and sometimes in the second
sense, saying, for example, that the 2gzo of the
Bank of Amsterdam over the currency of Am-
sterdam was generally about 5 per cent.
AGRARIAN LEGISLATION. All laws
or measures tending toward the abolition or
limitation of private property in land are often
termed agrarian legislation, in reference to the
famous agrarian laws of Rome, which were till
Tecently supposed to have operated strongly in
tais direction, and to some extent probably did
so. This conception of agrarian legislation was
common even among scholars as late as the be-
ginning of this century. In 1793 the French
convention introduced legislation to punish with
death any one who should propose an agrarian
law, by which they meant equal division of the
soil among the citizens. The German scholars
Heyne, Niebuhr, and Savigny first declared the
true purpose of these Roman laws, discovering
It
Agrarian Legislation.
them to refer not to private, but only to public
lands. They referred to the lands acquired by
military conquest.
“and doubtless in other States of Italy, to allow iad
viduals to occupy such lands, and to enjoy all the bene-
fits of them, on condition of paying to the State the
tithe of the produce, as an acknowledgment that the
State was the proprietor of the land, and the individual
merely the occupier. Now, although the land was
undoubtedly the property of the State, and although
the occupiers of it were in relation to the State mere
tenants-at-will, yet it isin human nature that a long
undisturbed possession should give a feeling of owner-
ship; the more so as, while the State’s claim lay dor-
mant, the © was, in fact, proprietor, and the
land would thus be repeatedly passing by regular sale
from one occupier to another.”
The very idea of a citizen in ancient times
conveyed the idea of a land-owner, and as new
citizens were admitted to all Roman privileges,
they received an allotment of land from the pub-
lic domains. This necessitated an interference
by the State with those who temporarily occu-
pied the land ; and as these occupiers were gen-
erally Roman aristocrats, the interference was
resisted. It was to the interest of the aristocrats
to keep the lands public property, and therefore
they opposed all agrarian legislation. Their op-
position to this distributior of land, together with
economic tendencies that favored the wealthy,
tesulted in producing a large proportion of land-
less citizens ; and the endeavor by some of the
noblest Roman statesmen to provide these dis-
possessed citizens with the land that rightfully
belonged to them, occasioned some of the most
notable struggles in Roman history. One of
the first consuls to propose an agrarian law was
Spurius Cassius, who, at a time of great poverty
among the Roman workingmen, desired to have
the public lands divided among them. The
aristocracy defeated him, and finally secured his
death for daring to propose an infringement
upon their privileges.
The first important agrarian legislation of a
permanent nature actually passed was that pro-
posed by the tribune Licinius Stolo, and carried.
after a struggle of five years, in the year of Rome
333. The provisions of Licinius’s bill, or roga-
tion, were as follows: ‘‘ Every Roman citizen
shall be entitled to occupy any portion of the
unallotted state land not exceeding 500 jugera,
and to feed on the public pasture-land any num-
ber of cattle not exceeding 100 head of large, or
500 head of small, paying in both cases the usual
tates to the public treasury. Whatever por-
tions of the public land beyond 500 jugera are
at present occupied by individuals shall be taken
from them, and distributed among the poorer
citizens as absolute property, at the rate of 7
jugera apiece. Occupiers of public land shall
also be bound to employ a certain number of
freemen as laborers.”’
For a time this law was enforced with very
good effect. Poverty and inequality decreased.
But by the year 621 the law was neglected ; and
although large tracts of land had been acquired,
there were large numbers of landless citizens in
Rome. Wealthy capitalists secured the public
lands and had them tilled by hired labor for
profit. For 100 years there was no distribution of
land. The pauper population of the city increased
at one end, and the wealth and pride and luxury
of the aristocracy increased at the other. A few
Agrarian Legislation.
nobles began to practically own the greater part
of the land, while most of the tens ae in
want. Long occupation of public lands had con-
fused public with private property, and given
the capitalists and nobles a kind of proprietary
claim to the land they occupied ; so that, while
there was no doubt as to the wisdom.and justice
of a division of public land, there were many
obstacles in the way. It was Tiberius Gracchus
who at last had the boldness to propose an agra-
rian law. He proposed that every father of a
family might occupy 500 jugera of the State land
for himself, and 250 jugera additional for each
of his sons ; but that, in every case where this
amount was exceeded, the State should resume
the surplus, paying the tenant a price for the
buildings, etc., which he had been at the ex-
ie of erecting on the lands thus lost to him.
he recovered lands were then to be distributed
among the poor citizens, a clause being insert-
ed in the bill to prevent these citizens from sell-
ing the lands thus allotted to them, as many of
them would have been apt to do.
His proposition was strictly in accord with
the laws and spirit of the Roman constitution ;
but it was nevertheless furiously opposed by the
wealthy classes, who went as far in their lawless
opposition as to assassinate Gracchus and his
brother in cold blood. His measure was,
however, carried into effect; but its .enforce-
ment was so greatly hindered and evaded as to
render it of little value to the suffering people.
The aristocrats passed other laws directly oppo-
site to that of Gracchus, and securing hen in
their usurpations. Cc.
AGRICULTURAL COLLEGES AND
EXPERIMENT STATIONS. The first
agricultural school was founded by Fellenberg
at Hofwyl, Switzerland, in 1806, and endured 30
years, educating 3000 pupils. The Albert Insti-
tution, a great agricultural college, was found-
ed.at Glasnevin, near Dublin, Ireland, in 1838.
A private experimental station was started at
Rotham, England, in 1843. The Royal College
of Agriculture at Cirencester, England, was
commenced in 1845, and acollege of agriculture
at Dounton in 1880. The English government
ives small grants to chairs of agriculture at
South Kensington, the University of Edinburgh,
and a few other less important institutions. In
Prussia almost every province has its State-sup-
ported school of agriculture. In France the
Government gives large grants for agricultural
education. The school at Gregnon occupies an
old palace and possesses 1185 acres.
In the United States, the first agricultural col-
lege was established at Cleveland, O., in 1855.
der the provisions of the acts of Congress
of July 2, 1862, and August 30, 1890, colleges
having courses in agriculture are in operation
in all the States and Territories. In 14 States
separate institutions are maintained for white
and colored students. The total number of in-
stitutions having courses in agriculture in the
United States is 65. The organization of these
institutions is so varied that an exact classifica-
tion of them isimpracticable. Ina general way,
however, they may be classified as follows : (1)
Universities having colleges or departments of
agriculture ; (2) colleges of agriculture and me-
12 Agricultural.
chanic arts ; (3) colleges of agriculture ; (4) sec-
ondary schools of agriculture. In these institu-
tions the college course in agriculture leading to
a' degree covers four or, in some cases, three
years. Shorter courses of one or two years, OF
of a few months, are also provided in many 1n-
stitutions. Special courses 10 dairying and in
other agricultural industries have been recently
established at a few of the colleges. er
The total number of officers in the faculties in
1893 was 1282. The total number of students was
17,623, of whom 3160 were in the courses 1n agri-
culture. The graduates from the courses in
agriculture in 1893 numbered 265, and the total
number of graduates in those courses since the
establishment of the colleges is 3016.
The total revenue in 1893 was $4,024,132, from
the following sources: United States (including
income of land grant of 1862 and appropriation
under act of Congress of 1890), $1,463,215 ; State,
$1,093,870 ; local communities, $10,003 ; indi-
viduals, $60,906 ; fees, $301,141 ; farm produce,
$116,625 ; miscellaneous, $958,372. The value
of additions to equipment in 1893 is estimated
as follows: Farm implements, $26,559 ; build-
ings, $1,035,589; library, $84,638 ; apparatus,
$151,900; live stock, $16,276; miscellaneous,
$66,675 ; total, $1,481,637.
The Wisconsin dairy school, the first of its
kind in America, grew out of the belief that it
might be of direct and great help to dairy inter-
ests. A study of the dairy instruction imparted
in Denmark showed that the system there adopt-
ed was not suitable for Wisconsin. ‘There stu-
dents are given the theory of dairying at the
school and the practice by placing them one or
two in a factory, where they serve an apprentice-
ship. While many of the factories in Wisconsin
were excellently managed, it was felt that the
student should have pets peeetce while study-
ing in the manufacture of butter and cheese
under skilled instructors. The result was the
Hiram Smith Hall, named in honor of Regent
Hiram Smith, of the State University, who had
worked faithfully'in the upbuilding of Wiscon-
sin’s dairy interests, and especially for this
school,
Agricultural experiment stations are now in
operation under the act of Congress of March 2,
1887, in all the States and Terri-
tories. Alaska is the only section
of the United States quuch has no Agricultural .
experiment station. In each of Stations.
the States of Alabama, Connecti-
cut, Massachusetts, New Jersey,
and New York a separate station is maintained
wholly or in part by State funds, and in
Louisiana a station for sugar experiments is
maintained mainly by funds contributed by
sugar planters. In several States sub-stations
have been established. Excluding the branch
stations, the total number of stations in the
United States is 55. Of these 49 receive the ap-
Propriation provided for in the act of Congress
above mentioned. The total income of the sta-
tions during 1893 was $950,073, of which $705,000.
was received from the National Government
the remainder coming from State governments.
private individuals, fees for analyses of fertil”
izers, sales of farm products, and other sources,
In addition to this the Office of Experiment Sta-
Agriculture.
tions hasan appropriation otf $25,000 for the cur-
rent fiscal vear. The value ‘of additions to
equipment in 1393 is estimated as follows : Farm
implements, $3350; buildings . 339,573; lbra-
Ties. $Sr1,216; SEDATE: $17.672 ; live stock,
Sro2s : miscellaneous, $2.927 ; total, $133,533.
Tue stations employ 332 ms in the work
of administration and inquiry. The number of
odicers engaged in the different lines of work is
as follows: Directors, 70; chemists, 119; agT:
culturists StS, 545 > horticulturists, 62;farm forenien.
25: dairyvmen, 7; botanists, 37; entomologists,
42; veterinarians, 26 ; rictescologists, 13 ; biolo-
gis, Il; oe t Beclogists. a5 mycolo-
sosts and bacteci _trigation engi-
meers, 33; Secreta-
ries and ‘easurers, 2 35% panies and clerks,
“Fos furttez details see report of the Secretary
ef Agricciture for 1593, from which the above
bas been m the main abridged.
AGRICULTURALISTS. See Puysio-
cRaTs.
AGRICULTURE, (See also Lanp; Farw-
ERs’) Movewent; CooperaTION; ABANDONED
Farws: GRANGE, ETC.) We here consider :
1. The history of agriculture.
2. The statistics of agriculture.
3. The economies of agriculture.
I. History.
ANCIENT TIMES.
The uistory of agriculture reaches back to the
earliest tmes. On Egyptian hieroglyphs, s-
syrian roils, in Bible records. we have glimpses
of its earliest history. It was agriculture that
frst produced civilization. since it first gave to
man an abiding home. (See Lanp.) Asia was
probably its birthplace.
To-day in Central Asia the tribes of pastoral nomads
are mace up of PS, each under the authority of
the head of 2 > and asthing is the subject of sep-
arate ownership fexecos clothes and weapons (Le Play.
Ouzvriers Eurcrizns). When a group becomes too large
a division is made by the head in a manner suggestive
of the division made between Abraham and Low
It was probably thus that land was first held, tilled
by littie groups of men, gathered for defence around
er exs.aved by some strong head of the family or group.
We are srobably, however. ot to think of these as lit-
tie communistic groups, as suggested by De Lavelere
(Primitive Property). tis more probable, : as suggest-
ed by later writers (see LaND) that while the land
was in one sense held in common, it was rather held
by one strong man in desootism over the rest, whom
he maée to toil for him under conditions little removed
trom the lowest slavery. The implements of agricul-
tare were of the radest description—such as those used
in Turkey even to-day—a crooked stick orcurved beam
serving for a plough, and other pa ements of propor-
tional simplicity. Nevertheless, in Egypt, for example,
cousiderable progress was made. Dio-
doraus Siculus bears explicit testimony
Egypt. to the skill of the farmers of ancient
* Egypt. He informs us that they were
acquainted with the benefits of a roza-
tioa of crops, and were skilful in adapting these tot?
soil and to the seasons. The ordinary annual supply
of corn furnisied to Rome has been estimated at 20,000,-
coo bushels. From the same author we also learn that
they fed their cattle with hay during the annual inun-
dation, and at other times tethered them in the mead-
ows to feed on clover. Their mocks were shorn twice
annually (a practice common im several Asiatic coun-
tries), and their ewes yeaned twice a year. For relig-
jous as well as economical reasons. they were great
(2) IN
13 Agriculture,
rearers of poultry, and practised artificial hatching, as
at the present day. Wilkinson's f£gvee, giving many of
tae pictures and inscriptions from the tombs, etc., dis-
closes a state of advancement which we little realize :
An Egyptian villa comprised all the conveniences of
a European one of the present day. Besides a mansion
with numerous apartments, there were gardens, or-
chards, fish-ponds, and preserves for game. Attached
to it was a farmyard, with sheds for cattle and
stables for carriage horses. A steward directed the
tillage operations, superintended the labourers, and
kept account of the produce and expenditure. The
grain was stored in vaulted chambers, furnished with
an opening at the top, reached by steps, into which it
was emptied from sacks, and with an aperture below
for removing it when required. Hand-querns, similar
to our own, were used fcr grinding corm : but they had
also a larger kind worked by oxen. Im one painting,
in which the sowing of the grain is represented, a
plough drawn by a pair of oxen goes frst Xt Comes
the sower scattering the seed from a basket : “ie is fol-
lowed by another plough; while a rolier. drawn by
two horses yoked abreast, completes the operation.
bo steward stands by superintending the whole.”
The prominence given ore among the
{ere is well | proven. Sars Bible
“ Agriculture was recog-
nized and nd regulated by the Mosaic law
as the chief national occupation. Ina-
able ownership—under God—of the
was a fundamental provision. and renting the
ground till the year of jubilee was alone possible.
‘The land shall not be soid for ever: for the land ss
mine; for ye are strangers and sojourners with me’
Palestine.
(Lev. 23: §-26, 23-35)- The encouragement such a pro-
vision gave to agricultural improvements cannot be
xaggerated.
“That the land must rest one year in seven was
another remarkable and most beneficent requirement
(Lev. 25:1-7). The Jews were forbidden to sow a field
with divers seeds (Deut. 22:a). For example, wheat
and lentils must not be mixed, nor areas of them
meet. The rabbis describe with minuteness how to
vary the position of crops, yet avoid actual contact
between them, and prescribe at least three ows’
margin between such divers kinds. The yoking to-
gether of an ox and ass was prohibited, but is common
enough among the present inhabitants. Horses were
never used for farm-work.
“Vineyards are enclosed in walls, and gardens are
usually protected in the same way,or by banks of
mad. taken from ditches. Otherw'se, in agricultural
stricts the absence of all fences or enclosures ts and
aiarars was in striking contrast to our own oDractice.
A brook or a cliff may serve as a boundary, but ordi-
narily large stones almost covered by the soil are the
jandmarks (Deut. ra:1). Exceedingly beautiful to
the eye are the vast fertile areas of Palestine, check-
ered only by cultivation. As cattle find pasture
through most of the year, there are no proper barns
to be seen. Grass is cut in watered places with 2
sickle for ‘soiling,’ and stock is fed with this or with
grain when the fields are dried we More commonir,
during periods of scarcity, the flocks and herds are
driven to other feeding-grounds. Booths are some-
times provided for inclement weather, and at night
cattle are driven into caves or folds.
“ The permission to pluck and eat aneighbor’s grapes
oT grain, but not to put the former in a vessel nor use
a sickle on the latter, is not to be forgotten (Deut.
23:24, 25). There was also merciful provision that the
poor might glean in the vineyard and harvest-field,
and that something should be left for them (Lev.
TQid 75 Deut. 24:19).
” Oriental ploughing does not turn a sod, but
merely scratches the earth to the depth of 3 or 4
inches at most, which is all the primitive and light
plough and the small cattle of the Eastcando. Often
—always in the case of new ground—a second plough-
img crosswise was practised ; and this is referred to br
the word ‘break’ in Isa. 28:24. Steep hill-sides were
prepared for planting with the mattock or hoe, an
iron-pointed instrument of wood resembling in shape
the modern ‘ pick’ (Isa. 7:25). Good farmers ploughed
before the rains, that the moisture might be more abun-
dantly absorbed. The seed, being scattered broadcast
upon the soil, was ordinarily ploughed in, as is still the
custom. Light harrowing, often with thor bushes,
completed the process. In wet ground the seed was
trampled in by cattle (Isa. 32:20). After its planting
there was commonly little further labor bestowed
upon the crop till it was ready forthe harvest. Weeds
were removed by hand when it was safe to do so
(Matt. 13:23. 29). Irrigation was sometimes mecessary.
Agriculture.
As the ingathering drew near, the fields must be pro-
tected by the watchman in his lodge from the wild
boar and other beasts, and from human marauders.
‘The newly scattered seed and the ripening crop also
roe ee a defended against great flocks of birds
13 3 4). 5 %
“Grain when ne was in more ancient times plucked
up by the roots. Later, it was reaped by a sickle re-
sembling our own, either the ears alone being cut off
or the whole stalk. Laborers, animals, or carts bore
the harvest to the threshing floor, where the grain
was separated from the ears and winnowed.”
£ Grecian agriculture little is known. The Greece
that we know isthe Greece of conquerors, who lived on
the labors of slaves in mines, in fields, and in industries.
The cultivation of the soil was despised, and has made
little impress ape Greek literature. With the Ro-
mans it was different. Says Schlegel (Phzlosophy of
History, p. 253): It was in land and in
the produce of the soil that their princi-
The Roman re and almost only wealth consisted.
Empire hey were a thoroughly agricultural
" * people, and it was only at a later period
that commerce, trades, and arts were
introduced among them, and even then
they occupied but a subordinate place.” ‘Their: pas-
sion for agriculture survived very long; and when at
length their boundless conquests introduced an un-
heard-of luxury and corruption of morals, the noblest
minds amongst them were strongly attracted towards
the ancient virtue of the purer and simpler agricultu-
raltimes. Cicero puts into the mouth of Cato a fine
picture of the ancient Roman enthusiasm in agricul-
ture: ‘I come now to the pleasures of husbandry, in
which I vary delight. They are not interrupted by
old age, and they-seem to me to be pursuits in which a
wise man’s life should be spent. The earth does not
rebel against authority ; it never gives back but with
usury what it receives. The gains of husbandry are
not what exclusively commend it. I am charmed with
the nature and productive virtues of the soil. Can
those old men be called unhappy who delight in the
cultivation of the soil? In my opinion there can be no
happier life, not only because the tillage of the earth is
salutary to all, but from the pleasure it yields. The
whole establishment of a good and assiduous husband-
man is stored with wealth; it abounds in pigs, in kids,
in lambs, in poultry, in_ milk, in cheese, in honey.
Nothing can be more profitable, nothing more beauti-
ful than a well-cultivated farm.”
Mr, Hoskyn, in his History of Agriculture, quotes
the ee interesting passage from Pliny, com-
menting on Virgil: “Cato would have this point es-
pecially to be considered, that the soil of a farm be
oud and fertile; also, that near it there be plenty of
labourers, and that it be not far from a large town:
moreover, that it have sufficient means for transport-
ing its produce, either by water or land. Also, that
the house be well built, and the land about it as well
managed, But I observe a great error and self-decep-
tion which many men commit, who hold opinion that
the negligence and ill-husbandry of the former owner
is good for his successor or after purchaser. Now,I
say, there is nothing more dangerous and disadvanta-
geous to the buyer than land so left waste and out of
heart; and therefore Cato counsels well to purchase
land of one who has managed it well, and not rashly
and hand-over-head to despise and make light of the
skill and knowledge of another. He says, too, that as
well land as men, which are of great charge and ex-
pense, how gainful soever they may seem to be, yield
little profit in the end, when all reckonings are made.
The same Cato being asked what was the most assur-
ed profit rising out of land, made this answer: ‘To
feed stock well.’ Being asked again what was the
next, he answered: ‘To feed with moderation.’ By
which answer he would seem to conclude that the most
certain and sure revenue was a low cost of production.
To the same point isto be referred another speech cf
his, ‘that a good husbandman ought to be a seller
tather than a buyer;’ also, ‘that a man should stock
his ground early and well, but take long time and lei-
sure before he be a builder;’ for it is the best thing in
the world, according to the proverb, ‘to make use and
derive profit from other men’s follies.’ Still when
there is a good and convenient house on the farm, the
master will be the closer occupier, and take the more
pleasure in it; and truly it is a good saying that ‘the
master’s eye is better than his heel.’”’ :
In the later days of the empire the land was tilled
only by slave labour,under landlordsof gigantic wealth,
who cared nothing for agriculture. Corruption set in,
Jeading to the famous dictum of Pliny that it was the
Jatifundia which overthrew Rome. The evil was fur-
14
Agriculture.
ther aggravated by the policy that the Romans put-
sued towards the fahabitants of the conquered prov-
inces; there none of the land was held as eehold, but
it was solely vested in the Roman people, being all let
out for the benefit of the State. On the conquest 0
Sicily the wealthy Romans flocked over and farmed
the rents, as well as cultivated the lands by means of
slave-labour. Indeed, the chief supplies of grain sent to
Rome from Sicily, Sardinia, and Carthage were raised
by means of slaves.
(6) THE MIDDLE AGES.
Agriculture in the middle ages was largely
modified by the system of feudalism (g.v.). (See
also MippLe AGES.) Under the incursions of the
Goths, Vandals, and other tribes, it sank into
the lowest condition. The rural condition of
Europe in the tenth century was pitiable in the
extreme. Universal rapine and violence made
it unsafe to till open land, and unprofitable to
undertake improvements.. The impression that
the year 1000 would see the end of the world,
which was widespread, caused the fields to be
still more deserted, industry still more aban-
doned. After the year 1000 there was some re-
vival of industry. ‘The monasteries (see Monas-
TICISM), cultivating little tracts of ground, worked
by the monks with their own hands, did much
to spread the knowledge and practice of agricul-
ture.
In Spain the Saracens did more. By them and their
successors, the Moors, agriculture was carried in Spain
to a height which perhaps has not yet been surpassed
in Europe. It is said that so early asthe tenth century
the revenue of Saracenic Spain alone amounted to
46,000,000 sterling—probably as much as that of all the
Test of pUrope at that time. The ruins of their noble
works for the irrigation of the soil still attest their
skill and industry, and put to shame the ignorance and
indolence of their successors.
In England agriculture seems to have
been a little more prosperous than on
the continent. Says Palgrave’s Diction-
ary of Political Economy: Among the
early Saxons the soil had been tilled by
village communities. The land held by the associa-
tion was divided into two main divisions: (x) round the
homesteads lay permanent inclosures held as private
property (cp. Tacitus, swam quisgue domum spatio cir-
cumdat); O beyond the village lay the common lands
of the association. This latter portion consisted of
(2) arable fields, sometimes two, generally three, and in
later times four, in number; (4) meadowland for hay;
() rough wild pasture for live stock. Of the three arable
elds, one was cultivated each year for wheat or rye,
another for oats, barley, peas, and beans, and the
third lay fallow. Thus each field every third year
was fallow. Both the meadow and arable lands were
cut into strips and annually allotted to the use of in-
dividuals from putting up for hay or from seed-time.
Each partner held scattered intermixed parcels in each
of the arable fields, so as to equalize the quality of the
land, and to give each a share in the different crops
cultivated. The farming was regulated by a system
of ‘field-constraint,’ or later by the reeve of the mano-
tial lord. After the crops were cleared, separate use
terminated and common rights recommenced, the cat-
tle and sheep of the community wandering over the
fields before the common herdsman cr shepherd (for a
detailed account of the system, see Seebohm’s 7 he Eng-
lish Village Community), Co-tillage remained a fea-
ture of eelish farming after the Norman Conquest.
Up to the close of the eighteenth century half the soil of
England was thus cultivated, and in 1879, acres at
Stogoursey, near Bridgewater, were farmed on this sys-
tem. By the close of the eleventh century the imme-
diate lordship of the soil was vested in lords of manors.
subject to regulated rignte of user enjoyed by the co-
operative farmers. The manorial estate was divided
into three ‘parts—the demesne, the tenemental land of
the associated farmers, and the lord’s wastes, over
which the live stock of the tenants grazed. The soi]
was tilled by serfs, by freemen, and by semi-servile
tenants, who paid for their land by military or agricu)_
turalservices. Out of these grades in the rural Popu-
lation sprang the freeholder, the copyholder, and the
England.
Agriculture.
free pees serene labourer. The most striking feat-
ures in medizval farming were the violent alternations
from perpetual cropping to barrenness, from indolence
to intense labour, from famine to feasting. Scarcely
anything was grown for markets; nearly all the prod-
uce was consumed at home by the producers, Arable
land exceeded grassland. No manure was employed;
horses were scarcely ever used; oxen were more eco-
nomical; their food, harness, and shoes were cheaper ;
when dead they were meat for man. The crops were
wheat, oats, barley, rye, beans, peas, flax, and hemp.”
Thorold Rogers (g.2.) gives in his Work and Wages
a picture of rural medieval England. We give it here
in abridged form. He says:
“The first information which we get as to the occu-
pations of the people in rural districts discloses to us
the fact that almost every one not only possessed land,
but that he cultivated it. The king was not only the
largest landowner in the realm, but the most extensive
agriculturist, the wealthiest owner of live and dead
stock” p. 47)- :
“In the thirteenth century there was no rent paid,
in the ordinary economical sense of the
word. There was no competition for
holdings in that state of society in which
the great landowner cultivated his sBFOD-
erty with his own capital, and the
smaller tenants had a genuine fixity of
tenure under traditional, customary,
and certain payments. There were occasions, it is
true, in which from an early period lands were let to
farm. But these tenancies, to which allusion has been
made above, were land and stock leases, on really
beneficial terms to the tenant ; for the estimated value
of the stock, or its compensation, in case the tenant
failed to restore it at the termination of his lease, was
from 30 to 40 per cent. below the market value, unless,
as is highly improbable, the stock on such land was
far inferior in quality to that for which market prices
are recorded” (pp. 56, 57).
“In point of fact, the rent of the tenant in the time
immediately before me may have been, and probably
was, in its origin, as the Dialogue on the Exchequer
(i. 10) states, a license to live on and cultivate the soil,
always, indeed, less than a competitive rent, and per-
haps, in its beginning, a precarious tenure. But in
course of time the tenancy became permanent, the
rent remained fixed. It was as full, indeed, as could
be obtained, for I find that when land is let on lease
for short periods, or for life, the rent is no higher than
that paid by freeholders and copyholders, but it is not
as much as could be paid, seeing that the tenants were
constantly able to add to their tenancies, and were
frequently called upon for extraordinary payments,
which could not have been yielded from a genuine
rack rent. And it is a proofof Adam Smith’s sagacity,
that without the materials before him from which the
facts could be demonstrated, he saw that rent was orig-
inally a tax, and that a long interval must have occur-
red before farmers’ rents became real and oppressive”
No Rent
Paid,
5 8).
P97, 58 is a general impression that the Englishman
in the days of the Plantagenets lived on the coarser
and inferior kinds of grain. That most of the best
wheat went to market, supplied the towns, and was
ev n exported to foreign countries, is probable, or
even certain, especially during the fifteenth century.
But over the greater part of England, over all, indeed,
which has come under my inquiry, even as far north
as the county of Durham, the staple produce of agri-
culture, and by implication the staple food of the
people, was wheat, though oats are also consumed as
the food of man in those northern regions. From the
earliest times wheat has been the principal grain on
which the English have lived” (p. a
“T have dwelt in detail on these facts, and have given
this evidence of the condition of the English peasantry,
in order that I may, if possible, once for all show how
untenable is the opinion which doubts that, as far as
the mere means of life were concerned, the English-
man of the middle ages lived in ordinary times in
coarse plenty” (p. 63).
“The houses of these villagers were mean and dirty.
Brick-making was a lost art, stone was found only ina
few places, and, though cheap enough, was certainly
not generally employed, even where it was plentiful
and within reach. The better classof yeomen hadtim-
ber houses—housebote was a customary right of the
tenants—built on a frame, the spaces being either lathed
and plastered within and without, or filled with clay
kneaded up with chopped straw. The floor was the
bare earth, though it was sometimes pitched with split
flints. The sleeping apartments under the thatched
roof were reached bya ladder orrude staircase. A few
5
Agriculture.
chests were ranged round the walls, the bacon-rack
was fastened to the timbers overhead, and the walls of
the homestead were garnished with agricultural im-
plements. The wood fire was on a hob of clay. Chim-
neys were unknown, except in castles and manor
houses, and the smoke escaped through the door or
whatever other apertureitcouldreach. Artificiallight
was too costly for common use, for the hard fats were
fourtimes as dear as the meat of animals, and a pound
of candles could only have been procured at nearly the
price of a day’s work.
“The floor of the homestead was filthy enough, but
the surroundings were filthier still, Close by the door
stood the mixen, a collection of every abomination—
streams from which, in rainy weather, fertilized the
lower meadows, generally the lord’s several pasture,
and polluted the stream. Two centuries and a half
after the time of which I am writing the earliest Eng-
lish writer on husbandry comments on the waste, the
unwholesomeness, and the agricultural value of these
dunghills.
“The house of the peasant cottager was ruder still.
Most of them were probably built of posts wattled and
plastered with clay or mud, with an upper story of poles,
reached by aladder. In the taxing rolls of Edward I.,
pieserves numerously in the Record Office, the house-
old furniture of such cottages is inventoried, and val-
ued at avery few shillings. It consists
of a few articles of furniture, gener
of home manufacture, some coarse bed- Rude Houses.
ding, and a few domestic implements,
mostly earthenware. The most valuable
articles in use were copper or brass pots and a few
common iron utensils, all metals being exceedingly
mo and iron, relatively speaking, being the dearest
of all.
“Rude, however, and coarse as village life was, it
must not be imagined that it was without its hopesand
aspirations. The serf could arrange with his lord to
remove to a neighboring town, and there prosecute his
fortunes, perhaps emancipate himself” (pp. 67, 68).
“The tenants of the manor had aright generally to
the use of wood from the lord’s timber for the repair
or enlargement of their homesteads, for their agricul-
tural implements, and, to a limited extent, for their
fires. On the other hand, they are prohibited from
cutting oak or ash, even on their own holdings, without
the lord’s consent.
“ Generally the use of the common pasture was with-
out stint—z.e., any tenant could put as many beasts as
he liked on it” (p. 74).
“The arable land of the manor was generally com-
munal—zie., each of the tenants possessed a certain
number of furrows in a common field, the several divi-
sions being separated by balks of unploughed ground,
on which the grass was suffered to grow. The system,
which was all but universal in the thirteenth century,
has survived in certain districts up to living memory,
though generally it gave way to inclosures, effected at
amore or less remote period. The system has been
traced back to remote antiquity. The ownership of
these several strips was limited to certain months of
the year, generally from Lady Day to Michaelmas, and
for the remaining six months the land was common
asture. The communal cultivation haditsadvantages
or the poorer tenants, since the area of their pasture
was increased” (p. 88).
“The rarity of payment by the day is indirect evi-
dence that the great majority of the laborers were oc-
cupied on their own holdings during a considerable
part of the year. Omitting exceptional rates paid for
piecework, the wages of an agricultural laborer would
be at a rate of 42 115. 8d. a year, or taking, besides
Sundays, 20 days for church holidays, £2 10s. In har-
vest and hay-making time, which may have well lasted
5 weeks, his wages would be doubled, and this would
Taise them to £2155. His wife was paid for harvest
piecework as well as he was, and could earn another
5., raising his amount to £3. If he had 2children fit
for employment, at their rates they might raise the
total earnings of the family to £3 155., or £4.
“When the hinds were hired by the year, they re-
ceived a quarter of corn, at oe 4s. every 8 weeks, and
6s, money wages—z.e., about the value of 325.a year.
They were always, however, boarded in harvest-time
and at periods of exceptional employment. This board,
as I find from other sources, was reputed to cost from
1d. to 14d. a day, and if we take 6 weeks as the time
thus employed, the real wages which they received
would be in the aggregate about 35s. 8¢.a year. Such
hinds were undoubtedly single men. Occasionally the
laborer serves more masters than one, and his allow.
ances and money are therefore reduced. Thus the
swineherd is the servant of the whole village ; the deye,
Agriculture,
or dairy servant, of more than one ortwo; the shepherd.
frequently of two persons, During the harvest quarter
the money wagesare always three times the amount of
what is paid in the other quarters. This rule is of
course adopted in order to prevent the hind from de-
serting his employment during the most profitable
time of the laborer’s year, and is indirect evidence of
the voluntariness of the engagement. Had the labor
of the resident serf been entirely at his lord’s discre-
tion, such a distribution of money wages would have
been a superfiuous precaution” (pp. 170, 171). f
“ But though a few persons. became opulent in the
middle ages—exceedingly opulent by way of contrast
with their countrymen—the mass of men in the rural
districts were removed equally from excessive poverty
and from the prospect of much wealth, They could
and did make their savings add strip to strip, accumu-
late the wages of the harvest, and—there being little to
tempt them to expenditure—constantly invest their
earnings in plots of land. A :
“TI am far from forgetting that in many material
points the man in our day, who lives by manual labor,
is better off.than his ancestor of the thirteenthcentury,
just as he is better off than his ancestor of the eight-
eenth.... Iam aware also that all classes, though at
a period long after that of which I am now speaking,
shared the benefits of those great improvements in
agriculture, under which fresh food is supplied all the
year round ; and that many forms of inveterate dis-
ease, which once afflicted humanity, have been banish-
ed, and life has been rendered easier and longer. The
means of life were as plentiful, considering the popu-
lation, in the thirteenth century as they were inthe
eighteenth, the continuity of labor was secured, and the
rospects of those who lived by manual toil as good.
‘he age had its drawbacks, as every age has, but it
had.its advantages ; and.I hope to be able to show that
the peasant of the thirteenth century, though he did
not possess, and therefore did not desire, much that his
descendant had in the eighteenth, had some solid ele-
ments of present advantage and not a few hopes of
future advancement” (pp. 68, 69).
One: should: not, however, be misled by Professor
Rogers’s somewhat highly colored view into forgetful-
ness of the fact that the English medieval agricultural
laborer was, like his brother on the continent, a little
‘better than the slave of the sanor, even tho he was
to an extent a well-kept slave. The manorial system
furnished the framework of English medieval agricul-
tural society, as is brought out in Professor Bohm’s
The English Village Community and Professor W. J.
Ashley's 2conamic Histary, vol. i BP. 7-9. (For the de-
tails .ofithis system, see MANORS.) It was only after the
Black: Death:and the rising of the peasants that, altho
‘the leaders of the revolt were defeated and the Stat-
ute of. Laborers tried to tie the laborer to the soil, the
serfs, nevertheless, became really free, and for a little
while enjoyed what some have called the Golden Age
of Merry England. Soon, however, the exhaustion of
the nobles in the Wars of the Roses led them to claim
as private property the lands which they had held be-
fore only as feudal rulers; they commenced to turn
their lands into sheep-walks and dispossess their former
feudal dependents. ‘The confiscation of the monasteries
and the turning out of the monks swelled the number
of the landless class. Currency clipping and other cir-
cumstances increased the hard times, and the Golden
Age soon became a leaden one. 2
(¢) MODERN ENGLAND.
In tracing the development of agriculture
from medieval to present times, there are in
England two main epochs to be noted—the
Tudor period and the latter part of the eight-
eenth century. (For full notice of the former
see Lanp ; on the latter see Poor Laws.)
With the close of the Wars of the Roses and
the commencement of the fifteenth century be-
gins the era of farming for profit, which charac-
terizes the Tudor period. Feudalism was ex-
tinct ; commerce progressed ; the wool trade
flourished ; landlords required money, not re-
tainers. Two great changes: were introduced :
(1) individual for common occupation ; (2) the
conversion of arable land into pasture.
The nobility, exhausted by the French wars
16 Agriculture.
and the Wars of the Roses, began to raise wool
for the Flemish wool market. They began to
turn out their peasantry and to fence in the
common. The landless man, the tramp, was
produced. In the seventeenth and the early
part of the eighteenth centuries there was some
improvement, but the English Poor Law ee)
was working its dire result. Says Rogers ( Wor
and IWages, p. 424):
“The legislature strove to tie the peasant to the soil,
not, indeed, as a mere serf, for the act of. 1589 pre-
scribed that every laborer’s cottage [to be erected]
in future should have 4.acres of land attached to it—a
law which roused the wrath of Arthur
Young a 1770, eae torn no feet habit-
ually broken. But it also gave him, as a ; .
Conipensaliun for the policy which per- The English
mitted entails and the accumulation of Poor Law,
land in few hands, the right to be a pen-
sioner on the soil, from all real and per-
manent share in which he was practically excluded. He
had been robbed by the landowner, and he was to be
hereafter Soi al onthe occupier. He had been im-
overished by misgovernment, and was to be degraded
y a charity which was to compensate him for the losses
which he.had sustained and for the hard measure which
was being dealt out tohim, but which would ultimately.
degrade him and make him helpless and hopeless. I can
conceive nothing more cruel, [had almost said more in-
solent, than to condemn a laborer to. the lowest. possi-
ble wages on which life may be sustained, by an act of
Parliament, interpreted and enforced a an ubiquitous
body of magistrates, whose interest it was to screw.
the pittance down to the lowest conceivable margin
and to inform the stinted recipient that when he ha
starved on that during the days of his strength, others
must work to maintain him.in sickness or old age. Now
this.was what. the Statute of epee een , Supple-
mented by the Poor Law, didin the days of Elizabeth.”
It should be noted, however, that there is another
side to. this. - The Government did undoubtedly in
many ofitslaws attempttoaid thelaborer. (See POOR
LAws.) The fact was,that the claim of the lords of the,
soil to own the soil was creating new conditions, which.
the laws could not change. The landless man had ap-
peared, and the Government knew not whether to sap
ress the tramp or to aid the poor, It attempted to
oth, and in both largely failed.
In the latter part of the eighteenth century,
however, there was another change. Says
Rogers (zd. p. 437) :
“The English. Poor Law would have ultimately de-
voured the rentof all open parishes—that is, those in
which there were many owners, and consequently the
possibility of housing the poor, and have enormously
exalted the rent of all close parishes—/.e., those in
which there was one owner only, who cleared off every
cottage on his domain, had it not been for the almost
simultaneous discovery of steam power and the substi-
tution of machine for hand-loom weaving, The capi-
talist inventors of these processes found that they
wanted labor (though at first it appeared that the dis-
coveries would dispense with labor), and were there-
fore indifferent to the contingencies of an unlicensed
settlement. But it may be doubted whether their dis-
coveries were an immediate boon to labor,”
_ Agriculture was deserted. There was a rush
into manufactures. Says Professor A. R. Wal-
lace (Land Nationalization, p. 111):
“From that time till within the last few ye 4
wealth of the landlords and, ina less degree, fle oroiite
of the farmers have been steadily increasing. The rent
of even agricultural land has nearly doubled and the
price of much agricultural produce has doubled also. In
the latter part of the last century meat was 4d: a pound;
cheese, 33¢d@., butter, 6%a., and skim-milk could be ha
for a haifpenny a quart, or was often given away, while
wages were then about 85,a week. In 1850 all’ these
articles of food were much dearer, while in some parts
of England wages were actually lower; and whereas
aenne the last 20 years the above articles have been
usually more than double the price, wages have be
less than half as high again. But the labourer has n
to pay much higher house rent, he has Senerally no Race
Agriculture. 17
den,.and, being usually a weekly tenant, is so depend-
ent on his landlord that he cannot make the most of
what he has; the commons and roadside wastes from
which he formerly obtained fuel for winter, with food
and litter for a cow, a donkey, geese, or poultry, have
almost all been inclosed ; and the result is that he has
few means of adding to his scanty wages, and is re-
duced to live mainly on bread and weak tea, with a
little cheese or bacon and cheap artificial butter, while
his children are brought up almost without knowing
the taste of milk. His sole relaxation is to be found at
the wayside tavern, his only prospect to end his days
in the workhouse.”
In a-remarkable letter to the Daz/y .Vews in 1869, Sir
George Grey gave a striking picture of the social and
physical degradation of the English agricultural la-
borer. He quotes thereports of their medical officers to
the Privy Council, which tells us that : ‘‘ Besides the ex-
treme cases where houses of a parish were pulled down
inthe teeth of an increasing population, there were also
innumerable parishes where the demolition of houses
was going on more rapidly than any diminution of the
eee could explain. When the process of depopu-
tion is completed, the result is a show village, where
the cottages have been reduced toa few, and where none
but persons who are needful as shepherds, gardeners,
or game-keepers are allowed to live. But the land re-
quires cultivation, and it will be found that the labour-
ers employed upon it are not the tenants of the owner,
but that they come from a neighbouring open village,
perhaps three miles off, where a numerous small pro-
prie had received them when their cottages were de-
stroyed in the close villages around.”’ To the hard toil
of the labourer there will then have to be added the
daily need of walking six miles or more for the power of
earning his daily bread. ‘ But he suffers a still greater
evilin the kind of dwelling he is obliged to inhabit.
In the open village cottage culators buy scraps of
land, which mer throng as densely as they can with
the cheapest of all possible hovels, and into these
wretched habitations (which, even if they adjoin the
open country, have some of the worst features of the
worst town residences) crowd the agricultural labour-
ers of England.” The habitual overcrowding of these
wretched hovels leads to scenes and conditions of life
too painful to dwell upon, and we need only quote the
concluding statement. ‘‘To be subject to such infiu-
ences is a degradation which must become deeper and
deeper for those on whom it continues to work. To
children who are born under its curse it must bea very
baptism into i eer
‘he Bishop of Manchester states that out of 300 par-
ishes which he visited in Norfolk, Essex, Sussex, and
oe ee two had good cottage accommoda-
tion. . . . “*The majority of the cottages that exist
in rural parishes are deficient in almost every requi-
site that should constitute a home for a Christian fam-
ily in a civilized community.” Details are then given
of parishes and estates of 2000 acres with one or two cot-
tages only and sometimes none at all; and as a result
io or 11 persons sleeping in a single bedroom.*
These are the main economic events that stand out
in the history of English agriculture down to the pres-
entcentury. For the present condition, see part 2 of
this article, section (6). No sketch of the history of
Agriculture.
English agriculture, however, would be complete
without a reference to the literature of the subject,
such as The Book of Husbandry (1534), Book of Survey-
ing (1539), Tusser’s Five Hi red Boints of Industry
(2562), and Sir Richard Weston’s Discourse on the Hus-
anary of Brabant and Flanders (1645) which marks the
dawn of improved methods in agriculture. In 1723a
Society of Improversin the Knowledge of Agriculture
im Scotland was formed, and so we reach Arthur
epee andthe presentcentury. (Seereferences at the
end of this article.)
(@) THE UNITED STATES.
Tillage was a chief occupation of the first set-
tlers of the United States. In 1602 Captain
Gosnold grew peas and beans in Massachusetts,
and in 1611 wheat was grown in Virginia. Po-
tatoes were introduced into Massachusetts from
England in 1629. Stebbins relates that in 1637
there were 100 ploughs at work in Virginia and
37in Massachusetts. South Carolina exported
joo bush. of potatoes in 1749, New York 70,000
bbls. of flour in 1750. Mulhall gives the fol-
lowing table of the increase of the grain product :
MILLION OF BUSHELS. Value of
e Crop in
YEAR. Million
Pro- |Home Con-Exported.| Pounds.
duction. | sumption.
FTJOO. eee 00 ‘ 5 5 he I
ET5O sis sngie 29 29 ates 3
ETS. cates 6> 69 saa 8
1790s xjeees-3 120 120 ite ote Ia
160 160 ae 18
343 336 7 34
463 433 8 40
616 601 a5 62
867 855 12 97
860. 1,240 1,220 20 173
ie 1,629 1,569 60 198
z 2,718 25425 293 276
¥88O) x2 .ssjdi 31454 | ag tase ie 243
The IVorld Almanac gives the following
table of the various kinds of grain production in
the United States, taken from the United States
census reports of the productions of the princi-
pal cereals in the United States in the several
census years, together with the reports of the
United States Department of Agriculture for
1885-92 ;
YEAR. | Indian Corn. | Wheat. | Oats. | Barley. | Rye. Buckwheat.
Bushels. Bushels. Bushels. Bushels. Bushels. | Bushels.
592,071,104 10044857940 146, 5845179 5)167,015 14,188,813 8,956,912
838,792,742 173,104,924 172,643,185 15825,898 21,101,380 17,571,818
79019445549 287,745,626 282,107,157 29,761,305, 16,918,795 9,821,721
157545861,535 45914791503, 4071858,900 4411131495 19,831,595 11,857,327
1,936,176,000 357,112,000 629)409,000 58,360,000 21,756,000 12,626,000
1,065,441 9000 457+218,000 624,134,000 591428,000 24,489,000 11,869,000
15456; 161,000 436,329,000 659,618,000: 56,812,000 20,691,000 10,844,000
159875790,000 415,868,000 79137 35,000 63,884,593 28,412,011 12,000,000
2,112,8g2,000 490,560,000 7515515;000 465,000,000 +30,000,000 411,000,000
1,489,970,000 399,262,000 523,621,000 463,000,000 28,000,000 +11,000,000
2,060, 154,000 611,780,000 733394 000 +75,000,000 +33,000,000 +12,000,000
1,628,464,000 | 54519497000 661,035,000 $70,000,000 +30,000,;000 +11,000,000
The importance of the agricultural interests -
* Appendix to First net of the Commission ap-
potntec: | to inquire into condition of women and
children empleved in agriculture. _
+ Estimated by the Cincinnati Price Current.
a 2
may be also seen from the broponuon of our peo-
ple engaged in agriculture. The decennial cen-
suses furnish the following figures as to the em-
ployment of the people. The first column refers
to the total of those engaged in definite occu-
Agriculture,
Pations—ce¢., those specified in the other cal-
ummns :
- a
: i Mann. |
4 5 * Com
4 i _factar. Personal
Twralen-) 0 ings Me BENS Pre
samedin Agtion!. chanical Tran fessional
wana tare and Min: arta! Sern
me Ss ms Vices
= A.
Bee. AQ got ar er Bras ace!
IH HATS | BeOAS BOQ | SAW
iW...) Rasoage | aaostas niiaes | SAS
ISO... fA Sze SORRELL ATO GE Wr ss
BRR amend OOS Bart ra | WSQasd got asd
According to the Report af the Serretary at
Agtic > fur i803, Chore are in the United
States to-day about 6.0.c farms an which
well over POO. People.
The history of agriculture in the Unita
States divides itscif nararally into four main
ee 1. The colonial penad; 1. From the
Var of Independence to adont Taga, when rail:
Toads te be ballt; Til. From rsyo to the
War of the Rebethoa ; TV. To the present time.
In the early qolonial peril tools were scares, pop.
wiation sparse, labor often dangerous and usually ex-
i ANTETMENETALNY ES,
A owritern Gee We ade Lendan, rse\
says: “Tf we examine inte the circuinsianees of the
inhabitants of our Plantacens and our own, it will ap
that net ane-foarth part af their pnatuet miounds
to their own pragit: for out of all chat qumes Rete they
anly carry Rack clothing and other agoummaianions
ter their families, all af which is af the merchandise
and manufacture of this: kingdan. AY these
advantages are received fram che plantations besides
the martyvagres an the manters’ estates and the high
interest they pay ag which is very oonsideradle; and
therefere very t care ought to be taken that they
are not pat under too many Uiicuities Dut encour
red to fo an cheerfully.”
indian carn was the main native crop, wheat, oats,
and rye being in:coduced from England. Slave ‘labor
was common, and in portions af the country, North as
well as South, all Dut universal.
The War of Independence atfected the development
af agriculture seriously, but after the close af the
war it wan te revive Attention was given to the
breeding af harses and about wos to peatcattia, The
inventian of the cortan-win in rag by Bl Whitney, and
the care taken Dy American Nanters to hmprowe the
stuck Dy careful selecdian and cullivatian ag s 4 SOON
Placed the country in the foremost rank in the prlve
tivn of this eTreat staple
A notable fact of this period was the great extension
of the national area by the aoquisition of Lowrsiana in
wy; and of Florida in usar. From gaacrs
square miles in vps; the country was en:
History lareedto more than qayan square miles
of American '° way. To utilize the northern part of
Z the Mississippt Valley two great routes
Agriculture, westwant were eritad —the National
Raad throagh Wheeling and Colnabas
by the Unitad States Government, and
the Brie Canal by the State af New York.
The third perio, fram age to the War af the Rede:
lian, began under vreat financial depression (see CUR.
STRAt praspenity,
RENCYY but soon develo
The spread of railroads and the extent af the na-
tional domain developed a new West. Phe American
rea was invented by Hussery in ray and MeCorn
mick in 1834. Hereafter inventions and improvements
in agricultural machinery became continuous Im.
rovements in cattle and horses and swine were rapid.
Tena speculation set in, but was cheekad by the pas.
save of the Homestead Law 7. The production of
svarar Decame an American industry by the annexa-
tian of Louisiana, In isag Congreas re Fre for the
investigation and collectian joultural statistics
and to procure seeds and cuttings tuitous dist ri-
bution. This was the deginn: of Government re-
ports, which were issued thro me ke Patent Office un-
til the Department o iculture was organised in
y86a, Between 180 and 1850, five State societies were
1S Agriculture:
formed, ant ion 2 i. time State and district ass a
tions Increasanl rapeliy.
The fos: agmien tural paper was Mee tamer 2a Faree
er, degan ar Ralnmore in de : A
Pre perked of ~ war affected the South Bats bat
wertheiess aided uc ino one Hirectian, Dy making
agneantaray independent of the Narinl “Tre North
Qa net matenally suter, Prunes poe plant
med, amd cheit Crops harvested Dy D whery Tas
erens whieh fab OAT Peoria, our armies and heean to
Reet Barone, Phe Homestead Law Became law tn 18a,
and randy acccerated che development af the new
West, Teumcranan from Nerope atomee setin, Agri
Baral Aivcatiog Was devempal The frst Ameroan
LOMIIUTS. QUege was estaMishad at € Leveiamh aw
ss. Im ise Coneress santa fram the pale &
MAIN TO dach State graw acres flr each Senatar aml
Reprasentanive 2 Us sy Sin onier to pManote the
hteral and practical aincatian af the indusical
Slasses In some States this was miven to teeuker
Qdlleees and Sead fo endow am agrienitural Mepartment,
Im orhets if Was Used ty found ag men Emad AM Lewes AL TY
eniow those already existing, Ta New York tt ayaited
for the endowment af Carne!) University. The United
States Depariment of Agrioniture wasorganised in ag,
and Ssate Doanis have developal ranidly since, Rx.
periment stations also oangriparad their help, Ta roy
the organvation of the Batnans at Hus! vor
LIFANVETA WAS establishad (ee GRANGERS): Dut this
already Drings us to the present time, Gee Farurrs'
MOVSNENY
IL. Statistics of Agriculture,
(a) THE UNITED STares
Census Bulletin 37s, prepared under the super
Vision af Mr WOH Qloou, in change af the divi-
san af agriculture af the Census Office, shows
for the United States, by geographical divisions
and by States and Territories. the principal
Statistics of agriculture as obtained at
FRleventh Census
Tn enumerating farms, no farm was reported
af less than Urree deres unless S500 warth of prad-
we had been actually sold from it during the
yeat; and all land ence plowed was cansid-
ead improved, unless afterward abandoned fer
euldivadion,
The valve of products was estimated by the
farmers when theme Was no exact dont kept
at the same.
The statistics relating to the cultivation af po-
tatoes and hay do not appear in Unis bulletin, as
their revision has not been campletal,
The table shows the number, area, and valua-
tian af farms in 1Soo, live stock an hand June 1,
vSay, and the agricultural Paes for the vear
= i x os we
vs8o. The figures are preliminary and subject
to meadigeation in the final report,
FARMS.
The total number of farms enumeratad in ade was
otagh, as Camparad with a total af god i way an
ANETRASO OF R857 ges OE ULSD Por Cet
Yhe total area af land in these farms in wae was
QSRTINOO ACTES aaroudregs aeres af which were im:
proved. Tn issy there were casusss actes in danms,
Nathoage acres at which were tmprved, ‘Thenefare,
CReTe WAS at TNoMmAse OF Seq Ry ACTER OT ag Per
een, af the torah land im farms, and +gyactay acres, ar
oass Per cent, improved,
The perventage at the total land surface in farms in
WW WAS sang AS CaMpared with seo in 8 and the
pereoentage of the total farm area Chat remained anime
proved at the latter date was yada as campared with
aS at the farmer,
The value of these farm lands, including fences and
DAUANgs was In Way Pry onnecadyy and i AS. Savior
eohteg SHOWIN aN Inerease af aves Pet cent in their
Valuation singe 1
The value of farm implements and machinery in
ASoo aN These farms was ag eetsade aNd in Wy Renae
assay SNOWINS AT erase Af or eS Per CONE SiMe WSc
@ value af hve stock on hand Dane i wo an these
farms Was $..agsorcrs and the value in June ASS Was
Bison gor, SROwiInNg an increase af yz. percent since
AR
nH
Agriculture.
In the year 1889 the value of farm products was
$2,460,107,454 and in the year 1879 the value was $2,212,-
540,927, Showing an increase of 11.19 per cent. since 1880.
LIVE STOCK AND LIVE-STOCK PRODUCTS ON FARMS,
There were 14,969,467 horses on farms in 1890, which
was an increase of 4,611,979, OF 44.53 per cent., over the
number reported in 188. Of this number, 8,571,177, or
57.26 per cent., were reported in the North Central
ivision. There were 289,316 horses reported on ranges
in 1890, making the total number, including both those
on farms and on ranges, 15,258,783.
There were 2,295,532 mules and asses on farms in 1890,
which was an increase of 482,724, or 26.63 per cent., over
the number reported in 1880. Of this number, 1,093,722,
or 47.65 per cent., were reported in the South Central
division. There were 19,253 mules and asses returned
as on ranges in 1890, making the total number, includ-
me both those on farms and on ranges, 2,314,785.
there were 57,409,583 Swine on farms in 1890, which
was an increase of 9,727,883, OF 20.40 per cent., over the
number returned in 1880. Of this number, 37,624,632, or
65.54 per cent., were reported in the North Central
ivision. There were 15,704 swine reported as on ranges
in 1890, making a total, including both those on farms
and on ranges, of 57,425,287.
There were 1,117,494 working oxen, 16,511,950 milch
cows, and 33,734,128 other cattle, making a total of
1,363,572 neat cattle on farms in the United States on
une 1, 1890, aS compared with 993,841 working oxen,
125443120 miich cows, and 22,488,550 other cattle, making
a total of 35,925,511 in 1880, There is therefore an in-
crease of 123,653) OF 12.44 per cent., in the number of
working oxen, of 4,068,830, or 32.70 per cent., in the num-
ber of milch cows, and of 11,245,578, OF 50.01 per cent.,
in the number of other cattle, the increase in the total
number of neat cattle on farms being 15,438,061, OF 42.97
percent. In addition to the above there were 6,285,229
neat cattle reported on ranges June 1, 1890, making a
total of neat cattle on farms and ranges of 57,648,792.
The total production of milk on farms in the United
States in the year ending December 31, 1889, was 5,209,-
125,567 gals., equivalent to 315.48 gals. for
each milch cow reported on June 1, 1890,
and to 83.18 gals. per head of population.
The total production of butter on
farms inthe year ending December 31,
1889, WAS 1,024,223,468 lbs., as compared with a total of
777;250,287 lbs. in 1879, and the total production of
cheese 18,726,818 lbs., as compared with a total of 27,-
272,489 lbs. in 1879, an increase of 246,973,181 lbs., or 31.73
er cent., in the production of butter on farms anda
ecrease of 8,545,671 lbs., or 31.33 per cent., in the pro-
duction of cheese on farms.
It should be borne in mind that the above figures for
butter and cheese represent only that which has been
produced on farms, and does not include the amount
made in cheese and butter factories, the returns of
which will appear in the report on manufactures, al-
though the total of milk produced is shown.
Thetotal number of sheep, exclusive of spring lambs,
on farms in the United States on June 1, 1890, was
35,935,304. The number of fleeces shorn in the fall of
1889 and spring of 1890 was 32,126,868, yielding 165,449,239
lbs. of wool, or an average of 5.15 lbs. per fleece.
The total number of sheep on farms in 1880 was
35)192,074, yielding 155,681,751 lbs. of wool, or an average
of 4.42 lbs. per fleece.
here was therefore an increase from 1880 to 1890 of
743)290, OF 2.11 per cent., in the number of sheep and of
9;767,488, or 6.27 per cent., lbs. of wool.
In addition to the sheep and wool reported on farms
there were 4,940,948 sheep and 25,828,845 lbs. of wool re-
ported on TEREE, which would make a total of 0,876,-
a sheep and 191,278,084 lbs. of wool in the United
tates.
The figures appearing in this bulletin as to the
amount of wool c apse are from the definite returns
made to the Eleventh Census, and do not include the
estimated amount of pulled wool or of wool that might
have been ehpees in the summer of 1890 after the
enumeration of June 1.
As the live stock on ranges in 1880 was largely esti-
mated, there are no comparisons made in this bulletin
except for the live stock on farms. The following
statement will show the live stock on ranges in the
United States in 1890 as gathered by special agents:
Statistics.
Horses....... orn + 289,316
Mules and asses.. 19,253
Swine........ 15,704
Neat cattle. sea + 6,285,220
Sheep... .crcsecccncssscesecacssvaevsveseces 44940948
19 Agriculture.
FIBERS,
The total area devoted to the production of cotton in
the United States in 1889 was 20,175,270 acres, and the
total production in the fall of 1889 and the early winter
of 1889-90 Was 7,472,511 bales of 477 lbs. net, amounting
to 3,564,387,747 lbs., an average of 176.67 lbs. to the acre.
In 1879 the total area devoted to cotton was 14,480,019
acres and the total production, 5,755,359 bales of 453
lbs, net, amounting to 2,607,177,627 fee an average of
180.05 lbs. to the acre.
There is, therefore, an increase of 5,695,251 acres, or
39-33 per cent., in the area and 957,210,120 lbs., or 36.71
per cent., in the production.
The returns which were made to the Census Office in
bales have been reduced to pounds in accordance with
the figures appearing in the statistical abstract pre-
pered by the Bureau of Statistics of the United States
Treasury Department in 1890. It will be noted that
the weight per bale is heavier in 1890 than in 1880.
There were 1,318,698 acres devoted to the cultivation
of flax in the ‘United States in 1889, 1,301,137 acres, or
8.67 per cent., being in the North Central division.
here were 10,250,410 bush, of flaxseed produced, 98.40
er cent. of which was inthe North Central division.
Where were 241,389 lbs. of fiber produced, 72.09 per
cent. of which was in the North Central division.
There were 25,054 acres devoted to the cultivation of
hemp in the United States in 1889, 23,468 acres of which,
or 93.67 per cent., were in the State of Kentucky, the
total production in the United States being 11,511 tons
10,794 Of which, or 93.77 per cent., were in the State of
Kentucky, Illinois being the only other State producing
over roo tons,
CEREALS,
The area devoted to the cultivation of cereals in the
United States in 1889 was 140,217,545 acres, and the total
production of cereals, 3,518,816,904 bush., such acreage
and production being distributed among the different
cereals as follows:
PRODUCTS. | Acres. Bushels.
72,087)752|2)122,327)547
3395791514] 4683731968
28,320,677| 809,250,666
31220,834) 78,332,976
25171,604 28,421,398
837,164] 12,110,349
This area of 140,217,545 acres is an increase of 21,585,-
766 acres, or 18.20 per cent., since 1879. This increase,
however, is not keeping pace with the growth of popu-
lation, which increased 24.86 per cent. between 1880 and
1890, the area per pe being 2.24 acres as compared
with 2.37 at the Tenth Census, a decrease of 0.13 acres
per ee There has been an increase in the produc-
tion of cereals since the Tenth Census of 821,236,675
bush., or 30.44 per cent., the total production per capita
being 56.19 bush. as compared with 53.78 bush, at the
Tenth Census, showing an increase of 2.41 bush. per
ope
f the area under cereals in the United States in 1889,
51.41 per cent. was under corn, 23.95 per cent. under
wheat, 20.20 per cent. under oats, 2.29 per cent. under
barley, 1.55 per cent. under rye, and .60 per cent. under
buckwheat, as compared with 52.57 acres under corn,
29.87 acres under wheat, 13.61 acres under oats, 1.68
acres under barley, 1.55 acres under rye, and .72 acres
under buckwheat in every roo acres under cereals in
1879.
TOBACCO,
There were 695,301 acres devoted to the cultivation of
tobacco in the United States in 1889, yielding a product
of 488,256,646 lbs., an increase of 15,595,489 lbs., since
1879.
RICE.
There were 161,312 acres in the United States in 1889
devoted to the cultivation of rice, all of which were re-
aula from 10 States, principally from Louisiana and
outh Carolina, the production amounting to 128,590,-
934 lbs.
VARIOUS STATISTICS.
The following statements are all taken from the re-
port of the Secretary of Agriculture for 1893 (printed in
1894).
The expenses of the Department of Agriculture dur-
Agriculture.
ing the first quarter of the present year aggregate but
$345,876.76, aS against $402,012.42 for the parallel period
of the fiscal year 1893.
The first United States Commissioner of Patents,
Henry L. Ellsworth, in the year 1836 con-
ceived the idea of eer oes Mead sue
istribution improved varieties of seed among. the
sr oo tomes of the- United States, and from
ot seeds. that time he patriotically procured the
seed and distributed it at his own ex-
pense until the year 1839, when, upon his
recommendation, Congress appropriated $1000, to be
taken from the Patent Office funds, for the purpose of
collecting and distributing rare and improved varieties
of seeds, and prosecuting agricultural investigations
and procuring agricultural statistics: And fiom this
small beginning, 54 years ago, the Seed Division of the
Department of Agriculture has grown to its present
unwieldy, unnecessary, and extravagant proportions,
so that in the year 1892 there was appropriated the sum
of $135,400 for the purpose of purchasing seeds, bulbs,
and cuttings for gratuitous distribution.
The State Weather Serviee Division supervises 42 State
weather services, covering the whole
of the United States, except Alaska. It
also establishes and supervises all volun-
tary observations and forecast display
stations, and the services in the: cotton,
sugar, and rice regions, and publishes
the National Weather Crop Bulletin.
The 2500 voluntary observers forward copies of their
records to the central stations of their respective local
services for use in the preparation of the reviews pub-
lished monthly. Many of these State reviews are of a
highly creditable character and valuable in determin-
ing the climatic characteristics of the various States
and Territories. For distributing weather forecasts
and special warnings all available means have been
utilized, and while the number of stations supplied at
Government expense by telegraph or telephone has
been materially decreased during the year, the num-
ber of those to which forecasts, etc., are furnished at
little or no cost has been largely augmented.
Full forecasts are now received at 1622 stations, a re-
duction of 200 during the year; but nearly 5000 places
received them gratuitously, an increase of over rooo in
the same period. Plans now betee perfected will, it is
believed, increase. the number: of ‘stations receiving
forecasts without expense to the Government by 1500
to 2000 in the near future. A number of railroad com-
panies are effectively cooperating with the-Bureau in
the distribution of forecasts by telegraph. It is be-
lieved that during the coming year it will. be possible
to extend the system to every community having in-
terests to be benefited.
The daily weather map is now issued at 72 stations of
the Weather Bureau outside of Washington, D.C, The
average issue is about. 8000 copies, or about 2,500,000
copies annually—a slight increase over last year.
These figures by no means express the demand, which
has grown to such proportions that. it has sorely taxed
the capabilities of the station force and the store of
supplies. 2
The exports of agricultural products from the United
States for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1892, attained
the. enormous figure of $800,000,000 in
round numbers, being 78.7 per cent. of
ourtotal exports, In the Bscal year fol-
lowing this aggregate was greatly re-
. duced, but nevertheless attained’ the
very respectable figure of $615,000,000, being 74.1 per
cent. ofall American commodities exported. The value
of the foreign markets to our farmers and to the entire
pobulaion ee the United States can, therefore, hardly
e.overestimated,
There are inthe United States more than 6,000,000 of
farms. Upon them dwell: more than 30,000,000 of the
population of this republic. Those farm dwellers fur-
nish more than 74 per cent. of the value of the exports
of this country.
At present areview of our agricultural exports, with
' special reference to their destination, will show that.in
almost every line the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Ireland absorbs, by far the largest proportion. A
few figures, showing exports of our. principal agricul-
tural products, will emphasize this very clearly.
Of cattle, the total exports aggregated in. value, for
1892, $35,000,000, of which Great Britain took $34,000,000 ;
and in 1893, $26,000,000, of which the same country took
considerably over $25,000,000.
Of beef, prodnes, of all kinds, our total exports for
1892.exceeded in value $31,000,000, of which. $25,000,000
went to Great Britain; and in 1893, $28,000,000, of which
Great Britain took $24,000,000,
Weather
Service,
Exports,
20 Agriculture.
Of pork products, the total exports for 1892. a&8Te-
2 in value, $85,000,000, of whieh Great Britain took
47,000,000; and in 1893, $84,000,000, of which Gr
Britain took $53,000,000. ik i
Nearly the same average proportions prevail In
breadstuffs and minor products, while in cotton they
are even more conspicuous.
Our total exports of corn for 1892 were $41,000,000) of
which $20,000,000 went to Great Britain; and in 1893,
$24,000,000, of which $9,000,000. went to Great Britain.
Our total exports of wheat for 1892 were valued at
$161,000,000 ; of this, Great Britain paid $68,000,000. For
1893 the total exports of wheat were of the value of
$23,000,000 + Great Britain took of this $58,000,000,
f£ wheat flour, the total exports for 1892 were $75,000,-
ooo ;.to Great Britain, $47,000,000. In. 1893 the total ex-
pers were about the same as for 1892, while Great
Titain took $48,000,000.
The total exports of cotton for 1892 were $258,000,000 ;
to Great Britain, $146,000,000, In.1893 the exports of cot-
ton were valued at $188,000,000; to Great Britain were
sent $99,000,000. 3
These figures prove not. only how large a proportion
of our total agricultural exports find their way to Great
Britain.and Ireland, but also how very large a propor-
tion of our total agricultural exports is made upofa
comparatively few leading crops. It must not be for-
gotten that in the universal competition for enlarged
trade constant efforts are being made, and wiil con-
tinue to be made, by other countries producing a sur-
plus of agricultural products, to wrest from us the su-
premacy we now holdin supplying Great Britain and
a few other countries that are not self-providing in
such products; that many of these other countries are
British colonies, and that, except as regards cotton,
there are none of which we enjoy the practical mo-
mop
review of our agricultural exports prompts a con-
sideration of our agricultural imports.
This reveals a large value in our im-
ports of agricultural products. The
question then comes up whether some,
perhaps much, of this great total of
annual agricultural imports, aggregating in value
some $350,000,000, ought not to be eoeuced upon our
own soil, in proximity to those of our own markets,
where this immense demand exists?
The time will surely come when, under the favor-
able conditions of soil and climate which this country
possesses, a very large share of agricultural products
now imported will be raised by American farmers.
Our large imports of hides, fruits, nuts, and wines,
aggregating an average of over: $60,000,000: annually,
could all be produced in this count: A considerable
share of the fibers; including wool’ and silk, and, no
doubt, a large portion of the tobacco now imported;
could also be produced in the United States.
Imports.
PRINCIPAL CROPS, 1893.
Corn.
The area devoted to corn as estimated forthe crop
of 1893 makes an increase over that of 1892 of 1,409,807
acres, and was less by 40,737 acres than the census crop
of 1889, Wheat
weal.
The total breadth harvested is estimated at 34,629,418
acres, as against 38,554,430 in 1892, a falling off of about
3,925,000 acres., This. is. the lowest average estimate of
acreage in the 14 years from 188, inclusive, except
that of 1885, and but 440,000 acres more than for that
year. It is less by 2,649,744 acres than the average of
the period 1880-89, and 3, 556,742, acres less than the av-
erage of the three years:1890-92,. This diminution in the
breadth. was due'in part to abandonment and.a de-
votion to other crops of parts of the acreage sown,
because of the unfavorable winter and the dry sum-
mer season, It was also, to some extent, an effect. of
low tices. The reduction of area was greatest in such
surplus winter wheat States.as Illinois, Missouri, Kan-
sas, and California, and the range of decrease in the
spring-wheat States of North and South. Dakota and
innesota was from 5 to 10 per cent.
The total product as estimated amounts to 396,131,725
measured bush. which is about 3,000,000 bush. tess
than the crop of. 1890, 21 648,275 less than the crop of
1891, and 119,818,275 less than that of 1892. This aggre-
gate production falls below the average for the x.
years era to the amount of 53,563,634 bush, and
1S 84,648,956 bush. less than the average crop for th
four years 1890-93, inclusive. ©
Notwithstanding this remarkable falling off in th
total product, there has.been a fall in the Price Ser
Agriculture.
bushel, so that the farm ‘value of the crop is estimated
at the comparatively low amount of $213,171,381, which
isthe lowest recorded since 1863. The average farm
price per bushel is estimated at 53.8 cents, making an
average farm value per acre to the cultivator of $6.16,
Agriculture.
which is ‘$6.84 less than the average for the period
1870-79 ; ‘$3.81 less than the average for the decade
1880-89, and $3.11 below the average for the four years
1890-93, inclusive,
Wheat crops of the 14 years 1880-93, with averages for two decades:
; Average | Average | Average
YEARS. ke on sect Mca oe Value per| Yield per | Value per
F P- P- Bushel. Acre. Acre.
Bushels, Acres. Cents. Bushels.
498;549,868 37,986,717 $474,201,850 95-1 13.1 $12.48
383,280,090 37)799,020 456,880,427 119.2 30.2 12.12
504,185,470 37,067,194 444,602,125 88.2 13.6 TI.99
421,086;1 36455593 383,649,272 gt.r 11.6 - 10.52
512,765,000 °39475,885 330,862,260 64.5 13.0 8.38
357y112y000 341189,246 275,320,390 Dt 10.4 8.05
'457;218,000 © 36,806,184 314,226,020 68.7 12.4 8.54
- 4565329,000 37,641,783 310,612,960 68.1 Ti. 7 8.25
415y868,000 | 37,336,138 385,248,030 92.6 II. 10.32
490, 560,000 38,123,859 3421491707 69.8 12.9 98
41496,953)588 372)791,619 — | $3,7185095,041 tees wane sees
Average for 10 years—1880-89..... 449,695,359 3792791162 $371,809,504 . 8257° I2.1 97
Average for 10 years—1870~79..... 312,152,728 25,187,414 327,407,258 104.9 12.4 13.00
399,262,000 36,087,154 $334,7739678 83.8 1.1 “$9.28
611,780,000 391916,897 5139472y711 83.9 15-3 12.86
5151949,000 38;5541430 322,111,881 62.4 13.4 8.35
390,131,725 34,629,418 213,171,381 53-8 II.4 6.16
Total. cccccs cecsceeen sveeeeee| 1)923,122,725 149,187,899 $x, 383,529,651 sae see sees
Average for 4 years—1890-93..... 480,780,681 37,296,975 | $345)882,413 71.9 12.9 $9.27
The following table shows the breadth, product,
value (farm), average yield per acre and ‘average
value per bushel and per acre of corn for the past
14 years:
‘Corn crops of the 14 years 1880-93, with averages for two decades.
; Average | Average | Average
Total Total Area | Total Value :
YEARS, * . . Value per| Yield per ; Value per
Production. of Crop. of Crop. ‘Bushel, ere. Acre.
Bushels, Acres. Cents. Bushels.
THCOs ominwane Weee sees ss weeds CaS: 157171434543 62,317,842 $679,714,499 39-6 27.6 $ro.9r
1881... 1,194,916,000 64,262,025 759,482,170 63.6 18.6 11.82
1,617,025,100 65,659,545 783,867,175 » 4855 24.6 11.94
1)551,066,895 68,301,889 658,051,485 42.4 22.7 9.63
1)795)528,000 69,683,780 640,735,560 35-7 25.8 9.19
1,936,176,000 73y130)150 335,674,630 32.8 26.5 8.69
1,665,441,000 75,694,208 610,311,000 36.6 22.0 8.06
1,456,161,000 72392,720 646,106,770 4404 20.1 8.93
1,987,790,000 756725763, 677,561,580 “34.0 26.3 8.95
2,112,892,000 78,319,651 597,918,829 28.3 27.0 7.63
175034430538 79514345573 | $6,689,423,698 wees see wees
Average for 10 years—r1880 to 1889} 1,703,443,054 7y543)457 $668,942,370 30-3 24.1 $9.48
Average for 10 years—1870 to 1879.| 1,184,486,954 43)741)331 504,571,048 42.0 27.1 II.54
15489,970,000 7359795763 $7541433045% 50.6 20.7 $10.48
2,060, 154,000 76,204,515 836,439,228 40.6 27.0 Io.
1,628, 464,000 70,626,658 642,146,630 39-4 23-1 9.09
1,619,496, 131 72036,465 591,625,627 36. 22.5 8.21
Total idtende Gas vere Sar ais eR ectin’ 6,798,084,131 290,838,401 $2,824,644,936 eaters adele ani
Average for 4 years—r8go to 1893.| 1,699)521,033 - 72,709,600 $706, 161,234 41.6 i 23-4 $9.71
Oats.
The estimated area of oats shows an increase of about
209,000.acres over the crop of 1892. Noadvantage, how-
ever, was obtained from the enlargement of the area,
as the aggregate yield was 22,180,150 bush, less than
that obtained from the crop of the year previous. The
average yield to the acre was 23.4 bush. against 24.4
in 1892, It was a little more than 3 bush. less per
acre than the average yield for the ro years 1880-89,
and was slightly less than the average yield of the last
four years, 1890-93, inclusive, The farm value of the
crop, $187,576,092, was $21,677,519 less than that of 1892.
The average value per acre was $6.88, the lowest since
1889, and was $1.34 below that of the decade 1880-89.
, Ffay.
The estimates for hay place the acreage at 49,6131469
acres, from which were harvested 65,766,158 tons, value:
at $570,882,872. This is an increase in acreage over the
estimates of 1888 of 11,021,566 acres, which is made up
mostly in States beyond the Mississippi. The increase
in product was something over 19,000,000 tons, the in-
crease in aggregate value being $161,383,307, The dif-
Agriculture. 22
ference between the acreage of 1888 and that of 1893, if
the figures be accepted as correct, would show agreater
increase than can reasonably be accounted for in view
of the conditions surrounding agricultural growth in
the last five years. It must, therefore, be accounted for
by the supposition that the figures of 1888 were greatly
below the actual acreage at that date.*
SUPPLY AND DISTRIBUTION OF WHEAT FOR 25 YEARS.
It has for many years been assumed in all estimates
of food consumption made by this department that the
average quantity of wheat consumed in the United
States is 43¢ bush. a capita. On this basis, with a
population estimated for September 1, 1893 (midway
between March 1, 1893, and March 1, 1894), at 67,188,250,
the total quantity of wheat consumed for food in the
United States would be, in round numbers, 314,000,000
bush. The consumption for seed in the spring and
fall of 1893 is estimated at 49,000,000 bush., making a
total of 363,000,000. Adding to this the exports, the visible
supply on March 1, 1894, and the supply in farmers’
hands at the same date, as shown by recent-returns to
this department, we get the following statement as to
the distribution of the wheat supply during the year
ending March 1, 1894:
Millions of Bushels.
Consumption for food.... 314
Consumption for seed. 49
Px p6r ts osac: aves eae ae 176
Visible supply M: Ty TBQ4eccccceeeeee 76
Supply in farmers’ hands 1I4
Total distribution...........-.. eee eee ee i creatine 729
The supply, on the other hand, was reported as
follows:
Visible supply March 1, 1893...+2+eeesseeeeeeee = 79
Supply in farmers’ Pee wee I, 1893-00008 135
Crop Of 1893.2... ccncccsncvscccnssecccecee «. 396
Total supply i..s ssceccsecedenecss ocseuavelee pears eas 610
Apparent discrepancy......... ... ds Seisle Seis seveee IIQ
There is reason to doubt, however, whether the con-
sumption of wheat for food during the year ending
March 1, 1894, has been as great as 43{ bush. per cap-
ita. It is not probable that there has been any reduc-
tion in the quantity of wheat bread actually eaten, but
ia the matter of waste there was a wide margin for re-
trenchment. During the pinching times of the past
fall and winter many acrust and many a fragment of
stale bread which ordinarily would have found its way
to the swill-barrel has undoubtedly been used to satis-
fy human hunger or to ward it off. This has been the
case not merely in occasional instances, but in thou-
sands of families; for, besides the cases of pinching
want arate from actual loss of employment, there has
been a still larger number in which employment has
been only partial, or in which wages have been mate-
rially reduced. Even among many of those in comfort-
able circumstances there has been increased care in
the saving of food for the benefit of the needy, on
whose behalf the appeals for help have been so fre-
quent and so urgent. If the cheapness of wheat dur-
ing the period in question may seem to have been fa-
vorable toacontinued use of an unstinted supply of
bread, it must be observed, on the other hand, that the
price of baker’s bread has not generally fallen, and
that the large proportion of our urban populations
who depend on such bread have not received the nor-
mal benefit due them asa result of the low price of
wheat.
IMPORTANT WHEAT CROPS OF THE WORLD.
The following table shows the world’s production of
wheat by countries for the year 1893 as compared with
that of 1892 and 1891. The latest official returns for the
different countries were used wherever available.
In certain cases these official statements are prelimi-
nary and may be changed by the corrected estimates.
There is little doubt, for instance, that the estimates
for Germany and Russia will be reduced by the final
* Since this paragraph was written the figures of the
Jast census, though not yet published, have been ob-
tained from the Census Office, and show the area mown
in 1889 to have been 52,948,797 acres, and the product
obtained to have been 66,831,480 tons.
Agriculture.
¥ ‘ : f
returns. Many countries make no official estimate o'
wheat ‘cad ucelOts and in such cases the most trust
worthy commercial estimates were taken. ‘The bus! <
used is the Winchester bushel, which has a capacity
2,150.42 cubic inches. Where quantities were given by
weight they were reduced to bushels under the assump-
tion that 60 lbs. of wheat cake make a Winchester
bushel. The crops of the countries in the Southern
Hemisphere are those gathered in November and
December, 1892, and in January and February, 1893. |
In North America the total production of wheat in
1893 WAS 447.479,000, bush., a decrease of nearly 127,-
00,000 aS compared with the preceding year and of
237,000,000 as compared with 1891. The large extension
of the wheat area in Argentina brought up the produc-
tion of South America from 51,000,000 in 1892 tO 82,000,000
in 1893, an increase of 61 per cent. Europe produced
27,000,000 bush. more in _ 1893 than in the preceding
year. Asia’s share of the world’s wheat production
WAS 346,000,000 bush. as against 290,000,000 1n 1892 and
345,000,000 in 1891. Africa’s crop Was 35,500,000, an In-
crease Of 1,000,000 bush. over 1892. Australasia’s outturn
stood at 41,000,000 bush. as compared with 36,000,000 in
1892 and 33,000,000 in 1891. The total world’s crop of
wheat for 1893 is estimated at 2,385,360,000 bush., which
is less by 7,000,000 than the crop of 1892 and exceeds
the crop of 1891 by about 21,000,000 bush.
Cost per acre of raising wheat and corn in the United
States.
(See also table on next page.)
Wheat. | Corn.
Rent of land. $2.81 $3.03
Manure..........0. 2.16 1.
Preparing ground. ais 1.87 1.62
Seed ...c.000 wcceeee : ‘ -96 seas
Sowing or planting 5 37 42
Cultivating... siesta 1.80
Harvesting or gathering. 1.19 1.22
Thrashing...........+5. 1.20 esas
Housing... i 37 50°
Marketing..... is -76 1.26
Totals vsiccsesee siete siete. 9 ‘cise aulunlan ore $x1.69 $x1.71
CANE SUGAR.
In regard to this kind of sugar Mr. Licht makes the
following estimate for the principal countries which
have a surplus for exportation +
Cane-sugar production.
COUNTRIES, 1893-94. 1892-93.
Metric tons, | Metric tons.
Cab asia seca g aisinasedon 850,000 682,768
Puerto Rico.. . 60,000 48,714
Trinidad... 50,000 50,764
Barbados. 65,000 65,383
prmaica: ana 26,000 27,000
Inique .. e 2,000 228
Guadeloupe.... ao com rae
Lesser Antilles < 25,000 25,000
Demerara, eRe 110,000 99,092
Réunion.... 37,000 35,991
Mauritius. . 125,000 70732
480,000 482,007
AZ a 260,000 215,000
Philip n 265,000 273,988
United States.... 265,000 245,000
65,000 000
70,000 65,000
135,000 125,000
Totalos aes xas tes tere 2,960,000 2,645,963
BEET SUGAR.
The following table presents Mr. Licht’s i
the beet-sugar production of Europe for eee
1893-94 aS compared with preceding campaigns; a
Agriculture. 23 Agriculture.
European beet-sugar production.
COUNTRIES. 1893-94. 1892-93. 1891-92. 1890-91. 1889-90. 1888-89.
Metric tons.*| Metric tons.*) Metric tons.*| Metric tons.*| Metric tons.*\ Metric tons.*
GErMANY,....ceeeseccceeecee 1,350,000 152255331 1,198,156 1,331,965 1,264,607 990,604.
Austria-Hungary be ate 845,000 802,577 786,566 7785473 753,078 523,242
France .....esseees aad 575,000 588,838 650,377 694,037 787,989 466,767
Russia ... 650,000 455,000 550,994 544,162 456,711 526,387
Relgium.. 235,000 196,699 180,377 205,623 221,480 145,804
Holland.... 75,000 68,070 46,815 76,635 69,765 56,047
Other count 111,000 92,000 88,635 80,000 80,000 87,000
PPOtal ss os scdvess sara’ ws 33841,000 3,428,515 33501,920 3)710,895 3,633,630 2,795,851
Supply and distribution of cotton (bales of 400 lbs. each).
CRops. BALANCE OF YEAR’S SUPPLY.
baie Total
and In- Actual
YEARS, visible Be- : Supply of Consump- End of Year,
ginning of United ther Total. tion.t —_______| Burned,
Year. States. | countries. ete.}
Visible. | Invisible.
1870-71. 1,725,000 41733,000 2,025,000 6,758,000 5,820,000 1,696,000 882,000 85,000
1871-72. 2,578,000 3.241,000 3,036,000 6,277,000 6,312,000 1,785,000 668,000 90,000
1872-73. 24453,000 4,283,000 | 2,083,000 | 6,366,000 | 6,425,000 14591000 729,000 74,000
1873-74-+ 2,320,000 45597;000 2,320,000 6,917,000 6,632,000 1,682,000 843,000 80,000
1874-75 ++ 2,525,000 4,216,000 2,309,000 6,525,000 6,656,000 1,619,000 705,000 70,000
1875-76.. 24324,000 5)171,000 2,018,000 7,189,000 7,082,000 1y732,000 614,000 85,000
24346,000 41933;000 | 1,897,000 | 6,830,000 | 7,140,000 | 1,318,000 643,000 75000
1,961,000 51425,000 1,506,000 6,931,000 7,272,000 1y214,000 326,000 80,000
1,540,000 5,637;000 | 1,398,000 74035,000 7223,000 1,068,000 199,000 85,000
1,267,000 6,556,000 1,894,coo 8,450,000 8,081,000 14499000 49,000 88,000
1,548,000 71519000 1,837,c00 9)356,000 8,646,000 1)922,000 246,000 90,000
2,168,000 6,073,000 2,510,000 8,583,000 9y035,000 1,362,000 254,000 100,000
1,616,000 8,058,000 2,350,000 10,408,000 91499,000 1,704,000 7JO1,000 120,000
24405,000 6,485,000 | 2,434,000 8,919,000 91290,000 1,505,000 434,000 951000
14939)000 6,420,000 | 2,007,000 | 8,427,000 | 8,597,000 1,230,000 449,000 90,000
1,679,000 7,480,000 2,100,000 9,580,000 91371,000 1,210,000 590,000 88,000
1,800,000 | 7,450,000 | 2,478,000 | 9,928,000 | 9,757,000 | 1,248,000 593;000 130,000
1,841,000 8,000,000 2,100,000 10,100,000 | 10,167,000 965,900 649,000 160,000
2,614,000 8,079,000 2,350,000 | 10,429,000 | 10,524,000 902,000 597,000 120,000
1,499,000 8,525,000 2,580,000 | 11,105,000 | 11,055,000 1,140,000 294,000 115,000
14434,000 10,170,000 2,488,000 | 12,658,000 | 11,726,000 1,706,000 560,000 100,000
2,266,000 10,800,000 24399,;000 13,190,000 | 11,816,000 2,933,000 607,000 100,000
1892-93....+5 31540,000 8,044,000 2,600,000 | 10,644,000 | 11,470,000 24400,000 263,000 50,000
Estimated cost of the principal items_and total cost in the production of wheat and corn in the United States
by sections per acre for 1893.
(Consalidated from returns from nearly 30,000 leading farmers scattered throughout the United States.)
WHEAT.
te OY "
o as o
a ans o
3 oss 5
STATES AND SEcTIoNS. | & & Se tb . 2
H ood a a be ef bo Nn
. Sp, . 3 £ bo = 4
Gos o Das bo n a S 2 aa
oo te pen < oO a “a oO : o
w s Sox : oo > a ad 3 oh
4 Oo = as = ? te s a 3s ou
oho o z h fet 2
oa a ote o = 3 a 3 a 5 Eq
4 a |e a a q a q = a <
New England..............] $3.52 | $4.41 $3.32 $2.16 $.52 $2.27. | $2.02 $.73 $1.27 | $20.22 $2.1
Middle : 5.16 2.79 1.40 48 1.40 1.43 +63 mt 18.18 2.0
2.09 1.71 93 4r 94 95 +33 “79 | 10.94 1.2
1.85 1.80 92 36 1.18 1.18 +32 66 10.89 Teg
2.70 2.29 +95 37 1.78 1.66 +58 1.59 15.80 1.3
2.62 2.02 1.03 +32 1.4 1.41 55 1.32 13-98 1.4
$2.16 | $1.87 $.96 $.37 $1.19 $1.20 $.37 $.76 | $x1.69 $1.4
* One metric ton is equal to 2204.6 Ibs., only a few pounds less than our long ton of 2240 Ibs,
+ Consumption in Europe and the United States.
} This column covers cotton exported to countriesnot covered by figures of consumption, and cotton burned
in United States, on sea, and in Europe.
Agriculture.
Approximate statement of the world’s, wool product
according to the latest attainable data.
IQuaNnTITY PRODUCED.
COUNTRIES, Year.
Millions of
Kilograms Pounds.
In Europe:
‘RUSSIA oe e epee eens 1888 118.62 2614509652
ae Britain and Ire-
-dand,....... earbvaisigierene | ABOTS [coe caciencee|! SE 238
‘France....... 1892 |., seeds
Spain ........ we 1880 66,138,000
German Empire. 1892 55000,000
Hungary.... 43.144,022
21,214,537
910445488
11,485,966
1,102,300
3968280
77,690,104
‘Total for Europe. ..|..... slieseveceeeee| 9805,093)85%
Outside of Europe:
Australla........ ia 505,712,887
United States.........]- 2.93)000,000
Argentine Republic... 340,908,398
Uruguay. ......... 61,666,699
‘Cape Colony... 103355793
‘British India. we 24y717)007
nee Sais sete rye ie 20,887,838
siatic Turkey.......|:1892 6 52.
‘British North Ameri- 5 aay UA es
GO vecevecese soceeeece 99892 N os caddenee’
-Qther extra European aaa
countrieS.....6.ee0+-| W89r} wl... ..| 88,484,000
‘Total extra European
MOU DLELOB a ces cries biawees 40.00 [1543259771496
Summary.
Total for Europe....a[.cceee[ereeees seeee] 805,093y851
Total extra-European
countries. .......- asa] Aiea tietieyaieterele + 0+ {1)43219175496
Grand total,...... eee ee 2,238,011, 347 -
(6) BRITISH EMPIRE.
Great Britain.
Up to the middle of the last century agricul-
ture in Great Britain was fairly prosperous ;
since then the development of the manufactur-
ing and commercial interests has on the whole
reacted unfavorably on English agriculture.
The careful studies of Arthur Young in the lat-
ter part of the last century created much pro-
gressive thought on the subject, and a Board of
Agriculture was established in 1793, while the
Napoleonic wars unduly stimulated English agri-
culture ; but then came a sudden reaction. The
farmers suffered severely by sheep rot and bad
harvests, and the condition of the agricultural
laborers was pitiful. In 1845 a General Inclos-
ure Act was passed, and a commission appointed
which has since become the English Land Com-
mission. The repeal of the Corn Laws (1846) tem-
porarily depressed but did not permanently hurt
the land interest, as was feared. The terrible
condition of the agricultural laborers was slight-
ly alleviated, and down to 1873 English agricul-
ture was more prosperous. Since 1873, how-
ever, agriculture has been very much depressed.
Down to 1882 there were a succession of bad
24 Agriculture.
crops, accompanied by falling prices in corn, and
since 1882 there has been a general decline in
prices. Scientific farming has, however, been
considerably developed, and landlords have
done somewhat to improve their estates. The
fall of agricultural land rents has been great.
According to the evidence of Sir James Caird
before the Commission on the Depression of
Trade in 1886, the annual income of landlords,
tenants, and laborers was -£42,8e0,000 less in
1886 than in 1876. The cultivated land of Great
Britain occupied by owners was, June 5, 1893,
4,672,077 acres, or only 14.3 percent. ‘of the
whole, and by tenants, 27,971,632, or 85.7 per
cent.
The official agricultural returns for 1886 state that
the proportion of land held by tenants is slightly in-
creasing.
The tcliowing table from the same returns for 1893
(p. xxvii.) shows the areas devoted to different crops.
in 1873 and 1893:
* CROPS. 1873. 1893.
Cultivated area, acres.. 46,927,000 | 47,980,000:
Permanent grass, ‘ . 23y364,000, | .27,700;000-
Corn. crops, acres. 11,423,000.] .9)371;000-
t, i 3,670,000. | —14955,000°
s 47198,000. | 4,436,000
Cattle, number,..... 10,154,000 | .11,208,000-
Shee i +339982,000.| 31,775;000
Pigs ” 3y564,000. | — 3,278j000"
The following table (p. xxix.) tells the story of.
prices:
YEAR. ‘Wheat. Barley. Oats.
Per Quarter.| Per Quarter.| Per Quarter.
a. ds s. a. mm as
ABT Zescvecsevcce 58 8 40 5 25 5
1878, eeeeee eineiae 46 5 40 «2 24 4
TBBZ. cece eee ees 407 31 10 arg
TBBS sacsiindiccvrcire 31 10 27 10 16 9
1893 -.060005 aie 26 4 25 #7 18 9
The total number of people engaged in England and
Wales in agriculture and fishing, taken together, in
1891 -was 313361045. The total value of the principal
crops produced in Great Britain in 7803 and Ireland i
oO
1892 in thousands of bushels was as follows:
Crops. Gt. Britain.} Ireland.
Wheat... 49247 2,214
Barley.. 593535 6,454
Oats. sicee sais sinciies wea 112,887 51,886
In 1892 there was imported into the United King-
dom £24,857,902 of wheat, £12,267,433 of wheat flour, £9,-
425,211 of Maize, £5,013,546 of oats, 2 »313,902 of barley.
The amount of live stock in the United Kingdom in
1894 was: Horses, 2,067,549; cattle, 11;519,417'; sheer 337
672,208 ; pigs, 3,265,898. The condition of the agricultural
laborer is:stated by the Royal Commission on Labour
to be much improved since the terrible days before
1834 OF even 1850, Even ret however, his wages, as.
based upon 38 estimates of the mean rates for all the
districts inquired into by the Assistant Commissioners
on Agricultural Labor, is stated to be only 135. sd. per
week. The Richmond Commission of 38 9-81 put it
135...@. per week. The.average earnings of the Scotch
agricultural laborers. are said to be about 18s. 9@. per
week, Much attention has been given to allotments in
England. The Allotment Act of 1887 appointed a com-
Agriculture. Agriculture.
ba
oe
mission on the subject, and autherired compensation Rentsfor small cottagesin England vary from a7 to 7s.
for growing etc. The Local Government Actof per week. In Scotland they are usually let with the
ii ft i s A Board of Agriculture was established in
388. A National Agricultural Tnion has recently
Deen formed to aid land-owmers, give State-aided pen-
Sions to workingmenr, to establish a Produce Post, im-
po we the Agriculiural Holdings Act,etc. The English
id Restoration League (7.p.) is working, on the other
hand, through the Red Van movement to preach col-
lectivist ideas among the agricultural laborers.
NUMBER OF AGRICULTURAL Houpisas IN Eacu Crass. | TSO ee PER CENT
4
Z
,
Classification of Holdings 4 “England Wales
From
a
Pry
“
ie
”
“ yya0o,
Towl
| AVERAGE SIZE OF HOLDINGS.
soeiy Beg : 2 oS me Soot- Great 1 sus | Seats Great
Ciassincatian of Holdiags. Bagiard. Wales land. , Britain. Bagley es land. Britain.
i
From
ww
a
= mo
eS 355
= OD =
ae 3D 3.202
a Das a ee eee eee sees
rafesmans Vrrr-Roo* gives the following
tement of land temure and revenne in Ia
“Ta > OvInOSS where the sg~iegdri tenure prevails
3 ES OF PTODTIETATY Srother-
Beads POSSESS “large estates of sev eral bundreds or
thessat iacres, the State revente is assessed at an
alignot part (astally abot one half) of the ascertained
or assumed rental. The revenue is payable an each
estate 2s a whele: the assessment remaining unchang-
ed for the period of settlement. Im provinces where
ine, ravarmdr? tenmre prevails viz. where each petty
of holds directiv from the Te asarale cul-
s his own land, and has no landlord between him-
self and the government) the Trevemte is separately
assessed at an acreage Tate on each petiy heldmeg, and
land Terenze becomes payable at onte .or afteT a short
tem of a 2 the case of eons ated Jands) on ce ex-
India. S sash Shows the amonrnt of “aed held
cee Te ee rD —
* From official agricultural returns for i334
Agriculture.
26
Agriculture.
ZaMiNDARi AND VILLAGE Commu-
RAyATWARI, ETC.
NITIES.
Area Sur- | Population Area Sur- | Population | Revenue
veyed. jof Surveyed; Revenue veyed. lof Surveyed Rx.
Acres. Area. Ke Acres. Area.
Northwest Provinces........----] 52,604,874 33)802,188 | 4)481,58r GIs iersey Seana . pee eneeeee
SE. oss vateominwien 2 «| 1593371846 12,650,831 1,369, 100
Punjab.... eeel 7145765576 20,860,913 2,441,807
Berars. Sif -Detaydveasiareiiece scaretoianeies aia
Li a. :
pper Burma. aimee neat
Madras........ 10,336,536
Bombay, cca: saacevaveccrsexeneaes] aeveresasy | senor ecesy Sate stgeisieiais
ae oe Srwsijecthierineaseisccames|| wsamaeoson || amesseceem, | dames’ wees 3h 3
jmere . . _ 12,8 7, rt 297; 24,050
Bengal........ ‘ Fseimaiseerears ne Nol statistics available. a
The Statistical Abstract relating to British India (p. 191) gives the crops as follows, in acres devoted to each :
* Other Food Sugar- Oil .
Rice. Wheat. Grains, Cane. Tea. Cotton. Seeds. Indigo. Tobacco.
2 |
27225, 102 18,5731982 764525323 14940332 266,219 | 8,859,429 | 8,498,058 | 541,308 327,121
The following table shows the staple articles of import from India into the United Kingdom in the years 1887-91:
YEARS. Cotton. Wheat. Jute. Seeds. Tea, Rice. Indigo.
4
4,815,185 3»102,964 | 3,670,253 2,843,562 | 4,211,051 1,467,479 | 1,447,868
39063,002 3,069,808 | 3,890,315 31492640 | 4,426,506 1,400,952 5456)749
51223,808 | 3,405,284 | 5,403,65r | 3,618,980 | 4,566,496 | 1,774,761 | 1,612,684
41740,232 | 3,461,072 | 4,916,509 | 2,534:959 | 41768340 | 1,984,72T | 1,386,196
1,850,332 595079526 | 451935832 354851455 | 5,045,120 2,209,157 888,736
3y164,813 | 4,812,180 | 3,871,927 | 39090235 | 49722675 | 2,075,938 | 1,192,821
AUSTRALASIA. ° during the currency of thelease. A first payment of 2s.
According to the Australian Handbook for 1894 (p. 121),
by the returns collected for 1892 in Australasia, 9,468,-
949 acres of land were under cultivation. The princi-
pal crops were: Wheat, 3,822,950 acres; oats, 566,072
actes; barley, 88,322 acres; hay, 1,329,902 acres; pota-
toes, 109,005 acres ; other, 3,552,698 acres. The live stock
in 1892 was: Horses, 1,832,815 ; cattle, 12,437,165 ; sheep,
121,884,669 ; PIGS, 1,112,316.
Concerning the land tenure and condition of agricul-
ture, the report on Australasia of the Royal Commission
on Labour says of the different colonies:
“Under the Land Act of 1890 pastoral lands are leased
in Victoria in allotments capable of carrying from 1000
to 4000 sheep and 150 to 500 head of cattle, for any term
not exceeding 14 years, from December, 1884. The
Tent of these allotments is computed at 1s. per head of
sheep and ss. per head of cattle. On the expiration of
the lease the lessee is paid by the incoming tenant for
the value of all improvements. ‘Fhe lessee may pur-
chase 320 acres as a homestead during the currency of
his lease. Agricultural and grazing lands are leased in
areas not exceeding rooo acres for the same term of
years ; at the end of the term the land reverts to the
Crown, and an allowance is made for improvements.
Agricultural allotments, not exceeding 320 acres, may
be selected after the issue of a grazing lease, which must
be improved during the first five years to the value of
4Zranacre. The holder pays rent at the rate of 15. an
acre, and at the expiration of six years may purchase
his holding at 14s. an acre, or lease it at 25. an acre
for 14 years, after which it becomes freehold. In
New South Wales the territory is divided into three
zones—eastern, central, and western. The maximum
territory allowed in the eastern division is 640 acres, in
the central, 2560. In addition to the selection, an area,
not to exceed three times that of the selection, may be
leased at an annual rental, with right to purchase
an acre must be made in advance, and after an interval
of three years the next instalment of rs. an acre is pay-
able. In Queensland the maximum area which may
selected is 100 acres for homesteads and from 320 to 1280
for other selections. The selector occupies the land
under a licence at a rental of not less than 3g. an acre.
If he complies with conditions as to fencing and simi-
lar matters, he may obtain a lease for 50 years, and
his rent_ will be fixed by the Land Board every five
years. He may purchase at not less than 2os. an acre
on proving residence for five years, rent already paid be-
ing reckoned as purchase-money. In South Australia
leases with the right to purchase are issued for 21 years,
and the purchase may be made after six years’ rental, at
not less than 5s. an acre. In the southwestern district
of Western Australia the maximum area which may
be selected is 100 acres, but in the other divisions ef the
colony land may be taken up by selectors, who need
not reside, in areas of from 100 to 5000 acres at not less
than ros. an acre, payable in 10 yearly instalments. If
selections are made without residence in the south-
western division, double the amount must be paid.
Selections may be made in New Zealand of not more
than 620 acres of first-class, or 2000 acres of second-
class land ; the price varies from 5s. to 40s. an acre.
Deferred payment is permitted at 25 per cent. advance
on cash prices, and perpetual leases are granted for
30 years, with right of renewal for 21 years at a rental
of 5 per cent. on the cash price. A bill has, however.
ea nko ate New oes Parliament;
x esi, o take awa righ
pa Perpetual feces. Bas Be eee eaeG te
orn-growing is not as yet of the same v:
Australasian colonies as ee breeding of hee
tle, but with the spread of irrigation it will probably
increase. Wheat is principally cultivated in South
Australia, Victoria, and New Zealand, oats in Victoria
and New Zealand, barley in Victoria, and Maize in
Agriculture.
New Bouth Wales and Queensland, The value of agri.
culhind prodiice throughout Augtralla in sige ge ds es.
tiated at Lgbyenyen, Within recent youre Ineigetion
colonies, On the model of those established successfully
tn Bouthern Cidifornia, have been formed at Mildiure
In Vietoria and Denriark in South Australia, for the
he of frull-yrowing, The land Ia granted to cul.
ivatornin blocks of one aquare mile and upwards, and
the colony, a9 a whole, shares In the expenses of
the Ierlvafion works, whieh fertiline the Wiens domain.
Upward of yoiniles of malin Irrivation have already
boon constricted, with ia tmiiles of subsidiary channels,
si BOE free OF gos Ores Of fruit orchards planted.
Nhe results alrend achieved after four years of exist-
ence are remarkable, and Hols proposed to found an
agerdontiursad and hortlenttnrad college to promote lin-
woved inethods of culture, Woaapees all fo mprieul-
ural labourers bn Victoria for sty averaged ass, id, w
week for ploughmen, ca. od, for female servants, 4.
od for farina Inhonrersy, yar Od, for mowers, a4. tut. for
married couples, and yor 4d. for rempers. fn all these
cases rations were alse ylven ; LhFeMU TR and hop-plok-
ers, Whe are pild by the bushel, do not receive rations,
and Ket od, atid ad a bushel reapectiyely, Dn rigs these
wages lind decrensed from nto percent, except in the
cass of married couples and dalryimaids, whoke wages
showed a sinall Increase,
“The tinportiinice of the pastoral industry lsshown by
the fact that there are In Australia and New Zoaland
rity, yoo Bhioep ANA myygqynye Cattle, whilst the capltal
Invested In thelndustry amounthte £ yxjceneus, About
heer persons are omnployed In ordinary pastoral labowur,
whilst in the shearing soason this miinber is doubled,
The total amount of wool produced in New Zealand
and Avostralia (a ity was eye quo yy tbs, worth Las hay,-
744 UE, 4a Koen TS. INET (bistte tes ah. Dan atten ty Outs, -
ays bales of wool wore exported from Australia, &y per
cont. of which were shipped to London, Nevertheless,
the profile of the Industry have yreatly dininished tn
recent yours, and the governments of the diferent col-
onies are endeavouring to let thelr land In smaller
areas and te encourage the growth of food-atuffa and
the cee of cattle, This dintnution in the profité of
ee s has been broweht about in part by changes
nthe land laws, Settlers, whe took up large arenes
when land wae ches, lake that they would have
the pre-emptive right to other large Cracts, nd that
the lows of this shen oan dhniolshed the value of thelr
holdings. Indeed, station property is sald to have de-
creased so per cont, In value during the last fow years.
Asaln, other settlers have suffored much loas from rab-
bite and TS TA DIBA though one squatter apent Linjooo
on wire netting, he lost his sheep through allowing one
hillio remain unfenced, In tye gt the Vietorlan GQoy-
esroment spent £37,000 In attempting to exterminate
rabbits on the Crown lands,”
CANADA,
The chief Industry of Cannda la agricuiture 5 4g per
cont. of ber people are engaged Inagricnitire, Accord.
Ing tothe congue Of igs the aren of Improved land in
Canada was sitjey7.aq4 Bored, Of which iy,904)496 were
Undor crop, only w por cont, of the land Is yet under
crop or pastiire, The wheal crop Of tga Wal 4ay144y779
bush, of whieh anjyeqysita Came from Onlarlo and 16,-
ogayan from Manitoba,
Tie Hive stock in ge was: Horses, gaqnjey7 5 cattle,
Avtottas sheep, agryg77; Awlne, tae, The export
of whent from Canada rite the Cnlted K nyedonn was i
Hiya, roytettyatg bush, India sonding a4, ya4,#ay and the
United Stiles LEASE QOD.
The Uniber weal of Canada Invery great, Accord.
Ing te Governmont relirns fhorign, Tl aimotnted to
4r94ay404 cithle feot, bosiderrallrond poles, thon, alilnglon,
otc,
CA OF GOOD Hort,
Upto December, dyn a4.a0y8y,neres had boon allena.
lod, Jerev lige qeyyyoytyn meron,
In the your ending Maret yey tye, the products were t
Wheal, azayqyo buh, | oti, trey; barley, ga qoty 5
Kalle corn, 6, 87,700 bush; Oyen yaa pale, Of Wine 5 t4agye
ag Of brandy 5 gb yao Tae. of wool he yObn of mohialt,
faatiegs OF iden and allan, a)8or, jul Of DUCLOr 5 44§Q9)t47
OF PalAlig | jo,44q qos OPAL OS,
(7) AUSTITA HUNGATY,
Austria: Hiingary [an eniplre where such different
formes of tenure and sieh different conditions obtatn in
various parte of the cmplro that yoneral statlatles are
injale dtnk, The revolition of ys, abolishing the old
feudal burdenson the land, praeticalty transformed the
amall peasant farmers (nfo independent puesta
while the yreat proprietor, unprovided with capital to
27 Agriculture.
hire farm hands, had to divide thelr larye demesnes
tow considerable extent Into small holdings. The
Keport on Austria of the (bnglishy Koyal Commission
on Labour sayy (pr. ga) s d
“Large manorial landed estates, or dafifundia, are
chiefly found in Bohernla, whlch has been called ‘the
stronghold of the feudal aristocracy,’ and in Gallcla,
Moravia, and Lower Austria, Lhey are very rare in
Carinthia and Salzburg, and in Dalmatha, where the
lange properties are chiefly in the bands of the mer-
chant or capitalist class, they are practically unknown,
Adopting the divislon of Professor yon Inara Stern-
oy, whe estimates as large landed proprictora (Gra¢s-
grundbeattury wi who pay a yearly Jand tax of at.
east ove florins within one administrative area, the
following table may be drawn up to Wlustrate the din
tribution of there great ostates in the various provinces
of the Kinplre :
Distribution of Large Landed lstates in Austrta.
Percentage
of Tota Percent-
he Number
TIT O ibs, Gaiden ait Tare
FORMAN. | sedtaatens In
Austria,
Lower Anstrlic cece 104 wn 11,97
Upper Austria .. 40 wn Dao
Kalzburg... 5 a ae
beens ho ab AY
14 ob 1.66
eg 7 4 170
Coast Lands,.... “4 sey nae
Tyroland Voraribery w ob 4.ay
Vohemia wes... 678 4b yobs
Moravin,, 247 7 14H
Sllowla.. oy 4 aay
Calicla 440 4-4 14.89
fhukowlna... : a6 14 127
Pelinatli scree, 4 4 O60
TOU cecceecsnee] 14805 100.0 10
‘Tho large landed proprietors of Austria form one of
the main electoral groupsin Austria’s at present (1805)
vory Hmited suffrage, a condition which Is bitterly at-
tacked by the Soclallats, In nat. according to
an official statement of 1893, quoted In he Statesman's
Year Book, tho ownership of land was as follows:
Percentage
OWNERS, Acres, of total
Area,
a | Mtoe ey, HP wr ees
PL ileticc ys aieineoinsicieleassnasernnaie spin sy 64508 5.68
Houndatlon, 35 huut +5t
Rallwayn....., 50704 ato
Midoleomimiyn, cocceee ee eens 49144) 507 479
Diwtricta and prurlwhon... cee 12, 418,40 17.6)
Companies ce ccceeeeeee 617,015 Hy
Chureh wo... annie ods ByAAyA57 Als
Hducatlonal.... saints aie 189,145 27
PrIValorssccee ceases eeencanen| 46 5ty§4o 65:44
TOU ciceceerewees cece] Oyyzalyigy 100,00
According ton atatemont of 8a, the alze of propertles
In Hldnpary and the number of proprietors wast
Niimber Total Arca
Acrek,
Under qy neres ayy toy ary qtajgon
4p ° alt ribyoke O16 JQ, 000
NG yg yo re 145757 Avy 40 by 200
tage 14, (oo 41605 Oya) HOO
Over raj ayt Ky Gry quo
According to the Oestern, Stat, Handbuch (Bos, pp.
Agriculture.
126-127), -the average -area devoted in Austria for 10
years (1881-90) was as follows:
Wheat. cccusanasin tacan sieeedenedie y tene cae TyT0Q, 427
Rye... 15976,950
Barley « %)096,057
Oats... 148335128
Maize. 360,921
Leguminous produce 267,248
‘Potatoes 1,063,598
Vines B24,45%
Beet-roo 204,541
Grass and c 3,938,943
Concerning the general condition of the agricultural
population in Austria the Report of the (English) Royal
Commission on Labour says (pp. 74-75):
“It appears that the agrarian question is, not without
reason, a matter for serious anxiety in. Austria. ‘Fhe
decay of peasant proprietorship (Bauernstand) is espe-
cially regretted by politicians.and economists. In 1881,
ina single district (Bezzr#).in Styria, no fewer than 700
small farms were put up for sale, and in one commune
(Gemeinde) the peasant proprietors had diminished by
33 within ‘a very few years. -Large numbers of peas-
ant holdings have been bought up by the great land-
owners, by corporate associations (Gewerkschaften), or,
as has been'particularly the case in Galicia, by the
Jews. ‘Large estates,’ says Dr. Michael Hainisch,
referring ispecially to the Alpine idistricts, ‘accumulate
in a few ‘hands, the free peasant pom Bauer)
leaves the home of his fathers, which falls toa depend-
ent tenant farmer (ezerv) unless the new possessor
prefers to turn the fields into forest. . . . One hears
everywhere ofthe distress. of the small farmer,.seldom
of his prosperity.’ At a-general meeting ‘of peasant
Proerleserss which was held at ‘Wiener-Neustadt in
arch, 1892, a small farmer from Pottendorf (Lower
Austria) described the position of -his class in’ strong
terms. ‘Things cannot go-on,’ he said, ‘tas they -are.
Weare no longer able to-bear the burden Of taxation.
Our families live on potatoes and dumplings (Aindde/),
ard meat is onty seen upon our tables onece'a year.’
‘““Where the small independent farmer.is notactually
driven from the land’ by the pressure.of.competition
artd the burden of land taxation, which is said-to fall
comparatively:more heavily on ‘the small'than-on the
large landed proprietors, he is often forced to sink into
the'pesition of'a tenant, or.to see his.estate ‘broken up
into small holdings. The old patriarchal system, in
which master and man ‘ate at the same board,’ and
shared ‘the same ‘hearth, still prevails in the-Alpine:dis-
tricts, but has almost disappeared ‘elsewhere, ‘more
especially in Bohemia ‘and Moravia. Custom is every-
where giving place to competition, -Dr. Hainisch is of
opinion that ao in the neighbourhood of the towns,
where intensive farming brings in rich returns, or-in
those mountainous regions where the homesteads are
large enough to make cattle-farming profitable, the
peasant farm in Austria is destined either to be absorb-
ed by the large landed estate or to ‘be broken up into a
number of small holdings (Parcellen). As education
and the means of communication spread, many peasant
proprietors will, he thinks, voluntarily exchange their
immediate interest in the land for trade investments
or for tenant-farming under a landlord, while many
others will sink into the position of da ‘labourers aud
those who remain on their estates will fogs their conser-
vative character, ‘and adopt new methods and ‘ideas.
A recent writer in the Soztalpolitisches Centralblatt
also states that ‘the very conditions of existenc
(Existenzbedingungen) of ‘the smaller ‘land propri .
tors seem to be threatened, and thereby o P he
strongest supports of the whole constitutonal ; fe 5
CSce ee sueton to be shaken,’ system
e condition of the agricultural day 1 i
far from satisfactory. Writing in are Dr Keane ae
ed that at that time this class, at least in Bohemia. was
chiefly recruited fromthe ranks of the cotters (Héusler)
market-gardeners (Gdr¢tler), and landless ‘workmen
(Mzethsleute). Their wages were very low, while
prices were so high that they were forced to'live on
water gruel, potato soup, bread, and dumplings.”
The report also gives the following table of daily
wages for agricultural laborers in 1891 as taken from
official calculations:
Without :
TERRITORIES, ‘Board. [wien Board.
: Kreutzer, | Kreutzer.
Lower Austria. .. T2r 66
Upper ‘Austria Z Or 54
Salzburgh........... eae thais ots 102.5 53-5
28
Agriculture-
i
“thout |with Board.
"TERRITORIES, a eo
|
ere eee
Kreutzer. | a eels
Styria...... 00. 86 as
Carinthia. 87 5z
Carniola.......++ 82 >
Coast .Lands......... i 88 3
Tyroland Vo: 109 ee
Bohemia.. 72 F
Moravia. 58 34
Silesia... 66 345
Galicia.. 59 29
Bukowina 158.7 36.5
Dalmatia. ........2. 6 ceenee! 122 66
(@) BELGIUM.
“Belgium is a land of very small holdings. In 1846
there were 572,550 -holdings;.in 1880, 910,396. In size
they were:
“Less than 1 hectare we $945376
From rto 5 hectare + 226,088
“tg to 10 Be 48,390
“10 tO 20 sat 25,803
“+ 90 to 50 a 12,186
‘Above so SO eemaauleanaeaeads, 3x403
“Hectare =.2.47.acres.
In 7880, 713,019 hectares were workéd’by owners, 1,270,-
512 by farmers, &
The main crops are wheat, oats,rye,.potatoes. Agri-
cultural statistics are at present collected bythe Gov-
ernment only once in:every ro years,.and the most
recent‘which have as yet been ‘published are those for
the year 1880. At that date’the total number of men
and “woman engaged in- agriculture 'throughout the
kingdom was 1,199,319, OF 21.77, per cent.’ of the’ whole
population of ‘the. country ; 44.02. per cent. of ‘the ‘per-
sons employed were-women. :
e). DENMARK.
There.is‘much subdivision of ‘the ‘soil in Denmark.
The law is such .as'to prevent the formation of large
estates out of small ‘ones, white it is favorable.to the
division of land. The tenant ‘has by law complete
control of the land:he rents. ‘
Twenty per cent. ‘of the‘area-of Denmark is:unpro-
ductive,’and of this.about one sixth is peat bogs. Six
per cent. of the productive area is forest,.and of the re-
eet more than one half is pasture and meadow
and.
The .area under the different crops is divided. as fol-
lows: Corn, 3,029,404 acres; potatoes, 128,849 acres;
clover, 456,585: acres. In 1891 the principal crops were:
Oats, 33,059,265 bush. ; barley, 22,571,447 bush. ; potatoes,
13,913,122 bush. ; rye, 18,677,262 bush.
The value of the crops in.x891 -was 355,214 kroner.
Live stock in Denmark in 1888 were.in numbers as
follows: 1,459,527 head of cattle, 3751533 horses, 1,225,-
396 sheep, 770,785 swine, In 1892 Beamark exported
108,988 head of cattle, 11,578 horses, and 185,844 swine.
he total production of brandy in Denmark in 1892
WAS 7,435,388 gals.
(7) FRANCE.
Agriculture in France, according tothe most recent
statistics (census of 1886), employs 17,698,402 persons. Of
the total area (52,857,199 hectares), 36,977,098 hectares are
under.crops, fallow, and grasses ; 8,397,131 are forests:
6,986,678 are devoted to wheat ; 3,812,852.to oats ; 1,54%)-
836 to rye ; 1,512,136 to potatoes : 1,792,816 to vines : z320.-
ee i preat.obe to Pasir. YBe Peat
rding to the Annuazre de. conomie gue
for 1894, edited by Maurice Block, the wheat uae
97,923,075 hectolitres; the rye was ‘22,802,805 hectolitres
wine was produced of asu erior'quality, valued.at -
re [oes ana of the ordinary quality at 1,107, aes
ure is carri i 2
ployin 142 go ual ried on in 24 departments, em-
¢ land 1s divided into small holdin; i
to La. Grande Encyclopedie, vol. xvii., Be food Geert:
‘ber of land holdings in 1891 was about 14,000,000 ea
by about 8,000,000 persons, of which about uewned
agricultural holdings, SSeteee OM
According to official rep
ort f i
holdings were as follows: on as8a) Uae agricultural
Agriculture.
Proportion of.the
whole agricultural area,
1,866 IL
769 12
431 13
198 10
98 7
142 45
31504 98
The small holdings are mainly in the departments of
‘the Seine, the Rhone, Belfort, the North, Puy-de-Déme,
Haute-Garonne, Gard.
(g) GERMANY.
Of the area of Germany, 94 per cent. is classed as pro-
ductive and only 6 per cent. as unproductive. The
acres given to the principal crops in 1892 were as fol-
lows: Wheat, 4,879,860; barley, 4,174,537; Oats, 9,849,666 ;
Tye, 14,026,470. In 1891 there were raised 18,558,379. tons
of potatoes, 18,715,112 Of hay, 9,488,002 of beet-root
(sugar), 743,462 gals. of wine. In:1882 the total number
-of agricultural inclosures of all kinds, each cultivated
by one household, was as follows:
ae Between | Between Above
ee rand 10 | 10 and 100 100 Total.
*} Hectares. | Hectares. | Hectares.
24323)316 | 2,274,096 | 653,944 24,991 512764344
These farms supported 18,840,818 persons, of whom
:8,120,518 were actually working upon them.
The system of land tenure and the condition of agri-
cultural population is very different in different por-
tions of the empire. In Prussia complete free trade in
land exists. Of the various portions of the empire the
report on Germany of the (English) Royal Commis-
sion on Labour says:
“In Westphalia and Oldenburg the agricultural la-
-condition of giving him a certain number of days’ work
in return for a lower rate of. wages than. would other-
wise be paid in the district. The labourer (Heuerling)
isa small cultivator on his own .account,.not asa rule
rich neg to possess a team of horses, but allowed
‘the use of his employer’s team when necessary, and
receiving other assistance in kind. The relations be-
tween the two parties are reported to be more favour-
-able than in any other part of Germany ; the employer
is secure of a sufficient amount of labour, and the la-
bourer in most cases contrives to amass considerable
savings. Many families remain for.centuries upon the
‘same farms, and although their holdings are only on
short leases, renewable at will,theycome to regard them
as their own property. Many of’ them add to their in-
come by home industries, such as weaving, and occa-
sionally, when there is little for them to doat home, they
-cross the border into Holland for a few months and
work for wages.
“In Southern Germany the same system of small hold-
ings prevails, but here the labourer is himself‘a small
freeholder, who ekes out the scanty resources of his
‘own property by performing service for the farmers
(Bauer) with more land than they can cultivate them-
selves, This becomes the more necessary, because on
the death of the small freeholder any land which he
has accumulated does not pass intact to his appointed
heir, as in’ Westphalia. It is, as a rule, subdivided
amongst his children, who must recommence the labo-
rious ied of saving, if they are ever to be in a posi-
tion of independence.
“ Mid-Germany—z.c., the district between the Weser
and Elbe, is the home of the different classes of peasant
farmers(Bauer), and of what are known as free labour-
-ers (free Landarbeiter). These aredrawn from differ-
-ent classes of the village poe ee possessing larger
or smaller plots of land held on.different systems of
‘tenure handed down from feudal times, and known as
Kotter, Brinksitzer, Hausler, or Anbauer. Tothe larger
farmer (Bauer), or to the large landed proprietor (Gu/s-
.besitzer), they: are all merely day-labourers in the
-Strictest sense of the term: :
“In the wide expanse of.territory east of the Elbe the
contract between the agricultural labourer and his em-
loyer takes a great variety of forms; butin what
ofessor Knapp calls the most typical districts, where
“great estates Pirterguler) are numerous and settle-
bourer rentsa eral plot of ground.fromhisemployeron .
29
Agriculture.
ments of peasant farmers (Bauerndérfer) few, the most
usual form has hitherto been that known as socage-
tenancy (dnsfenwesen). Were ‘the landowner enters
into a. contract for a lengthened period, which assures
him of the services not of an individual merely, but
ofa family. The family is settled in a cottage upon
the landlord’s estate, and must be prepared to provide
aman and an assistant—a so-called socager (Schar-
werker)—to perform the agricultural labour required
upon the estate. A very small daily wage is paid in
return ; the socage tenant generally receives a por-
tion of garden ground for his own use in addition to
his house, and a few acres of land are cultivated
for him within the estate; whatever these produce,
whether corn,.other kinds of produce, or potatoes,
belongs to the socage tenant (/mste). Finally, the
socage tenant has a right to thresh his landlord’s corn
during the winter in return for a certain proportion
cf the yield.’ This remuneration in kind is often more
than he can use, but he is.at liberty to sell it, and the
proceeds, together with a very small daily wage, rep-
resent the extent of his pecuniary resources. Asarule
he owns a cow or a few sheep, and in all cases he keeps
one or two pigs. As far.as health and good nourishe
ment are concerned the condition of such a labourer
leaves little to be desired, and lately much has been
done to remedy the miserable character of the cot-
tages.
orestry in Germany is an industry of great impor-
tance, conducted under the care of the State on scien-
tific methods, About 34,347,000 acres, or 25.7 per cent.
of the area of the empire, were estimated to be occu-
pied by forests in 1889. In South and Central Germany
from 30 to 38 per cent. of the surface is covered wit
forests ; and in parts of Prussia 20 percent. From for-
ests and domains alone Prussia receives revenue of
about 4,000,000 sterling.
(h) ITALY.
Of the total area of Italy, 86.9 per cent. is considered
productive. In 1892 11,188,048 acres were given to
wheat, 773,485 to barley, 1,112,532 to oats, 354,774 to rye.
Silk culture, though flourishing most extensively in
Piedmont and Lombardy, is carried on all over Italy.
In 1892 there were 531,869 persons employed in rearing
silkworms, and 175,000 Skilled and other workers (in-
cluding 120,386 women and 36,586 children) were em-
ployed in the treatment and manufacture of silk.
In the census of December 31, 1881, there were 5,024,-
826 males of 15 years of age and upwards described as
engaged inagriculture. Theentire agricultural popu-
lation, male and female, of 15 years and upwards, was
thus about 10,000,000. According to last census, the
number of persons of 15 years of age and upwards was
to the whole population in the ratio of 678 to 1000; thus
the whole agricultural population was computed to be
143901900. am .
oncerning the general condition of. the agricultural
population the report on Italy of the (English) Royal
Commission on Labour says (abridged) :
“ Agriculture has been called ‘the backbone of Italy.’
,Very few parts of the civilized world, indeed, have a
more distinctly agricultural. character than this coun-
try, where ‘the rural. labourers may be counted by
millions, while the industrial operatives are only num-
bered. by thousands.’ Great as is the importance of
the agricultural question, however, it is extremely dif-
ficult to grasp, owing to the extraordinary complexity
and variety of the conditions of Italian land tenure.
It includes.the medieval manor (/a¢zfondo), cultivated
on the most primitive extensive system, the most per-
fect system. of intensive cultivation ona large scale;
‘ petite culture’ pushed tothe extreme of specialisation,
and the same methods applied tothe most heterogeneous
mixture of products; rents varying from 5 lire to 2000
lire per hectare; peasant proprietorship, ‘metayer’
farming, feudal tenancies, and hired labour. In every
separate district the phenomena of ruraleconomy have
special, exclusive, characteristic features, arising from
an infinite diversity of local circumstances.
“The net income of agricultural Italy is rather over
1,000,000,000 lire. Its direct taxes amount to 300,000,000,
exclusive of the tax on salt, of the income tax(rzcchezza
mobile), of the tax on cattle levied in many communes,
of the indirect taxes, and, according to Sir D. Col-
naghi, of ‘the house tax,’ which with the local. sur-
‘taxes amounts to about 139,000,000 lire.’
“There are three typical forms of agrarian contract
in Italy—the ‘metayer’ system (mezzadria, mezzeria,
colonza),in which the principle of profit-sharing finds
its simplest expression ; the leasehold system (af#¢Zo),
and the system of home cultivation by means of hired
labourers (sa/ar7o). Each of these systems has given
Agriculture
rise to innumerable deviations in practice, and_each
passes by insensible gradations into the other. Many
agriculturists cultivate part of their land as metayers,
part as leaseholders, and part as the farm servants of
a landlord. . nh
“The ‘metayer’ system, according to the Italian
Civil Code, is a contract by which the cultivator of a
farm (mezzai‘ulo, mezzadro, colono) has the right to
divide with the proprietor the produce of the farm
(Art. 1647 of the Civil Code); the loss through acci-
dent of the whole or part of the harvest is borne in
common by the proprietor and the metayer.
“The wages of day labourers and farm servants
vary in the different provinces, and according to capac-
ity and occupation, from about 150 lire to some 300 OF
4oo lire per annum, but the general question of wages
is complicated by the prevalence of the custom of mak-
ing payments in kind, or partly in kind and partly in
money, while some kinds of work, as, for instance,
ploughing, manuring, and mowing, are often pai y
the piece. Signor Bodio gives the average daily wages
of an adult agricultural labourer at about 2 lire in
summer and about 1¥% lirein winter. As during cer-
tain portions of the year outdoor labouris ata stand-
still, the average daily pay of an adult labourer during
the whole year may be put at about 1 lire. Dairy-
men get from 250 to 4oo lire annually, with board ; cow-
herds receive from 15 to go lire per annum; and casual
Jabourers can earn about 450 or 500 lire in the course
of the year, though they sometimes almost double this
sum by odd jobs, and not unfrequently by rural thefts,
while owing to their frugal habits their real wages are
fairly high. Women earn about half as much as men,
but they are often able to eke out their scanty wages
by spinning, plaiting straw, as in Tuscany, or working
in the silk-reeling mills, as in Piedmont and Lombardy.
“Sicily, connected with the Italian kingdom, and yet
separated from it, has special economic conditions
complicated by the comparatively lawless state of
society, and by the survival of ancient customs. The
reat stretches of treeless pasture land, cornfields, and
allows, which are found in the western provinces of
the island, from Palermo to Girgenti, and from Trapani
to Nicosia, are divided into large semi-feudal estates
or fiefs (lattfondi ex-feudt) held by the descendants of
the old nobility, or by rich dourgeozs families. Most
of these estates range from 500 to 1000 hectares in ex-
tent, but many include 2000 or even 6000 hectares, On
each fief there is a manor house (casamentfo), usually
in a state of dilapidation. The proprietors generally
let the land for a money rent to rich manufacturers,
for terms of years varying from three to six, or nine.
These leaseholders, whoarecalled gabellotti or arbitri-
anti, sometimes rent several properties, which they in
turn sublet toothertenants. Somewhat primitive meth-
ods of cultivation prevail, and a fourfold rotation of fal-
low, wheat, barley, and pasture, which recalls media-
val systems of agriculture, is commonlyobserved. The
peasants (v7//an7) usually contract to plough and sow
the lords’ fields.
“Turning now to the conditions under which the la-
bouring classes in Sicily live, it appears that as a rule
they are still very wretched and degraded. The day
labourers are herded together in the towns in cottages,
which are mere windowless hovels, where the common
room is shared by the pigs and the poultry, and even
occasionally by an ass or a mule. They have to go
long distances each day to their work, and often, espe-
cially when they are engaged by the week, they do not
return to their homes in the evening, but sleep in the
farmyard in_ which they are employed, or camp out in
the fields. They migrate also from the plains to the
mountains, as the different crops ripen in succession.
In times of difficulty they have recourse to money-
lenders, who exact a high rate of interest from them.”
(7) MEXICO,
Agriculture in Mexicois still in a very primitive con-
dition. Provision is made for the sale and occupation
of public lands by a law of 1863. From 1877 to 1892,
{5,089,631 hectares had been adjudicated for agricul-
tural purposes, under 6093 titles. The Government has
introduced into Mexico 1,181,000 vines, 26,000 olive trees,
ete. The chief agricultural products are maize, barley,
wheat, beans. Other products are coffee, tobacco,
cotton, sugar-cane, rice, cocoa, etc. Large numbers of
cattle are exported to the United States.
(7) THE NETHERLANDS,
The princi divisions of the area of the Nether-
lands, according to the statistics of 1888, are as follows
(in hectares, 1 hectare = 2.47 acres): cultivated land,
39°
Agriculture.
a orchards,
: pasture land, 1,144,066; gardens an! Pals
ee "erest, 226,968; uncultivated land heathy pera
The’ small estates are chiefly found in Nile in South
Guelders, Limburg, and Overyssel, wht ingen large
Holland, North Holl and, Zealand, and Grom ngen ofall
estates are more commen. an oe ae PS iy the farms”
as he e ow 42. i
oe estates in that year were in number as fol
ers.
lows :
Above| From | From | From | From Eon Under
100 {75 tO 100|40 to 75 |20 to 40 |10 to 20 Sane |S Hec-
Hec- | Hec- | Hec- | Hec- ec- ares tares.
tares, | tares. | tares. | tares. | tares. ares,
206 44t 6,426 | 18,361 | 205775 | 34,023 | 77,200
There were in the Netherlands in 1891, 271,900 horses ;
1,532,100 cattle, 810,600 Sheep, 987,900 Swine.
(2) NORWAY.
Of the area of Norway, only 3 per cent. is under cul-
tivation, 22 per cent. is forest, and 75 per cent.is con-
sidered unproductive. Most of the land is worked by
owners in small holdings. In 1890, 10,478 acres were
given to wheat, 122,040 to barley, 234,657 to oats.
(2) ROUMANIA,
The soil of Roumania is one of the most fertile in Eu-
rope, and the annual export of wheat, rye, maize, bar-
ley, rape-seed, pease, and wine is both large and in-
creasing. The following table shows the chief cereals
grown in 1882:
Hectares of .
CEREALS. Cultivated weet um
Land.
"Wheat .5 asec sesee aiesteneaes 559,560 895,257
1104773 I10,162
226,964 366,899
129,939 282,924
Maize.....cccseeeee suntbatei eis 150345755 1,885,029
(m) RUSSIA,
In Russia, in 1892, according to official data, 410,801,-
867 acres belonged to the State, 373,310,496 to peasants,
294,504,582 to proprietors, and 19,890,835 to the imperial
family ; 210,058,770, largel belonging to the State, was
unfit for culture. Zhe Statesman’s Year Book gives
the oe statement as to the Russian village com-
munities. (See RUSSIA.)
The state of the redemption operation among the
village communities of liberated serfs is seen from the
following accounts up till October 1, 1893. The ac-
counts are shown separately for Russia and the west-
ern provinces, where the conditions of redemption were
more liberal for the peasants, according to the laws of
1863.
7 Western
Russia. | provinces.
Sa aa
Number of male peasants who
redeemed the land with State
ELD sce sisi stecvsnntasetemee ete 8 Sara ins 6,6
Number of acres redeemed... |’ ee hy (hel ie
Value of the land, in roubles ... eae gaeeee eee
Average price of the allotment. 106r. oc 6. pe T aes
Average size of allotment, in . ate 150Cs
oo rsianatans eciaerons tenes ee 0.4 re
verage price of the acre...... : :
Average former debt of the BNE ACE br. soc.
landowner to the State mort.
gage bank, per allotment..... 37F. 33¢ 6:
Average sum paid to the land. : BET? 99s
lord, per allotment............ 68r. 67¢. 37.
. + §7C.
Moreover, 102,396 leaseholders redeeme
ments (1,882,574 acres) for the sum of 21 ¢ their allot.
9243,401 Toubles,
Agriculture.
in South Russia and the western provinces, according
to the laws of 1868-88, which recognize private owner-
ship of land. |
In 1892 the total land and that held in private owner-
ship was as follows:
In Private Own-
NATURE OF LAND. Total. ership.
Per Per
Acres. |cent. Acres. |\cent.
Arable........+++.| 287)969,552] 26.2 80,063,271| 27-3
Orchards, mead-
ow, grazing, etc.| 174,958,734] 15.9 68,628,269] 23.2
Forests, etc........ 425,520,714! 38.8 110,697,486| 37.6
Unfit for culture,} ~
roads, etc,.......! 210,058,770] 19.1 35,115,506| I1.9
Total ecsieccics 1,098,507,780|100.00]] 294,504,582|/100.00
From 1883 to 1887 in Russia in Europe, exclusive of
Poland, an average of 28,882,440 acres were devoted to
wheat, 12,442,950 to barley, 34,886,700 to oats, 64,611,-
810 to rye. In 1888 there were 19,633,340 horses, 24,609,-
260 horned cattle, 44,465,450 Sheep. Bhe North Caucasus
is becoming more and morea granary for Russia, and
the crops of 1892 in the three provinces of Kuban, Stav-
ropol, and Terek were: Wheat, 7,654,800; rye, 1,185,200 ;
barley, 2,333,000 ; Oats, 2,054,300 ; Various, 1,069,300; total,
15,296,600 quarters ; potatoes, 714,600 quarters.
The amount of hay gathered in 1892 attained _30,000-
ooo tons in European Russia and 335,000 tons in Poland.
(72) SERVIA.
Servia, though yet in a backward state, raised in 1891
wheat valued at £1,780,200 ; maize, £1,272,960; Tye,
4388,800; barley, £345,216 ; oats, £226,592, besides large
quantities of cattle, sheep, and pigs.
(0) SPAIN.
The productive area of Spain, reckoned at 79.65 per
cent. of the whole, may be classed as follows: 1.6 per
cent. olive culture, 3.7 vineyards, 19.7 grass, 20.8 fruits,
33-8agriculture and gardens. The vine is the most im-
portant featurein agriculture, and the area under vines
‘was in 1888, 5,000,000 acres, the total production of wine
being 616,000,000 gals. Oranges, grapes, nuts, and olives
are raised also in large quantities for export. The
leading crops are wheat, rye, barley, maize, hemp, flax,
and pulse.
The soil in Spain is greatly subdivided, and this sub-
division has much increased of late years. In the year
1800 there were 273,760 proprietors, owning 677,520
farms, and there were 403,760 farmers. Now under the
property tax the 3,426,083 assessments may be divided
as follows:
Properties paying
a. 2 From
From | From | From | From | *70™ } From | 500 to
1 tO 10 |r0 to 20 |20 to 40 |40t0 100 tate ae Reales
Reales./Reales.|Reales.|Reales. Reales.|Reales.|and up-
ward.
624,920] 511,666) 642,377| 788,184] 416,546] 165,202) 279,188
(p) SWEDEN.
Only 8.1 pes cent. of the area of Sweden is under cul-
tivation, but the valuable forests cover 44.8 per cent.,
and the meadows 4.0 percent. There are 328,646 culti-
vated farms, which may be classed as follows:
Farms of
2 Hectares | 2 to 20 Hec- |20to 100 Hec-|100 Hectares
and under. tares, tares. and above.
70,652 210,586 32,280 39129
31 Agriculture.
In 1892 the value of all the cereal crops of Sweden
was about 271,000,000.7 kronor.
In 1891 the area under the principal crops was as fol-
lows (in thousands of hectares): Wheat, 71.0; oats,
806.2; Tye, 395.9; potatoes, 156.5. The yield of the
Punciee! products in 1892 was (in thousands of hecto-
itres): Oats, 24,472.2; Tye, 9,306.1; barley, 5,015.33
wheat, 1,607.0; potatoes, 20,931.9.
In 1891 there were in Sweden 2,420,110 head of cattle,
153459337 Sree, 425,045 horses, and 655,373 Swine. In 1891,
30,000 cattle and 27,000 sheep were exported.
(g) SWITZERLAND.
The Report on Switzerland to the (English) Royal
Commission, affording the most recent information,
says:
“ The total area of Switzerland is 15,964 square miles,
and of this nearly one fourth is unproductive. Of the re-
mainder, 5,378,122 acres are under cultivation ; the ara-
ble land covers an area of 1,533,093 acres, OF 28.5 per
cent. of the whole ; 31.9 per cent. is meadow land (W7e-
sen), 36.5 per cent. pure pasturage (Wezden), vineyards
cover 1.6 per cent., and gardens 1.5 per cent. of the total
area. The number of persons employed in the various
branches of agriculture is 1,168,137, or more than half
of the total population. The most important branches
of agriculture are cattle-breeding, grass and fodder
growing, and the milk and cheese industries, but
though these occupations form the chief Support of the
agricultural population, it is a rare thing to find a peas-
ant family which subsists solely on the produce of the
land. Industry and agriculture are very closely con-
nected in Switzerland ; ‘the peasant when unoccupied
by his land easily finds some useful employment in a
multiplicity of other labours, varying from tree-felling
and wood-carving tothe manufacture of watch-springs.
The artisan or factory-hand is, on the other hand, gen-
erally half a peasant, possessing some few square yards
of land, with a cow or a few goats.’
“The Swiss system of land tenure, which is favourable
to the formation of small freeholds, also contributes to
the prosperity of the agricultural population. By far
the greater part of the land is held in farms varying in
size from 2 to 5 hectares, and in many industrial dis-
tricts an innumerable heme? of minute holdings are
to be found cultivated by members of the working
class. The subdivision of property is in many districts
carried to excess. Thissystem is the foe to agricultur-
al enterprise and one of the causes of the constant emi-
gration from the pastoral districts. No Federal land
code exists, but each canton possesses the power of
framing its own laws relating to the tenure of land.
In Aargau, Thurgau, and certain other cantons, there-
fore, the Government has passed laws fixing the limit
to the subdivision of the land at a minimum ranging
from so000 to 20,000 Square feet. The question of rent is
an unimportant one in Switzerland, as it is rare to find
a farm which is not worked by the owners; but owing
to the continual subdivision of property the land is in
many cases heavily mortgaged.
“The existence of large areas of common land (4//~
mend) in Switzerland is of great benefit to the agricul-
tural classes. These lands are said to be a survival
from the times when the whole soil of the country was
held by the nation in common. The first departure
from this custom was made by the Romans, who grant-
ed lands to veteran soldiers ; gifts of land to religious
foundations—to the Abbey of St. Gall, for example, in
the eighth century—did still more to establish the prin-
ciple of private property ; but even as late as the thir-
teenth and fourteenth centuries by far the greater part
of the soil of Switzerland was held in common. In
1803, under the influence of ideas which found expres-
sion in the French Revolution, the commcn lands were
to a great extent sold by the communes to private per-
sons. It was believed that private ownership would
lead to better cultivation ae to the eventual decrease
of poverty, but the result showed that the step had led
in most cantons to the increase of pauperism. The
common lands now existing include (1) gardens, or-
chards, and vineyards, situated for the most part in
valleys or on hill-sides ; (2) pasture lands both in the
lowlands and on mountains; (3) forests, where the in-
habitants of the commune have the right of gathering
firewood ; (4) marshes, ponds, peat bogs, and the shores
of lakes.
“Where farms are large enough toabsorb more labour
than the family of the owner can supply, they are cul-
tivated by a staff of permanent labourers, who live with
their employer and practically form part of his family.
These labourers are engaged for long periods, and the
best relations subsist between them and their employ-
ers. Day labourers, on the other hand, find themselves
Agriculture.
in a.very unstable position, as the demand for extra
labour is not continuous, but. confined. to certain sea-
sons of the year, such as the hay harvest. The wages
of farm labourers are paid either entirely. in. cash or
partly in. cash and partly in. food, etc. The money
wage varies. between 7 and.1o frs, a week, while the
cost of maintenance probably amounts to from go cents.
to 1.25 per day. A non-contract labourer, working
from 280. to 290 days.a year, makes-a daily average of
from zfrs. soc. to3frs.50c. The wages of boysand wom-
en Ey be reckoned at about 85 per. cent. of the wages
earned by adult males. Considerable differences are
of course noticeable in different cantons : in Berne the
average wages of male labourers are from 260 to 365
frs. a year, but’ good cowherds and stablemen are
not to be had for less. than from 400 to 600 frs. or even
more. The average wages in Berne, Neuchatel, and
Vaud are 2 frs..50 c. a day in winter, 3 frs..5o c. in sum-
mer, and about 4.frs,.during the harvest. The wages
of contract labourers were formerly paid by the year ;
now, however, monthly or even weekly payments are
more general, and the mobility of labour which this
-change implies does not contribute to the advantage
of the farmer.
‘““The depressed state of agriculture has already caus-
ed considerable emigration from the rural districts; in
1860 the agricultural population of Ziirich was estimat-
-ed at 107,000 persons, including women and children,
in 1870 this number had sunk to 104,000, and in 1880 fur-
ther emigration had reduced. it to 94,000.. This state of
things causes much uneasiness, and both the Cantonal
and Federal governments have recently been called
upon to determine the best means of fostering the agri-
cultural interests of the country. In 1883 a Federal de-
partment of agriculture was established, and: Beaty
every canton has framed laws which tend to the ad-
vancement of agriculture. During the years 1883-87
‘the grants made towards this object have been £12,120
per annum.”
(7) TURKEY.
Of Turkey it is impossible to get exact statistics.
The Statesman’s Year Book says:
“Land in Turkey is. held under four different forms
‘of tenure—vzz.; (1) as ‘miri,’ or Crown lands; (2) as
‘vacouf,’ or pious foundations ; (3) as. ‘mulikaneh,’
or Crown grants, and (4) as ‘milk,’ or freehold prop-
erty. The first description, the ‘miri,’ or Crown
lands, which form the largest portion of.the territory
of the Sultan, are held. direct from the Crown. The
Government grants the right to cultivate an unoccu-
pied tract on the payment of certain fees, but continues
to exercise the rights of seigniory over the land in
‘question, as is implied in the condition that if the
owner neglectsto cultivate it for a period.of three years
itisforfeitedtothe Crown. The second formof tenure,
the. ‘vacoit,’ was instituted originally to provide for
the religion of the State and the education of the people,
by the erection of mosques and schools; but this
object has been. set aside or neglected for several
generations, and the ‘vacouf’ lands have mostly been
seized by Government officials. The third class of
landed property, the ‘mulikaneh,’ was granted to the
spahis, the old feudal troops, in recompense for the
military service required of them, and is hereditary
andexemptfromtithes. Thefourth form of tenure, the
‘milk,’ or freehold property, does not exist.to.a great
-extent. Some house property in the towns and of the
land in the neighbourhood of villages is. ‘miilk,’
which the peasants purchase from time to time from
the Government.
_‘ Only a small proportion of arable land is under cul-
tivation, owing principally to the want of roads and
means of conveyance, which preclude the: possibility
of remunerative exportation,
“ The system of levying atithe on all produce leaves
‘no inducement to the farmer to grow more than is re-
uired for his own use or in his immediate proximity.
he agricultural development of the country is further
crippled by custom dues for the exportation of produce
from one province to another.
“The system of agriculture is most primitive. The
soil for the most part is very fertile; the principal prod-
ucts are tobacco, cereals of all kinds,. cotton, figs,
nuts, almonds, grapes, olives, all varieties of fruits.
Coffee, madder, opium, gums are largely exported.
It is estimated that 44,000,000 acres of the empire in
Europe and Asia are under cultivation. Since. the
ravages produced by the phylloxera in France, Turkish
wines. have been largely exported to that country ;
20,308,521 litres in. 1887-88, at an average cost of 31
francs the hectolitre. The forest laws: of the, empire
are based on those of France, but restrictive regula-
tions are not enforced, and the country is being rapidly
A
Agriculture.
deprived of itstimber. About 21,000,000 acres are anaes
forest, of which 3,500,000 acres are in European pe ey.
The culture of silkworms, which had fallen 0 ean
siderably,.owing to.disease among the worms, is aga’ nh
Bepoouae an important feature. e value of cocoons
produced in 1892 was over £800,000, and of raw Silk
41,200,000. The produce of 1893 was 20 per cent. superior.
Most of the silk produced is exported, but some 1s used
in the manufacturing of native dress material.
III. The Economics of Agriculture.
The importance. of the part played in the so-
cial and industrial life of man by agriculture
and by the persons actively engaged in or direct-
ly dependent upon agricultural employments it
would be hard to overestimate.. In the United
States 44 per cent. of the population employed in
gainful occupations are engaged in agriculture
directly. Since 1820 the proportion of agricul-
tural exports from the United States, compared
with all its other exports, is as 78 to 22.
But. this. shows only its directinfluence. In-
directly it influences all occupations. If 44 per
cent. of our population are. prosperous, it. must
affect the. remaining 56 per cent. On the other
hand, let the 44 per cent. engaged in agriculture
be in distress, and it. must affect every other
class. This.is not only because every man and
woman and child in the country must consume
the products of agriculture, but because the size
of the. farm population makes. it the one great
market for almost all manufactured’ articles
which relate to the necessities of life, and be-
cause the agricultural element affects our poli-
tics and furnishes the great bulk of our materials
of commerce. In every way it would be hard to
overestimate the importance of this greatest in-
dustry of the:world. It was not until the tribes
of the world first commenced agriculture, and
so gave up their nomadic habits and settled
down. in fixed homes, that civilization.can be said
to have reallycommenced. On the other hand,
there is probably no occupation so affected by
the. varying’ social and political conditions of
man: as agriculture, because no occupation so
depends for its life on settled habits, peaceful
life, and general prosperity.. Let.war break out,
and commerce and manufacture seem often
aided ; agriculture, however, suffers ; men eat
as much in time of peace as in war, and there
are more toeat. Again, agricultural communi-
ties widely scattered over large areas are affect-
ed by politics and legislation, but are not so
easily able to affect legislation.
As to what is needed for proper agricultural
conditions political economists are still. some-
what disagreed, tho the teaching of facts is
now bringing the various schools
somewhat together. Early political
economy, especially among the Ro- _ Early
mans, had. much .to say. about agri-- Economic
culture. (See PotiricaL Economy.) Ideas,
Cato, Cicero, Seneca, Pliny, Varro,
and Colomella treat agriculture in
a half patronizing, half dilettante way, but yet
give some good suggestions and teach the-im-
portance of all men having somethi to do
with agriculture, and recommend small farms
and free labor. It is a sad comment on their
lack of earnestness that Rome fell largely on ac-
count of its large-farms, tilled by slave labor,
The middle ages were too stormy to develop
Agriculture.
much thought on agricultural lines, tho many
of the monasteries and some of the noblest and
greatest monks and bishops gave good examples
of Christian cooperation and community life in
the tilling of fields with their own hands and for
the common good. (See MIpvLE AGES.)
But it is the school of the physiocrats (7.v.) in
France, headed by Quesnay and Gournay, who
have put the most importance upon
agricultural production. With them
Physiocrats, agriculture (including mining, as,
in a sense, the cultivation of the
soil) is strictly the only industry that
produces wealth. Commerce and manufacture,
they held, only change the form and place of
wealth. All taxes, therefore, they taught should
be placed on land ; hence they are the true pro-
oe of the single tax. Their doctrine, too,
ell in with the tendency to revert to nature and
simplicity, as taught by Rousseau and his
“‘ natural’ school. Adam Smith brought thought
back to more balanced views ; but the rising in-
dustrialism, developed by the invention of ma-
chinery and steam power, drew men away from
agriculture. There wasarushintoindustry, and
agriculture was neglected. The land, in Eng-
land especially, fell into the ownership of great
land-owners, who leased their farms out, usually
to tenants at will, and left the agricultural labor-
er somewhat more poorly paid and less cared for
than the slave. Slaves cost money ; laborers
could be had for the asking. The chain-gang
and the lash were common sights on English
fields, and the homes of the English laborers
were more rotten than slave pens. (See ARCH;
Kinestey.) The more balanced views of Adam
Smith were forgotten in carrying out his prin-
ciple into the doctrinaire position of Ricardo and
the orthodox school. Malthus’ conclusions as to
the law of population, that it was necessary that
the poor perish, stilled England’s conscience.
To buy in the cheapest and to sell in the dearest
market was considered a law of God. Labor
was a commodity that must obey this ‘‘ nat-
ural’ law. The repeal of the Corn Laws
marked an epoch in the development of agricul-
ture and in the world.
Mill is the first writer to treat the agricultural
question from both a moral and an economic
basis, yet, in his economic teach-
ings, as contrasted with his socialis-
J. 8. Mill, tic philosophizings, he scarcely de-
parts from the orthodox position.
He compares the English system of
large farms owned by lords(/a Go culture)
with the French, Flemish, and Rhenish systems
of peasant proprietorship, or small farms owned
and operated by peasants, and draws a strong
argument in favor of the latter, saying, ‘t Give
a man the secure possession of a bleak rock,
and he will turn it into a garden; give him a
nine years’ lease of a garden, and he will con-
vert it into a desert.’”’ Heshows also that small
farms owned by their operators increase pro-
duction, because more labor and more fertilizing
are expended upon each farm than would be on
the same land less divided. Following Mill,
economic writers have taken one side or other of
this question; either favoring /a grande cul-
lure or ant ar but, until very re-
cently, for the most part conforming to the view
3
3 Agriculture.
of Mill. Afefayage (see METAYER), or the sys-
tem of the peasant leasing and operating a farm
on the condition of giving the landlord half of
the produce—a system prevailing mainly in Italy
and other southern European countries—has
had some advocates, but not many.
Facts, however, are leading many minds to-
day in another direction. It is being found that
small farming does not pay. Mr.
D. A. Wells says ‘‘that the only
possible future for agriculture, “La Grande
prosecuted for the sake of produc- Culture.”
ing the great staples of food, is to
be fount in large farms, worked
with ample capital, especially in the form of ma-
chinery, and with labor organized somewhat
after the factory system, is coming to be the
opinion of many of the best authorities, both in
the United States and Europe”’ (Recent Eco-
nomic Changes, p. 460).
Mr. Wells adds in a note :
“ An American practical farmer, the ownerand man-
ager of 7000 acres (Mr. H. H——, of Nebraska), to whom
the writer is indebted for many items of information,
communicates the iallowins, additional review of this
subject from the American (Western) standpoint : ‘The
i Western farm is now recklessly managed, but
capital will come in greater volume and set up proc-
esses which will displace these wasteful methods, The
revolution is certain, even if the exact steps cannot
now be precisely indicated. At Present the hay, and
much of the grain, and nearly all of the tools and im-
plements are unsheltered; and more than 50 per cent.
of the hay is ruined for a like reason, while the animals
themselves (I donot mean now on the wild-stock ranges,
but even on the trans-Missouri farms) have no roof
over their heads, except the canopy of heaven, with
the ee going occasionally 20° and even 30° be-
low zero. These wasteful methods in farming are in
part promoted by the United States Homestead law
and the occupation of the hitherto inexhaustible ex-
panse of cheap lands. When the ignorant, degraded,
and impecunious can no longer acquire 160 acres upon
which to employ their barbarous methods, and en
the land already taken up shall have risen from the
low prices at which it now stands to $50 or more per
acre, anew dispensation will arrive. either the cat~
tle nor the food which the cattle consume will then be
taised by any such methods as now prevail; neither
will they be exposed to the elements in winter. True
enough, the opening up of other virgin fields in Aus-
tralia, South America, Africa, and elsewhere may re-
tard this rise in the value of the land in the western
art of our continent, and thus toacertain extent de-
ay the passing of the land exclusively into the hands
of larger capitalists and better managers; but it must
be considered that net all climates ate suitable for
energetic, capable farming populations, and hkewise
at as best orage plants are restricted to temperate
atitudes.’ ” ;
Already the process of displacing the small
farms by large farms, operated by capitalistic
labor, is far along in the United States. (See
Art ; Farmers’ MoveMent ; Mortcaces.) Says
a writer in the Fabzan Essays:
“Even agriculture, that one occupation in-
which old-fashioned individualism might be
supposed safe, is being subjected to capitalism.
The huge farms of Dakota and Cali-
fornia, containing single fields of
wheat miles long, are largely owned Capitalism.
by joint stock corporations and cul-
tivated exclusively by machinery.
These huge farms, combined with the wheat
‘corners'in New York and Chicago and the
great railway corporations of America, have
played havoc with many of the small farmers of
the Mississippi valley, as the statistics respecting
mortgaged farms will show. And when it. is
Agriculture.
remembered that the American farmer will be
more and more obliged to meet the growing’
competition of the wheat of India, produced by
the cheapest labor in the world, his prospect
does not appear to be very bright.’’
Says Mr. Wells (Recent Economic Changes,
- 99) :
Ps The following statements have recently been
made in California, on what is claimed to be
good authority (Overland Monthly), of the com-
parative cast of growing wheat in that State on
ranches, or farms of different sizes. On ranches
of 1000 acres the average cost is reported at 92%4
cents per 100 Ibs. ; on 2000 acres, 85 cents ; on
6000 acres, 75 cents ; on 15,000 acres, 60 cents ;
ON 30,000 acres, 50 cents ; and on 50,000 acres, 40
cents. Accepting these estimates as correct, it
follows that the inducements to grow wheat in
California by agriculturists with limited capital
and on a small scale are anything but encourag-
ing.”
ft seems clear that the future will demand
large farms carried on with the best machinery.
Therefore many, fearing the development of
“‘ capitalistic’ farming, advocate associated or
cooperative farming on a large scale.
The idea is not anew one. Ina sense itis as
old as the beginnings of society. The primitive
form of land-holding and land-till-
ing was probably not communal, as”
asserted by De Laveleye in his
Primitive Property, but rather pa-
ternal or patriarchal, and often
tyrannical—that is, the land was held by one
chief or lord, and tilled for him by his vassals,
slaves, subjects, or whatever the relation may
have been ; nevertheless, it was associated agri-
culture, altho not democratic. Remnants of
this still appear in the Russian mzzr, the Javan
dessa, the German mark, and in several com-
munities like the faults, Guittards, and Gar-
rzotts in Nivernais and Auvergne, and among
the massarz of Northern Italy, Recent experi-
ments in cooperative farming, like those of Mr.
Guerdon, at Assington, in Suffolk, England, or
the communal farming of the Shakers and other
communities, especially that at Amana, with its
25,000 acres, and property of over $1,000,000 (see
_ Amana), Show what can be done. For a full
presentation, however, of cooperative farming,
we must refer the reader to the article Cooprra-
TIVE Farms, 2
There are others who hold that the only way
out is not through cooperative agriculture, but
through agriculture under social-
ism. They argue that against capi-
Agriculture talistic agriculture, with its great
under wealth and often with its secret
Socialism, ‘‘ pull’? upon the railroads, agricul-
tural cooperators cannot succeed.
The condition of the farmers, they
say (see Farmers’ Movement), is for many of
them too unfavorable to allow them to suc-
cessfully cooperate. The only way out, they
assert, is through the cooperation of the whole
community, so as to do away with all competi-
tion, Till all industrial competition is removed,
they argue that farmers cannot prosper. Per-
haps the best brief presentation of agriculture
under socialism is that of Mrs. Annie Besant,
who says in the Fadzan Essays:
Cooperation.
34 Albrecht.
“Then can begin the rural organization of labor on
county farms, held by the County Councils, The
Council will have its agricultural committee, charged
with the administrative details; and this committee
will choose well-trained, practical agriculturists as di-
rectors of the farm business. To the County Farm will
be drafted from the unemployed in the towns the agri-
cultural laborers who have wandered townward in
search of work, and many of the unskilled laborers.
On these farms every advantage of machinery and
every discovery in agricultural science should be util-
ized to the utmost. The crops should be carefully
chosen with reference to soil and aspect—cereals, fruit,
vegetables—and the culture adapted to the erop, the
one aim being to obtain the largest amount of produce
with the least expenditure of human labor. ...
“To these farms must also be sent some skilled labor-
ers from among the unemployed—shoemakers, tailors,
smiths, carpenters, etc. ; so that the County Farm may
be self-supporting as far as it can be without waste of
roductive power. All the small industries necessary
in daily life should be carried onin it, and anindustrial
commune thus built up. The democracy might be
trusted to ordain that an eight hours’ day and a com-
fortable home should be part Of the life-conditions on
the County Farm. Probably each large farm would
soon have its central store, with its adjacent railway
station, in addition to the ordinary farm buildings; its
ublic hall in the centre of the farm village to be used
or lectures, concerts, and entertainments of all sorts;
its public schools, elementary and technical; and soon,
possibly from the outset, its public meal-room, saving
time and trouble to housewives, and, while economiz-
ing fuel and food, giving a far greater choice and
variety of dishes.” (See SOCIALISM, £70 and con.)
Still others hold that the only relief for agri-
culture lies in the adoption of the single tax.
Farmers to-day, it is asserted, are
taxed indirectly on all they pur-
chase, while the land is often of The
such little value that atax equalto Single
the full rental value would bea /ess Tax,
tax than what directly or indirectly
the farmer pays now, while the free-
ing of industry from its taxation and the concen-
tration of all taxes on land would send such pros-
perity through the community as to give the
farmers a ready market for abundant crops.
(See Since Tax, fro and con.)
Reference: Primitive Property, by Emile de Lave-
leye, translated by G. R. L. Marriott (London, 1878) ;
Rural Economy of England, Scotland, and Ireland, by
Leonce de Lavergne, translated with notes by a Scotch
farmer (Edinburgh, 1855); Farmers’ Tour through the
East of England, Six Weeks’ Tour through the South-
ern Counties 0 England and Wales, Tour in Ireland,
Travels in France, all by Arthur Young (1741-1820)3
History of Agriculture and Prices (6 vols.), by J. E.
Thorold Rogers; Work and Wages (x vol.), by the same
author; also the same condensed and with charts,
by W. D. P. Bliss; The English Village Community.
by F. Seebohm (1889) ; Early History of Institutions.
by Sir H. J.S. Maine ; Pioneers and rice English
arming, by R.T. Prothero; Reports of the Secretary
of Agriculture of the United States; American Farms:
Their Condition and Future, by J. R. Elliot ; Land and
Labor in the United States, by W. G. Moody. (See
also FARMERS’ MOVEMENT; COOPERATIVE FARMS;
LAND, etc.)
ALBRECHT, an early German communist
and so-called ‘‘ prophet,” who with Weitling
(g.v.) spread through Germany the gospel of
communism. Imprisoned for his utterances
six years, he had as his only reading the Bible,
and left the prison and escaped to Switzerland
in 1841, thenceforward to devote himself to
preaching, often in Old Testament prophetic
Se the gospel of Bible communism.
Wrote numerous tracts, among oth z
Wiederherstellung des Reswhes po (The
Restoration of the Kingdom of Zion), Das
baldige Wuedersehn am Aller der ’ Frei:
Alden, Percy.
fet, Herausterderung acr F terwest,
ete.
ALDEN, PERCY. See University SEt-
TLEMENTS.
ALIENS, AND ALIEN AND SEDI-
TION LAWS.—I. Alien. t th,
It specifies t ree points in respect to which the ri! cit f
sbrldged ethos be mnetiey ovateskall et be denfed o
, er e Nati
te ee onal or State Governments:
Congress in 1866,
Amendments to the Constitution.
2. On account of color.
. On account of previous condition of servitude.
it was at first proposed to add two other points, na-
tivity and religion, but these were stricken out before
the proposed amendment was sanctioned by Congress.
This amendment was proposed by Congress in 1869,
and was declared to be ratified in 1870,
WILLIAM A. Mowry.
(See his Studtes tn Cruil Government.)
Concerning amendments to the Constitution,
Professor Bryce says in his American Common-
wealth, chap. Xxxii.:
“There are therefore two methods of framing and :
proposing amendments.
““(4) Congress may itself, by a two-
Methods of thirds vote in each house, prepare and
Makin propose amendments.
§ “(B) The legislatures of two thirds of
Amendments.the States may require Congress to
summon a Constitutional convention.
Congress shall thereupon do so, having
41
no option to refuse; and the convention when called *
shall draft and submit amendments. No provision is
made as to the election and composition of the con-
vention, matters which would therefore appear to be
left to the discretion of Congress.
“There are alsotwo methods of enacting amendments
framed and proposed in either of the foregoing Ways.
It is left to Congress to prenenibs one or other method
as Congress may think fit.
‘“(X) The legislatures of three fourths of the States
may ratify any amendments submitted to them.
“(¥) Conventions may be called in the several States,
and three fourths of these conventions may ratify.
“On all the occasions on which the amending power
has been exercised, method 4 has been employed for
proposing and method YX for ratifying—z.e., no drafting
conventions of the whole Union or ratifying conven-
tions in the several States have ever been summoned.
The pees of the action of Congress and the State
legislatures may be ascribed to the fact that it has
never been desired to remodel the whole Constitution,
but only to make changes or additions on special points.
Moreover, the procedure by national and State con-
ventions might be slower, and would involve contro-
versy over the method of electing those bodies. The
consent of the President is not required to a constitu-
tional amendment. A two-thirds majority in Con-
gress can override his veto of a bill, and at least that
majority is needed to bring a constitutional amend-
ment before the people.
“There is only one provision of the Constitution which
cannot be changed by this process. It is that which
secures to each and every State equal representation
in one branch of the legislature. ‘No State without its
consent shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the
Senate’ (Art. V.)..... The amendments made by the
Shore process (4+.X) to the Constitution have been in
alliage % oe
“Many amendments to the Constitution have been at
s various times suggested to Congress by
Presidents, or brought forward in Con-
Attempts at gress by members, but very few of these
Amendments have ever obtained the requisite two-
7 "thirds vote of both houses. In 1789,
however, and again in 1807, amendments
were passed by Congress and submitted
to the States for which the requisite majority of three
fourths of the States was not obtained; and in Febru-
ary and March, 1861, an amendment forbidding the Con-
stitution to be ever so amended as to authorize Con-
gress to interfere with the ‘domestic institutions,’ in-
cluding slavery, of any State, was passed in both houses, ~
put never submitted to the States, because war broke
out immediately afterward. It would doubtless, had
peace been preserved, have failed to obtain the accept-
ance of three fourths of the States, and its effect could
only have been to require those who might thereafter
propose to amend the Constitution so as to deal with
slavery, to propose also the repeal of this particular
amendment itself... .
““Why, then, has the regular procedure for amend-
ment proved in practice so hard to apply?
“ Partly, of course, owing to the inherent disputatious-
ness and perversity (what the Ameri-
cans call ‘cussedness’) of bodies of
Evils of the men. It is difficult to get two thirds of
Syst two assemblies (the houses of Congress)
ystem, and three fourths of 38 commonwealths,
each of which acts by two assemblies,
for the State legislatures are all double-
chambered, to agree to the same practical proposition.
American Academy.
Except under the pressure of urgent troubles, such as
were those which procured the acceptance of the Consti-
tution itself in 1788, few persons or bodies will consent
to forego objections of detail, perhaps in themselves
reasonable, for the mere sake of agreeing to what others
have accepted. They want to have what seems to
themselves the very best, instead of a second best sug-
gested by some one else. Now, bodies enjoying so
much legal independence as do the legislatures of the
States, far from being disposed to defer to Congress or
to one another, are more jealous, more suspicious,
more vain and opinionated, than so many individuals.
Nothing but a violent party spirit, seeking either a
common party object or individual gain to flow from
party success, makes them work together.
“Tf an amendment comes to the legislatures recom-
mended by the general voice of their party, they will
be quick to adoptit. But in that case it will encounter
the hostility of the opposite party, and parties are in
most of the Northern States usually pretty evenly
balanced. It is seldom that a two-thirds majority in
either house of Congress can be secured on a party
issue ; and, of course, such majorities in both houses
and a three-fourths majority of State legislatures on a
party issue are still less probable. Now, in a country
pervaded by the spirit of party, most questions either
are at starting, or soon become, controversiah not believe in government, and they do be-
2ve in overthrowing it by force. Onits ruins
ley would plant a communal life, whose ideal is
ary little different from that of the socialists,
«cept that itis not to be realized through the
tate. Most of the men who are called anarch-
ts in the press, pee of Europe, and al-
\ost all the bomb-throwers and dynamiters of
scent years on either continent have been an-
schist communists. The schoolis mainly Euro-
2an, as individualist anarchism is mainly Ameri-
in. Anarchist-communism counts among its
ollowers names favorably known to science and
‘tters, such as Krapotkin and Reclus, while
1any, even of the dynamitards, have been men
f education and sometimes refinement. Never-
1eless, it is mainly a movement among the
‘orking classes, particularly of Ficrice, Telly.
ain, and, to a less extent, Germany and Aus-
ta. In England there are but few anarchist
ommunists. In America they are found only
1a few cities. The so-called Chicago anarch-
its were anarchist communists. Individualist
narchism, on the other hand, is not a class
lovement, but almost purely intellectual, nat-
rally drawing its strength largely from the
lasses possessed to-day of intellectual advan-
ages. It will thus be seen that in philosophy,
iethod, and general characteristics the two
lasses of anarchists are carefully to be distin-
‘uished. Both are distinctly revolutionary and
pposed to the State; but the one starts from
ae individual, and advocates a revolution
arough ideas ; the other starts from the com-
qunity, and advocates a revolution through
orce. We print a statement of individualist
narchism by Victor Yarros, one of its foremost
imerican representatives; and a_ statement
f anarchist communism, by Pierre Krapotkin,
esnepe its most distinguished representative.
‘ays Mr. Yarros:
. INDIVIDUALIST OR PHILOSOPHICAL ANARCHISM,
The individualistic or philosophical anarchists
avor the abolition of ‘‘ the State’ and govern-
aentof man byman. They seek to bring about
a state of perfect freedom—of an-
archy. To comprehend the precise
import of this statement it is essen-
tial to grasp and bear in mind the
definitions given by the anarchists
to the terms employed in their expo-
itions. The current misconceptions of the an-
rehistic doctrines are chiefly due to the persist-
nt, though largely unconscious, habit of inter-
reting them in the light of the popular defini-
ions of the terms “‘ State,’’ ‘‘ government,’’.etc.,
astead of in the light of their own technical use
f these terms. The average man, on being told
hat the anarchist would abolish all governmental
estraints, not unnaturally concludes that the
iroposition involves the removal of the restric-
ions upon crénznal conduct, the relinquishment
Definition
and State-
ment.
Anarchism.
of organized defense of life, liberty, and property.
‘Those who are familiar with the doctrine of
non-resistance to evil, preached by the early
Christians and by the modern Tolstoians, gen-
erally identify anarchism with it. But such in-
terpretations are without any foundation. The
anarchists are emphatically in favor of resistance
to and organized protection against crime and
aggression of every kind ; it is not greater free-
dom for the criminal, but greater freedom for
the non-criminal, that they aim to secure ; and
by the abolition of government they mean the
removal of restrictions upon conduct intrinsi-
cally ethical and legitimate, but which ignorant
legislation has interdicted as criminal. The an-
archistic principle of personal liberty is abso-
lutely coincident with the famous Spencerian
‘first principle of human happiness,”’ the prin-
ciple of ‘‘equal freedom,’’ which Mr. Spencer
has expressed in the formula, ‘‘ Every man is
free to do what he wills, provided he infringes
not the equal freedom of any other man.” It
is, in fact, precisely because the anarchist ac-
cepts this principle without reservation, and in-
sists on the suppression and elimination of a//
aggression or invasion—all conduct incompati-
tle with equality of liberty—that he declares
war upon the ‘‘State’’ and ‘‘ government.’”’ He
defines ‘‘State’’ as ‘‘the embodiment of the
principle of invasion in an individual or band
of individuals, assuming to act as representa-
tives or masters of the entire people within a
given area.””* Government he defines as ‘‘ the
subjection of the non-invasive individual to an
external will ;’’ and ‘‘ invasion’’ as conduct vio-
lative of equal freedom.
Perhaps the clearest way of stating the politi-
cal program of the anarchists will be to indi-
cate its relation to other better known theories
of government. The anarchists,
agreeing with the view of the true
oe Democrats, that the
est government is that which gov-
erns least, sympathizing with the
osition of the old Manchester individualists and
atssez-fatre-ists, who believed in a minimum
of government interference, as well as with the
less vague doctrines of the more radical modern
individualists of the Spencerian school, who
would limit the State to the sole function of
rotecting men against external and internal
invaders, go a step farther and demand the
dissolution of what remains of ‘‘ government’
—vzz., compulsory taxation and compulsory
military service. It is no more necessary, con-
tend the anarchists, that government should
assume the protective military and police func-
tions, and compel men to accept its services,
than it is that government should meddle with
production, trade, banking, education, and
other lines of human activity. By voluntary or-
ganization and voluntary taxation it is perfectly
possible to protect liberty and property and to
restrain crime. It is doubtless easy to imagine
a society iri which government concerns itself
with nothing save preservation of order and
punishment of crime, in which there are no
Program.
* The definitions here given are those formed and
consistently used by Benjamin R. Tucker, the editor of
Lrberty, the organ of the philosophical anarchistic
movement.
Anarchism.
public schools supported by compulsory taxa-
tion, no government interference with the issue
of currency and banking, no custom-houses or
duties on foreign imports, no government postal
service, no censorship of literature and the stage,
no attempt to enforce Sunday laws, etc. The
laissez-fatre-ists of the various schools have
familiarized the thinking public with such a type
of social organization. Now, the anarchists pro-
pose to do away with the compulsory feature of
the single function reserved for government by
the radical /azssez-fazre-ists. In other words,
they insist on the right of the non-aggressive
individual to ‘‘ignore the State,’’ to dispense
with the protective services of the defensive or-
ganization and remain outside of it. This would
not prevent those who might desire systematic
and organized protection from combining to
maintain a defensive institution, but such an in-
stitution would not bea government, since noone
would be compelled to join it and pay toward
its support. Anarchy, therefore, may be de-
fined as a state of society in which the non-in-
vasive individual is not coerced into cooperation
for the defense of his neighbors, and in which
each enjoys the highest degree of liberty com-
patible with equality of liberty.
With regard to the question of putting down
aggression, the jurisdiction of the voluntary de-
fensive organization would of course extend to
outsiders, and not be limited by its membership.
The criminal are not to secure immunity by de-
clining to join defensive associations. As the
freedom of each is to be bounded by the equal
freedom of all, the invader would be liable to
punishment under anarchism no less than under
government. Criminals would still be tried by
juries and punished by executive officers. They
would not be allowed to set up ethical standards
for themselves and to do what is right in their
own eyes. Such a doctrine involves not the
abolition of government, but the widest possible
extension of it. It repudiates all ethical princi-
ples and abandons all attempts at enforcing jus-
tice and protecting rights. Every man is al-
lowed under it to govern his fellows, if he has the
will and the power, and the struggle for exist-
ence in the simplest and crudest form is revived.
Anarchism, on the other hand, posits the princi-
ple of equal liberty as binding upon all, and
only insists that those who refrain from violat-
ing it should not be interfered with in any way,
either by individual governors or combinations
of would-be rulers.
Anarchists reject governmentalism because
they find no ethical warrant and no practical
necessity for it. It appears to them self-evident
that society, or the community, can
have no greater claims upon the in-
dividual than the component mem-
bers of ithave. The metaphysical
and misleading analogies between
society and organism, upon which
is usually founded the governmentalist’s theory
of the prerogatives of the State, anarchists reject
with undisguised contempt. ‘‘The commu-
nity,’’ or ‘‘ the State,’ is an abstraction, and an
abstraction has neither rights nor duties. In-
dividuals, and individuals only, have rights.
This proposition is the corner-stone of the
anarchistic doctrine, and those who accept it
Arguments
for
Anarchism,
56
Anarchism.
are bound to go the full length of : anarch-
ism. For if the community cannot rightfully
compel a man to do or refrain from doing that
which private and individual members thereof
cannot legitimately force him to do or forego,
then compulsory taxation and compulsory co-
operation for any purpose whatever are wrong
in principle, and government is merely another
name for aggression. It will not be pretended
that one private individual has the right to tax
another private individual without his consent ;
how, then, does the majority of the members of
a community obtain the right to tax the minor-
ity without its consent? Having outgrown the
dogma of the divine right of kings,
democratic countries are uncon-
sciously erecting the dogma of the Government
divine right of majorities to rule. Aggression.
The absurdity of such a belief is
apparent. Majorities, minorities,
and any other combinations of individuals
are entitled to insist on respect of their rights,
but not on violating the rights of others.
There is one ethical standard, not two; and it
cannot be right for government to do that which
would be criminal, immoral, when committed by
individuals. Lawsof social life are not made at
the polls or in legislative assemblies ; they have
to be discovered in the same way in which laws
of other sciences are discovered. Once discoy-
ered, majorities are bound to observe them no
less than individuals.
As already stated, the anarchists hold that the
law of equal freedom, formulated positively by
Spencer and negatively by Kant, is a scientific so-
cial law which ought to guide men in their vari-
ous activities and mutual relations. The logical
deductions or corollaries of this law show us at
once our rights and our duties. Government vio-
lates this great law not only by the fact of its very
existence, but in a thousand other ways. Gov-
ernment means the coercion of the non-invasive,
the taxation of those who protest against being
forced to join the political organization set up by
the majority. It enacts statutes and imposes re-
straints which find no sanction in the law of equal
freedom, and punishes men for disobeying such
arbitrary provisions. Itis true that governments
profess to have the public welfare in view, and
to enforce nothing save what morality and jus-
tice dictate. Justice, however, is invariably con-
founded by governments with legalism, ‘and by
the enforcement of justice they often mean the
enforcement of the very laws which they enact
in violation of justice. Thus laws in restraint
of trade and of exchange are enforced in the
name of justice, whereas justice demands the
fullest freedom of trade and exchange, Strict-
ly speaking, the enforcement of justice cannot
be undertaken by government at all, since a
government that should attempt to enforce jus-
tice would have to begin by; signing its own
death-warrant. A government that would en-
force equal freedom and let the inoffensive
alone would be, not a government, but a volun-
tary association for the protection of Tights.
In republican countries men loosely speak of
their ‘‘free government,” tneir ‘‘ government
by consent.’’” In reality there is no such thing
as government by consent. Majorities rule
and the minorities are forced to acquiesce.
vu
Anarchism.
The principle of consent is clearly fatal to gov-
ernmentalism, for it pas the right of the
non-invasive to ignore the State and decline to
accept its services. [Ethically a man has a per-
fect right to do this, for the mere refusal to join
the political organization (which is merely an
insurance association) is not a breach of the
principle of equal freedom. Our ‘‘ free govern-
ments’ deny this right, hence they are im-
moral. They cannot become moral except by
ceasing to be governments and becoming purc-
ly voluntary associations for defense.
Apart from the question of compulsory taxa-
tion and compulsory military service, on the
abolition of which anarchists alone lay stress
(although they readily admit that the police
functions of government will be the last to dis-
appear), there is little, if any, difference be-
tween anarchists and Spencerian individualists
on the question of government interference.
The cessation of such interference with economic
relations—with the issue of money, banking,
wages, trade, production, etc.—is advocated on
the ground that the solution of the social prob-
lems is to be found in liberty rather than in
regulation, in free competition rather than in
State monopoly. On the subject of public edu-
cation, postal service, poor laws, sanitary super-
vision, etc., anarchists, in common with ad-
vanced individualists, hold that government in-
terference is as pernicious practically as it is
unwarranted ethically. Corruption and ineffi-
ciency are evils inseparable from government
management, and there is nothing which gov-
ernment does that could not be done better by
private enterprise under free competition.
In short, the anarchists object to government-
alism because it is unethical, as well as unnecc-
essary and inexpedient. Government is either
the will of one man or the will of a number of
men, large or small. Now, the will of one or
many is not a ‘criterion of right and justice,
while for the adjustment of the conflicting inter-
ests of the members of society such a criterion
is an absolute necessity. Majority rule, and
even the rule of a despot, may be, under certain
conditions, preferable to a state of civil chaos ;
but as men advance and study the facts of their
own development, they begin to realize the truth
that there is norelation whatever between right
and numbers, justice and force.
Majority rule is discredited along
Majority with despotic rule, and ethical sci-
Rule ence becomes the sole guide and
Discredited. authority. The social laws require
to be applied and enforced as long
as predatory instincts and invasive
tendencies continue to manifest themselves
in human relations, and this necessitates the
maintenance of associations for the protection
of freedom and the punishment of aggres-
sion. But the governmental method is not
adapted to the promotion of this end. Govern-
ment begins by coercing the non-invasive indi-
vidual into cooperation for defense and offense,
regardless of the fact that a benevolent despot-
ism is not a whit more defensible than a selfish
despotism.
In general, it may be stated that any meth-
ods not in themselves invasive are regarded as
legitimate by the anarchists in the furtherance
57
Anarchism.
of their cause. But they rely chiefly, if not
entirely, on the methods of education—theoreti-
cal propaganda of their views—and of passive re-
sistance to government. In violence, so-called
propaganda by deed and subter-
ranean plotting against existing
institutions, they do not believe.
Political changes may be brought
about by revolutions, and possibly
also such economic changes as are contemplated
by the State socialists. But freedom can rest
only on ideas and sentiments favorable to it,
and revolutionary demonstrations can never
abolish ignorance and the spirit of tyranny.
Freedom cannot be forced on those who are not
fit for it. The emancipation of the people from
the aggression of government must come
through their own deliberate choice and effort.
Anarchists can but disseminate true political
teachings and expose the nature and essence of
overnmentalism. Anarchists, however, do not
Peeve that it is necessary to convert the whole
people in order to carry their principles into
practice. A strong and determined minority
could, while remaining passive, successfully re-
sist the attempt of government to tax them and
otherwise impose its will upon them. Public
opinion would not approve of a government
campaign of violence against a number of
intelligent and perfectly honest individuals
banded together for the sole purpose of carrying
on their legitimate activities and asserting their
right to ignore injunctions and prohibitions hav-
ing no authority from an ethical point of view.
Even if anarchists believed in the use of vio-
lent methods, and if they thought that violent
resistance to government would hasten their
emancipation, they would certainly resort to it,
since it is not immoral or invasive to use force
against invaders—there would be one impor-
tant difference between them and other schools
of reformers. Anarchists would not prevent
others from living under government side by
side with them, while other reformers seek to
impose their schemes on the whole community
in which they live. Thus the State socialists, in
pursuance of their program of State monopoly
of capital, intend to suppress all competition
and all rivalry on the part of individual owners
of capital. The anarchists, on the other hand,
if allowed to remain outside of the governmental
organization, would force no one to join them or
follow their example. Still, as a matter of fact,
anarchists abjure violence even in their own in-
terests, vividly realizing the truth that the prog-
ress of justice and freedom is arrested in a state
of war. Peace is an essential condition to the
spread of rational ideas and the growth of the
sentiment of toleration. Appealing as they do
to the ideas and feelings of justice, it would be
suicidal for anarchists to encourage violence
and excite the lowest passions of men by revolu-
tionary tactics.
To reform by ordinary political methods the
anarchists are alsu opposed, at least under
present conditions. As they do not seek any
new positive legislation, they can expect noth-
ing from politics. They demand the repeal
of the legislation which improperly restricts
men’s freedom of action, and such repeal
they cannot secure while being in a minor-
Methods,
Anarchism.
ity. Whether they would cooperate with
other parties in attempting to carry specific
measures of repeal, would depend largely on
circumstances. It is to be remembered that,
while the anarchists are strenuous in their oppo-
sition to every vestige of government, they do
not expect to realize their entire program at
one stroke. They are prepared for very slow
and gradual reform, and would welcome the suc-
cess of any single libertarian proposal. They
would rejoice in the triumph of the free-trade
idea, the repeal of the laws perpetuating land
monopoly and monetary monopoly, and the abo-
lition of special privileges. If they do not form
themselves into a political party for the purpose
of attaining one or more of these objects, it is
because they can do more by other methods.
Moreover, to enter into the political arena is to
recognize, by implication, the principle of gov-
ernment. ‘To vote is to coerce or to threaten
coercion. Behind the ballot is the bullet of the
soldier, ready to force the defeated minority into
submission. The voter does not merely assert
his right to self-government ; he sets up a claim
to govern others. The anarchist cannot em-
ploy a method which would put him in sucha
false light.
Thus the anarchist is neither a government
bomb-thrower nor a revolutionary bomb-throw-
er. He objects to the use of violence by the
government as well as against it. He restricts
himself to the method of education and such
passive resistance as is exemplified by a refusal
to pay taxes or rent or import duties on com-
modities purchased in foreign countries.
Vicror YARROs.
Historical Sketch of Inadtvidualist Anarchism.
Philosophical anarchists usually regard Proudhon
as the founder of their school of social science; but
there Awere in America, altho far less widely known,
men entertaining anarchistic views before Proudhon’s
time. We will, therefore, first notice the anarchist
movement in America, and then consider it in other
countries. America, or at least the United States, with
its early extreme individualism and fear of the State
(see CENTRALIZATION), was the fitting birthplace of
anarchistic thought. 2
Josiah Warren, a plain and only moderately educated
New Englander, but of unusually independent and
earnest spirit, was probably the first to enunciate pre-
cise anarchistic conceptions. He had
become interested in the social views
and plans of Robert Owen (g.v.), at this
time first taking root in the land; had
joined the Owenite community at New
Harmony; had carefully studied its
- principles and mused upon its failure, till
finally, about 1828, he reached the conclusion that its
pripel pice were exactly the opposite of the true ones,
and that, instead of the communistic idea of each
working tor all, as Owen taught, the true way to pro-
duce order, harmony, and well-being, was for each
to live, in his own way, absolutely untrammeled by
others, so far as he did not intrude upon the simi-
lar privileges of others. His thoughts took especial-
ly a financial turn, and he came to the conclusion that
cost was the true limit of price; that usury and profit
jn all their forms were, therefore, economically wrong,
and, moreover, that they would disappear under per-
fectly freecompetition. He sought to put his ideas into
practice, to actually test them before giving them to
the world, and therefore started, and for two vears
successfully carried on, a store in Cincinnati, where
cost was the limit of price, and where usury and profit
were eliminated. Finding that he was doing a busi-
ness of $150,000 a year—a large amount for Cincinnati
in those days—he was convinced of the practicality and
correctness of his idea, and therefore closed his busi-
ness to devote his life to the propagation of his ideas.
His main writings were 7rue Civilization, a short
work, first published in 1846, and Aguztable Commerce,
Josiah
Warren.
58 Anarchism.
in which he elaborated his ideas of cost as the limit of
price. “These books found at least a few thoughtful
Teaders. Stephen Pearl Andrews declared at a later
day that the 7rue Civilization was the text and basis
of all his own writings, and John Stuart Mill refers to
Warren with expressions of deepest interest and re-
spect. : :
Others, however, were thinking in the same line.
Lysander Spooner, who has but recently passed away,
may be called the Nestor cf anarchism, of the ex-
treme individualistic school. Commenc-
ing public life as a young lawyer in
Worcester, Mass., he first showed strong
analytic and argumentative powers in
several faa eas defending Deism
against Christianity, but soon passed
more and more into sociological studies
and controversy, coming to hold and defend extreme
views as to individual sovereignty and the tyranny
of the State. As early as 1844 he established a private
mail between Boston and New York, and later ex-
tended it to Philadelphia and Baltimore, achieving suc-
cess, until at last compelled to stop, owing to petty
and constant persecution and annoyance from the
Government. Prom that time he devoted his great
abilities to the promulgation of hisideas. During the
anti-slavery contest he did good work as an abolition-
ist, and incorporated his views in The Unconstitution-
ality of Slavery. His legal acumen appears in his 7rzaZ
by Jury, in which he reverts to the early and true
meaning of the phrase—a trial by one’s peers; and pro-
tests against the absurd and monstrous system (as he
claims it to be) of ignorance and injustice now pass-
ing under that name. How far he carried his ideas
ears in an unsigned monograph from his pen, en-
titled Revolution. :
Stephen Pearl Andrews was a disciple of Warren.
As Warren especially studied economic questions, so
Andrews studied the family and marriage. His Sctence
of Soczety, published in 1850, is still considered by phil-
osophical anarchists a classic on the subject. arren
himself declared it a better statement of his own ideas
than he himself could write. (For further account, see
ANDREWS.)
We now first come to the influence of Proudhon in
America, Colonel William B. Greene, of Boston, being
the first in this country known to have declared himself
a follower of the great Frenchman. Colonel Greene’s
book on Mutual Banking is one of the most acute and
searching inquiries into the monetary problems to be
found in the literature of the subject. Colonel Greene
was a keen, logicial thinker and a profound scholar.
He was a remarkably witty speaker and writer, and his
book, entitled Soctalistic, Communistic, Mutualistic,
and Financial Fragments, shows his power and ver-
satility. E. H. Heywood, a writer on various subjects,
was another disciple of Warren. He is the author of a
number of very able pamphlets. Charles T. Fowler,
also a disciple of Warren, was a Unitarian minister
when he first fell under the influence of Warren. He
studied Proudhon, and after leaving the church, devot-
ed himself to the propaganda of anarchistic doctrines.
He died a few years ago, leaving an admirable series
of pamphlets on social and economic problems.
These men, however, while holding essentially an-
archist views, and contributing, severally, to the devel-
opment of anarchism in the United States, did not
adopt the name anarchist, and did not
Teally start the movement which has
taken such definite shape under that dis-
tinctive denomination. The man who,
assimilating and profiting by the teach-
ings of Proudhon, Warren. Greene: and
the American and English individual-
ists, formulated a consistent and comprehensive anar-
chistic philosophy, and started the practical anarchistic
movement, is Benjamin R. Tucker, the editor of Liberty,
the organ of anarchism. Mr. Tucker wasa young man,
astudent of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology,
when he, becoming interested in social reform, sought
the acquaintance of Warren and Greene. The latter
called his attention to Proudhon’s What zs Property?
and so impressed was he with the originality and value
of that revolutionary (in an intellectual sense) and
epoch-making work, that he set himself the task of
translating it into English. No work has ever enjoyed
the prises of a more competent rendering into
another language. The vigor and eloquence of Proud-
hon’s style was fully preserved in the translation, and
to this is due a large share of the influence exerted by
Proudhon’s work in America and England. A few
years later Mr. Tucker started his paper, Liberty,
which has been for more than a decade the recognized
authority on anarchism. Mr, Tucker does not strictly
Other
Americans,
Present
Writers.
Anarchism.
follow Proudhon, any more than he strictly follows
Warren. He rejects the inconsistencies of the former
as he does the crudities of the latter. He may be said
to have organized the various anarchistic ideas—eco-
nomic, political, etc.—into a coherent and systematic
whole. here Proudhon was vague and Warren inade-
quate, Mr. Tucker is clear, logical, consistent, and scien-
tific. Mr. Tucker hasinfluenced a considerable number
of able men in journalism and other professions, as well
as some of the prominent men in the labor movement.
We will only mention here the name of Dyer D. Lum,
one of the leaders of the early Greenback movement,
who diedafew yearsago. Mr. Lum, whilesympathizing
to some extent with the methods of revolutionary re-
formers, was for several years before his death a
vigorous and scholarly champion of the economic and
political ideas of anarchism.
The growth of anarchism has not been rapid, and its
history is not eventful or sensational. Its indirect in-
fluences, however, have wrought great changes in
social science and in the intellectual attitude of sociolo-
gists and reformers.
In Europe, the real history of philosophic anarchism
begins with Proudhon. (For a fuller notice of his life
and teachings, see PROUDHON.) We study him here but
in brief, in relation to the movement of
anarchism. Born in 1809, after a bitter
personal experience with poverty and
ill-paid work, he published in 1840 his
great work, What zs Property? Of this
an admiret says: ‘ He first with genius, and with learn-
ing and acumen rarely equalled, pleaded for absolute
liberty of the individual and the doing away of all gov-
ernment. Property in its modern sense he showed to be
not the product of individual labor on the part of the
owner of the property, but the product of the labor of
others, taken from them by legalized wrong, or by aid
of apn epOes and class legislation created by the State.
Hence the truth of his celebrated sentence, rey
is theft.” The cure, he argued, was to do away wit!
all government, and then each individual could retain
that which he had produced, so that justice and order
and well-being would be the result of liberty.”
The book exposed him to new persecution from the
Government and learned societies, which continued
more or less to his death in 1865. He passed much of
his life, banished from France, in Belgium. Yet he
was ever active and at times popular in France. He
was elected in 1848 to the Constituent Assembly by
77,000 votes, which, together with his frequent impris-
onments and banishments, as well as the suppression
of books, shows his power and influence in his genera-
tion. Yet few followed him understandingly. Proud-
hon himself declared that even those who voted for
him did not understand his views. He believed that
in America (as seems to be the case) his thoughts would
first take root. His principal writings besides the
above named are: The Creation of Order in Human-
zly i: 3 A System of Economical Contradictions
Europe.
ne ustice tn the Revolution and in the Church
1858); Justice (revised edition, 1859-60).
Prowdhon was right; few followed him understand-
ingly. The movement that sprang from his teach-
ings has in the main, in Europe, been anarchist com-
munism, which is no more like philosophic anarch-
ism than Proudhon was like Bakounin. The real
followers of Proudhon and philosophical anarchism, in
Europe, can almost be counted on one’s fingers, tho
their influence has been more marked than this might
seem to indicate.
In pice Caspar Schmidt, better known under
his zom de plume of Max Stirner, laid what some re-
ard as the ethical foundations of anarchism in his Der
Einzige und sein Eigenthumi (1845). John Henry Mac-
kay, a Scotchman by birth, but witha German mother,
and pees up in Germany from boyhood, has devel-
oped philosophic anarchism in poems, a novel (7he
narchists, translated into English, 1891), and other
works. In England philosophic anarchism under this
name has had scarcely any development at all; but
perhaps this is only beoause so much of its individu-
alism, of which there has been considerable develop-
ment, has come so near to philosophic anarchism in
such writers as Herbert Spencer, Auberon Herbert,
Wordsworth Donisthorpe, Thomas Mackay, Frederick
Millar, and others. A notice of the first three will be
found under each name,
II, Anarcuist COMMUNISM,
The following statement of anarchist com-
munism is abridged from a tract on The Place
59
Anarchism.
of Anarchism in Soctalistic Evolution, by
Pierre A. Krapotkin :
‘‘Allthings belong to all, and provided that
men and women contribute their share of labour
for the production of necessary objects, they are
entitled to their share of all that is produced by
the community at large. ‘But this is commu-
nism,’ youmay say. Yes, itiscommunism, but it
is the communism which no longer speaks in the
name of religion or of the State, but in the name
of the people. . . . The tendency of this clos-
ing century is toward communism, not the mo-
nastic or barrack-room communism formerly ad-
vocated, but the free communism which places
the products reaped or manufactured in common
at the disposal of all, leaving to each the liberty
to consume them as he pleases in his own home.
“This is the solution of which the mass of the
people can most readily take hold, and it is the
solution which the people demand at the most
solemn epochs. In 1848 the formula ‘ From
each according to his abilities, to each accord-
ing to his needs’ was the one which went
straightto the heart of the masses, and if they
acclaimed the republic and universal suffrage,
it was because they hoped to attain to com-
munism through them. In 1871, also, when the
people besieged in Paris desired to make a su-
preme effort to resist the invader, what was
their demand? That free rations should be
served out to every one. Let all articles be put
into one common stock and let them be dis-
tributed according to the requirements of each.
Let each one take freely of all that is abundant,
and let those objects which are less plentiful be
distributed more sparingly and in due propor-
tions—this is the solution which the mass of the
workers understand best. This is
also the system which is commonly
practised in the rural districts (of France,
France). So long as the common .
lands afford abundant pasture, what
commune seeks to restrict their use? When
brushwood and chestnuts are plentiful, what
commune forbids its members to take as much
as they want? And when the larger wood be-
gins to grow scarce, what course does the peas-
ant adopt? The allowancing of individuals.
‘‘ Let us take from the common stock the arti-
cles which are abundant, and let those objects
whose production is more restricted be served
out in allowances according to requirements,
giving preference to children and old persons—
that is to say, to the weak. And, moreover, let
all be consumed not in public, but at home, ac-
cording to individual tastes and in company
with one’s family and friends. This is the ideal
of the masses.
“But it is not enough to argue about ‘com-
munism’ and ‘expropriation ;’ it is further-
more necessary to know who should have the
management of the common patrimony, and it
is especially on this question that different
schools of socialists are opposed to one another,
some desiring authoritarian communism, and
others, like ourselves, declaring unreservedly in
favour of anarchist communism. In order to
judge between these two, let us return once
again to our starting point, the Revolution of
the last century.
“In overturning royalty the Revolution pro-
Anarchism.
claimed the sovereignty of the people ; but, by
an inconsistency which was very natural at that
time, it proclaimed not a permanent sover-
eignty, but an intermittent one, to be exercised
at certain intervals only, for the nomination of
deputies supposed to represent the people. In
reality it copied its institutions from the repre-
sentative government of England. The Revo-
lution was drowned in blood, and, nevertheless,
representative government became the watch-
word of Europe. All Europe, with the excep-
tion of Russia, has tried it, under all possible
forms, from government based on a property
qualification to the direct government of the lit-
tle Swiss republics. But, strange to say, just in
proportion as we have approached nearer to the
ideal of arepresentative government, elected by
a perfectly free antivercer suffrage, in that same
proportion have its essential vices become mani-
fest to us, till we have clearly seen that this
mode of government is radically defective. Is
it not, indeed, absurd to take a certain number
of men from out the mass, and to intrust them
with the management of a// public affairs, say-
ing to them, ‘ Attend to these matters ; we ex-
onerate ourselves from the task by laying it
upon you ; itis for you to make laws on all man-
ner of subjects—armaments and mad dogs, ob-
servatories and chimneys, instruction and street-
sweeping ; arrange these things as you please
and make laws about them, since you are the
chosen ones whom the people has voted capable
of doing everything !’ It appears to me that if
a thoughtful and honest man were offered sucha
post he would answer somewhat in this fashion :
‘** You intrust me with a task which I am
unable to fulfil. I am unacquainted with most
of the questions upon which I shall be called on
to legislate. I shall either have to work tosome
extent in the dark, which will not be to your ad-
vantage, or I shall appeal to you and summon
meetings in which you will yourselves seek to
come to an understanding on the questions at
issue, in which case my office will be unneces-
sary. If you have formed an opinion and have
formulated it, and if you are anxious to come to
an understanding with others who have also
formed an opinion on the same subject, then all
you need do is to communicate with your neigh-
bours and send a delegate to come to an under-
standing with other delegates on
this specific question ; but you will
Argument. certainly reserve to yourselves the
right of taking an ultimate deci-
sion ; you will not intrust your del-
egate with the making of laws for you. This
is how scientists and business men act each
time that they have to come to an agreement.’
‘But the above reply would be a repudiation
of the representative system, and nevertheless
itis a faithful expression of the idea which is
growing everywhere since the vices of repre-
sentative government have been exposed in all
their nakedness. Our age, however, has gone
still further, for it has begun to discuss the
rights of the State and of society in relation to
the individual ; people now ask to what point
the interference of the State is necessary in the
multitudinous functions of society.
“Do we require a government to educate our
60
Anarchism.
children? Only let the worker have leisure to
instruct himself, and you will see that, through
the free initiative of parents and of persons fond
of tuition, thousands of educational societies and
schools of all kinds will spring up, rivalling one
another in the excellence of their teaching. If
we were not crushed by taxation and exploited ©
by employers, as we now are, could we not our- ~
selves do much better than is now done for us?
The great centres would initiate progress and
set the example, and you may be sure that the
progress realised would be incomparably supe-
rior to what we now attain through our minis-
tries. Is the State even necessary for the de-
fence of a territory? If armed brigands attack
a people, is not that same people armed with
good weapons the surest rampart to oppose to the
foreign aggressor? Standing armies are always.
beaten by invaders, and history teaches that the
latter are to be repulsed by a popular rising
alone. While government is an excellent ma-
chine to protect monopoly, has it
ever been able to protect us against
ill-disposed persons? Doesitnot, by No Need of
creating misery, increase the num- the State,
ber of crimes instead of diminishing
them? In establishing prisons into
which multitudes of men, women, and children
are thrown for a time, in order to come forth in-
finitely worse than when they went in, does not
the State maintain nurseries of vice at the ex-
pense of the tax-payers? In obliging us tocom-
mit to others the care of our affairs, does it not
create the most terrible vice of societies—indif-
ference to public matters? ...
‘Let others, if they will, advocate industrial
barracks or the monastery of authoritarian com-
munism, we declare that the tendency of society
is in an opposite direction. We foresee millions
and millions of groups freely constituting them-
selves for the satisfaction of all the varied needs
of human beings—some of these groups or-
ganised by quarter, street, and house ; others
extending hands across the walls of cities over
frontiers and oceans. All of these will be com-
posed of human beings who will combine free-
ly, and after having performed their share of
productive labour will meet together, either for
the purpose of consumption, or to produce ob-
jects of art or luxury, or to advance science in
a new direction. This is the tendency of the
nineteenth century, and we follow it ; we only
ask to develop it freely without any govern-
mentalinterference. Individualliberty ! ‘Take -
pebbles,’ said Fourrier, ‘put them into a box :
and shake them, and they will arrange them-
selves in a mosaic that you could never get by
intrusting to any one the work of arranging
them harmoniously.’
“‘ Now let me pass to another part of my subject
—the most important with respect to the future.
“There is no more room for doubting that
religions are going ; the nineteenth century has
given them their death-blow. But religions—
all religions—have a double composition. They
contain, in the first place, a primitive cosmog-
ony, a rude attempt at explaining nature, and
they furthermore contain a statement of the
public morality born and developed within the
mass of the people. But when we throw religions
overboard or store them among our public rec-
Anarchism.
-ords as historical curiosities, shall we also rele-
gate to museums the moral principles which they
contain? This has sometimes been done, and
we have seen people declare that as they no
longer believed in the various religions, so they
despised morality and boldly proclaimed the
maxim of dourgeozs selfishness, ‘ Every one for
himself.’ But a society, human or animal, can-
not exist without certain rules and moral habits
springing up within it ; religion may go, moral-
ity remains. If we were to come to consider
that a man did well in lying, deceiving his
neighbours, or plundering them when possible
(this is the middle-class business morality), we
should come to such a pass that we could no
longer live together. You might assure me of
your friendship, but perhaps you might only do
so in order to rob me more easily ; you might
promise to do a certain thing for me, only to de-
ceive me ; you might promise to forward a let-
ter for me, and you might steal it, just like an
ordinary governor of a jail. Under such condi-
tions society would become impossible, and this
is so generally understood that the repudiation
_of religions in no way prevents pub-
lic morality from being maintained,
Ethical Side. developed, and raised to a higher
and ever higher standard. This
fact is so striking that philosophers
seek to explain it by the principles of utilitari-
anism, and recently Spencer sought to base the
morality which exists among us upon physio-
logical causes and the needs connected with the
preservation of the race.
‘‘ Let me give you an example in order to ex-
plain to you what we think on the matter.
“‘ A child is drowning, and four men who stand
upon the bank see it struggling in the water.
One of them does not stir; he is a partisan of
‘ Each one for himself,’ the maxim of the com-
mercial middle class; this one is a brute, and
we need not speak of him further. The next
one reasons thus: ‘If I save the child, a good
report of my action will be made to the ruler of
heaven, and the Creator will reward me by in-
creasing my flocksand my serfs,’ and thereupon
he plunges into the water. Is he, therefore, a
moral man? Clearly not! He is a shrewd cal-
culator, thatisall. The third, who is an utilitari-
.an, reflects thus (or at least utilitarian philoso-
phers represent him as so reasoning) : ‘ Pleasures
can be classed in two categories, inferior pleas-
ures and higher ones. To save the life of any
one is a superior pleasure, infinitely more intense
and more durable than others ; therefore, I will
save the child.’ Admitting that any man ever
reasoned thus, would he not bea terrible egotist ?
and, moreover, could we ever be sure that his
sophistical brain would not at some given mo-
ment cause his will to incline toward an inferior
pleasure—that is to say, toward refraining from
troubling himself? ‘There remains the fourth
individual. This man has been brought up from
bis childhood to feel himself ove with the rest
of humanity ; from his childhood he has always
regarded men as possessing interests in common ;
he has accustomed himself to suffer when his
neighbours suffer, and to feel happy when every
one around him is happy. Directly he hears
the heart-rending cry of the mother, he leaps
into the water, not through reflection, but by
Anarchism.
instinct ; and when she thanks him for saving
her child, he says, ‘What have I done to de-
serve thanks, my good woman? I am happy to
see you happy; I have acted from natural im-
pulse, and could not do otherwise !’
“You recognise in this case the truly moral
man, and feel that the others are only egotists
in comparison with him. The whole anarchist
morality is represented in this example. It is
the morality of a people which does not look for
the sun at midnight—a morality without com-
pulsion or authority, a morality of habit. Let
us create circumstances in which man shall not
be led to deceive nor exploit others, and then
by the very force of things the moral level of
humanity will rise toa height hitherto unknown.
Men are certainly not to be moralized by teaching
them a moral catechism ; tribunals and prisons
do not diminish vice—they pour it over society in
floods. Men are to be moralized only by placing
them in a position which shall contribute to de-
velop in them those habits which are social, and
to weaken those which are not so. A morality
which has become instinctive is the true moral-
ity, the only morality which endures while re-
ligions and systems of philosophy pass away.
“Let us now combine the three preceding ele-
ments, and we shall have anarchy and its place
in socialistic evolution.
‘‘ Emancipation of the producer from the yoke
of capital ; production in common and free con-
sumption of all the products of the common
labour.
“Emancipation from the governmental yoke ;
free development of individuals in groups and
federations ; free organization ascending from
the simple to the complex, according to mutual
needs and tendencies.
‘‘Emancipation from religious morality ; free
morality, without compulsion or authority, de-
veloping itself from social life and becoming
habitual.
‘““The above is no dream of students, it isa
conclusion which results from an analysis of the
tendencies of modern society ; anarchist com-
munism is the union of the two fundamental
tendencies of our society—a tenden-
cy toward economic equality and a
tendency toward political liberty. Fundamental
So long ascommunism presented it- Tendencies,
self under an authoritarian form,
which necessarily implies govern-
ment, armed with much greater power than that
which it possesses to-day, inasmuch as it implies
economic in addition to political power—so long
as this was the case communism met with no suf-
ficient response. Before 1848 it could, indeed,
sometimes excite for a moment the enthusiasm of
the worker who was prepared to submit to any all-
powerful government, provided it would telense
him from the terrible situation in which he was
placed, but it left the true friends of liberty in-
different.
‘‘ Anarchist communism maintains that most
valuable of all conquests—individual liberty—
and moreover extends it and gives it a solid
basis—economic liberty—without which politi-
cal liberty is delusive ; it does not ask the indi-
vidual who has rejected God, the universal ty-
tant, God the king, and God the Parliament, to
give unto himself a god more terrible than any
Anarchism.
of the preceding—God the community, or to
abdicate upon its altar his independence, his
will, his tastes, and to renew the vow of asceti-
cism which he formerly made before the cruci-
fied God. It says to him, on the contrary, ‘No
society is free so long as the individual is not
so! Do not seek to modify society by imposing
upon it an authority which shall make every-
thing right; if you do, you will fail as popes
and emperors have failed. Modify society so
that your fellows may not be any longer your
enemies by the force of circumstances ; abolish
the conditions which allow some to monopolize
the fruit of the labour of others ; and instead of
attempting to construct society from top to bot-
tom, or from the centre to the circumference,
let it develop itself freely from the simple to the
composite, by the free union of free groups.
This course, which is so much obstructed at
present, is the true, forward march of society ;
do not seek to hinder it, do not turn your back
on progress, but march along with it! Then
the sentiment of sociability which is common to
human beings, as it is to all animals living in
society, will be able to develop itself freely, be-
cause our fellows will no longer be our enemies,
and we shall thus arrive at a state of things in
which each individual will be able to give free
rein to his inclinations, and even to his passions,
without any other restraint than the love and
respect of those who surround him.’
““This is our ideal, and it is the ideal which
lies deep in the hearts of peoples—of all peoples.
We know full well that this ideal will not be at-
tained without violent shocks ; the close of this
century has a formidable revolution in store for
us; whether it begins in France, Germany,
Spain, or Russia, it will bea European one, and
spreading with the same rapidity as that of our
fathers, the heroes of 1848, it will set all Europe
in a blaze. Thiscoming revolution will not aim
at a mere change of government, but will have
a social character ; the work of expropriation
will commence, and exploiters will be driven
out. Whether we like it or not, this will be
done independently of the will of individuals,
and when hands are laid on private property we
shall arrive at communism, because we shall be
forced to do so. Communism, however, cannot
be either authoritarian or parliamentary, it must
either be anarchist or non-existent ; the mass of
the people does not desire to trust itself again to
ao but will seek to organize itself by
itself.”’
HISTORY AND METHODS OF ANARCHIST COMMUNISM.
Anarchist communism, tho more or less indebted
to the thoughts of Rousseau, Proudhon, Ruge and
others, owes its origin as a movement
to the Russian Bakounin. Born of aris-
tocratic and even princely parentage,
Michael Bakounizn, at first an officer in the
Russian Army, threw up his commission
at the age of 21, disgusted by the oppression of the
Government and the consequent sufferings of the poor,
and studied philosophy, reading Hegel and Schopen-
hauer in St. Petersburg and Bertin, oming intorevo-
lutionary circles pan under the influence of Arnold
Ruge, who represented the extreme Hegelian left, Ba-
kounin took part in the Dresden insurrection of 1848, and
was arrested and condemned to death, but eventually
handed over to the Russians and imprisoned in Schlitis-
selberg and in 1852 sent to Siberia. Hence, however
Origin.
he eventually escaped, through Japan and the United :
States, and, in 1861, appeared in London, arevolutionist,
declared by his enemies to be half-crazed by his years
62 Anarchism.
of suffering and imprisonment. Be this as it may, he
threw siniaelf inte tovolutionar - propaganda of every
kind, mainly as an Internationalist, but sometimes in-
consistently as a Panslavist, and occasionally, as a
Nihilist. Switzerland, Italy, and Southern France
were the main scenes of his efforts, but he contrived to
fill all Europe with his spirit of revolution. Gradually
his utterances became wilder and ‘his position more
extreme. He commenced to preach the gospel of pan-
destruction. When the International (¢.v.) was founded
in London under the presidency of Marx in 1864, Bakou-
nin did not at first connect himself with it. But later,
realizing what capital could be made of it, he threw
himself into the movement, and almost captured the In-
ternational for anarchism, He did capture it in Italy,
Spain, Southern France, Belgium, and to a large ex-
tent in Switzerland and other countries. In 1872, how-
ever, Marx as president contrived to have the congress
of the International called at the Hague, where Bakou-
nin could not come, since he was only secure in Switzer-
land, and would have been arrested in traversing any
country through which he could have reached the
Hague. At this congress, therefore, the adherents of
Bakounin were defeated, and the General Council of the
International was transferred to New York City. It
resulted in the death of the International; but out of
the split came the modern movements of democratic
socialism and anarchist communism, economic schools
which, altho previously to 1872 they had been more
or less confounded, are now utterly distinct and even
opposed. The ultimate ideals of the followers of Marx
and Bakounin were not, however, so different. They
both believed in communism, and communism wasthe
early name for all socialism as well as for anarchist
communism; but the split came in methods. The
followers of Bakounin believed in destroying the State ;
Marx stood for capturing the State by legitimate polit-
ical means, and through the State establishing the So-
cial Democracy, or communism. Both opposed the
resent State ; but one sought to overturn it at once by
orce, the other ote to capture itand useit. Fora
while it seemed doubtful which policy would win.
For a considerable time, the anarchist communists,
especially in the southern countries, were stronger than
the socialists. The working classes did not see the
strength of the socialist programme. Anarchist com-
munism,.if it appealed less to their heads, appealed
more to their instincts. It appealed to.revolutionary
deed. Words, its advocates declared, were cheap; it is
the propaganda by deed that makes men think. The
propaganda by deed has ever been the favorite polic
among anarchist communists, being defended, thoug:
not practised, even by such men as Krapotkin and
Reclus. But organization among anarchists has never
peceperpn Their policy lends itself to individual deed.
akounin did not quietly accept his defeat by Marx at
the Hague. He and his adherents called another con-
gress in Switzerland, and declared that they were the
true International. From this time anarchist com-
munism had an’ organized existence. (For further
details as to the preceding period, see BAKOUNIN;
INTERNATIONAL.)
In 1876 Bakounin died, Elisée Reclus, Paul Brousse,
and others gathering around his grave,
needy to carry on his work. In October
of the same year acongress was held at izati
Berne, and onincnted the principles oe
anarchist communism, altho still under
the name of socialism. It denounced even the Paris
Commune, as not having entirely eliminated the prin-
ciple of authority. At this congress two Italian dele-
gates were present, Carlo Cafiero and Enrico Mala-
testa, and went home to head a revolution in April,
1877, in the Italian previrce of Benevento. They burnt
the archives and laid their hands on what arms and
money they could find, and distributed them to the
people. The same year a congress was held at Verviers,
where Krapotkin first appeared on the scenes under
the name of Scrachoff. In 1878, Brousse and Krapot-
kin commenced publishing the Avant Garde, the first
anarchist organ. The same year Nobeling and Hodel
made their attack upon Kaiser Wilhelm at Nieder-
wald; the cooper Broncasi attempted the life of Al-
phonso XII., and Passanante the life of the King of
Italy, Humbert I. At a congress at Freiburg that
year, a letter from Reclus made the following suc-
cinct statement of anarchist communism: “We are
revolutionaries,” he said, ‘‘ because we desire justice
Progress has never resulted from mere peaceful
evolution ; it has always been an outcome of a sudden
Tevolution. The necessary preliminary pre ration
of the minds of men may be a gradual TOueae Lat th
realization of their hopes comes abruptly and as a aur
prise. ... Weareanarchists, whorecognize no one as
Anarchism.
our master, as we are ourselves the masters of nobody.
There is no mara without liberty.... We are
also international collectivists, for we are aware that
the very existence of human beings necessarily implies
a certain social grouping.”” The congress voted for the
apo ee by the community of all wealth, the
abolition of the State, and even of any central admin-
istrative agency ; and as regards means of propaganda,
the congress favored the dissemination of anarchist
ideas, and even rebellion and revolutionary deed. In
1879 the Avant Garde ceased to appear, and Krapot-
kinand others started a new paper, the Révol/é, at Gene-
va (later moved to Paris). he same year Johann Most,
expelled from Germany and driven from the socialist
meetings, arrived in London, December, 1878, and in
January, 1879, began publishing his paper, /rezhezt.
In 1880 Ottero Gonzales attempted the life of Alphonso
XII, At acongress in Switzerland of this year, Kra-
potkin advised the adoption of the name anarchist
communism in the place of collectivism. In 1881 the
French anarchists and socialists finally separated, anda
congress of anarchists was held at London. Krapot-
kin was banished from Switzerland for his utterances;
Most, in London, was sentenced to 16 months’ hard la-
bor for his words concerning the assassination of the
Czar. At the close of 16 months he removed, with his
paper, to the United States. There were outbreaks in
southeast France, and many discoveries of dynamite
lots were reported, Anarchists were arrested all
taroueh southern France, In the north, Louise Michel
delivered a series of lectures, The daughters of Elisée
Reclus ostentatiously contracted ‘free marriages.”
Krapotkin himself was arrestcd, In 1883 the anarchist
trials in France took place, and 47 were sentenced,
among them Louise Michel. All through Europe at
this time anarchists were being arrested and sentenced.
In Spain a campaign was undertaken against the Black
Band, In December Cyvoct was tried at Lyons for hav-
ing caused the explosion at Bellecour Theatre, and was
sentenced to death, but the sentence was commuted by
President Grévy. The year 1884 was comparatively
calm, heaeh ynamite was found laid against the
Federal Palace at Berne, and led to the expulsion of
anarchists from Switzerland. In 1885 German anarch-
ists were tried. Krapotkin published this year his
Paroles d'un Révolté and Reclus his The Products of
the Farth, An attempt was also made to blow up the
English House of Parliament. In 1886 there were sev-
eral riots in Europe, especially at Charleroi, and the
great strike at Chicago took place, with the famous Hay-
market meeting, the arrest of eight anarchists, and the
condemnation of seven of them to death (in 1887). (See
CHICAGO ANARCHISTS.) In 1887 L’/dée
Ouvriere was started at Havre. In 1888
the Pere Peinard was started at Paris, a
aper in the slang of the French streets.
n 1889 Most, Malato, and Grave all is-
sued anarchist pamphlets, In 1890 the first international
May-day demonstration took place, and the anarchists
took advantage of itin incendiary speeches and gather-
ings. Merlino, Malato, and Louise Michel were impris-
oned. The /z¢ernational, an anarchist paper, was start-
edin London. In 1891 the French anarchists agitated
chiefly against the army and the police. At Levalloisthe
black flag was unfurled. Several anarchist papers were
started, the Pot a colle and the /’En-dehors. In 1892
bombs were exploded in France in private houses of
deputies and at cafés, among others at the Café Rich. In
June one of the dynamiters, Ravachol, was condemned.
to death, andexecuted inJuly. In 1893 there was more
violence in Spain. Pallas was tried and executed for
throwing a bomb at Marshal Campos at Barcelona, and
there was also a terrible bomb explosion at the El
Lyceo Theatre in Barcelona. On December, Vaillant
threw a bomb in the French Chamber of Deputies. In
1894 severe laws against anarchists were passed in
France and other countries; 100 anarchists were ar-
rested in France alone and several deported. The
papers Révolfé and Pere Petnard were seized and com-
pelled to discontinue. Jean Grave, the leading an-
archist communist after Krapotkin and, Reclus, was
imprisoned. Vaillant was executed. Emile Henry
threw a bomb in the Café Terminus. Bombs were
exploded also in the Hotel St. Jacques and other
houses. An attempt was made to murder the prefect
of Barcelona. An Italian anarchist, Cesario Santo,
assassinated the French President, Carnot, at Lyons.
Restrictive legislation in Italy sought not only to arrest
all anarchists, but to close all trade-union meetings.
In Germany the Kaiser introduced severe measures
against both anarchism and socialism, which have been,
however, rejected by the Reichstag. Such is a brief
sketch of the anarchist-communist movement. There
is no general organization, Anarchists meet in little
History.
63
Anarchism.
groups, which are forever changing, dissolving, and
reforming. Communication between groups is simply
conducted through individuals. The party is without
leaders. Anybody, even detectives, can easily join
anarchist groups, but detectives learn little, for the
groups as groups do nothing, and serve simply to bring
individuals together. Thus the group that Vaillant
belonged to did not know his project of throwing the
bomb in the Chamber of Deputies. ‘Till recently Le
Révolté has been the chief literary and Le Pere Petnard
the chief popular organ; but these have disappeared
without successors. In 1893 an attempt was made to
hold an anarchist-communist congress in connection
with the World’s Fair at Chicago, but it had to meet
surreptitiously on account of the police, and when it
met its members could perce upon no program nor
declaration of principles, though it is said that an in-
ternational committee was chosen, In
America anarchist communism has held
on to the name of the old International America.
longer than in Europe. In 1872, as we
have seen, the general council of the In-
ternational was transferred at Marx’s suggestion to
New York City. Butin this country it never thrived.
The fundamental differences between the socialists
and the anarchists soon showed themselves here, as in
Europe. In 1877 the socialist wing, in a meeting at
Newark, took the name of the Socialist Labor Party
(see SOCIALISM), and practically left the International
to the anarchists, The split, however, was not at once
complete. In 1883 the socialists met at Baltimore and
the anarchists at Dittsbure, and these took the old name
of the International Working People’s Association.
By 1885 the split with the socialists was complete, and
since then in America, as in Europe, anarchists and
socialists have had nothing in common. ‘The congress
at Pittsburg adopted pneminiously a manifesto or dec-
laration of motives and principles, often called the
Pittsburg proclamation, in which they describe their
ultimate goal in these words:
‘““What we would achieve is, therefore, plainly and
simply:
“y, Destruction of the existing class rule, by all
means—z.e., by energetic, relentless, revolutionary, and
international action.
“2. Establishment of a free society based upon
cooperative organization of production,
“3, Free exchange of equivalent products by and
between the productive organizations without com-
merce and profit-mongery.
“4, Organization of education on a secular, scientific,
and equal basis for both sexes.
“>, Equal rights for all without distinction to sex
or race.
“6, Regulation of all public affairs by free con-
tracts between the autonomous (independent) com-
munes and associations resting on a federalistic basis.”
In 1881, however, another association was formed
designated by the initials I. W. A., or International
Workmen’s Association, differing ina few particulars
only from the I.W. P. A. It lays greater stress on educa-
tion and is somewhat less inclined to favor violence in
the present, holding that a revolution in the minds of
men must po the political revolution, The fol-
lowing explanation of its principles and methods is
taken from the /%rst Report of the Kansas Bureau of
Labor Statistics.
“To print and publish and circulate labor literature ;
to hold mass-meetings ; to systematize agitation ; to es-
tablish labor libraries, labor halls, and lyceums for
discussing social science; to maintain the labor press;
to protect members and all producers from wrong; to
aid all labor organizations; to aid the establishment
of unity and the maintenance of fraternity between all
labor organizations; to bring about an alliance be-
tween the manufacturing and agricultural producers;
to encourage the spirit of brotherhood and interde-
pendence among all producers of every State and coun-
try; to ascertain, segregate, classify, and study the
habits and acts of their enemies; to secure information
of the wrongs perpetrated against them, and to record
and circulate the same; to arouse a spirit of hostility
against and ostracism of the capitalistic press ; to pre-
pare the means for directing the coming social revolu-
tion by enlightening public opinion on the wrongs per-
petrated against the producers of the world; to oblit-
erate national boundary lines and sectional prejudices,
with a view to the international unification of the pro-
ducers of all lands; and to eradicate the impression
that redress can be obtained by the ballot. The or-
ganization is formed on the ‘ group’ system—that is,
any person who subscribes to these principles may be-
come an organizer. He organizes a group of eight
besides himself. When this group becomes Tarenetly:
Anarchism.
conversant with the principles and methods of the or-
anization, each member becomes an organizer and
orms a group of his own ; and this goes on indefinitely.
North America is divided into 10 divisions—the Cana-
dian, the British Columbia, the Eastern States, the
Middle States, the Western States, the eo, Moun-
tains, the Pacific Coast, the Southern States, the Mexi-
can, and the Missouri Valley. Each divisionis presided
over by adivision executive of nine persons. The Inter-
national was organized on its present basis on July 15,
1881, with 54 delegates, representing 320 ‘divisions,’ or
groups, composed of 600,000 members. The countries
represented were France, Belgium, Holland, Germany,
Austria, Italy, Spain, Switzerland, Russia, Siberia,
Bulgaria, Roumania, Turkey, Egypt, England, Mexico,
and the United States.”
It is the agitation of these groups of the I. W. A. and
the I. W. P. A. which have produced what popular
anarchistic communism there is in this country. But
the movement has come to naught. The I. W. A. and
the I. W. P. A. no longer exist save in the minds of a
few half-crazed persons, and the only present activity
is the publication of a paper and the occasional delivery
of speeches by Most and others, which make “good
copy” forthe newspapers. There have beenalsoa few
attempts of devoted but fanatical men to assassinate
men of wealth and influence, like Frick and Russell
Sage; but these acts have been very rare. When an
agitator like Most speaks, he will often get a large
audience, who will cheer his utterances, but the move-
ment has no power.
Among English working men, too, there is little, if
any, anarchism. The head of Oxford House, in East
London, recently testified that there were no anarchists
among the English working people and that the last
lace possible for a man to arrive with a bomb was
ast London. Among the foreign residents in London
there are some anarchist clubs, and there is some an-
archist communism among the intellectual radicals,
but it has little force. The only countries in which
anarchist communism at all thrives to-day are in the
southern countries of Europe, under the despotism of
Russia, and among some of the inflammable French
and Belgians; but even in these countries it is giving
lace to the organized political movement of Social
emocracy. It can only thrive on such governmental
persecution as the Italian Government is now attempt-
ing against the whole labor movement.
ARGUMENTS AGAINST ANARCHISM.
I. The argument against individualist anarch-
ism is, first, that it starts from afalse basis. The
individual, say the philosophical opponents of
anarchism, is not sovereign ; he does not even
exist. Man is not born to and never attains,
nor can attain, individual sovereignty. From
his birth to his death he is dependent upon his
fellow-man, and ever must be so long as he is a
social being. Society is not made up of units,
but is one ; and the sooner this is realized, and
man nolonger attempts an impossible individual
sovereignty, the sooner will the individual find
his true freedom in developing his inmost per-
sonality in the unity of a perfect state. An-
archism is opposed thus, first, because it mis-
reads the fac¢s of individual life. Second, the
opponents of anarchism assert that for anarch-
ists to define the State as zecessarzly invasive,
because States always have been more or less
invasive, is to be illogical. The State, according
to the anarchist’s own admission, is a power, and
has been, as at least most anarchists admit,
in the past a necessary power. Why, then,
throw away that power? Why—since some co-
operative organization for defense and other
purposes anarchists themselves declare neces-
sary—not use the State, making it non-invasive ?
To say that the State cannot be harnessed to do
the will of the people, because it never has been
wholly so harnessed in the past, is asif a man be-
fore the discovery of the uses of electricity
should declare that electricity always must be
harmful, since it always had done harm. The
64
Anarchism.
fact is, say these critics, that the State, with all
its evils—and they are to be admitted, every
one—has in the past been immeasurably useful
and beneficial, and should not be thrown away,
but captured and improved and made to do the
will of freemen.
II. As to the anarchist assertion ,that States
have no right, for example, to compel any man to
pay a tax, since no individual has a right to
tax another, and the mere multiplying individ-
uals into a majority cannot make that right in
many persons which is wrong in one, it is said
that this is purely a doctrinaire position of un-
proven ethics. That it seems axiomatic and
convincing to a certain class of minds by no
means proves its truth. The opposite assertion
that the individual is born in society, and has
as his only right to take his place in society,
which is a natural unit, and not made up of in-
dividual units, and has rights and duties of its
own, among others that o ordering the condi-
tions of society according to the will of the ma-
jority, and compelling others to support it, is, it
is claimed, as plausible a dogma as the anarch-
ist dogma, anda good deal more deducible from
facts. The truth is, that the science of social
ethics is as yet so utterly undeveloped that to
talk of what is ethically right in society is to say
nothing. Oneman holds this opinion ; another
that ; and neither can convince the other. The
only possible way out of social pos unless
one takes the religious ground of theism, and
find in that a law of procedure, is to slowly learn
by experience ; believers in government, there-
fore, base their main arguments against anarch-
ism on the facts of experience. They say:
III. It will not work. Said President An-
drews, in a discussion with Mr. Tucker at
Salem :
‘Suppose the citizens of Salem to constitute
an anarchistic group under the beautiful so-
cial compact which Mr. Tucker de-
scribes. Not many days will elapse
before some of the parties to that
compact will show how useless it is.
Let some rioters from Beverly or
Beverly Farms invade the Salem
group. The foreman of the town calls all hands
to turn out and put them down. One man re-
plies that he does not care to come out ; he has
the rheumatism, or he is reading a book, or en-
gaged in some other work, and says, ‘I pray
you, have me excused.’ What is going to be
done? I know of no way in which the anarchis-
tic group named Salem can defend itself—as
Mr. Tucker says is legitimate—except by coerc-
ing Meroz to come up to the help of the Lord
against the mighty. The anarchist must here
renounce his theory and resort to some of those
species of action which Mr. Tucker denounces
as not permissible because of the nature of
coercion, aggression upon individual rights.”’
Says another writer: ‘‘ Some rule there must
be under any theory. You cannot escape law.
If itis not the rule of brotherhood, it must be
the rule of might. You do not escape rule by
flying to anarchy. Says Mr. Donisthorpe, in
his Indzvidualism: a System of Politics: ‘It
isa mistake to suppose that anarchism is law-
less. Nothing of the kind. Where there is no
ruling body ; where there is no governmental
Impractica-
ble, say its
Opponents,
Anarchism.
authority, as in San Francisco within the mem-
ory of many of us, what happens? Did the
marauders and pests of society carry all before
them? Nota bit of it. Those who had inherit-
ed the habits of a social and methodical mode of
life, owing toits greater average economy, band-
ed themselves together and straightway lynched
those who were desirous of violating the princi-
ples of order and method.’ This, says Mr. Don-
isthorpe, was anarchism. Exactly ; and most
people prefer Uncle Sam, with all his faults, to
Judge Lynch.”
Concerning the economic impossibilities of
anarchism, G. Bernard Shaw says :
‘“The full economic detail of individualist anarchism
may be inferred with sufficient completeness from an
article entitled State Socialism and Anarchism ; How
Sar they agree, and wherein they differ, which ap-
peared in March, 1888, in Liberty.
“The economic principles of modern socialism,’ says
Mr. Tucker, ‘area logical deduction from the principle
laid down by Adam Smith in the early chapters of iis
Wealth of Nations—viz., that labor is the true
measure of price. From this principle these three men
Josiah Warren, Proudhon, and Marx] deduced “that
the natural wage of labor is its product.”’’
‘“ Now the socialist who is unwary enough to accept
this economic position will presently find himself
logically committed to the Whig doctrine of /azssez-
faire. And here Mr. Tucker will cry, ‘Why not?
Latssez- faire is exactly what we want. Destroy the
money monopoly, the tariff monopoly, and the patent
monopoly. Enforce then only those land titles which
rest on personal occupancy or cultivation ;* and the
social problem of how to secure to each worker the
product of his own labor will be solved simply by
every one minding his own business.’
‘Let us see whether it will or not. Suppose we decree
that henceforth no more rent shall be paid in England
and that each man shall privately own his house, an
hold his shop, factory, or place of business jointly with
those who work with him init. Let every one be free
to issue money from his own mint without tax or stamp.
Let all taxes on commodities be abolished, and patents
and co yeas be things of the past. Try to imagine
genre under these promising conditions with life
efore you. You may start in business as a crossing-
sweeper, shopkeeper, collier, farmer, miller, banker,
or what not. Whatever your choice may be, the first
thing you find is that the reward of your labor depends
far more on the situation in which you exercise it than
on yourself. If you sweep the crossing between St.
hater and Albemarle Streets you prosper greatly.
ut if you are forestalled not only there, but at every
oint more central than, say, the corner of Holford
square, Islington, you may sweep twice as hard as
your rival in Piccadilly, and not take a fifth of his toll.
At such a es you may well curse Adam Smith and
his principle that labor is the measure of price, and
either advocate a democratically constituted State
socialist municipality, paying all its crossing-sweepers
equally, or else cast your broom upon the Thames and
turn abopkeeper. Yet here again the same difficulty
‘crops up. Your takings depend not on yourself, but
Hes the number of people who pass your window per
OURS «5. 85,535
“Itis useless to multiply instances. There is only one
country in which any square foot of land is as favor-
a situated for conducting exchanges, or as richly
endowed by nature for production, as any other square
foot; and the name of that country is Utopia. In
Utopia alone, therefore, would occupying ownership
be just. In England, America, and other places, rashl
created without consulting the anarchists, Nature is
all caprice and injustice in dealing with labor. Here
you scratch her with aspade ; and earth’s increase and
oison plenty are added to you, On the other side of
the hedge 20 steam-diggers will not extort a turnip
from her. Still less adapted to anarchism than the
fields and mines is the crowded city. . . .
““Now Mr. Tucker’s remedy for this is to make the
occupier—the actual worker—the owner. Obviously
*See Mr. Tucker’s article entitled 4 Srxgular Mrs-
understanding in Liberty of September 10, 1892. ‘* Re~
garding Land,” writes Mr. Tucker, ‘it has been steadily
maintained in these columns that protection should be
withdrawn from all land titles except those based on
personal occupancy and use.””
65 Anarchism.
the effect would be not to abolish his advantage over
his less favorably circumstanced competitors, but
simply to authorize him to put it into hisown pocket
instead of handing it over to a landlord. He would,
then, it is true, be (as far as his place of business was
concerned) a worker instead of an idler; but he would
get more product as a manufacturer and more custom
as a distributor than other equally industrious workers
in worse situations. He could thus save faster than
they, and retire from active service at an age when
they would still have many years more work before
them. His ownership of his place of business would
of course lapse in favor of his successor the instant he
retired. How would the rest of the community decide
who was to be the successor—would they toss up for
it, or fight for it, or would he be allowed to nominate
his heir, in which case he would either nominate his
son or sell his nomination for a large fine?
sn ote To such problems as these individualist
anarchism offers no solution. It theorizes throughout
on the assumption that one place in a country is as
good as another.”
Such, in brief, is Mr. Shaw’s argument. An-
archism aims to establish individual liberty ; but
as long as any occupier can have the best lands
in agriculture and the best building lots, he can,
under free competition, receive enormous gains
over his competitor—can with these gains buy
machinery that others cannot afford, and run
his competitors out of business, re-enacting
under anarchism all or most of the industrial
evils that we have to-day—the development of
great monopolies, the oppression of the small
producer, wage slavery, the unemployed, etc.
It is not government, but the natural inequali-
ties of land and of human ability that are the
fundamental source of the economic differences,
and under competition the under dog must al-
ways serve the upper. The only way to indi-
vidual freedom for all men is, then, to pool the
difference of land and talent and have all work
for all, which is collectivism. Such is, in brief,
the ‘‘ socialist’? argument against anarchism.
IV. As to the anarchist communists, who are
collectivists, it is said that for the poor, ignorant,
and downtrodden to attempt to overthrow the
State by force is but folly, no matter what the
aim. To appeal to force will simply call out
force, and the strong and rich and powerful will
surely win. Moreover, to appeal to force with-
out organization, as anarchist communists do,
is to appeal to force in the weakest possible way.
It may kill a few kings ; it can never overthrow
kingdoms. If it could overthrow the State it
would simply produce a chaos, in which the
strongest would rule and enact anything but
equality on earth.
References : INDIVIDUALIST ANARCHISM : /zstead of a
Book, by B. R. Tucker (New York, 1893), the fullest ex-
position of individualist or philosophical anarchism ;
Anarchism, Its Aims and Methods, by Victor Yarros,
the best brief statement; What zs Property? by P. J.
Proudhon, translated by B.R. Tucker (1876) ; System of
Economical Contradictions, by Proudhon; translated
by Tucker (1888); Proudhon's Complete Works (33 vols.,
Paris, Lacroix, 1868-76); Political Justice (on property),
by William Godwin, edited b alt (London, Sonnen-
schein, 1891); Free Polztical Institutions, an abridg-
ment of Lysander Soe Trial by Jury, edited by
Victor Yarros, a book treating of the administration of
justice under anarchism and showing the difference
between a voluntary association and government ; 7he
Vindication of Natural Soczety, the famous pamphlet
written by Edmund Burke, the English statesman, in his
radical days; Socta/l Statics, first edition, by Herbert
Spencer, which contains the chapter on The Right of
the Individual to Ignore the State, omitted from recent
revised editions; 7he Economics of Anarchy, by Dyer
. Lum; 4 Politician in Light of Haven, by Auberon
Herbert, a plea for voluntary taxation and a criticism of
government and politics; 4 Letler to Grover Cleveland
Anarchism.
and No Treason, by Lysander Spooner, books showing
that the United States Constitution is of no authority
and that government is essentially tyrannical; Mutual
Banking, by Colonel William P. Greene, a clear and ad-
mirable exposition of anarchistic finance. The best
philosophic] anarchist Papers are first and foremost
zberty (edited and published by B. R. Tucker, Gold
Street, P.O. box 1312, New York City, headquarters for
all literature and information as to philosophical anarch-
ism); Luctfer, a weekly (published by Moses Harman
7 ae Kan.), and Ago’sm, a monthly (in Oak-
and).
ANARCHIST COMMUNISM: God and the State, by
Michel Bakounin, translated by B. R. Tucker (Boston,
7883) 3 Appeal to the Young (1890); Coming Anarchy
(Nineteenth Century, 1887, vol. xxii., p. 149)3 Law and
Authority (1886); Paroles d'un Révolté (188s) ; Place He
“Anarchism in Socialistic Evolution (1886); Sceentz ic
Basis of Anarchy (Nineteenth Century, 1887, vol, xxi.,
p. 238)—all by Prince P. A. Krapotkin; Anarchy, by an
anarchist (1884), and Lvolution and Revolution, by J.
E. Reclus (London, Reeves, 1891); Dze Anarchie (1888)
and Soctal Monster (1890), by Johann Most (New York) ;
Anarchism: Its Philosophy and Sctentific Basis, by
Albert R. Parsons (Chicago, 1887); Zhe Red Interna-
tional, by Zacker (1880); translated (London, Sonnen-
schein, 1886). For historical notices of anarchist com-
munism, see Contemporary Socialism, ay John Rae,
revised edition; the Anarchist Peril, by Felix Dubois,
translated by Ralph Derecheff (1894).
The present anarchist communist papers in this coun-
try are: Most’s Die Fretheit (published weekly in New
York City); Der Anarchist, the organ of the movement
in New York City, also weekly ; the Chzcagoer Arbett-
er Zeitung, a Chicago daily, with an especial Sunday
edition, Die Fackel, and a weekly edition, Der Vor-
bote. The principal editor of the Chicagoer Arbeiter
Zettung and the Der Vorbote is Robert Steiner; of
Die Fackel, H. C. Bechtold. In England, Freedom,
Mrs. C. M. Wilson’s aes ublished at 26 Newing-
ton Green Road, London, , and The Commonweal,
just restarted, with Dze Autonom7e (in German), repre-
sent communist anarchism, The best work against
anarchism is 7e Jmpossibilities of Anarchism, by Ber-
nard Shaw (Fabian Tract, No. 45).
ANDOVER HOUSE, THE, IN BOSTON.
*—The Andover House commenced its work in
January, 1892. The movement began among a
roup of the younger graduates of Andover
eminary who had been under the instruction
cf Professor William J. Tucker, now President
of Dartmouth College. President Tucker him-
self first proposed the plan, and has all along
been its leader.
The Andover House Association, which stands
responsible for the work, has, however, repre-
sented from the beginning alarge variety of
persons having no identity of interest except
that in the more progressive lines of social activ-
ity.
The House is located at 6 Rollins Street, in the
south end of the city, which is destined to be
the metropolitan poor quarter of Boston. The
location was selected so as to allow the work to
reach both ways—toward the better grades of
working people and toward the laboring and
casual classes.
In the first instance, the House is the home of
a group of educated men, who in one way and
another enter actively into all the better inter-
ests of the immediate neighborhood. The key-
note of every effort is personal friendliness. As
far as possible the attitude of patronage is com-
pletely avoided.
At the beginning the work of the House has
necessarily had to be somewhat ill-defined. iIn-
deed, the work of a university settlement can
never take on the exact and highly organized
form of an institution ; however, the purpose of
making the work regular and continuous is held
66
Andrews, Elisha B., D.D.
strongly in mind. The original purpose includ-
ed not only well-meaning effort, but careful
study of actual conditions to accompany and in-
form such effort.
As arule, each resident visits a certain group
of families and makes it his'duty to become
thoroughly acquainted with them. As he learns
about the life of the families, not as a canvasser
learns, but as a friend learns about a friend, he
makes out a complete schedule, covering every
significant point. There will thus be at the
House in the course of a few years a body of ac-
curate knowledge which will greatly aid intelli-
gent action. Much time is also given to careful
investigation of social problems, affecting the
life of the city asawhole. Inseveral instances,
through such study, residents have done useful
work in the way of the improvement and devel-
opment of some of the larger forms of philan-
thropic work in Boston.
The residents cooperate with the various local
agencies in the way of self-help, as well as of
charity and philanthropy. They have partici-
pated’ in certain local societies of the people’s
own ; they serve on a local committee of the as-
sociated charities ; they act upon the managing
board of different charitable institutions, be-
sides rendering a large amount of irregular ser-
vice in such causes; they cooperate as far as
possible, according to their particular inclina-
tion, with the work of the churches in the neigh-
borhood, tho they avoid the very appearance
of proselytism ; and this not merely as a matter
of policy, but of principle.
It is held to be very important to do every-
thing through cooperation with existing agen-
cies that can be done in that way.
The House is not meant to be an institution
foisted upon the neighborhood, but simply an
influence which shall act in support and con-
firmation of such good influences as are already
in action ; thus, the House undertakes very lit-
tle formal educational work, because the educa-
tional system of Boston, including evening ele-
mentary schools and the evening high school,
so well fill the need in that particular.
The gatherings at the House, while they are
by regular appointment, are very informal in
their nature, beginning with recreation of vari-
ous kinds, and leading always toward the
mental and moral improvement of those who
come.
There are clubs for boys and girls, for little
children, for young men and young women, and
there is a weekly meeting for mothers of the
neighborhood ; but in all these the numbers are
small, and the effort is constantly to have the
influence of a personal rather than a mechanical
one. In connection with this work much aid is
given by persons from other parts of Boston,
both men and women.
The residents of the House and a number
of other persons who are actively interested |
arranged two Free Art Exhibitions, held by
permission, in 1895, in a large hall owned by the
city. Each exhibition lasted for four weeks, in-
cluding Sundays, and was attended by over
40,000 people. Rosert A. Woops.
ANDREWS, ELISHA BENJAMIN, D.D.,
LL.D., President of Brown University, was
Andrews, Elisha B., D.D.
born at Hinsdale, N. H., January 10, 1844. He
served in the United States Army from 1861-64,
and rose from private to second lieutenant ; he
was wounded at Petersburg August 24, 1864,
losing an eye. He graduated at Brown Uni-
versity, Providence, R. I., in 1870, and at Newton
Theological Institute, Newton, Mass., in 1874 ;
was principal of the Connecticut Literary Insti-
tution, Suffield, Conn., 1870-72 ; pastor of the
First Baptist Church, Beverly, Mass., 1874-75 ;
President of Denison University, Granville, O.,
1875-79 ; Professor of Homiletics in Newton
Theological Institution, 1879-82; Professor of
History and Political Economy at Brown Univer-
sity, 1882-88; Professor of Political Economy
and Finance in Cornell University, 1888-89 ;
President of Brown University, 1889. President
Andrews was appointed one of the commission-
ers sent by the United States to the monetary
conference at Brussels in 1892. Heis of thenew
or historical school. On the question of the
tariff, he believes in the infant industry argu-
ment, and would carry it furtherthan Mill. In-
dustries being firmly established, Professor An-
drews believes that protection and, if necessary,
rohibition should be used to wage war upon
injurious forezg# monopolies, and free trade to
wage war upon injurious domestic monopolies.
A tariff commission will, he considers, be needed
to arrange this. On questions of currency he is
an ardent bimetallist. On questions of indus-
try he would neither nationalize nor municipal-
ize any industry, monopoly or otherwise, till
every available resource in the way of regula-
tion had been tried in vain ; he would then na-
tionalize or municipalize without hesitation,
tho with care. He is the author of J/ustz-
tutes of our Constitutional History, English
and Amer tcan (1887); of Lastitutes of General
History (1889); and of /ustitutes of Economics
(1889) ; An Honest Dollar (1893); Wealth and
Moral Law (1893); Héstory of the United
States (1894).
ANDREWS, STEPHEN PEARL, author,
born in Templeton, Mass., 1812; died in New
York City in 1886. Studying at Amherst College,
he later removed to New Orleans, and became a
lawyer. He was an ardent abolitionist, and in
1839 removed to Texas, where he converted
many of the slave-owners, who were also land-
owners, by showing them that they would be-
come rapidly rich from the sale of land if immi-
gration were induced by throwing the country
open to free labor. His impetuous and logi-
cal eloquence gained him a wide repute and
reat pe popularity ; but, on the other
and, his seemingly reckless and fanatical op-
position to slavery aroused an intense feeling of
opposition, and lis life was seriously endan-
ered. In 1843 he went to England in the hope
that, with the aid of the British Anti-Slavery
Society, he might raise sufficient money there
to pay for the slaves and make Texas a free
State. He was well received ; but the plan was
finally abandoned through fear that it would
lead to war with the United States. Returning
to America, he went to Boston and became a
leader in the anti-slavery movement there.
While in England he learned of picnoee any
and after his return wrote and published exten-
67
Anglican Position.
sively on that subject and on the philosophy of
language in general. He was the founder of
the present system of phonographic reporting.
He is said to have been familiar with 30 lan-
pees He was a prominent member of the
iberal Club of New York, and for some time
its vice-president. In later life he wrote more
on sociology, especially on the family, taking
an extremely individualistic position. He is
claimed by ihe American philosophical anarch-
ists as one of their great writers. (See AN-
ARCHISM.) His most important works on that
subject are: Cost the Limit of Price (New York,
1851); The Constitution of Government in the
Sovereignty of the Individual (1851); Love,
Marriage, and Divorce, and the Suverergnty
of the Individual; a discussion by Henry
ames, Horace Greeley, and Stephen Pearl An-
drews, edited by the latter (1853).
ANGLICAN POSITION IN POLITICAL
AND SOCIAL REFORM, THE.—There isa
church position in relation to political and social
reform so different from either the accepted
Protestant or Romanist positions that it is en-
titled to a presentation by itself. We call it
Anglican, first, because it goes logically with
that conception of the Church which is generally
called Anglican, and, secondly, because it has
been, as a matter of fact, most developed in the
Church of England. Nevertheless, it is a con-
ception by no means necessarily confined to the
Anglican communion, and, as a matter of fact,
ee perhaps the majority, of parishes of the
ic:
Anglican communion do not hold to this posi-
tion. What position in social reform zs occu-
pied by the Church of England and the Prot-
estant Episcopal Church of the United States
we consider under CuristrAn SocraAt UNION, ete. ;
here we are concerned not with what they have
done, but with a statement of a certain view of
the relation of the Church to political and social
problems. The position may be summed up in
‘two points: /vrs/, that the only difference to
be admitted between Christians, as far as or-
ganization goes, is one of sean rape , and, sec-
ondly, that in each geographical division the
Church is responsible for the Christianizing of
the whole secular as well as spiritual life of that
division,
On the first point the holders of this view con-
ceive of the Church not as a society formed by
men who hold to particular articles of religion,
but as a society founded by Christ, the members
of which are those who have been initiated into
it by baptism. They may be pious or impious,
educated or uneducated, but if they have been
once initiated (baptized) they are members
of it. It matters not whether they have been
baptized as Romanists, Methodists, Baptists,
Unitarians, or what not; if baptized they
are members of the Church. As far as mem-
bership goes, it does not matter what their views
are—Trinitarian, Unitarian, orthodox, unortho-
dox, vegetarian, socialist, anarchist, or aught
else. Church membership is not a question of
character or belief, but of whether one has or
has not been initiated into the society, and to
this initiation, Anglicans hold that every child
is entitled in virtue of his humanity. Once
within the Church, it is indeed the duty of the
Anglican Position.
individual and the duty of the Church to aid the
individual to grow up in the right way ; but his
membership depends not on ‘how he grows up,
but on the fact of initiation. This being so, the
only difference, as far as organisation goes
between Christians, is one of geography. In
one place there can only beone Church. Angli-
cans recognize only parish, diocesan, and na-
tional divisions, It is here that they differ from
Romanists. Anglicans hold that parishes are
associated in dioceses, and dioceses in national
churches, and national churches
in one cecumenical Church, but
The Church, with no parish, diocese, or national
church having supremacy over any
other. Under the One Head of the
Church, Christ, they hold the Church to be dem-
ocratic, with no human superior or head. So
conceiving the Church, they hold that in each
arish the Church of that parish is responsible
te all the life in that parish, be it political, social,
industrial, or aught else. They believe that the
Church is a secular institution as truly as a spir-
itual one, because they recognize no divorce be-
tween the secular and the spiritual. Hence
work is one form of worship, and worship is one
form of work. This position by no means
necessitates the union of Church and State. It
is not necessary that the Church have Robe
power toinfluence acommunity. Letthe State
legislate, but let the Church be the inner con-
trolling and animating power. Such is the posi-
tion.
That it is different from Rome in being essen-
tially democratic and catholic, as it believes the
Roman position to be imperial and sectarian,
we have seen. That it differs essentially from
the usual Protestant position, which forms the
Church upon some especial creed, and groups
around that all who hold its creed, is equally
apparent. The Anglican position would recog-
nize no opinionative differences and organize no
opinionative churches. In the labor movement
it would not organize a labor church nor a
working man’s church any more than a rich
man’s church, but would recognize all the bap-
tized as belonging to one Church, whose creed,
laws, and forms of worship are to be neither
fixed nor changed by individuals, but to be voted
on democratically by all the initiated and by
none else. This united power it would set to
work, in dependence upon Divine life, to influ-
ence all life. Such is the position.
As we have said, it is by no means wholly
realized in the Church of England or in any
country. The Church of England often acts
like the narrowest sect. But the holders of this
view contend that it was originally the catholic
or universal conception of the Church, and that
it has been, tho abused and confused, best
preserved in ee Says Professor E. A.
Freeman (Growth of the Eng lish Constitution,
p. 10), speaking of the English social unit : ‘‘ That
unit, that atom, the true kernel of all our politi-
cal life, must be looked for in Switzerland, in the
Gemeznde, or commune ; in England—smile not
while I say it—in the parish vestry.’’ The holders
of this Anglican view would have the parish ves-
try, or, rather, the whole parish a purged
of entangling alliance with the State, freed from
dependence upon wealthy patrons, delivered
68
Anthony, Susan Brownell.
from the narrowness which to-day makes the sys-
tem often a scandal and a derision, reassert its
true function of influencing the whole broad life
of the community.
References: The Kingdom of Christ, by F, D. Mau-
rice; Laws Ph, Eternal Life, by Stewart Headlam; and
the tracts, Tze Church of th orld, by R. H. Holland,
and The Social Faith of the Catholic Church, by W. D.
P. Bliss. See also Zhe Church Reformer, 8 Duke
St., Adelphi, London, W. C., England, and The Dawn,
Boston, task
ANSEELE, EDWARD, born 1856; son of
a shoemaker in Ghent ; became a clerk in a no-
tary’s office, and then a painter, in order to work
for socialism. He founded the pea Volkswel
and Vooruzt. Wis great work, however, was
the foundation of the Voorwzt, the Socialist Co-
operative Bakery, and Socialist Club of Ghent,
and precursor of the important socialist cooper-
ative movement in Belgium ( ee He is author
of a Flemish socialistic novel, for the writing of
which he suffered six months’ imprisonment.
ANTHONY, SUSAN BROWNELL, was
born at South Adams, Mass., February 15, 1820.
Daniel Anthony, her father, a cotton manufac-
turer, was a liberal Quaker. After completing
her education, Miss Anthony taught in New
York State from 1835-50. She first spoke in
public in 1847, and from that time took part in
the temperance movement, organizing societies
and lecturing. Through her exertions and
those of Mrs. E. C. Stanton women came to be
admitted to educational and other conventions,
with the right to speak, vote, and serve on com-
mittees. About 1857 she became prominent
among the agitators for the abolition of slavery.
In 1858 she advocated the co-education of the
sexes,
to securing equal civil rights for women. In
1854-55 she held conferences in each county of
New York in the cause of female suffrage, and
since then she has addressed annual appeals and
petitions to the Legislature. She was active in
securing the passage of the act of the New York
Legislature of 1860, giving to married women
the possession of their earnings, the guardian-
ship of their children, etc. During the war she
devoted herself to the Women’s Loyal League,
which petitioned Congress in favor of the Thir-
teenth Amendment. In 1860 she started a peti-
tion in favor of leaving out the word ‘‘ male”’ in
the Fourteenth Amendment, and worked with
the National Woman Suffrage Association to in-
duce Congress to secure to her sex the right of
voting. In 1867she went to Kansas, with Eliza-
beth Cady Stanton and Lucy Stone, and there
obtained gooo votes in favor of woman suffrage.
In 1868, with the cooperation of Mrs. Stanton
and Parker Pillsbury, and with the assistance of
George F. Train, she began in New York City
the publication of a weekly paper called The
evolutionist, devoted to the emancipation of
women. In 1872 she cast ballots at the State
and Congressional election in Rochester, in order
to test the application of the Fourteenth and
Fifteenth Amendments of the United States
Constitution. She was indicted for illegal vot-
ing, and was fined by Justice Hunt ; but, in ac-
cordance with her defiant declaration, never
paid the penalty. Between 1870 and 1880 she
Her energies have been chiefly directed .
Anthony, Susan Brownell.
lectured in all the Northern and several of the
Southern States more than 100 times a year,
In 1881 she wrote, with the assistance of her co-
editors, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Matilda
oslyn Gage, The Llistory of Woman Suffrage,
in two volumes.
ANTI-MASONS, a name given to a politi-
cal party formed in New York and other States
in 1827. William Morgan, a tailor of Batavia,
N.Y., it was said, intended to betray the secrets
of the Masonic order. He disappeared sud-
dently, and his fate has never to this day been
discovered. It was rumored that he had been
murdered by the Masons, and in the excitement
that followed the above-named party was
formed,’ Leal investigation as to Morgan’s
whereabouts was made, but nothing proved.
The Governor and most of the public officers of
the State were Masons, and this fact heightened
the excitement. In 1828 the Anti-Masons cast a
vote of 33,000, 70,000 the year following, and
128,000 in 1830. In New York, William H. Sew-
ard, Thurlow Weed, and Millard Fillmore were
Anti-Masonic leaders. The party nominated
William Wirt for President in 1832, but carricd
only one State—Vermont. In 1835 they elected
the Governor of Pennsylvania. After this date
the party rapidly fell to pieces, most of its mem-
bers joining the Whigs.
ANTI-MONOPOLY PARTY, a party or-
ganized at Chicayo May rq, 1884. It nominat-
ed Benjamin I’. Butler, of Massachusetts, for
the Presidency. Its platform demanded eco-
nomical government, the passage and cnforce-
ment of equitable laws, including an interstate
commerce law (since passed), labor bureaus, in-
dustrial arbitration, a direct vote for Senators, a
rraduated income tax, payment of the national
Nabe as it matures, and ‘fostcring care’’ for
agriculture. It denounced the tariff and the
grant of land to corporations. Its nominee was
also indorsed by the Greenback Party (g.v.),
and polled 130,000 votes.
ANTI-POVERTY SOCIETY, THE, was
founded in New York City in connection with
the Henry George movement of 1885-87. On
March 26, 1887, a few men met in the office of
The Standard, Mr, George's paper, to form a
society, under the auspices of which ‘ Father
McGlynn” could conduct his work for land re-
form, which was then assuming large propor-
tions. According to the account publis ed in
Lhe Standard :
“They were of various creeds and shades of belief.
One was a Catholic priest, another a Congregationalist
clergyman, another a Prosbyterian minister; some
were Catholics, somo Protestants, some agnostics,
the strong band of union between them all being a
deep religious conviction that poverty, with its attend-
Ant evils of vico and criminality and yreed, is not an
unavoidable curse inflicted on humanity by a cruel and
offended deity, but altogether the result of a neglect
by man of the beneficent: luws of God, At this mect-
ing and by those gontlemen the Anti-Poverty Society
wis Bonin antl its principles and purposes being em-
bodied in the following brief declaration ;
‘Releving that the time has come for an active war-
fare against the conditions that, in spite of the advance
in the powers of production, condemn so many to de-
grading poverty, and foster vice, crime, and greed, tho
undersigned associate themselves together in an or-
69
Anti-Tenement-House League.
ganization to be known as the Anti-Poverty So-
ciety. The object of the society is to spread, by such
peaceable and lawful means as may Fe found most
desirable and efficient, a knowledge of the truth that
God has made ample provision for the needs of all men
during their residence upon carth, and that poverty is
the result of the human laws that allow individuals to
claim as private property that which the Creator has
provided for the use of all.’ ”
The President was Dr. McGlynn ; the Secre-
tary, Michacl Clarke. Weekly meetings were
held. The first public mecting was held May 1,
1887, in Chickering Hall, and public meetings
were continued for many months amid intense
excitement. This was largely due to the per-
sonal interest taken in Dr. McGlynn (g.v.) and
in his contest with his archbishop and the papal
authorities, As that passed away the excite-
ment of the movement gradually dwindled, but
the principles voiced in the movement were
scattered and are still being scattered far and
wide by the lectures of Dr. McGlynn and in
other ways. (See Sinche Tax; Grorce; Mc-
GLYNN ; Lanp, etc,)
ANTI-RENTERS (in Unirep Srares Iis-
Toky)—An organization which from 1839 to
1849 resisted the collection of rent on certain
manorial estates in New York State. Mr. Alex-
ander Johnston writes of them in Lador’s Cyclo-
pedta: Varge portions of Columbia, Rensselaer,
Greene, Delaware, and Albany counties, in the
State of New York, belonged to manors, the orig-
inal grants of which were made to ‘“ patroons’’
ry the Dutch Company, and renewed by oa
Il., the principal being Rensselaerswyck and
Livingston Manor. The tenants had deeds for
their farms, but paid annual rental in kind, in-
stead of a principal sum. This arrangement
caused growing dissatisfaction among the ten-
ants after 1790. When Stephen Van Rensselaer,
who had allowed much of the rent to remain in
arrears, died in 1839, the tenants, who longed
to become real land-owners, made common cause
against his successor, refused to pay rent, dis-
guised themselves as ‘‘Injuns,’’ and began a
reign of terror, which for 10 years practically
suspended the operations of law and the pay-
ment of rent throughout the district. An at-
tempt to serve process by militia aid, known as
the Helderberg War, was unsuccessful. In 1847
and 1849 the Anti-Renters “adopted”’ a part of
cach State ticket, and thus showed a voting
strength of about 5000. In 1850 the Legis-
lature directed the Attorney-General to bring
suit against Harmon Livingston, to try title.
The suit was decided in Livingston's favor
in November, 1850, but both parties were then
ready to compromise—the owncrs by selling
the farms at fair rates and the tenants by pay-,
ing for them,”
References: Jay Gould’s //’s/ory of Delavvare Coun-'
fy, Moe Ls Mrs, Wittnra's Last Leaves of -lmertcan
History (16-18); Jonkin’s Life of Stlas Wright (170-226) }
Cooper's Lettlepage Lales,
ANTI-TENEMENT-HOUSE LEAGUE.
—This is a league formed in Boston March 6,
1891, to preserve and protect the home, to abol-
ish the tenement; and since it believes the
making of clothing under the contract or sweat-
ing system in tenements (see SwratinG System)
Anti-Tenement-House League.
to be the worst industrial evil in tenement life,
the League has given its first and main efforts to
fighting this sweating system.
By the by-laws adopted the objects of the
League were said to be:
To encourage the manufacture and sale of
goods made under healthful conditions, and to
secure the final abolition of the tenement-house
and sweating system of manufacturing clothing.
Its methods were said to be:
Tocall attention, by means of lectures and the
distribution of literature, to the danger to public
health and morals consequent upon the herding
of people together, and the turning of the family
into a factory, and to take such other steps
as may be deemed necessary to secure the ob-
jects of the League. /
On June 8, 1891, Mr. Crowley, the secretary,
who for several years had been carrying on a
crusade against the sweating evil, both in Bos-
ton and ee York, arousing much interest by
his revelations, addressed a letter to the clergy of
Boston, urging them to take up the theme. In
response many sermons were preached, among
them those by Mr. Banks, since published under
the title [V/zte Slaves. Another phase of the
agitation was the addressing of a letter to Post-
master Hart, of Boston, advising him that the
letter-carriers’ uniforms were being made in
tenement-houses by sweaters. This was denied ;
but it was found that Mr. Crowley was right,
and the contract was taken away and awarded
to aclean firm, who were underbid the next year
by a firm prominent in the sweating system.
The result of this agitation was the present law
in Massachusetts requiring all clothing-makers
in tenements to have a license, creating two
commissioners to see that the law is not violat-
ed, and making other provisions.
In December, 1891, the League invited the
clothing dealers of Boston to cooperate with
it in suppressing the sweating system; but
only a few firms responded, and these in a luke-
warm way, it being only too evident that the
average clothing dealer was more interested in
maintaining than in suppressing the sweating
system. ;
The League then proceeded, at the sugges-
tion of the secretary, to memorialize Congress
upon the sweating system, and asa result Sena-
tor Hoar presented a bill suggested by Secretary
Crowley, and Congress appointed a committee
of investigation, whose report has since been
published.
On June 7, 1892, the League held a joint
meeting with the Industrial Aid Society of
Boston and the stockholders of the Working
Men’s Building Association, to consider a plan
presented by Mr. H. K. Hannah for building
cheap suburban residences, to be sold on in-
stalments to working men. As the result, a
society has now been incorporated to build
such homes. Other work of the League has
been to give lectures and hold mass-meet-
ings over the country, to spread literature and
create public sentiment against the evil.
A. P. A. See AMERICAN PROTECTIVE Associ-
ATION.
APPLEGARTH, ROBERT, born at Hull,
7O
Apprenticeship.
England, in 1833. Tho unapprenticed, he pick-
ed up the trade of a joiner and cabinet-maker.
He moved to Sheffield in 1852, and soon be-
came the most prominent member of the local
Carpenters’ Union, inducing it to unite with the
Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and _Join-
ers in 1861. From 1862-71 he held the office of
general secretary of this organization, volun-
tarily resigning at last. He was an_unsuccess-
ful candidate for the London School Board from
Lambeth in 1870, polling a large vote ; and was
invited to be a candidate for Parliament at
Maidstone, but retired in favor of Sir John Lub-
bock. In 1871 he was appointed a member of
the Royal Commission on the Contagious Dis-
eases Act. Upon resigning his pai ied’ bte he
entered journalism for a time, but before long
became foreman to a firm manufacturing engi-
neering and diving apparatus. Eventually he
became the proprietor of the business. He still
retains (1895) his interest in trade-unionism, Mr,
Applegarth sought to win for the trade-union
organization a social and political status, and
was, in his day, an ideal representative of the
labor movement in the political world.
APPRENTICESHIP, a contract whereby
one person, called the master, binds himself to
teach some trade or profession to another person,
called the apprentice, the latter being bound to
serve the master for a specified period of time
at low wages, and often for a season at no
wages. This custom arose in the middle ages,
and played an important part especially in the
ancient guilds (g.v.). It did not merely apply
to such occupations as are now followed by arti-
sans. It wascommon and correct in the mid-
dle ages to speak of the university of smiths, or
tailors. Towardtheend of the medieval period
and the beginning of industrialism, as the arts
and trades became gradually established, each
assumed the form of a college or corporation of
masters and scholars. The term apprentice
was then applied not only to mechanics, but to
art students as well. The length of apprentice-
ship during the middle ages was seven years, the
same length of time taken by undergraduatesin
the liberal arts. After this time the apprentice
became a full member of the corporation, and
was qualified to practise the business for himself
and to teach others.
i
1
The rules of apprenticeship were much more :
“strictly observed on the Continent than in Eng-
land ; nevertheless, guilds were formed in Eng-
land as early as the twelfth century. In the
reign of Elizabeth it was enacted that no person
should carry on any trade without having first
served a seven years’ apprenticeship. London
became the stronghold of the guilds, which were
frequently involved in political struggles and
local tumults. During the reign of Charles II.
the apprentice laws were limited and subverted
by the judges.
Adam Smith and most of his school disap-
proved of apprenticeship, believing it to restrict
the rightful liberty of the workman and restrain
the full freedom of competition. There is no
doubt that at that time there were many unwise
and troublesome customs regarding apprentice-
ship that merited this antagonism ; but it is
also certain that many of the charges brought
Apprenticeship.
against the institution were too sweeping.
The old trade corporations, however, were
obliged to make way for the new trade-unions.
In the United States the English precedent
has generally been followed in regard to ap-
prenticeship. The division of labor has tempt-
ed many masters to keep their ap-
prentices busy at some one branch
of the trade, and thus to fail in
their agreement to teach them the
whole business. This neglect has
brought on suits for damages by the
apprentices ; and the Pennsylvania courts have
decided that the master is bound to teach
the apprentice every necessary part of the
trade.
There have been no corporations in this coun-
try exactly similar to the European guilds, the
one nearest approaching them being, perhaps,
the Carpenters’ Company, of Philadelphia. In
the earlier part of this century efforts were made
to enforce the apprentice laws, and tocaptureand
pa runaways ; but the establishment of the
actory system and development of machinery
undermined effectually the whole institution of
apprenticeship. The division of labor has so sim-
plified the labor of each worker that after a few
weeks or even days of apprenticeship a boy or
girl can learn almost any separate part of the
trade. There is still great demand for skilled
mechanics, but more especially for those of an
inventive turn. It is only in the smaller towns
and villages that the custom of apprenticing at
present prevails ; and it is to be noticed that it
is from these towns and villages that the skilled
mechanics of the cities come. It has been esti-
mated that out of 4,000,000 skilled manufacturers
and mechanics there are 3,000,000 in small towns
and villages or cities of less than 20,000 inhab-
itants. Some large manufacturing cities still
retain in a greatly modified form a system of ap-
peaneseD but generally there is no written
agreement between employer and employee, and
boys are hired under a verbal agreement, which
permits them to leave or be discharged at any
time. This plan results in creating large num-
bers of half-skilled workmen. :
In the biography of James Nasmyth, of Man-
chester, England, the inventor of the steam-
hammer, the author says :
European
. Guilds,
“But the arrangement which we greatly preferred
was to oy intelligent, well-conducted young lads,
the sons of laborers or mechanics, and advance them
By degrees according to their merits. They took
charge of the smaller machine tools, by which the
minor details of the machines in progress were brought
into exact form without having recourse to the un-
trustworthy and costly process of chipping and filing.
A spirit of emulation was excited among them, They
vied with each other in executing their work with pre-
cision. Those who excelled were paid an extra weekly
wage. In course of time they took pride not only in
the quantity, but in the gua/ity of their work, and in
the long run they became skilful mechanics. . . . Every
one of these lads was at liberty to leave at the end of
each day’s work. This arrangement acted as an ever-
present check upon master as well asapprentice. The
only bond of union between us was mutual interest.
The best of them remained in our service, because
they knew our work and were pleased with the sur-
roundings; while we, on our part, were always desir-
ous of retaining men we had trained, because we knew
we could depend upon them. Nothing could have
been more satisfactory than the manner in which this
system worked.”’.
Mr. Nasmyth found much carelessness in the
71
\
Apprenticeship.
work of those employees who could not be dis-
charged, and endeavored to pre-
vent it by dividing the period of ap-
prenticeship into half-yearly lengths.
Other manufacturers have sought
to retain apprentices by bonuses,
or by establishing a rising scale of
wages according to time served ;
but most success in fully training
mechanics is expected from better general edu-
cation. (See InpusTRIAL Epucation.)
The American trade-unions, striving to raise
wages, and therefore to limit the number of
competitors for work, have often attempted to
limit the number of apprentices which can be
allowed to learn any trade; and this not un-
natural step has tended to diminish the num-
ber of American skilled workmen, mechanics
from Europe being allowed to enter this coun-
try with scarcely any limitation on immigration,
and the trade-unions have been powerless to
prevent their introduction. The only thing they
could do was to take these men into their unions
as rapidly as possible. Hence, without any ill
will of unions against native-born workmen, but
merely from their desire to raise their wages,
has risen a state of things which some writers,
not understanding the cause, have utterly mis-
understood ; as, for example, the conductors of
the recent agitation on the subject in the Cez-
tury Magazine, where (May, 1893) one finds
such statements as these :
Apprentice-
ship and
American
Trade-
unions,
“Shall American boys be permitted to learn trades,
and, having learned them, shall they be permitted to
work at them?... Most persons thus interrogated
would reply at once: ‘Why do you ask such unneces-
sary questions?’ We ask them because under the
present conditions of trade instruction and employ-
ment in this country the American boy has no rights
which organized labor is bound to respect. He is de-
nied instruction as an apprentice, and if he be taught
his trade in a trade school, he is refused admission to
nearly all the trade-unions, and is boycotted if he at-
tempts to work asa non-union man. The questions of
his character and skill enter into the matter only to
discriminate against him. All the trade-unions of the
country are controlled by foreigners, who comprise the
great majority of their members. While they refuse
admission to the trained American boy,
they admit all foreign applicants, with
little or no regard to their training or Shall Ameri-
skill, In fact, the doors of organize
labor in America, which are closed and C42 Boys
barred against American boys, swing Learn
open, wide and free, to all foreigncom- Trades?
ers. Labor in free America is free to
all save the sons of Americans. i
“These are neither idle nor exaggerated statements.
They are sober, solemn truths, expressed with studied
moderation. So-called American labor to-day is a
complete misnomer, as far as the trades are concerned.
How has it come about that the United States alone
among the nations of the earth has not merely sur-
rendered possession of her field of mechanical labor to
foreigners, but aquiesces when the foreign possessors
exclude from that field her own sons?”
Professor E. W. Bemis, at the time of Chica-
go University, in an article first appearing in
the annals of the American Academy of Political
and Social Science, contends that these state-
ments cannot be substantiated. He says:
“Most of our trade-unions have so little prejudice
against any nationality, native or foreign, that they
keep 20 records of the number of each in their mem
bership. ...
“While the foreign born are in the majority in many
of the hard-handed industries, thisis not because of our
labor organizations, but often in spite of their efforts,
of late increasing, to prevent by restricting immigra-
Apprenticeship.
tion this form of competition of those with a lower
standard of living. Where the American born are not
in our unions, it is either because the American boy
does not like manual labor, and so is not engaged in
the trades in which there are unions, or else he refuses
to join the union of his trade. Many unions write that
the Germans take most readily to labor organization,
while in Chicago the native farmers’ boys from the
Atlantic seaboard States are least responsive. An
intense, self-sufficient individualism, which was more
fitted to our earlier history, where one uee of cap-
ital was also little developed, than to the present era of
the corporation and thetrust, keeps a large, but of late,
decreasing percentage of the American boys actually
in our trades from joining the unions of those trades.”
Nor can it be even shown that the majority of
trade-unions seek to unduly limit apprentice-
ship. In 1891'Professor Bemis investigated this
question, embodying the results in a paper which
appeared in the proceedings of the American
Social Science Association for that year. Mr.
‘Bemis says :
“OF the 60 to 70 trade-unions in the United States
then having a national or international organization,
48, with a membership of over 500,000, made returns to
the writer. Most of the other unions are small and
known to place no restrictions on apprentices. Now of
these 48 unions, 28, embracing 222,000 members, or 45 per
cent. of the above 500,000, had no restrictions upon ap-
prenticeship; in ro unions, with 197,000 members, or 39
per cent. of all, restriction was left to the locals. Neariy
all of these 197,000 were carpenters, printers, cigar-mak-
ers, painters, and decorators, Noreturns were received
from most of the building trades aside from the carpen-
ters, but it is known that where they have any restric-
tions upon apprenticeship, they are usually a matter of
local regulation, Let us examine.a little the restrictions
in these unions. Only those branches of the cigar-mak-
ers’ organization which make the better
rade of cigars attempt any restriction
at all of apprentices. Where restric-
tion is attempted, it is usual to allow one
apprentice to ashop and two apprentices
where from five'to 10 journeymen are employed. The
term of apprenticeship being three years, and the nat-
ural working life of cigar-makers over 15 years, there
is, in the application of this rule, opportunity for a con-
siderable yearly increase in the number of cigar-mak-
ers, It may be a sufficient evidence that the cigar-
makers do not unduly restrict the number of appren-
tices if I state that the Chicago union, with a member-
ship of 1900, has between 700 and 800 apprentices.
“Of the zr local typographical unions in New York
State investizatedin 1886 by the New York Bureau of La-
bor Statistics,eight reported some restriction of ae
tices. The very moderate rule common to most of these
‘was one apprentice to four or five journeymen, the term
of learning being fouryears. Butsuchrulesare of com-
paratively little availin keeping down the number of
apprentices because of the large number trained in the
country newspaper offices, where, in the absence of
unions, no rules are apple. All of the 11 ‘unions, as
stated in the report, admitted to their membership on
equal terms with any others those boys who had learn-
ed their trades in non-union establishments. The
Chicago Typographical Union allows one apprentice (in
newspaper and twoin job offices) tothe first 10 journey-
men and one apprentice to every five journeymen there-
after. A veteran printer of the union has found this rule
would allow for the 1700 membership of one of the Chi-
cago unions about 250 apprentices, but the number em-
ployed is only about 140, very clearly proving that not
as many boys desire to be apprentices in-the printing
trade by ae one half as the union rules would allow.
“In view of the common belief that the building trades
are successful in limiting the mumber of apprentices,
itis very significant to note the fact brought out in the
Massachusetts census for 1885, that in none of the
pbuilding trades was there one half, and in most cases
not one fourth, as many apprentices as the union rules
would allow. Among the blacksmiths there was one
apprentice only to 28 journeymen ;.among the carpen-
ters, 1 to 62; among the machinists, 1 to 20 ; among the
masons, 1 to 105; among the painters, 1 to 89; among
the plumbers, 1 to 44; among the printers, 1 to 19;
among the tinsmiths, 1 to 16. In Wisconsin, in 1889, ac-
cording to the fourth biennial report of the Commis-
sioner of Labor and the industrial statistics of that
State, there was only one apprentice to every 13 among
the masons; one toevery 12 among the carpenters; one
to every 12% among the painters, while there were
three apprentices to every four journeymen among
the plumbers.
Statistics.
72 Apprenticeship.
“ Two of the most exclusive unionsin this country are
the Tile-Layers and the Flint Glass-Workers. The
former, with asmall membership, requires a learner to
serve two years as an apprentice, and then he must be
able to secure a two years’ contract as a laborer at $38
day for the first year and $3.50 for the second. He
must then be able toearn $4 a day and pay an initiation
fee of from $25 to $100, according to the locality. ;
“The Flint-Glass Workers allow only one apprentice
to every 20 men, unless there are less in a shop, and he
must serve four years. By adding an initiation fee of
$100 in case of emigrants, and having other stringent
shop rules, they keep up wages to from $6 to $9 a day
for their members inthis skilled trade during the 10
months’ work season. But these examples,of a labor
trust modeled after the increasing examples of the
same among capitalists are the exception in the labor
world.
“Only 17 of the 48 unions making returns as above
stated had any national rules restricting Spprentices,
and only 14 of these unions, with 71,000 members, or 14
per cent. of the 500,000 in the 48 unions, reported any
success in the enforcement of such rules. Of these
71,000, gso0 were glass-workers, 5417 were hat-makers,
28,000 were iron-moulders, and 20,000 were journeymen
tailors.
Mr. Bemis continues in his article in the An-
nals of the American Academy :
“Altho the writer of the Ceztury articles charges
the trade-unions with the downfall of the apprentice-~
ship system—the only system known until very revent-
ly for imparting trade instruction—he says in the June
number, 1893: ‘At the sixth annual convention of the
Pennsylvania Association of master house painters
and decorators, held at Scranton in January last,
one of the delegates read a paper on the apprentice-
ship system as observed in his trade. He said that
after a personal investigation among at least 60o master
painters and decorators of Philadelphia and vicinity.
e had discovered that not an average of one in x5 ha
a single Sresee in his business, and that the larger
the workship or establishment, the greater seemed the
abhorrence with reference to the employment of boys
to learn the trade, many of the masters going so far as
to say that in all their experience as masters, extend-
ing over rs to 35 years, and employing from 15 to 50
and as high as 80 workmen, they had never bothered
their brains teaching a boy the business.’ .
“The downfall of the apprenticeship system is due
largely to the introduction of machinery and ‘the con-
sequent subdivision of work in large shops. This
renders it impracticable for the employer to take a
personal interest in each of his men, or to give them
an all-round training. It is more profitable to set the
learner at work upon a single machine or branch of
work, where he will soun acquire speed. The boy pre-
fers this, because he is eager to begin earning as soon
as possible. But the a prenticeship system as man-
aged under modern conditions is at best a poor method
of trade instruction. It is a picking-up process.
Scores of wage-earners have assured me that very
little actual teaching is done for the boy in the appren-
ticeship, but he must do a great deal of drudgery, run
more or less danger of moral contamination, and can
only learn what he may incidentally pick up by watch-
ing others. This is a great waste of time. There is no.
awakening of keen ambition and love of the work ; no
adequate training or imparting of dignity to the work.
A journeyman is hardly ever paid, as he should be,
when on piece-work for the time lost in teaching an
apprentice. This alone accounts for much of whatever
opposition there may be among journeymen to a large
number of apprentices.”
Such seem to be the facts as to the situation.
For a discussion of the question of industrial
education, see article under that name.
A suggestive treatment of the problem of ap-
ad ad is reported from Neuchatel in Switzer-
and ;
_ “A new Jaw for the regulation of apprenticeship-
in Neuch&tel came into force in February, 1891, from
which much good is expected. The aim
of he law nh pan the aes of ap-
rentices and to develop industrial skill i a
ia the different trades practised in the pedteerene
canton, but especially in the watch-mak-
ing industry. To this end all appren-
tices are placed under the supervision of the com-
munal authority, which can delegate its powers to
a select committee, composed of equal numbers of
employers and employed. Where Consezls de Prua’«
Apprenticeship.
hommes ot trade syndicates exist this supervision can
be entrusted tothem. The committee must from time
to time visit the workshops where apprentices are
employed and see that the latter are properly taught
andtreated. Mastets are forbidden to take apprentices
without a written contract, or to employ them in other
than their proper occupation, and they are also re-
quired to allow them sufficient time for religious and
secular instruction. The hours of labor are fixed at
19 per day for apprentices between the ages of 13 and
13, and at 11 hours a day for those over 13, the hours
devoted to education being included in these limits.
As a ttle, no epee ie can be required to work at
night or on Sa ys or holidays. The Council of State
of the canton appoints a commission in connection with
the cantonal department of industry and agriculture,
which must be as representative as possible of the
trade-unions recognized by the State. The function
of the commission is to consider all schemes which may
result in the improvement of the position of appren-
tices, and to examine all apprentices on the expiration
of their apprenticeship.
“The admitted to these examinations must
be apprentices of Neuch4tel or other Swiss cantons who
have served at least half of their time with an employer
resident in the canton. The examinations include the-
oretical knowledge, but lay greater stress upon the
actical work turned out by the apprentice. Can-
idates who satisfy the examiners are provided with
certificates from the Minister of Industry and Agricul-
ture, stating the results of the examination. Prizes
consisting of books, tools, or a savings-bank account
are given to the best candidates, and exhibitions are
provided for those who are desirous of further perfect-
ing themselves in their trade. The sum of 30» frs.
is to be devoted annually to prizes from the cantonal
budget, and the work executed by the candidates who
pass their examination is to be publicly exhibited. All
the provisions of this law are eq y applicable to
gee Report on S$ id of
‘oreign on Switzerland of the English Royal
Commission on Labor. . -
References: Labor Reports, General Subject of Ap-
prenticeship (New York, 1886 ; Maine, 1888); Statistics
of Apprentices (Kansas, 1890; Missouri, 1344); Ap-
prenticeshipin Europe (New York, 1886); Apr eine
Schools (New York, 1886); Trade-Unions and Appren-
tices (California, sage Fo Ohio, 1221; New York, 1886;
Pennsylvania, 1889; Michigan, 14%); Laws Relating to
Apprentices (North Carolina, 1%#2)._ See also the Cen-
lury, 1893, passim, and Professor E. W. Bemis, reply
in the Annals of the American Academy of Political
and Social Science, September, 1894. -
AQUINAS, ST. THOMAS, the chief repre-
sentative of the theology, philosophy, and eco-
nomic teaching of the medieval Church. He
was born in 1225 or 1227, at the castle of his fa-
ther, the Count of Aquino, in the territories of
Naples ; and he received his education at Monte
Cassino and the University of Naples. When
but 17 years old, in spite of the opposition of his
family, he took the habit of the Dominican or-
der at Naples, and was afterward sent away to
study theology and phil hy under the fa-
mous Albertus Magnus at Cologne and Paris.
Aquinas early gained distinction as a student
of theol , and began his lectures, which were
iven at Paris, Rome, Bologna, and other places.
e was on familiar terms with many princes of
his time, and especially honored by the kings
of France and of Naples, who frequently sought
advice from him. The Popes also were not
slow to recognize the merit of Aquinas ; and
Clement IV. offered him the archbishopric of
Naples and the abbacy of Monte Cassino, both
of which were declined. It was on the route to
the Council of Lyons, whither he had been spe-
cially summoned by Gregory X., that Aquinas
died, March 7, 1274. He was canonized in 1323
by Pope John XXII. In his life there was a
union of simple piety with the greatest philo-
sophical power. He fulfilled the ecclesiastical
ideal of a saint and a Father of the Church. As
73 Aquinas, St. Thomas.
a theologian his name stands with that of Au-
gustine.
To us Aquinas represents scholasticism, the
philosophy of the middle ages. From the be-
ginning the Christian Fathers, like the later Al-
exandrians, had made philosophy
the handmaid of religion ; and we
find in scholasticism the same ex- Philosophy.
ajtation of theology over all other
knowledge. Scotus Erigena, the
eariiest schoolman, said: ‘‘ There are not two
studies, one of philosophy and one of religion ;
true philosophy is true religion, and true religion
is true philosophy.’’ Hence the greatest work
of Aquinas, the Summa Theologiz, aimed to
give a s of all the science of the time.
Into the philosophical and theological part of
the Summa it is not necessary to go at length
in this article. It may be said that the whole
philosophical effort of the middle ages was to
teconcile the demands of reason with the dog-
mas of the Church. So in the Summa Aquinas
asserts the existence of two sources of knowl-
edge—treyelation and reason. Revelation in-
cludes Scripture and Church tradition and teach-
ing. Reason, in this sense, is natural truth, such
as came to men through the philosophy of Aris-
totle and Plato. Natural truths are to be appre-
hended by the individual reason and the super-
natural truths of revelation by faith. Yet these
two kinds of truth are not at variance, since they
rest on the Absolute One, who isGod. Philoso-
phy and theology are, therefore, harmonious.
There are three principal divisions of the Summa
Theologi@, which may be said to treat respec-
tively of God, man, and the God-Man. The
latter part of the third division was added after
the death of the author. Of the other works of
Aquinas, his commentaries on Scripture and on
Aristotle, and the Adversus Gentiles, dealing
with Mohammedan science, it is not necessary
to speak further. All his writings lead up to
the Summa.
To Aquinas theology is the sum of all science,
and hence he is little interested in economics.
But since the scope of the Swzzma was so wide,
he naturally was obliged to deal to
a certain extent with both politics
and economics. His statements Economics.
have great value to students of so-
cial questions, because he so thor-
oughly represented medieval Church thought.
Most of his teaching on these subjects may be
found in various passages of the Summa.
In regard to private property, Aquinas justi-
fied individual ownership. He argued that the
results of private ownership were beneficial,
and he adopted from Aristotle the theory that
property should be owned separately, but used
for the common good. Aquinas, however, had
to deal with the fact that the Christian Church
at first seemed to condemn private property and
to glorify communism. There was even in the
canon law itself an apparent approval of com-
mon ownership, and in one place a declaration,
quoted from Clement of Rome, that all men
ought to have the use of the things of this
world in common. Hence some explanations
and qualifications were necessary, if he wished
to harmonize his own position with that of the
early Church. By natural law, in one sense,
Aquinas, St. Thomas.
there was no reason’why a piece of land should
belong to one person rather than to others. But
in another sense, Aquinas says, since it was de-
sirable that the land should be cultivated with-
out interruption by violence, the private owner-
ship might be called natural. It is natural
by way of consequence, tho not natural abso-
lutely. Private property was due to positive
enactments of law; but tho natural law did
not introduce it, neither did it forbid it. Thus
Aquinas justifies, tho with the qualifications
mentioned, the principle of individual owner-
ship. In dealing with the subject of property
as it concerned the monastic orders, or as it
affected the highest sort of Christian living,
Aquinas takes the conservative view. He holds,
in opposition to many in the monastic orders
who wished for absolute poverty, not only indi-
vidual, but corporate, that property is only in-
jurious when it hinders the spiritual life. A
moderate property, especially if possessed by a
religious order, is not necessarily an evil.
Following naturally from his views as to pov-
erty and private property comes the position of
Aquinas in regard to the bestowal of charity.
He does not unduly exalt almsgiving, as some
Church writers had done. The practice is ob-
ligatory ; but at the same time alms need only
be given, as a general thing, after a man has
provided for himself and his family in a proper
way. The giving should usually be from the
superfluity—what remained after legitimate ex-
penses.
One example of Aquinas’ teaching on politics
may be referred to. On the question of the
right of government to tax its subjects, he favors
the subjects rather than the prince. He says
that rulers should seek the common
good of the people in preference to
Right of theirown advantage. Hence they
Taxation. should not take from their subjects
by taxation save when some public
need arises. Their revenues should
be derived from their own special possessions.
But it is right that they should tax their sub-
jects for such purposes as the common defense
against an enemy, etc.
vanced in answer to an inquiry put to Aquinas
by the Duchess of Brabant.
In treating of commercial ethics, Aquinas fol-
lows generally the teaching of the earlier Church
Fathers, and stands firm for the application of
Christian principles to trade. He agrees with
the old views as to usury, and especially with
those of hisinstructor, Albertus Magnus. Usury
is wrong. Money is a consumptzble ; the bor-
rower has a natural right tomake use of it when
loaned, and the lender should not ask a payment
for its use in addition to the return of the original
sum, as this would beadouble charge. Aquinas,
however, allows the right of the lender to make
a charge for any loss that might occur from
the payment of the money being deferred be-
yond the set time. Though usury is a sin, it is
not wrong, he teaches, for a man to borrow from
ausurer for some good purpose, or for one to
lend money to a usurer for safe-keeping, having
no desire of gain.
Trade was, in Aquinas’ view, a base thing,
and even sinful when carried on for the sake of
gain. But it was not so when the trader pur-
This opinion was ad-
74 Arbitration and Conciliation.
sued it asa means of livelihood, and was con-
tented with a moderate profit, which he used for
good purposes. Further, trade was also right
when it served the public interest and provided
a country with the necessities of life. -The civil
law was wholly imperfect, then as now, from a
Christian standpoint, in its provisions regarding
business. The Christian principle was, accord-
ing to Aquinas, that noone should ever demand
or pay more than a just price. He was con-
‘scious of the opposition between his teaching
and the civil law, but he explains that human
law has its necessary limitations, and does not
prohibit everything that is wrong. Divine law
is higher, and must forbid all things that are
opposed to justiceand virtue. It wasnecessary,
therefore, for Aquinas to protest against apply-
ing the principles of the civil law only to busi-
ness, and to assert the pre-eminence of the
Christian and Divine law. He makes competi-
tion subsidiary to justice. P
The scholastic philosophy reaches its culmina-
tion in Aquinas, and no medieval writer has
had more influence than he. The Summa
Theologie “was meant to be exhaustive, to be
a compendium of all knowledge, and it remains
the most complete body of moral and theological
science ever written. It is even now, to a great
extent, a recognized manual of the theology of
the Roman Catholic Church. :
References: There is no adequate account of the
economic teaching of Aquinas; which may be best
collected from Aquinas himself. See the Summa
Theologig as to private property, Secunda Secunde,
Quezestio 77, Articulus 3; Q. 66, Art. 1, 2; as to volun-
tary poverty, Q. 188, Art. 7; as to alms, Q. Art. 5, 63
as to slavery, Pars Prima, Q. be Art. 3; Prima Secun-
dz, Q. 94, Art. 5; as to price, Secunda Secunda, 775
as to usury, Q. 78; as to taxation, De Regimine iden
orum among the Opuscula. The best brief account
will be found in C. Jourdain, La Philosophie de S.
Thomas d’ Aquin, 1838. See also W. J. Ashley, Eco-
nomic History, vol. 1., part 1, 1888, and his article on
Aquinasin Paigrave’s Dictionary of. Political Economy,
to which article we are in the main indebted for that
portion of our article bearing on Aquinas’ economic
teaching.
ARBITRATION AND CONCILIATION
(INpUsTRIAL).—{For courts of conciliation other
than industrial,see ConcILIaTIon, CourTsoF. See
also SrRIKES AND PULLMAN STRIKE. For arbitra-
tion between nations, see INTERNATIONAL ARBI-
TRATION.) We are concerned in this article with
arbitration and conciliation as applied to the set-
tlement of industrial disputes alone. We con-
sider, first, definctions ; secondly, the history
of the subject ; thirdly, the difficulties, advan-
Zages and various views of the different kinds
of arbitration and conciliation.
I. DEFINITIONS.
Arbitration and conciliation are not identical.
Says Mr. Henry Crompton in his Jadustrial
Conciliation :
“ Arbitration is not the same as conciliation, but may
be used when conciliation has failed, or where there
has been no attempt at conciliation. Arbitration is
‘after the fact,’ and implies that a cause of difference
and a dispute have arisen. By arbitration this may be
settled, a compromise effected, and war averted; and
that whether the dispute relates to past arrangements,
as to what are the terms of an existing contract, the
just application of those terms to a new state of things,
or whether the difficulty is to agree upon future prices
or conditions of labor. Desirable as this obviously is,
conciliation aims at something higher—at doing before
the fact that which arbitration accomplishes after.
Arbitration and Conciliation.
Toseeks to prevent and remove the causes of Alaprute
before they srlen, to ad jue differences mand claliis bes
fore they become disputes,”
Vhere are various kinds of both arbitration
and conciliation, There is, in the first place,
the general distinction between voluntary and
ay arbitration aud conciliation,
Olintary arbitration tales plavo when the
aes to the dispute, of Atetr own will, refer
he uatter al issue to the decision of a board or
body of arbitrators, or even to one
arbitrator, a6 may be ayreed upon
Voluntary Wy the Vel interested, They
Arbitration, may do this of their own desire, or
be tnduced by the medintion of out-
Bide partics or by public sentiment,
Tt is, nevertheless, voluntary arbitration, unlers
they are compelled Ay faz to have recourio
fo sueh arbitration. Che appeal may be mide
to qabitvitors or to an arbitrator chowen ina
great variety of ways, The arbitrating body
miny be chesen for the occusion, or ik may be ia
standing: board chosen by oue employer and his
ciuployces, or by the united emiployers and et
ployees, either of one trade or of one city or peo-
seraplicn) section, or, again, Lhe appen muy be
tow board of arbitration Aippeatisben! by the Stale
or by outside parties, fn all these canes it is
BLL voluntary arbitration, even tho the ap.
perl be toa board appotuted by the State,
Coripulsory arbitration arises ouly when the
law compels any ehoployer or eniployes fa sid
mil the guestion at issue loarbitration, and to
abile by the result, Unless the
law compel do¢/ the submission of
Compulsory the question and the abiding: by the
Arbitration, judyinent if cannot be enlled aetu-
ally compulsory arbitration, An
Intermediate form of arbitration
tay, However, be conceived of, and in a sense
netaaly has been developed, where the law com-
pels partics at strife to appemur before aboard of
arbitration upon simmonssand to state their case
nnd submit to examination, with or without evi-
dence, yel where the law docs not compel the
parties to accept the decision. di such a ease
the hope is that by compellings the parties: at
atrife to ntate and aryie the cane before respon
dible men, the judynentarcived at by such men
and the publication of Cheirdecision Will induce,
or, perhaps, by the power of public sentiment
even compel, Lie acceptance of the decision
without competition by law. Again, the ease
tinny be conceived of, tho we believe it lias
not been developed, where the law compels pars
lich who have voluntarily resorted to arbitration
loabide by the result. Tn full compulsory arbi-
tration, however, both the resort toad the abid-
ing by the decision of arbitrators must be re
qtuired under the penalty of the law,
Such are some of the fornis that ahaa
may assiine, Cones/ratrore Vos, or tiiy have, a
similar variety of forms. Conipalsory conciliae
tion in its full Kensie diay teem cv eontradietion
af fermi. nevertheless, the law muy require,
And offen has required, an in Brance partionlare
ly, the maintenance of bourds of conciintion, by
Which all questions Hable to create strife must
bo decided, subject to appeal to various higher
courts of daw or of arbitration, Conciliation,
loo, When volumliry, may be of many kinds, A,
particular criployer or liv diay apres with his
Arbitration and Conciliation.
or its employees on a board of conciliation to de-
termine all matters on which differences: are
likely to arise, ora board of conciliation may be
chosen by the united employers aud employees
either of a particular trade or of a particular
town or yeoyraphical weetion 5 or yoverniment
(national, municipal, or State) may appoint
hoards of conciliation 5 or, finally, private partics
a church (asin New York City) or any body
efmen may appoint a board or comintttee of
conciiiation,
Once more, in combinations of both arbitra-
tien and conciliation there is chance for still
more varicly, while finally, as to the methods of
Choosing, constituting and conducting boards,
fhe differences are beyond computation, and can-
not at length be woticcd here, The main differ-
ences, however, mush be kept memind, Viera
are offen eaztreme objections rained apcainst
and difficulties encountercd in the way of one
form of arbitration and conciliation which do
Hol apply to another, Of scarcely any indts-
trial problem is it more difficult or more danger-
ous lo make general sliatements, Before at-
fompting any general consideration, thercfore,
the history ee nie be carefully studied in con-
siderable detail,
I, Uiwrony,
The history of modern industrial arbitration
and conciliation belongs almost wholly to. the
Jost quarter of a century, yet finds its origin in
France early in the century, and there connects
ituelf in an interesting way wilh the medicval
methods of settling industrial disputes, (See
CGuinos.) We shall study the history by coun-
trices, commencing wilh france,
In the wllle trade of Lyons there existed, ln the lust
century, created by tho triide yulld or
corparallon, w Zithunal Commun, for
a HotLleanonk of hae piety French
whieh wr te perk of the recog iiizes
guild wystonm of the medieval perlod. Conseils dos
Howos broken ap by the daw of arch,Prud’ hommes,
rot, ebolishing al the drench suilda.
The alle manufacharers, however, felt
Ita lon, sunt trodeligg acl vantages of a visit of Napoleon to
Heir eft ythey petitioned for an tnstititlon slianiher to
thelr Bll wot . This wos pranted by the law of March
Hy oted, coe Lyons Chun haw the firot of whit became tho
famous Mronel Comseds des Pri honmes ioards of
Seonel ation, Composed of aleied menof a trade). his
fini conse? and Hs homedhite puecEKnOrd Were not
composed, atthe camses7s 0re row, eg tilly of cinployers
and enipdoyeen, Phe employers were in the majority,
nnd dn abenie Lhe workday mien were pot really repre-
sented at abl, for tly teat covsed? cousinted of five mer.
chuntaand four chefs Cafelers or overkoors, mod) Chins
wat roproncitative of all Hhooarly comsess, hoy were
what fhelr name doipllod, councils of the heads, or
fii ednenof the trade. Nevertheleris, (rey attempt -
ch thie worl of modern bonds of conediiation, and with
conmdernible siecesw Sluilir cassecdss were itirtod at.
Ronen fio; Nimes, tog) Avignon and other places,
Wei, Dy (ho hiw of tog worlenien themselves wore
acittied to the eomsey (ho nol dn equal tumiber
withthe daticfaetirers, thin not he tise peranbed Cp aye,
od then beiupg woon witha rawn, Dn tie a eaeseeZ wits
formed th the son pomaiielirriige tendo ta Marsed ties,
and from this time entered offer trades, After iio Che
syston nproad throuseh all Pranee and into the adjacent:
eountrlon. Phere are at proencat cig comsed/y in France,
fot in Paris atone find linge Bente aqyou Csised Gil
ally,
Mies corse il predent fy Mrance connlit of two cont
Hitteed, or borenia ca burend of coneiiation, entled se
durcau particitai, wid birentoof arbitration, called
nbwrcan gendral Vhe bureau of coneliiation is coms
pewet a oone employer jodone workin, whose offles
wto forma tribtal to whieh, without Che cost, delay,
or vexntlon of toil process, can bo referred: disputes
Arbitration and Conciliation.
between working men themselves or between working
men and their employers. The jurisdiction of this
bureau, however, is limited at present to the interpreta-
tion of contracts and disputes involving amounts not
over $40, though a bill has already passed the Cham-
ber of Deputies to raise the limit to $100. Two thirds
of the cases that come before them are stated by the
Report on France of the (English) Royal Commission
on Labour, to be settled at_a cost not exceeding 30
centimes (6 cents), the cost of issuing a citation notice ;
‘5 per cent. of the cases refer to wages. The bureau
is compelled to sit at least three times a week.
The bureau of arbitration (6ureau général) is com-
posed of three employers and three workmen, and con-
siders cases that cannot be settled by the bureaus of ar-
bitration. Witnesses may be called, and are compelled
to appear. Counsel wey. not appear. Appeal can be
taken'to the Tribunal of Commerce if the sum involved
is over $40. Workmen and employees alternately pre-
side. In each commune (township) or czrcouscréption,
the employers elect theirrepresentatives and the work-
ing menttheirs. Details vary, but usually any working
man of 25 years, who has worked three years in the
place, has a right to vote for the workmen's represen-
tatives. The comsez?7s have judicatiomalone in the trades
for which they are appointed. From 1879 to 1888 the
bureaus of conciliation tried 410,280 cases, of which 66
per cent. resulted in conciliation, or were withdrawn
before judgment, and 33 percent. proved irreconcilable.
‘The bureaus of arbitration heard 119,487 cases, of which
67,222 were withdrawn before judgment, 40,659 were
finally decided, and.9886 were. admitted to appeal. Less
than one fifth of these ever came up for appeal, and of
these only 32 per cent. were reversed. The difficulty of
settlement, however, appears to be on the increase. In
1887, of 41,917 cases before bureaus of conciliation, 15,656
were not conciliated. In 1888, out of 41,117 Cases, 16,319
were not conciliated. In 1889, out of 43,141, 16,178 were
not. In 1890, in the convsezd for the textile trade in
Paris, 31r2 cases came up: and rr2q4 could not be con-
ciliated, and in 1891,.284r cases came up and 949 could
not be conciliated. According to Maurice Block’s 4z-
nuatre de'l’Economie Politique, of the cases appearing
before the bureaus of conciliation front 1876-80,. 71
per cent. of the cases were conciliated; in 1881, 6x per
cent.; in 1882, 64 per cent.; in 1883, 64 per cent.; since 1883,
not over 53 per cent. this is perhaps due to the in-
creasing size of industrial disputes. The comsedls, it
will be remembered, are limited to the comparatively
minor matters of personal or implied contracts be-
tween employers and workmen, such as payment of
wages, absence from work, poor work-
manship, apprenticeship ; but the in-
creasing need has led to the question
French = whether the consed/s could not be made
Conciliation. to settle more important matters, as in
. the cases: of strikes, etc. It has been
generally felt, however, in France, that
their machinery was not adequate to
such cases, and organizations of both employers and
workmen have endeavored to construct machinery of
their own to this end, while latterly the State has tried
itshand. The most important of French strikes—that
of the Carmaux miners in 1892—was settled by the in-
tervention of M. Loubet, the prime-minister. Accord-
ing tothe English Report on_France (1894), out of 1212
employers’ associations in France, 144 had provision
for conciliation or arbitration, and out of 1588 working
men’s associations, 648 (in 1891).
On December 27, 1892, a law was_ promulgated in
France providing for a new form of arbitration. In
case of industrial disputes.(strikes,.etc.), it is the duty
of the justice of the peace to urge (not require) having
recourse to conciliation or arbitration, and he may or-
ganize a board of arbitration if he choose. Conciliation,
however, must be voluntary and unanimous, not im-
posed by a majority vote, The law has scarcely had
time to work, but in 1893 634strikes are reported, and
in 109 conciliation or arbitration was tried. Of these
attempts, 43 were initiated by the employees, 40 by jus-
tices of the peace, five by employers, and two by mutual
agreement. Employers declined conciliation 33 times,
employees five. In54 cases, committees of conciliation
were appointed; 38 led to conciliation, 2t being com-
romised. In17 cases unreconciled disputes were re-
ferred to arbitration, but objections to the decision
were raised six times by employers, three times by
the employed, and twice by both. In 16 cases, strikes
were continued after attempts at conciliation, but 10
were initially compromised,
Arbitration_and conciliation in Belgium has little
thatisnew. Comseilsdes Prud’ hommes were established
in Belgium, as in France, on the basis of the French law
of 1806, but were so controlled by the employers and
Arbitration and Conciliation.
by head workmen, whose interests lay more with the
employers than with bona fide workmen, that they
gave littlesatisfaction. The workmen's
grievances were somewhat allayed by
the law of r&8s9.and still more by the law
of 1889. At present the Belgian Conseils
des Prua’ hommes resemble very closely .
the French. In Belgium, too, as in France, the diffi-
Belgium.
culty of settlement seems to be Heine as appears in
the following figures taken from the danuatre Statis-
tigue de la elgg ue, 1802, and quoted in the Report on
Belgium of the English Royal Commission on Labour.
- Concili- | Arbi- Not
SEAR: Cases. ated. trated. | Settled.
31545 3,951 589 558
39314 2,183 275 560
39272 2,287 30r 497
31336 2,365 322 488
31509 25333 336 554
4,171 39979 425 650
45333 3,071 507 77
41578 3939 477 695
4.530 31399 457 6EZ
5,078 31250 838 967
As. in France, again, there has. been recent effort in
Belgium to establish courts of arbitratiomand concilia-
tion other than the Consezls des Prud'hommes, In 1876,
after the strike at Marrinout, M. Weiler, mining en-
gineer for the collieries, organized what were called
chambers of explanations, which were practically
boards of conciliation. They were somewhat success-
ful, and in 1886, after the riots of that year, the Govern-
ment passed a law establishing councils of industry
and labor to act as boards of conciliation. Upto May
30, 1892, 50 councils had been established. But their
Success has not been great. The mining industry in
Belgium is one where the miners work under very
severe conditions, and strikes are constantly arising
too bitter and too large for courts of conciliation to
effect to any marked degree. 3
Passing from Belgium to other continental European
countries our account is abridged from the very val-
uable and recent reports of the various countries made
to the English Royal Commission on Labour.
Special courts for the settlement of industrial dis-
putes have in some form or other been
provided for by the German law since
the beginning of the century. ... The
incorporation into France ofthe left bank
of the Rhine during the Napoleonic wars
brought the Rhine oes under the Napoleonic
Code, which provided for the formation of Conseils de:
Prud'hommes. ... Councils of this kind were instituted
in 1808- for Aix-la-Chapelle and Burtscheid, and in r8rr
for Crefeld and Cologne; when the provinces reverted.
to Prussia the councils were left intact, and an effort
was made to extend the system to other parts of the
country.... By an Order in Council of August 7,
1846, they were called ‘‘Royal Councils,” and em-
powered to deal with all disputes arising between man-
ufacturers and their foremen, workmen, and appren-
tices; home workers were also included under their
jurisdiction. scales
The restriction of the power of the guilds effected by
the Prussian Industrial Code of 1845 had led to dissat-
isfaction among artisans with the legal provisions.
for settling industrial disputes. The tendency of
Prussian legislation appeared. to be in the direction of
telegating all disputes to the ordinary courts, while
the artisans demanded special industrial courts on the
model of those existing in the Rhine provinces. A
committee of employers and employed, summoned by
the Government to Berlin to consider the matter, drew
up a bill for the establishment of industrial courts,
which became law on February 2, 1849. Only 31 courts
were established. ... The procedure of these courts
was not laid down with any exactness, and their con-
stitution was not very clearly defined in the Act: these
defects, combined with the delay attending their deci-
sions, go far to account for their comparatively small
epee ad trial Code of hi
‘¢ Industrial Code of 1869, which rerulated the in-
dustries of the empire, contained a eal since res
pealed by the Act of 1890. ...
In the amendment to the Industrial Code of 1881 con-
cerning the guilds, provision was made for the estab-
lishment of courts of arbitration, for the settlement of *
Germany,
Arbitration and Conciliation.
disputes between members of the guild and their
journeymen or apprentices, and a further amendment
of 1887 extended the jurisdiction of these courts in some
cases to non-members, Further, the insurance laws
of 1883 and 1884 provided for arbitration in disputes be-
tween employers and their work-people with regard to
the amount which the employers should contribute to
the sick funds, or the compensation due under the Ac-
cident Insurance Law. n the whole, however, the
State provision for arbitration and conciliation in Ger-
many has proved ineffective, and the advocates of this
method of settling industrial disputes have, ever since
1873, made repeated efforts tosecure additional powers.
... In 1886a resolution was passed “To request the
Chancellor of the Empire tointroduce a billfor the com-
pulsory establishment of industrial courts, with the con-
dition that the assessors in such courts shall be elected
in equal numbers by cmperere and employed sep-
arately, and by ballot.’’ The insertion of the word
*‘compulsory” was due in a great measure to the influ-
ence of the socialist members, and it was omitted in
the further resolution passed in 1889.
The law, finally passed on July 29, 1890, which came
into effect on April 1, 1891, holds to the old principle of
leaving the institution of industrial courts in the main
to the communal authorities. It differs from the sec-
tions of the Industrial Code, which it supplants, by in-
cluding a series of provisions for the formation, under
certain circumstances, of a board of conciliation. The
preamble states that “in many recent strikes it has
been felt that, altho both sides were ready to treat,
negotiations could not be initiated without long delay
because no regular and authoritative body existed
which could undertake the conduct of such negotia-
tions, The present law attempts to establish a body of
this kind. ...” The authorities of a commune, or of a
number of communes combined, may establish such a
court; should they prove remiss, the employers and
workmen concerned may appeal to the central Govern-
ment to order the establishment of a court. All ex-
penses not covered by fees, costs, and fines must be
met by the commune. The court consists of a presi-
dent, nominated by the communal authorities and ap-
proved by the Government, and at least two assessors ;
but whatever be the numbe:, half must represent the
employers and halftheemployed. They areelected by
ballot, and must be over 30 years of age; neither pau-
pers nor persons under any legal disability are eligible,
and all persons elected must have resided or been
emolomed for two years in the district. Women may
neither vote nor be elected. The elec-
torate includes all persons over 25 years
German Law. of age, who possess the qualifications
required for assessors. The assessors,
who cannot refuse election, except for
special reasons, are compensated for traveling expen-
ses and for lossoftime. The contending parties may
not be represented by lawyers or by persons who are
professionally engaged in legal proceedings. The
courts may take the evidence on oath both of the par-
ties concerned and of witnesses orexperts. If the mat-
ter in dispute exceeds the value of roo marks (fs), an
appeal may be made against the decision of the court
to the regular courts of the district. Any industrial
court may convert itself into a board of conciliation
when appealed to by both parties.... The decisions
of the court, when acting as a board of conciliation,
are not legally binding, and cannot be enforced; in
other cases the court notifies its decision to the parties
concerned, who must declare within a given time
whether they accept it or not.... In any case, the
result of the negotiations must be public. The court
must give its opinion on industrial questions when
required to do so by the Government or the communal
authorities, and it is empowered to make suggestions
to these authorities on matters rélating to the persons
or establishments under its jurisdiction. The law rec-
ognizes the existing rights of the guilds and their
courts, but calls upon all other industrial courts to
revise their constitution before April 1, 1892, and to re-
mode} it in accordance with the existing law.
So far 179 courts have been formed in the six largest
German States, or_133 in Prussia, 13 in Bavaria, 13 in
Saxony, nine in Wirtemberg, seven in Baden, and
four in Hesse. Alsace and Lorraine, in spite of their
great industrial development, have as yet taken no
advantage of the Act, and the fact that Saxony has no
more courts than Bavaria seems to show that there is
no definite relation between the provision for arbitra-
tion and the probable need of it. .
The Sozdalpolitisches Centralblatt calls attention
to the very few cases in which industrial courts have
exercised the power given to them by the Act of re-
solving themselves into boards of conciliation, One
77
Arbitration and Conciliation.
successful instance is, however, recorded in Kiel, in
September, 1892, when a pending dispute between
brewers and their work-people was averted. The Leip-
zig court has established an information office which
furnishes advice gratis to workmen. The assessors
attend in turns and give the workmen the benefit of
their experience; and tho the Office has lately been
in difficulties, owing to the complaints of the unorgan-
ised workmen that its benefits were confined to those
who were organised, it continues to exist and to do
useful work. It was established in April, 1890, and in
the first year of its activity gave advice to over 1000
workmen.
Efforts have been made from time to time in Ger-
many to organise voluntary boards of arbitration and
conciliation in the different industries, but except in
the printing trade little has been achieved in this direc-
tion. In 1873 the Economic Club (Verezn fiir Sozial-
politzk) issued a report on the subject, and presented a
petition to the Reichstag praying for the “speedy pro-
mulgation of a (normal) law authorising boards of con-
ciliation.”’” The trade-unions were in favour of estab-
lishing such boards, and, about 1870, boards seem to
have been formed in Grtinberg, Guben, Danzig, Berlin
Stralsund, Barth and Zingst, Rostock, Offenbach, and
Biebrich. The details recorded of these boards are
both meagre and contradictory ; and their history does
not appear to have contributed much to the records
of successful arbitration.
In Switzerland, boards of conciliation and arbitra-
tion have already been instituted in connexion with 25
trade-unions, and in some cantons they have been es-
tablished and supported by the cantonal governments.
The principal object of these boards is to draw up
wages lists and workshop rules, which employers and
employed both agree to observe. Theunions in which
they have been established have found
them both active and efficient. The
board of the Embroiderers’ Federation Switzerland.
considered 665 cases of disputes between
October, 1885, and March, 1889, 554 of
which it brought to a satisfactory conclusion. The
cantons where they have been established are Geneva,
Neuchatel, Vaud, and Urban B4le.
The 7ribunaux ad’ Arbitrage Industriel, which were
instituted at Geneva in 1874, consisted of a justice of
the} peace as president and two arbitrators, elected re-
spectively by the employers and employed. ‘These
arbitrators acted from political motives, and hence the
boards proved a failure. They were consequently
abolished in 1883 to make room for Consezls de Prua’-
hommes on the French pattern. Disputes referred to
these courts are first brought before the conciliation
board, then before the board of arbitration, while a
court of appeal gives the final decision as to all cases
in which the damages are estimated at more than 500
frs. The judge and clerks are paid by the State
and the whole process is free both to employers and
employed. Besides their judicial functions the grua’-
hommes are authorised to superintend the training of
apprentices, the sanitary condition of workshops, and
to make recommendations to the Government for the
advancement of trade and industry in the canton.
They thus form a kind of chamber of commerce,
A peculiar feature in the constitution of these boards
is that counsel is not allowed toeither side, but plaintiff
and defendant are represented by members of the trade
to which they belong. To facilitate this representation
the dv ud’hommes are divided into 10 trade groups. ...
In 1888, 753 cases were brought before the board of
conciliation, 21 of which were withdrawn, and 522 were
settled; the remaining 210 were passed on to the board
of arbitration, 203 of which were settled by it and six by
the court of appeal. The total number of cases for the
first three years amounted to 2182, of which 1995 concern-
oe of wages and compensation, 113 were cases
of dismissal, 12 were connected with men who had left
work without warning, 55 with breach of apprentice
rules, five with certificates (Horderung eines Zeugnis-
ses), and two with breach of contract. The disputes on
wages questions thus form 91.3 per cent. of the total
number, and the percentage of disputes settled by con-
ciliation, which in 1885 amounted to 55.6, had risen in
1888 to 69.3. The beneficial results of the board meet
with general recognition, and it is proposed to extend
its competehce to agriculture also.
An Act conferring similar powers was passed at
Neuchatel in 1885, with this difference, that whereas
the Geneva boards are compulsory, in the canton of
Neuchatel they are optional, and are only formed in
places which obtain the necessary powers from the
cantonal Government. Each board consists of from
16 to 30 Sworn members, and the president, who is
elected for six months, is alternately an employer and
Arbitration and Conciliation.
aworkman. Each board has a court of conciliation
and a court of arbitration. The officials of the board
are elected and paid by the cantonal Government.
These boards possess the same administrative powers
as those of Geneva. Chaux-de-Fonds is the only place
which has hitherto availed itself of the powers con-
ferred under this Act, but the court established there
nas become a fixed institution, and is now regarded as
gee. former
In oy institutions for the settlement of disputes
between labour and capital hardly exist. In the event
of strikes, the political authorities are called upon to
restore order; after which, by common
consent, the question is either referred
to the president of the local chamber
of commerce, or, as at Rovigo, to the
heads of the working men’s associations,
or, as at Genoa, to some influential person. But the
labour chambers are now beginning to assume the
position of arbitrators in disputes arising between
masters and operatives. The recently organised cham.
ber of Venice proposes in addition, under Art. 3: of
its regulations, the establishment of a mixed industrial
court of arbitration. :
This principle of arbitration has also been adopted
by the Government. As the commissioners of 1873
pene out, boards of conciliation ought to be pecu-
iarly easy to establish in Italy, where traditions of the
medizval trading associations still linger. ‘From the
time of the communes, and throughout the most splen-
did period of Italian industry, the colleges (/e Univer-
std) of merchants and craftsmen had the right of elect-
ing special judicial bodies which exercised both the
functions of the modern commercial tribunals and
those which are generally relegated to the colleges of
Probi Virt?’ The commissioners of 1878, after many
inquiries, came to the conclusion that the institution af
boards of arbitration (Collegit df Probt Virt) would be
well received both by employers and employed. Six-
teen chambers of commerce and 22 prefects pronounced
decidedly in their favour; four prefectsand rochambers
of commerce hesitated; ro chambers of commerce and
eight prefects were hostile. Nevertheless, no bill was
agreed upon till June, 1893, and as yet little has resulted.
Of other countries Dr. E. R. L. Gould writes in the
Yale Review (February, 1895):
“Provisions in Austria for dealing with industrial
aifficulties are fairly similar to those made in Germany
and need not be separately described.
“‘In the Scandinavian kingdomsof Sweden and Den-
mark disputes have to be decided, in the former coun-
try before a police court, in the latter by a suit at law
the same as any ordinary breach of contract. A proj-
ect is now before the Danish Parliament
looking to the creation of industrial
tribunals, to consist of not less than
four members, with a president chosen
bythem. Representation of both orders
isto beequal. The sanction of thecom-
munal authorities is requisite. Questions arising
under existing contracts are to be tried in these courts.
As boards of conciliation only will they deal with col-
lective disputes. There are no voluntary boards of
any prominence in either of these two countries.”
We come now to the in many ways more im-
‘ portant study of arbitration and
conciliation in England, and notice
England. the first, Professor Jevons’ sum-
mary of the early English legisla-
tion on the subject. He says in his
The State in Relation to Labour, p. 150:
“Under the Elizabethan statutes there was no place
for arbitration, because the conditions of labour were
laced entirely in the hands of magistrates, But the
decadence of that legislation was marked by the stat-
ute of the 20 Geo. IL, cap. 19, which introduced a new
principle by giving summary jurisdiction to justices
of the peace in disputes between masters and servants
when the term of hiring is one year or longer. A
justice of the peace may decide all such disputes,
although no rate or assessment of wages has been made
that year by the justices of the peace of the shire, etc,
Extensive powers were given to the magistrates for
coercing refractory servants and apprentices, although
there was the alternative of coe them from
their engagements, By the 3: Geo. II., cap. 11, the
powers of the act were extended to the case of agri-
cultural servants hired for less than a year; but the
magistrate’s interference was clearly limited to dis-
putes arising uring te currency of a hiring, and no
power was given to bind servants beyond that term.
Italy,
Scandinavia,
78
Arbitration and Conciliation.
“During the eighteenth century a series of acts was
partly the same as those known as the Combination
‘Acts, which provided means for the settlement of dis-
putes in particular trades, especially those engaged
with cotton. The act of the 4B Geo. III, (1803), cap.
131, was of a more elaborate character, and enabled
disputes between masters and weavers, or such as
arise with persons engaged in ornamenting cotton
goods by the needle, to be settled by referees appoint-
ed by a justice of the peace. Such acts were, how-
ever, consolidated and replaced by that of the 5 Geo.
IV., cap. 96, which established one general law relat-
ing to arbitration of disputes in every branch of trade ,
and manufacture (1824).” :
Besides these laws, attempts were early made in Eng-
land at voluntary arbitration. It is said that disputes
were invariably settled in the pottery trade as early
as 1836. The carpet-weavers in 1839 adopted a system
of voluntary conciliation, consisting of a yearly meet-
ing with their employers to determine wages. The
system was still in practice in 1856. A Macclesfield
Silk Trade Board of Arbitration was established in
3849, in direct imitation of the French Conserls des
Prud' hommes, but it lasted only four years. In 1853 and
31854 the National Association of United Trades for the
Protection of Industry was successful in conciliating
several disputes, But it was not until 1860 that any
important and permanent board of conciliation was
established, the first being modelled after the French
consetls, and established through the
efforts of Mr. A. J..Mundella in the
hosiery and glove trade of Nottingham. Boards of
The trade had long suffered from dis- Conciliation.
astrous strikes, and in that year had had
three strikes, one lasting 11 weeks and
threatening a general lockout. Concilia-
tion came as a needed relief. The Nottingham board
was soon followed by a similar board in the building
trades of Wolverhampton, created by the efforts of Sir
Rupert Kettle. The boards were very successful, and
were copied rapidly. The action of these boards is
purely voluntary; the only power used is the appeal
to honour. The boards are made up of an equal num-
ber of representatives of employers and employed, the
officers usually being a president, vice-president, and
two secretaries, one for each class. All have an equal
vote. Meetings are held monthly, quarterly, or when
needed. The boards have a sub-committee to settle
minor difficulties. Expenses are met by both parties.
At first the working men were admitted to the room,
met to sit on a rude bench before their employers,
and only allowed to speak when spoken to. To-day
they sit around one table, employer and employé
alternating. Conclusion is not usually reached by
show of hands, Mr. Crompton, writing of these boards,
says:
“The proceedings of the board are very informal,
not like a court, but the masters and men sit rounda
table, the men interspersed with the masters. Each
side has its secretary. The proceedings are without
ceremony, and the matter is settled by what the men
call a ‘long-jaw’ discussion and explanation of views,
in which the men convince the masters as often as the
masters the men. Of course this does not mean that
every member of the board is always convinced, though
it seems that even this is very often the case ; but when
they are not they are content-to compromise. . . .
It is, in fact, conciliation, and is far better than the de-
cision of acourt or of an umpire. The ‘long-jaw,’
ending in agreement, may take a longer time, but is the
true practical way out of the difficulty.”
Mr. Mundella, in 1868, after eight years’ experience
on the board, thus speaks on this point :
“When we came to make our rules it was agreed
that the chairman should be elected by the meeting,
and should have a vote, and a casting vote when neces-
sary. I was chosen the chairman in the first instance,
and I have been the chairman ever since. I havea
casting vote, and twice that casting vote has got us into
trouble, and for the last four yearsit has been resolved
that we would not vote at all. Even when a working
man was convinced, or a master convinced, he did not
like acting against his own order, andin ome instances
we had secessions in consequence of that ; so we said.
‘Do not let us vote again, let us try if we can agree;
and we did agree.”
Palgrave’s Dictionary of Political Economy gives the
following detail of the board established in 3869 in
the manufactured iron trade of the north of England:
“The men belonging to the different works select in
each case by ballot a delegate, and the employers be-
longing to a single firm are similarly represented by a
single delegate. The members of the board thus con-
stituted elect a president, together with one secretary,
Arbitration and Conciliation.
from among the delegates of the masters, and a vice-
president, together with a second secretary, from
among the delegates of the men. They also elect a
standing committee, as it is called, consisting of five
representatives of the men and io representatives of
the masters (five of whom alone are able to discuss or
vote on any question) ; and of this committee the presi-
dent and vice-president are ex-officio members, with-
out enjoying any power of voting. The standing com-
mittee meets every month, or, if occasion demands,
more frequently, and the board itself meets twice a
year and at other times when summoned by the com-
mittee. In the first instance, all questions are laid
before the committee. They are submitted in writing to
the secretaries seven days before the meeting ; the writ-
ten reply of the other side is ee, placed before the
same meeting, and an agreement of submission signed
by the parties concerned. If the standing committee
cannot arrive at an agreement, the referee, who is a
permanent official, is called in and can take evidence ;
and in this way all questions may be settled, except a
general advance or reduction in wages, or the appoint:
ment of an arbitrator. These questions the board
alone can decide, and it also determines matters re-
ferred to it from the standing committee, selecting
an arbitrator if it cannot itself arrive atan agreement.
The necessary expenses of the board are defrayed by
the subtraction of a penny every fortnight from the
wages of every workman earning upward of half-a-
crown a day, and by requiring each firm to pay an
amount equal to that thus subtracted from the wages
of their employés. Upto September 1, 1889, the stand-
ing committee had held 3:8 meetings and adjusted
850 disputes, and the board itself had met szog times.”
This board has Broved to be one of the most important
and successful. In 1868 formal boards of arbitration
and conciliation were established in the pottery trade
a Se ae oo
osiery trade, and the Nottingham lace
Boards of Ar- trade.” Legislation, too, was introduced
bitration and to aid the movement, an act to establish
Conciliation, equitable councils of conciliation (30 and
31 Victoria, cap. 105) being passed in 1867,
and another in 1872 (35 and 36 Victoria,
cap. 46). Neither, however, proved_really opera-
tive, save as matters of education. In 1872 a joint
committee to settle disputes was appointed in the
coal trade in Durham, and soon after in Northumber-
land. Of these joint committees, Schulze Gaever-
nitz, writing in 1890, says that “for 16 years these com-
mittees have been uninterruptedly active. . ..
‘Their decisions have scarcely ever been disputed, and
neither party has ever raised any objection to the com-
mittee as an institution. The Northumberland Joint
Committee has since its establishment discussed and
decided a total of almast 4000 cases.”” Nevertheless,
alongside of this favorable view must be put an unfa-
vorable view, which we shall consider later. In 1873 a
joint committee was established in the Cleveland iron-
stone mining industry, and has been successful. In
1875, three other boards were established, particularly
the South Wales Miners’ Sliding Scale and Joint Com-
mittee, and almost every year since this some new
board,and often more than one, has been organized,
tho down to 1889 no distinctively new feature was
developed. Since 1889, however, a new form of board
of conciliation has appeared. Down to this date all
boards had been connected with some particular in-
dustry, but in 1889 the London Chamber of Commerce
took the lead, in connection with the trade-unions of
London, in an effort to establish local district boards
unconnected with any one trade. In 1890 a board was
established, and the same year the chambers of com-
merce in Bristol, Hull, Leeds, Manchester, Walsall, and
Wolverhampton followed theexample. Since then the
movement has been almost constant.
Yet while we trace this growth of boards of concilia-
tion, we have now to chronicle that many of the older
ones are failing. According tothe Report of the Royal
Commission on Labour (1892), the board of the Notting-
ham hosiery and glove trades has, after 20 years, now
become “ practically extinct, though a desire to revive
it is expressed on the side of the operatives.” The
arbitration portion of the pottery trade board has
been given up, tho the committee of conciliation
still continues. The board in the wrought-nail trade
lasted only one year. Dissatisfaction is reported with
other boards, while the existence of some of the boards
most successful has not prevented some of the greatest
strikes England has yet known. The Neweastle arbi-
tration agreement, representing ‘“ the matured experi-
ence of the colliery proprietors and of a compact body
of sooo coal-miners,” is often praised, yet the subse-
quent history of the coal-mining industry, with its
gigantic strike, is hardly an advertisement of the suc-
79 Arbitration and Conciliation.
cess of the agreement. Says Mr. W. P. Reeves, Min-
ister of Labour in New Zealand, writing in the Review
of Reviews (American edition) for August, 1894:
“Even in the case of England one has only to read the
dry list of strikes published monthly and yearly by
the Board of Trade to see to how great an extent vol-
untary arrangements and optional conciliation have
failed. When one takes up a magazine article or
ag hlet by some worthy and optimistic disciple of
ir Rupert Kettle or Mr. Mundella, and reads that in
17 years the board of arbitration for the manufactured
iron trade has settled 800 disputes, that the London
Chamber of Commerce has drawn up a series of ad-
mirable conciliation rules, or that the powerful trade-
unions of the boiler-makers has in 13 years never spent
more in a year on labor disputes than g per cent. of an
annual income of $650,000, one is almost stirred to hope
that the industrial millennium is within our horizon.
Yet we turn to hard matter-of-fact records, and note
that in 1889 the strikes in the United Kingdom num-
bered 1145; that in 1890 their total was 1028 ; that in 1897 it
was 875; that in 1892 it was6o1; and that for 1893 the fig-
ures seem certain to be rather higher than for the preced
ing year. Surely these prove that private voluntary
boards are at the best but an imperfect palliative. ...
Thus the attempt a year or two since to form a central
board for the British tailoring trade broke down igno-
miniously at the first award. Equally unfruitful was
a well-meant endeavor made in the manufactured
steel trade in the west of Scotland. The Macclesfield
Silk Trade Board lasted only four years. Such stumbles
on the threshold might be looked for. But it is signifi-
cant torecall the break up of Mr. Mundella’s model
board establishment for the Notts lace and hosiery
trade, and dissolved after 20 years of service. Nor,
read, is Sir Rupert Kettle’s elaborate scheme, now re-
sorted to in the Wolverhampton building trade, popu-
lar as it was for many years. Seventeen years of use-
fulness did not save the South Wales Miners’ Joint
Committee. Nordida 25 years’ life prevent the Con-
ciliation Board for the Staffordshire pottery trade
coming to an end in 1892. Like it, the Eviccstershire
Hosiery Board met the same fate after a long career.
Icannot find that more than five of these trade con-
ciliation boards have been newly set up since 1889.
Yet the British strikes during the last quinquennial
period have averaged nearer goo than 800a year. The
chambers of commerce in London, Bristol, and other
cities have indeed established general conciliation
boards. But, except in the metropolis, they would
seem to have done little or nothing. A few similar
efforts in the colonies have had the like result.
“T must not be understood as wishing to belittle the
undoubted usefulness of boards of conciliation. I do
but point out that their utility lies chiefly in arranging
in a friendly way those minor points of difference
which seldom lead to strikes. Nevertheless, he would
not be a very acute observer who could not see that it
is these same minor points which, left unsettled, occa-
sionally lead step Be step to the worst and most em-
bittered conflicts. The causes of some of the most
lamentable and heartfelt strikes and lock-outs have
been curiously inadequate.”
Mr. Reeves goes on to make a plea for compulsory
arbitration which we shall consider later. We are
now concerned simply with the history of the subject,
Aad of compulsory arbitration there has been no
istory.
The last point that we must notice in the history of
the subject in England, is the distinguished success
that has been reached in some important cases, in the
settlement of large strikes, by the voluntary interpo-
sition of men of unusual influence and unquestioned
standing in the community. This was notably the case
with the great dock strike of London in 1889. About
150,000 workmen were involved in the
strike; it had paralyzed the commerce
and affected the trade of all London. It Strikes
naturally arrested universal attention.
Very great sympathy was felt for the
dockers. Support came in from the
wealthy and the poor. Australia sent funds. The
clergy and members of the nobility contributed. About
440,000 passed through the hands of the strikers’ com-
mittee. Their side was ably organized and led by John
Burns, Tom Mann, Ben Tillett, and others. Neverthe-
less the dock companies were strong and determined.
It was a desperate battle. Such were the conditions
when Cardinal Manning, the Lord Mayor, the Bishop
of. London, and Sydney Buxton, M.P., undertook con-
ciliation, and were finally successful, winning most of
the points for the dockers. The dock companies yielded,
they said, to an “external pressure” which ‘‘may have
very far-reaching consequences in the future.” Cardinal
Manning undoubtedly exerted the greatest influence
Arbitration and Conciliation.
in securing the result. It was very largely the per-
sonal weight of the committee that bayer lis cues,
coupled with the fact that they acted at an opportune
time. Similar was the influence of the Bishop of Dur-
ham and others in the great coal strike—these, together
with other smaller ones, showing what public sen-
timent can do in settling even vast and heated con-
troversies, when voiced by persons of commanding
influence acting at opportune times.
Perhaps even more Significant is the part that Gov-
ernment has commenced to play. We give from the
Weekly Times of November 17, 1893, the text of the
Government’s invitation to the Coal-owners’ and Mi-
ners’ Federation to submit their differences to a con-
ference, with a member of the Government, the Earl of
Rosebery, aschairman, It isa document of historical
importance, as the first step of this kind taken in ay
large way uy Government, and because, as is weil
known, it led to the settlement of a most protracted
and widely spread contest. The text is as follows:
“Sir: The attention of her Majesty’s Government
has been seriously called to the widespread and dis-
astrous effects produced by the long continuance of
the unfortunate dispute in the coal trade, which has
now entered on its sixteenth week.
“Tt is clear from information which has reached the
Board of Trade that much misery and suffering are
caused not only to the families of the men directly in-
volved, but also to many thousands of others not en-
gaged in mining, whose employment has been ad-
versely affected by the stoppage.
“The further prolongation of the dispute cannot fail
to aggravate this suffering, especially in view of the
approach of the winter, when the greatly increased
price of fuel is likely to cause distress among the poor-
er classes throughout the country.
“* Moreover, the Government have little doubt that the
effect of the stoppage of industry is rapidly extending
and increasing, and that unless an early settlement is
effected, lasting if not permanent injury may be done
to the trade of the country.
“The Government have not up to the present con-
sidered that they could advantageously intervene in
a dispute the settlement of which would far more
usefully be brought about by the action of those con-
cerned in it than by the good offices of others. But,
having regard to the serious state of affairs referred
to above, to the national importance of a speedy
termination of the dispute, and to the fact that the
conference which took place on November 3 and 4 did
not result in a settlement, her Majesty’s Government
have felt it their duty to make an effort to bring about
4 resumption of negotiations between the employers
and employed, under conditions which they hope may
lead toa satisfactory result.
“Tt appears to them that an advantage might accrue
Srom a further discussion between the parties of the
present position of matters under the chairmanship of
‘a member of the Government, who tt ts hoped will not
be unacceptable to etther side.
“‘ Lord Rosebery has consented, at the request of his
colleagues, to undertake the important duty which
such a position involves. :
“T have, therefore, to invite the (Miners’ or Coal-own-
ers’) Federation to send representatives to a.conference
to be held forthwith under his chairmanship. In dis-
‘charging this duty, z¢ zs not proposed that Lord Rose-
bery should assume the postition of an arbitrator or
umpire, or himself vote in the proceedings, but that he
should confine his action to offering his soe offices tn
order to asstst the parties in arriving between them-
selves at a friendly settlement of the questions in dis-
pute, “Tam, etc., 5
‘W. E. GLADSTONE.”
The latest significant stepin the history of arbitration
and conciliation in England took place in the settle-
ment of the great boot trade dispute ofthis year (1895),
- and its significance consists in the deposit of money on
both sides to assure their abiding by the agreement.
Says the Z2mes of April 26, 1895:
“There have been many boards of conciliation before
to-day, but they have always lacked effective means of
enforcing their decisions. ‘It is a xovel and ¢tmportant
feature in this agreement that an attempt ts made to
“provide a sanction for their decrees.... The agree-
ment provides that immediate steps shall be taken to
draw up piece-work statements for lasting and finish-
ing piece-workers, and for welted work at Northamp-
ton; the employers to have the option of payment by
time. or piece. These statements are to be drawn up
by a joint committee of employersand operatives, and
any differences are to be determined by.an umpire.
Boards of arbitration.and conciliation.are immediately
80 Arbitration and Conciliation.
to be reconstituted with revised rules, and empowered
to settle all questions submitted to them concernin,
wages, hours of labour, and conditions of labour whic!
cannot be settled mutually by employers and employed,
No board is to require an employer to employ any
particular workman, or a workman to work for any
particular employer. No board is to claim jurisdic-
tion outside its district, or to interfere with the rights
of employers to make reasonable regulations for time-
keeping or the preservation of order in their factories ;
or to put restrictions on the introduction of machinery
orthe output therefrom. Provision is made for finan-
cial guarantees for the carrying out of the agreement ;
and any question as to its interpretation is to be set-
tled by Sir Courtenay Boyle, whose decision is to be
final. It is understood that work will be generally re-
sumed not later than the 2oth inst, :
“The two parties to the settlement have deposited
sums of £1000 each with Sir Courtenay Boyle and Sir
Henry Jamestin accordance with the terms of the agree-
ment. .,. Mr. Ward, President of the Federation,
addressed a meeting of Leicester manufacturers on the
terms of settlement, which he described as a charter of
rights for the manufacturers, under which three
Sourths of the disputes which aplicted their industry
would be rendered tmpossible.” . .
Boards of conciliation in connection with trade-unions
have existed in Australasia in several industries for
many years. The Federated Seamen's
Union drew upa scheme for such a board, ‘
which was accepted by the Australasian Australasia,
Steamship Owners’ Association in 1884,
... Incase of failure to.come to an agree-
ment, the board was empowered to appoint two arbitra-
tors. In 1886 the union refused to submit a case to the
board, and the owners declared the agreement broken,
The Boot Manufacturers’ Association and the Opera-
tive Boot-Makers’ Union of South Australia ‘have
established a board of conciliation consisting of five em-
- ployers and five employés elected by their respective
associations for 12 monthsatatime.... A board of
conciliation also exists in connection with the Amal-
gamated Carpentersand Joiners. Five workmen mem-
bers meet five employers and endeavour to arrange a
settlement; the union’s report for 1890 shows that some
30 disputes were settled in that year. In the building
trades, if an isolated union fails to settle its difficulties
by sending a deputation to the employer, the matter.
may be referred to arbitration, or to a board of con-
ciliation; where this course is not adopted, or where it
proves a failure, a ballot is taken to test the wishes of
members in regard to.a strike. Theconciliation board
connected with the Building Trades Council and the
Contractors’ Association put an end to.a strike which
arose during the building of the Hotel Australia, owing
to an alteration in the hours of work without due
notice. After hearing the representations of the board,
the contractor agreed to defer the change for seven
days; when the men returned to work, however, he re-
duced this period of notice to 48 hours.
Where no regular board of conciliation has been
established, ait erences are sometimes adjusted by
conferences between the two parties. In1873 the master
printers of Victoria entered into an agreement with
their employés to hold.a series of conferences at regular
intervals with satisfactory results. The demands of
the Seamen’s Union in New South Wales were met by
a conference in 1890, and a further conference was
‘held in September of that year between the marine
engineers and the shipowners, which for the time set-
tled their differences.
The most frequent method, however, of settling dis-
utes is by the intervention of bodies representing the
ederated unions in each colony. The majority of
unions are now affiliated to some central body, and
matters in dispute are accordingly referred to the cen-
tral council when the lesser unions fail to effect a set-
tlement. It then devolves on the officers of the council
to intervene, and, either by sending a deputation to
the employers, or by other forms of mediation, to put
an end to the dispute. Should these efforts fail, the
council.again consults the individual unions as to the
necessity of a strike. Thus the South Australian
United Trades and Labour Councilintervened in some
1s disputes of a more or less serious character, and in
nearly every instance succeeded in improving the
position of their members. In one instance they called a
conference and obtained an agreement providing for
’ the closing of butchers’ shops at six on all week days
except Saturday and abolishing Sunday. work. except
in the case of Government contracts. In two other in-
stances they obtained reductions of working hours for
carriers and for iron-workers. ee
Such conferences sometimes result in drawing up a
Arbitration and Conciliation.
written agreement as to the future conditions of labour,
and this method of promoting social peace is strongly
recommended by the New South Wales Commission
on Strikes. In most industries there have as yet been
no such agreements, and in the few cases in which the
custom has obtained, the agreement has only lasted a
few years.
In New South Wales there have been two arbitra-
tion acts, the first passed in 1867, ‘‘to make arbitration
more effectual,” and the second in 1891, to establish
eouncils of conciliation and arbitration in accordance
with the recommendations of the Royal Commission
on Strikes of 1890. No other colony has.as yet (1893)
passed’ any act on the subject, though a number of
schemes have been prepared, and bills have been in-
troduced into the various legislatures. ... The actof
1891 divides New South Wales into five industrial dis-
tricts; in each of these a council of conciliation is to be
formed, two members of which are to be appointed on
the recommendation of the organised employers and
two on the recommendation of the organised employés.
.«.. The act is to continue in force for four years, v/z.,
till March, 1895. At a meeting of the Trade and Labour
Council of Sydney, held after the passing of the act,
to elect the nominees, a motion was brought forwar
to postpone such election until a compulsory clause
was inserted in the act, on the ground that without
such a clause employers would never agree to arbitra-
tion. The motion met with some approval, but was re-
jected on the ground that it was necessary to test the
act before condemning it.
The history of arbitration and conciliation in the
United States is more varied, but not so encouraging.
The following sketch of the history is
abridged from the Report on the United
States of the English Royal Commission
on Labour.
One very early instance of arbitration
is recorded at the beginning of the eigh-
teenth century, when a oor er arbitration board was
established in the mines o Bingnury, now called East
Granby, in Connecticut. These mines, however, were
soon exhausted, and for a time were converted intoa
State prison. The next recorded attempts at a peace-
ful settlement of industrial disputes is not until those
of the Sons of Vulcan between 1865 and 1876.
On February 13, 1865, a Committee of Boilers met a
Committee of Iron Manufacturers and agreed upon a
sliding scale of wages, thus to this extent forming a
board of conciliation.
It was agreed that the price for smelting iron was to
be $9 for every ton of 2240 lbs. when iron sold at 8%
cents a pound, and that the pee for smelting wasto be
reduced 34 cents for every fall of a quarter of a cent in
the selling price. Ninety days’ notice was required to
terminate the scale from either side, but it only lasted
afew months. In 1867, after a strike in which the men
had been successful, another scale was drawn up. By
this the price for smelting was to be $8 a ton wheniron
sold at five centsa pound, witha 25 cents’ reduction for
every fall of a quarter of a cent in the price of iron.
The agreement could be terminated with 30 days’ notice
on either side. This scale remained in force for seven
years, but was modified so as to allow of an advance in
wages whenever the price of a pound of iron varied by
atenth ofacent. It did not provide for any fall in that
rice below three cents a pound, and when the price did
Fall below three cents the employers proposed a reduc-
tion of $1 a ton, and the employés one of 50 cents.
After a four months’ strike the men were, as before,
successful, and resumed work on the 50 cents’ reduc-
tion. In 1876 the various classes of ironworkers united
to form the Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel,
and Tin-workers of the United States, and several
scales were drawn up for different branches, wages
rising or falling in most cases with every fluctuation of
atenth of acentin price. The method of fixing wages
by sliding scale has continued among iron-workers up
to the present time with more or less success.
In 1870 some of the shoe: manufacturers of Massa-
chusetts formed a committee of five to meet with the
committee of the Knights of St. Crispin, and to draw
up a scale of wages for the ensuing year. This was
the first board of arbitration or conciliation in Massa-
chusetts, and it was established in an industry which
had been harassed more than any other by industrial
conflicts. For atime the system worked well. In 1871
the committee met again to determine prices for the
second year, but during the year difficulties arose be-
tween the employers and the Crispin organization, and
at the beginning of 1872 the manufacturers returned
no reply to the invitation of the Crispin committee.
The collapse of the order, following upon a prolonged
strike, led, in 1875, to the formation of the Shoemakers’
United
States,
“the labour organisations, and. the third
Arbitration and Conciliation.
League, which again established a board of arbitra-
tion; but the league had so little influence, that at the
end of the year it was dissolved by a unanimous vote.
The next year witnessed a revival of the Knightsof St.
Crispin and of their board of arbitration, and to pre-
vent a repetition of the previous troubles, it was de-
termined that no strike should be declared except by
the vote of the board and the unanimous consent of the
employés inthe establishment concerned. In 13 months
the board settled over 100 difficulties, and its working
was sepaided with favour by the manufacturers,
although they took no‘active part in its.proceedings.
It was composed of rz members, each representing a
different branch of labour. The members wereelected
for one year, and chosen, as Mr. Carroll D. Wright
says, ‘“‘Not alone for their integrity and general intel-
ligence, but also because they were regarded as supe-
rior workmen, each being an expert in. his branch of the
business.’’ In cases referred to them for arbitration,
the decision of the board was final, in other cases an
appeal might be made to the lodge, or local branch of
the order. Meetings were held as often as required,
generally twice a week. Members received no pay-
ment for evening attendance, but for time deducted
from their working hours they were paid at the rate of
o cents an hour. The order gradually gave way be-
fore the Boot and Shoe Workers’ International Union,
so that the attempt to substitute arbitration for strikes
was not permanently successful. The work, however,
accomplished by this board did much to show the value
of the principle. We must notice also efforts of the
Miners’ National Organization to establish arbitration
in the Tuscarawas Valley, Ohio. Their intention was
defeated by the action of the Crawford Coal Company
immediately after the award of 1874. In 1887 asecond
attempt was made, but it had little success. In1879 the
firm of Straiton & Storm, cigar manufacturers of New
York, established a board of conciliation among their
employés. The constitution of the board is in some
respects peculiar. It consisted of two parts, a cigar-
makers’ board and a packers’ board, and each body
chose a delegate from the other body to sit with them,
the firm being represented on both. The Cigar-Mak-
ers’ Board of Arbitration, as finally constituted, con-
sisted of four cigar-makers, chosen out of 15 delegates
selected by the three departments, one packer, elected
fromthe packers’ board, three foremen appointed by
the firm, and one member of the firm. The Packers’
Board of Arbitration was composed of two packers,
chosen out of seven selected by the packersias a whole,
one cigar-maker elected from the cigar-makers’ board,
the packer foreman, and one member of the firm. On
both boards, therefore, the employés wereina majority,
and one of their number was in a peer to give the
casting vote in case of adivision of interests. Wages
were twice advanced by order:of this board in 1879,
and a further advance was made in 1880, though. the
board did not then grant the full amount demanded.
As the election of the workmen’s. representatives
took place within the factory, there is some reason to
suppose thatit wasnotentirely free. When, after about
eight years of existence, the workmen did exercise a
free choice, the board was abolished by the firm. It
had been combined with a benefit fund, to which all
the employés were compelled to contribute a certain
sum, but the benefits were only paid to workmen who
met with an accident or fell ill while working for the
firm. Any workman leaving forfeited all claim to.any
benefit, as well as to the sum which he had paid into
the fund.
In 1878 Mr. Joseph D. Weekes was sent.to inspect the
English boards of conciliation, and on his return pre-
sented a report to the Governor of Pennsylvania. ‘The
result was the Wallace act of 1883, by which voluntary
boards of arbitration might be established in Pennsyl-
vania. Before the awards of these boards can become
binding, they must be accepted by both parties to the
arbitration. The Ohio arbitration act of 1885 provided
for similar boards for Ohio, but in this case both parties
must pledge themselves beforehand toaccept theaward.
Boards. of this character have been established in
Massachusetts, New York, and California. The Massa-
chusetts act of 1886, as amended in 1887, provides for the
appointment of a State board of arbitra-
tion composed of three persons, of whom
one represents the employers, another State
is an impartial citizen recommended by Boards.
the other two. The California State
Board of Arbitration and Conciliation,
appointed by an act of 1891, issimilarly constituted. Of
the three “competent persons” composing it, ‘one shall
represent the employers of labour, one shall represent
labour employés, and the third member shall represent
Arbitration and Conciliation.
neither and shall be chairman of the board.” The con-
stitution of the New York Board of Mediation and Arbi-
tration, established in 1887, is somewhat different ; one of
the three arbitrators is to be elected from the party
““which at the last general election cast the greatest
number of votes for governor of this State,” another
from the party casting the second greatest number,
while a third is to be selected ‘‘from a dona fide labour
organization of this State.’’ In California the members
are elected for one year only; in New York, for three,
and in Massachusetts all the members serve three
years, but only one retires every year, so that the per-
sons composing the board are never all changed at once.
a an amendinent of 1890 to the act constituting the
fassachusetts Board, in cases involving special tech-
nical difficulties, the two parties in dispute may each ap-
point an expert to serve on the board for the particular
ease. All three boards, though not nominally compul-
suns ossess very extensive powers. The Massachu-
setts
oard may, ee the application of the omployel,
or of amajority of hisemployés, or of their a author-
ized agent, open an inquiry, which it may make public
or not at its own discretion and at any stage in the pro-
ceedings. Where both parties refuse arbitration the
board may attempt to mediate between them, and,
failing that, may, if it thinks fit, investigate the cause
or causes of the controversy and publish a report, find-
ing the causes and assigning theresponsibility. When
a decision is given, it is binding upon the parties for six
months, or until the expiration of a6 days’ notice of
an intention not to be bound by it given by one ary
tothe other. Twoinstances arerecorded in whichsuch
notice was given in the report of the Massachusetts
Board for 1887; but in neither case was the award in-
terfered with at the expiration of the period of notice.
The New York Board hasalso a power of investigation
which it may exercise when its services as an arbitra-
tor are refused, and after arriving at the facts of a con-
troversy, it may make them public and lay them be-
fore the Legislature. It is also empowered to suggest
amendments to the existing laws touch-
ing labour qyestions, The California
State Boards, Board is similarly charged with the duty
of investigating alldisputes which threat-
en to endinastrike, and isempowered to
publish the results of its investigation. Initsreport for
1889 the New York Board claims that the extensive pow-
ers granted toit by the act deter parties “from making
undue exactions or unjust conditions,” but neither
here, nor in Massachusetts, nor in California, is any
provision made in the act for compe ing the observ-
ance of the award. The decision of the boards is only
accepted where the parties are willing to accept it.
The reports of the Massachusetts Board for 1888, 1891,
and 1892 speak with satisfaction of the number of wage
lists drawn up by the board, for which application is
often made afterward by other manufacturers, and
which, therefore, serve asa standard of prices. Fur-
ther, manufacturers often apply to the board for ad-
vice in fixing the rate of wages or the price for a new
kind of work. The report for 189: states that the
yearly earnings of the employés affected by contro-
versies, which were dealt with by the board in 1890,
amounted to $4,056,195, and that the total yearly earn-
ings of the factories were $12,044,525. The expense of
maintaining the board was $8,108.86, so that, if success-
ful in preventing strikes, it implies a considerable
saving to the community. The report for 1888 states
that some firms enter into a written agreement with
their employés to submit all differences which may
arise to the arbitration of the board.
All the three boards have power in all cases to sum-
mon witnesses and to examine them under oath, as
well as to require the production of books containing
the record of wages paid. They may also appoint ex-
_ perts to assist the arbitrators in cases which present
technical difficulties. A special voluntary board may
always be substituted for the State board at the wish
of the parties concerned, and this temporary body is
endowed for the time being with all the powers which
the act confers upon the permanent arbitrators. Two
instances of the appointment of such a voluntary board
are recorded in the Massachusetts report for 1887... .
Laws providing for the settlement of disputes between
employers and employed by arbitration have been en-
acted by the Congress of the United States, and the
legislatures of Colorado, Maryland, New Jersey, Iowa,
Michigan, and North Carolina, as well as the States
previously mentioned. By anact of 1892, the Governor
of New Jersey is authorized to appoint a State Board
of Arbitration to hear spec from local arbitration
boards, as well as to arbitrate directly between em-
ployer and employed when the parties in dispute desire
it, and to hold an inquiry into the cause of the contro-
versy when they do not.
82 Arbitration and Conciliation.
In 1888 Congress passed an act “for the creation of
boards of cebiiration or commission for settling con-
troversies and differences between railroad corpora-
tions and other common carriers engaged in interstate
and territorial transportation of property or passen-
gers and their employés.” Before such a board of
arbitration can be constituted, one of the parties must
submit in writing its wish to refer the dispute to arbi-
tration, and this proposition must be accepted by the
other party. The railroad company and the employés
may then each select an arbitrator, and these two select
a third, allthree impartial and disinterested persons.
The board thus constituted has power to subpoena
and compel the attendance of witnesses, to administer
oaths, and to require the production of fees and
writings; but no witness is to be compelled to disclose
the secrets or produce the records of any labour or-
ganization, a clause which would effectually protect
the. officials of the Knights of Labor. The parties ex-
amined may berepresented by counsel. The President
may select two commissioners, one of whom must
reside in the district where the controversy has arisen.
They. together with the Commissioner of Labour, ex-
amine into the causes of the controversy and the best
means of adjusting it, and must report the result of
such an inquiry to the President and to Congress, All
the powers of the board may be delegated to these
commissioners, and their decision must be pumedialely
made public. But here, as in other cases in whic
State arbitration is provided for by law in the United
States, no penalties are provided in case the parties
refuse to accept the award, and there is, therefore, no
sanction attached to the act other than such as may be
constituted by a dread of public opinion.... It does
not compel a settlement. ... It is always possible for
either party to declare that they have nothing to arbi-
trate .... Inthiscase there is nothing to bedone, but
to publish an official statement of the circumstances,
which may or may not have sufficient weight to brin
about a settlement. The Spree ere of the Unite
States Commission in regard to the Pullman strike
was simply to investigate the facts and make recom-
mendations for the future. It was not a committee of
arbitration.
As regards the separate States, Kansas has an act
copied from the Ohio law, but it has been pronounced
by the Kansas Labor Commissioner to be a dead
letter. The same fate has befallen most of the arbitra-
tion acts,and it is really only in Massachusetts and
New York that the principle of arbitration can be said
to be firmly established.
Even in Massachusetts, however, arbitration cannot
be said to be very successful, though this is probably
mainly due to the recent industrial de-
pression, Says the last report (1895)
of the Board of Arbitration: Massachu-
“The differences which have arisen setts’ Last
between employers and employés in this Report
commonwealth during the year 189. (1895)
have been sufficiently numerous, an pi
have made larger demands upon the
time and attention of this board than in any former
year. The uncertainty of the financial situation, ap-
prehension of unfavorable results of proposed legisla-
tion, and a general failure of confidence throughout the
business world were pernaps the principal causes of a
depression, the like of which has not been known in
this country fora century at least. One result of this
unfortunate condition of things, as observed by this
board, has been a general reduction in the rate of
wages and amount of earnings all over the State.
“In some industries the reduction may be stated
more or less definitely as so much per cent. In others,
the rate of wages has remained nominally the same,
or nearly the same, but a shortening of the working
time has also had the effect of reducing the earnings.
Reductions in wages, one following upon another, have
been met by opposition and protests. Strikes have
been frequent, but for the most part without effect.
“In particular instances, when the assistance of the
board has been sought, it has succeeded in breaking in
some degree the force of the blow, and in securing a
promise of better wages when business shouid im-
prove, but when manufacturers throughout the State
were saying almost as one man that the market for
their products was lifeless, and that in their judgment,
as prudent men, it would be folly—in fact, an impossi-
bility—to continue operations without a reduction in
wages, it was very difficult for any one, even the most
hopeful, to argue successfully against that position.
The board could not be blind to the main facts, uncer-
tainty and want of confidence. It could not alter the
general conditions, and in many instances could only
counsel a return to work on the ground that it was
better to be at work with any wages than to be idle,
Arbitration and Conciliation.
“This sort of advice is not alwaysaccepted. It looks
like an admission of defeat, and generally amounts to
that, and therefore is not likely to be accepted until
the situation is clearly desperate.
“Whenever the parties to a controversy have been
willing to accept a fair settlement, arbitration and con-
ciliation have produced results as beneficial as ever to
all concerned. When settlements have been reached
in this way, there has been nocessation of business and
no loss of earnings while the matters in dispute were
under consideration.
“On the other hand, it is safe to say that every strike
that has been either wholly or partially successful has
cost the winners far more than the results were worth,
and subject the employer to great trouble and anxiety
as well as pecuniary loss. It is simple justice to add
that some of the strikes which have occurred during
the year have been preceded by offers from workmen,
apparently madé@ in good faith, to submit the questions
at issue to arbitration either by the State board or bya
board to be selected by the parties for themselves.
During the last year, the employés have been relative-
ly more favorable to arbitration than employers.”
Very recently the great strikes on railroads and
local transit systems have led to a renewed discussion
of arbitrationin suchcases. Thecommission appointed
to investigate the Pullman strike has reported the
following recommendations:
“1, The commission would suggest the consideration
by the States of the adoption of some system of concil-
jation and arbitration like that, for instance, in use in
the commonwealth of Massachusetts. That system
might be re-enforced by additional provisions giving
the board of arbitration more power to investigate all
strikes, whether requested so to do or not, and the
question might be considered as to giving labor organ-
izations a standing before the law, as heretofore sug-
gested for national trade-unions, 2. Contracts requir-
Ing men to agree not to join labor organizations or to
leave them, as conditions of employment, should be
made illegal, as is already done in some of our States,
. The commission urges employers to recognize
fabor organizations; that such organizations be dealt
with through representatives, with special reference to
conciliation and arbitration when difficulties are threat-
ened or arise. It is satisfied that employers should
come in closer touch with labor and should recognize
that, while the interests of labor and capital are not
identical, they are reciprocal. 4. The commission is
satisfied that if eeu every where will endeavor
to act in concert with labor; that if when wagescan be
raised under economic conditions they be raised vol-
untarily, and that if when there are reductions reasons
be given for the reduction, much friction can beavoid-
ed. It is also satisfied that if employers will consider
employés as thoroughly essential to industrial success
as capital, and thus take labor into consultation at
proper times, much of the severity of strikes can be
tempered and their number reduced.”
A bill embodying these recommendations has been
introduced into Congress (see PULLMAN STRIKE), and
the New York State Board of Arbitration has made
similar recommendations in the case of the strike on
-the Brooklyn trolley cars. ¥
Perhaps the best example of the successful adoption
of the principle of conciliation in the United States
occurs among the bricklayers of New York City. Mrs.
J. S. Lowell says in an article in Zhe Vozce, April 4,
1895 ;
The bricklayers of New York, belonging to eight
strong trade-unions, and numbering 4000 men, have
not lost one hour of work, either by strike on their own
part or lockout on the part of their employers, during
the past 10 years. The reason is simple, when one
knows it, and the matter for wonder is that the exam-
ple has not been followed inall other trades inthis city.
“In the summer of 1884 the bricklayers struck for
three months for a nine-hour day and failed, and that
experiment, in addition to others in the
past of the same kind, was enough for
An Ex. them and enough for their employers,
ample in and in the oe of 1885 there was form-
Pp ed by the Mason Builders’ Association
New York. and the bricklayers’ unions a Joint Ar-
bitration Committee, ‘to meet every
Wednesday evening, to hear grievan-
ces and settle all disputes between employers and em-
ployees.’ This joint committee has continued in exist-
ence until now (10 years on March 24), and each year
an agreement as to wages, hours of work, overtime,
holidays, and other matters of mutual interest, has
been made by the committee, composed of equal num-
bers of emp one and of employees, the former rep-
Tesenting the Mason Builders’ Association, the latter
the eight bricklayers’ unions,
83. Ct; Arbitration and Conciliation.
“Besides the annual agreements, the committee set-
tles questions arising between individual employ-
ers and employees; and the fact that no strike and no
lockout has occurred between the members of the or-
ganizations represented on the joint committee since
its establishment seems to show that these men at least
have found the way to avoid ‘ labor differences.’
“On the formation of the committee, it was provided
that in case of non-agreement an umpire should be
chosen; but it has never been necessary to choose an
umpire, which says much for the reasonableness and
justice of the members of the committee.
“When the first annual agreement was made in 188s,
it provided that wages to May, 1886, should be 42 cents
per hour, and that the working-day
enone ee nine eee the agreement
rom May, 1894, to May, 1895, provided “:
that wages should be 2 cents vey hour, Gains Under
and that the working day should be the Agree-
eight hours. These gains have been ment.
made, as has been said, without loss of "
work by either strike or lockout, and
without ill-feeling on either side.”
In New York City also, we find an illustration of
what a board of conciliation can do, even tho or-
ganized by a body outside any one trade. The Church
Association for the Advancement of the Interests of
Labor, a Protestant Episcopal organization, in New
York, organized three years ago a Council of Concilia~-
tion and Mediation, with Bishop Potter as its president,
with one working man and one business man as other
members. It has been active and useful on more than
one occasion. Of its last success, Zhe Outlook of
March 30, 1895, Says:
“Through the offices of the volunteer Council of
Conciliation and Mediation, of which Bishop Potter is
president, an agreement was reached between the
Electrical Contractors’ Association and the Electrical
Workers’ Union by which the employers granted an
eight-hour day, to begin May 1, while the men con-
sented to the continued employment of all those who
had taken their places during the strike, provided
these new men could pass an examination as to com-
petency ‘in accordance with the rule hitherto pre-
vailing inthe trade.’ The number of electrical work-
ers involved in this strike was not very great, but
the unions in all but one of the allied building trades
had decided to support the electrical workers, and at
one time the strike threatened to assume disastrous pro-
portions. When the Board of Mediation began its in-
vestigation, it found that neither side understood the
other’s position. Each side had approached the other
with statements of how little it was willing to do, but
both approached the Council, in which each had con-
fidence, with statements of how much they were will-
ing to do. The difference between these methods
turned out to be all the difference between a basis of
war and a basis of peace.” =
III. Dirricuttirs oF, ARGUMENTS FOR, AND
Views HeLp as TO ARBITRATION AND Con-
CILIATION,
Such, in brief, is the history of industrial arbi-
tration and conciliation. It suggests various
conclusions to various minds. Of the theoreti-
cal and, to a less extent, the practical value of
arbitration and conciliation all are agreed,
tho to some the difficulties seem
insurmountable. A few points in
regard to the difficulties must firm- Difficulties.
ly be kept in mind: (1) The oppo-
sition to and difficulties in the way é
of arbitration and conciliation do not sprin
from either side alone. It is certainly not from
the side of the employee that the greatest oppo-
sition has come, tho, as we shallin a moment
see, there may be especial and not inadequate
reasons which make employers particularly un-
willing to adopt arbitration. Nevertheless, it
should be noted that organized labor almost
invariably has been willing to submit to arbitra-
tion rather than attempt a strike.
Says Professor R. T. Ely (The Labor Move-
ment in Anterica, p. 146):
Arbitration and Conciliation.
“The difficulties in the way of arbitration have come
chiefly from the side of employers, for it isa rare thing
when.laborers refuse to.arbitrate their difficulties with
their employers. Few-cases of such refusal have ever
come under my. notice.”
Almost all labor platforms favor arbitration.
“One of the aims of the Knights of Labor, as found
in their declaration of principles, is: ‘Ta persuade all
employers to agree to arbitrate all differences. which
may arise between them and their employees, in order
that the bonds of sympathy between. them may be
strengthened, and that strikes may be rendered mn-
necessary.”
Says the Constitution of the Brotherhood of
Carpenters and Joiners, Art. 9, Sec. 1:
‘Whenever a dispute arises between an employer or
employers and memhers of this brotherhood, the mem-
bers shall lay the matter before the local union, which
shall ppp an arbitration committee to adjust the
difficulty ; then, if said: committee cannot settle the
dispute, the matter shail be referred to the union.”
The International Typographical Union rec-
ommends that—
“ When disputes arise between subordinate unions
and employers which cannot be adjusted! after con-
ference between the parties at issue, the matter be
then settled by arbitration.” And in another place the
constitution of this body contains these words: ‘* Recog-
nizing strikes as detrimental to the best interests of
the craft, it directs subordinate unions not to ordera
strike until every possible effort has been made to set-
_tle the difficulty by arbitration.” t
Among the standing resolutions of the Iron
Moulders’ Union is this:
* Resolved, that strikes are not beneficial to our or-
ganization, and that it would be to ourinterest toevade
as muchas possibleall strikes, and not to resort to them
until all other means at our disposal are exhausted.”
The question may then he asked, If labor or-
ganizations are so much in favor of arbitration
and so much opposed to strikes, why do strikes
oceur so often ?
To this it may be answered, (1) just because
employers will not arbitrate. (2) Almostall care-
ful thinkers are agreed to-day that occasionally
strikes are justified if the laborer is to raise his
condition. Under competition only a deter-
mined and united stand on the part of the labor-
er, sometimes carried to the length of a bitter
strike, can prevent the lowering of wages. (See
Srrixes.) ‘The fact of a strike, therefore, by no
means proves the unwillingness of the laborer
_ to resort to arbitration.
Nevertheless, all the fault does not lie by any
manner of means on the part of the employers.
Strikes, and sometimes great strikes, are often
precipitated, not usually, indeed, by the labor
agitator or paid secretary (tho: this, of course,
sometimes. happens), but by the heat and pas-
sion and ignorant thoughtlessness of the rank
and file of a labor union, who, smarting under a
real or fancied grievance, will not take into con-
sideration either involved conditions, extenuat-
ing circumstances, or the advice-of sober leaders,
but will rashly vote a strike, and then sometimes
appeal to arbitration after they have struck. It
not unfrequently happens, as is reported to have
been the case with Mr. Debsin the Pullmanstrike,
that the leader of a union does all he can to pre-
vent a strike, is outvoted in the union, and thus
finds himself forced, as an officer of an organiza-
tion, to carry on and manage a strike which he
has tried to prevent.. Such a situation is held
by some to illustrate the tyranny of trade-union-
ism ; but it is to be questioned whether submis-
sion to organization and obedience to its. vote is
84
Arbitration and Conciliation.
not better in the long run than lack of organiza-
tion, even tho at times it does compel the
individual to act contrary to his own choice. Be
this as it may, there is no question that one of
the difficulties in the way of arbitration and con-
ciliation, and especially in the way of getting
bodies of men to submit to unfavorable decisions
of arbitrating bodies, lies in the hasty spirit of
embittered members of labor unions smarting
under low wages and. harsh conditions.
The greater opposition, too, that employers
show to arbitration can be easily explained.
They argue that, whether the pres-
ent system be right or not, under
this system industry is conducted Employers’
by individuals, and as long as this Opposition.
be so, the individual must be left
free to manage his own business in
hisown.way. If the community adopts social-
ism, that is another thing; but unless a com-
munity adopts socialism, with all that it involves
—of evilas well as of good—the individual, they
claim, must.be left free to manage his business
as best hecan. The interference of outside par-
ties, they declare, isintolerable. ‘t We have the
responsibility,” they say; ‘‘we must have the
power.’”’ Hence they often resent the interfer-
ence of arbitrating boards even in cases where
they may admit there has been injustice on the
side of the employer. They argue that the em-
ployer should be quietly induced to adjust the
wrong; but to adopt arbitration is to adopta
principle contrary to the present system and one
that cannot work under it.
In the discussions arising during the great Pull-
man strike, it was said by many railroad men
that when Government control of railroads was
proposed, that that was all very well , but that if
Government did undertake to control, it must go
on and alsoown. Many business men feel that
if arbitration become the rule, private conduct of
business is at an end. Still more objeet to
boards of conciliation because of their experi-
ence with. what they consider the. ignorant and
unreasonable conduct of labor organizations:
They object, not to organizations, but to such
organizations. They-refuse to reeognize the or-
ganizations of their employees, they assert, sim-
ply because they cannot do so and run their’
business. It is withthem.not amatter of choice,
but of necessity.
This leads to the third and main difficulty
with conciliation and arbitration—the difficulty
presented by the Massachusetts report, quoted
above. Wages fall owing to universal mdus-
trial conditions. Wage-earners become dissat-
isfied and strike, or appeal to arbitration. It”
may not be the fault of the wage-earners ; they
may be striking against a lowering of wages
that does bring living below the level even of
human endurance. The arbitration board to
which the wage-earners appeal may feel this.
Nevertheless, what can itdo? The trouble lies
neither with the employers nor employees, but
with general conditions, and these arbitration
cannot change.. All the board can do, then, ista
urge the. wage-workers to submit, and this but
increases the unrest and dissatisfaction. There
is no question that this, in such general. indus-
trial conditions, is. the main reason why, altho
we. find an increasing willingness to arbitrate,
Arbitration and Conciliation.
arbitration so often fails. From this state of
affairs socialists draw the conclu-
sion that what is needed is not ar-
Argument bitration, but a change of system,
for and they often denounce arbitra-
Compulsory tion and conciliation as reactionary
Arbitration. measures, It is claimed by some
that the hope of the movement lies
in compulsory arbitration Says
Mr. Reeves, in the article quoted above :
“T have already shown how unsatisfactory is the re-
sult of leaving the parties themselves to be led by
their own good sense, That has been earnestly urged
and patiently tried for many years in England. What
isthe outcome? We may sum it up as 4300 Strikes in
the last five years. In the United States the picture is
even darker. There mercenaries shoot down strikers,
unpopular managers are assassinated, the militia has
to be called out, unionists are put ontheir trial, charged
with poisoning blacklegs. atters are not so bad in
Australia, but is cither side in the colonies satisfied
with the position? I doubt it: the banking crisis, and
the partial collapse following thereupon, having made
striking for the presenta hopeless game. The employ-
ers have been emboldened by their success in refusing
arbitration, previous to their victories of 1890, to make
a practice of refusal, They do as they did in the
ueensland Shearcrs’ strike and at Broken Hill. In
ew South Wales, as in New Zealand, certain employ-
ers have gone so far as tu decline to recognize unions,
and to avoid engaging unionists, But unionism is
neither dead nor dying for allthat. The present state
of things in Australia cannot last, and the people will
be wise to take this opportunity of arranging a substi-
tute for industrial tugs-of-war.
“If any one could show 4 single settlement of a labor
alee brought about by the Victorian or New South
ales acts, or by all the well-meaning speeches made
in New Zealand in favor of optional conciliation boards,
I would admit that there is something to be said both
for private conciliation and for legislation of the weak-
kneed order, But as the Victorian act has been use-
less, and the New South Wales act worse than useless,
and asa New Zealand employer of standing stated last
winter to a Parliamentary committce that he could not
recall a single labor quarrel in the colony that had
beef composed by private arbitration, it would seem
that we must be bolder if we wish to be effectual.
‘““The day is gone by forarguments against the right
of the State to intervene in labor disputes or even
against the expediency of its doing so. The case for
intervention was put so pithily and clearly by the New
South Wales Commission on Strikes in 18g0 that I
need nottry tovary their language. ‘ No quarrel should N
‘be allowed to fester if either party were willing to
accept a settlement by the State tribunal. Industrial
quarrels cannot continue without the risk of their
growing to dangerous dimensions, and the State has a
right.in the public interest to call upon all who are pro-
tected by the laws to conform to any Jo the law
may establish for settling quarrels dangerous to the /
public peace.’ Pity that the commission did not advise,
or New South Wales Parliament enact, a law effectual
to give force to this admirable declaration of principle.
1 scarcely need then at this time of day to combat 'the
suggestion, once made bya respectable English states-
man, that the sole duty of the State in relation to labor
quarrels is to ‘keep the ring,’ The wisdom of a house-
holder who might allow his family and servants to
settle a domestic dispute by ecneetrinie the furniture
and each other, while he contentedly locked the front
door and kept strangers from the door-step, would not
impress any one. But it would be about ona par with
that of the upholders of absolute non-intervention by
the State in the worst class of strikes and lock-outs.
‘“If we are forced to see that voluntary arbitration by
systematic private arrangement has had, at best, a very
partial success in England and none elsewhere, we
must. turn tothe State. If we are compelled to admit
that State voluntary systems, inadequate in America,
have been still-born in England, New South Wales,
Victoria, and Germany, we must fall back on compul-
sion. If:we are driven to pronounce the use of com-
pulsion in France in settling minor disputes uniform]
successful, we may in reason suggest that the experi-
ment of applying compulsion to major disputes be
fairly tried.
“We are told that compulsory arbitration would fail
because the arbitrators would be ignorant of the busi-
ness technicalities of the trades brought into court.
85
Arbitration and Conciliation.
But our law courts go into such details every day, and
with the aid of expert evidence usually contrive to
comprehend them. It is objected that no compulsion
could force an unwilling master to keep his gator,
open, or men to work unless they choose.
Of course not; but a court can affixa
penalty to an award and make a recal-
citrant owner or union and its mem-
bers pay. Moreover, in these countries
people do not defy the law. If it is in-
tolerable, they agitate to have it amend-
ed; and if it works injustice it is amended. We
are assured that businegs men will not allow a court
to regulate their methods of management. but the
directors and shareholders of registered companies
now constantly submit to the keenest scrutiny of their
affairs and the most searching interference therein by
judges. We are warned that compulsory arbitration
will be resented asan unwarrantable interfcrence with
the liberty of the subject. The same has been said of
Factory acts, Truck acts, Mining, Shop Hours, Em-
ployers’ Liability, Workmen's Wages, Ten Hours acts.
et hoc genus omne, Yet all these are accepted anc
obeyed, In the ‘Ann Arbor’ case,an American court
forbade boycotting on railways. ‘The other day a
judge ordered the servants of the Union Pacific Rail_
way to accept a 10 per cent reduction, and not to strike
I cannot learn that these injunctions caused acivil war:
Alarming pictures are drawn of tyrannical awards,
under which factory owners will be forced to carry on
ata ruinousloss or men ordered to labor at less than
a living wage. Granted that an arbitration court be
insane ; given a:lunatic president flanked by two crazy
assessors, and I will admit that the awards might
speedily cause a revolt. Kut under the same con-
ditions an ordinary law court might do the same. We
are justified in assuming that a president.appointed by
the State would be swayed by reason, and that assess-
ors, elected by unions of employers and workmen re-
spectively, would be men of more than average good
sense. ‘lo the objection that an examination by arbi-
trators of a firm's books cannot be thought of, it may be
answered that this applies to voluntary arbitration
just as much as the other sort, If it is unreasonable in
the one case, it issointhe other. But one of the most
useful of English voluntary boards reports that the
repugnance of employers to this inspection has been
slowly overcome, A weightier argument is that reck-
less and irresponsible workmen might continually
harass masters by dragging them before courts and
boards, ‘The remedy to this would be found by confin-
‘ing the functions of the arbitration court and local con-
ciation boards to settling differences between masters
and trades-unions or registered associations of labor-
ers, A little reflection will show that to allowany rov-
ing workman, or half-dozen workmen, to take their
master of a day or a week into court over some two-
‘penny halfpenny quarrel would make a mockery of
any arbitration system, Registered unions have some-
thing to lose—funds, influence over their members, a
character among workers generally. They would not
be likely to run the risk of being mulcted in costs for
the sake of trifles, and of seeing their union's funds
seized or alevy made upontheir members, Even were
they reckless at the outset, one or two experiences
would soon teach them better. The Compulsory Ar-
bitration Act that regulates the Nova
Scotian mines allows the court to order
an employer to pay into court a fort-
night's wages of ya men, and an equal
sum for himself. Thus can security for
costs be obtained from both sides ina case. To such
safeguards should be added district conciliation boards
elected by masters and unions. These, unfurnished
with compulsory powers, would stand as a buffer be-
tween disputants and the arbitration court. The lat-
ter should be reserved for serious conflicts, and for
cases where the good offices of the boards have failed.
Iam Pa eats enough to think that they would not
often fail when the alternative to accepting them
would be an appearance before the more formal, cost-
ly, and distant court of arbitration. In France and
Massachusetts, of course, conciliation and arbitration
are undertaken by the same body, On the whole,
however, it would perhaps be wiser to separate them,
excellent as such a board as that of Massachusetts
would be with the addition of compulsion. . . .
“The general election in New Zealand has insured
the pars of a Compulsory Arbitration act within the
next six months, and I venture to think that New Zea-
land is in this likely to be but a step ahead of the con-
tinental colonies. ‘To those of us who think this exper-
iment inevitable, it seems of more moment to study the
methods of making it than to attend to primitive out-
Can Awards
be Enforced ?
Argument.
Arbitration and Conciliation.
cries against socialistic interference with the liberty of
the subject....
On the other hand, Mr. Carroll D. Wright,
Commissioner of Labor of the United States,
makes a strong argument against compulsory
and for voluntary arbitration. Says
Mr. Wright in the Forum for May,
Argument 1893, in an article entitled Comput-
against sory Ardbztratzon an Impossible
Compulsory Remedy:
Arbitration. ‘‘ The settlement of disputes aris-
ing between employers and em-
ployed, by such means as will in-
sure the peaceful cooperation of both parties, is
a result which should be hailed by all as a step
in advance, and indicates, whenever tried, a
desire to adjust those questions which have been
so fruitful of strikes and consequent distress.”’
Mr. Wright then goes on to show how volun-
tary arbitration can, and compulsory arbitration
cannot, work. He says:
“Coming to specific regulations which must exist
in some form under any system of compulsory arbi-
tration, the difficulties begin to appear and the obsta-
cles grow apparently insurmountable. In the first
place, the court must either be one consisting of judges
authorized to hear the facts, determine the law, enter
the judgment, andenforceit ; or one having the right to
summon a jury to determine the facts, the court having
the power to pass the judgment and enforce its de-
cision. It does not matter which form might be adopt-
ed; the court would have to be one of the rank of the
county courts of the country, from which appeals can
be made to the highest court of a State, and in inter-
state difficulties from the lower federal courts to the
Supreme Court of the United States.
“Inthe initiative, let it besupposed that Arepresents
the employer. He issues an order to his employees
that wages will be reduced ro per cent. on a certain
day. For the sake of easy calculation, let it be sup-
posed that the wages are $2 per day, on theaverage, In
A’s works. His proposed reduction then, if carried
out, would leave wages at $1.80 per day. The work-
men resist this proposition, and insist that they will
work no longer for him unless the $2 Pet day can be
retained. But A issues his order, and the workmen
strike. A then appeals to the court of arbitration for
his locality, and a summons is issued under the seal of
the court, citing the workmen to appear and answer as
to why the demands of the order of A should not be
obeyed. If they erect and make answer, all well
and good. If they do not, then they will be subject to
judgment by default; or, in some cases, the proper
officers of the court may bring them bodily into court
to answer the allegations of A. But they are brought
intocourt. A presents his case, the employees present
theirs, the court makes a decision and upholds A, de-
ciding that he is justified in cutting down the wages of
ne Bara ro per cent., reducing them from $2 per
ay to $1.80.
Now two results may follow this action. The men,
under the decision of the court, acquiesce and return
to work at $1.80 per day, or they refuse to return to
work at that price. Then comes the execution of the
judgment of the courtif the workmen will not obey
that judgment. Itis levied on them fo ey. oron
their property by proper process and by the proper
officers of the court. They may be arrested and
brought into the factory. If the sheriff or the single
officer authorized to serve the executién cannot do it
alone he can summon the fosse comitatus. If the
posse be insufficient he can appeal to the governor.
‘The order of the court must be enforced, and all the
power of the government brought to enforce it. This
means compulsion, and at the point of the bayonet.
The men must accede to the decision of the court of
arbitration and work for $1.80 per day, whether they
will or not.
“Let us instance the reverse. The court decides
against A, and the judgment is that he shall pay $2 per
day. He declines to do so, or he does not obey the
judgment of the court. Execution then follows, and is
served by the proper officer. If he cannot serve it
alone he summons the Zosse comttatus. If the posse be
insufficient the officer appeals to the governor of the
State, and A must continue his works and with wages
at $2 per day under the persuading influence of loaded
86
‘quoted in Part II. of this article.
Arbitration and Conciliation.
rifles, or the execution may be levied on his pee):
He must obey, under the rule of compulsory ar itra-
tion, the order of the court. In other words, he must
pay $2 per day when, it may be, the market cannot be
supplied with goods on any such basis. He cannot
close his works without disobeying the order of the
court ; he cannot pay the $2 per day without loss of his
property. Compulsory arbitration then works confis-
cation. In either of these instances law has stepped in
to fix arbitrarily, and to enforce its fixing by all the
civil and military power of the State, either the price
at which a man shall sell his labor, under penalties, or
the price at which the producer shall sell his goods,
under penalties. But the plan does not provide that
the consumer shall purchase oe at the fixed price,
under penalties, which should be done if there is any
logic in compulsory arbitration.
“What further may occur: Theemployer submits, it
may be, to the judgment of the court, continues the
operation of his works, and pays the $2 per day, as or-
dered by law, altho he knows perfectly weil that he
cannot sell his goods if he disobeys the law. He there-
fore has two things to which he can resort: x. Adul-
terate his goods to such an extent that he recoupsa
loss of 10 per cent. in wages; 2. Make a ‘combine’
with all other manufacturers of like goods to control
prices, in order that whenever a court of arbitration
decides that certain wages shall be paid there will be
no competition, the trust or ‘combine’ regulating the
price in accordance with the decrees of the court, and
therefore caring nothing what the decrees may be, be-
cause the consumer must bear the expense of the de-
cree. This means the highest, even prohibitive, rates
of duty. Or another economic condition may be the
result of the decree of the court. A submits to the de-
cision and continues to pay $2 per day, and tries to sell
his goods in the old way. This allows his neighbor to
enter into dangerous competition with him until such
time as he is summoned into court and is compelled to
abide by the same rules, it thus taking but little time
to force the whole industry involved into the trust or-
ganization. Ifthe illustration be reversed in all casesto
apply to men who strike for higher pay, thus becoming
the plaintiff in the action and summoning the manufac-
turer, the manufacturer must appear or lose the case
by default, or, if he does appear, be subject to the de-
cision of the court. It may be arise of wages would
follow, when all the results just indicated would be
met. .
“Tt does not require much stretch of the imagination
to see that as each industry becomes involved in the
economic results of compulsory arbitration, combina-
tion grows more and. more severe in all its terms.
Every great industry would be forced into the trust
through the action of the sheriff, or the fosse comt-
¢fatus under him, or the military force of the State en-
forcing the decision of its courts, which it is bound to
do. The trust represents consolidation, and, in the
minds of leading socialists, is but the stepping Pore to.
State socialism. If the trust be honestly and faithfully
administered in the interests of the public—and_this
must be the result, or the trust must go under—the State
socialist asks, Why not create a greater trust and have
the Government itself the trustee? This is not the
place to argue such a question, but the question may
be asked here whether the advocates of compulsory
arbitration are ready to accept the full and logical con-
clusion of their system by forcing, at the point of the
bayonet, allindustries under State control, and thereby
establish, by military force, the rule of State socialism?
“How much simpler it would be to enact a law, with
proper penalties, establishing the prices of goods and
the wages of alllabor. Then when any one, a manu-
facturer, or a seller, or a laborer, violated the law he
could be prosecuted in a criminal court and the proper
penalty applied. This would do away with all the
cumbersome sachin of the court of compulsory
arbitration and accomp ish precisely the same result—
the death of industry.’
What Mr. Wright does advocate may be seen
by his recommendation of voluntary arbitration
Most trade-
unionists agree with Mr. Wright in opposing
compulsory arbitration. Mr. John B. Lennon,
Treasurer of the American Federation of
Labor, writes in The Independent for May 2,
1895:
“We believe in arbitration if it be voluntary. But
we have more faith in conciliation, in the settling of
disputes or threatened disputes before they reach the
Arbitration and Conciliation.
stage of the strike. The Federation is unqualifiedly
committed against compulsory or legal arbitration.
We object to this method of arbitration primarily, be-
cause itis notarbitration. Arbitration means a peace-
ful settlement ; ne apap means force. And we do
not believe it to be the province of the Government to
interfere, or so commence to take part in the settle-
ment of these trade questions, believing that neither
Congress nor the State legislatures have the necessary
technical knowledge relating to the different crafts ;
nor is it possible for them to have such knowledge as
would enable them to settle trade disputes on just and
fair grounds. We object to compulsory arbitration, as
the introduction, in a degree at least, of a system of
slavery; as, if compulsory, it must be followed by
enalties which would probably make it a penal offense
or a man to quit work or to continue it if a board of
arbitration should have decided against him. We also
consider such a method inconsistent with the princi-
ples of our American Government and with the actual
Tights of men.”
Such are some of the arguments pro and con
for various kinds of arbitration. Yet arbitration
of some kind all would favor, saving only those
extreme socialists who consider
everything reactionary which does
notimmediately introduce socialism.
All others agree that labor and
; capital must be friends, not ene-
mies, and that this can be reached only by each
side understanding each other, to which end
nothing can more conduce than coming together,
in case of industrial disputes, for friendly arbi-
tration, or, better still, in permanent boards of
conciliation before disputes have arisen.
‘Professor J. B. Clark, Smith College, North-
ampton, Mass., says:
‘“‘ Arbitration is in itself an appeal to equity
and a departure from the competitive principle.”
Professor Henry C. Adams, Lecturer on Politi-
cal Economy in the University of Michigan and
Cornell University, says :
‘Arbitration is not the missing coupling be-
tween labor and capital, but it is the thing for
which, at the present time, it is practical that
working men should strive. Its establishment
is the first step toward the overthrow of the
wages system.’”
Professor E. J. James, of the University of
Pennsylvania (Philadelphia), says :
‘Arbitration has the great advantage of sub-
jecting the acts of the parties to it to the effi-
cient and powerful control of an energetic pub-
licopinion. Itrecognizes indirectly—what is too
often overlooked—that the interests at stake are
not merely those of the laborer and employer,
but also those of the community at large. The
latter has such a great stake in the contest that
it cannot afford to stand idly by and permit the
former to disturb society to its foundations, and
destroy in their struggle the very conditions of
sound economic progress.”
John Jarrett, Esq., Secretary of the American
Tinned-Plate Association, says :
“I know of no better remedy, in the adjust-
ment of all differences that may arise between
employers and employees, than arbitration and
conciliation.’’
Hon. Joel B. McCamant, Chief of Bureau of
Industrial Statistics, State of Pennsylvania,
says:
“‘ Arbitration, in my opinion, is the only rea-
sonable coupling between labor and capital.”’
The first step to arbitration is organization,
both of employers and employees.
Opinions.
87 Arbitration and Conciliation.
Says Dr. Gould, in a recent article in the Yale
Review, February, 1895:
‘‘A ready-made, perfectly adjusted, inelastic
method or agency for settling collective indus-
trial difficulties, embodying at the same time
ideas of abstract justice, cannot be devised. A
modus vivendz, however, can be reached, but
it must respond to underlying interests and har-
monize with national traditions and necessities.
Advance must be progressive, for the problem
is educational as well as practical. The very
first step is organization by both of the two par-
ties to industry.”
Says Mrs. J. S. Lowell :
“‘Labor differences arise because labor or
capital (or sometimes both) fail to recognize the
fundamental facts of their relationship, which
are that they are both interested in all questions
of wages, of hours, and of conditions of work ;
that they both have equal rights in regard to
them ; and that both must, therefore, have an
equal voice in settling them. |
‘‘Sometimes it is the employer who posts a
notice in the factory that, after a certain date,
wages are to be so and so and hours such and
such. The changes may be necessary ; but it
is not to be expected that intelligent, indepen-
dent American citizens will tamely accept con-
ditions about which they have not been consult-
ed, and which have been promulgated as the
Czar of Russia promulgates his decrees, and
consequently there follows a strike which might
have been avoided by the practise of a little
common sense and common courtesy on the part
of the employer.
“On the other hand, the same spirit is not
infrequently shown by the union or the local
assembly. An employer, who has made his
business agreements upon the understanding
that existing conditions are to continue, is sud-
denly confronted with the statement that his
employees have adopted new working rules, and
that within a few days those working rules will
go into effect. Here again temper may have
something to do with the action of the employ-
er, but the sympathy of the unprejudiced ob-
server must be with him when he resents such
arbitrary action and claims his right to be con-
sulted as to the conditions under which work in
his establishment is to be done. The fault is
exactly the same and exactly equal in these two
cases, and arises from a wrong way of looking
at the question.
“What is the remedy? A recognition on the
part of both employer and employee of the rights
of the other side—that is, a sense of justice and
a desire to deal justly. Neither side can throw
stones ; both can show instances of wrongdoing
and of rightdoing, but unfortunately when one
side is right the other side is apt to be wrong
on any particular occasion, and so the ‘labor
differences’ multiply.
‘“There are instances, however, where both
sides have the right spirit, where the equal
rights of both sides are mutually recognized,
and then there is truly ‘ nothing to arbitrate,’
not because of unwillingness on the part of the
employer or employee, but because there really
are no ‘ differences’ between them. But where
such conditions of mutual confidence and re-
spect exist, the public knows nothing at all about
. {Industrial
Arbitration and Conciliation.
it, for there is nothing to excite public interest ;
and whereas every little strike of a few hundred
men is known and chronicled, the peaceful rela-
tions of thousands of men and their employers
and the sure foundation upon which it is based
are scarcely known beyond the walls of the room
where the representatives discuss and settle all
questions of common interest.”’
Says Professor R. T. Ely:
‘« Arbitration is impossible without labor or-
ganizations. Capital is combined and is man-
aged by a few persons even in the largest
establishments. Take the case of a railway
corporation. The capital may be owned by
tooo different persons, but it is massed together,
and all its owners, as a rule, treat with the rail-
way employers through a single person. Capi-
tal is one of the factors of production ; labor
is another, and it also must be massed together
to stand on an equal footing, and this can be
effected only by organization. Asthe 1000 capi-
talists choose one representative, the 10,000
laborers must choose a representative of labor..
Toask a single laborer, representing a ten-thou-
sandth part of the labor factor, to place himself
against a man who represents all the combined
capital, is as absurd.as to place a boy before an
express train and expect him tostopits progress.
As Hon. Abram S. Hewitt, as every one knows,
a wealthy employer, has so well said, it is only
after labor is organized that the contending par-
ties are in a condition ‘to treat. ‘The great re-
sult is that capital is ready to discuss. It is not
to be disguised that, until labor presented itself
in such.an attitude as to compel a hearing, capi-
tal was not willing to listen, but now it does
listen.’ ”’ .
_ Many trade-unionists fear boards of arbitra-
tion appointed by the State, since government
to-day they consider almost wholly in the hands
of the dreaded ‘‘ capitalist.’? At the recent an-
nual convention of the English Miners’ Federa-
tion it was stated that the Federation had been
started to uphold the right of the miner toa
voice in the adjudication of the value of his
labor, and they had noconfidence in the arbitra-
tion of men belonging to the capitalist class.
The president said he had never met with any
settlement by arbitration which gave general sat-
isfaction. Undoubtedly the first step to making
boards of arbitration and conciliation succeed is
to make them fair and above suspicion.
References: Industrial Arbitration and Concilia-
zion, by Josepinns 6. Lowell (New York, Putnam, 1893) ;
f conciliation and Arbitration in New York,
Ohio, and Pennsylvania, by Joseph D. Weeks (included
in the Twelfth Annual Report, 1880, of the Massachu-
setts Bureau of Statistics of Labor, with comments by
Carroll D. Wright, fated Industrial Conciliation, by
H. Crompton (London, H. S. King & Co., 1876); Zndus-
trial Peace, by, L. L. F. R. Price (Macmillan, 1887) 5
Conciliation and Arbitration in Labor Disputes, by J.
S. Jeans (London, 1894); Compulsory Industrial Arbz-
tration, by S. Dexter; American Journal of Social
Science; Compulsory Arbitration an Impossible Remedy
a Carroll D, Wright (Forum, May, 1893) ; Industrial
rbitration, by Dr. E. R. L. Gould (Yale Review,
February, 1895).
ARBOR DAY.—A certain day in the year
appointed by the State, in which people are
asked and encouraged to plant trees in order to
counteract the tendency to forest exhaustion.
(See Forestry.) To the Nebraska State Board
88 Aristocracy-
of Agriculture belongs the honor of recommend-
ing, in 1879, the first Arbor Day, which was to
be the second Wednesday of April in each year.
To-day 38 States and Territories celebrate Arbor
Day.
ARCH, JOSEPH, leader of the English agri-
cultural laborers’ movement, 1870-88, and Presi-
dent of the National Agricultural Laborers’
Union (1872), of which he was the chief founder.
He was the son of a laborer, and worked on the
farm himself from an early age. For some
years he used his spare time preaching for the
Primitive Methodists, and when the move-
ment began among the agricultural laborers
he used his talent on their behalf, soon being
recognized as a leader. He was four times a
candidate for parliamentary honors, but was.
successful only when he stood as the nominee
of the Liberal Party for Northwest Norfolk in
1885, and again in 1892 and 1895, after a defeat.
in 1886,
ARISTOCRACY (Gr. dpeoroc, best, and.
xparca, rule) means literally government by the
best ; but in ordinary use, by ‘‘ the best’’ is too.
often meant simply ‘‘ the highest in rank and
in opulence ;’’ so that the word has come to.
mean a government where the supreme power
is exercised by those highest in station, inherit-.
ance, blood, or wealth. Itisin this senseclaimed
by almost all leaders of reform movements and
by many others that the United States is more of
an aristocracy to-day than of a democracy. Of
the 82 members of the Senate of 1891-92, 69 were
lawyers, and of the 335 members of the House-
231 were lawyers ; and these lawyers were al-.
most exclusively, by their antecedents, interests,
etc., representatives of the possessing classes.
alone. Dr. Josiah Strong, in his book, Our
Country, says:
“Every nation has its aristocracy. In other lands
the aristocracy is one of birth; in ours it is one of
wealth, It isuseless for us to protest that we are demo-
cratic, and to plead the leveling character of our in--
stitutions. There is among us an aristocracy of ae
nized power, and that aristocracy is one of wealth.
No heraldry offends our republican prejudices. Our
ensigns armorial are the trade-mark. Our laws and
customs recognize no noble titles; but men can forego
the husk of a'title who possess the fat ears of power.
In England there isan eager ambition to rise in rank,
an ambition as rarely gratified as it is commonly ex-
perienced. With us, aspiration meets with no such
iron check as birth. A man ‘has only to build higher
the pedestal of his wealth. He may stand as high.as
hecan build. His wealth cannot secure to him genu-
ine respect, to be sure; but, for that matter, neither’
can birth. Tt will secure to him an obsequious defer-.
ence. It may Ci oa political distinction, It zs’
power. Inthe Old World men commonly live.and die
in the condition in which they are born. The peasant.
may be discontented, may covet what is beyond his
reach ; but his desire draws no-strength from expecta-
tion. ‘Heretofore, in this country, almost any laborer,
by industry and-economy, might gain a competence,
and even a measure of wealth; and tho now we
are beginning to approximate ‘the conditions of Euro-.
Been labor, young men, generally, when they start in
ife, still expect to. become rich; and, thinking not to-
serve their god for naught, they commonly become
faithful votaries of Mammon. Thus the prizes of
wealth in the United States, being at the same time
greater and more easily won, and the lists being open
to all‘comers, the rush is more general and the race
more eager than elsewhere. . . . Where land is
being rapidly taken, and real estate of all sorts is
rapidly appreciating in value, men make every pos-
sible present endeavor with reference to the ‘future,
Under such conditions the race after wealth becomes.
Aristocracy.
peculiarly eager. The gambling spirit, which always
prevails In mining regions, exerts a wide influence,
even in agricultural States. Farmers often rent land,
put their entire capital into a great acreage, and
stakeeverything on a singlecrop, The sudden wealth
often realized in the mines stimulates the general
haste to be rich. And where riches are almost the
sole object of endeavor, their possession gives greater
pie In the Rocky Mountains a man may be to-
ay a caterer or bartender, fit for that and nothing
more ; to-morrow, without any good wit of his own, a
millionaire ; next day, because ‘ Mammon wins his way
where seraphs might despair,’ a lieutenant-governor
or United States Senator.’
But there is another side to this question. It
is becoming more and more doubtful whether it
is possible, under ordinary circumstances, to ac-
quire wealth to-day, unless one is already born
to wealth, inheriting it or acquiring it in some
speculative way. Concerning this, see AssTI-
NENCE, REWARD OF ; WEALTH, etc. The follow-
ing passage from John Stuart Mill (Fortnightly
Review, February, 1879) bears upon ‘this point :
“The very idea of distributing justice, or of any
proportionality between success and merit or between
success and exertion, is in the present state of society
so manifestly chimerical as to be relegated to the re-
gions of romance. It is true that the lot of individuals
is not wholly independent of their virtue and intelli-
gence ; these do really tellin their favour, but far less
than many other things in which there is no merit at
all. The most powerful of all the determining circum-
stances is birth, The great majority are what they
were born to be. Some are born rich without work,
others are born to a position in which they can become
Tich by -work, the great majority are born to hard
work and poverty throughout life, numbers to indi-
gence. Next to birth the chief cause of success in life
is accident and opportunity, When a person not born
to riches succeeds in acquiring them, his own industry
and dexterity have generally contributed tothe result ;
but industry and dexterity would not have sufficed
unless there had been also a concurrence of occasions
and chances which falls to the lot of only a small num-
ber. If persons are helped in their worldly career by
their virtues, so are they, and perhaps quite as often,
by their vices ; by servility and sycophancy, by hard-
hearted and close-fisted selfishness, by the permitted
lies and tricks of trade, by gambling speculations, not
seldom by downright knavery. Energies and talents
are of much more avail for success in lifethan virtues;
but if one man succeeds by Se pIeyine. energy and
talent in something generally useful, another thrives
by exercising the same qualities in outgeneraling
and ruining a rival. It is as much as any moralist
ventures to assert, that, other circumstances being
given, honesty is the best policy, and that with parity
of advantages an honest person has better chances
thana rogue. ... The reward, instead of being per-
fectioned to the labour and abstinence of the individ-
ual, is almost in reverse ratio to it ; those who receive
the least labour and abstain the most.”
(See also Democracy ; WEALTH, etc.)
ARISTOTLE (384-322 B.c.), born at Stageira.
He was a pupil of Plato at Athens, and said to
‘have been called ‘‘the intellect of the school.’’
After Plato’s death (347 B.c.) Aristotle left
Athens, and in 342 B.c. wasinvited to Macedonia
by Philip, and became the teacher of Alexander.
He remained here till Alexander started on his
Asiatic expedition (334 8.c.), when he returned to
Athens and opened a school called the Lyceum,
and (from his practice of walking as he lectured)
the ‘‘ Peripatetic’ school. He diedat Chalcis in
Eubcea, aged 62. His main works are the .\7zco-
machean Ethics, Organon or Logic, Rhetoric,
Poetics, Physics, and Politics. is knowledge
fer his times was encyclopedic. His thorough
knowledge of facts made him much more con-
crete and scientific, and as objective as Plato was
idealistic and subjective. The following sum-
89 Aristotle.
mary of his economic and sociologic positions is
abridged from Professor Ingram’s H7story of
Political Economy, p. 16:
“ Aristotle, like all the Greek thinkers, recognizes
but one doctrine of the State, under which ethics, poli-
tics proper, and economics take their place as depart-
ments, ranted to each other a very close relation, and
having, indeed, their lines of demarcation from each
other not very distinctly marked. When wealth comes
under consideration, it is studied not as an end in
itself, but with a view to the higher elements and
ultimate aims of the collective life.
“The origin of society he traces not to economic
necessities, but to natural social impulses in the
human constitution. The nature of the social union,
when thus established, being determined by the partly
spontaneous, partly systematic combination of diverse
activities, he respects the independence of the latter
while seeking to effect their convergence. He there-
fore opposes himself to the suppression of personal free-
dom and initiative, and the excessive subordination of
the individual to the State, and rejects the community
of property and wives proposed by Plato for his gov-
erning class. The principle of private property he
regards as deeply rooted in man, and the evils which
are alleged to result from the corresponding social
ordinance he thinks ought really to be attributed
either to the imperfections of our nature or to the vices
of other public imstitutions. Community of goods
must, in his view, tend to neglect of the common
interest and to the disturbance of social harmony.
““Of the several classes which provide for the dif-
ferent wants of the society, those who are occupied
directly with its material needs—the immediate cul-
tivators of the soil, the mechanics and artificers—are
excluded from any share in the government of the
State, as being without the necessary leisure and cul-
tivation, and apt to be debased by the nature of their
occupations. Inacelebrated passage he propounds a
theory of slavery, in which it is based on the univer-
sality of the relation between command and obedience,
and on the natural division by which the ruling is
marked off from the subject race. He regards the
slave as having no independent will, but as an ‘ani-
mated tool’ in the hands of his master ; and in his sub-
jection tosuch control, if only it be intelligent, Aristotle
holds that the true well-being of the inferior as well as
of the superior is to be found. This view, so shocking
to our modern sentiment, is of course not personal to
Aristotle ; it is simply the theoretic presentation of the
facts of Greek life, in which the existence of a body of
citizens pursuing the higher culture and devoted tothe
tasks of war and government was founded on the
systematic degradation of a wronged and despised
class, excluded from all the higher offices of human
beings, and sacrificed to the maintenance of a special
type of society.
The methods of economic acquisition are divided
by Aristotle into two, one of which has for its aim the
appropriation of natural proaucts and their applica-
tion to the material uses of the household ; under this
head come hunting, fishing, cattle-rearing, and agri-
culture. With this primary and ‘natural’ method is,
in some sense, contrasted the other to which Aristotle
gives the name of ‘chrematistic,’ in which an active
exchange of products goes on, and money comes into
operation as its medium and regulator. A certain
measure of this ‘non-natural’ method, as it may be
termed in opposition to the preceding and simpler
form of industrial life, is accepted by Aristotle as a ©
necessary extension of the latter, arising out of in-
creased activity of intercourse, and satisfying real
wants. Butitsdevelopment on the great scale, founded
on the thirst for enjoyment and the unlimited desire
of gain, he condemns as unworthy and corrupting.
Tho his views on this subject appear to be prin-
cipally based on moral grounds, there are some indi-
cations of his having entertained the erroneous opinion
held by the physiocrats of the eighteenth century, that
agriculture alone (with the kindred arts above jomed
with it) is truly productive, while the other kinds of
industry, which either modify the products of nature
or distribute them by way of exchange, however con-
venient and useful they may be, make no addition to
the wealth of the community. . . .
“Like the other Greek social philosophers, Aristotle
recommends to the care of governments the preserva-
tion of a due proportion between'the extent of the civic
territory and its population, and relies on ante-
nuptial continence, late marriages, and the prevention
or destruction of births for the due limitation of the
number of citizens, the insufficiency of the latter
Aristotle.
being dangerous to the independence and its super-
eonaeanee to the tranquillity and good order of the
ate.
In his Pol¢tics (Book I., 2, §§ 12-14) Aristotle says:
“ The State is, by nature, clearly prior to the individual
and tothe family, since the whole is of necessity prior to
the part. . The proof that the State is a creation
of nature, and prior to the individual, is that the indi-
vidual, when isolated, is not self-sufficing ; and, there-
fore, he is like a part in relation tothe whole. But he
who is unable to live in society, or who has no need,
because he is sufficient for himself, must be either a
beast or a god.”
ARMY AND NAVY.—However necessary
standing armies and navies have been in the
past, and to an extent may still be, the burden
of their maintenance is one against which social
science is more and more protesting. Just so
far as true education and civilization prevail will
the necessity for standing armies disappear.
The United States, with its continental terri-
tory, its developing life, its varied population,
and yet small standing army, is the wonder and
envy of Europe.
The Commander-in-Chief of the United States
Army is the President. The general in com-
mand is a major-general, with a salary of $7500.
The appropriation for the army for 1895 is
$23,529,885. The new United States Navy will
consist of 28 armored vessels, 25 unarmored ves-
sels, 12 unarmored wooden and iron ships, six
torpedo-boats. Of these several are still build-
ing. Besides these are over 60 tugs, school-
ships, small steamers, old vessels, etc. There
are eight navy-yards, The navy of the United
States is commanded by six rear-admirals, 10
commodores, 45 captains, 85 commanders and
go
Army and Navy.
74 lieutenant-commanders, 325 lieutenants, and
180 ensigns. There are 7500 enlisted men and
750 boys, besides a marine corps of 2175 officers
andmen. The appropriation for the navy for
1895 is $25,327,127. The total expense of our
government from 1789-1892 was, for war, $4,-
824,758,797 ; for the navy, $1,236,772,615. The
militia of the United States numbers 117,537
officers and men.
The army of the United States in 1894 consisted of
the following forces, in officers and men:
.
Enlisted | Aggre-
Officers. | "Ven. gate.
Ten cavalry regiments... 430 6,050 6,480
Five artillery regiments. 280 33975 45255
Twenty-five infantry
regiments ........ ae eiaieist 875 12,925 13,800
Engineer battalion, re-
cruiting parties, ord-
nance department, hos-
pital service, Indian
scouts, West Point, sig-
nal, and general ser-
VAC Cia:aislacitesate inataiginie as wtaceie 55 2,782 39333
Totalasissrcencces viecceos]) $2,136 255732 27,868
How Europe suffers under her standing armies
can be seen by the following statistics, prepared
for the World Almanac by Lieutenant W. R.
Hamilton, Fifth Artillery, United States Army,
and corrected from the latest official reports on
file at the War Department, December, 1894 :
LAND FORCES.
CLASSES, Germany.| France. Italy. oe Russia, ace Turkey.
ACTIVE ARMY. ;
OMRMCETS i535 cesavas, se sceenacs eases 22,494 265995 15,285 18,467 30,124 9,769
Non-com. officers and men ‘ 557,093 524,837 247,044 386,583 1,112,684 ' * 138,410 (179,396
Non-combatants............ 30,474 219,438 16,000 15,000 81,000 13,680 eter epee
Horses ........- 107,859 158,382 425240 60,542 198,000 52,000 29,600
Guns.... 2,836 2,880 1,200 1,882 24796 464 ¥2,312
Vehicles. . 34,000 40,000 15,000 20,000 21,500 ainieidpetatae sie haiereiaie
of RESERVES.
COTS piiasened inieasdaastenia a Risen 23,986 21,820 139134 15,160 437830 § 270,189
Non-com. officers and men 35151389 | 3,099,733 | 21303359 | 11158,993 | 4,693,761 9221359 724,903
Flon-combathate ciate a eS 33200 30,000 | weveccas eiclopetaisies 16,000 Daraciaveie cE Sateisinjeinie .
OLSES soc ke sais 150,000 230,740 14,200 52)390 262,388 119,742 61,860
Guns ...3. 1,912 7,862 *8,900 *10,946 2,172 *4,372 erates ee
Vehicles...........45 ata Sisenneeroianeieans 12,640 5y50O fo wisieass ein | akereete 14,000 Deleiecesiain |] rarereteeiaters
4 GRAND TOTAL.
FACOTS iicniiec wre, oda ceansiene exe 46,480 48,815 28,41 62
Non-com. officers and men......| 37081474 | 3,674,570 auelies nooo cee 51780,399 | 1,039,760 98:,764 *
Horses 2571859 379,122 56,440 112,932 460,348 171742 - grs460
Guns 45748 ¥ 10,742 6;100° |] sews seen 4,908 45836 2,312
f PEACE ESTABLISHMENT. 2
INfantr yeetse cia. cosas coswuegsacid 357,628 387,911 151,912 198,344 88,346 2
788,34! 47,832 128,922
Cee av 69,000 82,669 26,832 60,196 152,968 38,912 28,000
rtillery........ ... 89,612 65,524 , 339578 48,860 112,340 32,300 13,846
Engineers and Train . 29,896 31,360 8,363 27,000 59,030 19,366 8,628
HOrsesies ai ncse servieason 107,859 158,382 42,240 87,390 260,348 52,000 29,600
2,836 *6,084 6,100 *6,294 31968 *3,576 *2,312
546,136 567,464 220,685 334,400 1,112,684 138,410 189,165
107,859 158, 382 42,240 87,390 "260,348 en g oe
2,836 2,280 6,100 1,882 + 3,968 39576 ¥2,312
* Including fortress and garrison guns,
Army and Navy. gt Army and Navy.
NAVIES.
a : DB ;
a > iH wd . Re a
rat . & as Fi e id a > Q 3
CLass OF VESSELS. oS | 38 g see os a g | ey jays! g be
Sf 3 a 2 as a ‘a g Sa | Oa & 4 %
HA u 9 8 Bin 5 a ® om | BO s S
o ic) oO a
He has only one aim, one science—de-
struction. For that, and for nothing else, he studies
mechanics, physics, chemistry, and sometimes medi-
cine. With the same object, he observes men, charac-
ters, the situations, and all the conditions of the social
order. He despises and detestsexisting morality. For
him everything is moral that helps on the triumph of
the Revolution, everything is immoral and criminal
that hinders it. Between him and society there is war
—war to the death, incessant, irreconcilable. He ought
to be ready to die, to endure torture, and with his own
hands to kill all who place obstacles in the way of the
revolution. So much the worse for him if he has in
this world any ties of relationship, of friendship, of
love! Heis no true revolutionist if these attachments
stay hisarm. Nevertheless, he must live in the midst
of society, feigning to be what he isnot. He must pen-
etrate everywhere among the upper classes, as well as
aeons the middle—into the merchant’s shop, into the
church, into the Government offices, into the army
into the literary world, into the detective force, and
even into the imperial palace. . . Hemust prepare
a list of those who are condemned to death, and dis-
patch them in the order of their relative misdoings.
Anew member can only be admitted into the associa-
tion by a unanimous vote, and after his qualities have
been proved, not by words merely, but by deeds.
Each ‘companion’ should have under his control sev-
eral revolutionists of the second or third degree, not
wholly initiated. He should consider them as part of
the revolutionary capital placed at his disposal, and he
should expend them economically and so as to abstract
the greatest possible profit out of them. . . . The
Most valuable element are women who are completely
initiated, and who accept our whole program, With-
out their aid we can effect nothing.”
117
Ball, John.
Bakounin was not a voluminous writer. His
best work is probably God and the State, which
has been translated by B. R. Tucker (1883).
His other writings were mainly attacks upon
Marx and Mazzini, or violent Bulletins of the
federation of the Jura.
BALANCE OF TRADE, the difference be-
tween the amount or value of the commodities
exported from and imported into a country.
The balantce is said to be favorable to a country
when the value of its exports exceeds that of its
imports, and unfavorable when it is vzce versa.
This is derived from the old idea long prevalent,
but especially developed by the mercantilists
(g.v.), that wealth consists only, or at least main-
ly, in money, and that therefore that country
which exports more commodities than it imports
must be rich, since it receives money to pay for
the excess of its exports. Clement Armstrong,
in his Treatese Concerning the Staple and the
Commodities of this Realme (1530), says : ‘‘ The
holl welthe of the realme is for all our riche
commodites to gete owt of all other realmes,
therefore redy money; and after the money
is brought into the holl realme, so shall all
peple in the realme be made riche therwith.’’
This was the universal theory in the middle
ages, when there was what has been calleda
‘“balance of bargain’’ theory, each State striv-
ing on every bargain to obtain a balance of
money. The first real refutation of the theory
seems to have been by Nicholas Barbon in 1690,
tho it remained largely accepted till the onslaught
upon it by Hume in his £ssays (1752), and
the more calm and judicious analysis of Adam
Smith. To-day, when it is seen that wealth
may consist in many things besides money, the
absurdity of the theory is apparent. Provided
that one makes a favorable exchange, it matters
little whether one pay in money or in com-
modities. Yetthe theory, tho given up by all
reputable economists, still occasionally appears
in the utterances of so-called statesmen and the
writers of editorials, from whom one would look
for better things. This assertion of the ab-
surdity of the theory must not, however, be
taken to deny that under medieval conditions
there was not acertain advantage in receiving
money over other commodities, and that even
to-day the same may hold for certain monetary
reasons ; but this is simply for monetary rea-
sons, not for reasons of value of exchange or de-
velopment of wealth. See Buckle’s Azstory of
Cruilization in England, vol. i., pp. 210-212 ;
J. Janschull’s English Free Trade (Russian, 1
part, Moscow, 1876); E. von Heyking’s Zur
Geschichte der Handelsbtlanztheorie (Berlin,
1882); W. Cunningham’s The Growth of Eng-
lish Industry and Commerce, p. 362 (1885) ;
C. F. Bastable’s The Theory g International
Trade, p. 164 (Dublin, 1887); G. Schanz’s £7g-
lische Handelspotlitek (1881).
BALL, JOHN (1338-81). The importance of
John Ball’s position in the annals of social re-
form comes from his connection with that move-
ment which once and for a few moments only
made the laboring class supreme in fourteenth
century England. He was born probably about
1338, witnessed the Black Death while ascholar at
Ball, John.
St. Mary’s, York, and was ordained to the priest-
hood not long after 1356, becoming one of the
class of parochial chaplains, who corresponded
among the clergy to the artisan class among the
laity. It was toward the end of the long reign of
Edward III. and about seven years before Wyc-
liffe raised his voice at Oxford that the ‘‘ mad
priest,’’ as it suited the land-owners to call him,
began to prophesy against the evils of his time ;
and, as John Richard Green has said, ‘‘in the
preaching of John Ball England first listened
to the knell of feudalism and the declaration of
the rights of man.’’ And England was ripe for
the message. Since the troublous times under
Stephen, nearly two centuries before, the land
had enjoyed a steady growth of material pros-
perity, towns had increased in size, guilds of arti-
sans, regulating their own affairs, had grown up,
and the class of ‘‘ free laborers’ which had come
into being was the thin end of the wedge which
was to destroy villeinage. These changes re-
ceived an impetus first from the famine of
1315-16, and again from the Black Death in 1348,
during which crises the poor suffered such hard-
ship that their numbers were greatly thinned,
and their services became more valuable in pro-
portion to their scarcity. The landlords and
wealthier craftsmen of the towns resisted this
rise of wages, and consequently provoked the
first quite clearly marked conflict between capi-
tal and labor in the annals of English history.
At first by royal proclamation, and subsequent-
ly by the repeated enactments with added penal-
ties of the famous ‘‘ Statute of Laborers,’’ every
effort was made to defeat the rising prosperity
of the artisans and peasants. The scarcity of
workers also led to attempts, on the part of the
nobles and lawyers, to reduce to serfdom again
those who had, in one way or another, attain-
ed their freedom. All this of course tended to
raise bitter class feeling and active resistance.
Successful revolutions are seldom the work of
starving men ; for empty stomachs are not con-
ducive to the clearness of vision necessary to
plan and carry out such movements. The years
of prosperity following the Plague of 1348 had
done more to open the eyes of the peasants than
all the centuries of poor rations which had gone
before. The spirit of independence had gone
abroad, and every resistance only fanned its
flame.
Such were the conditions amid which Ball be-
gan his life-work, and for 20 years preached a
Lollardry of a coarser and more popular sort
than that of Wycliffe. He traveled
from place to place, and preached in
churchyards and from the market
crosses to crowds, which were ever
increasing as he incurred the great-
er displeasure of the authorities. He insisted
on the necessity of marriage, on a voluntary
priesthood, on the injustice of demanding tithes
from poor men ; and he particularly denounced
those who were trying to force the villeins back
into their condition before the Black Death.
He was accused before the authorities of mani-
fold errors, and of stirring up strife, and was re-
buked by Islip, the Archbishop of Canterbury,
and excommunicated, while working in his dio-
cese, by the Bishop of Norwich. From the head-
quarters which he maintained in Essex his work
His Life.
118
Ball, John.
extended in all directions, and he gradually be-
came the recognized head of an ever-growing
labor party, whose sections in the different parts
of the country were united by a great band of
itinerant priests, whose office enabled them to
travel unsuspected in every direction. While
all this was going on events were rapidly pre-
paring the way for insurrection. The peasants
were filled with what Professor Rogers calls a
“religious socialism.’’ The actual outbreak
was delayed by several causes, for the leaders
were loth to provoke an appeal to arms, tho
as early as 1375 they seem to have decided that
it would ultimately be necessary. Between 1375
and 1377 riots were frequent, and the people
were held back with great difficulty. Then Ed-
ward III. died, and the hopes of the popular
party for a better state of things were revived
for a short time, while the troubles with the
French helped to distract attention from the
troubles at home. But when defeat abroad
added to misery at home was capped by a fresh
tax levy, to which the poor were compelled to
contribute as much as the rich, the suffering
became unbearable. In the early part of 1381
Ball began sending letters to his party every-
where, saying that the time for action had come.
In April he was imprisoned, first in Maidstone
jail and then in the Archbishop’s palace at Can-
terbury ; but his plans were too
well laid to be so frustrated, and in
June the storm burst. The people Wat Tyler’s
rose simultaneously in all parts of Rebellion.
the country. Canterbury, where
“the whole town was of their sort,’’
was thrown open to the insurgents, who plun-
dered the Archbishop’s palace and released Ball,
who thenceforth became the heart of the move-
ment, as Wat Tyler was its military head.
Then they moved on London, occupied Black-
heath and Southwark; and sent their demands
to the king, at the same time crossing the Bridge
and burning the new palace of the hated John
of Gaunt and the hospital of St. John. The best
of order and discipline were maintained ; gold
and silver vessels they smashed with axes, jewels
they brayed ; they stole nothing. This was on
June 11-13. On the 14th the insurgents insisted
on a conference with the king, and he came forth
from the Tower, and met them almost alone at
Mile End, giving assent to their demand: ‘‘ We
will that you make us free forever, ourselves,
our heirs, and our lands; and that we be no
more bond, or so reputed.’’ He set clerks at
work writing charters of manumission, and giv-
ing these to them, he bade them go home at
once, which many did, thus weakening their
strength through division. On the 15th, while
Tyler was conferring with the king alone, and
under the protection of a safe-conduct, he was
murdered by Walworth, the mayor, and the
rebels, having lost their chief and leader, fell
into the stratagem of the king, who put himself
at their head and persuaded them to leave Lon-
don altogether. Ball seems to have made an
unsuccessful attempt to rally the peasants again ;
but, being caught at Coventry, was hung, drawn,
and quartered, after the fashion of the time.
‘“The peasants were dispersed and defeated,”’
says Professor Rogers; ‘their leaders were
tried, sentenced, and hanged; but the solid
Ball, John.
fruits of victory rested with the insurgents of
June, 1381. Oncein the history of England only
—once, perhaps, only in the history of the world
—peasants and Artisans attempted to effect a
revolution by force. They nearly succeeded—
at least they became for a short time the masters
of the situation. Thatthey would have held the
advantages they gained at Mile End, had they
provided against the tragedy of Smithfield, is im-
probable. But they caused such terror by what
they actually did that they gained all they
claimed, and that speedily. The English labor-
er, for a century or more, became virtually free
and constantly prosperous.”’
Francis Watts Lrg.
References: English Social Reformers, ae H. de B.
Gibbins (London, 1892); A Dream of John Ball, by Will-
iam Morris (London, 1888); Exglish Popular Leaders,
by C. E, Maurice (London, 1872); in an article on John
Ball, by_ James Gairdner, in Stephen’s Déctzonary of
National Biography oes 1885),
duction to English Economic Histor
W. J. Ashley (London, 1893), a less
taken.
BALLOU, ADIN (1803-90), was born in Cum-
berland, R. I. His family was of Norman-French
origin. His ancestor, Maturin Ballou, in 1646
aided in founding the city of Providence, R. I.
Adin Ballou’s parents were Ariel and Edilda,
formerly Tower. In 1822 he married Abigail
Sayles, who died February, 1829. On March 3,
1830, he married Lucy Hunt.
At 11 years of age Adin Ballou felt afervor of
the Divine spirit, and year by year it developed, |
and at 18 he preached his first discourse. He
became a Universalist, and was listened to with
the closest attention. He published many books
and pamphlets, and edited many papers on
mainly reformatory subjects. In 1841 he was
the founder of the Hopedale Community (¢.v.),
in Massachusetts, which, as long as it remained
under the management of Mr. Ballou, succeeded
in doing the good it started out to accomplish.
He did remain at its head for over 10 years, but
was finally superseded by an intriguing busi-
ness man, who got the lead and ruined the com-
munity. Mr. Ballou, however, lived on in quiet
life until 1890. (For his views, see HopEDALE.)
“BALTIMORE PLAN,” THE.—The pro-
posed currency reform known as the ‘‘ Baltimore
plan”’ received its name from having been pro-
posed at the annual convention of the American
Association of Bankers on October 11, 1894, by
the Clearing House Association of Baltimore,
as a body representing the banking interests of
that city.
The ‘‘ Baltimore plan”’ is briefly outlined as
follows by the editor of the Engineering Maga-
zine in an introductory paragraph to two ad-
dresses delivered before the convention, which
he publishes: ‘‘It provides that bond security
for national bank-notes shall be abolished ; that
the banks shall be permitted to issue circulating
notes up to 50 per cent. of their paid-up capital
(and under emergency conditions an additional
25 per cent. may be named) ; that the notes of
failed banks are to be paid out of a ‘ Guarantee
Fund,’ created by an annual tax on all national
bank-notes sufficient to cover such failures ; that
the Government shall havea prior lien upon the
assets of each failed bank and upon the liabili-
and in An /ntro-
and Theory, by
avorable view is
11g
Bands of Hope.
ties of shareholders, for the purpose of restoring
the amount withdrawn from the ‘ Guarantee
Fund’ for the redemption of its circulation ;
and otherwise that the redemption of all na-
tional bank-notes and the close scrutiny of all
national banking affairs shall be carried on by
the Government as at present.’’ It will be seen
that practically the only change proposed is the
substitution of a guarantee fund for Government
bonds as security. From this fund, which, as
is specified in the plan, shall be equal to 5 per
cent. of the outstanding circulation, the Govern-
ment is to redeem notes of failed banks. (See
BANKS AND BANKING.)
BANDS OF HOPE.—Temperance organiza-
- tions for juveniles, established in great numbers
throughout all the English-speaking countries,
frequently as departments of church and Sun-
day-school work. In the United States the
name ‘‘Band of Hope’’ has been generall
changed to ‘‘ Loyal Temperance Legion,”’ al-
tho some local organizations are continued
under theold name. The Band of Hope pledge
in this country is as follows :
“Thereby solemnly pledge myself to abstain
from the use of all intoxicating drinks, includ-
ing wine, beer, and cider, as a beverage ; from
the use of tobacco in every form, and from all
profanity.”
Concerning the Bands of Hope of the United
Kingdom, the editorial secretary gives the fol-
lowing information in the Cyclopedia of Tem-
perance and Prohibition :
“The first society called a Band of Hope was formed
in England in October, 1847. Temperance societies for
children and young people, on a distinctly total ab-
stinence basis, had existed, however, many years
earlier, both in the British Isles and the United States.
The origin of the first Band of Hope must be jointly at-
tributed to the efforts of Mrs. Carlile, of Dublin, and
the Rev. Jabez Tunnicliff, a Baptist minister of Leeds.
In August, 1847, Mrs. Carlile visited Leeds to address
children in Sunday and day-schools on the subject of
temperance. Mr. Tunnicliff, who had occasionally ac-
companied Mrs. Carlile in her visits to the schools,
felt convinced that unless something was done to fol-
low up her labor it would be largely lost. Accordingly,
before Mrs. Carlile left Leeds, a meeting was called
an organization was formed, a name was adopted, and
acommittee was appointed to perfect the plan. The
first Band of Hope meeting was held late in October,
when about 300 children sat down to tea, more than 200
of them taking the following pledge:
“*T promise to abstain from all intoxicating drinks
as beverages.’
“The movement spread nowhere with greater suc-
cess than in the county of its birth, where at the pres-
ent time there are probably over 2000 juvenile temper-
ance societies of one kind or other. In 185: the first
Band of Hope Union was formed. A Union for London
was established in 1855, which in 1864 became the
‘United Kingdom Band of Hope Union.’ County
unions rapidly followed, and now cover the greater
art of England. The United Kingdom Band of Hope
nion, with which the various organizations are asso-
ciated, aims at furthering the interests of the whole
movement throughout the country. It assists local
unions and societies by means of its lecturers and dep-
utations, by public meetings, conferences, missionary
efforts, literature, correspondence, and advice. Its
sphere of work is in Bands of Hope, Sunday-schools.
day-schools, colleges, orphan asylums, industrial and
district schools, training ships, reformatories, and the
homes of the children. Its latest and most important
effort is the ‘school scheme,’ by which, through the
kindness of munificent friends,the committee is enabled
to devote £2000 per annum for the next five years to the
delivery of scientific lectures and addresses in day-
schools, and to other important educational work.”
The latest estimate of the strength of the
movement, compiled from the best available
Bands of Hope.
data, shows that there are nearly 15,000 Bands
of Hope and juvenile temperance organizations
in England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, with
upward of 1,800,000 members. :
BANK OF AMSTERDAM, THE, was
founded in 1609, and was long the great ware-
house ‘for coin and bullion in Europe. It was
at first simply the custodian of the coin and
bullion deposited in-it, for which it gave re-
ceipts which could be transferred'from hand to
hand. Later, the bank began the practice of
making advances upon deposits, or giving credit
upon its books, usually to ‘the amount of about
5 per cent. below the mint price of the bullion
deposited. This practice eventually occasioned
its ruin, because the bank made large advances
to the Dutch East India Company and certain
provinces in Holland, and during the French
occupation of the last part of the last century it
was found insolvent. The city of Amsterdam
finally paid off those who had the paper of the
bank ; but though effort was made to revive it,
it closed in 1820. Adam Smith gives a full ac-
count of the Bank of Amsterdam. He says
(Wealth of Nations, Book iv., chap. iii.):
‘Before 1609 the great quantity of clipped and
worn foreign coin which the extensive trade of
Amsterdam brought from all parts of Europe
reduced the value of its currency about 9 per
cent. below that of good money fresh from the
mint. Such money no sooner appeared than it
was melted down or carried away, as it always
is in such circumstances, The merchants, with
plenty of currency, could not always find a suf-
ficient quantity of good money to pay their bills
of exchange ; and the value of those bills, in
spite of general regulations which were made 'to
preventit, became in a great measure uncertain.
“‘In order to remedy these inconveniences, a
bank was established in 1609 under the guaranty
of the city. This bank received both foreign
coin and the light and worn coin of the country
at its real intrinsic value in the good standard
money of the country, deducting only so much
as was necessary for defraying the expense of
coinage and the other necessary expense of
management. For the value which remained,
after this small deduction was made, it gavea
credit in its books. This credit was called bank
money, which, as it represented money exactly
according to the standard of the mint, was al-
ways of the same real value and intrinsically
worth more than current money. It was at the
same time enacted that all bills drawn upon or
negotiated at Amsterdam of the value of 600
guilders and upward should be paid in bank
money, which at once took away all uncertainty
in the value of those bills... . These deposits
of coin, or those deposits which the bank was
bound to restore in coin, constituted the original
capital of the bank. ... At present they are
supposed to constitute but a very small part of
it. In order to facilitate the trade in bullion, the
bank has been for these many years in practice
of giving credit on its books upon deposits of
gold and silver bullion.”
BANK OF ENGLAND, THE, was estab-
lished in 1694 by act of Parliament (William and
Mary, V. c. 20), having been projected by Will-
3120
Bank of England.
iam Paterson, a Scotchman, then resident in
London, who had carried on a business with
America. Its establishnient grew out of the
Government’s need of money. Certain sub-
scribers were ready to loan the Government
£1,200,000, and to do this were incorporated for
ir years as the Governor and Company of the
Bank of England, and received 8 per cent. on
the loan besides £4000 a year for the expenses
of management. The bank was authorized to
issue notes, to make advances on merchandise,
to deal in bills and bullion, and to own property
in any form. It was only to deal in bills and
bullion. In 1696 the bank was compelled tem-
porarily to suspend payments, but recovered,
and in 1697 was allowed to enlarge its capital by
41,001,171, and to double this in 1708. Its char-
ter has been continually renewed by ‘various
acts of 1697, 1708, 1713, 1742, 1764, 1781, 1800,
1833, 1844, 1861. In 1708 it was given many
exclusive privileges, so that ‘no other joint stock
barik was founded in England till after the legis-
lation of 1826. The bank suffered severely from
a panic in 1745. Its capital has seldom differed
materially from its permanent :advance to ‘the
public. ;
The main event in the history of the Bank of
England ‘till the enactment of the Bank Act-was
its suspension of specie payments from 1797-
1821. This portion of its history: we
abridge from Professor Syme’s Po-
litical Economy :
In 1796 England had been'forthree
years engaged in a great war with
France. The fear of an invasion had just caused
arun onmanycountry banks. These had with-
drawn their reserves from the Bank of England,
and in 1797 the spare reserve in that institution
sank to about £1,000,000. The Government in-
tervened, and an act of Parliament was speedily
passed which forbade the bank from ‘paying in
specie except in certain specified cases. This of
course made the Bank of England notes incon-
vertible. But the firmness and prudence of
those at whose discretion these notes could be
issued kept the paper up to its full nominal value:
in gold for 11 years (1797-1808). Then a depre-
ciation began, and by the year 1814 the price of
gold (in notes) increased from £3 175. 10%d. to:
45 4S. peroz. The close of the war led at once:
to a fall in the premium on gold; in fact, the.
premium began to fall as soon as a speedy ter-
mination of the war became pretty certain. A
bill was passed requiring that all notes should
be convertible at full nominal value from May
1, 1823. As a matter of fact, the bank had re-
ae to full specie payment over a year before:
is.
The Bank Charter Act of 1844 was introduced.
by Sir Robert Peel. Its fundamental object.
was to limit the power of banks to issue notes.
By it the Bank of England was only allowed to.
have £14,000,000 worth of notes in circulation,
in addition to its actual gold reserve ; but when.
any other bank, having the power to issue notes,
ceased to exist, the Bank of England was to be
allowed to increase its note circulation by not.
more than two thirds of what the dead bank
had been allowed to circulate. Other London
banks and all banks started after the passing
of the act were prohibited from issuing notes.
History.
Bank of England.
Those provincial banks which existed when the
act was passed were allowed to continue issuing
up to what had been their ordinary
outstanding note circulation. The
Bank Charter Scotch and Irish banks were fur-
Act of 1844, ther allowed an additional note cir-
culation equivalent to the amount
of specie they held.
Under the provisions of this act the total note
circulation of the United Kingdom is now limit-
ed to about 431,000,000 in addition to the actual
reserves in the Bank of England and the Scotch
and Irish banks. In 1845 came the failure of the
Irish potato crop. It was some time before the
effect began to be felt. But by the January of
1847 the bullion in the Bank of England had
sunk below 414,000,000, as against over £16,-
000,000 in the August of 1846. The bank now
raised its rate from 3 to 3% per cent., and then,
finding the drain on its reserves continued,
there was a further raising to 4 per cent.
Nevertheless, by April the reserve was below
410,000,000,
The rate was again raised, this time to 5 per
cent. Meanwhile, in 1846 there was a second
failure of the potato crop ;.and in most parts of
Europe the harvest was bad. Agricultural
prices were higher than they had been for 34
years. There was consequently mach specula-
tion in corn, which temporarily inflated credit.
But the large importations forced on a heavy fall
in the price of wheat, which ruined many of the
speculators. On Augustg, Leslie, Alexander &
Co. failed with liabilities of about £500,000. On
the 11th a couple of other firms failed, each with
liabilities of about £200,000. Others quickly fol-
lowed. Within three weeks there were failures to
the amount of over £3,000,000in the corn trade.
By the middle of September the ruin had begun
to extend to other trades. The extent to which
capital had been locked up in railways intensi-
fied the evil. The bank not only raised its rate
to 5% per cent., but refused to lend on what
would ordinarily have been regarded as good
security. Toward the end of October banks
began to fail. On October 18 the Royal Bank
of Liverpool had to close its doors. This brought
down two other Liverpool banks. In Newcastle,
in Manchester, and in other West of England
places bank failures occurred. Consternation
spread through the mercantile world. At length
the Bahk Act was suspended, and the mere
knowledge that the Bank of England was free
to issue notes at its discretion sufficed to stop
the panic. The bank rate was now 8 per cent. ;
but the bank lent freely, at high rates when the
security was good, and so saved a number of
firms that would otherwise have fallen.
In 1857 there was another panic. Trade had
been overstimulated by the Crimean War and
railway building, especially in America. In New
York City 62 banks out of 63 stopped payment.
Many English houses failed. The scenes of 1847
were repeated on a worse scale. The balance
in the Bank of England sank below
£500,000. The bank rate rose to
November, 10 per cent. But for the suspen-
1857. sion of the Act of 1844 the Bank of
England must have closed its doors
on November 13, 1857. The sus-
pension of the act was once more followed by a
I2I
Bank of England.
cessation of the panic, but not till notes had
been issued considerably in excess of what had
been the limit under the act. Then the cycle
began again. A period of stagnation was again
followed by a period of revival, which developed
into one of overspeculation, till the crash of 1866,
since when there has been no suspension of the
Bank Act.
It is asserted by believers in a paper cur-
tency that the Bank of England has suspend-
ed 52 times, and only been saved by reverting
to paper. On the other hand, it is denied that
it has suspended since 1832, and it is claimed
that only the Bank Act has been suspended.
Professor William Sumner, in a note to his Azs-
tory of American Currency, p. 137, explains
that the run on the bank in a panic is not for
gold, but for notes—ze., for discounts. If, how-
ever, there is an export of gold at the time, the
notes are taken to the issue department and
gold demanded. According to the charter, the
bank can circulate only $15,000,000 in notes on
government security, and for all'other notes it
must have gold, sovereign for sovereign. If,
therefore, there is a drain on its bullion, it must
contract or keep all notes handed in for gold.
This heightens the panic. The action of the
Government is to allow the bank to disregard
the clause governing circulation. It promises
to ask Parliament for indemnity. The bank
then discounts freely for solvent parties, but at
high rates. This always kills the panic as panic.
By the act or charter of 1844 the bank was
divided into two departments, the zsswe and the
banking. 'Thesole business of the zssvze depart-
ment of the Bank of England is to
give out notes tothe public. Before
the separation of the departments
the Government owed the bank
411,015,100. This sum was declared
to be now due to the zssue depart-
ment, and for the issues of notes to that amount
it need hold no gold. This was the same as if
the bank had originally lent £11,015,100 of its
notes to government, and these notes had gone
into circulation. The bank was also allowed to
issue additional notes on securities—the limit at
present amounting to £3,984,900, and this also
without holding gold. The amount of notes
which may thus be issued, without gold being
in reserve against it, is £15,000,000. All notes
above that amount can be issued only in ex-
change for gold. When the act was passed in
1844, the limit of notes to be issued against the
Government debt and securities was fixed at
414,000,000, for experience indicated that there
would always be at least that amount of notes
of the bank circulating among the people. The
addition of the £1,000,000 is an extra issue,
authorized by an act, in consequence of certain
banks of issue having since given up that func-
tion. The bank has to account to the Govern-
ment for the net profit of this issue loan of notes of
41,000,000, and the profit the bank derives from
its zssue department is the interest received on
the 414,000,000 of Government debt and securi-
ties, which, at 3 per cent., is £420 yearly. But
out of this the bank pays to the Government, for
its banking privileges, and in lieu of stamp
duties, £180,000. If the expense of the zssue
department is £160,000, the net profit upon it
Method of
Working.
Bank of England.
would be £80,000. The bank alsomakesa profit
upon bullion and foreign coin. These are
brought to the bank for notes ; they are worth
43175. 10%. per oz. ; but the bank is obliged
by its charter to purchase them at £3 175. 9d.
The holders prefer this to having their bullion
and foreign coin coined, free of charge, at the
public mint, as the delay in the coining is equal
to a loss of interest of 14d. per oz. The aver-
age amount of notes in the hands of the public
is about £25,000,000 ; but the amount issued by
the zsswe department is greater. The difference
is the amount lying in the dankzng department,
and represents the reserve of gold of that depart-
ment—that is to say, the banking department
retains only £500,000 or £750,000 of coin, and
transfers the bulk of its reserve to the zssuve de-
partment in exchange for notes. We must,
therefore, regard the reserve of the danking
department as,gold, though in the shape of
notes issued by the other department. |
Viewed in its danking department, the bank
differs from other banks in having the manage-
ment of the public debt, and paying the divi-
dends on it ; in holding the deposits belonging
to the Government, and making advances to it
when necessary ; in aiding in the collection of
the public revenue, and in being the bank of
other banks ; above all, its issues are the only
ones that are legal tender. For the manage-
ment of the public debt the bank receives about
£247,000, against which there has to be set
4124,000 of charges. The remaining profits of
the bank are derived from its use of its deposits,
on which it allows no interest, and of its own
capital. The capital was originally £1,200,000 ;
in 1816 it reached £14,553,000. There is be-
sides a remainder of about 43,500,000. The
bank is situated in the center of London, but
has branches in the city and provinces. Its
constitution is very simple. It has a governor,
deputy governor, and 24 directors, mainly chosen
from firms engaged in negotiating foreign and
other loans. The directors are practically self-
elected. :
References: Lombard Street, b
don, 1873); Exglish Manual o, anking, by Arthur
Crump (1886); Chapters on_ History and Theory of
Banking, by é. F. Dunbar (New York, 1891).
BANK OF FRANCE, THE, the most im-
portant banking institution in that country, was
founded in 1800 asa private company, and made
practically a State bank, through the law of 24
Germinal An. xi. of the First Republic (April
14, 1803}. A law of April 22, 1806, placed it on
its existing footing. Its original capital of 45,-
000,000 frs. was raised to 90,000,000 frs. divided
into 90,000 shares, and has been increased since.
Its governor is appointed by the State ; its coun-
cil are elected by the 200 largest stockholders.
The bank has now 94 branches (succursales) in
France.
Through the Bureau de Virements it per-
forms the functions of the clearing house,
and it facilitates the transmission of money be-
tween the towns in which the branches are
situated and the head office.
The Bank of France can pay its obligations
either in gold or silver of legal tender—z.e., in
silver pieces of five frs. It is claimed that this
tends to maintain a comparatively even rate of
W. Bagehot (Lon-
122
Bank of Genoa.
discount, even in the foreign exchanges, favor-
able to the export of gold. The number of
changes since 1844 has been less than either
with the Bank of England orof Germany. Con-
cerning the interesting and instructive experi-
ence of the Bank of France during the Franco-
Prussian War, Mr. L. H. Courtney writes in the
Encyclopedia Britannica: ‘
“The war of 1870-71 could not but have an important
influence on the operations of the bank. Successive
governments resorted to it for assistance, which was
obtained by increasing the issue of its notes and by
giving them a forced currency. The rate of interest,
which had been 2% per cent. from May, 1867, rapidly
rose to 6 and 6%, at which it remained with scarcely
any variation from August 9, 1870, till late in the year
1872. The rate would probably have risen much
higher, but on August 13 a law was
approved suspending the liability of
the acceptors of bills current to meet Franco-Prus-
them at maturity, and this suspension ““*
was renewed until it was finally with- sian War.
drawn in July, 1871. The amount of un-
paid bills held by the bank reached a
maximum of 368,000,000 frs., but the ultimate loss
was extremely small. On June 23, 1870, the metal-
lic reserve at the bank was 1318% millions of frs.,
which was reduced to a minimum of 505,000,000 on
December 24 of the same year. The notes in circu-
lation before the war had been about 1,400,000,000
frs.; but before the end of the year 1870 their volume
had increased to 1,700,000,000 ; and this again rose to
2,000,000,000 before July, 1871, and to 2,400,000,000 before
the end of 1871. law of December 29, 1871, fixed
the maximum at 2,800,000,000, which was finally
raised on July 15, 1872, to a maximum of 3,200,000,000.
The debt of the State to the bank increased concur-
rently with this increase of issues, which was, indeed,
authorized for the purpose of enabling the bank to as-
sist the treasury. On December 26, 1870, the bank
held treasury ‘bons’ to the extent of 174,800,000 frs.
-only, but on November 30, 1871, it held 1,193,600,000
of these ‘bons,’ and in August, 1872, the amount
reached _ 1,363,100,000 frs. A law of June 21, 1871,
followed by an agreement between the bank and the
Government, provided for the repayment of this debt
in annual payments of 200,000,000, but up to this time
(August, 1875) the income of the State has never been
large enough to provide the whole of this sinking fund.
The bank has, however, been able to increase its me-
tallic reserve through the liquidation of securities and
the accumulation of deposits; so that, after having
been reduced. as we have said, to 505,000,000 in Decem-
ber, 1870, and not attaining to more than 634,000,000 in
December, 1871, it rose in the same month of 1872 to
793,000,000, in 1873 to 820,000,000, and in 1874 to 1, 331,000,000,
or just the amount at which it stood before the declara-
tion of war. Its volume has, however, continued toin-
crease, and on March 25 of this year (1875) it stood
at 1,528,000,000; and the forced currency of the notes of
the bank might be at any time withdrawn. It must be
admitted that the management of the bank throughout
these years of difficulty has been eminently prudent
and successful,”
_ BANK OF GENOA, THE, was organized
in the form in which it is generally known, in
1407. Like the Bank of Venice, it was a bank
principally of deposit and circulation. It was
the financial center of the Genoese republic,
and in it all the transactions in the public funds
were carried on. Anderson says (Origin of
Commerce, vol. i. p. 319) that in 1345 the repub-
lic of Genoa had ‘run so considerably into debt
to her own citizens that in this year four of
them were elected to make provision for those
debts, and for the current service of the year.”
They were so successful that, according to the
same author, ‘‘ managing their stock prudently,
and having many rich men concerned with
them, they afterward supplied the further ne-
cessities of the republic ; and for that end had
at length most of the cities and territories of
Genoa pawned, or, rather, sold to them ;”
Bank of Genoa.
and (p. 414): ‘‘In proportion as the wants of the
republic increased, so did the credit of this
house or bank, by having still more bonds,
rents, and important dominions assigned to it.”’
In Michelet’s phrase, Genoa was almost a bank
before a city, and the name of the bank of St.
George known through all Europe. The bank
finally lost its credit through the Austrian occu-
pation of 1740 and the French of 1800, both oc-
cupants appropriating its property.
BANK OF GERMANY, THE IMPE-
RIAL.—Altho this bank does not occupy to other
German banks so high a position as the national
banks of other countries, it is still high. The
present constitution of the Bank of Germany
was fixed by the Bank Act of 1875, when the
Bank of Prussia was merged in the Imperial
Bank. In 1890 it had 243 offices in close work-
ing with the government. ‘‘ The Bank of Ger-
many,’’ says Professor Dunbar, ‘‘is permitted
to add to its circulation against securities the
issue of any other issuing bank whose circula-
tion drops. It is likewise permitted to exceed
the legal limit, called in Germany the Reserve of
Notes Tax, free, on payment of a fine of 5 per
cent. per annum on the total excess issue.
This had occurred three times during the first
ten years since the passing of the act in 1875,
and on none of these occasions was the rate of
discount raised during the period of excess issue,
nor was any extra pressure felt during the time.
To those conversant with the effect experienced
when the Bank Act of 1844 has had to be sus-
pended jn England, the smoothness with which
this arrangement acts will be a matter of inter-
est. The automatic operation of the German
Bank Act certainly works well in that country,
and though the different circumstances of busi-
ness there do not admit of an exact comparison
with England, the question deserves more at-
tention than has been given it. The Bank of
Germany is, even more distinctly than the Bank
of France, essentially a ‘State bank.’ The
distribution of the profits (law of December 18,
1889) is as follows: 3% per cent. to the share-
holders, then 20 per cent. of the balance to re-
serve, till it reaches one fourth of the capital ;
of the remainder half to the State and half to
the shareholders, till they have received six per
cent. If there is any further surplus, three
quarters goes to the State and one quarter to the
shareholders. The first 3% percent., if need
be, may be made up from the reserve. The
German emperor appoints the president and
council of the bank directory, whose office is
for life, on the recommendation of the federal
council. The government also, through the
chancellor of the empire, exercises other powers
of control, and has the right to end the existence
of the bank, or to acquire its capital at its full
value at the end of every ten years, commenc-
ing 1891. The shareholders influence the man-
eo through a committee. As in the case
of the Bank of France. the arrangements as to
rates of interest are uniform over the whole field
of operation, and the facilities given by this,
and by the action of the bank in the discount of
commercial paper, as well as by the transmis-
sion of cash, etc., have given a great impetus to
the prosperity of the empire. There are many
123
Bank of Venice.
other banks in Germany besides the Imperial
Bank, some of which issue notes. This privi-
lege has, however, been relinquished to a con-
siderable extent, owing to the restrictions im-
posed on all banks of issue.’’
BANK OF HAMBURG, THE, was found-
ed in 1619 on the model of that of Amsterdam
(g.v.). Itcarried on its business under the pro-
tection of the city, and was one of the main
causes of the great commercial prosperity of
Hamburg, in its leadership of the Hanseatic
League. It was a place of deposit for the pre-
cious metals, principally uncoined silver. Adam
Smith says that its agio was about 14 per cent.
It continued to flourish down to 1875, when it
became a department of the Bank of Germany
(g.v.).
BANK OF VENICE, THE.—Concerning
the origin of this famous bank, which has played
stich an important part in monetary discussion,
authorities are disagreed, altho their disagree-
ment depends mainly upon the use they give to
words. According to some, the Bank of Venice
dates from 1171, and according to others, from
1619. This is because the latter authorities deny
that up to 1619 it was a bank in any modern or
correct sense of the word. Nevertheless, whether
a bank or not, it seems clear that in 1171 the re-
public of Venice, in need of funds, in connec-
tion with the Crusades, made a forced loan, and
that an office or chamber for the loan was cre-
ated, the contributors to the loan receiving in-
terest. The bank, if bank this was, had no
capital, and was simply a bank of deposit.
Other such loans were made in 1480, 1510, and
at other times. The contributors to the loan,
and, later, other contributors, were given credit
at the bank, and their deposits could be trans-
ferred at their pleasure on the books of the
bank. In the great confusion and complexity
of the coins of all nations circulating in Venice,
owing to its large commerce, these bank credits,
transferred on the books of the bank, came to
be preferred to coin. They were received as
money by the public treasury, and after 1423 it
was decreed that all bills of exchange payable
in Venice, whether domestic or foreign, should
be paid unless otherwise expressed in the bank.
In 1619 it was changed into the Banco del Giro,
long known as the Bank of Venice, which date
some authorities give as that of the real founda-
tion of the bank. The history of the Bank of
Venice has been written by Stephen Colwell in
his Ways and Means of Payment, and from
this book believers in fiat money have drawn a
strong argument in support of their views, altho
these conclusions are severely criticised by their
opponents. Thus, Mr. B.S. Heath, in his Labor
and Finance Revolution, says (p. 101) :
“Stephen Colwell’s digest of 14 authorities leads to
the ae deductions, as will be seen by perusal of
his able work :
“y, It provesthat there was a national bank of Venice
founded on a loan of 2,000,000 ducats spent by the State
inz171,and the bank existed within the memory of
living men, a period of 626 years, during which time it
was gradually enlarged over 700 per cent.
“2, That A.D. 1423 it was modified by law to prevent
fluctuation.
“3. That the 4 per cent. interest previously paid was
abolished.
4. That all promise of reimbursement, other than
transfer of credit receipts, was abolished.
Bank of Venice.
“s. That the nation ‘took the coin of its loans one
time for all’ in the nation’s bank, giving a credit re-
ceipt only.
‘6. That no coin was keptas a specie basis of credit,
or for strengthening the nation. They were immedi-
ately paid out.
“7, That no promise to pay any coin was made after
1423, for nearly goo years of its continuance.
‘8. That this ‘fiat’ or legal credit was that in which
all coins were expressed—the fixed standard of pay-
ment—and thus the principal money of account ; specie
being for retail coin or export commodity and legal
tender at 20 per cent. discount.
‘9, That the premium fixed by law of 20 per cent.
remium over the Venetian gold ducat, so celebrated
or its fineness in export, was a real superiority of
legal money of account over the commodity gold, and
over goldcurrency.
“io, That it was not dependent on any promise of
convertibility or redemption in gold, as no claim for
any gold was acknowledged in the National Bank.
“rx, That it continued for nearly 4oo years with all
these extraordinary attributes, producing no financial
derangements and no opposition ; but, on the contrary,
grew until it exceeded the money per capita of any
nation in Europe, ancient and modern, and was the
pride of Venice, the envy of Europe.
“y2, That it only fell when Napoleon conquered
Venice, when it had reached an issue exceeding $16,-
000,000 of government credit or money for 200,000 peo-
ple, excluding the dependencies of Venice.
“73. That Napoleon could not’and did not find a
ducat in its vaults, as there had never been a pretense
ofany. That he would have taken gold if it was there
is.clear, and thus have been strengthened to further
enslave Venice.
“a4. That the interest alone saved on each million
ducats was $6,250,000,000,000 at 4 per cent. for. goo years,
savings-bank interest.”
On ‘the other hand, Professor Dunbar, in Pal-
grave’s Dictionary of Polztical me Nae gives
an account different in several essential points.
According to him, the bank was simply a bank
of deposit under public officers. In 1619 it was
changed into the Banco del Giro, long known as
the Bank of Venice. It received funds both for
the State and individuals, making asmall charge
for holding private deposits. Transfers were
made upon ‘the books by the order of depositors ;
bills of exchange were paid, and the tender of
payment for any sum not less than 100 ducats
could not be refused. Loans to the government
compelled it to suspend more than once, espe-
cially from 1717-39. For the hee part of its
existence, however, it received or paid out cash
ondemand. Itkeptits accounts in ducats danco,
which had no corresponding coin, but were
credited or redeemed by the bank as might be
required at an advance of 20 per cent. above
the ducat. effectzvo of the mint. Whatever
be the origin of this, it seems finally to have
represented a mere difference of denomination.
The bank was so successful that in 1766 it was
able to reduce the interest on its funds to 4 per
cent., at the same time offering payment of
their principal to those who were unwilling to
accept that rate.
BANKRUPTCY, the state of being bank-
rupt or insolvent ; in /aw specifically, the status
of a person or corporation that by reason of in-
solvency has been adjudicated a bankrupt.
Bankruptcy laws are statutory regulations
under which the property of an insolvent may
be distributed among his creditors, with the
double object of enforcing a complete discovery
and an equitable distribution of the property,
and of discharging the debtor from his obliga-
tions and from future molestations by his cred-
itors. Such laws have existed in England from
124
Banks, Rev. Louis Albert, D.D.
the time of Henry VIII. In the United States,
Congress has power by the Constitution (Art.
1, Sec. 8, clause 4) to establish such laws through
the United States. :
As the States also have the right to pass sim-
ilar laws affecting their own citizens whenever
there is no national law on the subject in force,
it is customary to distinguish between national
and State laws by calling the former bankrupt
and the latter insolvent laws. Three times only
in the history of the government has there ex-
isted a bankruptlaw. ‘The first was passed in
1800 and was repealed in 1803 ; the second be-
came law in 1841, and was taken from the stat-
ute books in 1843; the third had the longest
life : it became law March 2, 1867, and was te-
pealed on June 7, 1878, the repeal to take effect
September 1 of that year. There is at present
a considerable demand for another bankrupt
law to secure uniformity throughout the coun-
try.
"\ruthall gives the following averages of fail-
ures in the United States :
Average |Amount per
Failures, Failure.
3,262 47,100
1,830 5,800
2,425 6,200
4,882 6,100
75970 4,100
8,823 33200
11,719 2400
According tothe World Almanac, the figures
being taken from Bradstreet’ s returns, the fail-
ures in the United States since 1889 have been
as follows :
Failures. | Liabilities.
T OOO osisesn sipsoracordeaeialan qeardsete Se elbars 10,673 $175,032,819
TB Deis: aimja ation to-aisinin' he races inraia-din oe 12,304 1935178000
FAILURES FOR FIRST NINE MONTHS.
TOR area kawene da tleasmenc aes aeres We BVScioratectvie-aeials $76,971,772
B03 wheissc yw maracas sitet ¥ Gg Cencese TEVEZ A pase oe 405 06 324,087, 768
According to Mulhall, the failures in England
averaged :
TO 707 Oi acciaiatiyé Mamieile 6,039 1879-81 .-csecsee cee e eee I1,052
1873-75.» +++ 7,766 1882-84...
TO70—78 isc wn cee siiceas 10,077 1885-88.
BANKS, REV. LOUIS ALBERT, D:D.,
was born at Cornwallis, Ore., in 1855. He was
educated in the public schools and at Philomath
College of that State. In 1883 he was ordained
an elder in the Oregon Conference of the M. E.
Church, and has since served ‘pastorates at Port-
land, Ore., Boise City, Ida.; Vancouver and
Seattle, Wash., and Cincinnati, O. Since 1886
he has been a pastor in the East, where he has
had marked success, While in Vancouver he
edited the Pacific Censor, State organ of the
Washington Temperance Alliance, and so en-
raged the liquor dealers that in June of 1880
he was shot down on the streets ‘by one of their
agents. For two months he preached reclining
Banks, Rev. Louis Albert, D.D.
across. chairs to eager crowds. He has been a
close student of the labor problems, his revela-
tions as to the Boston sweat shops bringing him
national reputation. Heisthe author of White
Slaves, in which he published the results of his
‘sweat-shop investigations. At the State Con-
vention of Massachusetts Prohibitionists, held
September 8, 1893, at Worcester, he was nomi-
nated for governor.
BANKS AND BANKING.—A bank may
be defined as an institution for receiving money
at or without interest, for loaning, discounting,
or transmitting money, and sometimes for issu-
ing notes. Banking is the business carried on
by a bank. The banking institutions of the
United States may be classed as national and
State banks, savings-banks, private banks. or
bankers, cooperative banks, and loan and trust
companies. (See Savincs Banks ; COOPERATIVE
Banks ; CURRENCY.)
I. GenerAL History.
The name ‘‘ bank’’ is derived from the Italian
danco, a bench, from the benches in the mar-
kets on which the early money-changers were
wont to sit. Jeremy Taylor says, ‘‘ Exchangers
of money made the temple to be the market and
the banke”’ (Great Exemplar, vol. ii., chap. 2).
Passing by obscure references to
money-lenders and usurers on As-
Early Banks, syrian tablets in Egyptian records
and classic and sacred literature, the
history of banking begins with the
Bank of Venice, and is continued in the history of
the Banks of Genoa, Amsterdam, Hamburg, and
the Bank of England, accounts of all of which
will be found under their respective names.
We present herea general account of banking
in Europe, and then a more detailed account of
banking in England and the United States.
Altho the Bank of Venice was perhaps the first
real bank, the origin of modern banking is large-
ly to be found in Florence.
Mr. Macleod says (Bankzng, vol. i., p. 289) :
“The names of the Bardi, Acciajuoli, Peruzzi,
‘Pitti, and Medici were famous throughout Eu-
rope. In 1345 the Bardi and the Peruzzi, the
two greatest mercantile houses in Italy, failed.
Edward III. owed the Bardi 900,000 gold florins,
‘which his war with France prevented him pay-
ing ; and the King of Sicily owed them 100,000
gold florins. The deposits of citizens and stran-
gers with the Bardi were 550,000 gold florins.
The Peruzzi were owed 600,000 gold florins by
Edward III. and 100,000 by the King of Sicily,
and the deposits they owed their customers were
350,000 gold florins. The fall of these two great
pillars of credit. involved that of multitudes of
other smaller establishments, and, says Villani
(Istor. Frorent., vol. xii., p. 55), the community
of Florence had. never been thrown into such
ruin and disorder before. And thereupon he
breaks out against the folly of his fellow-citizens
entrusting their money to the care of others for
the love of gain. The city, however, recovered
from this terrible disaster, and we find that be-
tween 1430-33, 76 bankers at Florence lent 4,865,-
oo gold florins. At one time Florence is said
to have had 80 bankers, but not any public
‘Dank.”’
125
Banks and Banking.
The first bank to be established on really mod-
ern principles as a bank issuing notes payable
- aes at sight is the Bank of
weden, established by a Swede :
named Palmstruck, ee 1656. Its parce
first bank-note was issued in 1658. Banks
His bank became the Riks Bank 7@™%!"8:
(Bank of Sweden) in 1688. It still
carries on. business in Sweden as the national
bank.
Banking in Germany, save for the great Bank
of Hamburg, presents little of interest. Each
German State had its own banking laws and
banks of issue, confined mainly to its own neigh-
borhood. After the unification of the empire—
an act of 1875—the Bank of Germany (¢.v.) was
established, and 32 banks were recognized as
possessing rights of uncovered issue of 135,000,-
ooo marks, the bank of Germany being allowed
250,000,000 marks. The State itself has the
right of issue of 120,000,000 marks in small de-
nominations. German banking has now a capi-
tal of $425,000,000 and deposits of $730,000,000.
The amount of issue is $320,000,000, and it has
$295 ,000,000 of specie in safe.
France has many large banks besides the
Bank of France (g.v.), among others the Comp-
toir d’Escompte, founded 1848 ; the Crédit Fon-
cier and Crédit Mobilier, 1852 ; the Crédit Lyon-
nais, 1863 ; the Société Générale, 1864.
The capital in French banking is $601 ,000,000 ;
deposits, $640,000,000 ; issue, $607,000,000 ; spe-
cie in safe, $505,000,000.
England has many old banks. Says Mr. Cour-
teney: ‘‘ The still existing bank of Messrs.
Smith & Co., of Nottingham, the parent of the
London establishment of Messrs.
Smith, Payne & Smiths, claims. to
have been established in 1688; the Banking
Bristol Old Bank (Messrs. Baillie, in
Cave & Co.) dates from 1750; the England.
-Hull Old Bank (Messrs. Pease &
Co.) from 1754; and many other
country bankstrace back their history to the lat-
ter half of the last century. It is believed that
all these bankers issued their own notes payable
to bearer as part of their business ; and they
were not very scrupulous in regard to the mag-
nitude of the sums for which they were given.
The Bank of England had not issued any notes
for less than £20 previously to 1759, when it com-
menced the issue of £10 notes ; but the country
bankers put in circulation notes for such small
sums, that Parliament enacted, in 1775, that none
should be issued for less than £1. In 1777 this
minimum limit was further raised to £5, but in
spite of this restriction the number and the
‘amount of the issues of the country bankers
soon become dangerously multiplied.”’
In 1792 there were said to have been 350
banks. In the panic of 1792-93 (see BANK OF
EncLanp), about 300 banks suspended payments,
and 50 were totally destroyed. After the panic,
however, banks gradually multiplied till 1825,
when the circulation of notes of less than £5
was forbidden. Joint-stock banks with any
number of partners were allowed to issue, but
did not multiply again till 1834-36, when there
was a rush into banking, leading to the passage
of the Banking Act of 1844 (see BANK oF Enc-
LAND). Of present English banking, Professor
Banks and Banking.
Dunbar fie the following statement in Pal-
grave’s Dictionary of Politzcal Economy:
“The majority of the banks in
England and Wales, including the
largest and most important banks,
do not issue their own notes. The
act of 1844 fixed the maximum
circulation of the country banks
in England and Wales at £5,153,417 (207)
private banks, 43,478,230 (72) joint-stock banks ;
but of this amount, 42,368,960 (126) private
banks, and £1,462,470 (35) joint-stock banks,
have since lapsed from various causes, vol-
untary and other, so that the limit of the pro-
vincial issues now (1890) stands at £2,784,457
(74) private banks, 42,015,760 (37) joint-stock
banks. In addition to these there are 67 private
and 43 joint-stock provincial banks which do
not issue their own notes. The different banks
vary much in size and importance. By the side
of very large banks, wielding immense amounts
of capital and deposits, very small concerns, pos-
sessing proportionally small resources, may be
found carrying on business to advantage, and
competing successfully with their more powerful
rivals. One result, and it is a very peculiar
one, of the. manner in which our banking sys-
tem has developed itself, employing the Bank of
England as the pivot of its transactions, is that
no bank in the country keeps any large stock
of the precious metals in reserve—more, in
fact, than habit has shown to be adequate for
daily requirements—except the Bank of Eng-
land.’’
The earliest banking institution in North
Britain was the Bank of Scotland, instituted by
a charter of incorporation from the Scots Parlia-
ment in 1695. The original capital was £1,200,-
ooo Scots, or £100,000 sterling. In 1774 the
amount of stock was extended to £200,000
sterling ; now it is £1,250,000 sterling. In 1727
anew and similar establishment was constituted .
under the title of the Royal Bank
of Scotland, whose advanced capi-
talis now £2,000,000. In 1746 an-
other association was formed andin-
corporated by royal charter, with the
title of the British Linen Company.
No legislature, however, prevented the prac-
tice of any kind of banking, and Scotch banking
Present
Condition,
Banks in
Scotland.
126
Banks and Banking.
developed in ways of its own. Early in the
present century joint-stock banks were formed,
and the old private banks became absorbed in
these. They are not many in number. By an
act of 1845 no banks established after that date
could issue notes—a condition which has given
the old banks a practical monopoly, tho they
have adapted themselves to the needs of the
country by establishing many branches. In 1890
there were 6nly Io, but with nearly a thousand
branches. Their average circulation was £6,-
278,000, and their deposits about £89,000,000.
They all possess the power of circulation, and ~
since they allow interest on deposits, they hold
almost the whole capital of the country, but are
uniformly well conducted.
Banking in Ireland has few distinctive charac-
teristics. There are (1895) nine banksin Ireland,
whose total deposits in 1890 were
about £39,000,000. The Bank of
Ireland has an authorized circula-
tion of £3,738,428. The deposits
in the banks of the Australian colo-
nies in 1890 were £108,000,000,
being largely the conduit pipes for English
capital.
The history of currency and banking in Can-
ada has four periods: (1) the French régime ;
(2) from the beginning of British government
until the establishment of the first
banks, 1817-18 ; (3) to the confed-
eration of the provinces and the
banks being organized under pro-
vinical and royal charters ; (4) since
1867, when the Dominion Parliament has had
exclusive jurisdiction regarding banking.
No reserves are required by law, but the cash
reserve in gold and legal tenders averages about
io percent. The larger banks keep their avail-
able reserves in security loans in New York and
Chicago. Forty per cent. of the cash reserves
must be in Dominion legal tenders. The banks,
since confederation, have provided a currency
readily convertible into specie, the volume ris-
ing and falling some 20 per cent. with the re-
quirements of trade, largely affected by the sea-
sons.
The following, from the report of the Comp-
troller of Currency of the United States for
1892, gives a
Treland and
English
Colonies.
Canada,
SUMMARY OF THE CONDITION OF THE THIRTY-NINE CHARTERED BANKS OF THE DOMINION OF CANADA, ON
OCTOBER 31, 1892.
RESOURCES.
Mortgages on real estate............. +++. 8.46.
Loans on bonds and stocks.... ..........- ae
Current luans... .----e2.ee peers +] 194,123,365
Loans to the Canadian Provinces 253724527
Overdue debts............ ... 25452,155
Deposits to secure circulation 1,761,259
Dominion bonds... ............. ae 35328,496
Canadian municipal, etc., securities... .. 8,523,980
Railway securities............. 6. peeee eens 8,137,590
Due from other banks and agencies...... 28,119,162
Real estate and bank premises........ 53740,229
Notes of and checks on other banks. 8,954,339
BPOClS ve +x nymnen 6,708,841
Dominion notes 11,813,254
Other resources. 156435493
Excess of liabilities.. 14425,9600
Total reSOuUrceS.......... eee ee cere eee $306,343,530
LIABILITIES,
Capital paid in... ccc ee cece eee anes 61,8 2
Reserve fund : Toot,
Notes in circulation 38,688,429
Due to the Dominion Government 245245785
\ 8
Demand deposits, 4 ear
noe sens eo biela Ca Re Massie sca i 99,034970
ue to other banks and agencies.
Other liabilities : 73001394
Total liabilitiesiiis wis cesiae es voces eos
$306, 343,530
Banks and Banking.
II. BANKING IN’ THE Unirep STATES TO THE
PERIOD OF THE WAR OF THE REBELLION.
This section of the history of banking in the
United States is abridged from Professor W. G.
Sumner’s Hzstory of American Currency, sup-
plemented by statistics from the reports of the
Comptroller of the Currency.
As early as 1690 the colony of Massachusetts
issued bills of credit, making the paper legal
tender for taxes and other debts, the notes being
payable to the bearer on demand.
This was five years before the es-
tablishment of the Bank of Eng-
land; and William Paterson, the
father of that bank; had been in the
colonies and studied the Massachu-
setts experiment. This issuing of bills of credit
was repeated with various modifications b
Massachusetts and the other colonies throug
all their history ; but as it comes rather under
the history of currency than of banking proper,
we refer the reader for all details of the ante-
revolutionary period to CuRRENCY.
We may simply note, however, that in 1739
a land bank and a specie bank, according to
modern banking methods, were started in
Massachusetts. The latter, however, closed in
1740, when Parliament extended the old Joint-
Stock Companies’ Act (passed after ‘the South
Sea Bubble, 1720) to the colonies ; the former
bank, however, struggling and battling for its
life for the next ten years.
December 31, 1781, Congress chartered the
Bank of North America in Philadelphia. It
had a capital of $400,000, and took its origin in
a union of citizens of Philadel-
phia, formed to supply the army
Colonial
Period.
Bank of with rations. They were allowed
North to form a bank and to issue notes
America, to buy the articles required. Con-
gress ordered bills drawn on Ameri-
can ministers abroad to be de-
osited in the bank as a guarantee of payment ;
70,000 in specie were subscribed by individuals
in 1782, and the remainder by Government, out
of the proceeds of a foreign loan. It issued
convertible notes, redeemable in Spanish dol-
lars; but the people were slow to take them.
However, it made large dividends, and was at-
tacked by a rival, which it was obliged to ab-
sorb, and by an effort to have its charter re-
pealed. This effort succeeded so far as the State
charter was concerned ; but it went on under
the charter of the Continental Congress, till it
was rechartered by Pennsylvania.
The first bank of the United States under the
Constitution was chartered by Congress in 1791.
The capital was $10,000,000. One fifth of the
stock was owned by the United States and
$8,000,000 by the people. Six of the eight mill-
ions were Government indebtedness ; and $2,-
000,000, money. Notes of the bank were made
receivable for all obligations due the Government
for 20 years, or during the life of the charter.
The bank always paid coin when demanded, but
the notes were legal tender to the Government,
and, therefore, satisfactory to the people, wheth-
er the bank paid coin or not. This was made
plain by the law, and was demonstrated in the
last four years of the life of the charter, when
127
Banks and Banking.
the most bitter controversy was carried on be-
tween the bank and the President and Cabinet.
When the time came to renew its charter (1811),
go State banks had grown up to oppose it. Ithad
been successful, and paid 8 or 10 per cent. a
year to its stockholders. It was charged that
the bank controlled elections in the State, and
was then laboring to control those of the nation.
Reports charging the bank with corruption,
and even insolvency, were circulated, and the
charter was not renewed. The following table,
from the report of the Comptroller of the Cur-
rency for 1892, gives aconvenient résumé of the
banks in the United States in the period we are
now considering :
Statement showing the Specte, Circulation and Capital
and the Number of Banks in the United States for
the Years mentioned.*
YEAR, eee Specie. i cea Capital.
ey IN Baeeegem | cavereas | cceeeeenn
3 10,000,000 | $2,000,000 | $2,100,000
4 9,000,000 | 2,500,000 2,500,000
6 16,000,000 9,000,000 | 12,900,000
16 18,000,000 | 11,500,000 | 17,100,000
17 20,000,000 | 11,000,000 | 18,000,000
17 21,500,000 | 11,600,000 | 18,000,000
23 19,000,000 | 11,000,000 | 19,000,000
24 16,500,000 10,500,000 19,200,000
25 16,000,000 | 10,000,000 | 19,200,000
25 14,000,000 9,000,000 | 19,200,000
26 17,000,000 | 10,000,000 | 21,200,000
28 17,500,000 | 10,500,000 | 21,300,000
3r 17,000,000 | 11,000,000 | 22,400,000
32 16,500,000 | 10,000,000 | 22,600,000
36 16,000,000 | 11,000,000 | 26,000,000
59 | 17)500,000 | 14,000,000 | 39,500,000
Banking of the wildest kind was now the rule.
After 1805 notes were allowed for sums under
$5, and finally were issued as low
as for 25 cents. Specie was driven
out. A. crash came in 1809. Se- From 1800 to
vere bank laws were passed. In the War of
1813 the New England Bank was the Rebellion.
chartered as a bank of redemption
at Boston, in order to keep the pa-
per of the adjacent county atpar. It did this, but
was unpopular, and was the beginning of the
Suffolk bank system.
The note circulation of the banks of the coun-
try is estimated, in 1811, by Gallatin, at $46,-
000,000. In Pennsylvania, 1813-14, 41 banks
were chartered by Legislature overa veto. The
country being at war, $57,000,000 were bor-
rowed by the Government from 1812 to 1814.
Treasury notes for one year were issued in 1812
to the amount of $3,000,000 ; in 1813, to $6,000,-
ooo; and in 1814, to $8,000,000. Silver flowed
to New England. In 1814 all the banks save
those in New England suspended payment.
Notes were depreciated from 20 to 50 per cent.
The Secretary of the Treasury now began to be
engaged in the money market. He tried to get
the banks to come to some agreement. He or-
dered that taxes should be received only in spe-
cie, treasury notes, or notes of banks which re-
ceived treasury notes at par. Madison recom-
* Blodgett’s Economica.
Banks and Banking.
mended another national bank. The second
United States bank was finally opened January
1, 1817. It began business with $1,400,000 in
specie, $14,000,000 in stocks, and the rest in
stock notes. It was to have a capital of $7,000,-
ooo. A second instalment of $2,800,000 was
soon due, but only $32,400 was paid. in specie,
the rest mainly from notes or discounts of the
bank itself. The third instalment was still
worse. The bank discounted its own stock at
par to pay the instalment. In August, 1817, the
bank discounted its own stock at 125. The
facilities for stock-jobbing were used. Con-
gress resolved that after February 20, 1817, only
specie, treasury notes, and notes of specie-pay-
ing banks ought to be taken by the national
treasury. The banks refused to resume before
July, 1817. The Western banks were still com-
paratively sound. The Southern banks had
become inflated. The inflation was increased
during the year by the Government paying
off $11,000,000 of the public securities held
by the banks. The note circulation at this time
is estimated at $100,000,000. By March, 1818,
the discounts of the United States
Bank were $43,000,000—$11,000,000
The Second on stocks. It had $2,000,000 in
National specie. It had now 18 branches,
Bank. but only $3,000,000 of specie in them
all. Its operations in the West drew
that region into the ‘‘ golden” age.
The bank now bought $7,000,000 bullion.in the
West Indies. Fifteen months after it was start-
ed it was doubtful if the bank was solvent. In
November, Congress appointed a committee of
investigation, which reported unfavorably ; but
Congress would not respond, 40 members being
stockholders. On April 1, 1819, the state of the
bank was: specie, $126,745.28 ; notes, $6,000,-
00; due other banks, $79,125.99; due Gov-
ernment, $500,000 ; due Barings, $900,000 ; there
were $267,978.09 in the mint and $250,000 in
specie on the way from the West. The New
York and Boston branches were in a worse con-
dition. The bank now took energetic measures
to save itself, and in 70 days was solvent, but
had ruined the community. In.August, 1819,
there were 20,000 seeking work in Philadelphia,
and. a similar state of things existed in other
cities. Land in Pennsylvania was worth, in
1809, $38 per acre; in 1815, $150; in 1819, $35.
The note circulation of the country in 1812
was about $45,000,000; in 1817, $100,000,000 ;
in 1819, $45,000,000. Financial distress was gen-
eral, and lasted till 1823. Money was plentiful
in the hands of those who had no debts to pay,
as they would not invest. In 1823 the circula-
tion of the United States Bank was very low—
$4,081,842 ; but there was a great creation of
banks, and the bank began to expand and
receive the notes of all its branches.
In 1824 Pennsylvania rechartered the banks
of 1814. In 1825, 52 charters were petitioned
for for New York banks, and when they could
not be obtained, were petitioned for in New Jer-
sey. The Bank of the United States increased
its issue over $3,000,000. Business revived in
England. Heavy orders for cotton ran its price
here up to 27cents. In July the fall of prices in
England caused a fall here, and 50 failures took
place in New York before December. ‘The
128
Banks and Banking.
United States Bank was in great difficulty. In
1826 there was dulness and reaction throughout
the year. In 1827 money was plentiful, and
continued so with some changes till 1831. Presi-
dent Jackson commenced his attack on the
United States Bank in his first message (1829).
About 1830 American securities began to at-
tract English investments, in canals, steamboats,
and, later, in railroads. Currency, however,
pecame more and more of a political issue.
Jackson committed his party to hard money ;
Clay committed himself to protection. Web-
ster, originally a free-trader, became a protec-
tionist. Calhoun, originally a protectionist, be-
came a free-trader. In 1832 the United States
Bank petitioned for a renewal of
its charter, which was to expire in
1836. ‘The bill passed both houses, The Bank
but was vetoed by the President. War, 1832-
A violent warfare was. now begun. 1836,
by the bank. It is certain that the
bank had paid little heed to the
laws of the State or of prudence, expanding. or
contracting according to will. In 1832 Jackson
defeated Clay by 288 to 49 in the electoral col-
lege. In his message in December, 1832, he
recommended the sale of the $7,000,000 stock of
the United States Bank which was opened by
the nation, and an investigation into the bank,
Bank shares fell from 112 to 104, but recovered
to 112 on a favorable report of the treasury
agent. This report showed $79,000,000 assets
and $37,000,000 liabilities, besides $35,000,000
capital and $7,000,000 surplus. But when the
Government desired to pay the three per cents
in July, 1832, the bank agreed to pay the inter-
est on them if the payment might be delayed
solong. It thus negotiated a loan of $5,000,000
from Barings ; the reason given was for fear of
the cholera. This caused fear for the public
deposits, but a resolution that they were safe
was carried, through. the influence of the bank,
Iog to 46. After Congress adjourned (Septem-
ber 22, 1832), the President ordered Mr, Duane,
the Secretary of the Treasury, to remove the
public depesits fram the bank. He refused,
and was replaced by Mr. Taney, who did it.
The order was that the collectors should send no
more deposits to it, but to State-banks. There
was no sudden transfer, but it was proposed to
withdraw at intervals. The bank Beart war,
and began to draw in its loans. On the assem-
bling of Congress, the Senate resolved (28 to 18)
that the President had usurped unconstitutional
powers. The House never noticed the resolu-
tion, but resolved (134 to 82) that the bank char-
ter should not be renewed. The contraction of
the money market caused great distress. It
was stated that the bank caused this to obtain
a renewed charter. It was claimed that they
loaned to a select few who reloaned at usurious
rates. The aggregate amount of loans, how-
ever, steadily decreased all these years. :
Meanwhile, the bank war wenton. The bank,
finding that it could not coerce the people, and
that smaller banks were taking its place, changed
its policy and expanded, President Jackson using
this as a proof that. it had unnecessarily con-
tracted before. The President. induced. many
of the States to pass laws forbidding the issue
of small notes, and this largely favored con-
Banks and. Banking.
vertibility. These were times when cotton
could command good prices, and railroad and
other investments and speculation was good.
The public dept was. now nearly extinguished.
On July 11, 1836, the President issued the famous
Specie Circular, by which he ordered agents
for the sale of public lands to take specie only.
Congress in December passed an act rescinding
this, but it did not become law, the President
not signing it. The United States Bank not
being able to renew its charter, now obtained a
charter from Pennsylvania—by bribery, as it
was asserted. It had not yet paid back the Gov-
ernment stock or the dividends which it held
for contracting a loan with France that finally
never materialized. It continued to. reissue the
notes of the old United States Bank which it
received. Gold, being forced on the market in
this country, came here from England. In
April, 1836, the gold reserve in the Bank of
England began to lower, and this continued all
summer. The bank rate was raised twice. By
November failures began, and in one day three
houses doing large business with this country
failed. Demand for cotton went down. No-
where had paper money been more in use than
in the South. In March, 1837, several New Or-
leans houses failed. Next, the pressure was felt
in New York, and then became general. There
were 100 failures in New York in March, and
the losses were $15,000,000. In March a meet-
ing was held in New York, address-
ed by Webster. He laid the trouble
The Panic tothe Government interfering with
of 1837. the currency and to the Specie Cir-
cular. A committee of 50 was sent
to the President (Van Buren) to ask
foritsrescinding. The committee, in its address,
‘spoke of 250 failures'and 20,000 individuals dis-
charged by their employers, and they laid it all to
the effort to put metallic in place of paper cur-
tency. But they could obtain nothing from the
President. In May the New York banks sus-
pended in a body, a law being passed allowing
them tosuspendfor one year. Among the direct
causes of this was the demand upon the Govern-
ment deposit banks for the $40,000,000 surplus to
be paid in specie. Suspension became general
through the Union. Specie was driven out of
tthe market, and all kinds of notes circulated in-
stead. The New York banks then began to con-
tract to be ready to resume. Nearly all the
banks made money by the suspension, and paid
good dividends during the year. In 1835-36
there had been asurplus.in the treasury. Mr.
Clay wanted it divided between the States, and
Webster favored this. The administration op-
posed it, and wanted public lands surveyed and
sold at $1.25 per acre, with a homestead provi-
Sion for settlers, the surplus revenue to be spent
on national defences. The bill for distribution
passed in the Senate, but never came up in the
House. In 1836 the Senate passed a bill for
“ depositing’ the surplus revenue (that being
tegarded as the part which came from the land).
The plan for distributing had found no favor in
the House, but “ depositing’ passed. -It was
declared that this was only a change in name,
and the event proved this. Three deposits
were made. Then in 1837 the President made
known an estimate of a deficit of $6,000,000, and
129
Banks. and Banking.
proposed to meet it by retaining the fourth in-
stalment of the deposit, and to. issue treasury
notes. for immediate necessities. These were
issued, bearing interest, and the deposit was
put off till January 1, 1839, and when that day
eame the treasury had a deficit, and could not
pay it. Some States had been led by this de-
posit into extensive improvements and debts ;
others. distributed it, a few shillings per capita,
to. be ‘‘ received with contempt’” or ‘‘ rejected
with scorn.’’ The distresses of 1837 were ag-
gravated by a failure of the wheat crop. Early
in 1838 Congress passed an act forbidding the
Pennsylvania Bank of the United States from
using the old United States Bank notes. On
May tro, 1838, most of the banks in New York
City and in the Union resumed, the Bank of
England sending $1,000,000 to aid them. On
August 13 almost all other banks resumed.
There was a general revival of trade, but it was
not permanent. Goldin the Bank of England
again declined. The Bank of Belgium failed.
The Bank of England borrowed £2,500,000 of
the Bank of France. During the same year the
Bank of the United States. became involved in
cotton speculations. Several banks, especially
in the South and West, failed. The manage-
ment of the United States Bank became reck-
less. It owed from $10,000,000 to $20,000,000,
and tried to borrow of various banks in Europe.
On October 10, 1839, it failed, and carried, with
it all the banks of the South and
West. Three hundred and forty-
three out of 850 banks inthe Union Widespread
closed entirely, and 62 partially. Depression.
Some $2,000,000-.0f Government de-
posits were lost. This suspension
lasted by law till January 15, 1841. As soon
as the bank opened again a run on it com-
menced, and it suspended finally (February 4,
1841). Its capital was a total loss, and the $7,-
000,000 United States stock subscribed by the
Government is mentioned by the Secretary
of the Treasury (fzzance Report, 1872, p. 18)
among the items of the debt for which no
cash ever came into the treasury. The years fol-
lowing 1842-43 were among the gloomiest years
in industry. It seemed paralyzed by the failure
of our banking system.
When it failed, the Bank of the United States
owed the Bank of England $23,000,000. Its
failure, and, above all, the repudiation of in-
debtedness by several States, ruined American
credit abroad, and cost the bank many friends
here. In 1840 the Independent Treasury Act
was passed, giving the Government the custody
of its own funds. It was only accomplished
after a severe struggle, as it withdrew the pub-
lic funds from use as banking capital. In 1841
Mr. Harrison became President, and called an
extra session of Congress, May 31, which met
under President Tyler after Harrison’s death,
and the first act of the session was to repeal the
Independent Treasury Act. Mr. Clay had pro-
posed a national bank, an increase of duties,
and a land distribution bill; but the senator
from Mississippi introduced a bankruptcy act,
and this was bargained off for the Bank Act
and the Distribution Act, and the three went
through together. The Bank Act was very
sweeping—declared the abolition of all debts
Banks and Banking.
where effects were surrendered and fraud not
proved. The Land Distribution Bill was the
new form of the defeated bill for assuming the
State debts. The income from public lands (less
than $1,500,000) in 1846 was to be divided among
the States to help them pay their debts. Presi-
dent Tyler wanted the words “‘ fiscal agent’’ or
something ‘‘fiscal’’ substituted for the word
““pank,’’ and vetoed two bills for incorporating
abank. The treasury, being unable to pay spe-
cie, paid treasury notes, but one of these being
protested (January, 1842), the Government paid
130
Banks and Banking.
specie, and continued doing so till 1862. In 1843
the Bankruptcy Act was repealed. It was
argued that it was worse for debtors than cred-
itors, since he who availed himself of it could
et no further credit. The Government was
Feed in the hard-money system.
The following tables, from the report of the
Comptroller of the Currency for 1892, give a
convenient statement showing the principal
items of resources and liabilities of the Bank
(Second) of the United States from 1817 to
1840: ‘
: RESOURCES.
ee Li d Banki Due by F Due f
oans an anking ue OT- ue from
Discounts. Stocks, |RealEstate-) “Youse. [eign Banks. |State Banks,
$3,485,105 $45820,234.) |) Siswsinseaes | aeseeed |) Jedeweas ‘ $8,848,315
487811750 99475)932 $175,202 $1033,682 742031694
351786,263 753925823 433) 1,667 256245797
31,407,158 7,192,980 1,296,626 261,548 2,727,080
30,995,199 951553855 aia tect 1,886,724 83,548 1,178,197
28,061,169 13y318,952 $563,480 1,8551940 1,107,637 157175723
30,736,432 11,018,552 626,674 1,956,764 24,599 1,407,573
331432,084 10,874,014 1,302,551 3,871,635 15434,020 1,287,8
31,812,617 18,422,027 1,495,150 1,852,935 24,178 2,130,095
339424,621 78,3031502 118481354 aac 428524 ae
30,937; 17,764,359 25039,221 1,678,192 4 1,683,510
3316824905 17,624,859 24295,401 1,634,260 386,740 eases
391219,602 16,099,099 23452539 155571350 482,240 1,723,297
40,663,805 11,610,200 2,886,397 1,444,801 1453553 151995458
44,032,057 8,674,681 2,629,125 15344765 25383)332 ape bieszevec
66,293,707 2,136,525 1159,637 91,668 319441849
61,695,913 1,855,269 1,181,071 3,106,833 3,088,143
549771408 TTAter 1yc8 pias poem eit : ee
51,900,739 1,700,032 1,216,069 1,922,49' 4,000):
592324445 1,486,561 967,404 73917% 4,088,005
5793939709 lacey ece 816,855 420,244 2,284,598
455256)571 14,862,108 1,061,663 443,109 3,657,201
43/618,637 173957497 710541523 4241382 oe
39,939,593 10,310,419 1,220,030 104504 sreeeeee 71490142:
RESOURCES. © LIABILITIES.
YEAR. Dueto F
ue to or-
Soa Specie, Circulation.| Deposits. pee te ee eign Banks, Capital.
$587,207 $1,724,109 $1,911,200 $11,233,021 Shaeeces $35,000,000
Sones 25$355949 8:330,448 ae $1,357:778 354000,000
5! oO 2 000
1,443,266 333925755 auger elec, oes bse Stones
677,022 71043140 45567,053 7,894,985 2,053,074 35,000,000
917,629 41761,299 51578)782 8,075,152 2,040,000 3$}000,000
766,248 4424874 4,361,058 7,622,340 1,292,710 35,000,000
7053173 51813,694 436475077 13)701,936 1,020,000 35,000,000
1,056,224 6,746,952 6,068, 394 12,033,304 2,407,282 35,000,000
1,114,832 31960,158 95474987 11,274,640 251,494 35,000,000
pene 4s3 6,457,161 8,549,409 14,320,186 280,056 35,000,000
15447538 6,170,045 93855,677 1454971330 1,467,806 35,000,000
712939578 6,098,138 11,901,656 17,061,918 154475748 35y000,000
aloe Dae 12)924)145 16,045,782 35,000,000
Y y 251,2 I
ours B76 a osBtos4 a 5Ty: ah idee Aas 734,900 35y000,000
° poatie 13559724 22,761,434 1,951,103 35,000,000
Cea ee 99511047 17,518,217 20,347,749 2,091,891 35,000,000
1,9 @ 40 100395237 19,208,379 10,838,555 1,522,124 35,000,000
Es500,208 *$9708)369 1753395797 11,756,905 3:T1Q,172 35y000,000
1736491 41759) 23,075,422 5,061,456 2,660,694 35,000,000
eee ee 2,63 1449 1154475968 25332,409 2,284,598 6,926,364 354000000
1597 317701842 6,768,067 2,616,713 41957;291 20,479,468 35,000,000
T7201 580 411531907 51982,621 67795394 3,061,8 22,030,351 ‘ 000
1,383,686 1,469, 6: 6, 86 9°95 7930935 35,0003
13835 1469,674 095,862 31338, 521 4115553606 13,091,087 35000000
Banks and Banking. 131 Banks and Banking.
The following table gives a convenient r¢sumé of the banks in the United States in the
period we are now considering :
STATEMENT SHOWING THE NUMBER OF BANKS IN THE COUNTRY, THEIR CAPITAL, ETC., IN THE YEARS
MENTIONED.*
No Capital. | Circulation. | Deposits. | Loans, | Specie.
Obey cient GaNae nee eeRVehesnenaete rs As 89 $52,720,601 $28,100,000 | «1... seen ee $15,400,000
1815... 208 82,259,599 45,500,000 | .. we... ee 17,000,000
i 1816... 246 89,822,422 y000,000 |... chssaoe 19,000,000
| 1820. .66 308 137)210,611 44,863,344 | $35,950,470 19,820,240
1830... 330 145,192,268 61,323,898 5515591928 | $200,451,274 22,114,917
\ 1834. 506 200,005,944 94,839,570 75,066,986 | 324,119,499 te nett ee
| 1835. “558 231,250,337 | 103,692,495 83,082,365 365,163,834 4319371625
} 1836. 567 251,875,292 140,301,038 115,104,440 4571506,080 40,019,504
| 1837. 634 290,772,091 149,185,890 1273975185 525,115,702 3799151340
_ 1838 663 317,636,778 | 116,138,910 84,691,184 | 485,631,687 35) 184,112
1839. 662 327)132,512 1359170995 90,240,146 | 492,278,015 451132,673
1840... 722 358,442,692 106,968,572 75,696,857 | 462,896,523 330105, 155,
Among the new measures were the Suffolk
Bank plan in Massachusetts, and the New York
Safety-Fund System. The Suffolk Bank plan
was merely an arrangement whereby that bank
was made the channel through which all notes
of New England banks that found their way to
Boston, as most of them naturally did, were at
once forwarded to the issuers for redemption.
The result was that all solid bankers found it
for their interest to deposit with the Suffolk a
redemption fund, as that insured the acceptance
of their notes.
The New York Safety-Fund System, which is
the cardinal principle of the present national
banking plan, required each bank to deposit,
with the banking department of the State, securi-
ties consisting of federal or State stocks, or bonds
and mortgages, which, in case of the failure of
the bank, were sold, and the proceeds applied
to the liquidation of its debts.
From 1844 things began to mend. Failure of
crops in Europe and the abolition of the corn
laws gave a market for breadstuffs, of which, in
1843, $37,800,000 were exported. The Irish
famine and other causes made immigration set
in, Railroads were rapidly developed, and the
discovery of gold in California add-
ed another powerful element to the
1840-1860, industrial development. Our cred-
it abroad slowly mended. By 1854
: it was estimated that $200,000,000
of State, railway, and other bonds were held
abroad, and in 1857, $400,000,000. Bank-notes
also expanded. Gold was exported ; currency set
toward the financial centers, the country banks
keeping their balances generally in New York.
; These balances were required in the fall, produc-
_ing contraction and stringency. In 1853-54 fears
of a war in Europe, failure of early speculations
in California, the discovery of a fraudulent issue
of $2,000,000 of New York and New Haven
Railroad stock, caused a panic. A small crop
and other evils added to this. A large number
of private bankers were carried down. But the
large supply of metallic currency prevented
widespread evil. In_1856 railroad building and
good crops improved the situation. A fall in
stocks, however, in the summer of 1857, the fail-
* Elliott’s Funding System, p. 984.
ure of the Ohio Life and Trust Company, which
borrowed largely in New York, the loss of the
steamship ‘‘ Central America’? with over $1,-
000,000 of treasure, caused a panic. A large
number of failures took place in September. In
October all the New York banks save one sus-
pended, and were followed by almost all others.
Bills were not salable; gold be-
gan to move this way. The Secre-
tary of the Treasury aided by pur- The Panic
chasing bonds. The New York of 1857.
banks resumed December 12, and
others followed.
The condition of the first bank of the United
States during the period from January, 1809, to
January, 1811, is shown in the following table,
which is taken from the letters of Albert Gal-
latin printed in the American State Papers
(Finance), vol. ii., pp. 352 and 470:
REPORTS OF CONDITION OF THE FIRST BANK OF THE
UNITED STATES.
January, | January,
1809. 1811.
RESOURCES.
Loans and discounts............ $15,000,000 | $14,578,294
U.S. 6 per cent. and other U.S. ke al
stock 2,230,000 2,807,046
Due from other banks 800,000 894,145
Real estate....... 480,000 500,653
Notes of other ba Wieesaea dh 393134
5y000,000 | 5,009,507
$23,510,000 | $24,183,046
LIABILITIES.
Capital stock.......cce eee e enone $10,000,000 | $10,000,000
Surplus........-. 2... sees ceeeeee 510,000 509.678
Circulation outstanding........ 4,500,000 590371125
Individual deposits..... : 9 500,000 51900, 423
United States deposits fs 1,929,999
Due to other banks....... 634,348
Unpaid drafts outstandin 171,473
Total ia coarse ese siosiosten aaiesian $23,510,000 | $24,183,046
The bank had been quite successful, and paid
8 or Io per cent. a year to its stockholders.
Banks and Banking. 132 Banks and Banking.
The following table, prepared by the Comp- gives the position of the State banks from
troller of the Currency in his report for 1892, 1834-63:
TABLE SHOWING THE AGGREGATE NUMBER OF STATE BANKS IN THE UNITED STATES AND THEIR PRINCIPAL
LIABILITIES AND RESOURCES IN THE YEARS 1834-63. :
LIABILITIES.
No. of
YEAR. Banks. Capital ; fusde ones
Stock. Circulation. | Deposits. Banks, bili ties, .
506 | $200,005,944 | $94:839570 | $75,666,986 | $26,602,203 ails eis
704 | 231,250,337 103,6921495 83,081,365 38:972,578 | $19,320,475,
723 | 251,875,292 | 140,301,038) | 115,104,449 50,402,369 251999)234,
788 | 290,772,091 149-185,890 | 127,397,185 62,421,118 36,560,289,
829 | 317,636,778 | 116,138,910 84,691,184 61,015,692 5919951679,
840 | 327,132,512 1354179,995 90,240,146 5311351508 62,946,248.
gor | 358,442,692 | 106,968,572 75696,857 44,159,615 | 43,275,183.
784 | 313,608,959 | 107,290,214 64,890, 101 42,861,889 42,896,221
, 692 | 260,171,797 83,734,011 62,408,870 25,863,827 124775)106
691 | 228,861,948 58,563,608 56,168,628 21,450,523 743571033
696 | 210,872,056 755167,646 84,550,785 31,998,024 5)842,010
707 | 206,045,969 89,608,711 88,020,646 26,337440 5)853,902
707 | 196,894,309 | 105,5521427 96,913,079 28,218,568 51332572
715 | 203,070,622 | 105,519,766 97,7921533 28,539,888 45706,077-
751 204,838,175 128,506,091 103,226,177° 395414,371- 5:50L,401
782 | 207,300,362 | 1145743,415 91,178,623 30,095,366 6,706,357
B24 | 217,317,211 | 131,366;526 | 109,586,595 36,717,451 8,835,309
879 | 227,807,553 | 155,165,251 12859575712 46,426,928 65438329"
750 | 207,908,519 | 146,072,780 | 145,553,876 49,025,262 28,024)350,
1,208 301,376,071 204,689,207 188,188,744 50,322,162 13,439,270
3,307 |} 332)177,288 | 186,952,223 | 190,400,342 45)156,697 151599;623
1,398 343,874,272 1959747950 212,705,062 52,719,956 12y227,867°
1,416 | 370,834,686 | 214,778,822 | 230,351,352 5710741333, 19,816,850
1,422 394,622,799 1551208, 344 1855932049 52,169,875 14,166,713
1,476 | 401,976,242 | 193,306,818 | 250,568,278 68,215,651 15048427
1,562 421,880,095 20751024477 253,802,129 551932,918 14,661,815
1,601 42055925713 202,005,767 2571229562 61,275,256 235258,004,
1,492 | 418,139,747 183,792,079 | 296,322,408 61,144,052 21,633,093
1,466 | 405,045,829 | 238,677,218 | 393,686,226 | 100,526,527 5398145145
RESOURCES.
YEAR, : | Notes of :
Loans and Stocks. Due from Real Other Specie Specie. Other Re-
Discounts. * |Banks, etc. Estate, etc. Banks Fund. Pi ; sources.
$324,119,499} $6,113,195 | $27,320,645 | $10,850,090 | $22,154,919 | $26,641,753 | ..eeee eens $1,723,547
365,163,834] 9,210,579 | 40,084,038 | 11,140,167 | 21,086,301 3,061,819 | $43,937,625 | 4,642,124
457,506,080] 11,709,319 | 51,870,955 | 14,194,375 | 32y115,138 4,800,076 | 40,019,594 | 919751220
525)115,702] 12,407,112 | 59,663,910 | 19,064,451 | 36,533)527 51366,500 | 37,975,340 | 70,423,630
485,631,687| 33,908,604 | 58,195,153 | 190755731 | 24,964,257 904,006 | 35,184,112 | 24,194,117
492,278,015] 36,128,464 | 52,898,357 | 16,607,832 | 27,372,966 | 3,612,567 | 45,132,673 | 28,352,248
402,896,523) 42,411,750 | 41,140,184 | 29,181,910 | 20,797,892 3:623,874 | 33,105,155 | 24,592,580
386,487,662} 64,812,135 | 47,870,045 | 339524444 | 251643)447 3,768,708 | 34,823,958 | 11,816,609
323,957,569] 24,585,540 | 30)752,406 | 33,347,988 | 19,432,744 3y115,327 | 28,440,423 8,186,317
2545544;937| 28,380,050 | 20,666,264 | 22,826,807 | 13,306,677 6,578,375: | 339515806 | 13,343,599
264,905,814) 22,858,570 | 35,860,930 | 22,520,863 | 11,672,473 6,729,980 | 49,898,269. | 12,153:693°
288,617,131} 20,356,070 | 29,619,272 | 22,177,270 | 12,040,760 6,786,026 | 44,241,242 | 10,072,466
312,114,404] 21,486,834 | 31,689,946 | 19,099,000 | 12,914,423 8,386,478 42,012,095 | 71913)59T
310,282,945] 20,158,351 | 31,788,641 | 21,219,865 | 13,112,467°| 13,789,780 | 35,132,516 | 12,206,212
3441476582) 26,498,054 | 38,904,525 | 20,530,955 | 16,427,716 | 10,489,822 | 46,369,765 8,229,682
33293239195] 235711575 | 32,228,407 | 17,491,809 | 12,708,016 8,680,483 | 43,619,368 | 7,965)463
364,204,078] 20,606,759 | 41,631,855 | 20,582,166 | 16,303,289 | 11,603,245 | 4513701345 | 11,9401548
413)750)799| 22,388,389 | 50,778,015 | 20,219,724 | 17,796,083 | 15,341,196 | 48,677,048 | 8,935,972
408,943,758] 22,284,692 | 48,920,258 | 10,180,071 | 30,431,189 | wesc eee ee 475138,592 3873572
55713970779] 441350330 | 551516,085 | 22,367,472 | 22,659,066 | 25,579,253 | so,4zoras3 | 7,589,830
57651441758] | 521727,082 | 55,738,735 | 24,073,801 | 23,420,518 | 23,935,738 | 53:944,540 | 8)734)540
634,183,280] 49,485,215 : 62,639,725 20,865,867 2457795049. 19,937,710 50,314,063; 8,882,516
684,456,887] 50,272,329 | 65,849,205 | 26,124,522 28,124,008 | 25,081,642 58. 349,838 51920, 336
583,165,242] 60,305,260 | 58,052,802 | 28,755,834 | 22,447,436 | 15,380,442 745412,832 6,075,906
657,383,799] 63,502,449. | 78,244,087 | 25,976,407 | 18,858,289 | 26,808,822 | 1041537818 | 8,323/042
69119451580} 70,344,343 | 67,235,457 | 30y782,131 | 25,502,567 | 19,331,521 83,504,537 | 11,423,272
696,778,421] 74,004,879 | 58,793,900 | 30,748,927 | 21,903,902 | 29,207,878 | 87,674,507 | 16,657,512
G48,6779780 seoregty 651256596 | 32,326,049 | 25,253,589 | 27,827,971 102,146,215 1135648,006
48,601,863] 180,508,260 | 96,934,452 | 31,880,495 | 58,164,328 | 46,171,518 101,227,369 | 22,003,443
NoTE.—The figures for the years 1834-40 are taken from_Ex. Doc. No. 111, Twenty-si
sion. Those for 1841-50 are from Ex. Doc. No. 68, Thirty-first Congress, first session. ona ae : eae Goth
the ocean of the year 1853) they are taken from the report on the condition of the banks for 1863. Th Ea for
1853 are from Ex. Doc. No. 66, Thirty-second Congress, second session, and are incomplete. 2 OSE,
Banks and Banking.
III. THE War Periop anp THE NATIONAL
Bankine SYSTEM.
When the War of the Rebellion began, the
aper in circulation in the country was about
Boo. 085,606 —abaut three fourths among the
loyal States. The specie available was estimat-
ed at $275,000,000. The opinion was that the
war would be short.
Congress voted $50,000,000 of demand notes,
$250,000,000 of 7.3 per cent. treasury ‘notes to
run three years, and a 6 per cent. loan of $250,-
000,000 to fund the treasury notes. A property
tax was apportioned among the States, but part
of it was repealed, part of it was paid by
charges for sums expended in fitting out troops,
and it produced no active revenue to the gen-
eral Government. In the fall of 1861 the Gov-
ernment borrowed $100,000,000 in gold of the
banks in two instalments, and $50,000,000 more
in paper. Such was the situation when Con-
gress met, December, 1861. The treasury re-
port of Mr. Chase presented no strong policy.
Gold began to be exported. On December 17
the New York banks resolved that suspension
was unnecessary, but in the last days of the
month all the banks.suspended, Professor Sum-
ner says unnecessarily. Gold rose to a pre-
mium of 1 or 2 per cent. Bank paper drove
the gold out. The Government could not bor-
row more gold, because the stock in the banks
had been exhausted. It would have to take
irredeemable paper notes. In February, 1862,
‘Congress authorized the issue of $150,000,000 in
/notes, of which $50,000,000 was for withdrawal
of the demand notes. This was the famous
Legal Tender Act. The notes were legal tender
except for imposts on duties and interest on the
public debt. The friends of these ‘‘ green-
backs’’ claim that it was this limitation which
caused them to depreciate ; but we are here only
concerned with the fact and its bearing on the
banking system. (For details of these notes,
see CurRENCY.) Whatever be the reason, they
did depreciate. Gold rose, and was exported.
By August, Professor Sumner says that specie
had disappeared. In July a bill was passed for
issuing stamp asfractional currency. The Goy-
ernment went from one makeshift to another.
The treasurer sold 6 per cent. bonds at par,
indeed, but for currency worth from 60 to 70
cents on the dollar. The desire for a national
banking system grew general. The plan finally
adopted was not wholly new. We present a
statement of its abridged form, a paper by D. B.
Waldo, published in No. 1 of the Publications
of the Michigan Political Science Association.
He says in substance :
Albert Gallatin, in a famous proposition, ad-
vocated a prohibitory tax on existing bank-notes
and the establishment of a currency founded
on public stock, or possibly mort-
gages on real estate. Tho ad-
Plans for a mitting objections to the latter se-
National curity, he contended that if the ob-
System, jections could in any way be re-
moved, the plan proposed would
give to the banking system of
America solidity, and inspire a confidence which
could not otherwise be secured. The ideas con-
tained in the above suggestions soon fruited into
133
Banks and Banking.
legislation. The propositions introduced in the
Legislature of Maryland were followed by an en-
actment of the Legislature of New York creating
anew banking system. There were precedents
on American soil in the form mainly of sugges-
tions from writers for various periodicals, yet to
some extent of institutions in actual operation.
John J.Knox, in his excellent review of the na-
tional banking system, ascribes the first sugges-
tion of its underlying principles to an unknown
writer of the Analectec Magazine, who, writing
in 1815, a period of utter demoralization in our cur-
rency, advocated a system in which public funds
were to serve as the basis, support, and limit of
American money. In 1816 a letter of Curtius,
addressed to the Secretary of the Treasury, em-
bodied similar ideas, which were further elabo-
rated in a communication of one Rev. Dr. Mc-
Vicar to a member of the New York Legislature
in 1827.
It is well-known history that this new banking
system of the Empire State proved eminently
safe and satisfactory, but to the national appli-
cation of the principles embodied in the New
York plan there remained the obstacle of a for-
midable opposition to every description of banks
of issue inherited from the experience of reck-
less banking. It was finally favored only under
pressure of war necessity. Secretary Chase, in
his first annual report (1861), submitted two
plans: first, that of the withdrawal of State
bank issues and the substitution of United
States notes payable in coin on demand.
Against this he interposed the following objec-
tions: First, the temptation to issue without
adequate provision for redemption ; second, the
ever-present liability to be called upon for re-
demption beyond means, however carefully an
vided for and managed ; third, the hazard of
panics precipitating a demand for coin concen-
trated on afew points and asingle fund ; fourth,
the risk of a depreciated and depreciating, and
finally worthless paper money ; fifth, the innu-
merable evils of dishonored public faith and
national bankruptcy—all these, he said, were
possible consequences of the adoption of the
suggested system of government circulation.
These objections, of course, being deemed fatal,
the secretary discussed the advantages of a sec-
ond plan, that of the national banking system,
substantially as finally adopted. But the coun-
try was not ready, and the suspension of the
banks occurred as above stated.
In December of 1862, Secretary Chase again
urged upon Congress the advantages of a na-
tional banking system, and reiterated the danger
of United States notes. Meanwhile,
the sentiment in and out of Con-
gress had rapidly changed in favor The
of the proposition, and on Febru- National
ary 25, 1863, a bill, recommended Banking
by Senator Sherman andfavorably System.
reported by the finance committee
of the Upper House, became law.
The vote, taken in the Senate February 12,
stood 23 to 21 ; that of the House, taken Febru-
ary 20, 78 to 64, the President signing five days
later. It is needless to remark, in view of the
immense personal financial interests involved
and the prejudices to be overcome, that the dis-
cussion of the bill was decidedly warm. The
Banks and Banking.
ablest arguments for and against were those
made in the Upper House by Senators Sherman
and Collamer, the latter of Vermont. Senator
Collamer’s objections were that the State banks
and the people would oppose such an institution,
and, in consequence, would never buy the
bonds, whose sale was to be the main prop of
the system. He questioned the constitutional-
ity of a proposed prohibitory tax on State bank
issues, argued against the incorporation of insti-
tutions to be independent of State control, laid
much stress upon the responsibility imposed
upon the Government for the redemption of
issues, and finally pointed out what he believed
to be the political dangers involved in a measure
of this kind. Favoring the bill, Mr. Sherman
had alreadyin an able argument dwelt upon the
present evils of legal-tender issues and the proba-
ble future. He told again the story of State
_banks and their defects, then argued for the bill
on the grounds of convertibility of issues, uni-
formity in size, a market for Government bonds ;
further, that the system would be a medium for
the absorption of State bank-notes, and that the
banks would be safe and convenient depositories
of public money. Finally, there would arise a
community of interests between stockholders,
people, and government, and there would be
developed the much-needed sentiment of na-
tionality.
By this law any association of five or more
persons was authorized upon deposit of regis-
tered or coupon bonds to the minimum amount
of $50,000 to receive go per cent. of the par value
of the same in bank-notes, which, being proper-
ly signed, were receivable for all Government
dues, except duties on imports, and were pay-
able on all Government debts, except interest
on bonds. In compensation for the issue privi-
lege, banks organized under this act were re-
as to pay a tax on circulation, the rate being
xed at 1 per cent. by amendatory legislation
in 1864. Each association was required to con-
form to the law of its own State in the matter
of interest rates, and was compelled to maintain
a special reserve for its notes and deposits, and
to redeem circulation at the place of issue.
' The amount of circulation was fixed at $300,-
000,000, to be distributed throughout the States,
Territories, and District of Columbia, one half
in proportion to the population, the remaining
half in proportion to banking capital and busi-
ness needs. The law provided for the estab-
lishment of a finance bureau, at the head of
which was to be an officer called the
Comptroller of the Currency, who
was given general oversight of the
entire system. The original bill
has been repeatedly amended, yet
its leading features, with certain
important exceptions, remain valid to-day ; the
principal changes being made the next year,
providing for redemption in certain specified
leading cities, excluding coupon bonds from the
Working
Method.
list of securities, increasing the minimum of.
capital from $50,000 to $100,000, and providing
for the easy conversion of State banks.
The bill had received the President’s approval
February 25, 1863, but it was nearly four months
then before a bank was organized under it, and
five before one was opened in the city of New
134
Banks and Banking.
York. Up to December 10, 1863, only 134 had
been incorporated, and up to November 25, 1864,
only 584, of which 168 were State banks reor-
ganized under the national law. It is obvious
that up to this time the State banks had con-
tinued to supply the major part of the currency
of the country.
Mr. Fessenden had now become the Secretary
of the Treasury, and Mr. McCulloch Comptroller
of the Currency, and they agreed in opinion that
the time had come when it was necessary to dis-
criminate against the State banks in some man-
ner if the good to be hoped from the national
system was to be realized. State bank systems
were antagonistic to the national system, and
they should not be suffered to exist unchecked
and uncontrolled. It was indispensable to the
financial success of the treasury that the cur-
rency of the country should be under the con-
trol of the Government, and this could not be
the case so long as State institutions had the
right to flood the country with their issues. So
thought these officers ; and under their recom-
ment atien Congress was induced to pass an act,
approved March 3, 1865, which provided “‘ That
every national banking association, State bank,
or State banking association, shall pay a tax of
Io per centum on the amount of the notes of
any State bank or State banking association
paid out by them after the first day of July,
1866."’ This act has in substance been con-
tinued to this day, and is now in force. Under
and in consequence of it State banks of issue
have ceased to exist.
For convenience of comparison with the de-
velopment of our banking system, we give, from
Mulhall’s Dzctzonary of Statzstzcs, the follow-
ing table of the growth of banking power in the
world in millions of pounds :
1840. 1870 1888-go.
United Kingdom............. 132 720 gto
United States................. go 440 1,030
PLANCe wesc. eres 33685 : 16 64 268
Germany 12 49 231
Australia 5 38 134
Canada.. 12 40
The World. 308 1,602 39197
The banking power, consisting of capital, de- -
posits, and right of issue, was as follows (1888-
go) in millions of pounds :
Capital, Deposits.} Issue.
United Kingdom..... ... 28. 626
United States auietaarhe ee mas ae 760 20-7
BT ATCE isicsie sia’ acousleretivs 7 wines 140 128 I2t.g
Germany. 85 146 64
Australia 26 108 5-4
Canada.... 13 27 6.3
The World.. 1,030 2,167 616.3
The following tables, prepared by the Comp-
troller of the Currency, and given in his report
for 1892, tells the story of the development of
the national system to 1892 ;
_Banks and Banking. 135 Banks and Banking.
Oct. 3, Oct. 2, Oct. 1, Oct. 7, Oct. 5, Oct. 9, Oct. 8,
es 1864. 1865. 1866. 1867. 1868, 1869. 1870.
508 1,51 1,644 1,642 1,643 1,61 1,648
Banks. Banks, Banks. Banks, Banks. Banks. Banks.
RESOURCES,
Millions. | Millions. | Millions. | Millions. | Millions. | Millions. | Militons.
Loans...... ba sivas Senciseicts eeeeees 93-2 487.2 603-3 609.7 657-7 682.9 715.9
Bonds for circulation .. 331 8 338.6 340-5 339-5 340.9
Other United States bonds 108.1 427-7 95:0 80.3 7461 44.6 37-7
Stocks, bonds, etc......... 15-9 21.5 20.7 22.2 23.6
Due from banks... 34.0 107.3 122.9 103.6 110.1 100.8 109.4
Real estate..... : 2.2 14.7 1Zak 20.6 22.7 25.2 27-5
Specie ........... . § 8 | 18.1 9-2 12.8 13.1 23.0 18.5
Legal tender notes. . ‘ 44- 190.0 202.8 157-4 156.1 129.6 122.7
National-bank notes.. 407 16.2 17-4 11.8 11.8 10.8 12.5
Clearing-house exchanges. ieedawis 72.3 103.7 134.6 143.2 108.8 79-1
United States certificates of de-
posit........... vie apthsea yesh te avatar aia eti eats megaman are. | cesecepace ie wasinteina, ska Saito airmen
Due from United States Treas-
TAT OD one cts wed ialeen meeiiisis He cee de neeeee we nenee . ry ery eee eeee see eeee eeeeeeee
Other resources..........0008- , Constantly increasing difficulty besets countries
which are financially involved by having gold debts to
pay. Instead of being able to reduce their finances to
order, they are confronted with an increasing agio
upon gold, and also, corresponding to this, with an in-
crease of the premium upon the products which the
export. This exportation, moreover, is to the disad-
vantage of the manufactures and the agriculture of the
lands having the gold standard.
“8, There results a permanent injury and exhaus-
tion of Germany’s silver-mining industry, which can-
not be normally carried on at the present prices of
silver. But as silver mining ceases there also ceases
in great part the production of copper, lead, zinc, etc.
In this way many millions are yearly lost to the income
of the German nation ; many thousands of laborers are
deprived of bread; entire districts of Germany are
ruined.
“9, A falling off amounting to billions is taking place
in the value of the nation’s land and soil, threatening
particularly the agricultural districts of the eastern
provinces; while the growth taking place in the great
cities and manufacturing centers is going on in an un-
healthy way. Increasing discontent is overpowering
the population, showing itself in the progress of social-
istic democracy and also in the anti-Semitic move-
ment, which E. de Laveleye foretold as a result of in-
troducing the gold standard.
“ro, The depopulation of the rural sections means a
weakening of the German military power. In case of
war, our financial preparations are entirely unsatis-
factory. That other countries are quite as badly off as
we in this respect affords no satisfaction.
“rz, The fall in the gold price of silver severely en-
dangers our monetary circulation. We have in circu-
lation nearly 1,000,000,000 marks (face value) in thalers,
small silver pieces, nickel and copper money, whose
bullion value in all hardly exceeds 400,000,000 marks.
This condition gives rise to a double danger—v/z.,
that our monetary system may break down at critical
times, and that counterfeit fait legal-tender silver
coins may be circulated, indistinguishable from those
struck at the public mints, a process, at the present low
gold price of silver, affording counterfeiters enormous
profits. It is known that vast counterfeit issues are
already in circulation in other countries.
“12, All these evils lead every now and then to
162
basis |
Bimetallism.
crises, which disturb business by raising rates of dis-
count, resorted to in order to protect gold, which all
panks anxiously do, for the most part withdrawing it
from commerce by an embargo. oe
“13, Beyond all question we have to anticipate a
still "‘moré acute development of these evils. All the
silver countries must try to place themselves on the
old basis if Germany and the rest of the great powers
fold fast thereto. odern commerce cannot perma-
nently endure a difference in basal moneys, the sepa-
ration of the world into gold countries and silver
countries. But any further extension of the gold sys-
tem must, as Goschen predicted so early as 1878, lead
to a business crisis such as the world has never yet
passed through.
ADVANTAGES FROM REMONETIZATION OF SILVER.
“JIL. Nothing but a restitution of silver to its former
coequality with gold as amonetary metal can bring
the needed relief.
‘“We promise ourselves the following henign results
in case of such restitution:
“x, The persistent fall of general prices would cease,
the prices of all products would again be determin
in a normal way, and agriculture and other industries
would flourish anew.
“People’s fears touching money depreciation, infla-
tion, and injury to creditors, supposing silver to be re-
stored, rest upon exaggerations. International free
coinage would at most leave barely enough excess of
gold and silver over the industrial demand to keep
pace with the increase of business and population, and
with the constant addition of new countries to the
civilized portion of the world. The precious metal
pr OA e Or with which we now have to reckon is, in
act, proportionally to the various demands which
would be made upon it very much less than that of the
fifties and the sixties, which then brought rich economic
blessing and did no injury whatever.
‘2, When prices rise, both the impulse to undertake
industrial enterprises and the rate of interest also rise,
working an advantage to capital which fully makes
good any possible diminution in the purchasing power
of money. Public income swells, permitting an ad-
vance in the salaries of officials. A flourishing condi-
tion of general industry enhances the demand for
labor and betters the situation of the laboring classes,
“3, Were it possible to make specie payments in silver
as well as in gold, it would be easier for countries with
depreciated paper money to regulate their finances.
Many can never accomplish this in any other way.
Variations in paper money values would then no
longer curse commerce ; the products of German in-
dustry would be in vast amounts exported to silver
lands (East Asia, Mexico, South America), and at the
same time the ability of our agricultural population to
buy goods would be restored. .
AA vere? of general advance in material prosper- ~
ity would rob of all significance the agrarian, anti-
Semitic, and Socialist-Democrat movements of agita-
tors, and prevent the mutual bitterness of our political
factions from becoming, as it now threatens to be-
come, more acute.
‘5. Instead of the separate measures of value now
actually in use by the world’s commerce, gold alone in
some countries and silver alone in others, there would
be a single measure of value for all mankind, that se-
cured through gold and silver together, by rendering
invariable their values relatively to one another. That
this fixity in the relative values of gold and silver can
be brought about is proved by history, for it actually
peevailes from 1803 to 1873, owing to the mintage of
oth metals by France. “Phat it is possible by a union
between the chief commercial governments to establish
a practically unchanging relation in value between
silver and gold was unanimously recognized, after
long investigation, by the English gold and silver com-
~ mission of 1888.
OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED.
“The objections against the above opinions of ours
seem to us to lack sufficient foundation.
“1, If it be said that the restitution of silver as a mon-
etary metal is possible, or possible in accordance with
justice to creditors, only by rating silver to gold at its
present market value in gold, we reply that the mar-
et price of silver to-day is abnormal, resulting froma
series of panics evoked by legislation, and from @
limitation in the demand Pon silver having no other
sore than the artificial one of closin
metal.
the a mints to this
Besides, it cannot be admitted that the creditor
Bimetallism.
has any natural right permanently to receive at the
debtor’s cost, in consequence of the steady rise in the
purchase power of gold, a value continually more and
more in excess of what would fall to him were there no
such appreciation of gold.
Sa, ta reply to the objection, resting on misunder-
stood theories, that the relation in value between two
‘wares,’ gold and silver, cannot be ‘fixed’ by stat-
ute, we appeal to actual experiences with bimetallic
mintage in France, where, between 1803 and 1873, it
maintained for the whole world the relation of 15% to
1, thus gana continuing the relative onlie of
gold and silver, with slight variations corresponding
to the usual movements of exchange, in spite of the
greatest fluctuations in their relative production that
ave ever been known.
“We apr further to the unanimous judgment at
which the English Gold and Silver Commission of 1888
arrived, altho half its members were opposed to bi-
metallism. Here is what the Commission says:
“We think that in any conditions fairly to be contem-
pict in the future, so far as we can forecast them
rom the experience of the past, a stable ratio might
be maintained if the nations we have alluded to (Great
Britain, the United States, Germany, and the Latin
Union) were to accept and strictly adhere to bimetal-
lism at the suggested ratio. We think that if in all
these countries gold and silver could be freely coined,
and thus become exchangeable against commodities at
the fixed ratio, the market value of silver as measured
by gold would conform to that ratio and not vary to
any material extent.
“«We need not enter upon any extended explanation
of our reasons for this view, since such reasons can be
derived from what we have set forth above, and since,
in our opinion, they obviously follow both from theo-
retical considerations and from the experience of the
last half century.
pee It in fact appears impossible to maintain any other
view,
“3. If it is objected that the restitution of silver
would occasion for Germany a crisis whose limits
could not be foreseen, it must be noticed in the first
place that we do not believe in any interposition on
behalf of silver save on the basts of an international
eement. No sort of distrust can be occasioned by
bimetallism when it is introduced simultaneously in
all the great nations.
“Besides, the fear of a‘ flood’ of silver is entirely
groundless,
“ (a) Because not an increase but a decrease in silver
production is now in prospect ;
““(6) Because the silver in the silver countries (East
Asia, Mexico) and in circulation as money in the gold
lands has not yet become depreciated. The billions
which circulate as thalers, marks, francs, shillings, and
guilders still hold fast their old value ;
“(c) Because compared with the tremendous stocks of
precious metal in the world, which, including wrought
gold and silver, are valued at 100,000,000,000 frs. ($20,000
»,000), the yearly production is insignificantly small ;
“(@) Because the severe and long-continued crisis has
naturally reduced the demands of business on the
stock of gold and silver coins, and in a period of flour-
ishing industry this demand will greatly rise.
“But the speedy establishment of international bi-
metallism seems to us necessary more particularly in
view of the facts concerning the production of the
precious metals.
“ The testimony of expert geologists has strengthened
us in our conviction that gold is not adapted to be
alone the measure of value, and that the fears of a too
great production of silver are utterly unjustified.
“Experts have unanimously declared :
_ (a) That the large production of silver in Australia
is a transitory phenomenon, whose end is but a little
way in the future:
_ (6) That silver production is at present rapidly fall-
ing offin the United States, not only in consequence of
the fall in gold price, but as well because the bonanzas
and also the carbonate ores necessary for smelting are
becoming exhausted ; 3 .
“(c) That a permanently large production of silver is
to be expected only in Mexico and South America,
where, because these countries are on the silver basis,
the gold price of silver has, in our belief, no effect in
checking the production of the metal.
“ Asagainst the view prevalent in our country that the
gold price of silver fell because of increase in produc-
tion, it is certain that this fall isto be referred entirely
to the doings of legislators; that when the fall began
the production of silver was, in fact, not sufficient to
meet the demand; and that the American silver laws
led to a ‘skinning’ of the silver mines, which was the
163
Bimetallism.
main cause of the increase in production. Let normal
conditions return, and we may expect a stable produc-
tion of silver, corresponding to the vast demand, tho
hardly sufficient to satisfy it.
“The production of gold has greatly increased in the
last few years, yet not in a way toequal the demandso
long as gold alone is full money. Should the gold
States at last be driven to go on and lay aside their
many billions of silver money, continually losing
more and more of its gold value, it would be abso-
lutely impossible to fill the gap so caused in their cir-
culation.
_ “But the production of gold cannot maintain itself at
its present height. The more strongly and intensively
the extraction of gold is pushed, so much more rapidly
and completely will the mines be exhausted. The alle-
gations of Professor Ed. Suess in reference to the pros-
pective exhaustion of gold mines have not been
proved incorrect, but have been confirmed; and Suess,
when before the Commission, only strengthened us in
his views when he declared that the present copious
production of gold is bringing the world essentially
nearer to the moment assumed by him when the pro-
duction of gold will be entirely at an end.
“In the Transvaal, according to microscopic investi-
gations, it is only a question of fossil ‘soaps’ (alluvial
or diluvial gold), The wealth of gold there, therefore,
does not refute but confirms Suess’ doctrine that im-
portant treasures in gold are to be found only innewly
opened countries, where they quickly give out.
“People still refer to the possibility of further ‘suc-
prises’ inrespect to gold production. This possibility
is all the time growing less and less with men’s rest-
lessly advancing examination of the earth’s surface.
“The gold production of to-day, inadequate as it is,
is rapidly using up the world’s last great gold reserves.
To build the world’s coinage system upon a produc-
tion which can at best last only some decades is as im-
possible asa coinage system based upon the chance of
surprises.’
“A provident statesmanship cannot discredit silver
and let it lose its value, when all human foresight is to
the effect that the metal will be absolutely indispen-
sable in the future.
“The present moment, witnessing an increase in gold
production which may be the last, is precisely the time
to carry through an international system of bimetal-
lism, as this can now be done without any fear that
gold will leave the circulation or attain an agio.
Those who prophesy a gold agio in case of bimetallism
overlook the fact that they thereby ascribe to gold a
scarcity and dearness too great to allow of gold pos-
sibly continuing the sole standard.
“Tf, now, the united German governments recognize
the necessity of procedure to stop the depreciation of
silver, it comports with the high position of Germany
as a nation that it should assume the initiative toward
international negotiations, exerting itsinfluence in the
council of the nations in favor of silver, whose depreci-
ation had its beginning in the German coinage law of
1871. Such is the condition of affairs that Germany
will be permitted to reckon upon the cooperation of all
powerful States, including England.
‘““DR. ARENDT,
“VON KARDORFF-WABNITZ,
‘“ LEUSCHNER,
“VON SCHALSCHA,
“ WULFING.”
ARGUMENTS AGAINST BIMETALLISM.
These come from two main sources : (1) From
those who believe in a gold monometallism, and
(2) from those who consider 0/4 monometallism
and bimetallism to be faulty, and would meet
the monetary need in other ways. The argu-
ment brought by monometallists against bimet-
allism will be found at length under the division
of Monometallzsm in Money, but may be sum-
marized here. It is urged that, however we
legislate, two metals cannot be a standard at
the same time, because at any given time, ac-
cording to Gresham’s law (see Money), the poor-
er metal will drive the better metal out. If,
then, it is said we attempt to have a double
standard, it really means to choose the poorer
standard of the two, and thus to have all the
evils of a depreciated and depreciating cur-
Bimetallism.
rency. It is urged that the fall of prices has not
been due to the appreciation of gold, as bimetal-
lists assert, but to the cheapening cost of pro-
duction. Monometallists point to the danger of
there being such an increased production of sil-
ver as to threaten great depreciation of its value ;
and therefore, if accepted as a standard, the
great lessening of money values, involving gen-
eral financial ruin. The only way to prevent
this, they urge, is to maintain gold as the most
fixed and universally accepted measure of value,
and then to use various forms of credit to do the
exchange of the world where gold is not suffi-
cient, using silver, copper, etc., only for sub-
sidiary coin. Already, they assert, credit per-
forms 93 per cent. of the exchanges of the
world. (Bimetallists deny this, and say that
monometallists consider too much the methods
of the financiering class. They say that the
vast millions of the earth’s population do not use
forms of credit ; that retail stores use it little,
farmers still less, and artisans and day laborers
scarcely at all. For these credit is no relief,
since they have no credit. Credit, moreover,
gives out when it is most needed, and throws
the world back on an insufficient amount of
gold just when gold is most in demand.)
The argument against bimetallism by those
who would have neither bimetallism nor mono-
metallism is (1) that bimetallism has not worked
and cannot work without international agree-
ment, and that this is well nigh impossible to
get, it always being the interest of the capital-
ists of one nation to adopt a gold standard if
they can only induce some other nation to adopt
a silver standard ; (2) that there is large meas-
ure of truth in the contention of the monometal-
lists that there cannot be two standards at the
same time, and that to try to attempt to have
two standards is really to have only the poorer
of the two ; so that the best that can be said for
bimetallism is that it is an evil only less than
that of an insufficient gold standard ; (3) that
the great need in currency is of a fixed standard,
which, to remain fixed in proportion to prices,
must be elastic in volume, which is possible
neither with gold nor silver ; so that we require
some better system than either monometallism
or bimetallism. (For a discussion of proposed
systems, see Money, last part.)
On continental Europe, the most distin-
guished bimetallists have been Henri Cernuschi,
A. Wagner, A. Schaffle, Baron von
Kardoff, Professor E. de Laveleye.
In England till recently most of
the economists were monometal-
lists, but there has come a change.
Says a writer in the Christzan Union for
September 2, 1893:
Leading
Bimetallists.
““Newton, Ricardo and Chevalier were in favor of
silver monometallism. Mills, Cairnesand Jevons were
infavor of gold monometallism. What was true of
the great writers was also true of the rank and file of
university professors. In the early seventies, how-
ever, when the production of gold began to fall off,
and one new nation after another discarded silver and
established the gold standard, prices which had been
nearly uniform for 20 years began steadily to fall.
This brought anew current of thought into the scien-
tific world. There are still scientific monometallists, but
there is none of the rank of the men we have named.
The revolution of opinion has been quite marked in
Germany, where Wagner and Schiffle, the two econo-
mists of the widest fame, are both bimetallists. It
164
: Biology and Social Reform.
has, however, been most marked in Great Britain,
where Professor Foxwell, of Cambridge, in a letter
written in 1890 to M. de Laveleye, described the opin-
jons of his colleagues in the chairs of political economy
in Great Britain as follows:
“University of Cambridge, Professor Alfred Mar-
shall, bimetallist; Professor Sidgwick, bimetallist.
Edinburgh, Professor Nicholson, author of an excellent
book onthe subject, Vice-President of the Bimetallic
League. Oxford, Thorold Rodgers (now dead) admits
the scarcity of gold, but rejects bimetallism. Univer-
sity College of London, H. S. Foxwell, Vice-President
ofthe Bimetallic League. Nottingham, Professor J.
E. Symes, bimetallist. Liverpool, Professor E. G.
Gonner, Vice-President of the Bimetallic League.
Manchester, Professor J. E. Munro admits the bi-
metallic theory. London, Kings College, Professor
Edgeworth inclines toward bimetallism.’”
To these the name of Hon. G. J. Goschen
should be added. In the United States the lead-
ing bimetallists have been, in the past, Henry C.
Carey, President F. A. Walker, Hon. William
D. Kelley, Hon. John P. Jones, John B. Howe,
and W. F. Balch.
Of the present, the situation is so involved
that it is hard to speak. The large majority of
professorial economists in this country are bi-
metallists in theory, but believe that to be suc-
cessful international agreement is necessary ;
and they feel that this is at present almost im-
possible of attainment. The position of such
men as President Andrews is given above. In
the confusion, to mention names and attempt
classification without long explanations would
perhaps mislead more than it would help.
In May, 1895, a significant bimetallic confer-
ence was held in London, but for all this recent
history see SILVER.
For an able statement of the monometallist
view, see F. W. Taussig’s The Szlver Situation
zn the United States ; for the bimetallist view,
President E. B. Andrews’ Ax Honest Dollar ;
for the position of the free silver movement,
see W. J. Harvey’s Cozn’s Financial School
(1894). See Monetary CoNFERENCES; GOLD;
SILVER Money ; CONTRACTION AND EXPANSION OF
CuRRENCY ; CURRENCY.
Revised by Evisua B, ANDREWS.
References: The literature on the subject is very ex-
tensive, to a great extent in articles and letters in
eriodicals. ‘The arguments on the subject will be
ound stated in Jevons, /nvestigations in Currency and
Finance (London, 1884), Money and the Mechanism of.
Exchange (2875) 3 Reports of Committee of House of
Commons on Depreciation of Silver (1878); Report of
Commission on Trade and Industry (1886), and Appen- °
dix B tothird Regort, by R. H. Inglis Palgrave; Keport
of Commission on Gold and Silver (1887) ; S. Dana Hor-
ton, Szlver asan International Question (an address to
Congress); American Reports from Consuls of the
United States (No. 87, December, 1887); Ernest Seyd,
Bimetallism in 1886 (London, 1886) ; R. Giffen, Essays in
finance (1880, and other dates); paper _on Some Bi-
metallic Fallacies (Journal lnstitute of Bankers, June,
1886), and other works; Professor Emile de Laveleye,
The Economic Crisis and its Causes (Contemporary
Review, et ea and other papers; Samuel Smith,
The Bimetallic Question (London, 1887); Rt. Hon. G. J.
Goschen, On the Profitable Results of an Increase wm
the Purchasing Power of Gold ; Lawrence J. Laughlin,
History of Bimetallism in the United States (1885);
F. A. Walker, Juternational Bimetallism (1896). See
also Sper of the International Monetary Confer-
ences of 1878, 1881, 1889, and 1892.
BIOLOGY AND SOCIAL REFORM.—
The connection between biology and social re-
form is one which tends to be brought into
greater prominence with the advance of knowl-
edge. It is not long ago since the whole class
Biology and Social Reform.
of phenomena which human society presents
was regarded apart in itself and as having little
or no connection with those to be observed else-
where in the history of life. The first consistent
attempt on an extended scale to connect together
through the principle of development and con-
tinuity both classes of phenomena was made by
Mr. Herbert Spencer. Soczal Statics, which in
many respects may be regarded as the starting-
point of the synthetic philosophy, dates back to
1850. One of the leading ideas in this system
of philosophy—in which Férst Principles, Prin-
ciples of Biology, Principles of Psychology,
Principles of Sociology, and Princeples of
Ethics have been steps in an ascending series—
has been to trace this principle of development
up to and into human society. Toward the
elucidation of the laws at work in this society,
all the work of science in lower fields has been
regarded aspreliminary. It was, however, with
the publication of Darwin’s Ordgzn of Speczes
in November, 1859, that the greatest impetus
was given to the study of human society from
the biological standpoint. The full effect of this
impetus is not yet felt in many departments of
knowledge which are almost certainly destined
to be eventually profoundly altered by it. For
many years after the publication of this epoch-
marking book the effect of the fructifying ideas
which it contained was necessarily limited toa
few departments of knowledge. Gradually,
however, the circle of their influence has ex-
tended, until one after another of lower sciences,
and particularly those connected with life, have
been reconstructed and transformed. The prin-
ciple of the continuity of development, structural
and functional, is now well established ; but in
the long uphill battle which has had to be fought
before the ideas connected with it obtained gen-
eral acceptance, it has necessarily
happened that the sciences connect-
Breadth ed with man in society have been
of the the last to be influenced. But that
Subject. they are now beginning to feel the
effect of the revolution is evident.
What we are coming to see is that
in human society we have only the last and
most complex chapter in the history of life.
The historian, the political philosopher, the econ-
omist, and the student of ethical phenomena are
all dealing with just the same problems, altho
in different form, that science has been con-
cerned with at earlier stages, and even to a
large extent throughout the history of life. It
is in the proposed solutions to problems connect-
ed with the distribution of wealth that we have
at the present day the dividing lines which sepa-
rate most of the various political parties into
which our modern society is split up. It is with
these problems, too, that the economist is large-
ly concerned. Yetsuch problems in themselves
constitute only an aspect of the highest and
most complex phase of that struggle and rivalry
of existence with which the biologist has already
dealt on a lower plane. Some of the older econ-
omists, indeed, at times saw this more or less
clearly. ‘Only through the principle of com-
petition has political economy any pretension to
the character of a science’ was a dictum of John
Stuart Mill. The point at which the social sci-
ences tend to be most significantly influenced
165
Birmingham, England.
by biology may be indicated. What is becom-
ing more clearly recognized is that, as biology
would lead us to expect, the conditions affecting
the distribution of wealth, which the evolution-
ary forces at work in human society are ever
tending to develop, are not necessarily those that
parties or classes desire for themselves, but
rather those which are continually tending to
produce the highest efficiency of the whole social
organization. The old utilitarian ideal of the
greatest happiness of the greatest number is
not, therefore, always, or even often, the same
as the ideal of the greatest utility. Thusin a
sense the whole of the problem before modern
socialism can be stated in biological terms: Is
it amovement which is tending to produce the
highest standard of social efficiency, or is it one
the effect of which will be to produce the maxi-
mum of ease and comfort to the largest number
of individuals? The lesson of biological science
for society would appear to be that, so far as it
produces the latter to the exclusion of the for-
mer, to that extent it must fail of ultimate suc-
cess (but see EvoLution). Benjamin Kipp,
BIRMINGHAM, ENGLAND.—“ The best-
governed city in the world”’ is the title accorded
to Birmingham by Julian Ralph, writing in
flarper’s Magazine. Mr. J. T. Bunce, of the
Birmingham /Posf, is quoted as saying, in his
History of the Corporation of Birmingham,
that the rate-payers are ‘‘ owners of a magnifi-
cent estate and partners in vast and lucrative
industrial undertakings,’ and that from these
undertakings, ‘‘ secured and maintained at mod-
erate cost, they derive benefits possible only
under a highly organized and well-administered °
system of communal effort, the truest form of
cooperation, a real socialism, self-imposed, self-
governed, conducted with the assent and by the
efforts of a united community, and conducing
to the equal advantage of all its members.’’ This
condition of affairs is the more noteworthy and
the more deserving of the special study of stu-
dents of municipal problems from the fact that it
has been developed under great obstacles. Down
to 1873 Birmingham’s municipal government
had the name of being one of the worst and most
inefficient governments in England. The city
was dominated by the rule of a ‘‘ tavern coterie.”’
In 1873 came a change. In November of that year
Mr. Joseph Chamberlain was elected mayor, and soon
commenced an era of municipal activity. $10,000,000
was paid for the plant of two gas com-
anies, a large ae yet ne proms the
rst,year were $170,000, and they have
since thet nearly doubled. The price, Gas Works.
too, since 1875 has been reduced from
75 to about so cents per 1000 feet.
Since 1889 the employees have had the eight-hour day.
In 1874 the city paid $6,750,000 for the existing water
works of a private company, and since then the works
have been extended, the daily supply doubled, and
the cost to consumers much reduced. In 1875 Mr.
Chamberlain laid before the council an Improvement
Scheme, which has since been adopted, and whereby the
city took 90 acres of the most crowded and most un-
wholesome portions of the city, covered
by 4000 houses, condemned the whole
district, and has opened in its place the Improvement
finest public thoroughfare of the city, Scheme
““Corporation Street,’ lined by fine :
business blocks. These buildings have
not been sold, but leased for 75 years.
The gross outlay amounted to $8,000,000, and the an-
nual cost for sinking fund, interest, and various
charges is now about ei saaa! and the rentals $300,000,
Birmingham, England.
but the yearly cost is lessening and the rentals are
growing. In 50 years fiom the time of the invest-
ment the debt will all have been paid, and the city
will own these structures in clear title. Mr. Chamber-
Jain believes that Birmingham will be the richest
municipal corporation in the kingdom, The invest-
ment already pays, since the death-rate of this district
has been lowered, from 60 to 20 or 25 per 1000. The
city has developed a fine sewerage system and a
jarge sewage farm, a wholesome and agreeable tract
of land under high cultivation and with rich crops.
The average death-rate of the whole city has been re-
duced from 26 per rooo, in 1874, to 19 per 1oco, in 1888.
Birmingham was the first city in England to estab-
lish municipal baths (g.v.). The first was Socnes in
1851, at a cost of $120,000, and there are now four, be-
sides swimming baths, Turkish baths, etc. Bir-
mingham in 1860 adopted the Libraries Act, and now
spends $6s,oo0 a year for libraries, art museum and
gallery, with branch libraries in all parts of the city,
and 200,000 volumes. The city is well supplied with
schools, including municipal technical
schools, for which alone over $30,000 a
Other year are spent. Birmingham has laid
Municipal and owns her own horse-car tracks,
uniclp within the city limits, but leases them to
Enterprises, private companies on favorable terms.
Phe comnpanles pay 4 per cent. on the
municipal investment the first 14 years of
the lease, and 5 percent. for the remaining seven. It
is calculated that in 21 years this will pay for the
whole investment. As the city can borrow at 3 per
cent.,it is a Prema ble investment. The companies
have to pay all bills for maintenance and repairs, and
are minutely supervised as to the furnishing and light-
ing of the cars. The city owns her own markets, hav-
ing bought them of the manorial lord in 1824, and they
now yield her some $50,000 a year profits. The city
owns more than ten parks, covering 350 acres, for its
population of 500,000, Its debt, which before Mr. Cham-
berlain became mayor was $2,500,000, is now $45,000,000,
but it is paying itself off, and the rates are almost ex-
actly what they were in 1873. Accord-
ing to Mr. Chamberlain (forum, Novem-
ber, 1892), Birmingham spends annually,
apart from appropriations for schools
and almshouses, only about $1,665,000,
5 s while Boston, with about the same popu-
lation, spends $10,194,000, and he adds that the suffrage
is more universal in Birmingham than in Boston. The
municipal government is conducted by 54 councilors
and 18aldermen. The councilors are elected once for
three years, one third going out of office each year.
The aldermen are elected by the council for six years,
The mayor is elected annually by the council.
References: Municipal Government in Great Brit-
ain, by Albert Shaw (1895); Zhe Best-Governed City
is He World, by Julian Ralph (Harger’s Monthly,
Ty 99)+
Government,
166
Birth and Death-Rates.
BIRNEY, JAMES G. (1792-1857), was born
in Danville, Ky. Originally a slave-holder, and
at one time agent for a colonization society, in
1834 he freed his slaves and established an abo-
lition newspaper. Fear of violence compelled
him to leave Danville, and subsequently Cin-
cinnati, whither he had moved. He came to
New York, where he was Secretary of the Ameri-
can Anti-Slavery Society. In 1840 and 1844 he
was the candidate of the Liberty Party for Presi-
dent. In 1842 he moved to Michigan, and a fall
from his horse disabled him from further politi-
cal activity.
BIRTH AND DEATH-RATES OF
POPULATIONS, THE.—The two chief
events of human life, birth and death, are, in
nearly every civilized country, matters of care-
ful record; and the different recorded facts
connected with these events, such as sex, age,
parentage, season of the year, and occupation,
constitute a large portion of that branch of sci-
ence known as vital statistics. We have said
‘‘nearly every civilized country,’’ since, unfor-
tunately, in the United States as a whole, vital
statistics cannot be said to exist. At present
scarcely a half-dozen States have anything which
cah be called a system of registration of vital
statistics thoroughly enforced. The countries of
Europe, however, following the example of Eng-
land, where registration dates from 1838, have
mostly adopted systems varying somewhat in
their thoroughness and efficiency. The first
American State to adopt a system was Massa-
chusetts, and afterward came Rhode Island,
Connecticut, Vermont, and New Hampshire.
A few other States have registration laws par- -
tially enforced.
The birth and death-rates of any nation or
community are usually expressed as a ratio per
1000 of the living population. The following
statistics are presented to show the birth and
déath-rates of the principal European countries
for a series of years, together with those of Mas-
sachusetts, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire :
BIRTH AND DEATH-RATES OF PRINCIPAL FOREIGN COUNTRIES HAVING REGISTRATION WITH THOSE OF THREE
NEW ENGLAND STATES, 1871-91, AND POPULATIONS AT LAST CENSUS,
England
and Scotland. Ireland. Prussia. France. “ Italy. Austria,
YEAR. Wales. Pop. 1891, Pop. 1891, Pop. 1890, Pop. 1886, | Pop. 1891,* | Pop. 1890,
Pop. 1891, 4033)180. 4,681,248. 29,818,878. 38,218,903. "30,347,291. 23,895,413-
29,081,047.
Birth/Death | Birth |Death |Birth| Death |Birth| Death |Birth|Death | Birth|Death |Birth|Death
rate.| rate. |rate.| rate. |rate.| rate. |rate.| rate. |rate.| rate. |rate.| rate. | rate.| rate.
Average of 20 years,
apa as 34.0 | 20.3 33-6 | 20.4 24.9 | 18.0 | 38.2 | 25.6 | 24.6 | 22.8 37-3 | 28.6 38.6 | 30.6
20.3 35-3 | 20.6 26.2 | 17.5 39-9 | 25.6 25. 21.6 .o | 28. 8. 1.6
21.6 | 34.9 | 21.2 °| 25.1 | 18.6 | 38.7 | 25.8 sea 22.6 aoa a oa 316
20.7 34-3 | 20.0 25.2 | 19.6 39-0 | 24.7 25.0 | 22.5 37-8 | 29.8 39.2 | 29-9
5 33-6 | 20.5 24.7 | 19.8 37-8 | 25.5 24.5 | 22.8 33-9 | 30.8 38.0 | 29.8
I 9 33-7 | 10-3 24.5 | 17.5 37-0 | 24.9 24.9 | 22.0 38.0 | 27.6 37-7 | 306
19. 33-4 | 10.4 24.4 | 17.3 37-6 | 25-4 24.8 | 22.2 37-0 | 27.5 39-1 | 308
19.6 32.7 | 20.2 23-5 | 19.2 37-1 | 25.6 24.8 | 22.2 37-2 | 27-5 38.2 | 30-1
19.7 33-7 | 19-6 23-9 | 17.5 37-6 | 25-7 24.8 | 22.2 39-0 | 26.9 38.4 | 20-4
19.2 32-7 | 10.3 23-5 | 18.4 37-8 | 25.4 24.2 | 21.9 38.5 | 27.0 37-4 | 30-1
19.5 32.9 | 18.9 23-2 | 17.8 37-7 | 26.1 23.9 | 22.5 37-0 | 28.7 38.0 | 29-4
Io 31.8 | 19.0 23.1 | 18.2 37-6 | 23.8 23-5 | 22.0 39.0 | 28.0 38.2 | 28.8
xe 31.3 | 18.0 22.8 | 17.9 37-4 | 22.8 23.1 | 21.8 37-6 | 27.6 37-9 | 29-2
18.2 30.9 | 18.4 22.7 | 17-4 37-1 | 23.2 23.0 | 20.5 38.4 | 25.6 37-9 | 27:3
19-5 30.2 | 19.7 22.3 | 18.2 36.6 | 24.1 21.8 | 22.6 35-9 | 26.4 36.7 | 29-4
20.2 31.2 | 20.7 23.1 | 18.4 37-7 | 22.9 22.6 | 22.6 37-3 | 26.2 38.1 | 27-9
q * Estimated.
Birth and Death-Rates.
167 Birth and Death-Rates.
YEAR Massachusetts. Rhode Island. New Hampshire.
. Pop. 1890, 2,238,943+ Pop. 1890, 345,506. Pop. 1890, 376,530
Birth-rate./Death-rate|Birth-rate.|Death-rate Birth-rate.|Death-rate
Average of 20 years, 1871-90... ceeee eee eee ee 25.7 19-7
26.6 18.7 24.2 14.9
28.2 22.8 25-5 18.2
28.3 21.6 24.0 18.3
28.3 19.8 24.9 17.0
26.6 21.2 24.3 16.7
25.1 19.8 © 23.3 15-7
24.6 18.4 22.6 16.8 2
23.8 18.1 24.0 16.5 .
22.9 18.1 22.5 16.4 .
24.8 19.8 22.8 17-5
24.9 20.1 24.0 17.8
24.7 19.9 23.8 17-7
25.2 20.1 24.1 18.0 eianene ESI
25.5 19-4 23.6 17-2 17-4 1753
25.1 19.6 22.2 17-7 17.5 D7
25-4 18.6 24.5 18.8 19.2 17.6
25.9 19.8 24.2 19-9 19.9 17.6
25-9 19.9 24-3 20.4 17-4 18.5
26.2 19.2 23-4 18.6 18.5 17-9
25.8 19-4 23-9 * 20.1 eee 19.6 .
27-3 19.6 seeiey ns 19.2 2
The foregoing table shows that the birth-rates
and death-rates of different countries present
considerable variations when compared with
each other, and those of each country differ
considerably from year to year.
The effect of the Franco-Prussian War mani-
fests itself in the low birth-rate of Prussia in
1871, as well as in the low birth-rate and high
death-rate of France in the same year.
The effect of cholera upon the death-rate of
Austria is also shown’in the very high death-
rate of that country in 1873.
The difference between the birth-rate and the
death-rate constitutes the natural increase or
decrease of any population. In most of the
countries shown in the table the increase
amounts to from five to 15 per 1000 of the living
population annually.
A large excess of the birth-rate over the death-
rate, such as exists in England and in Germany,
constitutes an undoubted element of national
strength. In France the excess of births over
deaths is very small, and has been constantly
diminishing for several years, until in 1890 there
was an actual excess of deaths over births. This
condition is viewed with alarm by intelligent
French writers, and is termed by M. Cheysson
a “national peril.’’ He states as among the
causes of the low birth-rate of France, ‘‘ the
growth or towns, debauchery, overcrowd-
ing in manufacturing centers, the French law
of inheritance, and the ‘moral restraint’ of
Malthus, practised not by the poorer class, who
are prolific, but by the well-to-do classes, who
are systematically sterile.”
The excess of the birth-rate over the death-
rate in the New England States having registra-
tion is neither so high as that of England nor so
low as that of France.
The actual increase of the population is gov-
erned not only by the difference between the
birth and death-rates, but also by the balance
between the two factors of immigration and emi-
gration. In Ireland, for the past 4o years or
more, while the birth-rate has constantly exceed-
ed the death-rate, the loss by emigration has
been so great as to far outweigh the natural in-
crease of the population.
War, famine, epidemics, overcrowding in
cities, and bad sanitary conditions generally in-
crease the death-rate. For many years the
price of wheat has been quoted annually in the
British Registration Reports, where it was
shown by Dr. Fan that scarcity and high prices
were not only coincident with a diminished mar-
tiage-rate, but also with an increased death-rate.
In Massachusetts, during the years of war
(1861-65), the natural increase of the population
by excess of births over deaths fell to an annual
average of 3.5 per 1000, and for the year 1864 it
was only 1.3 per 1ooo. In the five years previous
to the war an average excess of 11.5 per 1000
prevailed.
Sex.—In all countries having registration, the
number of male births is uniformly greater
than that of female births. The following table
presents the ratio of male to female births in
the several countries and States :
Males Born to
every 1,000 Fe-
males Born.
COUNTRIES.
England and Wales, 10 years, 1870-79. 1,039
ieetand ee ater tak a :
a
Scotland Hoek nee
Belgium, te ss ie 1,089
Holland, i te ee 1,001
German Empire, ae te = 1,062
Switzerland, ee “ se 1,06
France, a fs & Dobe
‘Austria be ve ye 1,068
Italy, f ee ee se 1,071
Massachusetts, 40 years, 1853-92.......5 1,056
DEATH-RATES,
The death-rates of countries and of cities are
influenced by a variety of conditions, such as
sex, age, climate, occupation, and other minor
causes.
Birth and Death-Rates.
Since the death-rate of females is generally
less than that of males, those countries in which
the females are largely in excess of the males
would, other things being equal, have a lower
death-rate than countries in which the sexes
are equal in numbers,
The proportion of males to females in Eng-
land, as well as generally throughout North-
western Europe, is about 95 males to 100 females.
In Central Europe, including Germany, France,
and Austria, it is about 97 males to roo fe-
males.
In Southern Europe the sexes are more nearly
equal in distribution, or in the ratio of 99.2
males to 100 females, while in Greece there is a
decided excess of males in the ratio of 113 to 100
females.
In the United States the males are slightly
in excess, but in the New England States
the females are in excess, in the ratio of 94
males to 100 females. The average death-
rate of Europe, excluding Russia, for 19 years
(1865-83) was 25.8 per 1000, while that of Russia
was, for the same period, 35.7. Some allowance
must undoubtedly be made for differences in the
degree of accuracy of registration in different
countries. But the average figures at the head
of the columns in the table on a preceding page
may be taken as fairly accurate.
DEATH-RATES OF SEXES PER 1,000.
Deaths
of Males
- | to 1,000
, Fe- |Females.
COUNTRIES. Years. | Males. | males. jin Equal
Num-
|bers Liv-
ing.
England. .......000+ 1838-91...| 22.6 20.5 1,128
os aotdraratayanetere 1891...66- 21.5 19.0 1,102
Prussia.... 60 years 30.2 27.7 1,090
Berlin. sass vecascsas 1889....-. 26.9 | 21.6 1,245
Oh iseadttwpatsisies is, | TRQOKamaes! 24.9 20.2 1,233
Scotland..........+.]1892..400 21.2 20.3 1,044
eS 19.1 18.1 1,055
Belgium 24.1 23-4 1,030
: 887 20.3 18.3 1,109
Italy.... EBB Z cadiaois 27.5 27.2 1,011
Massachusetts...... 6 census
years 20.5 19.2 1,067
: OO. od) tbat a 890s ee eiie 20.0 18.9 1,059
New Hampshire. ..|1890...... 19.8 Ig.I 1,037
Rhode Island....... 1890...... 20.8 19.3 1,078
Connecticut. ....... TBQOsie-aw% 18.8 17.6 1,064
Vermont..,..... .-- 1888...... 16.0 16.2 988
A a. has a greater effect upon the
death-rate than any other condition. In a popu-
lation or community composed entirely of little
children under five years of age, or of old peo-
ple above the age of 70, the death-rate will be
very high; while another community, com-
posed entirely of young and vigorous persons
between the ages of 10 and 20, as, for example,
a large school or college, will have a death-rate
considerably below that of the population at
large. The vitality, or, in technical terms, the
specific intensity of life, is greatest in such a
community or population.
The actual death-rate for each sex at different
168
y
Birth and Death-Rates.
ages or periods of life is shown in the following
table :
DEATH-RATES PER 1,000 OF THE LIVING POPULATION
AT EACH AGE AND BY SEXES. -
MASSACHUSETTS
Baers: SIx CENSUS ”
Tees YEARS, 1860-85.
AGES.
Fe- Fe-
Males. | wales, || Males.| a aled,
68.14 58.10 70.97 61.81
6.67 6.20 8.16 8.20
3.69 3-70 3-86 4-51
523 5-43, 6.64 8.11
7-32 6.78 afies wants
siecise || ~eebers 9-97 10.39
9.30 8.58 fee 8 fo eigete
aigheraa ‘itedee 10.59 IL12
13.74 TEGB> |i secaes |] ve atniere
eerie. if siehiete 12.86 12.19
20.05 15.59 aie || «jeden
eee sistas 19.24 17.15
34-76 28.54 ais iay3/ aie 8
sereite ists 36.83 . 30.41
69.57 60.82 Sees || Shee
ee meee 79.69 67.80
169.0) TES.85. || vase || sesiuiee
ao pbiaty see 184.63 169.66
The general death-rate of the United States
cannot be stated with accuracy, since no at-
tempts have been made to secure registration of
deaths for the whole country except in the cen-
sus years, and the returns of these years are
deficient. Dr. Billings estimates the death-rate
of the census year for which deaths were regis-
tered (June, 1879-May, 1880, inclusive) as 18 per
tooo. (For 1890, see DEaTH-RATE.) ;
Lllegitimacy.—Mlegitimacy has a decided
effect upon infant life. The investigations made
by a parliamentary commission in 1871, relative
to the mortality of such children, showed that
out of the illegitimate children born in England,
averaging from 60 to 70 per 1000 of all births,
scarcely Io per cent. lived to become adults.
The causes of this excessive mortality were arti-
ficial nursing, neglect, poverty, ignorance, and
indifference of the mothers. .
Illegitimate births may be stated as a ratio of
the general population, or as a ratio of the total
births, or they may be compared with the num-
ber of unmarried women living at child-bearing
ages, the latter being the most accurate method.
The common method is the comparison with the
total births.
The illegitimate birth-rate presents very great
differences in different countries. The follow-
ing are the illegitimate birth-rates for certain
countries of Europe for the 19 years (1865-83) :
COUNTRIES HAVING VERY HIGH ILLEGITIMATE BIRTH-
RATES,
Number of Illegiti-
COUNTRIES. mate Children in each
1,000 Births. ~
BAVA ES cnsuien rs ekadbnw canvas 152
Austria... ee
Saxony....... . 132
Wiirtemberg... weds 104
PBULIN GIG ii acigecicecansg vena eas Tor ae
AVETAL ES icqiatvaatedd 8 et) ia aS
49 ae Pos que dos Re
a sop xo oe opa wa,
é gay | ges | #592 | 288 | 28
ES San SAD Sha8 aaa 80
6 A Qa > ita &
Alabama....csecseseee RRS FINE aseeieia's +3.72 —2.78 +8.05* +$1.72* | —$105.20 —$70.00
Arizona. —1.74 —29.74* —20.78* +3.17 —133.74* —57.00*
Arkansas. +7.10 —10.89 —0.04 +2.82 —129.54 —83.00
California . —7.27 —19.65* —13.56* —b0.20 +27.01 + 104.00
Colorado ... —1.59 —26.14* —17.33* bo. 32 —46.57* | -+110.00
Connecticut . —5.42 +121.87 4-132.72 IT $183.15 +-11.00
Delaware........+....-- —1.79 +5381 +64.66 1.62 73-36 0.00
District of Columbia..... —3.6r | 3512.34 | ++3818.56 130.81 21.09 130.00
Florida .......0.-....00s +1.62 —22.63 —14.09 +3.67* | —103.07 —56.00
Georgia. +3.63 —1.01 +o9.84* +1.82* | —112.12 —81.00
_Idaho.... 0.46 —30.00 —20.31 —0.53 —133-09 —58.00
Illinois. —po.95 +36.17* +47.02* -+o.32* +87.84* +4.00*
Indiana —1.39 +28.89 +39-74 —o.61* +46.17 —45.00*
Towa...... —0.53 2.30 13.15 —o.61* —84,22* +8.00
Kansas..... +1.48 14.53 —3.8. —2.62 —72.40 +74.00*
Kentucky . 2.77 +14.31* +25.16* —1.30 —81.45 —71.00
Louisiana... 2.89 —7-53 +3.32* +7.52* —97-95 —71.00
Maine ..... —8.89 —6.47* 80 36 —4.88* —47.00¥
Maryland...... —o.81 +73-56 +84.41 87 15.22 —34.008
Massachusetts —5.71 +246.32 +257.17 ++10.06 +247.06 -+48.00
Michigan...... —1.88 +4.30 +15.15 +1.60 —16.91* —24.00*
Minnesota... 13.26 —9.02 —4.87 —o.48 —2.12 +56.00*
Mississippi +3.42 —4.33 -+6.52* +3.83* | 135.72 —81.00
Missouri .. +2.04 +6.82* -++17.67* 1.33 —28.74 —16.00
Montana. —3.87 —29.34* —20.40* —0.03* | —107.96* —30.00%
Nebraska . +2.54 —15.37 —7.53 —2.50 —61.77 -++30.00*
Nevada. cicnveseuay —10.33 —28.33 —20.89* —3.14* —125.48* —48.00¥
New Hampshire.. —8.31 +10.49 +20.49 ++1.09 +78.16 —46.00¥
New Jersey..... Z —1.52 161.66 172.51 +7.63 +94.80 +65.00
New Mexico. +7.40 --28.79 —20.06 —0.10 —139-76 —53-00
New York..... —3.40 +96.60 104.64 2.98 1135-74 1172.00
North Carolina.. +3.23 —+1.16* 11.99* —o.48 —124.67 —83.00
ue eoanenatae —2.60 +57-94 68.79 “10-39, +25. ae 851008
regon ..., —4.19 —25.37 —17.99 —1.47 —17.5 —23.00'
Pennsylvania. . —0.99 +84.72 +95.57 +2.30 +103.61 +21.00
Rhode Island.... | 4.30 +286.28 1297-13 8.49 262.81 -+10.00
South Carolina. . 7 | 439 +6.00* +16.85* 2.89* —121.89 —84.00
Tennessee ..... be 3.92 4-10,18* +21.03* —o.98 —108.69 —73-00
Texas .. 4. 48 4-59 17-34 —12.79 —1.50 —118.12 —54.00
Utah..., 4.52 —24.45 —18.78 +2.04* | —106.77 —57.00
Vermont. —8.17 ae se 70.79 —34.29 —12.00*
Virginia... sb0.44 gr 19.96* | —2.25 | 96.27 | —79.00
Washington... 3.14 —2.70* —16. 0.63 —30.08* +30.00
West Virginia. +3.73 1.21 +0.64* —2.39 —98.89 —70.00
isconsin ... 9.33 -++0.82* +9.67* +0.37* —2.29 —24.00
WYOMING! circ dics tacit ceed coterie balhendsulen —4.90 —29.50* —20.69* —2.18* | —110.63* —14.00*
Coherences with birth-rate............45 ainiarccanionatens emammsenys 17 2r 16 12 16
Oppositions to birth-rate.......... seasiigvare Garnioraaeigut na Aaaes 29 25 30 34 29
Total States and Territories.......... di damaanen aad 46 46 46 46 45
In one State (Delaware) the mortgage debt per capita is the same as for the United States.
; * Coherence in the phenomena studied.
Birth and Death-Rates.
the death-rate from nervous diseases below the aver-
age, the variations above and below the average in the
remaining one third must be proportionally greater;
in other words, the conditions of life which cause such
variations must be more intense. If civilization, as
Mr. Spencer believes, be the cause of the lower birth-
rate, we should expect a high civilization where the
pirth-rate islow. ‘These conclusions are confirmed by
the statistics. ea 2
She compares the birth-rates with conditions of in-
dustrial life, and shows that in 37 States and Terri-
tories the value of the manufactured products per
capita coheres with the death-rate from nervous dis-
eases and opposes the birth-rate, and in four States
the three cohere ; thus in 4x of the 47 States and Terri-
tories the value of the manufactured products per
capita andthe deaths from nervous diseases cohere.
n 35 States and Territories the value of the manu-
factured products per a coheres with the density
per square mile of area of settlement and is opposed to
the birth-rate, and in three States the three cohere,
making 38 States and Territories in which the value of
the manufactured products per capita and the density
of population cohere,
In 33 States and Territories the value of the manu-
factured products per capita coheres with both the
density of opulation and the deaths from nervous
diseases aed opposes the birth-rate, while in two States
the four cohere. Thus in 35 of the 47 States and Ter-
ritories in the United States, the conditions of density,
manufactured wealth, and deaths from nervous dis-
eases are similar, and in 33 of these States and Terri-
tories they directly oppose the birth-rate.
The only conclusion to be drawn from such facts is
that the conditions of advancing civilization are actu-
ally lowering the birth-rate, and that the conditions
ofa simpler agricultural life favor a high birth-rate.
If the average rates for the United States in 1880 and
in 1890 be compared, the results obtained from the
preceding detailed comparisons are confirmed. The
birth-rate has diminished from 30.95 per 1000 of
population to 26.68.* The value of agricultural prod-
ucts per acre of improved land has also decreased:
in 1880 it was $7.77; in 1890, $6.88. The density per
square mile of area of settlement has increased from
1.96 to 32.16, and the density per square mile of total
jand surface from 17.29 to 21.31. And finally, the
value of manufactured products has risen from $106.50
per capita to $149.63.
See also DEATH-RATES and MALTHUSIANISM for vari-
ous and contrary views.
pore The authorities noticed in this arti-
cle.
BISMARCK AND SOCIAL REFORM,
OTTO EDOUARD LEOPOLD, Prince, von,
long time Chancellor of the German Empire,
we consider here from the standpoint of his re-
lation to social reform. He was born in 1815 at
Brandenberg, of an old family, and studied at
Gottingen, Berlin, and Griefswald. In 1847 he
entered the Landtag and attracted notice as an
ultra-royalist. He was opposed to the scheme
for the reconstruction of the German Empire
proposed in 1849, and strove for a united Ger-
many under the lead of Prussia. He was ap-
pointed chief secretary of the Prussian legation
at the resuscitated German Diet of 1851. He
was sent later to Paris as Minister, and
in 1862 was given the portfolio of Foreign
Affairs and the presidency of the Cabinet.
Unable to pass the reorganization bill and
budget in October, 1862, he closed the Cham-
bers, and for four years governed without get-
ting the sanction of the deputies. The people
were looking for a coup @’ état; but the death of
the King of Denmark opened up the Sleswick-
Holstein question, and excited German national
feeling, which Bismarck was able to use by the
acquisition of the duchies toaggrandize Prussia.
He negotiated the neutralization of Luxemburg
* Billings, The Diminishing Birth-ratein the United
States (The Forum, June, 185,). a
172
Bismarck and Social Reform.
(1867), the humiliation of Austria, the reorgani-
zation of Germany under the lead of Prussia ;
he guided the Franco-Prussian War, dictated
terms of peace to France, and was created
Prince and Chancellor of the German Empire.
He began a contest with the Catholic Church,
expelling the Jesuits (1872). He presided at the
Berlin Congress (1878). His later years have
been busied with economic and social rather
than diplomatic problems, and these we consider
more at length. Since 1879 at least Bismarck
has been considered almost the leading spirit of
paternal State socialism. ‘This, however, was
not to adopt a new policy in Prussia, but simply
to carry out, or, rather, revert to the traditional
policy of the Hohenzollerns. (See Grrmany.)
It was the proud boast of Frederick the Great
that he was ‘le voz des gueux.” Of all the
governments of the seventeenth century, the
Prussian was the first to seek the welfare of the
whole community. The Prussian Jdandrecht
recognizes the State as the protector of the poor-
er classes, and one of its duties to supply suste-
nance and work for those lacking means and
opportunity of earning a livelihood. It was
upon these clauses that Bismarck relied when,
on May 7, 1884, he declared to the Reichstag his
recognition of the laborer’s right to work. Bis-
marck himself once said: ‘‘ The kings of Prus-
sia have never been by preference kings of the
rich. Frederick the Great said, when Crown
Prince: ‘ Quand je serai roz, je serat un vrat
rot des gueux.’ He undertook to be the pro-
tector of the poor, and this principle has been fol-
lowed by our later kings. At their throne suffer-
ing has always found a refuge and a hearing.’”
The principle of protection to which Bismarck
reverted was the original and paternal policy
of Prussia. Bismarck’s paternal socialism, thus,
is but a consistent following out of the principle
of his masters. Yet how far he has carried these
principles we shall soon see. They, however,
must not at all be confounded with socialistic
principles. (See SocraLism.) Socialism is demo-
cratic, fraternal. Bismarck’s policy has been
aristocratic, paternal. Few have persecuted the
socialists as Bismarck has done, and few states-
men have been so hated by socialists as Bis-
marck has been. Their policies are radically
opposite rather than identical. His drastic law
against socialistic meetings and writings dates:
from 1878. Up to that time Bismarck had
planned no measures of repression against so-
cialists. But in that year two attempts on the
life of the Emperor enabled Bismarck to carry
through a drastic bill of repression which has.
been rigidly enforced until its failure to be re-
newed upon its recent expiration by limitation
of time. Its main effect, however, has been to
scatter the propaganda of German socialism
abroad and to increase the real socialistic agita-
tion in Germany. It shows, however, how little:
sympathy Bismarck has with true socialism. Of
capitalism he is a far greater friend.
“IT wish,’’ he once told the Reichstag, “‘ I wish.
we could immediately create a few hundred
millionaires. They would expend their money
in the country, and this expenditure would act
fruitfully on labor all round. They could not
eat their money themselves ; they would have
to spend the interest on it. Be glad, then,
Bismarck and Social Reform.
when people become rich with us. The com-
munity at large, and not only the tax authority,
is sure to benefit.”’
Bismarck’s State socialism thus seems to have
come from mixed motives—partly to take the
ground from under the real socialists, partly,
perhaps, from religious motives, mainly to serve
and aggrandize the house with which he was so
long identified. The religious flavor is not lack-
ing.
On April 2, 1881, he said:
“T should like to see the State, which for the most
art consists of Christians—altho you reject the name
hristian State—penetrated to some extent by the
principles of the religion it professes; especially as
concerns the help one gives to his neighbor, and
sympathy with the lot of old and suffering people”
So long ago as June 1s, 1847, he declared to the Prus-
sian United Diet, which was not accustomed to hear
such words from an obscure provincial deputy:
‘“‘T am of opinion that the idea of the Christian State
is as old as the cz-devant Holy Roman Empire, as old
as all the European States, that it is the soil in which
these States have taken root, and that a State, if it
would have an assured permanence, if it would only
justify its existence, when it is disputed, must stand
on a religious foundation.”
But his main thought was for Prussia.
He told the Reichstag on February 24, 1881:
“For me there has been but one compass, one pole-
star, after which I have steered: Salus publica. Since
I entered public life I have often, perhaps, acted
rashly and imprudently. But when I have had time
for reflection Ihave always been guided by the ques-
tion, What is most beneficial, most expedient, and
proper for my dynasty, so long asI was only in Prus-
sia, and nowadays for the German nation? I have
never in my life been doctrinaire. All systems by
which parties are divided and bound iogetier are of
secondary moment to ie. My first thought is of the
nation, its position abroad, its independence, our or-
ganization in such a way that we may breathe freely
in the world.”
We are now ready to understand his State-socialistic
measures. Asearly as 1847 he spoke and voted in the
United Diet for a State loan to a private railway en-
terprise, and from that time forward,
whether as private deputy or minister,
he never failed, when opportunity oc-
curred, to promote the close connection
of the State and the railways, always
keeping in view the ultimate end of a
thoroughly nationalized system of rail-
way communication. While Germany was still dis-
united, his motto as Prussian Minister President was,
“The railways for the State.’ When, however, the
imperial throne was again raised, his motto became at
once, ‘‘ The railways for the Empire.” He had no fear
that German liberty and unity would “travel away
with the first imperial locomotive.”
A German writer has said of the nationalization of
the railways in Prussia that it is a measure which
“constitutes one of the most beautiful leaves in the
Chancellor’s wreath of fame.’”’ Certain it is that from
the financial point of view, the policy inaugurated, or
rather first seriously carried out, in 1876, has proved a
great success, altho the plan has not yet been fully
adopted by the Empire. But this is only one portion
of Bismarck’s socialism. When specifying in 1869 the
articles which he regarded as most fitted to bear high
taxation, Prince Bismarck included in the list tobacco
; and brandy. Of these two articles the Chancellor has
endeavored to establish a State monopoly.
Prince Bismarck’s attachment to State undertakings
of this kind is primarily based on financial reasons.
The monopoly appears to him the best means of rais-
ing revenue upon an article which can with justice
be saddled with heavy taxation. At the same time he
holds that the State is likely to be a better and more
conscientious trader than the private undertaker,
whose ends begin and end with gain. From the social
standpoint, too, he predicts good results from the ap-
pearance of the State as an employer in spheres of in-
dustrial activity upon which a great number of people
are dependent for their livelihood. When it was ob-
jected in the Reichstag in 1882 that his monopoly proj-
ects savored of socialism, he did not deny the imputa-
tion, but welcomed it, observing: “‘ Many measures
which we have adopted to the great blessing of the
country are socialistic, and the State will have to ac-
State
Socialism,
173
_ bers.
Bismarck and Social Reform.
custom itself to a little more socialism vet. We must
meet our needs in the domain of socialism by reforma-
tory measures if we would display the wisdom shown
in Prussia by the Stein-Hardenberg legislation re-
specting the emancipation of the peasantry. That was
socialism, to take land from one person and give it to
another—a much stronger form of socialism than a
monopoly. But I am glad that this socialism was
adopted, for we have as a consequence secured a free
and very well-to-do peasantry, and I hope that we
shall in time do something of the sort for the labor-
ing classes.”
Bismarck’s return to the principles of protec-
tionism, which movement he commenced in
1877, he also made largely for reasons of State
socialism. His industrial legislation is, how-
ever, a far more direct illustration of this. The
avowed object has been to protect the artisan
class against the growing power of capital, as
represented in the factory system.
Bismarck’s extreme application of the princi-
ples of State socialism, however, has been in his
schemes for State insurance. They are the re-
sult of organic development to be traced in the
sickness insurance law of 1883, the
accident insurance laws of 1884 and
1885, and the old age insurance law State
of 1887; all based on the princi- Insurance.
ple of compulsion introduced in
sick insurance legislation of 1854.
Speaking of the first accident insurance bill of
1881, Bismarck said :
“The end I have in view is to relieve the parishes
of a large part of their poor-law charges by the estab-
lishment of an institution, noeng State support and
extending to the entire Empire, for the maintenance
of old and incapacitated people, just like the institu-
tion of accident insurance.”
He held that the State had positive and active func-
tions to discharge, and that in Christian, monarchical,
and paternally governed countries like the German
States the principle of Latssez-faire was inadmissible.
“Thave a feeling,’ he said, ‘that the State can be
responsible for its omissions,’’ by which he meant its
neglect to afford adequate help and protection to the
weaker of its citizens. He not only demanded for the
working classes insurance against sickness, accident,
and old age, but he asked that the State would bear
a fair share of the cost. Industry could not bear
the whole burden, and it would be absurd to try to
make the working man exclusively liable. So far as
the present measure was concerned it was intended
that the insurance pnerein aus should be paid equally
by employers, employed, andthe Empire. In propos-
ing a national system of insurance, he held that the
State could not fairly entrust the insurance of work-
people to private adventure. ‘‘The corollary of com-
pulsion is, in my opinion, insurance through the State—
either through the Empire or the individual State;
without that no compulsion, I should not have courage
to exercise compulsion if I had nothing to offer in re-
turn. ... If compulsion is enforced, it is necessary
that the law provide at the same time an institution
for insurance which shall be cheaper and securer than
any other.”
Bismarck’s least success has been in the lines
of taxation. He made a bold attack on the
laissez-fatre principle when he passed the
Usury Law of 1880. This law was particularly
intended to prevent the plundering of small
land-owners and artisans by the predatory part
of the money-lending community.
It is by no means, however, the case that Bis-
marck has been a consistent State socialist. He
has refused, for example, to have anything to
do with the principle of the payment of mem-
He refuses to be doctrinazre. He goes
cautiously and experimentally. He said to the
Reichstag, speaking of the insurance laws:
“The domain of legislation which we enter with this
law... deals with a question which will not very soon
Bismarck and Social Reform.
be removed from the order of the day, For_5o years
we have been speaking of a social question. Since the
passing of the socialist law I have continually been
reminded by persons in high and official circles, as well
as by others in the popular classes, that a promise was
then given that something positive should also be done
to remove the legitimate causes of socialism. Ihave
had the reminder in mind Zo¢o de up to this very mo-
ment, and I do not believe that either our sons or
grandsons will quite dispose of the social question
which has been hovering before us for 50 years. No
political question can be brought to a perfect mathe-
matical conclusion, so that book balances can be drawn
up; these questions rise up, have their day, and then
disappear among other questions of history ; thatis the
way of organic development.”’
This way Bismarck has steadily walked. His policy
from first to last has been a protest against Individual-
ism, against Ladssez-fazre. On this subject Prince Bis-
marck once expressed himself very. forcibly in the
Reichstag, when answering the criticisms of the Pro-
gressist leader, in words which sum up his whole
policy.
os Hock Richter has called attention to the responsi-
bility of the State for what it does. But it is my opin-
ion that the State can also be responsible for what it
does not do. I do not think that doctrines like those of
‘ Latssez-fatre, latssez-aller, ‘Pure Manchesterdom in
olitics,’ ‘Jeder sehe, wie er’s tretbe, Jeder sehe, wo er
leibe,’ * He who is not strong enough to stand must be
knocked down and trodden to the ground,’ ‘To him
that hath shall be given, and from him that hath not
shall be taken away even that which he hath’—that
doctrines like these should be applied in the State, and
especially in a monarchically, paternally governed
State. On the other hand, I believe that those who
profess horror at the intervention of the State for the
protection of the weak lay themselves open to the sus-
picion that they are desirous of using their strength—
be it that of capital, that of rhetoric, or whatever it be—
for the benefit of a section, for the oppression of the
rest, for the introduction of party domination, and that
they will be chagrined as soon as this design is dis-
turbed by any action of the Government.”
On March 20, 1890, the emperor accepted Bis-
marck’s resignation as chancellor, and General
von Caprivi was appointed the same day in his
place. This was due toa divergence
of view between the young emper-
Resignation, or, then just assuming the reins of
power, and theold chancellor. Bis-
marck insisted on maintaining his
policy of stern repression of the socialists, while
at the same time advocating State socialism, not
going, however, so far as to interfere with
wages. The young emperor, on the other hand,
while following out the policy of State socialism,
would not continue the socialist repression pol-
icy, and would interfere more with wages in a
paternal way. Owing to these and other differ-
ences, Bismarck’s resignation was practically
forced and accepted. Since then Bismarck has
been in semi-private life, tho once elected
to the Reichstag and accepting in order, from a
national liberal policy, to vigorously criticise the
Government. This not only in the Reichstag,
but in private, and through various organs still
faithful to him, he has not ceased most vigor-
ously to do to the undisguised annoyance of the
Government. On a recent journey to Vienna
to attend the marriage of his son, Prince Her-
bert, he received an ovation along the whole
line, and his influence to-day in Europe gener-
ally, as well as in Germany, is still very great,
and always cast along the old lines of intense
nationalism, paternal socialism, coupled with a
stern and aristocratic repression of democratic
tendencies. Recently his ‘‘ reconciliation’ with
the emperor has caused universal comment,
and his eightieth birthday (1895) was celebrated
by all Germany. (See Germany and SociaL
REFORM.) *
174
Black Death.
Reference: Bismarck and State Socialism, by W. H.
Dawson, to which book we are indebted for many quo-
tations in our article.
BLACK, JAMES, the first candidate of the
Prohibition Party for President of the United
States. He was born in Lewisburg, Pa., Sep-
tember 23, 1823, and died December 16, 1893.
Removing with his parents to Lancaster, Pa.,
in 1836, he worked in a sawmill and earned
enough to engage a private teacher to give
him instruction during the winter. In 1841 he
entered the Lewisburg Academy. In 1844 he
began the study of the law, and in 1846 was
admitted to practice at the bar in Lancaster,
where he resided all his life. In 1840 he
joined the Washingtonians, the first temper-
ance organization in his neighborhood. In
1846 he helped to institute a division of the
Sons of Temperance. Prominent in the ‘‘ Maine
law’’ prohibitory movement of 1852 in Pennsyl-
vania, Mr. Black was that year elected Chair-
man of the Lancaster County Prohibition Com-
mittee. It was largely due to Mr. Black’s per-
sonal efforts that the Maine law movement be-
came popular in Lancaster County and resulted,
in 1855, in the election of two of the five tem-
perance legislative candidates. Besides making
speeches and writing for the cause, Mr. Black
sometimes contributed as much as $500 yearly
to it.
The anti-slavery agitation about this time,
and the Civil War a little later, interrupted the
temperance work and engaged the attention and
interest of Mr. Black. He aided in organizing
the Republican Party in Pennsylvania, and was
a delegate to the first national convention of
that party in 1856. He was a Republican in
politics until the formation at Chicago, in Sep-
tember, 1869, of the National Prohibition Party.
He was chosen permanent president of this
body. At the new party’s Columbus (O.) Con-
vention, in February, 1872, Mr. Black was nomi-
nated as its candidate for President of the
United States, and in the election that followed
he received 5608 votes. For the four years from
1876-80 he was Chairman of the National Com-
mittee of the Prohibition Party.
He was also a most active temperance worker
outside strict party lines. He was one of the
founders of the National Temperance Society
and Publication House. Having identified him-
self with the Good Templars in 1858, two years
later Mr. Black was elected Grand Worthy Chief
Templar of Pennsylvania. Mr. Black’s ‘‘ Cider
Tract’? caused the Good Templars to declare
against the use of cider as a beverage. Promi-
nent as a layman in the Methodist Episcopal
Church, he was one of the 26 who in 1869 or-
ganized the Ocean Grove Camp Meeting Asso-
ciation. :
Mr.Black owned probably the largest collection
of temperance literature contained in any pri-
vate library in the world, about 1200 volumes
being included in it. Among the works pub-
lished by him are a pamphlet entitled Zs there a
Ree Sor a Prohibition Party? (1875);
Brief History of Prohibition (1880), and Hzs-
tory of the Prohibitzon Party (1885).
BLACK DEATH, THE.—The pestilence,
or series of pestilences, known by this name
Black Death.
took place in the middle of the fourteenth cen-
tury, and was a partial, if not the chief cause,
of vast economic changes in England. So
far as can be ascertained, the disease first mani-
fested itself in Central Chinain 1333, and thence
spread in a westward direction toward Europe,
where its force was first felt in the southern
countries.
It appeared first in Italy, then crossed West-
ern Europe, and arrived at the English ports of
Bristol and Southampton in the summer of 1348.
Whole districts were depopulated by its fright-
ful ravages, and altho the old chroniclers give
grossly exaggerated estimates of the number of
deaths, it is probable that it carried off at least
one third of the population. The scenes of
horror and desolation which it caused beggar
all attempts at description.
One immediate result of the plague was a
great scarcity in the number of available labor-
ers, because, while all classes had suffered heav-
ily, the poorest had yielded most rapidly to the
dire disease. This scarcity of labor meant, of
course, higher wages for the laborer. In the
case of agricultural workers this rise amounted
to about 50 per cent., while in the case of skilled
artisans, such as carpenters and masons, the
same effect was felt, often more markedly.
The nobles and landlords—the capitalist class
of their day—objected, and, without waiting to
call Parliament together, the king issued a
proclamation ordering all men to abide by the
tates which had been customary before the
Black Death, and neither to demand nor pay
higher wages. He also forbade laborers to
leave the land to which they were attached,
and assigned heavy penalties forsodoing. But
the king’s parchment counted for no more, in
the face of the needs of the country, than had
Knut's imperious command to the sea, centuries
before. Parliament met in 1349 and made haste
to ratify this proclamation by reducing it to the
form of a statute—the famous ‘‘ statute of labor-
ers ;’”’ but such legislative measures were hope-
less against the demand for workers, and the
very same men who passed these laws were
themselves obliged to break them to prevent
their land from remaining untilled. The peas-
ants went freely into those districts where work-
ers were most scarce, and found ready shelter
and good wages. Complaints were constantly
made to Parliament, and the ‘‘ statute of labor-
ers’ was again and again enacted with added
penalties, but to no purpose. For once the
worker was able to meet the capitalist with the
advantage on his side. :
In spite of the great rise in the price of labor
the price of the laborer’s food did not rise in
proportion. Food did not require much manual
labor in its production, and hence the rate of
wages was not much felt in its price. This will
be the more noticeable when we remember that a
fat ox could be bought with a sum equal to only
six days’ wages of an ordinary mechanic, tho
it should be borne in mind that oxen were
smaller then. What did rise was the price of
all articles which required much labor in their
production. Those who lost most by the change
were the holders of large estates, who had to
pay more for the labor which worked their land,
and for the implements used upon it. On the
175
Blackstone, Sir William.
other hand, the peasant and artisan gained much
higher wages, while the cost of living hardly in-
creased at all. They had exchanged their for-
mer serfdom for the ability to earn not only the
necessaries of life, but many of its comforts
also. And these changes were so far-reaching
in their effects that the landlords were obliged
to let their estates to tenants who worked them
on their own account, paying rent to the lord ;
instead of, as formerly, compelling villeins to
work them for the master’s profit. Thus serf-
dom practically came to an end, tho the
land-owners and lawyers did all that they could
to prevent it, and succeeded in putting many
obstacles in the path of the peasants. The gain
was not all on one side, however, as the peas-
ants began at this time to lose those rights in
the ‘‘commons”’ and forests which until then
they had enjoyed.
Another of the important effects of the Black
Death was the spirit of independence which it
helped to raise in the breasts of the peasants,
who now began to feel their power. It is worth
while to note that successful revolutions are sel-
dom the work of starving men. Empty stom-
achs are not conducive to that clearness of vision
which is needed to plan and carry out such
movements. The years of prosperity following
the plague of 1348 had done more to open the
eyes of the working classes than all the centu-
ries of poor rations that had gone before. The
new spirit led to the preaching of John Ball
(.2.), the Peasants’ Revolt Ve and the
olden Age of ‘‘ Merrie England.’’ The revolt
was put down, but the victory really lay with
the vanquished ; and from this time serfdom
practically disappears from English history, and
wages remain high till the robbery of the land
by the landlords in the sixteenth century. For
a study of the economic effects of the Black
Death, see J. E. T. Rogers’ Work and Wages,
and for a contrary view see Wealth and Prog-
ress, by George Gunton.
BLACK LIST, a list published or prepared
by any body of men of the names of those whom
they consider faulty in any way. It is specifi-
cally used of official lists of insolvents and de-
faulters. It is used in industrial discussions of
lists of employees who for one reason or another
—perhaps because of having led in labor agita-
tion—employers agree not to employ. It is also
used of lists of firms which are believed to treat
their employees unfairly, and therefore which
the preparers of the black list believe should not
be patronized by the friends of fair treatment.
(See also WuiTE List.) The blacklisting or as-
serted blacklisting by employers of their em-
ployees who have been active in the cause of
labor has been a fruitful source of complaint on
the part of labor organizations, and some States
have passed bills forbidding blacklisting. (See
Conspiracy Laws.)
BLACKSTONE, Sir WILLIAM, was born
in London in 1723, and died in the same city in
1780. A celebrated English jurist, he was ap-
pointed in 1758 Vinerian Professor of Common
aw at Oxford, and in 1770 Justice of the Court
of Common Pleas. His chief work, Commenta-
ries on the Laws of England, appeared 1765-68.
Blackstone, Sir William.
Eight editions appeared during his lifetime and
continually after his death.
BLACKWELL, ALICE STONE, born in
Orange, N. J., in 1857, is the daughter of Lucy
Stone (g.v.) and Henry B. Blackwell. She
graduated from Boston University in 1881, and
has been on the staff of the Woman's Journal
(of Boston) ever since.
BLACKWELL, ELIZABETH, M.D., was
the first woman who ever received a medical di-
ploma. She was born in Bristol, England, in 1821.
Her father emigrated to New York, and from
there to Cincinnati in 1838, where he died, and
left alone a widow and nine children. As the
father had left but little money, something had
to be done ; and Miss Blackwell, who was nota-
ble for decision of character, at once opened a
boarding-school. She was then only 18 years
of age, but her school succeeded well, When
the school was closed in 1844, Miss Blackwell,
whose energetic spirit had long been restless
under the limitations which society imposed
upon women, determined to enter if possible
the medical profession. For three years more
she taught in another school, in order to obtain
sufficient means for a medical course, and then
she applied for admittance in the Philadelphia
medical schools. She was everywhere refused.
After a course of private lessons under medical
professors, she finally obtained admission to the
University of Geneva, N. Y. She remained
here for two years, and graduated with the high-
est honors. Her propriety and discretion won
for her the esteem of students and professors
alike. After graduation she visited England
and France, and studied for some time longer.
In 1851 she returned to New York, and began
the practice of medicine. At first other physi-
cians refused to consult with her ; but she over-
came all obstacles and secured a large practice.
In 1854, with her sister, Dr. Emily Blackwell
(g.v.), she established the New York Infirmary
for Women and Children. In 1869 she went to
London, and there established the National
Health Society, and aided in organizing the
London School of Medicine for Women. In
1878 she settled in Hastings, England, and has
worked and written on numerous social reforms,
mainly on lines of social purity, municipal re-
form, and the health and education of women.
BLACKWELL, EMILY, was born in Bris-
tol, England, in 1826, asister to Elizabeth Black-
well (g.v.), and, like her, came with her father’s
family to the United States in 1832. She com-
menced studying medicine in 1848, but was re-
fused admission in the medical colleges, and
only allowed to attend lectures for a period in
two others, till finally she was admitted to the
medical college in Cleveland, O. Graduating
triumphantly, she studied in hospitals and at-
tended clinics in Edinburgh, Paris, and Lon-
don. She returned to New York in 1854, and in
connection with Dr. M. E. Zakrzewska (a Pol-
ish lady), she established a hospital which in
1865 was given college powers. A woman’scol-
lege, it has been and still is a marked success.
Dr. Blackwell is now one of the vice-presidents
of and very active in the Society for the Promo.
176
Blanc, Jean Joseph Louis.
tion of Social Purity. She is author of many
tracts upon this and similar subjects. (See So-
CIAL PurRITy.) :
BLAKE, Mrs, LILLIE DEVEREUX, was
born in Raleigh, N. C., in 1835, of wealthy pa-
rentage. Her father dying in 1837, his widow
removed to New Haven, and Miss Devereux
was educated there by private tutors. In 1855
she married Frank G. Q. Umsted, a young law-
yer, and resided in St. Louis and New York
City, till she was left a widow with two children
in 1859. She had already commenced writing
stories, and had published a successful novel,
Southwold. She now entered literature asa -
rofession, residing in Stratford, Conn., New
ork City, and Washington. In 1866 she mar-
ried Mr. Grenfill Blake, a young New York
merchant, and made her home in that city. In
1869 she became interested in the woman’s suf-
frage movement, and wrote and lectured con-
tinually. From 1879-90 she was President of
the New York State Woman's Suffrage Associa-
tion. She has been active in the agitation for
police matrons (g.v.), for laws for seats for sales-
women, etc. Her lectures have been printed
under the title of Woman's Place To-day.
BLANC, JEAN JOSEPH LOUIS (1811-82),
was born in Madrid. In 1830 he went to Paris
and became a clerk in an attorney’s office. In
1832 he went to Arras to act as tutor, where he
resided for two years, making some mark asa
writer on literary and political affairs. Return-
ing to Paris, he founded, in 1839, the Revue du
progres politique, social et littéraire. In
this he brought out his work L’Organtsation
au Travail, which may fairly be called a French
forerunner of Karl Marx’s Das Kapital ; tho
in its form being an appeal rather than a
theory, it makes no pretensions to scientific
precision. In 1841 he published his A7zs¢oire
de dix ans, which was an overwhelming in-
dictment of the actions of Louis Philippe and
his ministers during the years 1831-40. In
1847 he published the first two volumes of his
Flistotre de la révolution frangatse. ‘The
revolution which broke out early in the next
year compelled that to be set aside. His popu-
larity among the Parisian workmen secured for
him a seat in the Provisional Government then
formed, where he brought forward the proposals
for universal suffrage and the abolition of slav-
ery. He was also appointed president of a Gov-
ernment commission for laborers. In Marcha
procession of 200,000 workmen, headed by Blan-
qui, offered him the dictatorship, which he re-
fused. The Provisional Government estab-
lished the Ateliers nationaux (g.v). which he had.
advocated, but they were started on such un-
sound principles that Louis Blanc opposed them
and demanded their abolition. He even charged
the government with plotting their failure.
After four months’ trial they were abolished,
having proved a failure and a public nuisance.
In June and again in August, 1848, he was ac-
cused in the Assembly of complicity in the Com-
munist outbreak of May. Being condemned bya
large majority, he fled to England, where he
stayed in exile for more than 20 years, finishing
his Héstocre de la révolution francaise andwrit-
Blanc, Jean Joseph Louis.
ing his Hstocre de la révolution de 1848 and
other works. In 1870 he returned to Paris and
urged the citizens to prosecute the war to the
uttermost. ‘Till the time of his death he was
elected deputy for Paris, always voting with the
extreme Left.
BLAND SILVER BILL.—A United States
statute of 1878 (20 stat., 25); so called from its
author, Richard P. Bland, a member of the
House from Missouri. It reestablished the sil-
ver dollar containing 4124 grs. troy of standard
silver as a legal tender ; but its special feature
was a clause requiring the treasury to purchase
every month not less than $2,000,000 nor more
than $4,000,000 worth of silver bullion and to
coin it into dollars. (See SILver.)
»
BLANQUI, JEROME ADOLPHE (1798-
1854),—He is sometimes confused with his broth-
er, L. A. Blanqui, the revolutionist, but followed
quite a differentcourse. From 1830 to his death
he was the head of the Ecole de Commerce of
Paris, and in 1833 replaced J. B. Say as Professor
of Political (and especially of Industrial) Econ-
omy at the Conservatoire des Arts et Métiers.
He was elected in 1838 a member of the Acadé-
mie des Sciences morales et politiques, and rep-
resented the department of the Gironde in the
Chamber of Deputies. His teaching in political
economy was liberal and progressive. By no
means a socialist, he yet favored many social-
istic principles. The brilliancy and vigor of his
language is another characteristic which has
aided him much. He was the author of several
works. Of these the most important are: Ré-
sumé de l'histoire du commerce et de lindus-
trie (Paris, 1826, 18mo); préces élémentatre
@économte polztzgue (Paris, 1826 and 1842,
32mo); Hzstozre de l'économie politique en
Europe, depuzs les anctens Jusgu'a nos fours,
sutvie a’une bibliographie ratsonnée des prin-
cipaux ouvrages a économie politique (Paris,
1838, 1842, and 1845). This last work has been
translated into several languages. Tho not
of the greatest merit, it has nevertheless done
important pioneer work in a needed study.
BLANQUI, LOUIS AUGUSTE (1805-81),
was born in Puget Théniers ; came in 1824 to
Paris and became a teacher and student of law
and medicine. On the breaking out of an in-
surrection in 1827 he took his sword and joined
the cause of the people, taking his part from
this date in every Paris insurrection. He edited
Le Journal de la Société des Amis du Peuple,
and for this was imprisoned. Complicated in
various conspiracies, he was imprisoned for two
years, in 1836, but was pardoned in 1837, In
1839 he organized another insurrection, which
was quickly put down, and Blanqui condemned
to death—a verdict changed to imprisonment
for life. Confined at Mont Saint Michel, and at
Tours, he was freed by the February Revolu-
tion-of 1848. By February 25 he was in Paris
and organizing the Central Republican Com-
mittee. On May 15 he was captured and im-
prisoned 10 years at Belle Isle and in Corsica.
Amnestied in 1859, he was, in 1861, accused of
conspiracy and imprisoned four years. When
the republic was proclaimed (September, 1870)
177
Blind Asylums.
he went to Paris and advocated the principles
of the extreme Left, publishing his La Patrze
en danger. After the Commune he was ar-
rested by Thiers, and (1872) condemned to de-
portation ; but on account of ill health was held in
Quélern and Clairvaux, and pardoned by Grévy,
June 9, 1879. He was elected deputy in Bor-
deaux in 1879, but was declared ineligible. A
mystic, a revolutionist, an autocrat, Blanqui
was no mean thinker, and a convinced com-'
munist socialist. His main writings are L’ Eter-
nité dans les astres (1872); L’ Armée esclave
et opprimée (1880) ; Crztigue soctale (2 vols,, ap-
pearing after his death, 1883). :
BLATCHFORD, ROBERT P., was born
at Maidstone, England, March 17, 1851, and
apprenticed to a trade in Halifax, 1864, serving
seven years. In 1871 he joined the army and
served till 1877. Obtaining work as time-keeper
and clerk at 30s. a week, he married in 1880.
He began writing soon after, contributing to
The Yorkshireman and Toby. In 1885 he re-
moved to London to join the staff of Bel/’s Life,
and wrote for the Sunday Chronzcle at its start
in August, 1885, under the zom de plumie of
“Nunquam.”’ He soon declared himself a so-
cialist, and has been writing on social questions
ever since. In October, 1891, refusing to re-
strain his pen, he left the Sunday Chrouzcle,
and soon after, on December 12, 1891, issued the
first number of 7e C/arzon, in whose pages his
history has since been written. In 1891 he was
named as parliamentary candidate for East
Bradford, but soon withdrew, having no taste
for politics. He originated the ‘‘ Fourth Clause,’’
about which so much agitation has been raised,
and which practically laid the foundation of the
I.L.P. Itreads, at present, substantially as fol-
lows: ‘‘ That all members of the I. L. P. pledge
themselves to abstain from voting for any candi-
date for election to any representative body who
is in any way a nominee of the Liberal, Liberal
Unionist, Irish Nationalist, or Conservative par-
ties.’’ His latest volume, JZerrze England, a
series of letters on the labor problem to a work-
ing man, which first appeared in Zhe Clarzon,
is now sold complete for a penny, and has
reached a sale of well over a million copies.
BLIND, KARL, the German revolutionist,
was born in Mannheim in 1826. Even while a
student in Heidelberg and Bonn he began to
organize revolutionary societies. In 1847 he
underwent a short imprisonment for a tract,
German Hunger and German Princes. In
the revolutions of 1848 he played a prominent
part at Carlsruhe and Frankfort. He escaped
to Alsace, but took part continually in revolu-
tionary uprisings till he was compelled to flee
both from Germany and France, since which he
has resided in England, writing literary and po-
litical articles. His views are of national as op-
posed to international socialism and of socialism
as opposed to anarchism. He strongly support-
ed the movement for German unity in 1870.
BLIND ASYLUMS, OR “SCHOOLS
FOR THE BLIND.”—Bulletin No. 81 (Cen-
sus of 1890) gives the following statistics for
schools for the blindin the United States :
Blind Asylums.
178
Blind Asylums.
PUPILS. - EXPENDITURES.
DECADES,
Total. Male. Female. Total. Current. Building.
GL wawaws ate snnei er casein 564485 255795 22,942 $15,598;952 | $11,909,514 $3,689,438
1840-50 39444 1,103 921 $610,747 $514,134 $96,613
1850-60 . 087 2,211 1,979 153379955 1,000,372 3371583
1860-70... Qy117 3316 3y224. 2,600,687 159115794 688,893
1870-80 .. 13,856 6,493 51819 41207,601 3)022)201 1,185,400
1880-90 .. 23,981 12,672 10,999 6,620,265 593390316 1,280,949
The following institutions do not state sexin pils, 1840-50, 817; 1850-60, 1112; 1860-70,
their reports for the decades indicated, which 1261.
will account for the apparent discrepancies be-
tween the items and total of the above sum-
mary :
The Perkins Institution and Massachusetts
School for the Blind: Total number of pu-
SUMMARY OF STATISTICS.OF SCHOOLS
Ohio Institution for the Blind, Columbus:
Total number of pupils, 1840-50, 603 ; 1850-60,
785 ; 1860-70, 1316 ; 1870-80, 1544. .
West Virginia School for the Deaf and Blind,
Romney : Total number of pupils, 1880-90, 310.
FOR THE YEARS 1880-89, INCLUSIVE.
, PUPILS, EXPENDITURES.
YEARS,
Total. Male. Female. Total. Current. Building.
TOtalvsnansaserces diavencradthate Ss iiais's 23,982 12,672 10,999 $6,620,265 $5,339316 $1,280,949
. 2,041 1,064 955 $572,225 $415,108 $157,117
2,096 1,097 974 560, 183 481,197 73,98
2,038 1,062 946 591,817 502,149 89,668
25230 1,159 1,039 611,894 520,864 91,030
_ 25286 | 1,200 1,050 7151034 538,441 176,593
25397 1,266 1,099 7431232 563,078 180,154
24554 | 1,353 1,170 647,710 561,002 86,708
25638 1)415 1,190 679,632 587,636 91,996
25770 1,478 34257 7539775 594,168 159,607
2,931 1,578 1,319 7441763 5753673 169,090
The West Virginia School for the Deaf and
Blind, at Romney, total number of pupils 310, Average
Average
does not state sex, which accounts for the ap- YEARS, Coe Fivteiice
parent discrepancy between the items and total E :
of the above summary.
The average annual cost and the average an- $321 $233
nual current expenditures per pupil in schools 272 234
for the blind by decades from 1840-90 were as ata 28
follows : 319 240
317 240
260 225
67 231
Average An- |
DECADES. Avera eae nual Current 283 fae
* |Expenditures.
I.
1840-50. ve sevseeeeeeeeeees ‘ $268 $226 ‘These averages are based only upon those in-
1850-60. « 325 243 stitutions making complete returns.
1860-70. . 388 285, " is ie ae
1870-80. . a 373 268 The total number of pupils in schools for the
TEBOLOOi va ara deadsiadiers baba 288 232 blind in the United States in 1889 was 2931,
while in 1880 the number was 2041, an increase
The average annual cost and the average an-
nual current expenditures per pupil in schools
for the blind by years from 1880-89, inclusive,
were as follows :
in the decade of 890. It must be borne in mind
that the apparent increase in the decade is due
to some extent to the increased facilities for the
reception and education of the blind in the
schools established for this purpose.
Bliss, William Dwight Porter.
BLISS, WILLIAM DWIGHT POR-
TER, was born in 1856 in Constantinople,
Turkey ; the son of Rev. E. E. Bliss, D.D., an
American missionary. He studied in Robert
College, Constantinople ; Phillips Academy,
Andover, Mass.; Amherst College, 1874-78 ;
Hartford Theological Seminary, 1878-82. He
was settled over the Fourth Congregational
Church, Denver, Col., but on account o failing
health, he soon returned to the East, and was
settled at South Natick, Mass. He was mar-
tied in London to Mary Pangalo, in 1884.
In 1885 he became interested in socialism
through seeing the workmen in factory villages
and reading Henry George and the Chrzstzan
Union. In 1886 he entered the Episcopal
Church, and took charge of St. George’s Church,
Lee, Mass. Here he joined the Knights of
Labor ; was Master Workman of the Assembly
at Lee, and in 1887 sent to Cincinnati as dele-
gate from the Knights of Labor, being one of
the secretaries of the Union Labor Convention.
The same year he helped start with Father
Huntington, in New York City, the Church As-
sociation for the Advancement of the Interests
of Labor (Cail). In 1888 he took charge of Grace
Church, South Boston. He was nominated for
Lieutenant-Governor of Massachusetts by the
Labor Party, but declined the nomination. He
was one of the founders of the first Nationalist
club in Boston in 1889, and soon after, with
other clergymen, organized the Society of Chris-
tian Socialists. He also started the Dawz, and
published it until 1896. Resigning his parish
in South Boston in 1890 he formed the Mission
and Brotherhood of the Carpenter, which has
since grown into the Church of the Carpenter.
In 1895 he commenced editing The American
fabian. We has done much lecturing for the
Society of Christian Socialists, the Christian So-
cial Union, and other organizations. He is the
author of numerous tracts, mainly on Christian
socialism. He is also editor of the (American)
Social Science Library, author of the Handbook
of Soctalism (1895), and editor of this encyclo-
pedia. |
, BLOCK, MAURICE, was born on February
18, 1816, at Berlin ; in 1818 he went to Paris with
‘his parents. Here his studies were pursued, with
’ the exception of two years in Germany. Upon
his return to Paris he was naturalized, and in
_ 1843 entered the Bureau of Statistics, where he
had charge of the Department of Labor. In
1862 he resigned in order to put to use the knowl-
“edge he had gained. He has received several
. Scholastic honors, is a Fellow of the Superior
Council of Statistics, and has been often intrust-
ed with missions for scientific purposes. His Le
- Progrés de la science économigue adepurs
Adam Smith (1890) Professor Seligman calls ‘‘a
. work which in some respects compares with the
best production of recent times in any country.”
. He is best known, however, by his 7razté theo-
rigue et pratique de statzstigue (1886) and his
various statistical writings for the French Gov-
ernment, and in his valuable Annuaires de
2 économie politique et de la statistzgue.
BLOOMER, Mrs. AMELIA, was born in
Homer, N. Y., in 1818, and in 1840 was married
to D. C, Bloomer, of Seneca Falls, where she
179
Blue Ribbon Movements.
resided till 1855. She commenced working for
temperance and then for woman's suffrage.
January, 1849, after the first woman’s tights
convention, she commenced the publication of
the LzZy, the first paper ever owned, edited, and
controlled by a woman in the interests of wom-
en. In 1852 she called attention to the style of
dress since called by her name, though she did
not originate it. She wore it, however, for six
years. In 1855 shesold out her paper and moved
to Council Bluffs, Ia. In 1852 she commenced
lecturing, and continued till ill health prevent-
ed, ending in her death in 1895.
BLUE RIBBON MOVEMENTS.—A dis-
tinguishing feature of many of the movements
for the reformation of drinking men has been
the bit of ribbon, generally blue or red, worn
by the reformed men and others interested.
The red ribbon was adopted by Dr. Henry A.
Reynolds, September Io, 1874, as the badge of
the Bangor (Me.) Reform Club, which he organ-
ized at that time, and which, consisting of re-
formed drinking men, was the first club of its
kind ever formed. Throughout the remarkable
pledge-signing campaigns that followed in
Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Hampshire,
Rhode Island, Michigan, Illinois, and other
States, Dr. Reynolds made the red ribbon the
sign of membership in the clubs he started, and
they came to be known as Red Ribbon Reform
Clubs. The white ribbon was adopted by Dr.
Reynolds in connection with the red, the former
to be worn by women and by young men under
18. The white ribbon is also worn by all ladies
of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union.
But the blue ribbon has been associated with
temperance reform movements more extensively
than any other badge. It was adopted by
Francis Murphy, and has been donned by very
many thousands in this country whom he has
induced to sign the pledge.
The idea was borrowed in England. On Feb-
ruary 10, 1878, aconference of temperance work-
ers was held in London, and a total abstinence
campaign was determined on. A central mis-
sion was to be established in London, with town
organizations in the provinces as the work
spread. The blue ribbon was chosen, and the
‘‘Blue Ribbon Army’’ was adopted as the name
of the organization. Mr. William Noble, who
took a prominent part in the inauguration of
this work, had recently returned from a visit to
the United States, where he had seen something
of the methods employed in the Murphy and
Reynolds movements. Pledge cards were issued
and scattered throughout the British Empire,
and during the years since they have been trans-
lated into several languages, and have found
their way into various countries of Europe, into
Africa and the Sandwich Islands. More than
1,000,000 pledges have been officially issued in
addition to the pledges issued by independent
workers cooperating with the movement. A
change in the name from ‘‘ Blue Ribbon Army”’
to ‘‘Blue Ribbon Gospel Temperance Move-
ment’’ has been made, and several branch or-
ganizations, such as the ‘‘ Help-Myself Society”’
among men and the ‘‘ Help-One-Another So-
ciety’? among women, have grown out of the
original movement.
Bluntschli, Johann Kaspar.
BLUNTSCHLI, JOHANN KASPAR, a
German jurist, was born in Switzerland in 1808.
He graduated at Bonn in 1829. He was pro-
fessor in the University of Zurich, a member of
the Grand Council of the local Government, and
strongly opposed the civil war of 1847-48. In
1848 he became Professor of German and Inter-
national Law at Munich, and in 1861 Professor
of Political Science at Heidelberg. In 1864,
with Baumgarten and others, he founded the
Protestant Union, and subsequently presided
over several Protestant conventions, and over
‘the General Synod at Baden in 1867. He was
in favor of a union between South and North
Germany, and was elected to the Customs Par-
liament. Bluntschli is the author of many valu-
able works on politics, laws, and the sciences ;
his best-known book in this country being his
Theory of the State (translated from the sixth
German edition by R. Lodge).
BOHM, von BAWERK, EUGEN, was born
February 12, 1851, at Briinn, in Moravia. Heen-
tered the Austrian Ministry of Finance in 1872,
where he remained until 1880. In the mean time
he had received the degree of LL.D. from Vien-
na, and had improved his two years’ leave of ab-
sence to prosecute his sociological studies at
Heidelberg, Leipzig, and Jena, under Knies,
Roscher, and Hildebrand. In 1880, immediately
after his installation as przvat-docent at Vien-
na, he was called to Innsbruck. In 1889 he ac-
cepted a councilor’s seat in the Austrian Minis-
try of Finance. The best known of the impor-
tant school of Austrian political economists, his
main work is his Kapztal und Kapitalzins,
vol. i, (1884), a critical review of all theories of
capital, translated into English by W. Smart
(1890), under the title Capztal and Interest, vol.
ji, (1889), giving his positive theory of capital,
and also translated by Smart as 7he Positive
Theory of Capzttal (1891).
BOILEAU (or BOYLEAU), ETIENNE,
was born about 1200. He joined the Crusades
under Louis IX. (St. Louis), was captured, and
ransomed by that monarch at a high price. At
one time Provost of Orleans, he subsequently
became (1258-70) Provost of Paris. Boileau, a
man of noble birth and incorruptible character,
suppressed venality, meted out justice, estab-
lished the police of Paris, and hanged his god-
son for theft, and a friend for dishonesty. St.
Louis, as a mark of confidence and approval,
sometimes sat beside him at the Ch&telet, where
he administered justice. But the great work of
Boileau was his compilation, about 1268, of the
Livre des Métizers, a code of the regulations
affecting the various industries of Paris. The
exordium states the intention of the compiler
to treat of (1) the trades of Paris, their ordi-
nances and the breaches thereof, with the ap-
propriate fines ; (2) fees, tolls, taxes, and dues ;
(3) justice and jurisdictions in Paris and the
neighborhood. The third part either was not
‘written or has been lost. The Regzstres so
formed constitute a highly valuable record of
the condition of industrial society at the time—
its trade privileges, masters, apprentices, their
number, conduct, terms of service, holidays,
quality of work and of goods, prices, middle-
180
Boot and Shoe Industry.
men, fines, dues, etc. This com ilation has
been regarded as a landmark in the history of
economics.
Reference: Article in Palgrave’s Dectionary of Polit:
ical Economy, which we have here abridged.
BOILER-MAKERS AND IRON SHIP-
BUILDERS, UNITED SOCIETY OF
Fe ne nel See Trape Unions, section ‘‘ Eng-
land.”
BOISSEL, FRANCOIS (1728-1807), was
born at Joyeux, in Vivarais. Educated by the
Jesuits, he became in 1753 parliamentary attor-
ney in Paris, but soon removed to St. Domingo.
A contest with the Government over his profes-
sion brought:him back to Paris and kept him
there 20 years. On the breaking out of the rev-
olution he took an extreme Jacobin position.
He is best known for his Catéchisme du genre
Humaine (1789), in which appear many of the
erms of later French socialistic thought. His
frst writing was Dzscours contre les Serve
tude Publegues (1786).
BOODLE was originally a vulgarism for
money, and more particularly for booty; a
phrase used in barrooms and at the street cor-
ners. Gradually Some of the more vulgar and
sensational newspapers began to make use of it
in their articles dealing with the classes that
were themselves in the habit of employing the
term. Among these, the majority of the alder-
men of New York City were numbered, and
the bribes that these were supposed to be in
the habit of receiving were referred to under
that name. The charges of bribery were
brought prominently forward by the investiga-
tion in 1886, by a committee of the Assembly,
into the circumstances attending the grant by
the aldermen in the previous year of a charter
for astreet railroad on Broadway in that city.
jacob Sharp, a man largely interested in New
York street railroads, was popularly thought to
have bribed the aldermen to grant the franchise.
Much interest in the investigation was manifest-
ed by the public, and the terms ‘‘ boodle”’ and
‘‘ poodlers’’ were continually used by the news-
papers. The general use into which the term
was thus brought, added to the fact that itis a
concise term, tended to purge it of its vulgar
associations, and to give it standing in the
vocabulary of the day. The term ‘‘ boodler’’ is
now universally applied to bribe-takers, more
particularly to those connected with municipal
governments, and most accurately to bribed
aldermen. (See Broapway STEALS.)
BOOT AND SHOE INDUSTRY OF
AMERICA, THE, employing some 200,000
men and women, with factories in all sections
of the country, manufacturing annually millions
of pairs of boots and shoes, for which more than
$200,000,000 are received, had its origin in an
humble manner in what is now the city of Lynn,
Mass.,where, in 1634, Philip Kertland established
ashoe-making shop. From his beginning gradu-
ally sprang, from time to time, more little shops,
until 1750, when the first actual employing
manufacturer appeared in the person of John
Adam Dagyr, a Welshman, who laid the founda-
tion of the modern trade.
Boot and Shoe Industry.
Dagyr became known as the celebrated shoemaker
of Essex, and was very successful, but eventually died
a pauper. From this time the industry gradually
developed and spread over Massachusetts, then en-
tered New England, the Middle and Western States,
Canada, and finally the Southern States. The manu-
facturers of Lynn, with few exceptions, have confined
themselves to the making of women’s sewed shoes,
altho large numbers of men’s and children’s shoes
have also been and are made there. The establish-
ment of the industry in Haverhill made that the prin-
cipal point for the manufacture of pegged shoes,
mostly for women’s wear ; and Marblehead, of historic
fame, devoted attention mainly to the making of
children’s shoes, while Brockton, Milford, Natick,
and towns in Western Massachusetts made a specialty
of men’s boots and shoes. Marlboro entered largely
into the manufacture of women’s shoes. In 1812 boots
and shoes were sent in wagon-loads from Lynn and
Haverhill to New York and Philadelphia.
The shoe factory of that time, where the shoes were
cut, was a modest affair, being small, not larger than
an ordinary house of the present day. The uppers
were distributed to the wives and daughters of shoe-
makers, to be stitched and bound, and were returned
to the manufacturer, or, ashe was commonly known,
the “‘shoe boss.”” He then gave them out with the sole
leather tothe shoemakers, to be made in little shops,
generally about ro or 12 feet square; and oftentimes
the kitchen or some part of the dwelling was utilized
for the purpose. What is known as the factory of to-
day really began in 1857, when the manufacturers
began taking advantage of the invention ofthe sewing
machine, and gradually drew the work of stitching,
and sometimes the making, within the factory. Up to
the time of the advent of machinery the shoe towns
presented asa feature the little shoemakers’ shops at
every turn and on every hand. The introduction of
machinery was followed by large factories, and the
massing together of large numbers of men and women
under one roof. Those little New England shoe-
makers’ shops were really lyceums, and a wonderful
aid in the educational development of the people.
The daily newspaper was as much a necessity as the
fire in winter, each workman in turn serving as reader,
and the rest doing a portion of his work that he
might not be the loser. Sometimes a contribution was
made anda school-boy employed to read the paper.
ivery article was discussed gro and con; every work-
man kept himself thoroughly posted regarding public
events, and questions philosophic, theoretical, and
practical received earnest attention.
In 1859 a sole-sewing machine was introduced, and
wrought a revolution in the trade. This was the inven-
tion of Blake, but was remodeled and improved by a
Lawrence mechanic, Gordon McKay, and superseded
allthe then known appliances for joining the upper and
sole together, and really made the factory system of to-
day. Thenin rapid succession followed machine after
machine—skivers, buffers, edge trimmers, edge setters,
channellers, beating-out machines, molders, heel
polishers, pegging machines, sole cutters—and many
more whose number is still on the increase. This
divided and subdivided the work, until from a real
. shoemakerthe workman has become only about the,
eightieth part of one. In the department of women’s
work the machinery as rapidly entered. From the
Grover and Baker, the Singer, and many others, to the
present time, the inventor has been on the alert, andthe
same degree of subdivision is apparent. The present
factory system was well developed by 1870. Since the
McKay machine, the most important machine intro-
ducedis the Goodyear welt machine, which is destined
to become, if it is not already, as necessary as the Mc-
Kay. This machine in itsoperation approaches more
nearly than any other yet devised the hand-work
formerly done in the little shops.
There: are annually manufactured in the United
' States about 180,000,000 pairs of women’s and children’s
shoes, and about 80,000,000 pairsofmen’s. Theaverage
wages appear to be about $s00oannually. The greatest
' distributing center is at Boston, Mass., more than half
ofall shoes made being handled at this point; and in
one State alone—zzz., Massachusetts, over one third
of all these boots and shoes are manufactured. New
York, Philadelphia, Chicago, St. Louis, and Cincinnati,
have become important as manufacturing and shoe-
distributing points. Before the factory system was
established, the New England farmer_became in the
winter a shoemaker, and from Lynn, Haverhill, Bev-
erly, Marblehead, Natick, and other places obtained
his shoes and stock. So largely was this practised,
that regular express routes were established and
maintained for thistrafficalone. Organizations among
181
Boot and Shoe Industry.
men and women working at the shoe trade have been
many, and have generally resulted in marked improve-
ment in their condition: The first or-
ganization was known as the Sons of St.
Crispin, existing previous to the factory Labor Organ-
system, and did not appear as anim- ;,.,;
portant factor. The first really im- izations.
portant and effective organization was
the Knights of St. Crispin, and to every
shoemaker the letters K. O. S. C. were familiar.
1864 Newell Daniels conceived the plan, and with
some fellow-workmen in Milford,. Muss, drafted a
rough or crude constitution. Daniels went West,
locating at Milwaukee, Wis., and there, March 1, 1867,
established the first lodge, with seven members, one
of whom, F. W. Wallace, gave to the order its name, in
honor of the patron saint of the shoemakers. The
German Custom Shoemakers of Milwaukee became
Lodge No. 2, after which Daniels started on a
propagating tour, and lodges were established in
various shoe towns of New York, Massachusetts, and
other States. The Grand Lodge was organized at
Rochester, N. Y., in 1868, with representatives from
60 lodges, and Martin Gavin as the first presiding
officer. For five years thereafter the order was a
power in the land, becoming the foremost trade organi-
zation in the world. It made and unmade politicians,
it started cooperative stores, it maintained a monthly
journal, it fought against threatened reductions of
wages, and succeeded in generally establishing higher
rates of wages. The order grew until it became inter-
national in its character, by éxtending mainly to Can-
ada, until 400 lodges and over 40,000 members were
borne onitsrolls. But discord arose anda rapid decay
set in in 1874,thoan attempt, attended with partial suc-
cess, was made in 1875 to revive the order. In 1877 it
really did assume such shape and size as to successfully
battle with and defeat the Lynn manufacturers; but
again by 1878 the order was extinct, dying because it
had undertaken a work beyond its strength. Then
followed regularly annual reductions in wages until*
organization again appeared. In December, 1869, 16
Lynn lasters (those working at that part of the trade
known as lasting the shoes) organized the Lasters’
Protective Union; they being then among the poorest
paid of any inthe business felt in a greater degree the
need of union. The organization spread until to-day
they claim about 80 unions and about 15,000 members.
The Lynn union leased a hall, opened an office, and
made its secretary its representative in all matters be-
tween themselves and their employers, in reality, the
walking delegate. Atthe formation ofa general organ-
ization the general secretary, Edward L. Daily, was
made the representative in all cases.
The improvement in the condition of the lasters from
the inception of their organization till its present time
has been marked.
The Knights of Labor were introduced into Massa-
chusetts by a shoemaker, Charles H. Litchman, in 1878.
The shoe craft of Philadelphia had already turned their
attention to this organization, and their Eastern breth-
ren gradually followed until the trade generally united
in organization, but this time in conjunction with other
occupations. The shoemakers remained with the
Knights of Labor until 1888, when all but a remnant
withdrew and formed the Boot and Shoe Workers’
International Union, with Henry Skeffington as
secretary. This year (1895) these various organizations
have voted to enter into a small organization, the
Boot and Shoe Workers’ National Union.
The various organizations of the shoe trade have
many times locked horns with the manufacturers, and
while sometimes defeated, have generally succeeded.
The briefest mention of a few important occasions
of this sort may suffice. Probably when all things
are considered, the greatest strike in the trade was
in 1860, beginning in Lynn. The panic of 1857 brought
wages to a low ebb, and there was much suffering and
discontent; and in consequence of the efforts of Alonzo
G. Draper, afterward a ee) in the Union
army, a strike took place February 14, 1860, with 5000
people parading the streets. For seven weeks parades
were frequent, the city organizing by wards, the women
operatives to the number of 2000 parading with the men.
The shoemakers were then known as cordwainers,
and during the strike they formed the Journeymen
Cordwainers’ Association. In anticipation of trouble,
Colonel Coffin, commanding the Eighth Regiment
M.V.M., ordered Company F, known as the Lynn City
Guards, to report for duty. They did so, but nearly ail
being themselves shoemakers, officers and men volun-
teered their services to the strikers for escort duty, and
being accepted, were thereafter a feature of the pa-
trades. The strike spread to Marblehead, Beverly,
In
Boot and Shoe Industry.
Natick, Marlboro, Milford, and other places. and was
finally settled by a compromise. During the strike
trips were made by the men and women to the different
places where the strike prevailed, sometimes marching
the whole distance, and indulging in a grand parade in
the town visited. At other times clam-bakes, candy-
pulls, and the amusement of escorting new converts to
the factory to give up their job and go on strike en-
gaged attention. The women were as zealous as the
men, persuading weak sisters to jointhem and keeping
their ranks firm. In Philadelphia in 1880, and again in
1886, a protracted struggle ensued ; and New York and
Brooklyn in 1886, Cincinnati in 1887, Brockton, Mass.,
1885, Marblehead, 1883, Haverhill, 1885, and Worcester
County, in 1887, may be added to the important list.
These organizations have been instrumentalin having
boards of arbitration (¢.v.) established in several places.
These boards have proved only temporary, and yet
have accomplished something, the most notable in-
stance being the joint board of arbitration in Phila-
delphia, acting under rules which became known in
the shoe trade as the famous Philadelphia rules. In
Lynn and Beverly a municipal board served to forma
channel for arbitration; in Brockton it was called a
joint council ; and in Haverhill a joint board of arbi-
a They are to-day largely replaced by the State
oard,
In spite of the factory system the workers in the
shoe trade have maintained a high degree of intelli-
gence, and have been able to keep the day’s work
down to ten hours, with a prospect-of shorter time;
and the rule isto pay wages every week. All reform
movements receive strong support in shoe towns.
A, A. CARLTON.
BOOT AND SHOE OPERATIVES, NA-
TIONAL UNION OF (English), See Trane
Unions, section ‘‘ England.”
BOOTH, CHARLES, born in 1841; head
of a large seppile and mercantile firm of Lon-
don, Liverpool, and New York, undertook in
1883 a detailed analysis of the census from
1841-81 with a view of determining the shifting
of population from one occupation to another.
(See Statistical Society’s Journal.) In 1885 he
began elaborate inquiry into the social condition
of London, the results of which are embodied in
Life and Labor of the People (Macmillan), of
which four volumes are published. In 1892 he
published the results of his inquiry into English
poor law statistics, and recommended proposals
for universal old age pensions from public funds
(A Picture of Pauperism, Macmillan), He was
President of the Royal Statistical Society of
London (1892-94), and isa member of the Royal
Commission on Aged Paupers (1893). He mar-
ried Mary, niece of Lord Macaulay.
The following summary of the results of Mr.
Booth’s investigations appeared in an article by
James Mavor, in the Annals of the American
Academy for July, 1893. He says:
“By far the most important, in point of positive re-
sults of the applications of modern scientific methods
of research to the study of society, and specially to the
problems of poverty, is the work of Mr. Charles Booth
upon London. Mr. Booth has carried on his investiga-
tion, independently of the Le Play method, and on
different, tho somewhat similar, but less systematic,
lines. He has conceived the idea of making an ex-
haustive study of the population of London, from an
economic point of view. With this object he has al-
ready, by the aid of an army of assistants, thoroughly
explored a great partof London. He hasmade a care-
ful investigation of a vast number of families, and has
gleaned nut all, but a large number of the relevant
acts about them. He has classified these facts and
drawn certain provisional conclusions from them. His
work is indeed, in most ways, a perfect model of what
such an investigation should be. The conditions of
each great city are so different from those of every
other that not until we have before us similar investi-
gations of other cities shall we be entitled to form defi-
nite conclusions about the poverty in them.
182
Booth, Charles.
9
“Barly in Mr. Booth’s investigations he found it
necessary to devise a classification which might serve
as a standard forthe measurement of different degrees
of poverty. 7
“The standard is as follows: |
“A, The lowest class of occasional laborers, loafers,
and semi-criminals.
“B, Casual earnings—very poor.
“C, Intermittent earnings, ‘ ri
“D, Small, irregular earnings, { Together, the Pooks
“B Regular standard earnings—above the line of
poverty.
“RB. Higher class labor.
“@. Lower middle class.
“H. Upper middle class. 2 :
“These divisions are of necessity arbitrary. In dif-
ferent places, or at ane eesny pene sin the same place,
they would be denoted by different pecuniary amounts.
Each division is, however, sufficiently permanent in its
central idea for practical purposes, In London, in
1886-89, when these investigations were made, the
‘poor’ classes C and D comprised those who have an
income of from $4.75 to $5.10 (18s. to 215.) per week for
a moderate family; Class B comprises those who fall
below this amount.* The ‘oor’ may be described as
living in a state of struggle to obtain the necessaries
of lite, while the very poor ‘live in a state of chronic
want.
“Here, then, we have a gauge by which to measure
the standard of comfort of the people. The gauge is
readily adjustable to any locality. What we need to
do is by a general inquiry to fix the amount of the
money wages applicable to each class with the relative
numbers in family, and then proceed to discover by
minute inquiry what the standard of comfort is in each
family over the different quarters of acity. This in-
quiry involves a vast amount of time and trouble, and
must be repeated at moderate intervals; but without
such an inquiry our knowledge of the people, of their
standard of comfort, of what constitutes poverty, and
the extent of it is quite vague and indefinite.
“The results of Mr. Booth’s investigations into the
economic condition of acertain portion of the oe i
of London reveal many interesting points. In the dis-
trict chosen by him for investigation in the first in-
stance, East London and Hackney, comprising an area
of about seven square miles in the east of London,
bounded on the south by the river Thames, on the west
by the city, and on the east by the Poplar marshes,
there are about 900,000 inhabitants. Of these, 64.8 per
cent. were above the line of poverty and 35.2 per cent.
were below it. Of this 35.2 percent., or 315,000 persons
below the line of poverty, only 6000 were inmates of
institutions; so that over 300,000 persons were living in
poverty in this area—one third of the population.
“But of these 300,000 petgoue living in poverty, 128,-
ooo, or nearly one half, were earning regular low
Wages ; 74,000, or about one fourth, were making irreg-
ular earnings; 100,000, or one third, were making
casual earnings; while 11,000, or 4 per cent. of the poor,
or 14% per cent. of the whole population of the district,
belonged to the lowest class of occasional laborers,
loafers, and semi-criminals.
“Here, then, it is clear that in studying the problems
of poverty _we have to deal not alone with those who
claim pu lic relief as paupers, or who claim private
charity as beggars, but with the great army from
which these classes are constantly recruited, the army
of those who live at or under the line of poverty—a
great army living at a depressed rate of life, and tend-
ing to reduce the vitality of the whole population.
“But Mr. Booth has done something more than mere-
ly discover the extent of poverty. He has made
inquiry into its causes. The causes
of poverty turn out not only to be
numerous, but interactive. There isthe (Causes of
principal cause and the contributing Povert:
cause; there is the cause and the effect overty.
visible in the same person, or in two or
more persons. Thus the poverty of a
child may not be due to any fault on the part of the
child, but to one or the other parent, or both,
‘This oe empirical investigation of Mr. Booth’s
reveals the following causes of poverty operating as
principal or contributory causes;
Crime, vice, drink, laziness, pauper associations,
heredity, mental disease, temper, incapacity, earl
marriage, large family, extravagance, lack of wor’
(unemployed), trade misfortune, restlessness (roving,
tramp), no relations, death of husband, desertion
‘ *C. Booth, Life and Labor in East London, vol. ix
+ 336
Booth, Charles.
(abandoned), death of father or mother, sickness, acci-
dent, ill luck, old age, :
“It is difficult to give a fair idea of Mr. Booth’s in-
vestigations from his voluminous tables. But, out of
1ooo paupers in Stepney whose cases were carefully in-
vestigated individually, it was found that old age was
the chief principal and contributory cause.
“Old age was the principal cause in 32.8 per cent. of
the cases.
SIckiNessiyisia never sa cyanaanlaniss . 26.7 per cent.
Drink ..... aa) 226 re
Accident..... 4:7 a
Trade misfort 4-4 sb
Pauper associations a
Old age contributed of the cases.. 17 i
Pauper associations and heredity
contributed chiefly with sick-
ness, drink, and old age as prin-
cipal causes of the cases....... oa
Drink contributory cause, with
sickness and old age as principal
causes, accounted for the pau-
PCTISM OF ie sissies siviecaaws 6 aieaeers 12
17
“
While sickness accounted for an equal number.
“ Altogether drink is returned as responsible directly
ras principal, or mcdreetly a8 contributory, cause for 25
per cent. of the cases. t. Booth, however, says ‘the
roportion is less than might have been expected, and
‘itis probable that closer research into the circum-
stances and history of these people, if it could be made,
might disclose a greater connection than here appears
between pauperism and the public house. It is, how-
sever, noteworthy that the results shown agree on the
whole with those of the two inquiries I have myself
Buy made into apparent causes of poverty. The
rst, Fe; eae cases of poverty known by certain
of the School Board visitors, gave 13 to 14 per cent. as
one to drink, the lighter percentage being for the
greater degree of porerey The second, regarding
about sooo people living poor and irregular lives,
showed 1o and 11 per cent., dropping to only 5 per
cent. for about another 3000, who, tho poor, were more
regularly employed.’
“In St. Pancras Workhouse the number of cases in
which pauperism was due to o/d age as a principal
scause was 23.4 per cent.
To sickness.
To drink.... 21.9
To laziness i660. .ceccesvees 10.6 s
To mental derangement......... 4:3 ee
“In St. Pancras Workhouse about the same number
of cases were investigated, but they included a smaller
number of permanent paupers than the Stepney house,
whose figures were first quoted. The current cases
exhibit the largest amount of drunkenness. The ‘ins
:and outs,’ or those who go tothe workhouse for a while
and then_leave, are specially notable for drunken
habits. Forty-three per cent. of the ‘ins and outs’
were obliged to seek refuge in the workhouse on ac-
count of drink.
“The details of Mr. Booth’s conclusions are to be
found in his smaller volume on Pauperism. His main
conclusion is that o/d age is the most frequent Eee
cause of pauperism, and he suggests as a remedy for
this cause a national scheme of endowment of old age.
Old age, then, stands first, sickness next, and then
comes drink.”
BOOTH, WILLIAM, founder of the Salva-
tion Army,was born in Nottingham, 1829, and be-
‘came a minister of the Methodist New Connec-
tion in 1850. He resigned his connection with
the Methodist Conference in 1861, and after liv-
ing for some time in the East End of London,
started, in 1865, the ‘‘ Christian Mission,’’ which
was the foundation of his present organization.
The movement, which was even then of a semi-
military character, did not, make very much im-
pression until 1878, when he named it the ‘‘ Sal-
vation Army.”’ Since that time it has grown un-
interruptediy and phenomenally in all quarters
of the globe. His skill as an organizer is best
shown by the strict military discipline which he
“183
Boucicaut, Jacques Aristide.
is able to maintain throughout the whole of the
organization. In 1890 he published a book
called Darkest England, which contained a
scheme by which he proposed to grapple with
the destitution that is eating the life out of Eng-
land. This has led to a very important work,
for which see SaLvaTion ARMY SoclaL SCHEME.
General Booth has been accused of using the
large sums given him for this scheme to further
private ends, but an investigating commission
has completely vindicated him. (See SALVATION
ARMY.)
BOUCICAUT, JACQUES ARISTIDE,
AND THE BON MARCHE.—The Magasin
du Bon Marché, Rue du Bac, and adjoining
streets, Paris, is a huge establishment for the
sale of all kinds of manufactured goods, which
employs some 3000 persons, superior officials,
clerks, salesmen, and saleswomen, and attend-
ants of various grades. The founder and build-
er of this vast undertaking was M. Jacques
Aristide Boucicaut.
M. Jacques Aristide Boucicaut was born in
1809 at Belléme (Orne). The son of a hatter in
a small way of business, he had to begin early
his apprenticeship to a laborious life.
Before long he came to Paris and entered as
employee the Magasins du Petit Saint Thomas,
where he rapidly distinguished himself, and be-
came superintendent and purchaser. It was in
1852 that he acquired the establishment, then a
very modest one, called the ‘‘ Bon Marché,”’ to
the development of which he applied all the
powers of his high intelligence, prodigious activ-
ity, accurate taste, and commanding capacity of
directing a vast organization and at the same
time keeping a firm grasp on the smallest and
seemingly most insignificant details.
From the day when he felt himself justified in
counting on a durable success, he determined
to put his philanthropic ideas into practice. He
had set out from the lowest rung, he had pain-
fully climbed all the successive steps of his busi-
ness, he had seen other employees suffer, and
suffered himself, from abuses inherent in the
current modes of doing business ; his desire was
that the experience he had so laboriously gained
should not be lost, but should one day prove of
service to all engaged in his branch of trade.
M. Boucicaut’s material success was extreme-
ly great. His establishment, when he acquired
it in 1852, was doing a business of not more than
418,000 a year; in 1869 the annual turn-over
was £840,o00—an increase of 4500 per cent. in
17 years. :
July 31, 1876, witnessed the introduction—
which had been delayed by the disastrous events
brought upon Paris in the train of the Franco-
German War—of a long-meditated system of
profit-sharing by which a direct interest in the
prosperity of the Maison Boucicaut was thrown
open to a large and constantly increasing num-
ber of its employees. A provident society was
formed for their benefit, to be supported exclu-
sively by sums annually paid over for that pur-
pose out of the net profits of the house.
A few details, extracted from the printed regula-
tions of the Provident Society, will show what were to
be the qualification for membership and the terms of
participation,
Boucicaut, Jacques Aristide.
Every employee who had worked continuously for
five years inthe house had a right to membership—
unless he happened to belong to the small class of
superior officials who already possessed a direct inter-
est in the sales effected in their several departments,
or in the general business of the house. This arrange-
ment obviously provided for a steady annual increase
inthe number of employees to whom the benefits of
participation were to be extended.
Except in the opening year, for which a special ar-
rangement was made, the sum annually paid over to
the society out of the profits of the house was to be
allotted in the following manner:
_A separate account, opened in the name of each par-
ticipant, was to be yearly credited with a share of this
sum proportional to the amount which the employee
in question had received in wages during the year on
which the division was made.
_ Each such account was to be, further credited in
every successive year with interest at 4 per cent, on
the whole amount standing init. An annuity accumu-
lating at compound interest for a term of years was
thus assigned to each beneficiary.
The conditions under which the capital sums ac-
cumulated in this manner were to come into the actual
disposal of the benefited persons were as follows:
A male employee, either on attaining the age of 60
or oncompleting 20 years of uninterrupted work for the
house, could claim cash payment the entire sum
standing to his credit. In the case of women the quali-
fying periods were to be so years of age or 15 years of
work, ¥
While a long deferred participation was thus created
as the ordinary rule, exceptional cases were to be
promptly provided for. Onthe death of a member of
the society, of whatever age or standing, immediate
full payment to surviving relatives was statutably di-
rected.
In the event of disabling illness recourse could be
had, subject to approval by the heads of the firm, to
partial or entire liquidation of account.
Such was M. Boucicaut’s plan for securing to his em-
ployees an accumulated capital. The scale on which
_it was to be carried into effect, the actual amount to
be in each or any year paid out of profits to the Provi-
dent Society, he reserved absolutely for his own unre-
stricted decision.
Unfortunately it was on but two occasions, in 1876
and 1877, that he was permitted to exercise this power.
He died December 26, in the latter year, and 10 months
afterward death removed his son also. His widow
succeeded alike to the ownership and direction of the
house and to the maintenance of its organization and
traditions. x
The property of the society amounted August 1,
1883, to £26,453.
In January, 1880, the proprietress of the Bon Marché,
as an act of respect to the memory of her husband,
carried his ideas a step farther by formally admitting
into partnership with herself 96 heads of department
and other employees, who put sums not less than £2000
each, and not more than £4000 each, into the business.
In some instances these sums, tho standing in a single
name, were contributed by a group of employees, so
that the benefits of partnership were actually extended
to a larger number of persons than those named in
the articles of association. :
The Bon Marché, since the death of Madame Bouci-
ecaut, has been a partnership e2 commandite by
shares, directed by three managers. In 1887, when one
of the medals of the Audeoud prize was awarded to
this establishment, the number of the shareholders—
almost all employed in the house—was 373: 239 em-
ployees had an interest by participation in the profits
of the whole house or those of their own department.
The other 2491 employees had an interest in the busi-
ness which they transacted personally.
BOUNTIES.—A dounty is a term in social
science usually applied to a premium given by
a government to promote some branch of pro-
duction or industry which it desires to encour-
age or aid. It is, however, also used for pay-
ments of money to induce men to enlist in the
army and navy. In Great Britain the giving of
bounties of this latter kind has been common.
In the United States it has been adopted to a
less extent, but in the War of the Rebellion
some recruits of the Union Army received as
much as $500 or more. Some, however, enlist-
184
Bourse.
ed, received the bounty, and soon after deserted,
receiving the merited name of bounty-jumpers.
The giving of bounties to encourage some in-
dustry has been practised at times by almost all
nations. England, which has now in the main
rejected the bounty system, formerly gave
bounties for many industries, notably to encour-
age the herring fisheries, the Irish linen trade,
and the exportation of grain. After the found-
ing of the Royal Academy (1769), a bounty was
given on the exportation of engravings. For
many years, however, under the influence of
free-trade ideas, the English Government has
given up the bounty system in the main, tho
still granting subsidies to steamship compa-
nies. (See Supsrpies.) France, Germany, and
all the greater continental powers have held on
to the bounty system much longer, especially as
regards bounties upon sugar. In the United
States bounties have been given for tree plant-
ing and sugar, with subsidies and land grants
to railways and steamship companies. (See
Sussipigs.) Congress in 1890, for example, voted
a bounty of two cents per pound for 15 years
on the production of domesticsugar. This was,
however, ended by the tariff of 1894, altho an
appropriation of $5,238,289 was later voted to.
continue the operation of the bounty on sugar
raised before June 30, 1895.
Almost all political economists have con-
demned bounties in general, altho many have
approved of them under particular circum-
stances. Adam Smith vigorously and Ricardo
still more sweepingly condemned bounties, on
the ground mainly that they diverted capital
perniciously ; and their position has been gener-
ally followed by free traders and been criticized
by protectionists. Bounties, however, have
sometimes been preferred to a protective tariff
by free traders, on the ground that their work-
ing is open and direct, not covert, like a tariff.
They have been denounced, on the other hand,
by some protectionists, as more artificial than
a tariff. A tariff, it is argued, makes the for-
eign exporter pay ; a bounty taxes the general
citizen for the good of one class. (See FREE
TRADE; PROTECTION ; SUBSIDIES.)
BOURGEOISIE.—A French term, originally
used for the free citizen class in the towns, as
distinguished from the aristocracy, on the one
hand, and the working class, on the other.
Burgess and burgher have about the same
meaning, and in a general sense mean inhab-
itant of a burgh or town. When used techni-
cally, however, it often means a person who
holds some privilege in a town or municipal cor-
poration. ‘The French socialists have, however,
widened the meaning of the term bourgeoisie,
making it express all the more or less wealthy
middle class as opposed to the proletariat and
working class, and this use has passed into all
socialist literature. ‘There has also often been
associated with the term an implication of a nar-
row-minded, selfish, money-seeking spirit, al-
ways blindly supporting the interests of capital,
as opposed to those of labor. (See PROLETARIAT ;
Estates.)
BOURSE.—A French word for (1) the meet-
ings of bankers and merchants for the transac-
Bourse.
tion of business ; (2) the place where such meet-
ings are held. (See Stock EXCHANGE.)
BOWEN, FRANCIS, born in 1811, died in
1890 ; Professor of Philosophy in Harvard Uni-
versity from 1853-89. He wrote on economic
topics, history, politics, the classics, and most of
all on philosophy. He was editor of the North
American Review from 1843-54. His economic
writings in the main are in the nature of text-
books, stating and illustrating the doctrines of
the classic economists ; but on the subject of in-
ternational trade he reasoned in favor of the doc-
trine of protection. His larger writings on eco-
nomics were Principles of Political Economy
(Boston, 1856); Amerzcan Polttical Economy
(New York, 1870).
BOYCOTTING.—A boycott is a combina-
tion against a landlord, tradesman, employer, or
other person, to cease social or business relations
with him, and to induce others to withhold hav-
ing relations with him. It is also used of agree-
ments not to use certain articles or the articles
of a certain manufacturer, on the ground that
they have been produced in ways or under con-
ditions condemned by the parties dictating the
boycott. The word is derived from the name of
Captain Boycott (the name is sometimes written
Boycatt), who was, in 1880, living at Lough Mask
House, County Mayo, Ireland, as land agent to
Lord Erne, an Irish nobleman. The population
of the region for miles around resolved to have
nothing to do with him, and as far as possible to
prevent any one else from having anything to
do with him. His life appeared to be in danger
—he had to claim police protection.... To
prevent civil war the authorities had to send a
force of soldiers, and Captain Boycott’s harvests
were brought in guarded always by the little”
army. This proceeding was the origin of the
word, and its origin has undoubtedly contribut-
ed to the prejudice which the court feels toward
acts called by this name. The idea of the courts
has uniformly been that the word implied law-
less violence, or what directly led toit. At all
events, in most of the cases decided against
boycotting in this country by way of injunction
to restrain it, or by indictment to punish it,
there has been present a distinct element of vio-
lence. This is true in People vw. Wilzig, 4
N. Y. Cr. Rep., 403 (1886) ; in People v. Hol-
dorf, in People v. Kostka (same volume), and
numerous other cases. Undoubtedly the deci-
sions have gone farther. They pronounce a
boycott an unwarrantable attempt to interfere
with an employer’s business, and as he must fre-
quently submit to it or be ruined, as practically
coercion. The avowed purpose being to ruin a
man’s business, it makes no difference, accord-
ing to the courts, whether force be used or not.
In England the law against boycotting and
combinations is more carefully guarded than in
this country. Says Mr. C. A. Reed, writing in
the Annals of the American Academy for
July, 1894 :
“A passage of the Conspiracy and Protection of
Property Act (38 and 39 of Vict., 1875) reads: ‘An
agreement or combination by two or more persons to
do, or procure to be done, any act in contemplation or
furtherance of a trade dispute between employers and
workmen, shall not be indictable as a conspiracy, if
185
Boycotting.
such act committed by one person would not be pun-
ishable asacrime.’ This puts an end to conspiracies
to accomplish something relative to trade disputes
which one person might without criminality do alone.
Intimidation is forbidden under a severe penalty, and
what is intimidation is very fully defined. It includes
violence to the other, his wife, children, or injury to
his property; persistently following such person
about ; hiding his tools or clothes; and watching and
besetting the house where he is. The advanced char-
acter of the English law on this subject as compared
with our own is shown by two very recent cases, Gib-
son v. Lawson and Curran v. Treleaven. In the first
the employees at an iron works notified their employer
that if a certain fellow-workman did not join their
union they should quit. The fellow-workman was
notified by the superintendent of the employer, but
declined to join the men’s union, and he was dismissed
to avoid a strike. The men were indicted, but the
court held that their conduct was allowable under the
recent act. The second case is still stronger. Here
an employer was notified by members of a trade-
union that if he continued to employ non-union men
the unions would do their best to injure his business,
and on his declining to bind himself, the defendant, a
person in authority in the trade-union, called to the
employer’s men to quit work, which they did. This
conduct also was decided to be no longer criminal.
There was no malice in fact toward the employer, the
Purpose of the men being to obtain higher wages.
“Here is the language of the English court in the
very recent case, Curran v. Treleaven, cited above,
which may be said to express the latest position of the
English law on this question:
“«The recorder held that tho an agreement to strike
to benefit themselves would be now a lawful agree-
ment, a strike which would have the effect of injuring
the employer is illegal and indictable at common law.
He cites in support of this view some phrases from the
judgments of the Lords Justices in the case of Mogul
5. Co. v. McGregor ef als. But with deference he
has somewhat misapprehended the point of those ob-
servations. It is true that where the object is injury,
if the injury is effected an action will lie for the mali-
cious conspiracy which effected it; and therefore it
may be that such a conspiracy, if it could be proved in
fact, would be indictable. But it was pointed out in
some detail by the court of first instance, that when
the object is to benefit one’s self, it can seldom, per-
haps it can never, be effected without some consequent
loss or injury to some one else. In trade, in commerce,
even in a profession, what is one man’s gain is an-
other’s loss; and where the object is not malicious the
mere fact that the effect is injurious does not make the
agreement either illegal or actionable and therefore
not indictable.’ ” i
Prior to 1830 conspiracy was not defined by statute
in the United States, and the questions which arose
with regard to the legality of the proceedings of the
early trade-unions were decided according to the prin-
ciples of the common law inherited from
England. All the leading conspiracy
prosecutions in Americahave grownout The United
of shoemakers’ strikes, and in each case States
members of shoemakers’ organizations :
were arraigned for striking against non-
union labor. In the first three cases,
that of the Philadelphia cordwainers in 1806, that of
the New York cordwainers in 1809, and that of the
Pittsburg shoemakers in 1815, the defendant work-
men were convicted. The case of the People of New
York v, Fisher in 1834 was tried after the revisers,
who codified the common law in 1830, had made some
important changes. The statute of conspiracy of 1830
in its final form contained the following sections:
“Sec. 8. If two or more persons conspire... to
commit any act injurious to the public health, to pub-
lic morals, or fo ¢rade or commerce, or for the perver-
sion or obstruction of justice orthe due administration
of the laws, they shall be deemed guilty of a misde-
meanor.
“Sec. 9. No conspiracies, except such as are enumer-
ated in the last section, are punishable criminally.”
Trade and labor combinations were, therefore, only
punishable as acts injurious to trade or commerce,
and the conviction of the defendants in the case of the
People v. Fisher was based upon the view that in com-
bining to fix a price for their labor, and agreeing not
to work for any employer who paid a workman below
ee rate, the action of the defendants was injurious to
trade.
A contrary decision was, however, given in Massa-
chusetts in the case of the Commonwealth v. Hunt,
1845, when it was decided that a strike against non-
Boycotting.
unionists was not a criminal conspiracy unless it could
be shown that the means employed were criminal.
In 1870 the New York Legislature took combinations
to raise or maintain wages out of the category of con-
spiracies to commit acts injurious to trade or com-
merce. In 1881 the Penal Code enacted in New York,
added to the previous definition of criminal conspiracy
a section defining it to be an agreement “to prevent
another from exercising a lawful trade or calling, or
doing any other lawful act by force, threats, or intimi-
dation, or by interfering or threatening to interfere
with tools, implements, or property belonging to or
used by another, or with the use and employment
thereof.” In 1882 the following section was added:
“Sec. 170. No conspiracy is punishable criminally
unless it is one of those enumerated in the last two
sections, and the orderly and peaceable assembling or
cooperation of persons employed in any calling, trade,
or handicraft for the purpose of obtaining an advance
of wages or compensation or of maintaining such rate is
not aconspiracy.”” A clause borrowed from the Eng-
lish statute (38 and 39 Vict. c. 86) passed in 1875 after
the gas stokers’ strike was also added:
“Sec. 673. Endangering life by refusal to labor. A
person who wilfully and maliciously, either alone or
in combination with others, breaks a contract of ser-
vice or hiring, knowing or having reasonable cause to
believe that the possible consequences of his so doing
will be to endanger human life, or to cause grievous
bodily injury, or to expose valuable pop to de-
struction, or serious injury, is guilty of a misdemean-
or.”’ In the case of the People ex re/. Gill and others
in 1887 it was decided by Judge Barrett, of New York,
that strikes are only permissible when wages are
directly at issue, and then only if there be ho turbu-
lence or disorder. In the opinion of the New York
Bureau, therefore, the tendency of the legislation in
that State concerning conspiracy has been retrograde,
for the Penal Code comes near to recognizing the
principle of the old ‘conspiracy to injure or prejudice
another,” which was abandoned when the common
law was revised in 1830.
In Massachusetts also the Supreme Court intimated
lately in the case of Carew v. Rutherford that a com-
bination to compel an employer to pay money under
threat of a strike was a criminal conspiracy. On the
other hand, the same principle was turned against
some Connecticut employers, who blacklisted a work-
man in 1866, when the judge declared that ‘any con-
spiracy to prevent, obstruct, or hinder any man from
putting his labor on the.market is highly criminal at
common law.” Twenty-four States of the Union have
conspiracy statutes—vzz., Alabama, Arkansas, Dela-
ware, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas,
Kentucky, Maine, Michigan, Missouri, Nebraska, New
Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Pennsylvania,
South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Vermont, Virginia,
and Wisconsin.
The law as it stands at present in these Statesisa
subject of compunnts on the part of working men,
who hold that if strikes to enforce union rules are de-
clared to be combinations in restraint of trade, trusts,
pools, and other combinations of employers to raise
prices or limit production should come under the same
ruling. (See also CONSPIRACY LAWS; INJUNCTION.)
BRACE, CHARLES LORING, was born
at Litchfield, Conn., in 1826; graduated from
Yale in 1846; studied theology at the Yale Divin-
ity School, 1847-48, and at Union Theological
Seminary, New York, 1848-49. In1850 hemade
a pedestrian tour through Great Britain and Ire-
land, and also visited the Rhine, Belgium, and
Paris. The following year he visited Hungary,
and was arrested there on suspicion of being a
spy, and was tried before a court-martial. He
was released through the efforts of C. J.
McCurdy, United States Chargé d’ Affaires at
Vienna, and the Austrian Government amply
apologized to him for the transaction. He after-
ward visited Switzerland, England, and Ireland,
giving especial attention to schools, prisons, and
reformatory institutions, and returned to the
United States in 1852. Here he entered into
active missionary labors in New York City,
working among the most degraded classes, and
was one of the founders of the Children’s Aid
186
Bradlaugh, Charles.
Society—an association for supplying destitute
and vagrant children with homes in the coun-
try, and also for providing to a large extent
lodgings, instruction, and other aid for poor
boys and girls in the city--and of this society
he was, after the first year, the secretary and
principal agent till the time of his death. In
1854 he established the first newsboys’ lodging-
house in the city ; in 1855 an Italian industrial
school ; and in 1856 a German industrial school.
He devoted the remainder of his life to work
among the children and youth of the poor of
New York City.
_ He was a delegate to the International Con-
vention of Children's Charities in London in
1856, and took a journey into Northern Europe ;
made a sanitary investigation of the principal
cities in Great Britain in 1865, and was a dele-
gate to the International Prison Congress in
London in 1872, at which time he revisited
Hungary, where he was received with marked
attention. His work in New York City became
known throughout Europe, and his advice was
very often sought by those engaged in philan-
thropic enterprises for the poor and for the
young. For more than 20 years he was an edi-
torial writer for the New York Zemes, and a
contributor to its book reviews, generally con-
fining himself to theological and philanthropic
subjects. He died in the Tyrol, Switzerland,
August 11, 1890.
Mr. Brace is the author of the following
works: Walks and Talks of an American
Farmer in England; Hungary tn 1851 ee) ‘
Home Life in Germany (1853) ; The Norse Folk
(1857); Short Sermons to Newsboys (1861);
Races of the Old World (1863); The New
West (1868); The Dangerous Classes of New
York, and Twenty Years’ Work among Them
(1872, third edition, 1880) ; Free Trade as Pro-
moting Peace and Good-will among Men
(1879); Gesta Christé; or, A Hestory of Hu-
mane Progress under Christzanity (1883, third
edition, 1885), and Zo the Unknown God (1889).
BRADLAUGH, CHARLES, M.P. (1833-
g1), a son of a solicitor’s clerk in the East End
of London, was reared in very orthodox fash-
ion. When being prepared for confirmation at
the church which he attended, he was in doubt
about some of the doctrines taught, and inquired
of theclergyman. ‘The answer he received was
a severe rebuke for daring to doubt; and this
was the turning-point in the career of this
“‘iconoclast.’? Not finding the knowledge he
craved in the Church, he turned to the street
lecturers, and there heard many of the free-
thought speakers ; finally, tho but a boy, be-
coming a speaker himself. On account of his
ideas he had been compelled to leave his father’s
house, and he endeavored to gain a living as
coalagent. That not succeeding, in 1850 he en-
listed in the Dragoon Guards, serving for some
time in Ireland. In 1853, having received his
discharge, he returned to London and became
aclerk in a solicitor’s office. From that time he
became known all through the country as an
anti-theological lecturer, and wrote under the
pseudonym of ‘‘Iconoclast.’’ He also took a
very active and oftentimes a leading part in all
the radical movements of the time.
Bradlaugh, Charles.
The struggle of Italy for independence ; the
cause of the North, in the Civil War in the United
States; the Reform League agitation of 1866,
and the Fenian outbreak which followed—all
enlisted his sympathy and aid. In 1860 he start-
ed his paper, 7e National Reformer, which
in 1868 was prosecuted by the Government.
The prosecution was abortive, however, and led
to a repeal of the law under which the proceed-
ings had been taken. In 1872 he published his
book, The Jinpeachment of the House of Bruns-
wick, which is, perhaps, his best-known literary
work. In1873 he undertook two lecturing tours
in the United States. In 1875 he, with Mrs.
Annie Besant, was tried for having republished
an old pamphlet, The Fruzts of Philosophy.
The result of the trial was that the defendants,
tho ‘‘exonerated from all corrupt motive,”
were sentenced to six months’ imprisonment,
and to pay a fine of £200, Onappeal, however,
the sentence was reversed. In 1868 and twice
in 1874 he was an unsuccessful candidate for
parliamentary honors; in 1880, however, he
was elected as junior member for the borough
of Northampton. Nowcommenced the struggle
with the House of Commons, by which his name
will be best known. Refusing to take the oath
-of allegiance, and desiring to affirm, he was not
allowed to sit, and his seat was declared vacant.
Reelected in 1881, he was expelled by force.
Again elected in 1882, but still debarred from
sitting, he resigned, in order to again appeal
to his constituency in 1884; and tho again
elected, it was not till after the general election
of 1885 that he was allowed to take his seat. In
1887 he was instrumental in getting appointed
the Royal Commission on Market Rights and
Tolls, and carried through Parliament an ‘‘ Act
amending and extending the truck laws.’’ In
1888 he brought in an ‘‘ Affirmation Bill,’’
which was carried. In 1889 he was requested
by the Indian National Congress to represent
their national interests in the English Parlia-
ment. A consistent individualist, he combated
at every step the growing tide of socialism, and
lost no opportunity, either by voice or pen, of
attacking what he thought to be the errors ad-
vocated by socialists.
BRASSEY, SIR THOMAS, born in 1836 ;
English economist and writer on naval affairs.
His father was a railroad contractor. He was
called to the bar in 1864, but never practised.
In 1865 he was elected Member of Parliament for
Devonport, and he remained in Parliament for
a number of years. Naval matters called forth
his chief attention. He assisted in forming the
naval artillery volunteers. He and his wife, in
their yacht ‘‘Sunbeam,’’ have made many long
voyages to all parts of the globe. Among numer-
ous shorter writings on naval affairs and social
questions he has published Work and Wages ;
British Seamen, and Lectures on the Labor
Question.
BRAY, CHARLES (1811-84), an English
social reformer on the lines of Robert Owen
and Thomas Carlyle. Born at Coventry, he be-
came a ribbon manufacturer in that city. He
saw the opening of Harmony Hallin Queenwood
Community (see Owen), but the failure of that ex-
187
Brethren of Social Life.
periment convinced him that such attempts were
premature. He wrote The Philosophy of Neces-
sity (1841), with an appendix by his sister-in-
law, Mary Hennell, later published separately as
An Outline of the Various Social Systems
and Communities which have been Founded
on the Principles of Cooperation (1844) ; also
several essays and addresses, notably 4 Essay
upon the Union of Agriculture and Manu-
actures and upon the ees of In-
y (1884).
BRAY, J. F.—An English communist of the
school of Owen, of whom little is known save
his book, written in 1839, Labour's Wrongs
and Labour's Remedy ,; or, The Age of Might
and the Age of Right. This work, to-day al-
most forgotten, is one of the ablest of its day,
and is noticed at some length in Marx’s Phi a
losophy of Mzsery (1847) and other writings of
the times. Palgrave’s Dictéonary of Polctical
Lconomy says of it: ‘‘ The book tries to prove
that all those who perform equality of labor
ought likewise to receive equality of reward”
(p. 30), and tho he admits that even this does
not involve perfect justice, that ‘‘such equality
is infinitely more just than the mode of reward-
ing labor under the present system’’ (p. 206).
Impressed by the modern growth of joint-stock
companies, Bray proposes a ‘‘ joint-stock modi-
fication of society, admitting of individual prop-
erty in productions in connection with a com-
mon property in productive powers’’ (p. 194),
and proposes a paper and pottery currency,
whose foundation is labor, in order ‘‘ to secure
the public against any other variations in the
value of the currency than those to which the
standard itself is subject’’ (pp. 143, 198).
dustry ,; also an autobiograp
BRENTANO, LUJO, professor at Breslau ;
best known outside of Germany by his Hzstory
of English Guzlds (1871), and his larger work
on English trade-unions (1872), works, however,
which are by most not considered complete or
satisfactory. He was one of the founders of the
Association for Social Politics or ‘‘ Socialists of
the Chair’ (g.v.), as they are called in Germany,
altho belonging to the extreme right of this
school.
BRETHREN OF _ SOCIAL LIFE,
sometimes called Brethren of the Common
Lot, Brethren of the Common Life, or Brethren
of Good Will, a fraternity founded by Groote and
Radewin in 1376. It professed to imitate the
earliest Christian communities, and eventually
merged into the sect of Moravians. It was com-
posed of pious persons who sought to elevate their
souls by spiritual exercises ; and it was sanc-
tioned by several popes and councils. Communi-
ty of goods, industry, frugality, education of the
young, and the use of the vernacular language
in religious worship were some of their peculiar
usages. They bound themselves by no monas-
tic vow. In 1430 they had 130 societies, chiefly
in Germany and the Netherlands. The original
founders were opposed to all learning and sci-
ence that was not moral and practical; but the
brethren rendered valuable service to the cause
of popular and free education, and have been
called the pioneers of the Reformation. Thomas
Brethren of Social Life.
a Kempis belonged to one of these societies.
Similar female societies were organized, each
under a superior or Martha. :
The Order of the Brethren of the Common
Lot was divided into two classes, the lettered
brethren, or clerks, and the illiterate ; they lived
in separate habitations, but maintained the
closest fraternal union. The former devoted
themselves to preaching, visiting the sick, circu-
lating books and tracts, etc., and the education
of youth, while the latter were employed in man-
ual labor and the mechanical arts. They lived
under the rule of St. Augustine, and were emi-
nently useful in promoting the cause of religion
and education.
The theory of this community was that unity
should be sought rather in the inward spirit than
in outward statutes. Vows were not binding
for life. Property was surrendered, not on com-
pulsion, but voluntarily. All the brother houses
were kept in communication with each other,
and the heads of houses met annually for con-
sultation. Particulars of their rule, domestic
arrangements, etc., may be found in Ullmann’s
Reformers before the Reformation, ii. 89 sg.
Luther and Melanchthon spoke with approval
and sympathy of the brotherhood in their time.
Its flourishing period extended from 1400-1500.
Most of their houses were built between 1425
and 1451, and they had, in all, some 30 to 50 es-
tablishments. During thesixteenth century the
Reformation broke them down, in common with
other monkish establishments ; or, rather, they
crumbled to pieces as needless amid the new
developments of the age. By the middle of the
seventeenth century the brotherhood was ended.
BRICKLAYERS (English).
Unions, section ‘‘ England.”
' BRICKLAYERS’ AND MASONS’ IN-
TERNATIONAL UNION, THE, was found-
edin the city of Philadelphia, October 16, 1865.
At present (1895) it numbers 230 subordinate
unions and over 30,000 members. In 1885 it es-
tablished the nine-hour system of working, tho
several of the subordinate unions are working
on the eight-hour basis. The organization isa
purely protective association. In io years it
has expended nearly $200,000 to sustain strikes,
and over $1,500,000 for benevolent purposes.
BRIGHT, JOHN, an English politician, was
born at Greenbank, Lancashire, in 1811. He
was the son of Jacob Bright, a Quaker cotton-
spinner. In his sixteenth year he entered his
father’s factory, but early became interested in
- temperance, parliamentary reform, and other
questions of the day. The reform struggle of
1832 moved him deeply. In 1839, when the
Anti-Corn-Law League was formed, he and Cob-
den were the leading members of it, and com-
menced a free-trade agitation throughout the
kingdom. In 1841 he suffered a severe loss by
the death of his wife,and in his grief Cobden bade
him devote himself to the repeal of the corn
laws. He became M.P. for Durham in 1843.
His eloquent and energetic advocacy of free
trade produced at last the repeal of the corn
laws. He was associated with Cobden in a
movement for financial reform, and later witha
See TRADE-
188
Brissot, Jean Pierre.
movement to reform the system of electoral rep-
resentation. He came to be with Cobden the
head of the so-called ‘‘ Manchester School’’
(g.v.), and vigorously opposed the ten-hour move-
ment and almost all industrial legislation.
Being a member of the Peace Society, as well
as of the Society of Friends, he strenuously op-
posed the war with Russia in 1854. Some of the
severest denunciations of war ever uttered are to
be found in his speeches. In 1857 he was elect-
ed from Birmingham, and long represented that
city. He strongly condemned the then existing
game laws of Great Britain. In 1868 he accept-
ed the presidency of the Board of Trade in Glad-
stone’s administration, and worked for the dis-
establishment of the Irish Church and the Irish
Land Act, aiming at peasant proprietorship. In
1870 he resigned from office on account of ill
health, but took office again in 1873-74, and
1882 as chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster.
In 1886 he opposed the Home Rule bill intro-
duced by Mr. Gladstone. In 1883 he became
lord rector of the University of Glasgow. He
died in his boyhood’s home, March 27, 1889.
BRINKERHOFF, GENERAL _ ROE-
LIFF, was born in Owasco, N. Y., June 28,
1828. Entering the law, the war called him to
distinguished service, but at its close he re-
sumed law practice in Mansfield, O. In 1873
he became a banker. For more than Io years
he held a high place in the ranks of philan-
thropy—a student of the problem of the defec-
tive, delinquent, and dependent classes. In
1878 he was appointed by Governor Bishop a
member of the State Board of Charities, in
which he has since served, having been reap-
pointed by Governor McKinley.
He studied crime and charity in the institu-
tions that deal with their problems in all parts
of the land, and in the poiwesGans called for
their consideration. It is largely to his credit
that Hon. F. B. Sanborn, of Massachusetts,
places the prison system of Ohio above that of all
other States. He aided in the establishment of
the Elmira Reformatory, as an expression of his
belief that prisons should be conducted not for
punishment, but for reform. He protests with
voice and pen against the indiscriminate asso-
ciation of criminals in county jails, where ‘‘ old
offenders’’ are allowed to corrupt “* first offend-
ers.’’ Altho a strong Democrat, he advocates
the elimination of all party politics from prison
management. ‘‘As a hospital flag on every
battlefield of civilized warfare is an emblem of
neutrality, so, and more so, in political warfare,”
he says, ‘‘the asylums of our dependent and
defective classes should be sacred from the at-
tack of contending parties.’’
In 1880 General Brinkerhoff was made Presi-
dent of the Seventeenth National Conference
of Charities and Corrections. He is the author
of numerous addresses and papers on crime and
charity.
BRISSOT, JEAN PIERRE, surnamed De
WARVILLE (1754-93), was born at Chartres,
of humble parentage. Educated for the law,
he entered the office of a procurator at Paris,
but early devoted himself to political sci-
Brissot, Jean Pierre.
ence. His Théorze des Lots Criminelles (1781)
and Bzbliothégue Philosophigue de Légista-
feur (1782) brought him notoriety and the favor
of Voltaire, D’Alembert, and others. They
were imbued with the philosophy of Rousseau,
and contain the saying, afterward made famous
by Proudhon, ‘‘ La propriété, c’est le vol.” A
facile writer, he wrote for papers unworthy of
him, but later went to London and started Le
Journal du Lycée de Londres to unite all the
savants of Europe. Returning to Paris, he
was lodged in the Bastille on an unfounded
charge. Released after a few months, he re-
commenced pamphleteering, and in London
meeting some abolitionists, he organized in
Paris a Société des Amis des Noirs. He visit-
ed the United States, but returned to play a
leading part in the French Revolution. He
edited the Patriote Frangazse, and in the Na-
tional Assembly leagued himself with the Giron-
dists, then often called the Brissotins. He brave-
ly suffered death on the guillotine with the
Girondists, October 30, 1793.
BRITISH ECONOMIC ASSOCIATION,
THE, was founded at a meeting held at Uni-
versity College, London, on November 20,
1890, the Rt. Hon. G. J. Goschen, M.P., being
in the chair. The object of the association
is the advancement of economic knowledge
by the issue of a journal and other printed
publications, and by such other means as the
association may from time to time agree to
adopt. The journal represents all shades of
economic opinion, and is the organ not of one
school of economists, but of all schools. The
annual subscription is one guinea. There is at
present no entrance fee. Any member may at
any time compound for his future yearly pay-
ments by paying at once the sum of Io guineas.
The current numbers of the journal, issued in
March, June, September, and December, and
published by Messrs. Macmillan & Co., are sent
to members free of charge. The price is 55.
each copy, or one guinea (net) for the annual vol-
ume bound. The officers of the British Economic
Association (1895) are as follows: President,
Rt. Hon. G. J. Goschen, M.P. ; Vice-Presidents,
Rt. Hons. A. J. Balfour, M.P., H. C. E. Childers,
Leonard H. Courtney, M.P., John Morley, M.P.
The Secretary is Henry Higgs, 9 Adelphi Ter-
race, London, W.C. ; and the editor of the jour-
nal is Professor F. T. Edgeworth, D.C.L., All
Souls’ College, Oxford.
BROADHURST, HENRY, was born in 1840
near Littlemore, Oxfordshire, the son of a jour-
neyman mason. He worked at his father’s trade
till 1872, when he was elected to the Parliamen-
tary Committee of the Trade-Union Congress,
becoming a most indefatigable worker, and serv-
ing as secretary of the committee from 1875-90.
In 1880 he was returned to Parliament from
Stoke-upon=Trent. In 1885 he waselected from
the Boardsley division of Birmingham ; in 1886
from Nottingham (West), and at the next gen-
eral election from Leicester. He has been a
member of two royal commissions, and in 1886
was appointed Under Secretary of State for
Home Affairs. He is a Liberal in politics, and
for a long period opposed the new trade-union-
189
Brook Farm.
ism, eight-hour legislation, etc. He has, how-
ever, recently changed his position on the eight-
hour bill, and was in 1894 deemed one of the
most progressive members of the Trade-Union
Parliamentary Committee.
BROADWAY STEALS.—In the year 1884
the Broadway surface railroad, in New York
City, applied to the aldermen of that city fora
franchise for building a surface railroad on
Broadway. The franchise was given for an ut-
terly insufficient sum. The mayor vetoed the
ordinance, but all but two aldermen voted to
pass the measure over his veto. Corruption was
only too apparent, and the New York State Sen-
ate in the spring of 1886 investigated the matter,
and as a result indicted 22 of the 24 aldermen
for bribery. Some of the aldermen and some
who had acted as intermediaries fled the State.
Alderman H. W. Jaehne was the first tried, and
after a well-contested trial was convicted and
sentenced to nine years and ten months in State
prison. He appealed, but the Court of Appeals
confirmed the sentence. Alderman A. J. Mc-
Quade was tried, but the jury disagreed. The
company was annulled and dissolved by the
Legislature.
BROCKLEHURST, FRED, was born Feb-
ruary 20, 1866, at Macclesfield, England, and
is the son of a journalist. At the age of 10
he worked in a factory, left school at 12, and
became successively a telegraph boy, printer’s
devil, and stationer. In 1885 he determined to
study for the Church, entered Queen’s College,
Cambridge, and graduated with honors in 1892.
Giving up his purpose of taking orders, he de-
voted himself to the labor struggle. He joined
the Labor Church as general secretary, and be-
came prominent in the councils of the Indepen-
dent Labor Party. The party made him their
candidate for Parliament for Bolton in May,
1894.
BROOK FARM.—The cooperative and,
later, the Fourierite experiment of Brook Farm
seems to have been the child of Boston tran-
scendentalism and Unitarianism. Its leading
spirit and its head from first to last was George
Ripley, altho he was ably seconded by such
men as Dr. Channing, Dr. J. C. Warren, Theo-
dore Parker, George W. Curtis, andothers, In
1842, 200 acres were bought in what is now
Readville, a few miles southwest of Boston, and
the community began. There were a few of
these well-known names, but besides and con-
trary to a very general impression there were a
great many men and women from the ordinary
walks of life. The main aim was to establish a
school or college, and a number of young people
were received as pupils. It attracted great in-
terest, and people flocked from all over the coun-
try to see it. Ripley, Theodore Parker, Mar-
garet Fuller, Hawthorne, were for a greater or
less time resident members. Dr. Channing and
Ralph Waldo Emerson were in communication
with it, All the members were stockholders,
tho some gave only labor in place of stock.
All took part in the manual labor of the farm,
even those who were most famous with the pen.
All dined in common in one central hall, and
Brook Farm. 190
lived mainly in one large building. The life
was a happy one; and even after its failure its
members looked back on the years spent there
as among the happiest of their lives. There
were about 115 members. The spirit was emi-
nently religious, of the transcendental type ;
but there was no creed; and every one was
free to believe and worship as he would. There
were no religious services on Sunday or through
the week. The produce of the farm, after its
own necessities were provided for, were sent in
by wagon to the Boston market. The spirit of
the community can perhaps be best seen by an
extract from 7he Dal, published from 1840-44,
with Margaret Fuller as its editress, and largely
the organ of Brook Farm.
The first notice of Brook Farm we find in The
Dial is in connection with an article in its sec-
ond volume (October, 1841), entitled A Glimpse
of Christ’s Idea of Soczety, by Miss Elizabeth
. Peabody. This article gives us Miss Pea-
body’s conception of the original ideal of Brook
Farm ; a few sentences only can we quote. She
says:
“While we acknowledge the natural growth, the
ood design, and the noble effects of the Apostolic
hurch, and wish we had it, in place of our own more
formal ones, we should not do so small justice to the
divine soul of Jesus of Nazareth as to admit that it
was a main purpose of His to found it, or that when it
was founded it realized His idea of human society.
Indeed, we probably do injustice to the apostles them-
‘selves, in supposing that they considered their
churches anything more than initiatory. Their lan-
guage implies that they looked forward toatime when
the uttermost parts of the earth should be inherited by
-their beloved Master; and beyond this, when even the
name, which is still above every name, should belostin
the glory of the Father, who is to be all in all.
“Some persons, indeed, refer all this sort of lan-
guage to another world ; but this is eee ey done.
Both Jesus and the apostles speak of life as the same
in both worlds, ‘
“The Kingdom of Heaven, as it lay in the clear
spirit of Jesus of Nazareth, is rising again upon vision.
ay, this kingdom begins to be seen not only in re-
ligious ecstasy, in moral vision, but in the light of
common sense and the human understanding. Social
science begins to verify the prophecy of poetry. The
time has come when men ask themselves what Jesus
meant when He said: ‘Inasmuch as ye have not done
it unto the least of these little ones, ye have not done it
unto Me.’
“No sooner is it surmised that the Kingdom of
Heaven and the Christian Church are the same thing,
and that this thing is not an association outside of so-
ciety, but a reorganization of society itself, on those
very principles of loveto God and love to man which
Jesus Christ realized in His own daily life, than we
perceive the day of judgment for society is come, and
all the words of Christ are so many trumpets of doom.
For before the judgment-seat of His sayings, how do
our governments, our trades, our etiquettes, even our
benevolent institutions andchurcheslook?.. .
“One would think, from the tone of conservatives,
that Jesus accepted the society around Him as an
adequate framework for individual development into
beauty and life, instead of calling His disciples ‘out of
the world.’ We maintain, on the other hand, that
Christ desired to reorganize society, and went toa
depth of principle anda magnificence of plan for this
end which has never been appreciated, except here
and there, by an individual, still less been carried
out. ... There ave men and women who have dared
to say to one another, ‘ Why not have our daily life or-
ganized on Christ’s own idea? Why not begin to move
the mountain of custom and convention? Perhaps
Jesus’ method of thought and life is the Saviour—is
Christianity !’...
“N. B.A postscript to this essay, giving an account
of a specific attempt to realize its principles, will appear
in the next number.”
According to this, Brook Farm, in its concep-
Brook Farm.
tion, was distinctly Christian, and no less than an
effort to realize the kingdom of God on earth.
In the next number of Zhe Dial Miss Pea-
body wrote the following Plan of the West
Roxbury Community :
“Jn the last number of the D’a/ were some remarks,
under the perhaps ambitious title of ‘A Glimpse of
Christ’s Idea of Society,’ in a note to which it was
intimated that in this number would be given an ac-
count of an attempt to realize in some degree this great
Ideal, by a little company in the midst of us, as yet
without name or visible existence. The attempt is
made onavery smallscale. A few individuals, who
unknown to each other, under different disciplines o
life, reacting from different social evils, but aiming at
the same object—of being wholly true to their natures
as men and women—have been made acquainted with
one another, and have determined to become the
Faculty of the Embryo University.
“In order to live a religious and moral life worthy
the name, they feel it is necessary to come out in some
degree from the world, and to form themselves into a
community of property, so far as to.exclude competi-
tion and the ordinary rules of trade; while they re-
serve sufficient pee property, or the means of ob-
taining it, for all purposes of independence and isola-
tion at will. They have bought a farm, in order to make
agriculture the basis of their life, it being the most
direct and simple in relation to nature. A true life,
altho it aims beyond the highest star, is redolent of
the healthy earth. The perfume of clover lingers
about it. The lowing of cattle is the natural bass to
the melody of human voices.
“The plan of the community as an economy is in brief
this: for all who have property to take stock, and re-
ceive a fixed interest thereon; then to keep house or
board in common, as they shall severally desire, at the
cost of provisions purchased at wholesale, or raised on
the farm; and for all to labor in community, and be
paid at a certain rate an hour, choosing their own
number of hours and their own kind of
work. With the results of this labor and
their interest they are to pay their board, Plan of the
and also purchase whatever else they re- Communit
quire at cost, at the warehouses of the y.
community, which are to be filled by the
community as such. To perfect this
economy, in the course of time they must have all
trades and all modes of business carried on amon
themselves, from the lowest mechanical trade, whic.
contributes to the health and comfort of life, to the
finest art, which adorns it with food or drapery for
the mind.
“ All labor, whether bodily or intellectual, is to be
paid at the same rate of wages; on the principle that as
the labor becomes merely bodily, itis a greater sacrifice
to the individual laborer to give histimeto it ; because
time is desirable for the cultivation of the intellectual
in exact proportion toignorance. Besides, intellectual
labor involves in itself higher pleasures, and is more
its own reward than bodily labor... .
“ After becoming members of this community, none
will be engaged merely in bodily labor. The hours of
labor for the association will be limited by ageneral law,
and can be curtailed at the will of the individual still
more ; and means will be given to all for intellectual im-
provement and for social intercourse, calculated to re-
ne and expand. The hours redeemed from labor by
the community will not be reapplied to the acquisition
of wealth, but to the production of intellectual goods.
This community aims to be rich not in the metallic
representative of wealth, but in the wealth itself, which
money should represent—namely, /ersure to live in all
the faculties of the soul. As acommunity, it will traffic
with the world at large, inthe products of agricultural
labor ; and it will sell education to as man young
persons as can be domesticated in the families, and
enter into the common life with their own children.
In the end it hopes to be enabled to provide not only
all the necessaries, but all the elegances desfrable for
bodily and for spiritual health—books, apparatus, col-
lections for science, works of art, and means of beautiful
amusement. These things are to be common to all;
and thus that object, which alone gilds and refines the
passion for individual accumulation, will no longer
exist for desire, and whenever the sordid passion ap-
pears it will be seen in its naked selfishness. In its
ultimate success, the community will realize all the
ends which selfishness seeks, but involved in spiritual
blessings, which only greatness of soul can aspire
after. And the requisitions on the individuals, it is
Brook Farm.
believed, will make this the order forever. The spir-
itual good will always be the condition of the tem-
poral. Every one must labor for the community in a
reasonable degree, or not taste its benefits.
“ Whoever is willing to receive from his fellow-men
that for which he gives no equivalent will stay away
from its precincts forever. But whoever shall surren-
der himself to its principles shall find that its yoke is
easy and its burden light, Everything can be said of
it, ina degree, which Christ said of His kingdom, and
therefore it is believed that in some measure it does
embody His idea. For its gate of entrance is straight
and narrow, Itis literally a pearl hidden in a field.
Those only who are willing to lose their life for its
sake shall find it. Its voice is that which sent the
young man sorrowing away: ‘Go sell all thy goods
and eve to the poor, and then come and follow Me.’
‘Seek first the Kingdom of Heaven and its righteous-
ness, and all other things shall be added to you.’...
“There may be some persons at a distance who will
ask, To what degree has this community gone into
operation? We cannot answer this with precision,
but we have a right to say that it has purchased the
farm which some of its members cultivated for a year
with success, by way of trying their love and skill for
agricultural labor ; that in the only house they areas yet
rich enough to own is collected a large family, includ-
ing several boarding scholars, and that all work and
study together. They seem to be glad to know of all
who desire to join them in the spirit, that at any mo-
ment, when they are able toenlarge their habitations,
they may call together those that belong to them.”’
This gives the spirit of the community as it
lay at least in the mind of one interested soul.
Its leaders had the two first requisites of a com-
munity—devotion to principle and previous ac-
quaintance. For some two years Brook Farm
continued in about this spirit. It then gradu-
ally became imbued with Fourierism, which
was then flooding the land.
In the last week of December, 1843, and the
first week of January, 1844, a convention was
held in Boston, where, for the first time in New
England, Fourierism appeared to
have much strength. (See Fourier-
Fourierism, 1sM.) William Bassett, of Lynn,
was president; Adin Ballou, of
Hopedale, G. W. Benson, of North-
ampton, George Ripley, of Brook Farm, among
the vice-presidents ; with Eliza J. Kenney, of
Salem, and Charles A. Dana, of Brook Farm,-
secretaries. The tone of the convention was
decidedly Fourieristic, and soon after this the
Brook Farm community formally decided to be-
come a Fourierist phalanx, the leader in this
change being apparently William H. Channing.
The constitution of the community was changed
and an appeal sent out.for new cooperation and
investment. A workshop for mechanics of sev-
eral trades was built, and a Fourierist phalans-
tery, or unitary dwelling, 175 feet by 4o feet, was
‘in process of erection. With this new change
the Fourierist paper in New York, The Pha-
| Zanx, was given up, and The Harbinger start-
ed at Brook Farm as the representative of
Fourierism in America. An American union of
associationists was organized, with William H.
Channing asits secretary andchief mover. Mis-
’ sionaries or lecturers were sent out. But al-
teady Fourierism was on the wane in public
sentiment, and they met with small success.
Another movement was coming up. The last
days of Brook Farm were more or less connect-
ed with Swedenborgtanism. Swedenborgian-
ism took a deeper hold than Fourierism, because
it was distinctly religious. Many of the friends
of Brook Farm became friendly to it. Mean-
while, events transpired to weaken the interest
Ig!
Brotherhood of Carpenters.
in the farm itself. On March 3, 1845, a disas-
trous fire burned the phalanstery wholly to the
ground, just as it was nearing completion. It
produced a feeling of discouragement and hesi-
tation from which the community never recov-
ered. In the fall The Harbinger was removed
to New York City, and soon after Brook Farm
was dissolved. It had not been a financial suc-
cess. It had not the capital of some of the other
associations, nor any experienced practical busi-
nessmanager. Asa farm it was not a success.
Its transcendental members delighted to mingle
philosophy and theology with manual farm
labor, but their hearts were in transcendental-
ism, not in farm work ; and the result was what
could have been expected. ;
ooo Brook Farm, by J.T. Codman (Boston,
1894).
BROOKS, J. GRAHAM, was born in 1846.
He studied in Germany three years ; graduated
from Harvard Divinity School in 1874; occu-
pied the Unitarian pulpit for several years ; lec-
tured upon economics at Harvard University ;
and in 1892 was appointed expert of the Labor
Department, Washington. He is the author of
the Report upon Working Man’s Insurance
in Germany, 1893 ; articlesin Cyclopedia of Po-
litical Science (Macmillan, London) ; various
articles on social and economic topics in Arztzshk
are Harvard Journal of Eco-
nomics ; Forumz, ete.
He would be classed with the historical school ;
he believes in the municipalization of natural
monopolies as fast and as far as it can be done
to the social advantage; he believes in the
largest measure of free trade that is practically
possible ; regarding the basis of the currency he
is a bimetallist.
BROTHERHOOD OF CARPENTERS
AND JOINERS OF AMERICA, THE, one
of the most important trade-unions of the coun-
try, was organized at a convention of carpen-
ters’ unions held in Chicago, IIll., August 8,
1881. Prior to this organization many local
unions had existed, and efforts had been con-
tinually made for the formation of a national or-
ganization. The first attempt was made in 1854,
and the second in 1867. The preamble to the
constitution sets forth the objects to be
““To rescue our trade from the low level to
which it has fallen, and, by mutual effort, to
raise ourselves to that position in society to
which we are justly entitled; to cultivate a
feeling of friendship among the craft; and to
elevate the moral, intellectual, and social condi-
tion of all journeymen carpenters. Itis, further-
more, our object to assist each other to secure
employment ; to furnish aid in cases of death
or permanent disability, and for mutual relief,
and other benevolent purposes.”’
The officers consist of a general president,
eight vice-presidents, a general secretary, treas-
urer, and an executive board. The executive
board is composed of five members, elected
from the union or unions within a radius of 10
miles of the city selected as headquarters. This
board has power to decide all points of law, set-
Brotherhood of Carpenters.
tle all grievances, and to authorize strikes in
conformity with the constitution.
The constitution provides that whenever a dis-
pute arises between an employer or employers
and members of the brotherhood, the members
shall lay the matter before the local union,
which shall appoint an arbitration committee to
adjust the matter ; then, if the members of the
committee cannot settle the dispute, the matter
shall be referred to the union. If a two-thirds
vote of secret ballot shall decide that the mem-
bers shall be sustained, then they shall be author-
ized to strike ; which strike shall take effect im-
mediately whenever the demand is refused by
the employers the following day.
The organization provides a funeral benefit
of $250 if a member dies, and $50 in case of the
death of the wife of a member. It also pro-
vides a disability benefit. The organization is
opposed to piece-work.
The first convention of the Brotherhood after the
‘organization was held in Philadelphia in 1882. The
first strikes of prominence occurred in Chicago and
New Orleans, where they succeeded in fixing the
standard rate of wages at $3 per day. This organiza-
tion has always been unusually successful in its strikes.
As early as 1886 the general secretary writes :
“In ar cities our local unions have gained 25 cents
per day advance in wages, making inall53 cities where
our local unions have made gains the past year, either
in more wages or in reducing hours, while only in nine
cities have our local unions failed to secure their de-
mands, and in these cities they demanded the eight-
hour system last Mays A resumé shows that 2486 of
our members are working eign hours per day, 5824 are
on nine hours per day, and 1118 are having shorter
hours on Saturdays. This makes a total gain to these
members of 65,894 hours per week, adding to the gains
on the Pacific Coast, which amount to 6540 hours per
week, makes asum total of 72,434 hours per week gained
to our members through organization.”
It was because of their complete organization
and success that to the carpenters was given the
honor of leading off in the great strikes of the
American Federation of Labor on May1. They
showed themselves worthy of this, for an ac-
count of which see AMERICAN FEDERATION OF
Lazor. January, 1894, the order had 824 lodges,
with 65,000 members. The secretary is P. J.
McGuire, Box 884, Philadelphia. Besides this
organization there is in the trade the Amalga-
mated Society of Carpenters and Joiners. (See
Buitpinc TRADES.)
BROTHERHOOD OF CHRISTIAN
UNITY, THE.—The object of this society is
not to work directly for organic unity among
the churches, but to promote the spirit of unity
out of which alone a true and permanent union
can grow. It has no constitution, but only a
form of enrollment, as follows :
“For the purpose of uniting with all who de-
sire to serve God and their fellow-men under the
inspiration of the life and teachings of Jesus
Christ, I hereby enroll myself as a member of
the Brotherhood of Christian Unity.”
The motto of the society is, ‘‘ Love your neigh-
bor and respect his beliefs.’’ The brotherhood
originated from a suggestion made by Mr. Theo-
dore F. Seward, at a union meeting held at
Orange, N. J., in April, 1891. It has two aims,
and leads to two results: 1. It supplies through
its form of enrollment a basis upon which all
who desire to follow Christ in serving God and
‘their fellow-men will constitute a recognized
192
Brotherhoods, Religious.
brotherhood in any part of the world. The en-
rollment was accepted at the Parliament of Re-
ligions as ‘‘a suitable bond with which to begin
the federation of the world upon a Christian
pasis.’”’ 2. The formula is a bond of union for
practical work in any city, town, or community,
between various societies and churches.
BROTHERHOOD OF THE KINGDOM,
THE.—This organization, established in 1893,
is the outgrowth, mainly in the Baptist denomi-
nation, of the earnest work of two men in New
York City, but it now holds yearly undenomina-
tional conferences, and performs through its
members no little practical work. Its aim is to
work for the kingdom of God in the most inclu-
sive sense. (See BapTisTs IN RELATION TO So-
c1aAL RerorM.) The principles and methods of
the brotherhood are thus stated :
x. Every member shall by his personal life exemplify
obedience to the ethics of Jesus.
2. He shall propagate the thoughts of Jesus to the
limits of his ability, in private conversation, by cor-
respondence, and through pulpit, platform, and press.
3. He shall lay special stress on the social aims of
Christianity, and shall endeavor to make Christ’s
teaching concerning wealth operative in the Church,
4. On the other hand, he shall take pains to keep in
contact with the common people, and to infuse the re-
ligious spirit into the efforts for social amelioration.
5. The members shall seek to strengthen the bond of
brotherhood by frequent meetings for prayer and dis-
cussion, by correspondence, exchange of articles writ-
ten, etc.
6. Regular reports shall be made of the work done
by members in such manner as the executive commit-
tee may appoint.
7. The members shall seek to procure for one an-
other opportunities for public propaganda.
8. If necessary, they shall give their support to one
another in the public defense of the truth, and shall
jealously guard the freedom of discussion for any
man who is impelled by love of the truth to utter his
thoughts.
No sectarian or theological tests are required .
of members.
The brotherhood has an executive committee
of five, with power to manage all ordinary ‘busi-
ness. The only officer is the secretary, who is
also the treasurer. The annual.dues are $2, and
all funds remaining over and above the neces-
sary expenses are employed in the publication
and distribution of literature.
BROTHERHOODS OF LOCOMOTIVE
ENGINEERS and for all organizations of rail-
waymen. See Raitway EmMpLoyEgEs’ ORGANIZA-
TIONS.
BROTHERHOOD OF PAINTERS AND
DECORATORS OF AMERICA. _ See
BuILDInG TRADEs.
_BROTHERHOODS, RELIGIOUS, socie-
ties organized for philanthropic purposes, most
numerous in the Middle Ages. Some of them
being established without the authorization of
the Church, they fell under the charge of heresy,
and in several cases assumed the nature of sepa-
tate sects, such as the Beghards, Beguines,
se le pe ein Flagellants, etc. ‘The last-
named was subjected to severe i
the Church. : Eee
The old building corporations, from which
sprang the Free Masons, belong under this head.
Most of them were regarded with fear and sus-
Brotherhocds, Religious. ~
picion by the Church, on account of their sym-
bolism and secrecy. The brotherhoods that
asked and received the sanction of the ecclesi-
astics were not secret, but devoted to the pro-
motion of religion by stricter and more constant
devotional exercises, or to the assisting of stran-
gers, travelers, the unprotected, the destitute,
the sick, and the oppressed. The noblest work
was often done by these organizations. They
were most numerous in Italy, Rome alone con-
taining 100, (See articles Communism ; Monas-
TICISM. )
BROTHERHOOD TRUST, THE.—The
Brotherhood Trust (founded January 19, 1894) is
an outcome of a Social Questions Conference
held regularly since September, 1892, on Sun-
day afternoons, in the Brotherhood Church,
Southgate Road, London. It was begun with
only about £100 of capital, lent free of interest ;
and further loans are received on the same con-
dition. It carries on trade and industry with
the objects (1) of paying to every person em-
ployed in any branch of the concern not less
than the trade-union wages current in the local-
ity where the work is done ; (2) of providing out
of profits for all its customers old-age pensions
and sickness-and-accident benefits in proportion
to the extent of their respective purchases ; (3)
of so organizing its customers that these shall
economically supply one another’s wants by
productive work on cooperative farms and in
cooperative workshops, factories, etc., as soon
and so far as such organization may be found
practicable and the customers may desire to
avail themselves of such employment ; (4) of
gradually buying up as much land as possible
from private owners, and of acquiring as much
as possible of the most scientific means of pro-
duction, for the benefit of all who may choose to
connect themselves with the organization.
The net profits from quarter to quarter are appor-
tioned in the books of the trust to the credit of cus-
tomers’ pension account in proportion tothe respective
purchases of such customers, and except in cases of
accident or illness, provided for in the rules, are not
payable in any other form than either annuities to
customers who have reached the age of 60, or annuities
to dependent relatives of deceased customers. The
pension to which a customer is entitled from the trust
is equal to the annuity he could purchase from the
British Government with the amount standing to the
credit of his pension account. Over against every
pees before it becomes payable there will always
e the sum which has gradually accumulated to credit
Tofits
ce to
of the future pensioner’s account out of the
made on his purchases, which sum would su
urchase the required annuity from the Government. |
his sum will exist not in the form of money, of
course, but in the form of business plant and means of
production—a reproductive form. ‘The first £10 placed
to the credit of the pension account years before will
have been put into productive pel and will have
been rolling along ever since, multiplying itself; and
likewise every subsequent £10 added out of net profits
will have been rolling along and Pott Ying ‘here-
fore the security for the payment of every pension
will not be merely a sufficient sum to purchase it on
Government security, but a very much greater value
existing in a reproductive form. Each pension will be
simply a charge upon the proceeds of the business
done, under most advantageous circumstances, with
the capital of which the accumulated profits on the
pensioner’s own purchases (made in the days of health
and strength) will form a part.
The Brotherhood Trust’s methods are such as to
avoid many risks besetting ordinary business con-
cerns, Selling only for cash, it avoids all bad debts.
Further, it will not start a bakery of its own until its
daily sale of bread is large enough to take all that a
193
Brown, John.
good-sized, well-ordered bakery would turn out. Simi-
larly, it will not gr ee a flour-mill until, in bakeries
and stores and on farms of its own, it
can dispose profitably of all the prod-
uce. either will it take over a boot
and shoe factory until it has to meeta
demand large enough to keep such fac-
tory working full time. It will never produce on
speculation, but for an already secured demand.
The original Brotherhood Trust stores (situated at
x1 and 5 Downham Road, Kingsland, London) are
not intended to stand alone. They are meant to be
imitated. But it is of vitalimportance that all efforts
of a similar kind should be closely federated with each
other and with the Brotherhood Trust, in order to pro-
mote the utmost economy in purchasing and producing,
to assist one another bycomparison and interchange
of experiences, and to cooperate most efficiently tow-
ard the ultimate goal—the complete reorganization of
industry and commerce on principles of fraternity.
The old-age pensions, which are perhaps at first the
most conspicuous feature of the trust, are but means
toa vast and loftly end. The aim is nothing less than
the swallowing ap of the profit-mongering industry
and commerce of the world, and the transmuting of it,
by a perfently constitutional and peace-
ful revolution, into a fraternal organiza-
tion for mutual enrichment and secu-
rity. If the workers (who constitute
four fifths of the grown-up population
of the United Kingdom), or if any considerable pro-
portion of the workers will but persistently and ex-
clusively patronize trusts that do business in their
interests, refusing to deal with any private capitalist
when their trusts can supply their demand, they will
help to build up a mighty federation, branching out
over the country and across the seas, which will be
able in ashort time to buy up for them the means of
production and distribution, Fast so far as the Brother-
hood Trust system extends and succeeds, there will be
built up a new social order right through the old—asa
new bridge is sometimes built through an old one; and
when it becomes universal, the old system, fraught
with so much misery, degradation, and brutalization,
will be found to have vanished more effectually than
ifit had been shivered by explosives, and all without
any earthquake shock, with the mildness and gentle-
ness of the sunrise which shines away the night and
ushers in the day. J. BRUCE WALLACE.
BROUSSE, PAUL, was born at Montpellier,
and studied medicine in Paris, becoming doctor
in 1867. From 1870-71 he worked on the Droz¢s
de l’ Homme, and in 1871 was condemned to
three months’ imprisonment. Escaping to Spain,
he joined the anarchistic Spanish section of the
International. From Spain he went to Switzer-
land, and meeting there Bakounin (g.v.), became,
under his influence, a leader of the Jura Federa-
tion, an organizer of the anarchist section in
Italy, and editor of anarchist publications. In
1879 he suffered imprisonment in Switzerland,
and after his release went to London. Here he
met Marx and Engels, and renouncing anar-
chism, adopted socialism, In 1880 he returned
to France, and edited Egadlité and Prolétaire
in 1882, with Malon and his followers, separat-
ing from the Guidist socialists, and forming the
‘‘ Broussist’’ section, or so-called ‘‘ Possiblists.’’
In 1887 he was elected to the Paris Municipal
Council, and has since been a foremost leader
of one section of the French socialists, but ever
teady to work with any party, a policy which
has resulted in his now calling himself Republi-
can radical. His main writings are Le Suf-
Methods.
Aim,
Jrage Universel et le Probléme de la Souve-
raineté du Peuple (1874) and La Crise (1879).
BROWN, JOHN (1800, hanged December 2,
1859), an American abolitionist, best known as
the leader of the Harper’s Ferry insurrection,
designed to incite the slaves of the Southern
States to rebellion, and thus secure their liber-
ties. Originally intended for the Church, he
Brown, John. 194
was compelled to give up study for this purpose
on account of inflammation in the eyes. He
then took up the business of a tanner, which he
carried on for 20 years. Not being very suc-
cessful in this, he started business as a wool
dealer in Ohio in 1840. Failing also in this, he
removed to Essex County, New York, in 1849,
and began to reclaim a large tract of land which
had been granted to him. In 1855, having im-
bibed an intense hatred of slavery, he went to
Kansas in order to vote, and fight, if need be,
against the establishment of slavery in that ter-
ritory. He soon became renowned in the fierce
border warfare carried on between Kansas and
Missouri, and gained especial celebrity y his
victory at Ossawatomie. In one of these affrays
he had ason killed, which deepened his hostility
to the Southern Party. After the border agita-
tion was settled by a general vote, Brown trav-
eled through the Northern and Northeastern
States, declaiming against slavery, and endeav-
oring to incite and organize an armed attack
upon it. In October, 1859, at the head of 17
white and five black men, he commenced hos-
tilities by a night attack upon Harper’s Ferry,
overpowering the guard and capturing the arse-
nal. During the next morning he made prison-
ers of goor 50 of the chief inhabitants of the town ;
but instead of retreating at once to the moun-
tains with arms and hostages, as his original de-
sign had been, he lingered on in the town till
evening. By this time the townsmen had re-
covered from their astonishment, militiamen
began to pour in, and after a short but desper-
ate conflict Brown and his handful of followers
were captured. He was tried at Charlestown
for treason and murder, found guilty, and sen-
tenced to death on the scaffold within 48 hours.
He met this death calmly on December 2, 1859.
It may safely be said that his execution hastened
the downfall of slavery in America, and his name
has become a household word among aboli-
tionists. He wasa man of stern and uncom-
promising moral principle, and singularly brave
and honest. Whatever his rashness or fanati-
cism, there is no question that he offered himself
as a sacrifice to the overthrow of a gigantic
social and political wrong.
BUBBLES.—A term commonly applied since
the seventeenth century to any unsound com-
mercial undertaking accompanied by a high de- .
gree of speculation. The first bubble of histori-
cal importance was connected with the growth
of varieties of tulips in Holland. It reached its
height in 1636 in Amsterdam, and in the most
of the Dutch cities regular markets were estab-
lished for speculation in the roots. In the end
tulips were bought and sold like shares in a gold
mine, for purely speculative purposes, without
.any idea of actually growing the flowers. Fabu-
lous prices were paid for single bulbs—e.g., 2500
florins for a ‘‘ Viceroy,” a ‘‘ Semper Augustus”
5500 florins, etc. The mania spread to some ex-
tent to London and Paris, and tulips were dealt
in by the stock-jobbers of both cities. In 1719
and 1720 occurred the greatest speculative mania
on record, arising from the Mississippi scheme
of John Law (¢.v.), In England the word bub-
ble is generally associated with the South Sea
Bubble (¢.v.).
Buenos Amigos, Colony of.
BUCHEZ, PHILIPPE JOSEPH BEN-
AMIN (1796-1865), was born at Matagne-la-
etite ; in 1825 he became a doctor of medicine.
He was one of the founders of the French Car-
bonari (g.v.), and barely escaped condemnation
to death for his part in the Belfort conspiracy.
He then joined the Saint Simonian school, and
worked on the Producteur. When this passed
into the hands of Enfantin, he left it to found,
with Roux Lavergne, a so-called neo-Catholic
school, combining Catholic and revolutionary
ideas, and from 1831-38, altho with some
breaks, he brought out his 7’ Européen. A ré-
sumé of his ideas appears in his 2’ Auropéen for
1835, in which he declares that it is time to
realize the social principles of Christianity. His
idea was to reach communism through indus-
trial cooperation, and in 1831 he founded a co-
operative association of cabinet-makers, thus in-
troducing cooperation in France, and to the
spread of cooperation he devoted the rest of his
life: (See Coopreration.) In the revolution of
1848 he was a follower of Louis Blanc, and was
in the chair as president of the National Assem-
bly on the memorable May 15. After the coup
@ état of 1851 he returned to his studies and to
private life. His main works are Zssaz d'un
Traité complet de philosophie (3 vols., 1839-40)
and Azstoire parlementaire de la Revolution
Frangazse (1833-38 and 1845-47).
BUDGET (from L. dulga, Fr. dougette,a
little bag), is used in social science for a state-
ment of the probable revenue and expenditure
for a nation and sometimes for a family. (For
representative family ‘‘ budgets’ see ExPENsEs.)
BUENOS AMIGOS, COLONY OF.-—Don
José Rodriguez, a socialistic Peruvian, obtained
in 1853 from the Government of Peru a large
land grant on the Cototo River, and established
there, with 65 others, the colony of Buenos Ami-
gos. As he furnished most of the money for
the experiment, he became director and law-
maker.
The colony now (1895) has 1000 members
mostly of Spanish races, but including Germans,
English, and Americans. The increase has
been chiefly from births, tho recruits are re-
ceived upon evidence of good character and the
payment of $500 each to the common treasury.
Negroes and Indians are excluded, and relig-
ious proselytism is forbidden.
Lands, tools, and products are the property of
the community, and all surplus products are sold
abroad, the proceeds going to the common treas-
ury. Rations are distributed alike to all; but
whoso will pay for luxuries, whether of food,
clothing, or household furniture, may obtain
them from the common store. The imperish-
able portion of such things, however, remain
common property even when in the hands of
the individual,
,The community is divided into departments, divi-
sions, and sections. Each section chooses and may re-
move its own head, and heads of sections nominate
division directors, who in turn choose department
chiefs. These last are removable only by a majority
vote of the community. They are, in effect, ministers
of works, education, trade, and health, those being the
titles of the departments; and collectively they consti-
tute a tribunal discharging duties elsewhere confided.
to Ministers of Justice and Finance, :
gone
Buenos Amigos, Colony of.
The Department of Works looks after agriculture,
stock-raising, mining, manufactures, and all public
works. That of Education deals with
schools, music, and the mechanic arts;
Method of that of Trade with exports, imports, an
Life the distribution of products; that of
* Health with houses, hospitals, and
young children. An hour’s work is the
unit of the financial system, and the monetary table
runs thus:
6o minutes one hour,
8 hours one day.
5 days one week.
42-5 weeks one month.
12 months one year.
State notes of equal size but different colors repre-
sent each of these denominations, The hour is arbi-
trarily fixed for the purposes of outside trade at a
value of about 28 cents. Minute notes, worth about
one half a cent, are for small transactions. These
notes are given in exchange for work done. The time
notes are guaranteed by areserve of bullion exceeding
the face value of the whole issue. A member quitting
the colony may exchange his notes for Peruvian money,
and in addition he will receive his share of the profits.
Altho the full working day is eight hours, onl
four hours, and for only five days a week, are exacted.
From that no adult in sound health can escape. Any
person failing to work 20 hours in the five days that
constitute the working week must make up that time
on Saturday or Sunday. Under the eye of an over-
seer armed with a leather strap, if this enforced labor
is done in slovenly fashion, the culprit is beaten with
- the strap. :
There is no marriage law. A man and a woman live
together in free union, and either may find another
mate when tired of the arrangement. A woman at
the approach of childbirth aw to a hospital and stays
there with her child until it is weaned. Then she
leaves it in the hospital to the care of trained nurses.
From the hospital the child goes to a public school,
where it lives night and day until grown to the age
when work is exacted of all. Then thenew member of
the working community is set at whatever task his or
her aptitudes, as developed at school, seem to point out
as the proper one. The pay is the same for every kind
of labor. \ :
Private houses at Buenos Amigos are plain, but airy.
A large, common building is handsomely built of free-
stone and marble taken from the community’s quarries.
The streets are well made and clean, and an aqueduct
to bring in water from the Cototo River is nearly com-
pleted. All these public works are carried on by the
labor of the community, under the direction of the de-
partments. When one department has more workmen
at its command than it needs they are turned over to
such departments as are short of hands. Thus every-
body is kept busy at least four hours a day, and as
much longer as he will, with pay for overtime.
BUILDING ASSOCIATIONS are of many
kinds, but may be described in general as joint-
stock or cooperative societies for the purpose of
raising by periodical subscriptions a fund to as-
sist members in building or purchasing, the
property being mortgaged to the society till the
amount advanced is fully repaid.
The first association in America was organized Jan-
wary 3, 1831, at Frankford, near Philadelphia. It was
called the Oxford Provident Building Association, and
was started asa philanthropic measure, but the city
of Philadelphia, Pa., deserves the credit of having first
utilized the institution to any great extent. The first
association in that city was organized in 1840, and
since then the growth of the associations throughout
the United States has been phenomenal. They have
become subjects of statutory legislation in many States
of the Union, and have lately been favored by the
United States Commissioner of Labor with a special
and thorough inquiry. ee .
The building and loan association is practically aco-
operative savings bank. It differs from the ordinary
savings bank mainly in_its methods of receiving
deposits and lending money. Its chief
advantage for the people over the or-
dinary savings institution is that its
funds are used by the depositors them-
selves to advance their own interests,
while the funds deposited by wage-earners in the old-
line savings banks are largely. borrowed by business
men and corporations and used to advance the inter-
Varieties.
195
Building Associations.
ests of capital. Another point in favor of the building
and loan association is in the fact that every member
has a voice and vote in the management of it and
shares in the total profits. In favor of the old-line
savings banks, however, it should be said that they are
indispensable to the wage-earners of many communi-
ties, and especially so in those sections Where land
values are so high as to practically Tohibit the oper-
ation, among working men, of balding and loan asso-
ciations.
There are two forms of these associations : one serial
and the other permanent. The general plan of the
serial association is to issue a fraction of its capital
stock, usually one tenth, in what is known as a
“series,” and to require that it be paid in monthly in-
stallments, commonly called ‘‘ dues,” usually at the
rate of so cents per month ona share of stock worth,
at par, Bro, and $1: per month ona share of stock the
par value of which is $200, Whenever the monthly
ayments, with the accumulated profits, equal the
ace value of the shares the series is retired, each
shareholder receiving the face value of his share in
cash, unless he has in advance borrowed money of the
association to the full face value of his shares, when
his debt is considered paid and cancelled. When one
series has matured, then a second series is issued, and
soon until the entire capital stock is exhausted. A
series usually extends over 10 or 12 years.
The permanent association differs from the serial
association in that a person may become a member of
it at any time without paying in any back dues. Ina
permanent association the profits are divided annually
or semi-annually among the members, and credited to
their respective accounts on their individual pass books
and the books of the association.
A person may withdraw from the membership of
either a serial or a permanent association at any time
with a share of the accumulated profits. In a serial
association the percentage of profit that may be taken
out by a withdrawing member is generally fixed by
the rules of the association at a lower rate than is
awarded the member who stays in the association
until the series matures. This is done to insure the
participation of the withdrawing member in any nos-
sible and unforeseen losses that may befall the asso-
ciation. When the rules of a serial association allowa
withdrawing member only 5 per cent. per annum on
his investment, it is assumed that the association may
suffer vicissitudes and may not earn more than 5 a
cent. per annum for the entire term of the series. ut
a fairly prosperous association generally earns from 8
to 10 per cent. per annum on a series. In some States
both serial and permanent associations are required
to set aside, in a contingent fund, a certain percentage
of their profits before the payment of each annual or
semi-annual dividend, to insure the equal participa-
tion of all members in the losses of the association,
The funds of a building and loan association are
made up of membership fees, moneys received from
sale of stock, interest on loans, premiums on priority
of loans, fines for non-payment of indebtedness due
the association by its members, and fees for trans-
ferring stock. The income of the association is aug-
mented by low expenses: Theassociation meets only
onceina month, and then in a cheap hall, and the
officers—save the secretary, the treasurer, and the
attorney—serve without pay.
When a person enters the membership of a serial
association he pays amembership fee, and subscribes
for one or more shares of stock on which he agrees to
make a monthly payment of 50 cents or $x per share
until maturity of the series or withdrawal before then.
Should he fail to pay his monthly installment or dues
within the required time, he is called upon to pay a
fine into the treasury of the association, and for failure
to make his monthly payments for a fixed number of
months he forfeits all he has paid into the treasury.
Should he at any time transfer his shares of stock to
another person, he or the assignee pays the association
a fee for making the transfer on its books.
When he desires to buy or build a home he en-
deavors to borrow from the association as much of
the needed amount as his interest in the association
will allow: he cannot borrow more than the face value
of his shares. He applies to the association when it
has money to loan, and should he bid a higher pre-
mium for the use of the money than any other member
the loan is awarded him.
This premium is a payment of a few cents on each
share, over and above interest, for the use of the
money. It is paid with the dues each month, or is de-
ducted from the amount of the loan. Upon securing
the right to the use of the money, he designates his pro-
posed real estate security, and when the title is ap-
Building Associations.
proved by the association’s attorney the money is ad-
vanced him and he gives the association a mortgage
ou the property for the amount. Healsoassigns stocks
to the face value of the loan to the association, and
agrees to keep up his monthly payments thereon.
After securing the loan, the borrower pays to the asso-
ciation every month, in addition to his regular dues,
the premium and interest on the loan, or the premium
may have been deducted from the loan before it was
paid over to the borrower. When, at the conclusion of
the series, the face value of the borrower’s stock is
equivalent to the amount of money loaned him the
association applies the stock to the payment of the
mortgage, and the member, instead of receiving a
cash payment, is given notice of the canceilation of
his mortgage.
As a rule, the money paid into an association by a
borrowing member during the life of the series in
which he is interested amounts to little more than the
rental price of the mortgaged property for the same
period, and hence the saying sometimes heard among
persons interested in these associations, ‘‘The rent
pays for the place.”” In a permanent association the
borrower may extend his payments—or ‘‘dues,” in-
terest and premium—over any fixed number of years,
and so make the monthly payment on his real estate
less than it would be under the serial plan.
The serial associations, however, have proved
far more successful, and are almost the only
ones now in use,
Neither of these plans, however, was the orig-
inal form. The original method is described in
A Treatise on Cooperative Savings and Loan
Assoctations, by Seymour Dexter :
In the primitive-building associations of Philadelphia
there was but a single series of stock issued; every
person taking shares of stock, subsequent to the date
of the first issue of shares, was obliged to pay back
dues in order to be in the same position he would have
been had he taken his stock at the date of the first
issue, so that each shareholder paid the same amount
per share into the association regardless of the time
when he took his shares. The money was loaned only
to shareholders. Inasmuch as only one series of stock
was issued, the lifetime of the association was limited
to the time that it took for the shares to reach their
matured value. This scheme necessarily involved the
condition that every shareholder remaining in the asso-
ciation at the time the stock matured must be a bor-
rower to the amount of the matured value of shares
held by him. Let us make this clear. Suppose the
charter of the association limited the number of shares
it could issue to 500, and that during its lifetime it had
issued that number. After the payment of its running
expenses the funds received could be used for only
two purposes—z7z.. the making of loans to its own
members and paying shareholders who withdrew.
Suppose that of the 500 shares issued 300 had been
withdrawn, leaving 200 outstanding when attaining
their matured value. Assume the shares were $200
196 -
Building Associations.
each is ooo. Before the shares can be matured the
gech 76 Boi must have $40,000 of assets. The assets
consist of the money due from the shareholders to the
association upon loans. As no shareholder can borrow
a larger sum than the matured value of the shares
held by him, it follows that no shareholder can owe the
association for borrowed money a larger sum than the
association will owe him when his shares of stock have
matured; therefore, each shareholder must owe the
association a sum equal to that which the association
will owe him upon his matured shares. The only lim-
itation or exception to this statement of the case will
arise in reference to the dues paid at the last meeting.
The amount of those dues will not have been borrowed,
and will be due to some shareholder or shareholders in
excess of the amount owing by him or them to the
association.
But as the association progresses from year to year
toward the maturity of its stock, it might not happen
that there are shareholders who desired to borrow.
What then? It would not do to have the dues paid in
from month to month remain uninvested ; no profits
would accrue, and the result would be unsatisfactory.
Under the scheme of a single series the association has
the power to compel shareholders to borrow the funds,
They are called forced loans ; and their articles of asso--
ciation and bylaws determine who should become the
borrower when there are no shareholders wishing to
borrow. :
This scheme is known as the terminating plan. It
involves three serious defects which it was very desira-
ple to obviate—v7z: the dissolution of the associa-
tion when the stock matured; the large amount of
back dues which the new stockholder would have to
pay who took stock after the association had been run-
ning for some time, and, lastly, the making of forced
loans—that is, compelling the shareholder to become a
borrower whether he wanted to do so or not.
Concerning the statistics of building asso-
ciations in the United States, the
report on the subject by the
United States Commissioner of Statistics.
Labor (1893) says :
“The investigation, the results of which are now
under consideration, comprehends practically all
building and loan associations in the United States.
An effort was made to secure the facts for these associa-
tions as they existed at the end of their respective
fiscal years nearest to January 1, 1893. Ina few cases,
however, this was not possible, and the facts for an
earlier or later fiscal year were taken instead. :
“In addition tothe associations from which the data
have been received that constitute the body of this re-
port, the Department has information of the existence
of some others. From a very few of these some de-
tails were obtained, but from most of them nothing.
The information as to the existence even of most of
them is from hearsay only. They are unimportant,
being either newly formed or feeble. Nearly all are
each at their matured value. Now, 200 shares at $200 stpposed to be local. Total, gz.
GENERAL RESULTS FOR THE UNITED STATES,
Local. National. Total.
Number of associations........ccceceecccneeeeecssseneeee aealaraanani eae 53598 240 5,838
Male shareholders in associations reporting.... @ 710,156 @ 206,458 @ 919,614
Female shareholders in associations reporting. @ 263,388 @ 44,440 @ 307,828
Total shareholders in associations reporting... 3 1,350,366 } 386,359 5 15745.725
Average shareholders per association reporting........ 244.5 & 1,637.5 6 301.2
Shareholders who are borrowers in associations reporting. € 402,212 € 53,199 € 455.411
Per cent. of borrowers in associations reportin, € 29.83 € 13-77 € 26.25
Number of shares in associations reporting @ 10,381,031 @ 2,874,844 @ 135255,872
Total dues and profits. : see $413,647,22: $37,020,366 $450, 667,594
Average shares per shareholder in associations reporting........... é7.6 27.2 e7.
Average dues and profits per sharehclder in associations reporting.. é $303.11 é $86.73 € $257.26
Average value of shares in associations reporting............c0eeeee é $30.75 é $12.12 € $34.18
Total profits.........65 ee ee ee ones $74,402,969 $6,261,147 $80,664,116
Average size of loans in associations reporting 7 $2,133 20 ST $1,120
Homes acquired in associations reporting...... E& 290,803 & 235952 & 314,755
a Associations not reporting, local, 1503; national, 66; total,
6 Associations not reporting, local, 38 ; national, 4; total, 42.
c Associations not reporting, local, 69; national, 4; total, 73.
@ Associations not reporting, local, 18; national, 4; total, 22.
1569.
e Based on 5535 local associations, 226 national associations, total, 576r.
J Based on 2128 local associations, 45 national associations, total; 2173-
& Associations not reporting, local, 1326 ; national, 68, total, 1394.
Building Associations.
“The total dues paid in on installment shares in force
plus the profits on the same of the building and loan
associations of the country, as stated, amount to $450,-
667,594. A business represented by this great sum,
conducted quietly, with little or no advertising, and,
as stated, without the experienced banker in charge,
shows that the common people, in their own ways, are
quite competent to take care of their savings, especial-
ly when it is known that but 35 of the associations now
in existence showed a net lossat the end of their last
fiscal year, and that this loss amounted to only $23,-
332.20. Of course, associations disband for the want of
business or from some other cause, but when they
disband loss does not occur, because the whole busi-
ness of the association consists of its loans, and these
loans are to its own shareholders, as a rule, who hold
the securities in their associated forms, A disbanded
association, therefore, simply returns to its own mem-
bers their own property.
“The terms local and national have been used. A
local building and loan association and a national
building and loan assogiation conduct their business
under substantially the same method. The local asso-
ciation, however, confines its operations to a small
community, usually to the county in which located,
while the national operates on a large scale, extending
its business enterprise far beyond the borders of its
own State even. The national is ready usually to
make loans on property anywhere and sell its shares
to any person without reference to his residence. At
the present time the prejudice which has existed for
many years against nationals is being overcome, and
they are conducting their business, as a rule, with the
same integrity that the locals display inthe conduct
of their affairs. There is a jealousy, to some extent,
between locals and nationals; but with proper laws in
every State to regulate, control, and supervise both
nationals and locals, as savings banks and all other
banks are regulated and supervised, there ought to be
little or no trouble in securing the honest administra-
tion of their affairs. Some States bring their building
and loan associations under the same general supervi-
sion of law thrown aroundsavings banks. New York,
Massachusetts, New Jersey, Ohio, Illinois, and some
other States, as will be seen by the compilation of laws
relating to building and loan associations published at
the close of this work, require such associations to
make annual returns in the same manner as savings
banks. In other States, however, nothing is officially
known of the building and loan associations beyond
the formalities of their incorporation.”
‘In regard to the kinds of associations and their
geographical distribution and other statistics
this report says (p. 24) :
' “There are 5598 local associations, of which 3168, or
56.6 per cent. of the whole, are serial, 1671, or 29.8 per
cent. of the whole, are permanent and 759, or 13.6 per
cent., are terminating ; that of all the associations in the
country, 240 are nationals, 138, or 57.5 per cent. ofall the
nationals being serial, 101, or 42.1 per cent. being per-
manent, and only 1 terminating. The whole number,
including both Iocals and nationals, is 5838, of which
3306, OF 56.6 per cent. of the whole, are serial, 1772, or
30.4 per cent., are permanent, and 760, or 13 per cent. of
the whole, are terminating.
_ “Examining the total associations, including locals
and nationals, it is seen that Pennsylvania leads all the
States, having 1079 associations. "This State has but
3nationals. The State having the next largest number
is Ohio, with 721; and Ohio has but 3 nationals. Illi-
nois comes next, with 669 associations of all kinds, 38
of them being nationals. Indiana follows, with 445 as-
sociations, 16 of them being nationals. New York
ranks next, with 418 in all, 28 of them being national
associations. The next largest numbers are found in
Missouri, that State having 366 in all; New Jersey.
288; Maryland, 240; Kentucky, 148 ; California, 133, and
Massachusetts, 115. In all the other States the number
drops to less than roo, The numbers given for the
States, respectively, will not always agree with the
numbers reported by each State in its local capacity
or through its State officials. This results from the
fact. that the account taken by the Department of
Labor was for a period in most cases differing some-
what from that for which the State officials have given
reports, and, furthermore, from the fact that very
many companies having names in their incorporation
papers which would lead one to consider them building
and loan associations, upon examination are found to
be entirely different. They are trust companies or as-
sociations for the purpose of erecting houses for rental
197
Building Associations.
and various other objects, taking them out of the rank
of pooperalive building and loan associations as
such.
“The State having the largest number of national as-
sociations is Illinois, with 38. It is usually supposed
that the home of these associations is inthe Northwest,
and especially in Minnesota, but this State has only
15. There are several States having more than Minne-
sota, notably Tennessee, with 17; New York, 28; Mis-
souri, 17; Kentucky, 17, and Indiana, 16. The nationals
are distributed through other States in small num-
bers. The table shows how thoroughly building and
loan associations are distributed throughout the coun-
try.
“.., At the date of the conclusion of this investiga-
tion there had been 38,919 series issued, or an average
of 11.8 series to each association, considering locals and
nationals together. Of this whole number, 5321 had
matured, this being an average of only 1.6 series of
shares matured to each association. The number in
force at the date named was 33,386, or 10.1 series to
each association. .. . Of the 5838 associations in the
country, both local and national, 4444 have reported as
to homes acquired by their borrowing shareholders,
and through this latter number of associations 314,755
homes have been acquired. In the 4422 associations
reporting as to that fact, 28,459 buildings other than
homes have been secured. Of the total number of
homes acquired, 290,803 have been through local asso-
ciations and 23,952 through nationals. Through the
locals, 26,061 buildings other than homes have been ac-
quired and 2398 through the nationals. ...
“The total number of mortgages foreclosed was re-
ported by 5440 associations, including both locals and
nationals, as 8409, having a value of $12,217,126, the loss
on such foreclosures being $449,599. Of the number of
foreclosures, 7765 were by locals, having a value in the
aggregate of $11,031,394, the loss being $441,106. The
nationals had foreclosed 644 mortgages, having an ag-
gregate value of $1,185,732, the loss incurred being
$8493. It should be remembered that these foreclo-
sures and losses relate to the whole lives of the asso-
ciations reporting.
“The department undertook to ascertain the facts
as to the kind of people who patronize and use building
and loan associations. The original purpose of these
associations was to enable men of small means to se-
cure homes for themsélves and to save their earnings.
The question became vital, then, as to whether the
motive of the associations had been preserved. It
was impossible to secure the occupation of each and
every shareholder in the whole 5838 associations in the
country, and the attempt was not made, but we did
learn the occupations of the shareholders in 909 local
associations and 12 national associations, or a total of
921 associations. In gog local associations reporting
there were 159,223 shareh@lders, and in the 12 national
associations 15,547 Shareholders. In the local associa-
tions 111,383, OF 69.96 per cent. of the whole number,
were practically working people, while in the nationals
they numbered 84023, or 54.06 percent. These include
the following classes, as shown in the table : Account-
ants, bookkeepers, etc.; artisans and mechanics;
farmers, gardeners, etc.; housewives and housekeep-
ers; laborers; mill and factory employees; and sales-
men and saleswomen. The remainder—that is, 47,840,
or 30.04 per cent. in the local associations, and 7144, or
45-94 per cent. in the national associations—consists of
agents, bankers, brokers, etc.; corporation officials;
government officials and employees ; hotel, boarding-
house, and restaurant keepers; lodges, churches, and
societies; manufacturers, contractors, capitalists, etc. ;
merchants and dealers; persons engaged in the pro-
fessions; and superintendents, foremen, etc. These
figures show conclusively that the building and loan
associations of the country are being used by the
classes for which they were originally established.
These percentages may welland honestly be applied
to all the shareholders in the country, as the facts rel-
ative to occupations were taken at random.”
Building associations exist also in Europe in
considerable numbers, tho not to such an ex-
tent asin the United States. (For information
in regard to them, see CoopERATIVE Banks.)
It may seem strange at first sight that there
should be any opposition to a movement that
has given homes to so many working men, yet
such is the fact. Many if not most leaders of
trade-unions discourage the policy, wader the
present system and under ordinary circum-
Building Associations.
stances, of the average werking man investing
inahome. Their argument is that it puts him
under the power of his employers,
and removes the probability of his
being able to obtain any increase in
against wages. ‘They declare thatin Phila-
Building delphia in most trades wages are
Associations. lower than in any other large city of
our country, and that Philadelphia
é is most backward in the organi-
zation of labor. They assert that the reason
is that in Philadelphia men partly own their
houses. Partly owning their houses, they are
tied to their circumstances. They can neither
move nor strike, for fear of losing their invest-
ments. They have to submit to taking what
wages they can get. There have been fewif any
large strikes in Philadelphia. Inastrike on the
Pennsylvania Railroad, one of the officials of
the road is reported to have said: ‘‘ We are not
afraid of the Philadelphia end of the road.
Those men cannot strike. They half own their
homes.’’ In some factory towns in this country
it is the deliberate policy of the management to
induce their employees to partly own houses, so
that wages may be reduced.
There are, then, two sides to the question of
a wage-earner trying to own his house. In the
recent hard times, some of those deepest in
trouble were the unemployed who had com-
menced to purchase a home, and were in dan-
ger of losing much at least of what they had
paid in. :
There is another point. To gradually buy a
home, the working man has not only to work
Argument
himself, but to have his wife work away from ©
home, and often to have his children work. The
home is thus bought at the cost of having the
mother and the children away from the home ;
a home is obtained by destroying home life.
Such is the trade-unionist’s argument. On the
other hand, even from their standpoint it may
be asked, if a man whe has a home owned
and paid for, tho he cannot strike for higher
wages, is not in a better position from the fact, to
contend for a better system, than one where
strikes are necessary ?
There is in the United States a National
League of Local Building and Loan Associa-
tions, of which the Hon. Seymour Dexter, of
Elmira, N. Y., is president. It is organized in
15 State leagues, and has for its motto, ‘‘ The
American home the safeguard of American lib-
erties.”’ Mr. Dexter calls it ‘‘ the most success-
ful form of direct cooperation yet evolved ;
every association the center of an influence
stimulating industry, frugality, temperance,
home-owning, and good citizenship. It offersa
practical way for every family to buy and pay
for a home.”’
References: Of the many publications treating of
building and loan associations, among those deserving
of special mention are: 7reatise on Cooperative Sav-
zngs and Loan Associations, by Seymour Dexter (pub-
lished by D. Appleton & Co., of New York City, 188 5
Manual for Building and Loan Associations, by H?
S. Rosenthal (published by S. Rosenthal & Co., of Cin-
cinnati, Ohio, 1888); 4 Treatise on Building Associa-
Zions, By Charles N. Thompson Wpubished by Callaghan
& Co. of Chicago ; the last-named book is designed espe-
cially for the use of lawyers and association officers) ;
The Working Man's Way to Wealth (Philadelphia,
Lippincott); Buzlding and Loan Associations, the
198
Building Trades.
Ninth Annual Report of the (U. S.) Commissioner of
Labor (1893), on application.
BUILDING TRADES, LABOR MOVE-
MENT IN THE.—The workers in the building
trades have been pioneers in the labor move-
ment, especially the ship carpenters. As early
as 1642 ships were built in Boston, there being
12 shipyards in that city by 1743. From _1712-20,
yoo sail of ship were built in New England.
The builders were honored. In 1631, while
Richard Hollingsworth was engaged in build-
ing a large vessel, one of his workmen was
killed, and Hollingsworth was required by the
Court of Assizes to pay £10 sterling to the wife
and children of the deceased, because they
thought that sufficient care was not taken to
have his tackle strong enough.
It had been the custom in this industry, as
well as in others, to furnish drink or grog at
various intervals in the day. In 1817 Thacher
Magoun, a ship-builder, determined to abolish
the grog privilege. The ceremony of laying
the keel, and of commencing each part of the
work, as also the christening or naming of a
vessel, was always accompanied with the use
of ardent spirits. Upon Mr. Magoun giving
notice that no liquor could be used in his ship-
yard, the words ‘‘ Vo Rum! No Rum!’’ were
written upon nearly every clapboard of the
workshop, and on each timber in the yard.
Some of the men refused to work, but finally
all gave in, and a ship was built without the use
of liquor in any form.
The hours of labor at that time were from
sunrise to sunset, and all employers were obliged
by custom to furnish liquor free at least twice a
day. These two periods for drink were really
periods of rest, and were called luncheon times, ©
the men having an opportunity to eat as well as
drink, and Mr. Magoun’s no-rum movement
meant no luncheon time, and was in effect an
increase in the working time, the employer thus
saving the cost of time as well as the cost of
the rum.
The ship-workers and building trades not only were
among the very first to organize their craft into unions,
but they seem to have been the first organized body of
working men to bring the hours of labor to a direct
issue,
The calkers, from the painful positions of their
labor and other causes, were especially prominent in
organizing ; and from their meetings it is claimed is
gerived the word ‘‘caucus,’’ so common in political af-
airs.
The New York Society of Journeymen Shipwrights
was incorporated April 30, 1803, and the House Carpen-
ters of the City of New York, in 1806. The unions of
that time made a stand against the length of the work-
day, which was then 14 hours. The employers, in
resisting this effort on the part of the workmen, pub-
lished resolutions regretting the action of the journey-
men_ship-carpenters, calkers, and oth-
ers, in maintaining a system of meas-
ures designed to coerce individuals of
their craft, and to prescribe the time
and manner of the labor for which. they
were liberally paid. They then pro-
ceeded to declare their intention to black-
list all persons who belonged to the association. In
1850, after many years of contention and defeats, the
ten-hour one extended to the shipyards. Even
before then President Van Buren had, in 1833, by proc-
lamation fixed the hours in the navy yards at 10 per
day. Upon securing the ten-hour day the agitation for
eight hours was begun, and has continued to the pres-
ent time, with slow, gradual progress toward complete
success. In the spring of 1853 there were extensive
movements in the building trades toward organiza-
Various
Unions,
Building Trades.
tion and for an increase of wages; and in 1854 the Bos-
ton ship-joiners struck and obtained an eight-hour
day. The journeymen house carpenters of Boston and
New York held meetings for organization in 1853; and
in 1856 the ship-carpenters organized and moved for
eight hours. In 1866 the ship-carpenters employed at
Greenpoint, L. I, went on strike for eight hours.
Their movement culminated in a great demonstra-
tion of all working men in New York for eight hours.
All these efforts were generallycondemned by the press.
The Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners
is an English organization, with some 25 branches in
the United States. It was founded in June, 1860, and
Eee an annual report filled with statistical in-
ormation for the order and the trade.
Attempts to organize the carpenters of the United
States into a national body were made in 1854, in 1867,
and at other times. Finally, at a convention held in
Chicago, August 8, 1881, the Brotherhood of Carpenters
and Joiners was formally organized. (See BROTHER-
HOOD OF CARPENTERS AND JOINERS.)
The Bricklayers, and Masons’ International Union of
America was first organized under the name of the In-
ternational Bricklayers of America, October 16, 1865, at
Philadelphia.
Previous to this time unions of a local character were
organized and thrived in various cities of the United
States. The first annual convention after organiza-
tion was held at Baltimore, Md., January 8, 1866. John
A. White, of Baltimore, was elected president; J: Ed-
ward Kirby, of Baltimore, secretary; and Joseph
Hackney, of Philadelphia, treasurer. The second an-
nual session was held at Cincinnati, January, 1867. At
the seventeenth annual session, in 1883, the present title
of the order was adopted. From 1873 to 1880, during
the years of depression in business, the order declined
until but a small remnant existed ; but with the revi-
val of business occurred a revival of the organization,
until now it numbers about 33,000 members. The or-
ganization is a purely protective one in a national
sense, and all of the subordinate unions have benevo-
lent features combined. The local union at Philadel-
phia has erected a building on North Broad Street,
which is an ornament to that city. Other unions have
followed this move, until several buildings are owned
or controlled by local branches.
‘Phe Granite Cutters’ National Union had its origin at
Clark’s Island, Me., January 2, 1877. At first only a
temporary organization, it became a permanent body
on March 6, 1877. The first meeting of the National
Board was held March 10 of the same year. N. C. Bas-
sick was elected president, and Thompson H. Murch,
secretary; the latter was afterward elected to con-
gress, defeating Eugene Hale, and J. B. Dyer was
elected secretary, and has retained that position up to
the present time. The first regular convention of the
national ‘body was held at Boston, Mass., February s,
1878, with representatives of 22 branches present. The
first strike was on April 6, 1878, at Vinalhaven. The
most notable strike of the organization was at Quincy,
Mass., lasting nearly nine months. The great Wester-
ly, R. 1, strike of 1885 was also a protracted struggle,
as was the lockout at Ryegate, Vt., 1885. The strike
against contract convict labor on the State capital at
Austin, Tex., and the more recent one against Norcross
Brothers, of Worcester, Mass., involving operations in
various portions of the country, are matters of record.
The policy of the organization has been to change the
headquarters of the organization every two years. A
trade journal is published monthly from the office of
the secretary.
_ The Painters’ and Decorators’ Union had an early ex-
istence in a small way, known as the Painters’ Union
of Philadelphia, in 1856. In 1859 an effort was made to
found a national union, and a convention was called;
but after a brief existence the movement perished.
In 1871 the New York Operative and Benevolent Union,
the oldest union of the trade, undertook the work of
forming a national body and formed the Painters’
Grand Lodge, which body held four annual conven-
tions. During this time the painters entered into the
eight-hour movement, and won the first victory for the
shorter hour cause, earning the title of pioneers of the
eight-hour movement. The great panic of 1873 caused
the collapse of the national organization, and not until
March, 1887, were efforts torevivesuccessful. Thenthe
resent organization was formed, under the title of the
Pratherhwed of Painters and Decorators of America,
The general president is J. W. McKinney, of Chicago,
Ill; the general secretary and treasurer is J. T. Elliott,
Baitimore, Md. From the office of_the secretary is
issued monthly a paper called the Paznters’ Journal.
The order has about 200 unions in all sections of the
United States and Canada. A. A. CARLTON,
199
Burkli, Karl.
BUILDING TRADES (English). See
TRADE-Unions, section ‘‘ England.”
BULLION.—The precious metals gold and
silver are generally spoken of as bullion when
at or near the standard fineness accepted at the
mints of the different countries of the world.
Says Palgrave’s Dictzonary of Political Econ-
omy: ‘‘The term is sometimes applied, with
some qualifying epithet, to ores containing only
a very small portion of the precious metals,
which are called ‘doré bullion’ or ‘ base bul-
lion,’ etc. A statement in the report of Mr.
. P. Turnbull, director of the United States
int, on the production of the precious metals
in the United States, pp. 14, 15 (1887), will ex-
plain this. The reference in it is to certain ores
found in Mexico more or less argentiferous, the
value of which has been generally estimated
in Mexico by the assay of the precious metals,
or of silver to the exclusion of the minute pro-
portion of gold contained in the ore; the base
metals not entering into the estimated value.
The report then refers to ‘the small tenor of
gold extracted from doré bullion.’ The metallic
compound is then termed ‘doré bullion’ or
‘base bullion,’ according to the proportion of
the metals of which it is composed—mainly sil-
ver or lead; but the term bullion is properly
applicable to the precious metals alone.”’
BUONARROTI, MICHEL, was born in
Pisa in 1761 ; he early fled to Corsica on account
of his revolutionary ideas, and published there
his #rzend of Italian Liberty. In 1792 he
came to Paris, and was admitted to the title of
‘‘Citoyen Frangais.’’ For complicity with the
conspiracy of Babeuf (g.v.) he was condemned
to deportation. After much suffering he es-
caped to Geneva, and later to Brussels, where
he wrote his Hzstory of Babeuf’s Conspiracy
(1828). In 1830 he returned to France, and se-
cretly worked for communism, exerting much
influence upon Blanqui and other leaders. He
died in 1837.
BUREAUS OF LABOR. See Lasor Bu-
REAUS.
BURIAL SOCIETIES are friendly socie-
ties, found mainly in England, constituted in
the usual manner, but with the express object
of supplying a fund for paying the funeral ex-
penses of the members on their death. (See
FRIENDLY Societies.) It became customary to
enter the names not only of adults, but of chil-
dren, in such societies. The proceedings of the
criminal courts have shown that, in some in-
stances, children on whose lives such an insur-
ance was effected have been killed or allowed to
die of neglect, and the alarm created by such
instances was enhanced by the discovery that
children were frequently insured in more than
one society. Legislationin England was enact-
ed to remedy this. In this country burial socie-
ties have had little development, their place
having been filled by provisions embodied in
the various friendly societies, secret orders, or
trade organizations. P
BURKLI, KARL, was born at Zurich in 1823.
He became a tanner, and was converted to so-
Burkli, Karl.
cialism (1845) by the writings of Fourier; he
founded the first Konsumverein in German
Switzerland, and in 1851 was elected to the Can-
tonal Council because of his socialist program,
and advocacy, for the first time in Switzerland,
of direct legislation. Since then he has played
an important part in Swiss politics as a firm so-
cialist. In his seventieth year he opened the
Zurich International Congress. He has been a
voluminous writer from 1851-91.
BURNS, JOHN, was born at Battersea, Lon-
don, in 1858, being the son of an engineer who
formerly came from Ayrshire. He began to
earn his own living at the age of 10, working
in acandle factory. Later he was apprenticed
to a local engineering firm. Burns became,
while young, a diligent student of trade-union-
ism. He was arrested in 1877 for persistently
speaking on Clapham Common. When out of
his time in 1879 he joined the Amalgamated So-
ciety of Engineers, and prominently advocated
shorter hours. In 1880-81 he was engaged as
an engineer in West Africa, and read Adam
Smith and J. S. Mill. In 1883 he became a so-
cialist, and joined the Social Democratic Fed-
eration, and became its leading working-class
member. In 1885 he stood as socialist candi-
date for Nottingham, and received 598 votes.
For two years he led the ‘‘ unemployed”’ agita-
tion in London. In 1886 he was arrested with
Hyndman and others for speaking in Hyde
Park, and on acquittal his speech (The Man
with the Red Flag) was printed and widely
sold. In 1887 he was imprisoned six weeks for
breaking through the police, and speaking in
Trafalgar Square (November 13), ‘‘ Bloody Sun-
day.’’ In 1889 he was elected to the London
County Council from Battersea. Thesame year
he showed marvelous skill in managing the
Dock Strike, and in organizing the unorganized,
and became the foremost leader of the ‘‘ new
unionism.’’ Believing in the ‘‘ progressivist’’
policy of advancing socialism through any party,
he left the Social Democratic Federation, and
has been much criticised by its leaders ever
since. At the general election in 1892 he was
easily elected M.P. for Battersea, and in 1893,
receiving the highest number of votes at the
Trade-Union Congress, became Chairman of the
Parliamentary Committee.
On the London County Council his work has
been continuously good and increasingly oner-
ous. From the reactionary Metropolitan Board
to the present progressive council there is a far
cry, and Burns has had a large share in its on-
ward march. The attitude of its Works Com-
mittee, with fair wages, hours, and conditions of
labor, and its system of direct employment with-
out contractors, is worth recording. In Parlia-
ment, too, his work has been none the less solid :
witness the adoption of the eight-hour day in gov-
ernment workshops, and his interest in all re-
forms. Asa trade-unionist he is a trusted man,
vice-chairman of the Parliamentary Committee
of the Trade Union Congress, and visited the
United States with D. Holmes December, 1894,
as English representatives to the convention of
the American Federation of Labor.
The platform upon which Burns was elected
to Parliament, more advanced than that of any
200
Burns, John.
other member, indicates his political belief. It
is as follows :
“The recent movements of labor, the Roper de-
mand for more leisure and a higher standard of life,
the determination to use Parliament for a social end,
and not as an appanage of vested interests, will find in
me an earnest advocate.
“Asa Social Democrat, I believe that nothing short
of the nationalization of the land, railways, mines, and
the means of f oceney will permanently remove
the poverty and inequalities which surround us, and
that eventually society will accept that view. Till
that is completely realized--and it is being fast accom-
plished—Parliament can be made the means of giving
to the people those legislative, municipal, and decen-
tralized powers by which poverty can be reduced,
burdens lightened, and the community immeasurably
benefited.
“ Asa candidate, dealing with immediate questions
and asking your votes, Iam in favor of the following ;
“Home Rule for Ireland, and such measures of
legislative independence as the Irish people may de-
mand for their political, social, and in-
dustrial Pe. a wend
“Payment of members and election yy;
enenees: His Platform,
“ Adult man and woman’s suffrage,
and drastic amendment of registration
laws, second ballot, and referendum,
“Triennial Parliaments.
“ Abolition of the House of Lords and all hereditary
authorities.
“Conferring upon the London County Council all
the powers enjoyed by other municipalities and givin,
to London a unification of complete municipal self-
government, with power to acquire all existing mo-
nopolies.
“ District and parish councils, with full and popu-
lar powers.
“Alteration of the incidence of taxation, so that the
ground landlord, the owner, and the rich shall pay
their just proportion of taxation.
“ Disestablishment of the Church.
“The legal eight-hour day as the best means of
securing work for all, overwork for none, the avoid-
ance of strikes, reduction of the rates, and giving
permanent employment where demoralizing casual
labor now prevails.
“Raising the age of child labor, and placing all
trades within the scope of existing and future factory
and sanitary acts.
“ Alteration of existing poe law, and diversion of
its funds to some scheme of old-age pensions that, by
cumulative or graduated income tax on the rich,
would give sustenance to old people, without pauper-
ization.
“Giving to localities absolute and complete power
in deciding upon all questions relating to the drink
traffic by direct veto and local option.
‘The recognition of trades-unions, the abolition of
sweating and pope rine the payment of union
wages in all government Sparen and the check-
ing of waste, jobbery, an
found.
“ Beyond the above, I will attend to all local matters
before Parliament, and will always endeavor to make
the district in which I have lived my whole life re-
spected where it is not feared, and will ever have in
view the best and most permanent interests of the
community.”
extravagance wherever
Burns has done an important and interesting
work in Battersea, his native parish, which has
a population of 160,000, 90 per cent. of whom be-
long to the industrial and laboring classes. But
for him the municipal progress of the parish
would not have taken place. Since 1887, when
it was given full administrative powers, Batter-
sea has established :
1. A splendid public library—supported out of
the rates—with two branches, bringing free read-
_ ing to the doors of all its people. The libraries
are open on Sundays.
2. Public baths and wash-houses, where peo-
ple may have baths of all kinds at a very mod-
erate charge, including the largest swimming
bath in London, and where the poor housewife
Burns, John.
can use all the most improved machinery for
washing.
3. New municipal buildings, with.a town hall
capable of holding 1500 people.
4. A polytechnic institute, a real people’s uni-
versity, and the best of its kind in equipment in
London.
Battersea has abolished contractors, and con-
structs its own works under the conduct of the
Works Department. The men employed by the
municipality have an eight-hour day, and are
paid trade-union wages. These and other prac-
tical reforms have had the steady advocacy of
Burns.
Besides being trustee to several trade-unions,
Burns is governor of the Battersea Polytechnic.
An authority on labor problems, he is constant-
ly consulted on industrial questions. Much of
his tremendous energy, of his cheery optimism,
and of his remarkable success is due to the in-
spiring influence of his wife, unseen, yet felt by
thousands.
In 1894 he made a lecturing tourin the United
States. In 1895 he was returned again to Par-
liament, though with a greatly reduced vote.
BURROWS, HERBERT, was born in Suf-
folk, England, in 1845. The son of a Methodist
local preacher, he studied at a private school and
201
Business Failures.
entered the civilservice. He was one of the orig-
inal founders of the Social Democratic Federa-
tion, and is stillamember. He gave himself so
energetically to the cause as on occasions to de-
liver seven addressesaday. He was one of the
organizers of the dock laborers, and has repre-
sented the federation in several socialist con-
gresses. He is now in the civil service, and
deeply interested in theosophy, but still true to
socialism. He is (1895) treasurer for the Match
Girls’ Union, and active on its behalf.
BURT, THOMAS, was born in 1837; the
son of a miner. Following his father’s profes-
sion, he became Secretary of the Northumber-
land Miners’ Union in 1865. In 1872 he was
elected to Parliament from Morpeth, with Alex-
ander Macdonald, the first ‘‘ labor member’’ to
sit in Parliament. Hehasrepresented Morpeth
ever since. He was President of the Trade-
Union Congress in 1891. He has served on sev-
eral commissions, boards of trade, and in poli-
tics is a Liberal.
BUSINESS FAILURES.—The following
are the business failures in the United States.
in recent years. For earlier years in the United
States and for statistics for England, see Banx-
RUPTCIES,
BUSINESS FAILURES IN THE UNITED STATES FROM 1886-1891, AS REPORTED BY BRAD-
STREET'S.
\
Per Per
£ cent.
Num- | Actual iabiliti Aaeet cars, | Num- | Actual | 7 iapitities. | Assets
YEARS ber, ‘Assets. Liabilities, fase YEARS. ber: eeers i le ee
bilities bilities
$55,819,173 | $113,648,392 +49 1889..... wa 11,719 | $70,599,769 | $14,359,490 +50
4,651,000 130,605,000 +50 18G0.. e000 10,673 925775:025 175,032,836 +53
61,999,911 120,242,402 +52 BBQLs av dossiers 12,394 102,893,000 193,178,000 +53
CLASSIFIED AS TO CAUSES.
PERCENTAGE,
Actual Actual ais aen ds td
FaILurEs Dug To | No. | No. Assets, Assets, Liabilities, | Liabilities, Lia- Lia-
1891. | 1890. 1891. 1890. 1891. 1890. No. | bili- | No. | bili-
1891. | ties, | 18g0. | ties,
1891. 1890.
Incompetence..........| 2,021] 2,005 $8,563,259 $10,656,524 $16,268,941 $21,545,326 | 16.3 | 8.4 | 18.8 | 12.3
Inexperience.......... 592) 611 4)077)785 159515933 6,021,670 31562,065 | 4-7] 3-1] 5.7] 25
Lack of capital........ 4,869] 4,052 341572,098 23571,043 61,716,157 45,818,944 | 39-2 | 32-0 | 37-9 | 26.1
Unwise credits........] 509] 502 51389382 319651656 912235319 712043055 T1467] 47] 4.2
Failures of others.....| 279] 257 8,723)326 957459954 16,195,080 20,790,648 | 2.7 | r2.1 | 5.6 | 411.2
Extravagance..... ata 251 232 1)399;991 1,265,670 2,584,181 2,626,381 3-0 1.0 3-6 14
Neglect......... sa 383} 390) 1,049,640 1,223,198 2,079,709 2y412,302 | 2-0] 3.3] 22] 15
Competition.........5+ 199} 246 929,215 152351549 1,856,352 2,104,552 | 7-0 8] 3.9] 3-9
Disaster (com. crisis)..| 2,075] 15358 21,959,012 28,637,846 40,736,054 42,650,814 | 16.5 | 2r.t | 12.7 | 24.3
Speculation.......... «| 347] 604! 12,198,055 8,9175424 2353561718 19,616,481 | 2.2 | 8.3 | 24 | 11.9
Fraud........sseeeeeeee) 875} 416 4)031)237 1,604,828 131139)819 6,612,069 | 1.6] 0.9 | 23] 12
Total siaecsisses ..+e.] £2,394] 10,673] {102,893,000 | $92,775,625 | $193,178,000 | $175,032,836 |100.00| 100.00] 100.00] 100.00:
Business Failures. _ 202 Business Failures.
Failures for 1893-94, as compiled by R. G. Dun for the 7rzbune Almanac (1895), are as
follows :*
TOTAL. MANUFACTURING. TRADING. OTHER.
STATES.
No. | Liabilities. | No. | Liabilities. | No. | Liabilities. | No. | Liabilities.
Maine ....ceeseeeceeeeeeeceoees 239 $2,318,810 49 $1,368,362 188 $941,448 2 $9,000
New Hampshire ie 46 274,646 Ir 999779 35 174,867 ais ie niscinseim
Vermont........ fe 32 313,296 6 189,450 25 118,846 I 5,000
Massachusetts ‘ 805, 16,250,423 280 7,200,908 52r 8,816,780 4 232,735
Connecticut... 244 1)7739743 49 879,128 194 893,915 I 700
Rhode Island. 179 1y177)517 43 474,529 131 702,188 5 800
New England... «| 14545 | $22,708,435 438 $10,212,156 1,094 | $11,648,044 13 $248,235
New England, 1893. --..+++++- 2,015 311545,025 “530 13,080,484 1,403 17,762,254 22 702,287
New York.........--eeeeeeeeee 2,864 | $35,1391479 631 $17,648,325 | 2,187 $15,529,919 52 $1,961,235
New Jersey... ofa 200 3275779 66 1,831,303 129 867,131 5 5721345
Pennsylvania eieiaimiavsyiets sdieianstsiats 1,355 14,404,095 403 6,136,576 g40 71798)697 12 468,822
Middl éin.. scecunchate agusaute 19 | $52,814.35 z,100 | $25,616,204 | 3,250 | $24,195,747 | 69 $3,002,402
: 45419 353 ’ 5y010,204
Middle, 1893........ eayouleretsais 33636 147,961,618 1,197 106,358,320 2,304 28,801,919 75__| __12,801)379_
bey ieee aaaaa Seethaiai ws eee 227 | $2,833,868 58 $1,0791585 ie $1,491,185 8 $263,098
aetaleassoa tes : 105,270 1 fore) 140,370 . see eeee
District of Columbia a Bre 096 é T6084 ee fnaia z 1,763
Virginia ....c cess eee 261 1,923,042 28 586,933 227 1,171,009 6 166,000
West Virginia.. 96 511,549 8 126,200 85 374,649 3
North Carolina.. 126 1,807,188 14 703,800 112 1,103,388 2
put Caroline., on 83 7,608,365 9 5753700 74 Hants .
eesceee on 2 1,150 ae sence ene 2 1,150 Bi)
Georgia.. aa qaae 368 22 719,275 as ajroq.cos 3
Alabama. 169 2,789,859 19 1,709,700 150 1,080,159 “
Mississippi 138 1,109,299 5 3571200 133 752,099 "
Louisiana.. 203 1,629,354 24 278,619 178 153475244 I
Tennessee... 303 2,847,105 27 542,566 273 2,147,398 3
Kentucky. 3 301 4,859,580 48 1,945,059 251 2,508,021 2
Southeast..... Wee $28 8 8 619258: $1,881, 69;
359 93571993 284 $9,550,421 2,04! $16,925,879 27 881,693
Southeast, 1893.06.54 siisveessss 2,565 36,541,116 377 12,141,577 2,136 19,882,120 52 4)517)419
Arkansas. 1 1,248,060 995178. o see eeee
texas cl Bel “ase | al | “UES | ae | feels |S || “dem
MissOUTI si 5. avesarnrseencesian 384 39471,110 45 459,099 330 2,869,211 9 142,200
SOmth WeSt ssaess sean oaecsas I 7,684,121 6 8 6. Il 155,200
Southwest, 1893....+....6008 as fee ae on Srtenisa rea ere 10 a
O10 neevsisaeacene piasha Sots cabiavece 677 $6,512,395 I. $
‘ . 41 | $3)150,89 535 | $3:351)502 I 10,000
Indiana. s+] 257 3390432 56 11634,164 197 1,416,268 4 340,000
Michigan. 164 1,638,529 31 660,935 131 942,594 2 35,000
Illinois on a 683 795329759 Igt 3. 824179 470 39191, 580 22 517,000
Wisconsin ......5.00+sc000 ine 232 3,606,604 36 (966,900 ‘189 1,842,184 7_|___ 297520
Central wcccsesecesecigs eres 2,01 $22, 180,71 0, 8 6 $1,199,520
Central, 1893..+ss0se-00e-- aia Br betes ade lope : seers reer inher 36 6,442,909
pene aie eealahnpevelain Sod ueeegddiace 343 H5ga6s 63 $2,210,734 272 $213424757 8 $190,190
eae oo A a 29 Q1,412 204 1,038,721! 2
Nebraska ia 219 1,127,948 17 63,291 199 1,063,257 3
Kansas..... me 268 1,418,640 12 54)700 255 339,940 I
Oklahome ,...... 3 64 262,050 i See. 64 "362,050 .
indian Territory 20 76500 20 76, 500 os
ontana....... 16 205,037 16 205,0)
North Dakota |. 68,400 : beet Ges
South Dakota... 36 Pee op ; Fe ae |
Colorado,..... 6 134 1471157 12 121 I 277,807 I
Wyoming.. 24 311,700 2 2u a ;
: 349700 rt
New Mexico.............2. 65 I 3,000 ie I 3,000 o
Wresterm scsiscs snanex sane 1,364 | $15,013,210 136 85,68 8 16 260.
Western, 2893 0:5. 20 coisas siesies 1,978 38,725,191 on eee Pe oes: St ees
en apejaigiaeonsreladeaice ag, noises wey 264 $1,595,403 40 $542,452 220 $1,044,552 4 $8,400
aes : 116 418,017 24 119,000 go 207,517 2 1,500
2 2,250 eens
Nevada ve : 3856 se | eee we . 2 sare o aeee
- a situlesiaies cer || eteeeare
eons | |) ae ae | ee | | ee
Caltornin” i 40944 3° 460,540 168 3,991,291 3 41,611
pea 54 5) 2395314 9 1)5530419 430 257271486 22 9571499
Baceers 2 . «| 1,298 Frygtnget 225 $3,286,811 | 1,039 $7,393,190 | 34 $1,031,920
: 3 Fiend saiacicue nsinee ances 1,522 16,303,037 270 514399854 1,210 91434,883 42 1,428,300
Ot als deca gandomenadens 13,929 | $159,870,752 | 2
daaengaie sweets 1707 | $63,489,899 |11,016 | $85,601,793 | 206 | $10,779,060
Totals, 163s cee vecaieeces.. sane 15,242 346,779,889 39422 176,982,09% | 11,512 130,062,333 308 397350405
* Wanting all returns for the latter part of December. The returns yet to be received will probably add
about 7oo to the number of commercial failures, and about $7,000,000 to the aggregate of liabilities. While the
See oe ete eon noceet ss 7804 ne in 1803, ae aggregate of liabilities was not half as large. In the aggre-
2 " nd financial institutions t i
reported is shown by sections in the following table: pasa caste stiri eel
Business Failures.
203
Cabet, Etienne.
BANK FAILURES.
1894. 1893.
STATES,
No. Liabilities. No. Liabilities.
New England... I $125,000 16 $12,546,000
Middle: cec6 v3.06 15 713831724 35 43,478,618
Southeast......... 12 690,935 82 22,119,514
Southwest........ 15 1,808,000 6r 29)703,776
Central.. Ir 2,280,187 149 374571963
Western. 39 91436, 667 218 3915545208
Pacific... 25 2,814,822 81 26,138,639
TOtalS wears pies detaneds dhaties MaceaA Ree tURAAME sieee 118 $24,538,822 642 $210,998,808
See also BANKRUPTCIES.
BUTLER, BENJAMIN F. (1818-93), was
born at Deerfield, N. H. He graduated at Water-
ville College, Maine ; studied law at Lowell,
Mass., and was admitted to the barin 1841. He
soon became distinguished as a criminal lawyer
and Democratic politician. In 1853 he was
elected to the Legislature, and in 1859 to the
State Senate. Having become a brigadier-gen-
eral of militia, at the outbreak of the Civil War
he marched at once to the South with the Eighth
Massachusetts Brigade. In February, 1862, he
commanded the military forces sent from Bos-
ton to the mouth of the Mississippi, and for
seven months held military command of New
Orleans. His administration here has been vio-
lently denounced, and it brought down upon
him the intense hatred of the Southern people,
because, altho he maintained order and en-
forced sanitary regulations, he compelled the rich
secessionists to relieve the wants of those whom
their rebellion had impoverished. When re-
lieved of his command he was moved north to
Virginia and North Carolina, and cooperated
with General Grant in his movement upon
Petersburg. In 1866 he was chosen member of
Congress from the Boston district, and two years
later was one of the managers in the impeach-
ment of President Johnson. From the com-
mencement of the rebellion Butler had been a
Republican ; but as soon as the Greenback and
Labor movement began he fell in with it, and in
1878 he was the candidate of this movement for
Governor of Massachusetts. He received 109,435
votes as against 134,725 for the Republican can-
didate. In 1879 he was again defeated ; but in
1882 was successful as the Democratic nominee.
Two years afterward he was the presidential
candidate of the Greenback-Labor and Anti-
monopoly parties, receiving about 133,000 popu-
lar and no electoral votes.
Altho very wealthy, General Butler kept near
to the heart of the ‘‘common people,”’ and few
men of his time had as large a following among
the working men, especially in Massachusetts.
eo
CABET, ETIENNE, was born at Dijon,
France, in 1788, and died at St. Louis (U.S. A.),
in 1856. The son of poor parents, he received
little education, but worked his way up by at-
tending the lectures of his distinguished fellow-
townsman, Jacotot, till he became a teacher in
the Lycée. “ Later he studied both law and med-
icine. In 1815 he became founder and director
of the ‘‘ Fédération Bourguignonne”’ for the de-
fense of the national territory, and became con-
nected with the Carbonari, his father before him
‘having been a fiery patriot. About 1820 he
went to Paris, and the Revolution of 1830 found
him in the first line of its adherents. Up to
1839 he followed the varying fortunes of a Pa-
risian extreme republican, writing various his-
tories of the French revolutions and defending
the most extreme acts of the ‘‘ Mountain.”” Be-
ing tried for this and condemned, he fled to
England. Here he read Moore’s Utopza, and
devoted henceforth his life to the cause of com-
munism. He wrote in London and published
in Paris in 1840 his Voyage en /carde, an at-
tractive communistic romance. In this he pro-
posed, first, a transitional period of 50 years,
and then acomplete communism. In the tran-
sitional period taxation was to be more and
more levied upon the wealthy, and gifts and
transfers of property to be severely scrutinized.
Wages somewhat favorable to the poor were to
be fixed by law. Five hundred million francs
were to be spent in providing work and dwell-
ings for the poor. The army was to be dis-
banded as rapidly as possible, and employed on
public works. Under Cabet’s full communism,
all over 65 were to be retired from work on an
allowance. All others able to work were to be
set to compulsory work—men from 18 to 65, wom-
en from 17 to 50. Everything, however, was
to be done to make the work attractive. The
family was to be maintained intact, save that at
the age of five years children were to be edu-
cated in communism by the State. There was
to be one official journal ; none others were to
be allowed. The city of Icariais described with
minute detail, and all arrangements provided for.
Cabet, Etienne.
The publication of these thoughts in the Pof-
ulatre created great interest, and it was decided
to establish an Icaria in America. Cabet
bought 1,000,000 acres of land in Texas, and
sent, in 1848, 69 trusted followers to prepare the
way. Arriving in New Orleans in March, they
heard of the republican revolution in Paris, and
debated whether or not to return to France.
They decided to go on; but their ranks were
soon decimated by fever, and they returned to
New Orleans, where they met Cabet, who had
left Paris in December. There was a stormy
interview, and Cabet was much denounced ;
but in March, 1849, Cabet, with 280 followers,
went to Nauvoo, IIl., where they hoped for a bet-
ter climate than in Texas. Meanwhile, Cabet
had been condemned in Paris to imprisonment
on a trumped-up charge of fraud. He returned
to Paris, and had the sentence reversed. Re-
turning to Nauvoo, he found the community
prospering, having, in 1855, 500 members.
There was, however, continual dissension, and
Cabet with 200 followers left and went to St.
Louis, where he soon died. The colony, how-
ever, survived, and has only finally disbanded
this year (1895). (For the history of the colony
after Cabet’s death, see Icaria.) Cabet, it
should be added, gave a somewhat religious
cast to his thought, writing a book, Le Vraz
Christianisme sutvant Jésus Christ, and in-
deed several other books arguing that Christi-
anity is communism.
References: /carza, by Albert Shaw; French and
German Socialism, by R. T. Ely, and other histories of
Socialism. (See COMMUNISM.)
CAIRNES, JOHN ELLIOT (1823-75), the
son of a large brewer, was born at Castle Bell-
ingham, County Louth. He graduated at Trin-
ity College, Dublin, and was called to the Irish
bar in 1857, but never seems to have practised.
In 1856 he competed successfully for the Whately
professorship of Political Economy in Dublin,
and held it for five years, the full period during
which it was tenable. During this period he
published several essays and lectures, especially
one on The Slave Power, defending the cause
of the North in the American Civil War, and
winning by it a high reputation for his economic
thought and analysis. In 1865 he moved near
London, and was soon appointed Professor of
Political Economy at University College, Lon-
don. Altho at this time a confirmed invalid, he
fulfilled his duties with great fortitude and no-
bility of character. In 1872 his health com-
pelled him to resign, and he was made profes-
sor emeritus. In 1873 he published his Po/ztz.
cal Essays, and in 1874 his greatest work, Some
Leading Principles of Political Economy
Newly Expounded. Ofthe Ricardo-Mill school,
Cairnes ranks perhaps second to Mill himself.
His work, says Palgrave’s Dectzonary of Polztz-
cal Economy, belongs to three departments :
the logic of political economy, the investigation
and interpretation of contemporaneous eco-
nomic facts, and the economic theory. Under
the first head he maintains sharply that political
economy has to do only with what is, not with
what ought to be; and his whole treatment is
conservative and of the old, orthodox and a prz-
ord school, having little to do with the induction
204
Cameralistic Science.
of the historical school. While of the school of
Mill, he criticises him very sharply on many
points, so that the Dictzonary of Polztical Econ-
omy declares the effect of Cairnes’ last and.
greatest book to have been mainly destructive
in shaking faith in the finality of Mill’s conclu-
sions. Cairnes’ literary skill and his logical in-
genuity are perhaps his most marked character-
istics,
CALVIN, JEAN (1509-64).—The great theo-
logian is considered here only from the stand-
point of his influence upon social reform, but
this was not slight both for good and for evil.
Professor John Fiske says of him (The Begin-
nings of New England, p.58): ‘‘ It is not easy
to speak of Calvin with enthusiasm, as it comes
natural to speak of the genial, whole-souled,
many-sided, mirth and song-loving Luther.
Nevertheless it would be hard to overestimate
the debt which mankind owes to Calvin. The
spiritual father of Coligny, of William the Silent,
and of Cromwell must occupy a foremost rank
among the champions of modern democracy.
Perhaps not one of the medizeval popes was
more despotic in temper than Calvin; but it is
not the less true that the promulgation of his
theology was one of the longest steps that man-
kind has taken toward personal freedom. Cal-
vinism left the individual man alone in the pres-
ence of his God. ... In the presence of the
awful responsibility of life all distinctions of
rank and fortune vanished ; prince and pauper
were alike the helpless creatures of Jehovah, and
suppliants for His grace.”’
It is easy to see from this in what direction
Calvin’s contribution to human thought and life
must lie. By crushing the individual under the
sovereign decrees of God, he frees him from all
lesser bondage. Calvin’s sociology becomes in-
tensely individualistic. He defends private prop-
erty as morally necessary, as tests of justice and,
integrity. The communism of the New Testa-
ment he tries to prove was not communism. He
is the first theologian to defend interest. The
State and the Church he regarded as wholly in-
dependent, yet alike in Church and State the
one supreme ruler is God. Luxury he con-
demned as sin. He considered it the duty of
the Church to provide for the poor, and to this
end he revived the temporal duty of the diaco-
nate.
CAMERALISTIC SCIENCE.—The phrase
cameralistzc science has its origin in the fact
that, in Europe generally, the king’s chamber-
lain, or camerarzus, was responsible for devis-
ing the ways and means of raising revenue for
the public treasury, so that the science of con-
ducting the national revenues and expenditure
came to be called the cameralistic science. The
phrase has been chiefly used and the science
was first carefully developed in Germany, under
the name, Kameralwissenschaft. Cossa con-
siders Johann Heinrich Justi, who died in 1771..
and who was professor first at Vienna, and
later at Géttingen, the leader of the German
cameralists. Frederick William I., himself an
able cameralist and author of the Prussian finan-
cial system, did much for the science, founding
chairs of political economy and cameralistic
?
‘Cameralistic Science.
science at Halle and Frankfort-on-the-Oder.
The cameralists, speaking generally, took up
the principles of the mercantilists (g.v.) and
developed them into a system of practical finance.
The science was also somewhat developed, and
chairs of cameralistic science were founded in
Italy, France, Sweden, etc.
CAMPANELLA, TOMMASO (1568-1639),
was an Italian monk and the author of Crvztas
Solzs. He entered the Dominican Order when
quite a boy, but devoted much of his time to the
study of philosophy. In 1599 there arose a con-
Spiracy in Calabria against the Spanish rule.
Campanella, as an Italian patriot, was seized
and charged with conspiracy and heresy, for
which he was imprisoned in a dungeon in Na-
ples for nearly 27 years, repeatedly being tor-
tured to make him confess his heresy, but with
no avail. During his confinement he wrote sev-
eral works, one of which was his Czvztas Sols
(published 1623). When released he retired to
Rome, and afterward to Paris, whete, enjoying
the friendship of Richelieu and a pension from
the king, he ended his days in peace. His book,
the Czty of the Sun, is in the form of a dialogue
* between a Knight Templar and a sea captain.
The captain tells of a wonderful city he had
visited, and describes minutely all that he saw
there, especially the methods of education and
the laws by which the city is governed. It much
resembles Plato’s Republic. Work is common
to all, but the hours are to be only four, and
slavery is repudiated. There is to be com-
munity of wives and of goods. Money is not to
be received, even from foreigners. A transla-
tion of the Czty of the Sun may be found in
Morley’s Universal Library.
CAMPBELL, HELEN, née STUART, was
born in Lockport, N. Y., July 4th, 1839. She
attended school at Warren, R. I., and at Bloom-
field, N. J. In 1859 she was married to Mr.
Weeks, an army surgeon. She began to contri-
bute sketches to the magazines and newspapers
at an early age, and gave much attention to
housekeeping on a basis of scientific common
sense. She has studied carefully the problem of
the poor in great cities and elsewhere, and has
contributed valuable papers, drawn from person-
alexperience, tocurrent publications. Her nov-
els are all written in an earnest spirit, but are full
of touches of wit and pathos. From 1881-84 she
was literary editor of The Contznent (Philadel-
phia.) Among her published works are: The
Atnslee Series (New York, 1864-67); Hs Grand-
mothers (1877); Six Sinners (1878); Unto the
Third and Fourth Generation (1880); The
Easiest Way in dee and Cookin
(1881); The Problem of the Poor (1882); The
American Girl's, Handbook 2 Work and
Play (41883); Under Green ple Boughs
(1883); Zhe What-to-do Club (Boston, 1884) ;
Mrs. Herndon’ s Income (1885); Mess Melinda's
Opportunity (1886). Her chief books bearing
directly on social reforms are Présoners of
Poverty, Prisoners of Poverty Abroad, WVom-
an Wage Earners (1893).
CANALS are artificial waterways for the
purposes of navigation or irrigation. (For an
account of the latter, see IRRIGATION.) Naviga-
205
Canals.
ble canals may be divided into those used for
inland navigation and those used for shorten-
ing sea voyages. With a long and honorable
history canals have for the last 50 years been
overshadowed in importance by the railway,
but are now experiencing a deserved and need-
ed revival.
Altho known in Egypt and China from early days,
canals were of small use till the invention of locks
in Italy in the fourteenth century. The modern era of
canal construction dates, however, from the success of
the Duke of Bridgewater’s Canal, from Worsley to
Manchester, commenced in 1759, and lengthened to Liv-
erpool in 1772. A canal mania at this time broke out.
Dividends in some of the canal companies amounted
to 100 percent. In 1817 the Erie Canal in the United
States was commenced, and finished amid great en-
thusiasm in 1825. The original cost was $5,700,000. In
1852-53, altho the tolls had been reduced to about one
third the original amount, the revenue was over $3,000, -
ooo per year. Up to 1880 nearly 4500 miles of canals
had been constructed. The Erie is by far the largest
canal in the world, of great importance, having with
its feeders 350 miles; tho the Grand Canal in China has
some 800 miles, and the improved Ganges River in
India 522 miles. The Suez Canal, opened in 1869, has
go miles of length, with the largest sectional area and
undoubtedly the greatest commercial importance of
any canal in the world. The Ohio Canal with its feed-,
ers has 328 miles, the Miami and Erie, 285; the Illinois
and Michigan, roz2; the Chesapeake and Ohio, 180, and
the Morris Canal, 103. In 1825 the railway era com-
menced, and the interest in canals diminished. By an
unfortunate policy the railroads chose to compete
with the canals, instead of leaving to canals the heavy
commodities, which the canals could carry better, and
pushing intochannels of trade which the canals could
not enter. The railways have thus not undertaken
what they might do with better profit, and have been
burdened with work of small profit which the canals
needed. Since 1870, however, thinkers have come to
see that the canal has a needed place in commerce.
In October , 1884, an International Inland Navigation
Congress was heid in Bremen, and has met ceed
every year since. The great Manchester Ship Canal,
which enables the largest steamers for India or Amer-
ica to load at Manchester, was commenced in 1885, and
opened January 1, 1894, costing $75,000,000. _ It is mainly
controlled by the city, which has a majority of the
directors. The North Sea Baltic Canal was commenced
in 1887, and finished in July, 1895. A canal has been con-
structed across the Isthmus of Corinth. Canalsare also
being constructed through Cape Cod, in Nicaragua, and
other places. The importance of the last-named canal
entitles it to a treatment by itself. (See NICARAGUA.)
A proposal to pierce the Isthmus of Darien
was made as early as 1520 by Angel Saave-
dra ; Cortez caused the Isthmus of Tehuantepec
to be surveyed for the construction of a canal ;
and in 1550 Antonio Galvdo suggested four dif-
ferent routes for such a scheme, one of them
being across the Isthmus of Panama. In 1879
M. de Lesseps took the matter up, and the first
meeting of his company was held in 1881. The
capital necessary for the ‘‘ Company of the In-
teroceanic Canal of Panama,’’ as it is called, was
stated at 600,000,000 frs.—the estimated cost of
excavation being 430,000,000 frs., that of weirs
and trenches to take fresh water to the sea, 46,-
000,000 frs., and that of a dock and tide-gates on
the Pacific side, 36,000,000 frs. The Panama
Canal was bought for $20,000,000. The con-
tractors, Couvreux & Hersent, began operations
in October of the same year. (See PANAMA.)
_ Projected canals will probably in the future connect,
in Europe, the Bay of Biscay with the Mediterranean,
the North Sea with the Mediterranean,
the Baltic with the Black Sea; Paris,
Brussels, and other cities with the sea,
and cross England, Scotland, Ireland,
Italy, and other countries. In Amer-
ica canals are projected which, com-
mencing with the Cape Cod Canal, will give unbroken
Projected
Canals,
Canals.
inland communication from Boston to the Carolina
sounds, will cross Florida and Weert Michigan, will
connect Lake Michigan with the Mississippi and
Pittsburg with Lake Erie. Even to-day canals are
of vastly more commercial importance than many
realize. Mr. Marshall Stevens, ina recent paper before
the British Association for the Advancement of Sci-
ence, showed that more fine goods are carried to-day
between Manchester and Liverpool on the Bridgewater
Canal than on any of the three competing roads, even
tho the rates are the same. The tonnage on the
Trent and Mersey Canal is over 1,250,000 tons per year.
In France thecanal tonnage isnearly 20,000,000 tons per
year; in Germany water carries 40,000,000.. The Erie
Canal, altho the political influence of the railroads has
allowed it to be neglected and unimproved, as late as
1884 carried half as much grain to New York City as
all the roads combined, altho it is closed for five
months in the year. Mr. Albert Fink, one of the ablest
railroad managers in the United States, has testified to
the far-reaching influence of the Erie Canal in affect-
ing general railroad rates through the country, so that
railroad rates are reduced generally when the Erie
Canalis open. In 1889 the value of the traffic passing
through the St. Mary’s Falls Canal, between Lakes Su-
perior and Huron, was $83,733,527. The total tonnage
of all canals in the United States, even in 1880, was over
20,000,000. The total tonnage of the foreign trade en-
tering New York City in American or foreign vessels
in 1887 was only 84 per cent. of that passing from Lake
Huron to Lake Superior. The Illinois and Michigan
Canal is at present little more than a ditch, yet from 1880
to 1885 it transported 5,000,000 tons,
Canals are of importance, first, because they
can carry certain selene cheaper and better
than railroads ; secondly, because by carrying
goods where speed of transport is of small mo-
ment, they can free the railroads to do more
rapid work ; thirdly, because they develop trade,
and so aid and not hurt railroad traffic. Ship
canals connecting Lake Ontario with the ocean,
and the Great Lakes with the Mississippi, will
make Chicago a seaport, and develop a trade
greater than that of the Suez Canal.
Realizing their importance, it is evident that
the railroads should be allowed no longer,
through a mistaken policy, to ruin canals, often
buying them up and perhaps running’ their
tracks in the canal bed. Many hold that Gov-
ernment should care for, own and operate the
canals on some large, comprehensive system.
Every argument for the nationalization of rail-
roads applies to canals -only with added
force. (See RaiLroaps.) For the literature’ of
canals in their economic aspect, see The Canal
and the Railway, by E. J. James, Ph.D.,a
publication of the American Economic Associa-
tion for 1890; also Waterways and Water
Transport, by J. S. Jeans, London, 1890.)
i :
CANON LAW.—Rules or laws relating to
faith, morals or discipline for the members of a
church, enjoined by its ecclesiastical authority ;
specifically a collection of rules of ecclesiastical
order oud discipline embodied in the Corpus
Juris Canonici (body of canon law). This isa
compilation from the canons of councils, the de-
crees of popes and the decretals and canonical
‘Teplies made to questions put at various times
to the Roman pontiffs or the fathers of the
Church, together with commentaries or glosses.
There were various compilations of such laws
from the third century down to the twelfth, when
they were gathered into something like their
present shape by Gratian, a monk of Bologna,
in 1151, since when they have been added to
but not materially changed. They mainly con-
sist to-day of the Decretum, or compilation of
Gratian, the decretals of Gregory IX., those of
206
Cantillon, Richard.
Boniface VIII., the Clementine constitutions,
and the books called the E£xtravagantes of
John XXII. and the Extravagantes Communes.
We consider here briefly only such points of the
canon law as bear on economic reform. At the be-
ginning of canon law we are told that men are under
two kinds of laws—the law of nature and the law of
custom or positive institution (zafuralt jure et mori-
bus). Civil law and canon law are two branches of the
second kind. Private property, we are told, is not
known to the law of nature, but all things arecommon
to all men, as they were among the first disciples. St.
Augustine argues that, as ‘the earth is the Lord’s, and
the fulness thereof,” private property is not of divine,
but of human government. Yet canon law does not
wholly forbid private property. It forbids it to the
clergy, but allows it somewhat grudgingly to the
laity. The clergy are to hold property collectively for
the good of the poor; they are not to marry, and are to
be content with food and clothing. The laity are to
hold property only in trust for the poor, and to give
liberally to them, and to the clergy as almoners for the
poor, It is at least hinted that even for the laity com-
munity of goods is better, and that property is only
allowed for the hardness of men’s hearts. Agriculture
is the ideal industry, and the only ete way to in-
crease wealth is to till the ground and breed cattle.
These pursuits and the simple manufacturing indus-
tries are allowed even to the clergy. Labor within
these limits is commended, if not commanded, and it is
the glory of canon law that it did its best to enfran-
chise the laborer. Canon law is largely drawn from,,.
or at least molded by, Roman law, the Decretum itself
being modeled after the pandects of Justinian; yet
Roman law cared much more for property than for
men, the canon law much more for men than property.
Usury—and by usury canon law means use money or
interest of any kind and at any rate—is strictly forbid-
den as sin. Only very gradually and covertly did ex-
ceptions to this rule erin to creep in, and not till the
creation of the ‘‘ Montes Pietatis” (¢.v.), in the fifteenth.
century, was usury to any extent condoned. (For a
fuller treatment of the relation of usury to Christian:
thought, see USURY.)
Canon law never obtained a firm footing in England,
tho there was a kind of national canon law composed
of canons passed in national and provincial synods, and.
foreign canons by custom and common law. In the
reign of Henry VIII. Parliament enacted that a review
should be made of the canon law, and that till it was
made all canons, constitutions, ordinances, and syno-
dals provincial, already made and not contrary to the
law of the land or the king’s prerogative, should still
be used and executed. As no such review has ever
been perfected, canons enacted before this date are
within the above limitations still held by many to be
binding to-day in England upon both clergy and laity.
Later canons of the Church of England, however, are
a different matter, and concern only the Church of
England. Through all civilized countries the influence
of the canon law has been great, ee if nothing.
more, at least a high norm of righteous living. It is
desired by some that Church councils to-day should.
pass, if not canons, at least decisions as to what it re-
gards as the true ways of life for Christian men,
CANONS OF TAXATION. See Taxation.
CANTILLON, RICHARD, awriter of Irish.
. Tace, living in Paris in the first half of the eight-
eenth century, of whose life little is known, but
whose little book, Essaz sur la nature du com-
merce en général, the earliest edition of which
was published in Paris in 1755, seems to have
exerted a very profound influence upon the eco-
nomic thought of his century.. For what is
known of his life, see article ‘‘ Cantillon” in Pal-
gtave’s Dictionary of Political Economy.
Cantillon’s opinions. were those of the mercai-
tilist school modified by the ideas of the Physio-
crats, and all stated with unusual scien-
tific precision and method. For a very favor-
able estimate of his work, see the article by
Jevons upon “ Richard Cantillon and the Na-
tionality of Political Economy,” in the Contem-
porary Review, 1881. (See POLITICAL Economy.)
Capital.
CAPITAL may be briefly but correctly de-
fined as ‘‘ that part of wealth which is devoted
to obtaining further wealth’’ (Alfred Marshall,
Economics of Industry, p.5). Says J. S. Mill
(Politecal Economy, i., iv., Sec. 1): ‘* What cap-
ital does for production is to afford the shelter,
protection, tools, and materials which the work
requires, and to feed and otherwise maintain
the laborers during the process. Whatever
things are destined for this use, destined to sup-
ply productive labor with these various pre-
requisites, are capital.’’ Knies de-
fines capital as ‘‘ wealth set aside
' Definitions. for the satisfaction, directly or in-
directly, of future needs. This sat-
isfaction may be obtained by the
individual by lending his wealth at ‘usury’
—usury of money, usury of victuals, usury of any-
thing that is lent upon usury, or by reserving
means for future production, as in the case of
the husbandman and his corn or cattle, or by
laying up for himself a treasure which will be a
delight for many days.’’ President Francis A.
Walker (Political Economy, Sec. 73) defines
capital as ‘‘ that part of wealth, excluding unim-
proved land and natural agents, which is devot-
ed to the production of wealth.’’ E. V. Bohm-
Bawerk defines capital as ‘‘ the complex of goods
that originate in a previous process of produc-
tion, and are destined, not for immediate con-
sumption, but to serve as means of acquiring
further goods. Objects of immediate consump-
tion, then, and land (as not produced) stand out-
side our conception of capital.’’
There are three principal questions in defin-
ing capital which we need to answer : (1) Zs add
capital the result of labor, and ought we to
exclude the forces and free gifts of nature?
To this we must answer that it is largely a mat-
ter of convenience how we use the term, and, in
a general way, capital may be said to include
such free gifts of nature ; yet, as usually in politi-
cal economy, it becomes necessary to distinguish
between the free gifts of nature and the pro-
duced works of man, it is probably best with
the above authors not to include under the term
capital any of the so-called free gifts of nature.
Of course it is not always easy to draw the line,
asin the case of made land, between the free
gifts of nature and the work of man, and yet,
altho in some cases the line may be invisible,
and therefore hard to place, there is a line, and
an important line, and usually at least it can, ap-
proximately, be placed. Certain improvements
put upon land in time becomea part of the land
itself. No definition can cover all the exigen-
cies of life, but the general distinction is plain
and convenient. Another question is, (2) Does
the distinction between capital and non-capi-
tal depend on the intention of the capitalzst,
or, tn other words, the owner of the potential
capital ? Thus Professor Marshall, in the Ezo-
nomics of Industry, argues that a doctor’s car-
riage, when used on professional visits, would
be capital, but when used for pleasure merely
would not be capital. oa
To this it may be answered that the distinc-
tion lies not so much in the intent as in the wse
that actually is made ; though of course usually
what is intended for production of wealth is
used for that purpose, so that the same article
207
Capital.
may sometimes be used as capital and some-
times not. ‘The final question is, (3) Does cap-
ztal include what are called immaterial,
as distinct from material qualities? This
question is somewhat similar to the first. Ina
general sense immaterial qualities are certainly
often, and perhaps usually, the truest capital.
Thus we say a man’s capital is his health, skill,
strength ; but in political economy it is usually
and probably wisest to not call this capital, be-
cause it is different from material capital, and
obeys different laws, and therefors should be
distinguished from it. Capital, therefore, is prob-
ably wisely, and at least asa matter of fact, usu-
ally used in political economy in the restricted
sense of material wealth, not the free gift o,
nature, used for the production of more wealth.
We now come to consider some different kinds of
capital, and first the common distinction made be-
tween Circulating and Fixed Capital.
“Capital which fulfils the whole of its
office, in the production in which it is Different
engaged, by a single use, is called Cz7- Kinds of
culating Capital. a
“Capital which exists in any durable Capital.
shape, and the return to which is spread
over a period of corresponding duration,
is called Fixed Capital.” *
In this distinction all economists are agreed. An-
other convenient distinction is made by Professor
Marshall (Aconomics of {ndustry, p. 19) into Remunera-
tory Capital and Auxtliary Cap eee e says:
““Remuneratory Capital or Wage Capital consists of
the food, clothes, shelter, etc., which support. labor.
“ 4uxiliary Capital is that which aids labor. Itcon-
sists of tools, machines, factories and other buildings
that are used for trade purposes, railways, canals,
roads, ships, etc.; also raw materials.”
Passing now to the theory of capital, we are met at
once by the utmost diversity of opinion, and have
therefore to consider the history of theories of capital.
The word capital (connected with the Latin cafu/, or
head) was originally a mere adjective in the phrase,
“capital stock,” and so used as late as
Adam Smith. But it soon came to be
used elliptically for the whole phrase, History of
and the single word capital is used in Theories of
the modern sense at least as early as :
1635, in Dafforne’s Merchant's Mirrour. Capital.
This gives us some clew tothe history of
the treatment of capital by economists.
It has been mainly connected with interest, the phrase
“capital stock” being contrasted with the interest ac-
cruingfrom it. At first, in society, there was very little
capital. Men made their little modicums of wealth di-
rectly from the soil by rude agriculture, hunting, and
fishing, all requiring the least amounts of capital. As
invention grew, however, more and more were ma-
chinery and implements of toil a necessity to successful
roduction. This necessitated capital, either in the
orm of machinery or money, to enable the owner to
obtain machinery. We can now see why the modern
age is distinctively the capitalist age, and why, till
now, comparatively speaking, capital can scarcely be
said to have existed. The modern age is the age of
machinery. The inventions of the last part of the
eighteenth century created an “industrial revolution.”
Machinery on a large scale became the necessity of suc- -
cessful trade ; in other words, capital and the capitalist
gained the key to the situation. The man without
capital became dependent on the man with capital.
en, in 1776, Watts perfected his steam-engine, the
capitalist age was fully born.
t is not strange, therefore, that the careful study of
capital belongs to modern times. Until the present
age it did not assume importance enough to elicit
study. Since 1776 all schools of political economy may
be distinguished by their treatment of capital.
The best statement yet written of the various theo-
ries of capitalis undoubtedly Béhm-Bawerk’s in his
bopaee and Interest: A Critical History oe Economi-
cal Theory, a translation from the German Aagztal und
Kapitalzins. This book we shall largely use in the
following account. The problem of capital Béhm-
Bawerk states substantially as follows:
* Mill, Book I., chap. vi.
Capital.
He who owns capital can generally obtain from it a
permanent net income called interest. This has nota-
ble characteristics. ‘It owes its existence to no personal
activity of the capitalist. It flows into
him even where he has not moved a fin-
The Problem ger.. iy seems in 8 peculiar sense to
. spring from capital, or, to use a very 0
of Capital, peetar sty to be begotten of it. It may
be obtained from any capital, from
..,,,800ds that are barren, as well as those
that are fruitful; from perishable goods, as from dura-
ble; from goods that can be replaced, and from goods
that cannot be replaced; from money, as from com-
modities. Finally, it flows into the capitalist without
ever exhausting the capital from which it comes, and
therefore without any necessary limit. It presents
the remarkable picture of a lifeless thing producing
an everlasting and inexhaustible supply of goods.
Whence and why this endless flow of wealth? This is
the theoretical problem of capital and interest. This
is different, says Béhm-Bawerk, from the social and
political problem. The theoretical problem asks why
there zs interest on capital; the social and political
roblem asks whether there should be. Yet it is doubt-
ulif we can keep thetwo questions apart. ‘‘ Whether
there should be” certainly depends upon “why there
is,” and “‘why there is” is not unaffected by ‘whether
there should be.” Yet they are two questions, and for
the sake of clear thought we should try to keep them
separate, and to answer the first question first. Yet,
historically, in political economy, the second question
received the first treatment. Ancient political econ-
omy evidenced a deep disapproval of interest, as wit-
nessed in the prohibition of interest between Jews in
the Mosaic code and in many passages from classic lit-
erature. (See USURY.) The reason is
not far to seek. Credit had little place
in production. Machinery was simple.
Almost all loans were for immediate
consumption, and, as a rule, to people in
distress. The creditor was usually rich,
the debtor poor, and the former, there-
fore, in the light of a man squeezing something from
the poor man. Yet was there little study of the ques-
tion. Plato, Aristotle, the two Catos, Cicero, Seneca,
Plautus—all condemn interest, and yet: assign little
reason forsodoing. Aristotle’s argument was: Money
is by nature incapable of bearing fruit. The lender’s
gain, therefore, must come from a defrauding of the
borrower. The strong condemnation of interest by
the Mosaic law and the early Christian Church is weil
known, Yet there was usually but little reason given,
and some of the reasons that were given are far more
rhetorical than logical. Gradually Greek and then
Roman legislation came to allow interest, and so the
practice spread. The Middle Ages, however, witnessed
a revival of the condemnation of interest. The Church
strenuously condemned it (see CANON LAW), first cat-
egorically, and then, as the desire for
Medieval interest and the seeming need of interest
Theories increased, with more show of argument
* andattempt at reason. Gonzalez Tellez
falls back on Aristotle’s argument.
Thomas Aquinas (g.v.) does the same in a different
form. He argues that he who loans money passes
over money and all that comes from it, and therefore
has no right to the interest that springs from it. In-
terest again he considers as the hypocritical and un-
derhand price asked for a good common to all—time.
Time is simply a pretext used by usurers to get more
than they give. ut time isa common good, given to
all equally by God. This was the general position of
the canonists, tho steadily and quietly exceptions
and excuses were introduced permitting interest under
this pretext or that.
The Protestant reformers usually approved of inter-
-est, altho with more or less reserve; at least this is so
with Zwingli, Luther (in his later days), Melanchthon,
and Calvin. The last named, however,
is the only one who gives careful reason
Ancient
Theories,
Protestant for his approval. His argument is that
Views interest is legitimate, because, tho
© money itself be barren, money is used
as a house is used, for gain of conven-
ience or rent, and therefore that the
lender of the money is entitled to interest as his share
of the gain. Molinezus, taking somewhat the same
ground, opposed the canon prohibition of interest.
Besold, Grotius, followed hesitatingly in the same line
till Salmasius (about 1640) poured out a flood of writing
defending interest, and was followed by Bacon, North,
Locke, Steuart, Hume, Galiani, Vasco, Beccaria,
Mirabeau, and Bentham.
But this already brings us to modern times, when
208
Capital.
capital and interest, paving become matters of such
vast moment, have elicited far more careful and scien-
tific study. Turgot comes first. He defends interest
on the ground that capital is aes ie the equivalent of
rent-bearing land, and therefore should receive iuter-
est as land brings forth fruit. This theory Bohm-
Bawerk calls the “Fructitication” theory, but says it
explains nothing. What gives money
its value in buying land? ‘The power of
being used ; that is, of drawing interest. The Fructifi-
Therefore the answer begs the question. cation
Adam Smith has no definite position,
but throws out various hints about the Theory.
origin of interest, some of which are
utterly contradictory. His writings give
in germ both what Bohm-Bawerk calls the ‘! Produc-
tivity” theories, that capital gives an additional pro-
ductivity to labor, and therefore gains remuneration ;
and also the “ Socialistic theories,” that interest is paid
out oflabor. But Adam Smith’s neutral position could
not be Jong held. The question of labor and capital
has been the burning question of the century, Five
answers have been developed through the century,
and more or less side by side ; so that we shall do best
not to attempt to follow chronological order, but to see
the separate schools as markedly and distinctly as
possible.
First, Bohm-Bawerk puts what he calls the ‘color-
less” answer, which, like Adam Smith’s, is a confused
answer, altho made by Ricardo, Tor-
rens, M’Culloch, and several continental
writers. Ricardo, for example, tho he
erat, and at length gives his concep-
tion of the law that governs fhe rate of
return to capital, scarcely gives any
reason for the return, save that, if capitalists did not.
receive any interest, they would not invest. His law,
however, of the rate of interest has played such a large
part in modern political economy that it must be
stated. It is, of course, connected with his famous law
of rent. The best land, he says, is ordinarily occupied
first, and only gradually does the growth of popula-
tion force people to improve and use poorer land.
This poorer land, however, does not bring in so good
returns as the first land, yet its produce has to be sold
at a price enabling one to pay all costs and the neces-
sary profit. This ‘margin of cultivation’’ fixes the.
market price. He who has the better land can get
more return from it, or rent, so that rent is the differ-
ence between the annual return from the land and the
annual return of a similar amount of land at the
“margin of cultivation.” Now, wages, under compe-
tition, cannot permanently rise much above nor fall
much below the cost of existence, and the cost of exist-
ence is fixed by the cost of produce at the margin of
cultivation. Therefore, as lower and lower grades of
land are brought into use, and production becomes
more and more expensive, wages and prices must both
rise, and profits must fall, since rent of land, measur-
ing the value of money, is fixed by the law above
stated, and cannot be more than the difference between
the annual return of the best land and that of land at
the margin of cultivation. Hence, under increasing
population wages rise, and prices with them, but profits
all. Competition of capitals, on which Adam Smith.
laid much weight, Ricardo makes little of, saying that.
it serves simply to lower profits temporarily, when in-
creased quantity of capital (according to the well-
known wage theory, which he accepted, but which has
since been given up by almost all economists) at first
raises wages. In a word, according to Ricardo, cost of
existence determines wages, and wages determine
profit. This theory, of course, is opposed, first, by
those who deny the law of rent, that the best land is
occupied first, etc.; and secondly, by those who, ad-
initting its premises, argue that it neither explains why
capital draws any interest, nor exactly measures it,
because a thousand elements may affect both the mar-
gin of cultivation and the amount of profit men are
willing to accept as their minimum profit from the
margin of cultivation.
i We come, then, to what Béhm-Bawerk calls the
Productive” theory, that capital actually produces
wealth, and that therefore the capitalist who gets his
interest simply gets what his capital
produces. his theory is subdivided
into fourtheories: (1) That capital serves The Produc-
toward the production of goods; (2) that 4: Thi
it serves toward the production of more tive Theory.
goods than could be produced without
it; (3) that it serves toward the produc-
tion of more value than could be produced without it;
(4) that it serves toward the producing of more value
than it has in itself. The first two of these theories
Ricardo,
Capital.
Bohm-Bawerk calls the “ Naive-Productive” theories ;
the third he calls the “Indirect Productive” theory,
and from the last theory spring such important.theo-
ries that he considers them by themselves as “Use”
theories.
Under the “ Naive Productive” theory we have J. B.
Say, who first broached this theory in 1803, brilliantly
but not clearly, and confused with some elements of
the “Use” theory, Schén, Riedel; in Germany the
distinguished economist Roscher, who, however, is
better on other questions than on this, Leroy-Beaulieu,
Scioloja, and others. But the answer to this theory is
simply that it has not been proved that capital in itself
produces goods. Capital undoubtedly, as Roscher ar-
gues, enables labor to produce more goods; but the
amount of return to capital has by no means been
proved to be equal to the amount of value of the in-
creased amount of goods it enables labor to produce.
There must be, therefore, some other element that
enters in as a controlling factor.
We come then to the “ Indirect Productive” theory,
that capital produces more va/ue, first taught by Lord
Lauderdale in 1804, and then by his greater follower,
tho not disciple, Malthus. Malthus carefully defines
profit as ‘the difference between the value of the ad-
vances necessary to produce a commodity, and the
value of the commodity when produced” (Principle of
Political Economy, 2d ed., p. 262); but he does not
equally carefully show why there should be this dif-
ference of value, tho he does in general point to
capital as the producer of miore value. Henry Care
and Peshine Smith, in America, follow the same school.
Carey’s well-known theory that the value of all goods
is measured by their cost, counts capital as one of the
costs, and since invention and civilization enable one
to produce at lower and lower cost, and this applies to
tools composing capital, capital must steadily fall in
value, and therefore interest lower, tho profits may
absolutely rise. Peshine Smith finds the origin of
profit in a partnership between workman and cap-
italist, where capital furnishes the material and labor
increases its value by infusing it with new labor, and
both receive a share of the increased value in order to
induce both to contribute to the result. This is not in-
correct, but is superficial; it does not show just what
capital contributes nor how much it receives in return.
It simply says it produces more value. In Germany
we have of this school the painstaking Thiinen and
Strassburger.
We come now to the “Use” theories, which, tho an
offshoot of the ‘“‘ Productive” theories, quickly grew
into an independent life of their own. This theory is
that capital, apart from its substance
value, has a use value, and that the cap-
Use Theories, italist who draws interest is thus re-
warded for sacrificing the use of capital
during the period of production. J. B.
Say first suggested this, together with his ‘‘ Naive
Productive” theory, Hermann worked it out, and Men-
ger gave it its best form. It is largely a German theo-
ry, Nebenius, Marlo, Bernhardi, Mangoldt, Schaffle,
i feie, besides Hermann and Menger, all following
it in one form or another. Béhm-Bawerk, however,
rightly maintains that there is no independent “use”
of capital aside from capital, and that therefore this
non-existent ‘‘use” cannot be the cause of interest ;
but even if it does exist, as apart from the substance
of capital, it simply adds to the Poe by raising
two problems in place of one. hat is this indepen-
dent use of capital?
We come now to the famous “Abstinence” theory,
first appearing in the lectures of N. W. Senior, in his
Oxford University lectures, and later in his Outlines
of the Science of Political Economy (1836). Adam
Smith and Ricardo, with more distinctness, have pro-
nounced labor to be the only source of value, and this,
logically carried out, left no room for interest. Later
writers saw this, and James Mill and M’Culloch strove
hard to prove that interest also was the wages of
labor, but naturally with little satisfaction. Another
party, as we have seen, with Malthus at their head,
put cost as the measure of value and counted interest
or profits as among the costs. But it was only too
evident that profits were the surplus over the cost, and
not a constituent part of them—a result and not a
sacrifice. Now then came Senior’s theory that interest
was the reward of abstinence. Hints of this had ap-
peared before in Ricardo and in Adam Smith Ss opposi-
tion of “future profit” to ‘‘present enjoyment,” but
which Senior first worked into a careful and logical
system. According to this, capital is the result of la-
bor, but of labor applied not to immediate results, but
to far-off results; and, therefore, since its owner has
209
Capital.
sacrificed immediate results to distant ones, he is in-
demnified by interest. He is able to se-
cure this indemnification because the
exchange value of goods depends, ac- Abstinence
cording to Senior, partly on the useful- Th
ness of the goods, partly on the limita- cory.
tion of their supply ; and the limitation
depends upon the number of those will-
ing to abstain from immediate consumption of wealth
to devote it tocapital. The ‘‘ maximum of price” is the
sacrifice with which the buyer could himself produce
or procure the goods; and the “ minimum of price” is
the cost of production. Under competition these ap-
proximate. But the cost of production consists of the
sum of the labor and abstinence requisite for the
production of the goods. If abstinence is always req-
uisite for production, it can always command its
money return..
The trouble with this theory is that it makes too
sweeping a generalization from an idea containing at
best some truth. Asa matter of fact, the rate of in-
terest does not at all follow the amount of sacrifice.
High interest is often got by the millionaire, who makes
no appreciable sacrifice whatsoever, and low interest is
often obtained where the sacrifice is very great. The
theory is now generally discarded (see ABSTINENCE,
REWARD OF), yet it has had many followers, and some
of them most distinguished, such as J. S. Mill, Jevons,
Cairnes, Roscher, Schiiz, Max Wirth, Rossi, Molinari,
and Garnier. Bastiat accepted the doctrine under a
developed form. Bastiat’s great social law is ‘‘ service
for service.” He argues that he who provides cap-
ital not only sacrifices present enjoyment, but does
positive service by allowing the laborer to have now
what otherwise he could only obtain later, by great
sacrifice of his own tools. But this only confuses. He
who sacrifices in order to prevent sacrifice certainly
does so, but this is only one sacrifice, and cannot re-
ceive return for two.
We pass then to the next group, which Béhm-Ba-
werk calls ‘“‘ Labor” theories, because under various
forms they try to prove that interest is payment to the
capitalist for labor performed. The main advocates
of this are dane ill, M’Culloch, Courcelle-Seneuil,
Rodbertus, Schaffle. Under one form or another they
all argue that capital is stored-up labor, and that in-
terestand profit are simply the price paid for stored-
up labor. But how, then, does it happen that the capi-
talist eventually gets back all his capital; that is, all
his stored-up labor, and yet gets interest too? Cour-
celle-Seneuil argues that interest is payment for the
labor of storing up capital. Thisis artificial. Its falsi-
ty may be seen in the fact that interest has no connec-
tion with this, being often gyeatest where this so-called
labor is least, and vice versa. This explanation, how-
ever, has been adopted by Rodbertus, Wagner, and
Schaffle among other German “ Socialists of the Chair.”
It is certainly, to say the least, inadequate, and there-
fore false.
We come then to what may be called the Socialist, or
the“ Exploitation’ theory. According to this, all goods
that have value are the product of human labor, and
indeed, economically considered, are ex-
clusively the product of human labor.
The laborers, however, do not retain the
whole product of their labors, because
capitalists, taking advantage of their
command over the indispensable means
of production, as secured to them by the
institution of private property, secure to themselves a
part of the laborer’s product. The means of doing so
are supplied by the wage contract, in which the labor-
ers are compelled by hunger to sell their labor-power
to the capitalist for a part of what they, the laborers
produce. Interest is thus a portion of the product of
other people’s labors, obtained by exploiting the ne-
cessitous condition of the laborer.
The way had been prepared for this by Adam Smith
and Ricardo, in teaching that labor is the source ot
value; tho Adam Smith and Ricardo did not follow out
their teaching to its socialist conclusion. Hodgskin in
England and Sismondi in France were the first to
really state the theory, and they only ina mild and
general way ; but it was soon taken up with strength
and in earnest by Proudhon in France and Rodbertus
in Germany, and then by the great socialist leaders,
Lasalle and Marx, while it was adopted substantially
or He pert by_men not wholly socialists, like J. S
Mill, Schaffle, Diihring, and others. Of the socialists,
Rodbertus and Marx have worked out the theory most
carefully. Rodbertus is considered by most political
economists the most careful, altho Marx has worked
out the theory the most brilliantly and the most popu-
Exploitation
Theory.
Capital.
larly. Rodbertus accepts almost as axiomatic the pre-
mise that labor, economically speaking, isthe source of
allvalue. Rent he defines as ‘‘allincome obtained with-
out personal exertion, solely in virtue of possession”
(Soztale Frage, p. 146). It includes two kinds of rent—
Jand rent and profitoncapital, Rent owesits existence
totwo facts: economically, that, with machinery and
division of labor, laborerscan produce more than they
require to support life ; and legally, that private prop-
erty in land and capital enables their owners to em-
ploy laborers who, not having land and capital, and
needing them for production, are unable to work ex-
cept in service for these capitalists, and are driven by
hunger often to give to the capitalists allthey produce
except what is barely necessary to support life. The
form which this compulsion originally took was
slavery, the origin of which was contemporaneous with
that of agricultureand landed property. To-day con-
tract has taken the place of slavery ; but since capital-
ists own substantially all the land and capital, they
have the laborer as equally at a disadvantage as under
slavery, and can take from him under contract as much
as before under slavery. Thus, says Rodbertus, ‘‘The
contract is only formally and not sewually free, and
hunger makes a good substitute for the w ip. What
was formerly called food is now called wage” (Soz¢ale
Frage, p. 73). . 3 meet
Thus all rent is an exploitation, or, as he says
in effect, a robbery of the product of other people’s
labor (Soztale Frage, p. 150), The amount of rent
increases with the productivity of labor; for under
the system of free competition the laborer can receive
little more than his maintenance, no matter how much
he produce. The division between rent of land and
rent of capital Rodbertus believes depends upon how
much labor value is represented in land and in capital,
since labor is the measure and source of all value, even
rent being the product of labor, tho conditioned by
the possession of wealth. Nevertheless, except in a
pos ceys tract on Cagztal, Rodbertus does not
avor the abolition of private property in either land or
capital, Heascribes to it an educating power, a ‘kind
of patriarchal power that could only be replaced after
a completely altered system of national instruction,
for which at present we have not got even the condi-
tions” (Erélarung, p. 303).
Marx’s theory is the same, tho worked out in
a different way. The utility of a thing, he argues,
is its value zu use. But this value is not some-
thing in the air. It is limited by the properties of
the commodity, and has no existence apart from that
commodity. The commodity itself is
the use value. Now use values ex-
change. They are measured. To be
measured they must have some charac-
teristicincommon. Whatis this? It is
not in their gualztzes ; their qualities are
very different. Things that exchange must have the
same quantity of exchange value. What is the thing
that they have the same quantity of? If we discard
their qualities as use value, they have only one common
property left, that of being products of labor. This
must be the measure of their exchange value. So the
value of all goods is measured by the quantity of labor
contained in them or in labor time. But labor is of
different value in different individuals; therefore, we
must take the “‘ socially necessary labor time’’—z. ¢., the
labor time ded uired to produce a use value under the
conditiéns df production that are socially normal at the
time, and with the oat necessary degree of skill
and intensity of labor. ow the problem of capital
and of interest and profit is this: One man sells the
commodity which he possesses for money, in order to
buy with the money another commodity which he re-
quires. This course of circulation maybe expressed
by the formula: Commodity, money, commodity. But
there is another course of circulation. Men buy com-
modities in order to sell, or—money, commodity,
money. But in this circuit,men buy commodities in
order to sell at anadvance. Thereal circuit is M., C.,
M’. (M’ representing the sum advanced plus an incre-
ment). This is the characteristic circuit of capitalistic
industry. It applies seemingly only to the merchant’s
capital, but it is true of all industrial capital. The
manufacturer, every one in commerce, even the
farmer, buys something—invests, that is—in order to
sell what he buys, or what springs from what he buys,
at an advance. Whence the advance? This is the
problem. He buys material at its market value; he
sells the material at the market value ; how is he en-
abled to sell at a higher price than he buys? Whence
this surplus value? This is the problem of Marx’s
book—his famous Cagztal. The surplus value cannot
originate in anything outside the circuit, for nothing
Karl Marx,
210
Capital.
pourseconomic value into his hands. It cannot origi-
nate in the circuit itself, for he cannot continually bu
commodities under their value, nor continually sell
above their value. Whence his profits? He can only
sell for more than he buys by adding labor toit, Labor
is thus the only source of surplus value. But if he put
labor into it, either his own or hired, he pays for that.
How does the capitalist sell for more than he puts in?
He must buy material and labor at their value, sellthe
result at its value, and yet draw out more than he
puts in. How? Marx answers this by saying that
there is one use value which possesses the peculiar
roperty of being the source of exchange value; this is
Tabor or labor power. It, labor power, is offered for sale
onthe market on the double condition that the laborer
is personally free—for otherwise he would bea slave,
not a seller of labor power; and that, secondly, he is de-
prived of all means of independently using his labor
power, otherwise he would work for himself. The
present condition of society furnishes these conditions.
The capitalist makes use of this. The value of the
commodity labor power, like that of all other commod-
ities, is regulated by the labor time necessary for its
reproduction ; in this case, by the labor time necessary
to produce the maintenance of the laborer. The capi-
talist gets the laborer to work for him. He gives him
his labor time value—that is, maintenance, the value
necessary to maintain and reproduce him. But the
laborer gives the capitalist more labor time than this.
If in six hours the laborer produces enough to maintain
him, and works 1o hours, in the four hours he pro-
duces for the capitalist this ‘‘surplus value.” Surplus
value, therefore, according to Marx, results from the
capitalist getting the laborer to work a part of the day
for him without paying for it. In the laborer’s day,
thus, we have “necessary labor time” and “surplus
labor time,” the source of “surplus labor value.”
Capital is not thus a command over labor, but a com-
mand over uzpazd labor, All surplus value, in what-
ever form it be disguised, as profit, interest, rent, or
any other, is only the material shape of unpaid labor.
Bitterly, upon this foundation, does Marx trace the his-
tory and expedients of capital to lengthen the time and
intensity of the working day in order to get more sur-
plus value.
The answer to this theory, which will be seen to be,
in another form, the same as Rodbertus’, may be very
varied. It is perhaps sufficient, however, to say that
it has not been proved that labor is the source of value.
Exchange is not based simply upon labor-time value.
Use value does affect exchange. A good natural
voice, uncultivated be any labor, has exchange value,
Unimproved natural commodities have exchang
value. Scarcity affects exchange value. The whole
theory that laboris the source of value is untenable.
Rodbertus does not attempt to prove it. Marx appeals
not to facts, but to the above dialectics, which can be
shown to be faulty. Marx says use values in exchange
are disregarded. This is not the case; but if it were,
his conclusion does not follow that their being the
product of labor is the only characteristic left which can
be the basis of exchange. Many other elements enter
in—scarcity, demand, appropriation of them, etc.
Marx's analysis contains truth, but by no means the
Waele truth, and its fundamental proposition is not
rue.
We come now to several minor theories of capital.
Rossi seems to use the Productivity and Abstinence
theories alternately; so largely do Molinari, Leroy-
Beaulieu, Roscher, Schtiz, and Max ;
Wirth and Cossa. Jevons, in an eclectic
way, welds several theories together,
finds the function of capital in that it
enables us to expend labor in advance,
but confuses “surplus in products’
with “surplus in value.” F S. Mill
adopts at various times three inconsistent theories—the
cee the Abstinence, and the Exploitation
theory. Schaffle does substantially the same. Henry
George adopts the old Fructuation theory of Turgot
and the physiocrats, butin a later form. He argues that
capital commands interest, because certain forms of
capital, like animals, etc., are fruitful, and that there-
fore men will not lend capital for nothing, when with
it they could invest in live stock, agricultural capital,
etc., that would bring in profit year by year. The
trouble with this argument is that there is no ground
for this distinction between natural capital and capi-
tal the product of human labor. There is no product
into which nature does not enter. Man is natural.”
Again, Mr. George does not show that animals or land
produce more animal value than the labor and the food
spent upon them. Mr. Fliirscheim (g. v.), Mr. George’s
most distinguished follower in Germany, in his Rent,
Other
Theories.
Capital. ;
Wages and Interest shows the limitations of Mr.
George’s theory of interest.
Thus have we followed Béhm-Bawerk in critical
analysis of all theories of capital, and have found com-
plete satisfaction in none. But Béhm-Bawerk himself
has a theory, developed in his second book, The Pos?-
tive Theory of Capital. According to this theory,
capital draws interest because capital contributes to
production by saving time. By the use of capital men
can perform their work more quickly than without it.
Men desire to save time, to obtain results now rather
than later; according to Béhm-Bawerk, because of
three elements—the defect of imagination, defect of
will, and uncertainty of life. But this theory seems
equally faulty with those Béhm-Bawerk has so ably
criticised, It is not those who have the least imagina-
‘tion or will, or are most uncertain of life, who desire
capital the most. This psychologic theory must take
its place with other faulty ones. The fact seems to be
that no one theory is complete; that almost every
theory yet advanced has had its element of truth and
made its contribution to science. It is wza2z who pays,
and man who asks interest for capital. Men are not
simple ‘‘economic men.” The reasons that move the
willto demand and pay interest are not simple, but
numerous, intricate, and varying at different times.
In the Fructuation theory, the Productivity theory,
the Use theory, the Abstinence theory, the Exploitation
theory, the Time theory, there is truth, but the whole
truth lies only in the correct synthesis of alltheories. It
should be added, however, that whatever be the theory
as to the origin of capital and interest, neither the be-
lievers nor the disbelieversin interest question the fact
ofthe contribution, and the necessary contribution, that
capital makes to production. Socialists, nolessthan the
most conservative economists, admit the necessity of
capital to production. Socialistssimply
assert that work (personal effort of head
The Sorialist or hand) should be required from every
Contention member of society (save from the young,
* aged or infirm), and that there should be
no class of society whose economic func-
tionis simply to furnish capital and live
ontheinterest. They declare that allcapzta/ should be
owned and furnished by the community, and that all
individuals should furnish work and receive, therefore,
their rightful share in the product. (See SOCIALISM.)
Those socialists who do not hold with Adam Smith,
Ricardo, and Marx that labor is the only source of
value, do not either hold that capital comes wholly
from unpaid labor ; they hold that capital may come
from the personal labor of one’s ancestors, or from
personal saving, or by speculation or investment—in a
hundred ways, some of them moral, some immoral;
but they hold that, however gained, the unity of soci-
ety isthe key to the freedom of the individual, and
that that freedom demands that capital be held and
operated collectively for the equitable good of all,
each man and woman being in some way a worker for
the general good. This holding of capitalisa step, in
their opinion, not based on any theory, but called for
by the conditions of human life, in the process of
evolution, developing a higher organism out of lower
organisms, Those socialists who look to Divine sanc-
_ tions for their acts find this act requisite upon man’s
) brotherhood, and natural unity resulting from God's
Fatherhood. They argue that capital
should be held in common and each
The Christian work for the good of all, as a family
sali holds property and work each for each.
Socialist Interestlon capital they say is ‘‘natural,”
View. because capital performs a natural
function, and can therefore obtain a por-
tion of the product, as conditional to its
being forthcoming ;and when capital is monopolized
bya portion of the community, it can, subject to com-
petition between capitalists, dictate its own terms, be-
cause he who has it not is dependent upon him who
has. What such socialists assert is that, though interest
is natural, itis money, since God has made all men
one, and given to all the duty of labor; that therefore
for one portion of society to furnish the capital and be
able to live without labor, while another portion of
society can scarcely live by the hardest toil, is a plain
violation of the law of God. Such are the various
theories as to capital that have prevailed at various
times and are held to-day by various schools of
thought,
Turning to the laws that govern the growth
of capital, we present two representative treat-
ments of the subject, and first, one by Professor
2Ir
Capital.
and Mrs. Marshall. In chap. vi. of their Eco-
nomics of Industry, they say :
“The growth of capital depends upon the power and
the wed/ to save.
“The power of saving depends on the amount of
wealth out of which saving can be made. Some coun-
tries, which have a large population and produce a
great amount of wealth, have very little
Dower ie saving. oe whole pene
of Asia, for instance, has less power o
saving than England has. The total prod- The Growth
uce indeed of its industry is larger than of Capital,
that of England; butthenumber of peo- Orthodox
ple among whom this is divided is so View
great that they are compelled to con-
sume almost the whole of it in support-
ing life.
“As Mill says, ‘the fund from which saving can be
made is the surplus of the produce of labor after sup-
plying the necessaries of life to all concerned in the
production (including those employed in replacing the
materials and keeping the fixed capital in repair) ;
more than this surplus cannot be saved under any
circumstances; as much as this, though it never is
saved, always might be. This surplusis the fund from
which the enjoyments as distinguished from the nec-
essaries of the producers are provided; it is the fund
from which |all are subsisted who are not themselves
engaged in production; and from which all additions
are made to capital. It|is the real net produce of the
country.’
“Since the requisites of production are land, labor,
and capital, the conditions on which the total produce
of industry depends may therefore be classed‘as, firstly,
fertility of the soil, richness of mines, abundance of
watercourses, and an invigorating climate ; secondly,
the number andi the average efficiency of the working
population; this efficiency depending on moral as well
as mental and physical qualities; thirdly, the abun-
dance of the means which the industry of the past has
accumulated and saved to help the industry of the
present; that is, the abundance of roads and railroads,
of canals and docks, of factories and warehouses, of
engines and machines, of raw material, of food and of
clothing ; in short, the already accumulated capital of
the nation. ...
‘Next as to the will to save. :
“The strength of the desire of accumulation depends
on moral and social conditions which .vary widely in
different times and countries.
““(a) The intellect. The inclination to save arises
from the hope of obtaining some future advantage, and
this future advantage, if itisto afford motive for action,
must be realized. Children and nations in an early
state of civilization are almost incapable of realizing a
distant advantage; the future is eclipsed by the
present. ... =
“(6) Affection for others is one of the chief motives
if not the chief motive for the accumulation of cap-
ital, «ss
“(c) The hope of rising in the world. , If people feel
that they are bound down forever by a sort of caste
regulation to one station in life, they will not save in
order to better their position ; they will naturally have
little motive to be frugal... .
“(d) The opportunity to gain great socialadvantages
by the possession of wealth. ...
““(e) Political and commercial security.
“A man who saves, hopes that he and his family may
enjoy in security the fruits of his saving. This re-
quires, firstly, that Government should protect his
property from fraud and violence; secondly, that if he
or those whom he leaves behind him are unwilling or
unable to employ the capital in business themselves,
they must be able to lend it out to others and to live in
quiet on the interest of it... .”
Lastly, Mr. and Mrs. Marshall inquire how] far the
accumulation of capital depends upon the rate of prof-
its, and the rate of interest which the owner of capital
can obtain by lending it to others, and they answer:
“A high rate of interest no doubt affords a liberal re-
ward of abstinence, and stimulates the saving of all
who are ambitious of earning social position by their
wealth.
“ But ‘the "history of the past and the observation of
the present show that it is a man’s temperament, much
more than the rate of interest to be got for his savings,
which determines whether he makes provision for his
old age and for his family, or not. ost of those who
make such a provision would do so equally whether
the rate of interest were lowor high. And whena man
has once determined to provide a certain annual in-
Capital.
come, he will find that he has to save more if the rate
of interest is low than if it is high. Suppose, for in-
stance, that a man wishes to provide an income of £409
a year on which he may retire from business, or to in-
sure £400 a year for his wife and children after his
death, If the current rate of interest is 5 per cent., he
need! only put by 48000 or insure his life for £8000; but
if it:is 4 per cent., he must save £10,000, or insure his
life for £10,000.
“ Again, a high rate of interest is a great inducement
to retire early from business, and live on the interest
of what has already been accumulated. Sir Josiah
Child indeed said two centuries ago, ‘ We see that gen-
erally all merchants’ in countries in which the rate of
interest is high ‘when they have gotten great wealth,
leave trading’ and lend out their money at interest,
‘the gain thereof being so easy, certain and great;
whereas in other countries, where interest is at a lower
rate, they continue merchants from Seneraton to gen-
eration, and enrich themselves and the State.’ It is
more true now than it was then, that many men retire
from business when they are yet almost in the prime
of life, and when their knowledge of men and things
“ might enable them to conduct their business more
efficiently than ever. Thus a fall intherate of interest
would in some ways ee the production and the
accumulation of wealth.
“But it would diminish the dower of saving from a
given amount of capital, because the larger the income
a man derives from his business, the larger are the
means he has of saving.”
Such is an admirable example of the treat-
ment of the subject from the standpoint of the
most progressive orthodox economics. As an
example of the treatment of the subject from
the socialist standpoint, we give a quotation
from the lecture on The Jndustrial Basis 0
Soctalism, by William Clarke, and included in
the Fadzan Essays. Says Mr. Clarke:
“The capitalist was originally an extrepreneur, a
manager who worked hard at his business, and who
received what economists have called the ‘wages of
superintendence.’ So long asthe capitalist occupied
that position he might be restrained and controlled in
various ways, but he could not be got rid of. His
: ‘wages of superintendence’ were cer-
tainly often exorbitant, but he per-
formed real functions; and society, as
Growth of yet unprepared to take those functions
Capital, upon itself, could not afford to discharge
Socialist him. Yet, like the king, he had to be
View. restrained by the legislation already
: referred to, for his power involved much
suffering to his fellows. But now the
capitalist is fast becoming absolutely
useless. Finding it easier and more rational to com-
bine with others of his class in a large undertaking, he
has now abdicated his position of overseer, has put in
a salaried manager to perform his work for him, and
has become a mere rent or interest receiver. The rent
or interest he receives is paid forthe use of a monopoly
which not he, but a whole multitude of people, created
by their joint efforts.
“It was inevitable that this differentiation of man-
ager and capitalist should arise. It is part of the proc-
ess of capitalist evolution due to machine industry.
As competition led to waste in production, so it led to
the cutting of profits among capitalists. To prevent
this, the massing of capital was necessary, by which
the large capitalist could undersell his small rivals by
offering, at prices below anything they could afford to
sell at, goods See by machinery and distributed
by a plexus of agencies initially too costly for any in-
‘dividual competitor to purchase or set on foot. Now
for such massive capitals, the contributions of several
capitalists are needed; and hence has arisen the joint-
\stock company or Compagnie Anonyme. Through this
new capitalist agency a person in England can hold
‘stock in an enterprise at the Antipodes, which he has
-never visited and never intends to visit, and which,
therefore, he cannot ‘superintend’ in any way. He
and the other shareholders put in a manager, with in-
junctions to be economical. The manager’s business
is toearn for his employers the largest dividends pos-
sible ; if he does not do so, he is dismissed. The old
personal relation between the workers and the em-
ployer is gone; instead thereof remains merely the
cash nexus. To secure high dividends, the manager
will lower wages. If that is resisted there will proba-
bly be either a strike or lockout. Cheap labor will be,
212
WEALTH; TRUsTS;
Capital.
perhaps, impotted by the manager; and if the work-
people resist by intimidation or organized boycotting,
the forces of the State (which they help to maintain)
will be used against them. In the majority of cases
they must submit. Such is a not unfair picture of the
relation of capitalist to workman to-day, the former
having become an idle dividend-receiver. The dictum
of orthodox political economy, uttered by so compe-
tent an authority as the late Professor Cairnes, runs:
“«It is important, on moral no less than on economic
grounds, to insist upon this, that no public benefit of
any kind arises from the existence of an idle rich class,
The wealth accumulated by their ancestors and others
on their behalf, where it is employed as capital, no
doubt helps to sustain industry; but what they con-
sume in luxury and idleness is not capital, and helps
to sustain nothing but their own unprofitable lives,
By all means they must have their rents and interest,
as it is written in the bond; but let them take their
proper place as drones in the hive, gorging at a feast
to which they have contributed nothing.’ *
“The fact that the modern capitalist may be not only
useless, but positively obstructive, was well illustrated
at a meeting of the shareholders of the London and
Southwestern Railway on February. ... Threeshare-
holders urged a reduction in third-class fares. The
chairman pointed out the obvious fact that such a re-
duction would probably lower the dividend, and asked
the meeting if that was what they wished. He was,
of course, answered by a chorus of ‘No, no!’ and all
talk of reduction of fares was at an end. Here isa
plain sample (hundreds might be quoted) of the evi-
dent interests of the public being sacrificed to those of
the capitalist. ,
“That joint-stock capitalism is extending rapidly
every one knows. In the United States, according to
Mr. Bryce, the wealth of joint-stock corporations is
estimated at one fourth of the total value of all prop-
erty.t In England every kind of business, from brew-
eries, banks, and cotton-mills down to automatic
sweetmeat machines, is falling into the hands of the
joint-stock capitalist, and must continue to do so.
Twenty years ago who would have supposed that a
brewery like that of Guinness, or such a banking firm
as Glyn, Mills & Co., would become a joint-stock com-
pany? Yet we knowitisso to-day. Capitalism is be-
coming impersonal and cosmopolitan. And the com-
binations controlling production become larger and
fewer. Barings are getting hold of the South African
diamond fields. A few companies control the whole
anthracite coal produce of Pennsylvania. Each one of
us is quite ‘free’ to ‘compete’ with these gigantic com-
binations, as the principality of Monaco is ‘free’ to go
to war with France should the Jatter threaten her in-
terests. The mere forms of freedom remain, but
monopoly renders them nugatory. The modern State,
having parted with the raw material of the globe, can-
not secure freedom of competition to its citizens ; and
yet it was on the basis of free competition that capital-
ism rose. Thus we see that capitalism has cancelled
its original principle—is itself negating its own exist-
ence.
Concerning statistics as to the large part
played by capital in the modern world, see
Macuinery; Dests. A
few statistics may be given here as an example
concerning the United Kingdom of Great Brit-
ain and Ireland alone:
The profits of public companies, foreign invest-
ments, railways, etc., assessed to income tax in the
United Kingdom in 1887-88 amounted to %119)630,000,
The interest payable from public funds was, in addi-
tion, £46,512,000 (Report of Commissioners of Inland
Revenue, 1889, C—-5843).
That these amounts are understated may be inferred
from Mr. Mulhall’s estimate of the stocks, shares,
bonds, etc., held in Great Britain alone, as being worth
S34 1,000,000, producing an annual income of upward
Of 4155,000,000 (Dictionary of Statistics, p. 256). And
Sir Louis Mallet estimates the English income from
foreign investments alone at £100,000,c00 annually.
(National Income and Taxation, Cobden Club, p. 13).
Nearly the whole of this vast income may be regarded
as being received without any contemporary services
rendered in return by the owners as such.
We have, however, to add the interest on capital
employed in private undertakings of Manufacture or
* Some Leading Princtples of Political E, i
+ The American Commonwealth, chap. Gene on ;
Pp. 421,
Capital.
trade. This is included with “wages of superinten-
dence” in business profit, both for the purpose of the
income tax returns and in ordinary speech. Mr. Giffen
estimates it, apart from any earnings of personal ser-
vice, at £89,000,000 (Essays 7x Finance, vol. ii., p. 403).
The total amount of interest cannot, therefore, be
less than £250,000,000. The part which capital pe sin
the whole world may be seen in the fact that the Come
pendium to the Eleventh Census of the United States
gives the total national and local debts of the world at
no less a sum than $30,349,927,609. For a discussion of
whether the profits or capital are falling, see DIMIN-
ISHING RETURNS, LAW OF.
References: Capital and Interest: A Critical His-
tory of Economical Theory, by E. V..Béhm-Bawerk,
Professor of Political Economy in the University of
Innsbruck (translation by William Smart, of Queen
Margaret College, Glasgow); Zhe Positive Theory of
Capital, by the same author and with the same trans-
lator. For the Exploitation theory, Capital; A
Critical Analysts of Capitalist Production, by Karl
Marx (translated by Samuel Moore and Edward Ave-
ling, in two volumes; for the development of capital,
The Evolution of Modern Capitalism, by John A. Hob-
son (London, 1894). :
CAPITALIZATION.—The word capitaliza-
tion is used in several senses. It may mean (1)
the application of wealth as capital to the pur-
poses of trade, etc. ; (2) the act of computing or
realizing the present value of a periodical pay-
ment ; (3) the conversion into capital, as when
creditors consent to the conversion into capital
of half of their claims (Century Dictionary).
But there is also a fourth sense not wholly coy-
ered by any of the above, and yet a very com-
mon use of the word ; neither the application of
wealth as capital, nor the conversion of shares
into capital, but the rating of plant or other
form of capital at an enhanced and sometimes
an utterly fictitious value, as a basis for the dec-
laration of dividends.
his Political Economy :
“ We must distinguish between capital invested and
capitalization. Capitalization means the amount at
which a property is valued, and it may be 1o times the
cost of capital actually invested. When we speak of
profits as being ro per cent. or 5 per cent., we mean
profits on free or disposal capital, and this rate depends
on opportunities for production which are still open,
not those which have already been seized. Let us
suppose that the returns on investments still-open to
all are about ro per cent., but that the returns to a tele-
phone company or an electric lighting company which
has actually invested $100,000 is eee ; the undertak-
ing will be capitalized at $1,000,000, So as to conceal the
actual rate of profits ; and as profits fall on new invest-
ments open to all, capitalization of old and lucrative
enterprises rises in proportion, altho no new capital is
invested. One familiar form which this takes is
‘stock-watering,’ but it is also seen in higher prices.
Ifa house yields $1000 a year, and 10 per cent. is a fair
return for house Beapertys it will be valued at $10,000 ;
but if profits fall, and 5 per cent. is considered a good
return, it will be valued at $20,000. This increase of
capitalization is sometimes an unconscious process,
and a man will at times feel poorer when he is receiv-
ing 5 per cent. on his capitalization of an investment
than when he was receiving 10 per cent., altho his
capitalization has quadrupled without any additional
investment of capital.” (See STOCK-WATERING.)
CARBONARI.—A secret revolutionary or
political. society existing mainly in Italy and
France, claiming great antiquity, with Francis
I. of France as founder, but owing its modern
activity at least to republicans and others in
Naples who were dissatisfied with the French
rule under the reign of Murat (1808-14). They
are said to have been originally refugees from
the mountains of the Abruzzi provinces, and to
have taken their name from the mountain char-
coal-burners. Their aim was to free Italy from
foreign domination. After having aided the
Bourbons in this, the organization spread all
213
Says Professor Ely in -
Carey, Henry Charles.
over Italy and into France, as the champions of
the national liberal cause against the reaction-
ary governments. At one time they numbered
several thousand adherents. About 1820-21
Lafayette became the head of the society in
France. It played an important part in the
Revolution of 1830, since when it has not been
prominent, if in existence. (See The Secret
Socteties of All Ages and Countries, by C. W.
Heckethorn.)
CAREY, HENRY CHARLES, was born
in Philadephia, Pa., in 1793, and died in 1879.
He was the son of Matthew Carey, an Irish
refugee and publisher who had written on eco-
nomic themes. The son succeeded the father,
but retired with a competency in 1835, and de-
voted his life to economics. Thirteen octavo
volumes and 3000 pages of tracts, besides news-
paper articles perhaps twice as voluminous, at-
test his industry, while the fact that many of
his writings have been translated into seven
different ee air speaks for his ability and
originality of thought. Says Palgrave’s Dzc-
tionary of Political Economy :
“Carey began his scientific career ata juncture wher
the English school appeared to have exhausted its de-
ductions from assumed premises, and to shrink from
adjusting its conclusions to the conditions of actual
life. His treatment of social science was original, and
led him toa series of supposed discoveries, the order
of which he has stated in the introduction to his most
important work, The Principles of Social Science. His
oint of departure was a theory of value which he de-
Fred as the ‘measure of the resistance to be overcome
in obtaining things required for use, or the measure of
nature’s power over man’—in simpler terms, the cost
of reproduction. This theory Carey applied to every
case of value—to commodities, services, and land, and
in some passages seemingly to man himself. Reason-
ing that every gift of nature is gratuitous, he found a
universal tendency to a decline of value as the artsad-
vance, and toa decrease in the value of accumulated
capital,as compared with the results of present labor,
with a resulting harmony of interests between capital-
ist and laborer. This theory Carey enunciated in his
Princtples of Political Economy, published in 1837-40,
and its appearance,in slightly modified terms in Bas-
tiat’s Harmonies Economiques, in 1850, led to a sharp
discussion between the two authors in the Journal des
conomistes for 1851.”
Ten years later,in his Past, Present and Fu-
ture, Carey expounded his notorious land theory,
which was the exact reverse of the Ricardian ;
but though argued by Carey with great vigor
and at great length, and eliciting much interest
because of its novelty, it has been accepted by
scarcely any other careful economist. It laid
down the principle that men first till the poorer
and more easily worked lands, and then descend
upon richer lands as capital increases, so that
with the advance of civilization the rate of re-
turn from land rises instead of falls. He de-
duced from this a rejection of the Malthusian
doctrine, since rising returns from land could
support more and more men. The only limit to
this tendency he found in Herbert Spencer’s
conjectured law of the diminution of human fer-
tility and ultimate equilibrium between num-
bers and subsistence. Carey seems
to us to have based the somewhat
true conclusion that civilization can A Check
increasingly support population up- upon
on more doubtful facts. Undoubt- Ricardo.
edly men do sometimes occupy the
poorest lands first, and in so far
Carey’s voluminous illustrations furnish a need-
Carey, Henry Charles.
ed check upon Ricardo’s too sweeping and
a priord statements ; nevertheless it is undoubt-
edly true that Ricardo’s theory usually holds true,
especially as applied to old countries. Carey
seems to have been misled by paying too
much attention to the conditions of land occu-
pation in the United States, at the time he
‘wrote by no means so densely populated as to-
day.
Carey's cardinal principle, however, is found
in the second chapter of his Socal Sczence,
where he states ‘‘the great law of molecular
gravitation as the indispensable condition of the
being known asman.’’ This law of being he
declares to be the same in matter, man, and
communities. As, in the solar world, attraction
and motion are in the ratio of mass and proxim-
ity, so, in the social world, association, individu-
ality, responsibility, development and progress
are proportionate to each other. This theory,
not of analogy, but of absolute identity of law,
Carey maintained with great vigor in the Unzty
of Law, published in his seventy-ninth year.
This theory led Carey first to adopt and advo-
cate those theories of free trade for which he is
perhaps the best known in the United States ;
tho afterward, from the same principles, to
retreat from this position. The central point of
his social philosophy being association, as the
primary condition of progress, in the commerce
of exchange of commodities and of ideas be-
tween countries Carey thought he saw the op-
portunity for closer association, economic off.
ciency, and general efficiency, and hence argued.
strongly and determinedly for free trade, giving
a strong impulse to the arguments now becom-
ing common in this country. It was only later
that he abandoned this belief, from a conviction
that in the present state of the world the co-
ordinating power of the Government must be
used in order to preserve economic harmony’
and to arrive at ultimate freedom.
Such is a brief review of his main positions.
So great was his ability and so distinctive his
views, that his school of thought is sometimes
called the American School of Political Econ-
omy. His main followers are E. Peshine Smith,
and Professor R. E. Thompson, formerly of the
University of Philadelphia. Professor Ingram,
in, his Azstory of Potttécal Economy, says of
Carey (p. 173):
“His aim was, while adhering to the individualistic
economy, to place it on a higher and surer basis, and
fortify it against the assaults of socialism, to which
some of the Ricardian tenets had exposed it. The
most comprehensive as well as mature exposition of
his views iscontained in his Prznciples of Social Science
(1859). Inspired with the optimistic sentiment natural
toa young and rising nation with abundant undevel-
oped resourcesand an unbounded outlook toward the
future, he seeks to show that there exists, indepen-
dently of human wills, a natural system of economic
laws, which is essentially beneficent, and of which the
increasing prosperity of the whole community, and
especially of the working classes, is the spontaneous
result, capable of being defeated only by the ignorance
erversity of man resisting or impeding its action.”
arey’s main works are: Essay on the Rate of
Wa, es (3835) 3 flarmony of Nature (privately printed,
2836) vinciples of Political Economy (3 vols., 1837, 1838,
1840); The Past, the Present, and the Future (1848) ; Har-
mony of Interests, eee tural, Manufacturing, and
Commercial (1850); Slave Trade, Domestic and Povcion
1853); Principles of Social Sctence (3 vols., 1858-59)
‘anual of Soctal Sctence (edited by Miss M’Kean, 1864) ;
The Unity of Law, as Exhibited in_ the Relations of
Physical, Social, Mental, and Moral Science (1872).
214
Carlyle, Thomas.
CARLYLE, THOMAS (1795-1881).—Car-
lyle we consider here simply from the stand-
point of social reform, yet this element forms
no small portion of his life, and his.contribution
to social reform gave no slight impulse in the
advance of the century. From the standpoint
of the social movement, the nineteenth century
must be divided into two nearly equal yet two
very diverse parts. The first 50 years were, So-
cially considered, negative, destructive, charac-
terized by the freeing of the individual from the
tyrannies and despotisms of government, monar-
chical and despotic. Its outcomes were democ-
racy, free trade, competition, individualism.
The last 50 years of the century are, socially
considered, positive, constructive (or at least
seeking construction), characterized by the col-
lective thought supplanting individualism and
developing in its place the social organism. Its
outcomes are unity, cooperation, monopoly, cen-
tralization, socialism. The lines of force in
these last 50 years are centripetal, as in the first
half of the century they were unmistakably cen-
trifugal. Carlyle belongs to the first half of the
century, yet with no little trace of transition to
the second. Living till 1881, his genius was
matured, his views were formed, his greatest
works were written before 1850. He is an indi-
vidualist whose writings are full of undeveloped
socialism. In more than his denunciation of
wrong he is a John the Baptist, the last of the
old prophets, andaforerunner of thenew. The
following quotation from Mazzini’s magnificent
essay on Carlyle pronounces, we believe, a just
criticism. He says:
“Mr. Carlyle comprehends only the zzd¢vidual ; the
true sense of the unity of the human race escapes him.
He sympathizes with all men, but it is with the
ee life of each, and not with their collective .
NESS seein a8 :
“The nationality of Italy, in his eyes, is the glory of
having produced Dante ahd Christopher Columbus ;
the nationality of Germany, that of having given birth
to Luther, to Goethe, and to others. The shadows
thrown by these gigantic men appear to eclipse from
his view every trace of the national thought, of which
these men were only the interpreters or prophets, and
of the people, who alone are its ere All gen-
eralization is so repugnant to Mr. Carlyle that he
strikes at the root of the error, as he deems it, by de-
claring that the history of the world is fundamentally
nothing more than the biography of great men (Lec-
tures). This is to plead, distinctly enough, against the
idea which rules the movement of the times. .. .
“In the name of the democratic spirit of the age, I
protest against such views. History is not the biog-
raphy of great men; the history of mankind is the
history of the progressive religion of mankind, and of
the translation by symbols or external actions of that
religion....
“The great men of the earth are but the marking-
stones on the road to humanity ; they are the priests of
its religion, What priest is equal in the balance to the
whole religion of which he is a minister? There is yet
something greater, more divinely mysterious, than all
the great men, and that is the earth Which bears them
the human race which includes them, the thought of
God which stirs within them, and which the whole
human race collectively can alone accomplish. Disown
not, then, the common mother for the sake of certain
of her children, however privileged they may be; for
at the same time that ree disown her you will lose the
true comprehension of these rare men whom you ad-
mire. Genius is like the flower, which draws one half
of its life from the moisture that circulates in the earth,
and inhales the other half from the atmosphere. The
an of sen belongs one half to eaven, the
other to the crowd of common mo: i
Cen ttals from whose life
et we doubtif this does full justice to
Carlyle accomplished. It was Carlyie’s eeerce that
to discover and to proclaim to this generation the
‘Carlyle, Thomas.
world’s need of God. And this he did as no other man
in all this century, not even excepting the great Italian
himself. “The beginning and the end of what is the
matter with us,” writes Carlyle, ‘‘is that we have for-
gotten God.” This is also the beginning and the end
of Carlyle’steaching. Now fromthis socialism follows
of inevitable necessity. It is not only true, as Maurice
showed, that “there can be no brotherhood without a
common father,” but it is equally true that there can
be no common father without a brotherhood. Theone
follows logically from the other. If God be the father
of all, as Carlyle declared, then all men must be
brothers, as socialists declare. Carlyle may not him-
self have taken that step, but he compels his readers to
take it. He was the seer of the present; he saw through
all the shams of hisday. He is the great unmasker.
He showed the pettiness and the selfishness and the
nothingness of the Manchester economy. He blew the
clouds away that hide God from the world. Above all,
Carlyle saw God zz man. ‘Thou, too, art man,” he
says, “‘the breath of God is in thee; thou art here be-
low to develop thy being under all its aspects; thy
body is a temple; thy_immortal soul is the priest,
which ought to do sacrifice and ministry for all.
Thus outlining Carlyle’s general position, we
condense his more detailed views from Pal-
‘grave’s Dectionary of Political Economy, ar-
ticle ‘‘Carlyle.’’ Carlyle conceived
of political economy as a political
His Views. philosophy, which should tell us
‘“‘what is meant by our country,
and by what causes men are happy,
moral, religious, or the .contrary.’’ (See Lzfe
of Carlyle, by Froude, vol. ii., p. 78.) Eco-
nomics in the narrower sense he associated with
Bentham and McCulloch (M’Croudy), and nick-
named the ‘‘ dismal science.’? Headmires pow-
er, however, wherever he sees it. Says Pal-
grave’s Dictionary of Political Economy of
‘Carlyle’s views on this point :
“Even ‘mammonism’ itself ‘has seized some por-
‘tion of the message of nature to man; and, seizing
that and following it, will seize and appropriate more
cand more of nature’s message’ (Past and Present).
The English people are the wisest in action, and their
practical material work is the one thing they have to.
.show for themselves that is true and solid (Past and
Present). But he has done most service to economics
by his criticisms. When Past and Present appeared
(1843) the Deutsch-Franzésische Jahrbiicher ot Marx
-and Engels at once took note of it as the most impor-
‘tant book of the day on social questions. Carlyle
there showed that: extreme /azssez-fatre may mean
‘disintegration of society and simple anarchy; it re-
moves old bonds, and leaves men disjoined from each
-other, except for the ‘nexus of cash payments.’ The
‘result is the ‘nomadic servitude’ of the working
‘classes and the destruction of all security and per-
manence in their conditions of life. In the JVzgger
Question (1849) he allows no advantage to the English
laborer over the West Indian slave ; the slaves were
‘hired for life,’ and the workmen are hired by the
job. He points tothe common liability to disease as a
wholesome reminder to_the rich of their common
humanity with the poor (Past and Present), and when
he impresses on economists the fact that the ‘economic
man’ isan abstraction, and the universe is not one
huge shop. He derides mere skill in selling cheap
(Bobus of Houndsditch), and even industrial enterprise,
so far asit aims at profit-making (Hudson, Plugson of
Undershot, etc.). But he is firm against corn laws, and
against the landowners who ‘refuse to take the mar-
‘ket rate for their onions,’ and forget that ¢hey did not
make the land of England. He goes farther than most
economists in his estimate of ‘captains of industry,’
and in his view that the relation of master and servant
-is eternal (Vigger Question). He shows no apprecia-
\tion of the power of workmen’s combinations, and
(has no sympathy with nations and peoples as distin-
guished from individuals. On the whole, economists
have learned more from his protests against abstract
Ricardian political economy and its tendency to re-
duce the State to ‘anarchy plus the constable,’ than
from any of his positive teachings. His pleadings had
-their influence even with men like John } ill, who were
‘perfectly aware of their defects of logic.”
215
Carnegie, Andrew.
The following quotations, perhaps, give a
correct idea of Carlyle’s positions, style, and
power in the world of reform :
“To whom, then, is this wealth of England wealth?
Who is it that it blesses ; makes happier, wiser, beau-
tifuler, in any way better? Who has got hold of it, to
make it fetch and carry for him, like a true servant,
not like a false mock-servant ; to do him any real ser-
vice whatsoever? As yet no one. We have more
riches than any Nation ever had before; we have less
good of them than any Nation ever had before. Our
successful industry is hitherto unsuccessful ; a strange
success, if we stop here! In the midst of plethoric
plenty, the people perish; with gold walls, and full
barns, noman feels himself safe or satisfied. Workers,
Master Workers, Unworkers, all men, come to a
pause; stand fixed, and cannot go farther. Fatal
ge teens spreading inward, from the extremities, in
st. Ives workhouses, in Stockport cellars, through all
limbs, as if toward the heartitself. Have we actually
got enchanted, then; accursed by some god?” (Proem
to Past and Present, chap. i.)
“True, it must be owned, we for the present, with
our Mammon-Gospel, have come to strange conclusions.
We callita Society ; and go about professing openly the
totalest separation, isolation. Our life is not amutual
helpfulness; but rather, cloaked under due laws-of-war,
named ‘fair competition’ and so forth, it is a mutual
hostility. We have profoundly forgotton everywhere
that Cash-payment is not the sole relation of human
beings; we think, nothing doubting, that z¢ absolves
and liquidates all engagements of man. ‘My starv-
ing workers?’ answers the rich mill-owner. Did not
LIhire them fairly inthe market? Did Inot pay them,
to the last sixpence, the sum _covenanted for? What
have Ito dowith them more?’ Verily Mammon-wor-
ship isa melancholy creed. When Cain, for his own
behoof, had killed Abel, and was questioned, ‘Where
is thy brother?’ he too made answer, ‘Am I my
brother’s keeper?’ Did I not pay my brother “zs
wages, the thing he had merited from me?
“© sumptuous Merchant-Prince, illustrious game-
preserving Duke, is there no way of ‘killing’ thy
brother but Cain’s rude way?” (Past and, Present,
Part III., chap. ii.)
Carlyle’s social writings were not his first.
They belong to his best period. Szgus of the
Times was first published in the Laznburgh
Review, and written perhaps at the very time
he was writing Sartor Resartus. Chartism
(1839) and Past and Present (1843) appeared
soon after Zhe French Revolutzon (1837).
These, with portions of the last-named works,
are his main writings on social themes.
CARNEGIE, ANDREW, manufacturer,
was born in Dunfermline, Scotland, November
25th, 1835. His father, a weaver in humble cir-
cumstances, but ambitious to rise, and an ardent
republican, came with his family to the United
States in 1845, and settled in Pittsburgh. Two
years later Andrew began his career by attend-
ing a small stationary engine. Later he be-
came a telegraph messenger, and subsequently
an operator. He was one of the first to read
telegraphic signals by sound. He became clerk
to the superintendent of the Pennsylvania Rail-
road, and manager of the telegraph lines. While
in this position he grew interested in the sleep-
ing-car invention, and joined in the effort to
have it adopted. The success of this venture
gave him the nucleus to his wealth. He was
promoted to be superintendent of the Pittsburgh
division of the Pennsylvania Railroad, and about
this time was one of a syndicate who purchased
property on Oil Creek, which cost $40,000, and
in one year yielded over $1,000,000 in cash divi-
dends. He was subsequently associated with
others in establishing a rolling-mill, from which
has grown the most extensive and complete sys-
Carnegie, Andrew.
tem of iron and steel industries ever controlled
by an individual.
Besides directing these great iron industries,
he for a long time owned 18 English news-
papers, which he controlled in the interests of
radicalism. He has devoted large sums of
money to benevolent and educational purposes.
In 1879 he erected commodious swimming baths
for the use of the people of Dunfermline, Scot-
land, and in the following year gave $40,000 for
the establishment there of a free library, which
has since received other large donations. In
1884 he gave $50,000 to Bellevue Hospital Medi-
cal College to found a historical laboratory, now
called the Carnegie Laboratory ; in 1885, $500,-
ooo to Pittsburgh for a public library ; in 1886,
$250,000 to Allegheny City for a music hall and
library,-and $250,000 to Edinburgh, Scotland,
for a free library. He has also established free
libraries at Braddock, Pa., and at other places
for the benefit of his employees. In New York
City he has built a Music Hall. Mr. Carnegie
is a frequent contributor to periodicals on the
labor question and similar topics, and has pub-
lished in book form Ax American Four-tn-
Hand in Britatn (New York, 1883) ; Round the
World (1884); and Trzumphant Democracy ;
or, Fifty Years’ March of the Republic (1886) ;
the last being areview of American progress
under popular institutions, which he believes to
be the most successful in the world. (See
HoMESTEAD. )
| CARPENTER, EDWARD, was born at
Brighton, England, in 1844. He graduated at
Cambridge in 1868, and took orders in 1869.
He was for a time curate to the Rev. F. D.
Maurice (g.v.), at St. Edward's, Cambridge,
where he also held a fellowship. About 1871,
however, he changed his religious views, and
resigning his fellowship and curacy, was for
seven years a university extension lecturer on
science, music, etc. In 1877he visited the United
States, seeing Walt Whitman among others. In
1881 he took toasimple yet artistic farm life,
somewhat after the idea of Thoreau (g.v.), near
Sheffield, and began writing Toward Democ-
racy, issued in 1883, when he first definitely join-
ed the socialist movement. In 1886 he com-
menced making sandals, in which he now carries
on quite a trade. He has since published Zng-
land's Ideal (1887 and 1895); Chants of La-
bor (1889); Czvzlization.: Its Cause and Cure
(1889), with other books. He has issued from
the Labor Press, Manchester, several pamphlets
on sex questions—Sex-Love, Woman, Mar-
riage. His farm is at Holmsfield, Sheffield.
As an example of Mr. Carpenter’s thought and
style we quote the following passage from his
Crvilézatzon : Its Cause and Cure (pp. 39, 40):
“ To-day it is unfortunately perfectly true that man
is the only animal who, instead of adorning and beau-
tifying, makes nature hideous by his presence. The
fox and the are may make their homes in the
wood, and add to its beauty in so doing; but when
Alderman Smith plants his villa there the gods pack
up their trunks and depart ; they can bear it no longer.
The bushmen can hide themselves and become indis-
tinguishable on a slope of bare rock; they twine their
naked little Pee, bodies together, and look like a
heap of dead sticks; but when the chimney-pot hat
and frock-coat appears, the birds fly screaming from
the trees. This was the great glory of the Greeks, that
they accepted and perfected nature ; as the Parthenon
216
Castration.
sprang out of the limestone terraces of the Acropolis,
carrying the natural lines of the rock by gradations
scarce perceptible into the finished and human beauty
of frieze and pediment, and as, above, it was open for
the blue air Ot head to descend into it for a habita-
tion, so throughout in all their best work and life did
they stand in this close relation to the earth and the
sky, and to all instinctive and elemental things, ad-
mitting no gulf between themselves and them, but
only perfecting their expressiveness and beauty. And
some day we shall again understand this which, in the
very sunrise of true art, the Greeks so well under-
stood. Possibly some day we shall again build our
houses or apcllineswinees so simple and elemental in
character that they will fit in the nooks of the hills or
along the banks of the streams or by the edges of the
woods without disturbing the harmony of the land-
scape or the songs of the birds. Then the great tem-
ples, beautiful on every height, or by the shores of the
rivers and the lakes, will be the storehouses of all
precious and lovely things. There men, women, and.
children will come to share in the great and wonderful
common life ; the gardens around will be sacred to the
unharmed and welcome animals; there all store and
all facilities of books and music and art for every one ;.
there a meeting-place for social life and intercourse ;.
there dances and games and feasts. Every village,
every little settlement, will have such hall or halls.
No need for private accumulations. Gladly will each
man, and more gladly still each woman, take his or
her treasures, except what are immediately or neces-
sarily in use, to the common center, where their value
will be increased a hundred and a thousand fold by
the greater number of those who can enjoy them, and
where far more perfectly and with far less toil they
can be tended than if scattered abroad in private
hands. At one stroke half the labor and all the anxi-
ety of domestic caretaking will be annihilated. The pri-.
vate dwelling-places, no longer costly and labyrinthine-
in proportion to the value and number of the treasures.
they contain, will need no longer to have doors and
windows jealously closed against fellow-man or
mother nature. The sun and air will have access to
them, the indwellers will have unfettered egress.
Neither man nor woman will be tied in slavery to the-
lodge which they inhabit ; and in becoming once more
a part of nature, the human habitation will at length
cease to be what it is now for, at least, half the human
Tace—a prison.”
CARPENTERS.
See BROTHERHOOD oF:
CARPENTERS AND JOINERS.
CASSON, HERBERT N., was born in 1869,.
in Ontario, Canada, of English parents. Edu--
cated at Victoria College, he entered the Meth-
odist ministry in 1890. Becoming a socialist, he-
gave up his church and its creed and came to.
He took a leading part.
Boston, Mass., in 1893.
in the agitation for the unemployed, and in
January, 1894, he moved to Lynn, Mass., and
founded (in America) the Labor Church Move-
ment (7.v.).
ed socialist tracts.
CASTRATION.—Members of the medical
profession frequently recommend castration as
a punishment for certain offences, and as a
method of treatment for ‘‘sexual perverts.”
Boies’ recent work on Prisoners and Paupers:
culminates in this recommendation. While ad-
vances in modern surgery make this a compara--
tively safe and painless operation, it is doubtful
if it will be permitted by modern communities.
Professor A. G. Warner thinks it may ulti-
mately be very widely used in the treatment of”
He says.
the diseased and criminal classes.
(American Charities, p. 133):
_ ‘It is likely to be introduced first as a cura-
tive treatment in the cases of the insane and the
feeble-minded. Dr. Kerlin, in addresgi the-
Association of Medical Officers of Tnetineonc:
for the Feeble-Minded, said : ‘ While consider- -
He is the author of several spirit--
.
Castration. 2 : 217
ing the help that advanced surgery is to give
us, I will refer to a conviction that I have that
lifelong salutary results to many of our boys and
girls would be realized if before adolescence the
procreative organs were removed. My experi-
ence extends to only a single case to confirm
this conviction ; but when I consider the great
benefit that this young woman has received, the
entire arrest of an epileptic tendency, as well as
the removal of inordinate desires which made
her an offence to the community ; when I see
the tranquil, well-ordered life she is leading, her
usefulness and industry in the circle in which
she moves, and know that surgery has been her
salvation from vice and degradation, I am deeply
thankful to the benevolent lady whose loyalty to
science and comprehensive charity made this op-
eration possible.’’ (See PENoLocy, last section.)
CATALLECTICS (from Gr. karaAdaccewv, to
‘exchange), the science of exchanges, a name
adopted by Whately as a designation of politi-
cal economy, on the ground that exchange
occupies such a fundamental place in the sci-
ences. (See PoriticaL Economy.)
CAUSES OF POVERTY. See Poverty ;
'CrimE, etc.
' CELIBACY. See Monasticism.
CENTRALIZATION is used in social sci-
ence for the tendency to administer, by the sov-
ereign or the central government, matters which
might be placed under local management. The
legitimate application is to a state of change
from local to central management. Europe to-
day is profoundly moved by the tendency, and
‘has been ever since the existing European States
began to grow out of the chaos of the fall of
the Roman empire. That empire itself was,
however, the greatest instance of centralization
which the world has yet seen. Init the numer-
ous municipalities and other local organizations
originally existing in Italy, and communicated
to the colonies, were entirely centralized. In
England we can trace centralization from the
time when there were about a dozen kings in
. Britain, and perhaps as many in Ireland, till the
‘United Kingdom came under the rule of one
monarch. In other countries—as, for instance,
in France, notwithstanding her desperate strug-
gles for freedom—the process long tended to a
pure irresponsible despotism, but now has is-
sued in a centralized republicanism. The Brit-
ish Constitution turns the process to use iustead.
of mischief. While administrative authority
has been centralizing in the Crown, the control-
ling power of Parliament has been increasing
more rapidly, so that the vesting of a function
in the Crown means the putting it under the
control of Parliament, and especially of the
House of Commons. There is nothing done in
any of the offices under the Government for
‘which a secretary of state, or some other mem-
ber of the ministry, may not at any time be
called to account. The creation of the county
councils is a recent step in this direction ina
somewhat different line.
In the United States the problem of centrali-
gation or decentralization has, under different
names (see STATE RicuTs), played a very impor-
tant part. It may be said to be the distinguish-
Centralization.
ing point between the two great political parties
which, under different names, have from the
beginning divided this country.
In the first continental congresses, the fundamental
problem was how much power to give each State, and
when the Constitution was proposed, this was still the
burning question. Led by Hamilton, the
men who believed in a somewhat strong
central government gradually took the In the
name of Federalists, gaining their ideas United
mainly from England; while, largely mL Ce
under the lead of Jefferson, those who _— States.
believed in giving much power to the
States and little to the central govern-
ment took the name of Republicans, or Democratic-
Republicans, and are the direct ancestors of the pres-
ent Democratic Party. Washington, though in reality
of neither party, was by force of circumstances a
Federalist, and during his presidency (1789-97), with
that of Adams (1797-1801), this party was in Dowel, ‘iv-
ing us the necessary unifying elements of our Con-
stitution, especially as regards financial measures.
Then, owing to Federalist errors, the Republican-
Democratic Party came into power, with Jefferson (1801-
1809), Madison (1809-17), and Monroe (1817-25). ur-
ing this long period of ‘Jefferson democracy,” the
decentralizing States-rights influence was in power.
The doctrine that that was the best government which
governed least applied to the States, but especially to
the central government. The Jeffersonian party was
strong with the masses and the agricultural interests.
Ap rcteon did awzy with much of the ceremonialism of
ashington. The Federalists were strong with the
commercial and manufacturing interests and the
Puritanism of New England, which, in spite of wor-
ship of the local ‘“‘town-meeting” self-government
fevolted at the atheism of the French Revolution, and
connected it with the Democratic-Republican Party.
In general the Federalists stood for a loose construc-
tion of the Constitution, since this gave them oppor-
tunity to expand the central powers, altho the
were ready to resist Congress when she stood in their
way (there was even talk of a secession of the trading
States from the Union), while the Jeffersonians gener-
ally favored strict construction, since that would limit
the powers of government ; yet they were willing even
to violate the Constitution, if that were necessary, to
effect the purchase of Louisiana. Hamilton, however,
died in 1803, and the Federalists had no leader.
In 1825, however, there came a change. Sectional
quarrels under Monroe led to the election of John
Quincy Adams (1825-29), who was, on the whole, a
Federalist, tho he had toyed with the Republican-
Democrats; and under the personal influence of Clay
and Jackson, two great parties were again developed
—the one, under the name of Democrats, maintaining
the traditions of the old Democratic-Republican Party,
and electing its candidate, Andrew Jackson Cit
the other, under the name, first, of National Republi-
can and then Whig, maintaining the principles of the
Federalists. The question of centralization was at
this time carried out in another direction, in Jackson’s
vehement attack upon the National Bank of North
America, which had been chartered by Congress. (See
BANKS AND BANKING.) Resting mainly upon the
Southern and agricultural vote, the Democrats were
inclined to free trade, while the Whigs, with their
manufacturing interests, favored protection. Mean-
while, another great question, which, while it had ex-
isted from the beginning, only now became So serious,
was modified by the same contest between centraliz-
ing and decentralizing tendencies. The South, mainly
Jeffersonian, or Democratic, believed in State rights
and slavery. The North, more Federalist, or Whig,
gradually came to oppose slavery.
Nevertheless, the Southern Democrats
feared to break with Northern Demo- State
crats, and the Northern Whigs feared Rights
to alienate the South, and, therefore, gats.
temporized. The result was a compli-
cation of issues, the springing up of new parties—Ab-
olitionists, Free Soilers, etc.—and the election of Van
Buren (1837-41), Democrat ; W. H. Harrison, who died
shortly after his inauguration (1841), Whig, leaving
John Tyler President (1841-45), who was only nominally
a Whig, and really a Democrat ; James K. Polk (1845~
49), Democrat; Zachary Taylor (1849), Whig, who also
died soon after inauguration, leaving Fillmore Presi-
dent (1850-53), Whig; Pierce (1853-57), Democrat ;
Buchanan (1857-61), Democrat.
The War of the Rebellion was fought not directly to
abolish slavery, but to preserve the union by conquer-
ing the States which had pushed the decentralizing
Centralization.
State-rights doctrine to the extreme of secession. The
Whig Party had now given place to a new party, the
Republican, made up of Whigs, Free Soilers, and
others, which yet on questions of centralization, protec-
tion, etc., carried out Whig principles. The election of
Lincoln (1861-65), Republican ; the victory of the North ;
Lincoln’s assassination, Andrew Johnson, Vice-Presi-
Sint becoming President (1865-69), Republican, are well
nown.
Since the war the State-rights question has been less
prominent, it having been largely settled by the war;
but the centralizing or decentralizing question has
still remained, its sides being advocated respectively
by the Republican and Democratic parties, electing
Grant, Republican (1869-77); Hayes, Republican (1877-
81); Garfield (1881), Republican, with Arthur, Republi-
can, Vice-President, and, by Garfield’s death, becoming
President (1881-85); Cleveland, Democratic (1885-89) ;
Harrison, Republican (1889-93) ; Cleveland, Democratic,
(1893-07). (See STATE RIGHTS, ‘
The resent growing:problems of social reform ‘are
also affected by the same tendencies, some advocating
a highly centralized government; others (even most
socialists and nationalists) advocating a decentralized
government, with ee emphasis on local self-govern-
ment, as developed in the old Saxon folk-mote and the
New England town-meeting, giving us municipalism
as even more important chan the national element of
nationalism, which includes all governmental action,
State and municipal. Many socialists, and notably
William Morris in England, favor a government so de-
centralized as to be little more than a confederation of
communes.
This brief résumé will indicate how far this question
has entered into our national history and how far it
may yet affect our national politics and procedure.
CHALMERS, Dr. THOMAS (1780-1847), a
distinguished Scottish divine, we consider here
mainly in relation to his great contribution to
social experiment and theory. Born at An-
struther, in Fifeshire, he was early destined to
the Church, and at the age of 11 was enrolled
asastudent in the University of St. Andrews.
In 1803 he wasordained as minister of Kilmany,
a small parish near St. Andrews. He taught
classes at St. Andrews, and gained great popu-
larity and fame throughout all Scotland. In
1815, after a battle over his evangelical views,
which were then much opposed, he became
minister of the great Tron parish, in Glasgow,
and in 1819 of the parish of St. John’s. It was
in Glasgow that Dr. Chalmers did the great so
cial work of which we shall soon speak ; but in
1828 he accepted the chair of Theology in Edin-
burgh. Here he finished, in three volumes, his
Christian and Ctuic Economy in Large Towns,
which he had begun before, and his Polztical
Lconomy, besides many theological and philo-
sophical works. Here, too, he had more leisure
for general church activities, and he was placed
at the head of the Church Extension Committee.
In 1834 the Church had voted that ‘‘ no minister
shall be intruded into any parish contrary to the
will of the parish,’’ and that the dissent of the
majority of the male heads of families, being
communicants, should be a bar to settlements.
The courts now held that the Church had no
right to determine this, and a controversy and
struggle rose which resulted in suspension of
Dr. Chalmers and many others for upholding
this vote of the Church ; and finally, in 1843, in
the withdrawal of 470 clergymen from the Gen-
eral Assembly, who constituted themselves the
Free Church of Scotland, with Dr. Chalmers ‘as
their first moderator. The last four years of his
life were spent in organizing this church and in
perfecting his /ustztutes of Theology, as prin-
cipal of the first Free Church college.
218
Champion, Henry Hyde.
We now come to notice more carefully his
social experiments and positions.
In visiting his first Glasgow parish, which con-
tained a population of about 11,000 souls, he speed-
ily discovered that nearly a third of them had re-
linquished all connection with any Christian church,
and that their children were growing up in igno-
rance and vice, The appa magnitude of the
evil, and the certainty of its speedy and frightful
growth, at once arrested and engrossed him. To de-
vise and execute the means of checking and subdu-.
ing it became henceforth one of the ruling passions of
his life. Attributing the evil to the absence of those
parochial influences, educational and ministerial, which
wrought so effectually for good in the smaller rural
parishes, but which had not been brought to bear upon
the overgrown parishes of our great cities, from all
spiritual oversight of which the members of the Estab-
lishment had retired in despair, his grand panacea was
to revivify, remodel, and extend the old parochial
economy of Scotland. Taking his own parish asa speci-
men, and gauging by it the spiritual necessities of the
city, he did not hesitate to publish it as his conviction
that not less than 20 new churches and parishes should
immediately be erected in Glasgow. All, however,
that he could persuade the town council toattempt was
to erect asingle additional one, to which a ae con-
taining no fewer than 10,000 souls was attached.
In 1819 he became minister of the parish of St. John’s.
This parish contained 2000 families, chiefly weavers,
factory operatives and laborers. More than 800 fam-
ilies had no connection with any church; and nearly
all the children were uneducated. He at once estab-
lished two large school-houses, in which 700 children
were taught at very lowfees. For those too poor to
afford even a small school-fee he opened 40 or 50 Sab-
path-schools. In a short time these Sabbath-schools
contained rooochildren. Dr. Chalmers then divided his
parish into 25 districts, and placed over each an elder,
to watch over the spiritual interests of the people, and
a deacon, to care for their temporal interests. e re-
tained control and direction of all, not only overseeing
the work of others, but making 1ooo visits among the
families annually, and holding evening meetings. It
was his special desire to test the old Scotch method of
caring for the poor—by voluntary contributions taken
at the church door and administered by the kirk ses-
sion. He was strongly against the English system of
compulsory assessment; and obtained permission of
the Glasgow magistrates to try the Scotch plan with
St. John’s. His experiment was a complete success.
When he took the parish its poor cost the city about
$7000 a year; but after four years of his management
this sum was reduced to less than $1400 a year. This
was done by his thorough organization of the parish,
his rejection of the idle, drunken and vicious, his per-
sonal visits among the poor and kindly sympathy with
them, and his stimulation of the needy to self-respect
and industry.
His Polztical Economy seeks to secure the
economic elevation of society by moral means.
He defined political economy as the ‘‘ diffusion
of sufficiency and comfort.”” He believed that
without a Christian education to give self-con-
trol, progress would be impossible. He felt the
need of a more radical cure than philanthropy
and a more sympathetic one than legislation.
He favored home trade rather than foreign
trade. His economic idol was agriculture, as
giving both occupation and maintenance.
CHAMPION, HENRY HYDE, was the son
of General Champion, and himself at one time a
captain in the Royal Artillery. His early career
was such as to foster the resoluteness and pre-
cision which characterize him. After serving
with his regiment in India and other places,
gaining attention as a promising young officer,
he threw up his commission as a protest against
the unjust Egyptian campaign. Settling in Lon-
don, he bought an interest in the ‘‘ Modern Press”
publishing house. About this time he became
intensely interested in Henry George’s Progress
and Poverty, which was just published. eet-
Champion, Henry Hyde.
ing Henry George, he soon became an ardent
disciple, and took a leading part in the agitation
which was raised in England during Mr.
George’s visit. Afterward coming in contact
with the new socialist movement, he became a
member of the Social Democratic Federation,
where his ability made him one of the leaders.
He was closely identified with that society until
1888, when he severed his connection. In 1886
he was, with Messrs. Hyndman, Burns, and
Williams, tried at the Old Bailey on a charge of
“uttering sedition and inciting to violence,’’ but
was acquitted. In 1888 he founded the Labor
Electoral Association, which by organizing the
labor interests greatly affected the voting in
several of the parliamentary bi-elections. He also
took an active part in organizing the unskilled
workers into trade-unions, on the lines from
which has since developed the ‘‘ new unionism.”
CHANT, Mrs. LAURA ORMISTON (née
DIBBIN), was born at Chepstow, Monmouth-
shire, October 9, 1848, and when about five years
of age her parents removed to London. When
15 years of age she became a Sunday-school
teacher, carrying on that work in different por-
tions of England until she was 22. She taught
in three ladies’ schools for five or six years, after
which she became a hospital nurse, and a year
later became sister in the London Hospital in
Whitechapel, meeting there her future husband.
She decided to undertake the study of medicine,
but owing to the powerful opposition of medical
schools to women in the profession, and lack of
means, did not qualify before marriage. After-
ward she became absorbed in philanthropic
work. This, with her services asa public speak-
er, has given her the reputation she enjoys.
Her experience as a nurse, and also as assist-
ant manager of a lunatic asylum, is of great
value to her in her work, as her house is indeed
a refuge for the destitute, a place where broken
lives are brought under the influence of loving
care. Her home circle is seldomif ever without
the lonely and poor, the outcast and criminal, as
well as the stupid and giddy. This makes her
personal work with individuals far above her
other work.
Mrs. Chant made her first public address on
The Posztion of Women in the Nineteenth
Century, advocating the franchise for them.
She next appeared on the temperance platform,
and then on that of social purity. Mrs. Chant
is on the executive committee of the Women’s
Liberal Federation of England, of which Mr.
Gladstone is president. She serves in the same
capacity in the National Society for Promoting
Woman Suffrage ; is vice-president of one or
more liberal associations ; vice-president of the
Peace Society, and member of the council of the
National Vigilance Association of Great Britain
and Ireland. She ardently advocates physical
training and gymnastics, having written an in-
troduction to Melio’s work on gymnastics, and
has also written and lectured on gymnastics.
She produced the two grand sermons, The
Sprritual Life and Signs of the Times, and is
the author of one volume of poems entitled
Verona. Wer latest prominent activity has
been her successful attack upon the Empire, as
one of the most notorious, and, in her opinion,
most evil, of London's music halls.
219
Charity Organization.
CHARITY ORGANIZATION SOCIE-
TIES, or ASSOCIATED CHARITIES, are
in their present form a distinctly modern move-
ment. In 1819 the Rev. Dr. Chalmers (g.v.), in
his parish at St. John’s, Glasgow, comprising
10,000 souls, in the poorest part of the city, be-
came convinced that miscellaneous almsgiving
did more harm than good; and, with the con-
sent of the civic authorities, he undertook to stop
all such bestowal of alms, and instead to insti-
tute a system of friendly visiting among the
needy by a large corps of workers, who were
only to give relief in case of extreme necessity,
but to do all they could to enable the poor to
help themselves. The result was considered
very favorable ; the amount of pauper relief was
very much diminished, and yet there was less
suffering than poor. After Dr. Chalmers, how-
ever, left the parish, in 1823, the experiment
dragged on for 14 years and then came to an end.
Meanwhile similar experiments on a smaller
scale were made elsewhere. From 1828-44 dis-
trict visiting societies were formed in several
London societies, while societies for repressing
mendacity in begging were much older. In
1868 Edward Denison (g.v.), a son of the Bishop
of Salisbury, went to live in the East End of
London to study for himself at first hand the
problems of the poor. He became convinced of
the same principles at which Dr. Chalmers had
arrived. He wrote:
‘Tam beginning seriously to believe that all
bodily aid to the poor is a mistake ; whereas
by giving alms you keep them permanently
crooked. Build school-houses, pay teachers,
give prizes, frame workmen’s clubs, help them
to help themselves, lend them your brains, but
give them no money, except what you sink in
such undertakings.”’
As a result, in 1869 a society was formed to
act upon these principles, organized by Denison
and some friends spurred on by his words and
the experience of Octavia Hill (g.v.) in her
work with her poor tenants. The society was
called the London Society for Organizing Chari-
table Relief and Repressing Mendicity, soon
popularly abbreviated into the Charity Organi-
zation Society. The movement rapidly grew,
and aimed at bringing all the vast charitable
relief of London, whether legal, corporate,
or individual, into one administration. It has
not done this, but has become a vast and
thoroughly organized system, with a network
throughout England. a
There is now in London a central committee
with district committees in every poor-law union.
The central committee does not relieve directly,
but aims at propagating sound views on the sub-
ject of charity by publication and discussion,
promoting cooperation, suggest-
ing new institutions on good prin-
ciples, collecting information relat- In England.
ing to individuals and of general
import, and preventing misapplica-
tion. The district committees in London and
the 68 affiliated societies in England and Scot-
land not only organize, but also administer re- |
lief on certain principles. Those principles may
be summed up as follows: 1. That all relief
should aim at making the recipient indepen-
dent of relief. 2. That no relief should be given
Charity Organization.
without thorough inquiry and investigation.
3. That existing institutions should be utilized as
far as possible. 4. Thatall relief should be ade-
quate to secure the object with which it is
given.
The council consists of the chairman, vice-
chairmen, and treasurers ; of annually elected
representatives from each district committee,
with its chairman and secretaries not exceeding
two; of additional members in the proportion
of one to four district representatives ; and of
representatives of London charitable institu-
tions. This council works through an executive
committee. There are 39 district committees,
one for each metropolitan poor-law union. As
far a possible, these consist of ministers of re-
ligion, een of the poor, and representa-
tives of the principal local charities. The so-
ciety comprises the district committees and
donors of one guinea or more to the funds of
the council, and it meets annually or by special
call. District committees are to deal with all
cases of alleged want referred to them. The
council supervises and assists the district com-
mittees, considers questions of principle and
general methods, seeks the systematic coopera-
tion of London’s larger institutions, to improve
the administration of charity, and to suppress
imposture ; and it corresponds with similar so-
cieties elsewhere.
According to the report of 1892 there were,
for the year 1890-91, in the 39 London districts,
23,476 applications for help decided and 2563
were withdrawn ; 9490 cases were not assisted,
11,943 were ; 5616 were aided by local agencies,
218 by guardians, 3352 by individuals, 4485 by
charity organization funds; 1643 cases were
aided by loans, 6776 by grants in money; 918
were aided with employment, 83 to emigration,
1117 with hospital treatment, 1177 with surgical
apparatus, 2783 with convalescent aid, 276 with
pensions ; 259 were admitted to homes; 1565
were aided as vagrants. Of the income of the
society, £4845 was for general expenses at the
central office, £11,380 for district committees ;
4244 was spent for emigration, £21,102 for spe-
cial cases and pensions, £3752 for grants, and
4408 for loans. The object of the society, it
must be remembered, is not itself to give, but
to aid the poor with friendly advice and by in-
vestigation to enable the wealthy to give wisely.
It spends its money, therefore, first for workers,
and only secondly and incidentally in giving
money aid. Mr. C. 5. Loch, the secretary of
the society, estimates (Charzty Organization,
p. 43) that 44,719,224 were spent in charity in
London in the year 1886-87 by all city, periodi-
cal, and voluntary institutions, besides £723,000
by hospitals.
The history of charity organization in the United
States has closely followed that of England. In the
fifties there had been organized in al-
most all the large cities relief societies,
usually called Societies for the Improve-
ment of the Condition of the Poor. The
Boston Provident Association was one.
They were often conducted in theory
° upon principles of modern charity, but
in practice, says Mr. Kellogg, “they sank into the sea
of common almsgiving, appealing to their patrons for
support on the ground that the money given to them
would enable them to enlarge the number of their
beneficiaries or increase the amount of their gifts, and
attracting the needy to their doors with the hope of
loaves and fishes. ... On every side the current of pub-
The United
States,
é
220
Charity Organization.
lie sentiment was that every penny spent in administra-
tion was so much abstracted from the poor, and that
the best management was that which entailed the least
cost in getting bread and soup to the hungry, and
shelter, fuel, and clothing to the cold... . Legal relief
consisted of outdoor and indoor systems, the latter
being universally institutional, and therefore it only
falls incidentally within the scope of charity organi-
zation efforts. The practice of outdoor relief differed
greatly in different communities. In New York City
the provision for this form of aid was comparatively
light, and consisted in appropriations for fuel distri-
bution and for the adult blind in equal, inadequate
amounts, and a trifling sum for medicines at the City.
Hospital. In some cities, like Buffalo, Philadelphia,
and Brooklyn, large appropriations of money were
made for outdocr relief, and its administration did
not escape the suspicion of corrupt and political taint ,
attimes. In New England cities and town, overseers
of the poor or selectmen distributed, much at their
caprice, the relief provided for by taxation. . But from
every quarter testimony arises that the system was.
without adequate safeguards of investigation, tests of
destitution or means of hindering duplication of relief
from several sources simultaneously, or of making the
relief adequate to the necessity.”
It was under such conditions that the movement tow-
ard charity organization commenced. Our account
of the movement we abridge from the Report of the
Committee on History of Charity Organization in the
United States, Made to the Twentieth National Con-
Serence of Charitzes and Correction (g. v.), Mr. Charles
D. Kellogg, of the Charity Organization Society of
New York City, being chairman. Says Mr. Kellogg:
“In 1872 the nearest approximation to charity organi-
zation to be found in the United States was the Char-
don Street Building in Boston. It was erected in 1869
‘py joint contributions from the city and
personal subscribers, in pursuance of a
Eee first promulgated by Hon. Robert
. Winthrop in 1857, and subsequently
advocated inthe annual reports of the
Boston Provident Association, of which
he was the president. Under its root are «he offices of
the official boards and the principal voluntary relief
societies of the city. The economy and advantages of
proximity for the purpose of exchanging information
and concerting measures of dealing with et ge
for help had been clearly pointed out, and ‘the exist-
ence of this building facilitated the subsequent sys-
tematic development of registration and cooperation
in that city.
“ Altho the movement to organize charities in the
cities of the United Stateseverywhere traces its origin
tothe London Society and its publications, or to the
discussions which arose concerning it, there were
several independent centers in which it appeared
nearly simultaneously in this country. In 1874 Rev.
Charles G. Ames led in the formation, upon London
models, of an association in Germantown, a suburban
ward of Philadelphia, which employed household
visitors to investigate applicants for aid, availed itself
of the soup-houses, fuel societies, churches, and es-
pecially of the outdoor municipal relief in procuring
the requisite assistance, and supplemented it as need
indicated from its own resources. It brought the
charitable operations of Germantown into unexpected
unison ; repressed imposture and the artificial appe-
tite for aid of such poor as sought it only because they
wanted to share in the good things provided for those
who asked, and not because they would otherwise be
Beginnings.
destitute of them; reformed outdoor municipal re- ,
lief ; discovered real cases of hardship, and gained the
confidence of the benevolent of all denominations in
that community. This association profoundly influ-
enced the measures adopted by the larger society
formed in Philadelphia a ow years later.
_ “In the same year a Bureau of Charities was formed
in New York City, of which Mr. Henry E. Pellew was
chief promoter and secretary, that proposed to regis-
ter persons receiving outdoor relief, either from the
city, benevolent societies, or individuals; but the
scheme was frustrated the next year by the refusal of
the largest relief-giving society in the city to co-
operate. This plan met with better success in Boston.
In the autumn of 1875 the Cooperative Society of
Visitors among the Boor was formed in Boston,
whose theater of operation was in the North End.
The plan was a modification of the Elberfeld system
as proposed by Octavia Hill for London. No visitor
was to have more than four ‘cases’ on hand, and lists
were obtained from the dispensary physicians of that
congested and poor district. The society held weekly
conferences of visitors and representatives of other
‘Charity Organization.
-care of all the distress and penur
F ization. r 4 z
he atare, and came in the first year into an income of
cmearly $40,000,
charities, and it opened a work-room in the Chardon
Street Charity Building.
‘ Buffalo has the honor of being the first city in the
United States to produce a complete Charity Organi-
zation Society of the London type. The Rev.
Gurteen, an English clergyman, who had been active
in the London Society, was settled as an assistant
minister in St. Paul’s Church there,
and he systematized the work of his
arish guild so that every application
or aid was promptly investigated.
He proposed in 1877 the creation of a
clearing office to which the charitable
agencies of the city should send daily
reports, and he lectured on ‘Phases of Charity,’ at-
tracting much attention. Simultaneously citizens,
having met in conference, were engaged in an effort
to reform the methods of municipal outdoor relief,
which had become extravagant, was careless and cor-
Various
Cities,
_tupt. Failing to obtain legislation in Albany to create
a commission for its control, they secured an ordinance
from the city, under which, in October, 1877, all appli-
cations for relief were for the first time investigated
by the police. On December 11, 1877, asaresult ofthese
agitations, the Charity Organization Society was set
afoot at a public meeting, and it adhered to the princi-
ple of coordinating existing relief agencies and giving
no relief from its own funds except in rare emergencies.
“In the spring of 1876 a Registration Committee was
formed by private citizens of Boston, and work was
begun in the autumn, carried on until the spring of
1878, and then abandoned in view of the larger enter-
prise then under discussion. It had demonstrated the
value of reports from the offices of the overseers of
the poor, of benevolent societies, and of the friendly
visitors, when collated, but it had failed to obtain the
entire cooperation of relief organizations. Much dis-
cussion and many conferences ensued during that
year, looking to the formation of a society upon the
principles of charity organization which would bring
into association all the relief agencies, ecclesiastical
and secular, of the city. The large relief societies
knew the worth of tegistration, but doubted the value
of ‘friendly visiting.” They were willing to support
the new movement, provided ‘the visitors had no
power of relief.’ This condition was fortunately ac-
ceded to, and on February 26, 1878, a provisional com-
mission was formed by delegates from many charities,
which carried on the work until December 8, when the
resent constitution of the Associated Charities of
oston was adopted and went into effect.
“New Haven was next in line, May 23, 1878, with the
-cooperation of the older societies, and took charge of
cases until investigation elicited some mode of making
more permanent disposition of them.
“ Philadelphia brought forward its type in 1878. Inthe
previous autumn the officers of several soup societies,
dissatisfied with the results of their previous work,
called a public meeting of citizens to confer upon
larger and better methods for the future. A large
committee was appointed to draw up a platy and on
June 13, 1878, a constitution was adopted and a pro-
visional organization set on foot. This instrument
was dominated by the idea of reproducing in each of
the 30 wards of the city a complete association like
that existing in Germantown. The Central Board was
to be composed of two delegates from each ward,
which should meet monthly, and meanwhile its powers
were to be exercised by an Executive Committee.
The provisional commission proceeded to organize
ward associations with great rapidity, and in due time
delegates were chosen to the Central Board, and the
-society was organized under its constitution. The im-
mediate results of so cumbrous and democratic a
scheme was that 23 societies were formed in as many
wards or groups of contiguous wards, pledged to take
each in its territo-
rial limits. Each raised its own funds and disbursed
them without control; and as there were but few per-
sons in them who understood charity organization
principles, the work often fell into wrong hands, and
the ward associations were so many new almoning
societies. By their attitude they were virtually say-
ing to all the older charitable societies that there was
no need of them, and they, as a rule, refused coopera-
tion and still withhold it. Another result was that the
Central Board had no authority to control the methods
of relief, and was itself subordinate to its ward con-
stituencies. One hundred and eighty persons were
needed to fill the offices of directors, while there were
Jarge corps of visitors having a semi-independent
The movement was highly popular at
It offered itself to the community as a
221
Charity Organization.
complete, independent, and self-contained system for
dealing with every phase of charity, but its very
sufficiency obscured the vital fact that charity or-
ganization aims at no more independence than is
necessary to maintain existence, and should be sub-
servient to all existing charity agencies with a view
to their coordination. Great reliance for the uniform
working of the system was placed upon monthly con-
ferences of all the workers, directors, local superin-
tendents, and visitors, and for a time these confer-
ences were well attended and were highly educational.
In due time the plan was revised, the choice of the
Central Board was transferred from the ward associa-
tions to the annual meeting of the general society, its
initiative and oversight was strengthened, and the
wards were consolidated into 18 districts ; but the orig-
inal features had made a deep impression which has
not been obliterated. The business of registration and
cooperation sank into control of the district organiza-
tions; the Central Office drifted into the specialty of
caring for non-residents and wayfarers’ lodges; and
the society remains, as it started out to be, a relief
agency with charity organization traditions.
“Cincinnati was promptly in the field, November 18,
1879. The Associated Charities was initiated through
influences aroused chiefly by the Women’s Chris-
tian Association and other societies, the inaugural
meeting being held the same hour withthe first annual
meeting of the Philadelphia society, and reciprocal
congratulations being exchanged between them. It
started avowedly on the lines laid down in the Boston
society, but practically it fell into the Philadelphia
methods, and created or adopted 12 district organiza-
tions dispensing relief, and which the Central Board
was not able to control. Fortunately the tact and
force of the general secretary repressed much of the
mischief, secured a general registration, and gave
cohesion to the system until 1886, when he resigned
and the society lapsed into arelief agency, became un-
popular, and was about to be abandoned, when, in
1889, it was reorganized, the district treasuries were
absorbed into one, the central authority made domi-
nant, and the distribution of relief was stopped, to the
great increase of efficiency and public confidence.
“Brooklyn was another center where the movement
arose spontaneously. In 1877 a commission of citizens
undertook the investigation of outdoor relief, which in
that year comprised 46,350 beneficiaries and involved
anexpenditure of $141,207. This resulted in restrict-
ing municipal out-relief to coal in 1878, and in its total
abolition the next year. In 1879 Mr. Seth Low, who
had been providentially and unpremeditatedly pres-
ent at the inauguration of the Buffalo society and
deeply impressed thereby, enlisted Mr. Alfred T.
White, and they, with others who had been instru-
mental in abolishing the outdoor relief of the city, to-
gether with the volunteer visitors of the out-poor, or-
ganized the Brooklyn Bureau of Charities, which does
not give relief, but maintains wood-yards, laundries,
work-rooms, and a woman’s lodging-house.
“Indianapolis enjoyed the labors of Rev. Oscar C.
McCulloch as president of the Benevolent Society, in
which office he had made careful studies of the poor-
relief problem. In 1876 Mr. King, the township trus-
tee or overseer of the poor, began to systematize and
improve the administration of poor relief, and to-
gether these gentlemen led on to the formation, De-
cember 5, 1879, of the Charity Organization Society.
“New York, as the largest center of population in the
country, demands notice here. The difficulties en-
countered in securing influential cooperation in 1874
for a time paralyzed further effort, altho the neces-
sity for some organization was long discussed by per-
sons interested in charitable enterprises. In 1881 the
matter was taken up by the State Board of Chari-
ties, and through its initiative the Charity Organ-
ization Society of the City of New York was founded
in January, 1882, and incorporated on May 10 follow-
ing. It followed the Boston plan in respect to the im-
portant features of giving no relief and of creating dis-
trict associations maintained from a common treasury
and under central control.
“All other charity organization societies in the United
States trace their origin to these now enumerated,
which have been selected not only as among the earli-
est in the field, but as illustrating the
diversity of origin of the movement,
the causes which immediately led to the
associations for organizing charity, and
the two types of societies, those which
combine relief from their own funds
with their methods and those which do
not. The movement found an expression of its unity
in the National Conference of Charities and Correc-
National
Conference.
Charity Organization.
tion, which is itself an outgrowth of the American
Social Science Association. It is first mentioned in the
roceedings of the Chicago Conference of 1879, where
es Seth Low foe a description of the work in
Brooklyn, and a committee was formed to report
upon charity organization. Two years later, at Boston,
xg societies reported to the National Conference, and
the committee grew to a section, which published a
separate report of its own proceedings.
‘Simultaneously with the beginning of charity or-
ganization, and promoted by the same
Suppression men, there was a repression in impor-
of Out-door tant cities of official out-door relief.
Returns from four cities for that time
Relief. —_ give the following results :
Out- Out-
city, Year. | relief. | Y€8™ | relief.
Brooklyn 1877 |$x41,207] 1880 | None.
Biufeal O cctecc! ene ance ss 1877 99,196 1880 | $37,868
Indianapolis, Center
~ Township............ 1876 90,000] 1880 8,000
Philadelphia........... 1879 66,000] 1880 None.
Amount saved to tax-
Paye;rs ....-..-- wees sees 355535
TPOb AM res census $396,403 $396,403
While this elimination of out-door relief was not
pressed by formal action of our societies, charity or-
ganizationists claimed the credit of it as the result of
their agitation and personal effort, and it was exactly
in the line of the principles they advocated. Diligent
inquiry showed that no suffering ensued in conse-
quence of the withdrawal, while the admissions to alms-
houses and infirmaries in the cities named contem-
poraneously decreased. This event attracted wide
attention in official and watchful circles, evinced the
value of the investigations which preceded it, and dis-
closed the worse than useless prodigality of out-door
relief. Itsinfluence spread far and wide beyond the
limits where it could be statistically followed, and was
the beginning of a wiser administration of the chari-
table funds raised by taxation in many communities.
“In 1882 there were 22 charity organization societies
known to exist in the United States, and 10 others
which had adopted some of the leading features of
this movement and were enrolled as correspondents
with the former societies. They embraced cities and
towns having a population of 6,331,700, or 12 per cent.
of the total of the Gaited States, and among them were
the chief centers of influence in the country.
So far, Mr. Kellogg. At present (1895) there are in
the United States 132 charity organization societies ex-
isting under slightly different names and 21 relief so-
cieties which largely adopt charity
organization principles. An appendix
to Mr. Kellogg’s report gives the follow-
ing totals for 1892: Administrative offi-
7 cers, 763 men and 511 women; paid offi-
cers or agents, 77 men and 135 women; friendly
visitors, 456 men and 3534 women; branch or district
organizations, 100; contributors, 15,726; churches or
associations, 243. Received from city or State, $17,-
877.54; income, $263,421.39; invested funds, $409,037.55.
Concerning the lines of work developed, the report
gives the following statistics:
Statistics.
; REPRESSION.
Treatment of vagrants:
Number turned over to police......... 537 = 01%
Number lodged through your society.37,590 = 70.9%
Number employed in wood-yard or
other like test places................. 13,760 = 26%
Street beggars and impostors sup-
PLESSECs sais nnceane SOs whe see eoine Wiese 967 = 01.8%
Fraudulent schemes detected........ + 117 = 00.2%
COOPERATION.
With municipal or State boards:
Number in the town.. ‘ 58
Number cooperating.. 56 = 97%
With societies and their :
Number in the town.............:eee eee 14443"
Number cooperating................... 420 = 334%
With churches:
Number in town .................000005 3y113
Number cooperating.............. seeee 15253 = 44%
222
Charity Organization-
SANITARY WORK:
a. Tenements improved through land-
lords or through changed habits.
b. Removals to better quarters......-
wee 208
112
c. Open-air excursions, number of ben-
CFICIATICS.....--ccceceeneene cence ganvis BURT 2S
OTHER AGENCIES INAUGURATED AND MANAGED:
Wood-yards... ....---seeeee ene ee ees
Sewing-rooms, laundries, banks, way-
farers’ lodges, kitchens, etc ......... 25
Per-
DISPOSITION OF CASES IN 1892. _. |Totals.| cent-
ages,
Number treated ..........-+ shasessnroate ay sittede ThyJO4|oeeveees
Continuous relief... 5 34562 4.76
Temporary relief...........+-0++- 78,558 24-84.
Needing work rath 11,989] 16.05
Not relieved, having relatives... 2,534 3.30
Not relieved, having vicious habits.... 7:719| 10.33
Placed in institutions...........-...+-. {1,182 1.58
Placed in charge of churches or soci-
OtIES .cunusccsceseey set nersereseectoetes ‘ 51768 7.72
Placed in charge of police.............. 572 -76
Aid procured from municipality or
State........ widve(essceaone aia Fasaintel aculel ieyesniaey + 668 +89
Aid procured from churches and soci-
QUICS sisusisseaiencysrsientin: braeesejais walace.en eormiate stews 8,408 I1.13
Aid procured from individuals.. . 41931 6.60
Aided by loans...... ‘ 596 +80:
Employment secured..... . 13,477] 18.04
Applicants’ resources develop: 46 .06-
Removed to relatives or new situations. 490) 65
Brought to self-maintenance (esti-
MALO) siiscsiesesinaibe oe miele eoreqnarnaiareiasaice 1,524 2.04.
Unelassiiied os icc cssiwcees ees ainedemraser eral PRE ROLLS aga xeRe
Per-
CLASSIFIED CASES, 1892. Totals | cent-
ages.
Married couples.......ccseee cece cece eee 55320] 34.59
Widows........ 2,924 19.03
Deserted wives 1,007 6.55
Single women ........... +0000 05 970) +30
Deserted husbands or widowers. 575| 3-74
SIN TIS MOM vo erase vsipie\s vectors careers . 3,979| 25.86
Orphaned or abandoned children...... 437| 2.84
Divorced or separated (legally)....... 168] = r.09
' 5,380] 100%
13,031] 36.87
3417] 9.65
11,460} 32.42
4,051) 13-14
2,217 6.26
554 1.66
351330] 100%
United States, white...............0 004. 9,156] 42.21
United States, colored.. : 1,862; 8.58
British-American, white. eal
British-American, colored. aly 763) 3-52
16 erehsis
883 4.07
181 0.008:
2,589] 11.94
161 0,007
2 1g.
Polish and Russian.. ee ae
Scandinavian........ 332] 1.53
Scotch and Welsh. . os 289| 1,33
Other countries. ...... ssang nesineeuinseince 842| 3.9
21,697] 99.265
Can read and write... o
Can read, not write ae ee
Cannot read or write................0085 1,228] 18.39
6,677| 100%
Charity Organization.
Concerning the objects of methods of charity organi-
zation societies, Professor A. G. Warner, Ph.D., prints
223
Charity Organization.
table, adding that the first three objects may be de-
scribed as the essential functions, the remaining five
in his American Charities (pp. 380, 381) the following being usually kept in view, but not invariably so:
OBJECTS.
METHODS.
MACHINERY.
1. Cooperation between all charita-
ble agencies of a given locality,
and the best coordination of
their efforts.
x. Comparison of relief records of
the several agencies and mu-
tual acquaintance of workers.
1. A card or other alphabetical cata-
logue of cases at a central office
and frequent conferences of work-
ers.
2. Accurate knowledge of all cases
treated.
2. Thorough investigation, followed
by careful registration.
e
2. Paid agents assisted by volunteer
visitors, and elaborate case rec-
ords either at central or branch
3. To find prompt and adequate re-
lief for all that should have it.
3. Bringing each case to the atten-
tion of appropriate relief agen-
cies willing toaid. ,
offices.
3. Correspondence, personal inter-
views, sometimes a ‘Golden
Book,” or evenarelief fund (wis-
dom of this last questioned).
4. Exposure of impostors and pre-
vention of wilful idleness.
4. After investigation, notification
in all cases of those likely to be
deceived, and, where feasible,
arrest of impostors and profes-
sional beggars. Work-test.
4. Paid agents, sometimes (especially
for this work) publication of a
“cautionary list,” information to
all asking for it in specific cases,
wood-yard.
5. To find work for all able and will-
ing to do anything.
5. To provide regular work where
possible and relief work when
necessary.
5. Employment agency, wood-yard,
stone-breaking, laundries, rag-
sorting, etc.
6. Establishment of relations of per-
6. Friendly visiting.
6. Organization of corps of volunteer
sonal interest and sympathy be-
tween the poor and the well-to-
visitors who are not almsgivers,
working under the guidance of
do. paid agents.
¥
7. Prevention of pauperism. 7. By above means and by speciall7. Kindergarten night schools, indus-
educational and provident trial schools, penny provident
schemes. funds, provident dispensaries, fuel
funds, etc.
8. Collection and diffusion of knowl-|8.
edge on all subjects connected
with the administration of char-
ities.
lication.
Discussion, public meetings, pub-|8.
Board meetings, annual meetings,
conferences, lecture courses, peri-
odicals.
Besides this, or rather in connection with this gen-
eral work, says Professor Warner (p. 391):
“Many organizations go further and seek to estab-
lish special branches likely to assail pauperism in its
causes. The créche, or day nursery, at which working
mothers can leave their children during the day, has
been established in several cities, notably in Buffalo.
The kindergarten movement for poor children, or in
connection with the public schools, has had the active
assistance of charity organizationists. Cooking-schools,
sewing-schools, trade-schools, and laundries for the
education of the workers have been established, as
well as different varieties of savings funds. Several
of these funds operate with a system of stamp de-
osits, some of them being through collections made
rom house to house by the friendly visitors. The
New York Society has been especially active in the
pushing of stamp-deposit funds, having established
206 stations, with 26,732 depositors, and over $15,000 on
deposit. In Boston and Baltimore provident schemes
of a similar character have been established, but not
under the charity organizations societies, tho cooperat-
ing with them. Fuel funds, by means of which sum-
mer savings can secure winter delivery of coal at
summer prices, have been established by some of the
societies. The rule of nearly all the societies is not to
undertake these special schemes if some independent
organization can be found that will push them. They
are desirable things that the charity organizationist
wishes to see established, but they are not undertaken
by the society itself except when necessary. Frequent-
ly such new enterprises start in connection with the
Society, and are then graduated into independent life.”
The report of Mr. Kellogg (x892) mentions penny
savings funds controlled by the society in 17 cities and
18 provident funds. ial ‘i
the main work of the organization, however, is
closely adhered to. Says a recent report of the Boston
ieties: " :
son PRelief’ is not our business: helpis. A friend in
need is a friend indeed! But this must be a trained
friend to become the best friend. And we find that,
just as lack of training isa large cause of poverty, so
jack of training hinders and discourages our new vol-
unteer visitors. The training comes more or less un-
consciously ; but it ray be planned, as all training
should be. The way to learn a business is to learn its
details and their relations to principles. There is a
right way of doing a thing, and there are more or less
definite methods of going about the help-
ing. The new visitor then must learn
how. This is one of the reasons for or-
ganizing conferences. The conference
is a body of volunteer visitors. Our
purpose now is to speak more especially of parts of
the conference—the Case Committee, the Daily Gom-
mittee, and individual volunteer work, clerical or er+
rands.
“The Case Committee is a committee of one or two
persons to select the cases needing action, and present
them concisely to the conference meeting for discus-
sion and decision. One at least of this committee
should be an expert; and by the concise manner in
which the cases can be stated the visitors at the con-
ference may learn much as to dealing with various
classes of cases, and business may be eee
“The Daily Committee exists in some form in about
half of our conferences. It consists of two or more
persons at a time, changing generally from day to
day, and seems likely to become the most active busi-
ness committee of all, besides helping our visitors to
learn. They may be all members of the Executive
Committee or not. If not experts, they have in their
work the means of becoming so. hey consider
promptly on the spot and from the latest information
the new cases which have come in, or any which re-
quire immediate decision. They share with the agent
the responsibility in such decisions, and may suspend
or reverse, if necessary, decisions already made.
They relieve the Case Committee from the press of ac-
cumulated work. They are on hand some part of
every day in office hours with the (paid) agent. The
conference is the final responsible legislative body,
subject to the board of directors.
Method.
Charity Organization.
“While not yet a perfected system nor yet uniform,
the above methods of work seem to be gaining accept-
ance as the best we can yet find for getting our work
effectively done, and as affording an attractive means
of learning how to be a good volunteer visitor and the
best friend to the poor.
“Tt is interesting to notice in the statistics that the
chief cause of need is sickness for 25 per cent., intem-
perance for 22 per cent., lack of employment for 14 per
cent., and other causes far less.”
In the larger cities directories of charities are pub-
lished, embracing many hundred pages of lists, with
brief notes of classified hospitals and relief societies,
etc. In New York City a United Charities Building
has been erected at acost of over $750,000, the gift of
Mr. John S. Kennedy. ;
Charity organizations in the forms above described
are mainly limited to England and the United States,
but all civilized countries have societies acting more
or less upon the same principles. The
Annual Report of the New York So-
Other ciety presents a list of foreign societies
Countries acting in cooperation witb Charity Or-
ganization Societies whenever occasion
requires. In this list Canada has 2 so-
cieties; Australia, 4; Austria, 9; Bar-
bados, 1; Belgium, 2; Denmark, 1; Egypt, 1; France,
16; Germany, 28; Greece, 1; Holland, 3; India, 3; It-
aly,7; Natal,3; New Zealand, 1; Nova Scotia, 1;
Russia, 4; Spain, 2; Sweden and Norway, 2; Switzer-
land, 3; Tasmania,1; Turkey,1. Charitableaid inthe
different countries is, however, administered in quite
various ways. In Italy it is almost wholly conducted
by religious orders and societies; in France there is a
system which combines voluntary effort
and officialmanagement. Says the Rev.
L.R. Phelps in Palgrave’s Dictionary of
Political Economy : ‘The right to relief
is recognized only ‘in the cases of lunatics
and deserted children; all other relief
may be described as organized charity distributed by
public bodies. Institutions, such as Hés7¢taux for the
sick, hospices for the aged and infirm, are supported
by endowments and voluntary contributions, and man-
aged by unpaid bodies constituted and controlled by
the State. The Bureaux de Bienfaisance, consisting
of elected and nominated members, the mayor presid-
ing ex officzo, distribute relief.in the commune to the
oor at theirown homes. The funds which they admin-
ister are derived almost wholly from endowments and
voluntary contributions, a small peer ie only com-
ing from taxation. Inquiry is!conducted mainly by
Sisters of! Charity, and is very thorough.”
German charity organization is noteworthy for the
development of the Elberfeld system (¢.v.); according
to this system the city is divided by the municipal
authorities into districts, over each of
which districts an overseer is appointed
with 34 or more visitors under him.
These visitors investigate and report
upon each application for relief. eet-
ings of the visitcrs with the overseer are
held fortnightly, and records of all cases are made and
transmitted to acentral board or Verwaltung. The
rules of the system and the instructions given to the
visitors are very minute. Funds are raised by special
and general taxation. All the officers and visitors are
unpaid, and are appointed by the’council, service being
in practice almost obligatory. Voluntary societies are
expected to work in connection with the municipal
system, and the plan _is said to meet with great success.
France,
Germany.
OBJECTIONS TO CHARITY ORGANIZATIONS.
Charity Organization Societies are criticised
by many, especially by the leaders of the so-
called labor movement. The ground of this
criticism is often, however, a hostility to the
general social and industrial conditions out of
which the associated charity movement has
grown, rather than an intelligent criticism of
the movement itself. It is charged by these
critics that the associated charities often keep
even those applicants who are worthy waiting,
tossed from this bureau to that, while their case
is being investigated, analyzed, and finally re-
ferred to the proper bureau. It is said that the
investigation of cases by men and women who,
however kindly may be their intentions, often
224
Charity Organization.
do not understand the industrial and economic
condition of the poor, leads to repeated cases of
injustice, as these visitors try to distinguish be-
tween those whom they consider deserving and
the undeserving. The working classes often
resent this investigation of their family life that
seems to them either an insulting espionage or
a patronizing condescension from the rich.
These labor critics assert, too, that the asso-
ciated charities, by becoming, as it were, pro-
fessional almoners for the rich, really prevent
the natural contact of the rich with the poor,
and dry up the flow of charity in a system of
suspicion and of red tape. Above all, these
critics assert that the associated charities, by
their constant effort to make the poor self-sup-
porting and self-dependent, hold outa false and
reactionary standard of individualism which is
impossible of fulfilment and yet which blinds
the community to the real economic trouble. It
is argued that many of the poor to-day cannot
get employment, and therefore that it is idle
and insulting for the associated charities to be:
forever bidding the individual to find work for!
himself when this is just what he wants to do!
and cannot. Theneed to-day, say these critics, |
is for such changes in the social condition that!)
all shall have work and not need alms, and the,
charity organizations prevent these changes by!
teaching that the poor can to-day help them-
selves. For rich people who are living off
the work of the poor to organize societies to:
pid the poor be self-supporting is from this’
standpoint an insult and absurdity. It will be
thus seen that the real opposition to the asso-,
ciated charities springs from a sense of the in-
justice of the present system. What
is wanted, say these critics, is not
associated charity, but associated Answer to
justice. The answer to this criti- Objections
cism is that the associated charities
are not responsible for the present ;
system, be it just or unjust, but that under the’
present system they are striving to aid the poor
in what experience shows to be at present the
wisest way. To the assertion that they keep the
poor waiting while they are being investigated,
it is answered that the records of the society
prove this charge unsupported. Undoubtedly
no system always works well, and among the
hundreds and thousands of charity visitors, un-'
wise and foolish things are no doubt occasion-
ally done and needless suffering caused, but it
is proved that this happens very rarely and that
the system is working better and better.
Nevertheless many even of the firmest friends
of charity organization are admitting that char-
ity in any form cannot meet the real needs of
the poor to-day, and that therefore just so far as
associated charities make the wealthy and influ-
ential believe that deeper social’ reforms are not
needed, associated charities do become reaction-
ary and harmful. President Tucker said, in a
recent Phi Beta oration at Harvard : ‘‘ The phi-
lanthropy which is content to relieve the sufferer
from wrong social conditions postpones. the
philanthropy which is determined, at any cost,
to right those conditions.’’ Associated charities
are not righting the conditions. In an address at
the Episcopal Church Congress, in Boston, No-
vember, 1894, Mr. Robert Treat Paine, one of
Charity Organization.
the foremost associated charity leaders in Amer-
ica, said, speaking of the conditions in the larger
cities: “‘’The day of panaceas is gone... .
All that I can do is to utter my cry almost of
despair.” In England, says another charity
organization worker, the Rev. S. A. Barnett
(Practécable Socialism, p. 66) :
“The most earnest member of acharity organization
cannot hope that organized alms giving will be power-
ful so to alter conditions as to make the life of the
poor a life worth living. Societies which absorb much
wealth and which relieve their subscribers of their
responsibility are failing ; it remains only to adopt the
principles of the education act, of the poor law, and of
other socialistic organization, and call on society to
do what societies fail to do.”
Nevertheless, it does not follow, even if Canon
Barnett be right, that while we press toward
new social reforms, we should not do all we can
to relieve by wise charity the suffering of the
poor to-day.
References: Charity Organization, by C. S. Loch
(London, 1890); Char¢ty Organization Annual Reports
and Publications ; Annual Reports of the National
Conferences of Chartttes and Correction ; Annual Re-
ports of State Boards of Chartties ; The Charities Re-
view (105 East 22d Street, New York City) ; Charzty Or-
ganization Review (of the London, England, C. O. ae
Public Relief and Private Charity, by Mrs. J. S.
Lowell (New York, 1884); Amertcan Charities, by A. G.
Warner (New York, 1895) ; Lena a Hand (Boston).
See also PAUPERISM; POVERTY; UNEMPLOYED;
Poor Laws; CHALMERS; DENISON; BOOTH; TENE-
MENTS; SLUMS, etc.
Revised by Cuares D, KELLoGc.
CHAUTAUQUA ASSEMBLY.—In Au-
gust, 1874, Lewis Miller, of Akron, O., and
Bishop John H. Vincent organized the first
Chautauqua Assembly. Its name was derived
from Chautauqua Lake, in New York State, on
the shore of which the meeting was held. It
began as asummer school for the better train-
ing of Bible teachers, and endeavored to lay
most emphasis on the ‘‘ week-day forces’’ in re-
ligious culture. Its two founders desired to
give Sunday-school teachers a continued, pro-
gressive, and thorough study of biblical litera-
ture and pedagogical principles. The first meet-
ing was a success ; and by a gradual and natu-
tal growth the plan has been broadened to
include instruction in almost all branches of
‘knowledge ; the session has been extended from
two weeks to two months (July and August) ;
and a town has been built up which presents an
interesting study tothe educator and sociologist
in its municipal government and its ideals of
life. The present form of the Chautauqua As-
sembly was assumed in 1878, and various im-
provements have been adopted from year to
year. It is at present incorporated under the
laws of the State of New York. Its manage-
ment is intrusted to a board of 24 trustees, elect-
ed either by the owners of property at Chautau-
qua, or in case a quorum of such electors cannot
be secured, by the board itself. The Assembly
is not a stock company, not are the trustees in-
terested in the land beyond the ownership of
lots for private use.- By the provisions of the
charter, all surplus funds must be used for the
improvement and extension of the Assembly’s
work, The president and chancellor have never
received compensation for their services. Those
officers upon whom falls the management of de-
tails are paid ordinary salaries.
225
Chautauqua Assembly.
Chautauqua has become a city where munici-
pal functions are extended to include free pub-
lic instruction and entertainment. This ex-
pense is defrayed by a system of taxation which
falls upon all within the town, however brief the
term of citizenship. The tariff for July is: one
day, 25 cents ; one week, $1 ; the month, $2.50;
for August : one day, 4o cents ; one week, $2 ;
the month, $3 ; the charge for the entire season,
$5. Citizenship includes the privilege of attend-
ing all exercises of the general program, and
access to the museum, the reading-room, the
models, etc.
Chautauqua is distinctively a religious place in
the broadest sense, embracing the higher men-
tal, physical, and spiritual development of its
citizens and members. It is strictly non-secta-
rian,
The general program provides a daily arrangement
of lectures, concerts, dramatic recitals, and other exer-
cises, to which all citizens have free access. Every
evening a fine concert, a stereopticon lecture, or some
other entertainment is given. Well-known men and
women in all departments of life give courses of lec-
tures or single addresses on contemporary religious,
social, and economic questions. For those who wish
to study, a six weeks’ course of instruction is pro-
vided at moderate charges: (2) Chautauqua College,
teaching ancient and modern languages, literature,
history, natural sciences, political economy, and
philosophy. (6) Schools of sacred literature, pro-
viding courses in Bible study, both in the original
languages and in English, under leading biblical
specialists. (c) A pedagogical course for public-school
teachers extends over a period of three weeks, and
includes instruction in psychology, pedagogical prin-
ciples, and their practical application to the teach-
ing of arithmetic, geography, science, etc. (@) A
school of music, teaching both the theory and prac-
tice of instrumental and vocal music. (e) A school
of Sea education in connection with a well-equip-
ped gymnasium, conducting classes for both sexes in
all branches of gymnastics, athletic contests, rowing,
etc. (/) Other classes in art, photography, industrial
drawing, china decoration, manual training, elocution,
and short-hand.
A daily paper, the Chautaugua Assembly Herald, is
published. Besides the regular classes, there have
been formed a number of c/uzés for various special ed-
ucational purposes.
One of the most important features of the As-
sembly is the Chautauqua Literary and Scientific
Circle. This was started in 1878, and offers aid
to self-educating people, either as individuals or
in groups known as “local circles.’? The essen-
tial features of the plan are: :
1. A definite four years’ course of history, litera-
ture, science, etc.
2. ape ee volumes approved by the counselors.
3. Allotment of time. Reading apportioned by week
and month.
4. 4 monthly magazine with additional readings,
notes, and general literature.
5. A membership book, with suggestions, review out-
lines, ete.
6. Time required, 40 minutes to an hour a day for
nine months.
7. Certificates granted to all who complete the four
years’ course.
' 8. Advanced courses, for continued reading in special
ines.
9. Pedagogical course for secular teaching.
10. Young People’s Reading Course to stimulate the
reading of good literature by the young.
Further details may be obtained from Bishop
Vincent, Buffalo, N. Y. At present (1895) the
Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle has
enrolled over 200,coo members, and an endea-
vor is being made to establish a ‘‘ resident
faculty for non-resident students.”” The offi-
cers of Chautauqua (1895) are: President,
Cherbuliez, Antoine E.
CHERBULIEZ, ANTOINE ELYSEE,
was born in Genevain 1797.
“The injustice of such a system could not long pass,
without criticism, and action was demanded oF Par.
liament to remedy or abate this social disease. To Sir
Robert Peel, Sr., belongs the honor of
first providing a measure for the relief
of this evil. In 1802 he commenced the First
factory legislation by securing the pas- + .
sage of his apprentice bill. erhis Bi, Legislation.
altho of the most limited scope, and
applying only to cotton factories, was
then considered as a measure, radical if not revolu-
tionary. This legislation then met with the bitterest
opposition from the manufacturers and the political
economists. Financial ruin to English manufacturers
was predicted as the result of such interference.
Child Labor.
‘With the abolition of the apprenticeship system,
the law became inoperative, and unrestricted hours of
labor again became the rule, and the condition of the
children became, if possible, even worse than before.
ooo ed in 1815, Robert Peel again came to the
front, and in that year secured the appointment of a
committee to ‘inquire into the expediency of extend-
ing the apprenticeship act to children of every de-
cription.’ The result of this examination was pre-
sented to Parliament in reports for the years 1816, 1817,
and 1818. The result of this was the passage of the
Act of 1819.
“The employment of .children under 9 was for-
bidden, and the hours of labor for those between 9 and
16 were limited to 12 hours daily. Im 1825 a partial
holiday was made compulsory for the children. In 1831
ieee work was forbidden to all under 21, and rrhours
a day was made a limit for those under 18.
‘In 1833 Lord Ashley (afterward Earl of Shaftes-
bury) became the champion of the laborers by the in-
troduction of a new bill, extending yet further the pro-
visions of former acts. This act was the most sub-
stantial step yet taken in this direction. Its principal
provisions were: (1) The employment of children
under.g was forbidden. (2) The hours of labor for
those between 9 and 13 were limited to 8 hours a day.
(3) The hours of labor for those under 18 engaged in
worsted, hemp, tow, and linen-spinning should not ex-
ceed 12 hoursa day, and night work was forbidden
them. The most significant feature of this act, how-
ever, was that relating to school attendance, and the
appointment of inspectors to enforce the law.
“In 1835 the employment of children under 10 in the
mines was forbidden. These regulations were, how-
ever, by various devices, persistently evaded.
“As the introduction and use of machinery became
more general, and the subdivision of labor became
more minute, the employment of children became
more extensive. The Parliamentary report of 1833
estimated that out of 170,000 employees in the cotton
mills in that year, 70,000 were children under 18. In
1839 there were employed in the factories of Eng-
land a total of 419,590 persons of all ages, and of these
192,887, or nearly one half, were under 18 years of
age. s
“In 1842, through the efforts of Lord Ashley, a
commission was appointed to investigate the condi-
tion of children employed in England, and in 1842
was presented their first report, already referred to.
In consequence of this report, the Act of 1843 was
passed, which was the most important measure that
had up to that time been adopted. It ap lied to all
laborers outside of agriculture. By it resdoin of
contract’ on the part of women was finally abol-
ished. Women over 18 years of age were put in the
same category as young ieee and their toil lim-
ited to 11 hours a day. hildren under 13 were not
allowed to work more than six and a half hours a day,
and, above all, attendance at school was required for
the other half day asa condition of employment. By
this act the restriction of child employment was re-
duced to a uniform basis. It is difficult tomeasure the
advancement thus given to the oppressed children.
From this time on every working child in England
spent as much time in school as in the workshop.
“Tn 1847 Lord Ashley secured the passage of another
act, carrying out his plan still more fully. This
not eee the reduction of the working time for
children under 13 to 5 hours per day, and to 10 hours
for a women and those minors between the ages of
13 and 18.
“During the following years until 1878 various acts
were passed extending the provisions of former acts
in one or another direction. Of these, the Factory
Act of 1874 was the most important. By it the
minimum age for the employment of children was
raised to 10. .
“In 1878 this long line of legislation was fittingly
crowned by the act of that year. This act, entitled
“An Act to Consolidate and Amend the Law Relating
to Factories and Workshops’ amends
and consolidates in one wide-embracing
act all the ground covered by the 16 acts
assed between 1802 and 1878, besides
embracing, with some changes, the Pro-
vision of the Public Health Act of 187s,
and the Elementary Education Act of
1876. It was prepared with the greatest care and full-
ness, and furnishes an admirable code for factory
regulation. Never before had the paternality of gov-
ernment been so strongly declared, and never before
had the right of the workmen to demand protection
py the State against their employers been so distinctly
asserted. The importance of this act, as setting
Present
Legislation.
235
Child Labor.
” forth the present regulation of child labor in England,
demands a closer survey. Its provisions are as fol-
lows:
o ie The hours of employment for children shall be
as follows: those under io shall not be employed at
all, and those under 14 shall be employed only half
time, either in the mornings or evenings, or on alter-
nate days. (2) The hours of employment for young
persons (rq to 18) shall be from 6 to 6 or 7 to 7, of which
2 hours shall be devoted to meals, and on Saturdays
all work shall cease for them at 1.30. (3) Adequate
sanitary provisions are provided. (4) Also ample
provisions against accidents. (5) A suitable number
of inspectors and assistants are created to insure the
due execution of the law. (6) Medical certificates of
fitness for employment must be furnished by all under
16. (7) Weekly certificates must be obtained from the
proper authorities by the employers, showing the re-
quired amount of school attendance for every child in
their employ.
“The direct benefits resulting to the lower classes
from this act cannot be equaled by any other act upon
the rolls of Parliament.
“It will be seen from this brief sketch, that the
English factory system was one of slow growth and
development. One restrictionafter another was placed
upon the employer, until to-day the English laborer is
more taken care of by the Government than in any
other country, Prussia possibly excepted. It can be
said of it, asofno other course of legislation, that its
results have all been beneficial, not only to the em-
ployees, but to the employers as well, as is now gener-
ally admitted by them. Its results have more than
justified the acts in every particular. In it can be
traced the rise of many important principles in the
science of the functions of government. ‘This series
of acts first established the right of the State to regu-
late industry. It was the most important advance
and attack that has yet been made upon the Jdazssez
faire doctrine, that ‘the less government the better,’
so strongly insisted upon by the old economists. Al-
tho every political economist who wrote _ before
1850 was uncompromisingly opposed to this legislation,
not one who has written since 1865 has ventured to
deny the advisability of the Factory acts.
“It is also characteristic of this earlier period, that
the employers were unanimous in their opposition to
any abridgment of their rights to employ children,
and in this were supported in Parliament by such
men of the school mentioned as John Bright, proud of
thename of friend of the people; Lord Cobden and
his associates, and many ofthe most distinguished of
English statesmen. Every improvement in the con-
dition of English labor was only obtained against the
combined opposition of these two classes. Too much
poke cannot be given to those men, Lord Ashley,
obert Owen, Oastler, and others, who labored un-
ceasingly to secure the passage of these acts. This
change of front by the employers and economists is one
of the most cheering signs of the time.”
II. ConTINENTAL Europe.
Of child labor in Germany, the report on that
country of the (English) Royal Commission on
Labor says:
“The employment of child labor in Germany shows
a considerable proportionate decrease as compared
with the middle of thecentury, but at the same time a
decided increase during the last few years. In 1853
the number of children employed in Prussian factories
WAS 32,000; 8000 were between g and 12 years of age,
and 24,000 between 12 and 14. In 1888 and 1890 no
children under 12 were to be found in
Prussian factories, and the numbers of
those between 12 and 14 were only 6225
and 6636. The abuses attendant upon
the employment of children in the middle
of the century have been described by
Professor Thun, who states that in the textile indus-
tries of Gladbach and Aix-la-Chapelle it was not un-
usual to find children employed at only five or six
years of age, and that the profits to be drawn from
child labor of this kind were an encouragement to
early marriages, In 1875, when an inquiry was made
by the Federal Council into the question of the labor
of women and children, the number of children em-
ployed throughout the German empire was 88,000, 24
per cent. of whom were between 12 and 14, and 76 per
cent. between 14 and x6. The proportion of child toadult
labor was about 1to10. The weekly wages of chil-
Germany.
Child Labor.
dren between 12 and 14 varied from 1 mark to gmarks;
those of children between 14 and 16, from 14 marks to
134 marks ; the average wage of the first class was 3
marks and that of the second 5 marks.
“Since 1882 the extent to which child labor is em-
ployed can be computed from the reports of the fac-
tory inspectors, which give the following results:
Children | Young Per-
YEAR. from sons from Total.
12 to 14. 14 to 16.
14,600 1231543 138,143
18,935 143,805 162,740
18,882 1355477 1541359
215035, 1341589 1555642
22,913 ° 169,252 192,165
27,485 214,252 2415737
“The great increase noticeable in 1890 is due in part
tothe inclusion of Alsace-Lorraine in that year; but
even disregarding the 1071 children and 10,168 young
persons employed in those provinces, the record for
the nine years shows an increase of 80 per cent. in the
employment of children, and 65.2 per cent. in that of
young persons. The factory inspectors state that
on the whole this increase is not disproportionate to
that of adult labor; but Dr. Stieda is of opinion
that adult labor has scarcely advanced at so rapid a
rate.
According to the Industrial Code of 1891, based on the
recommendations of the Berlin Conference, called by
the emperor, children under 13 years of age cannot be
employed in factories, and even if over 13 years of age
they can only beemployed if freed from
the necessity for schoolattendance. The
hours for children under 14 years of age
* must not exceed six a day, with a pause
of at least half an hour, and young per-
sons between 14 and 16 must not work in
factories more than xo hours a day, with one hour’s in-
terval in the middle of the day, and half an hour in the
morning and afternoon. Young persons must not be
employed on Sundays or holidays, nor during the
hours fixed for religious instruction by- the authorized
priest or pastor. In the country children over 10 may
be partially exempted from school attendance, and al-
lowed to assist in open-air work, such as minding
cattle; but this partial exemption is in the hands of
the school inspectors, and is not, as a rule, granted
until the completion of the eleventh or twelfth year.
No child may be employed until a labor card stamped
by the authorities has been given to the employer stat-
ing the name, day and year of birth, and denomination
to which the child belongs ; the name, calling, and resi-
dence of the father or guardian, and the extent to
which the child is still obliged to attend school. A list
of all the children employed must be kept in every
factory, and hung up, together with a statement of
their hours, in the rooms in which they work. In cer-
tain occupations of unusual danger or unhealthiness,
as mining, glass works, etc., the restrictions are still
Brcarers Inspectors are appointed to enforce the
aws.
France, by the law of 1884, prohibited child labor un-
der 12, and limited it to 12 hours, with specified intervals
for rest and meals to those between 12 and 16. Night
and Sunday work were prohibited to
boys and to girls under 21. The govern-
ment, however, had considerable power
of exception and regulation. y the
law of November 2, 1892, children under
16 can only work xo hours a day, and
from 16 to 18, 11 hours. Night work and work under-
ground are prohibited to children and women. All
child labor under 13 is prohibited.
In Italy child labor is carried to a large extent, but
an act of 1886 forbade the employment of children un-
der nine in factories, mines, or quarries,
and those under 10 underground. Night
Italy and work is prohibited for children under
Switzerland, ?2:. Such an act shows, however, how
* evil conditions must have been and still
are, particularly in the sulphur mines of
: Sicily. Switzerland has better laws;
women, girls and boys under 14 cannot be employed
at night, nor can any child work in factories under 14.
Subiect to these restrictions, child labor is said to be
very common in Switzerland.
Code of 1891
France,
236
Child Labor.
In crowded Belgium, the conditions are frightful.
Large numbers of children are employed in tex-
tile industries, and even in such un-
healthly trades as glass-blowing ; but
the worst conditions prevail in the
mines. In1891, Belgium had 4439 wom-
en and girls of over 16 and 2742 girls
under 16 employed in above-ground mines, and 23,008
women and girls above 16, with 683 girls under 16, em-
ployed in underground mines. By a law which came
into force January 1, 1892, the employment of women
and childrén under 21 years of age is prohibited. _
In vol. iv. of the Reports on the Labor Question
(Brussels, 1888, p. 15), we read in the testimony that
a young girl ot 17 testified to going down into the
mine at 5 A.M. and coming up sometimes at 9 and
sometimes at 11 P.M. She said she loaded 60 to 70 cars
per day, and fetched her empty cars from 150 to 300 ft.
The earnings of these women are reported at 36 to qo.
cents per day. One woman said her husband earned
$2.60 per week, and her boy 16 cents per day.
Sweden, by a law of 1883, forbids employment of all
under 12, and limits the work of children under 14.
to six hours, and under 16 to 12 hours. Night work
is forbidden to all under 18. Denmark,
by a law of 1873, forbids the employ-
Belgium.
ment of children under 1o. Holland Other
in 1874 forbade the employment of :
children under 12 save in domestic ser- Countries.
vice and agricultural labor. Russia in
1884 forbade night work to women and
all persons under 17. Children from 10 to 12 may
only be employed in specified industries, and from 12
to 15 all limited to eight hours per day. .
Austria forbids the employment of children in fac-
tories under 14. Night work is forbidden to women
and all under 16.
III. Tue Unirep STATEs.
Concerning child labor in the United States,
one of the best statements is Mrs. Florence
Kelly’s tract, Our Totling Children (written
under her former name, Mrs. Wischnewetsky),
from which we condense the following, supple-
menting it by later statements. Mrs. Kelly
says:
“There was a time in the history of the country
when every child was a child, granted as its birthright
ample time in which to grow to manhood or woman-
hood, and required to work only by the exigencies cf
family life on the paternal farm. That was in the-
early days, before the capitalistic system of produc-
tion had developed in the newcountry, while work was.
still done chiefly for its product’s uses, and not exclu-
sively for exchange and profit. To-day the working
man’s child is a drudge from its babyhood. The chil-
dren of the clothing makers in New York City begin
work at four years of age, their labor power being
available, under the sweating system of tenement-
house manufacture, for picking out basting threads.
“The conditions under which children work are
fraught with danger to lifeand limb, to health, morals,
and intelligence. It is mecessary to take up each of
the dangers in its order ; first, then, the
danger to life from fire.
“In 1888 Inspector White, of Massachu-
‘setts, said: ‘It would be very little use Tepger sO
to put a fire-escape on a powder house, az@ irom
and hundreds of the buildings now oc- Fire.
cupied for tenement and lodging-houses
would, under favorable circumstances,
burn down so quickly as to render nearly useless any
means of escape that can be provided. The late fire in
a tenement-house (factory) in New York is a striking
example of the terrible results of such methods of con-
struction’ (Second Annual Convention of Factory [n-
spectors, June, 1888, pp. 37, 39)-
“Speaking of Ohio factories, Chief Inspector Dorn
says: ‘It is somewhat difficult to speak with calmness
of men who, while liberaliy insuring their property
against fire, so that in case of such a visitation—a dan-
ger always imminent—their pockets shall not suffer,
will not spend a dollar for the security of the lives of”
those by whose labor they profit’ (Report Second An-
nual i factory Inspectors of America, June,.
1888, Pp. 19 i
‘Inspector Schaubert, of New York, reports : ‘I find
some fire-escapes made of gas-pipe bent and driven
into the wall, that would require a trapeze performer:
‘Child Labor.
toascend them. For instance, in Rochester are two
buildings seven stories high. In one there are usually
iso and inthe other about 270 female operatives em-
ployed on the top floors. But one stairway in each
connects the various stories. In the rear of these
structures, I find these gas-pipe arrangements for fire-
escapes. ... Another alleged fire-escape is that in the
rear of a certain printing house. About 60 females
are here employed on the fifth floor. Only onenarrow
staircase runs from the top of the building to the street,
and in the rear a straight ladder extends from the top
to the second floor. This ladder would be almost
valueless in case a panic should seize the work-
women’ (Second Annual Report Factory Inspectors of
New York, 1887, p. 111).
“Even in Massachusetts, according to Commiissioner
White, ‘the statutes in this regard (7. e., precaution
against loss of life by fire) are less definite in their pro-
visions, and there is less inthem to guide the inspector,
than in any other laws which we are called upon to en-
force’ (Report Second _ Annual Convention Factory
Inspectors of America, June, 1888, p. 37).
‘To aggravate the danger of fire, there is a very gen-
-eral practice of locking the work-room doors.
““Tmagine,’ says Inspector Dorn, of Ohio, ‘a large
building filled with work people—men, women, and
children—all the doors closed, the custodian of the
keys absent, all means of egress cut off. In what peril
would those people be in case of fire!’
“Children are employed in vast numbers in mills of
many kinds intending steam-driven machinery. They
are therefore especially exposed to danger of explo-
sion. Of boiler explosions, Factory Inspector Dorn, of
Ohio, says: ‘The number of lives annually lost by the
explosion of steam boilers is so great that it seems al-
most incredible that the State has done nothing toward
securing a proper inspection of sonecessary and yet so
dangerous an adjunct of our manufacturing industries.’
“The National Association of Stationary Engineers
furnish the following information in their address:
‘We believe that the frequent killing and maiming of
people by the explosion of steam boilers is unneces-
sary ; that it can and should be entirely prevented ; we
have the evidence that our membership, numbering
several thousand operating engineers, doesnot furnish
a single one chargeable with the rupture or explosion
of a boiler while under steam pressure. We ask that
the prime cause of boiler explosions be removed, by
enacting laws preventing the ignorant, drunken, un-
skillful from taking charge; that the law shall only
permit the skillful, sober, and competent to take charge
of this terribly destructive explosive. During the
past 12 months a record has been kept of boiler explo-
sions, comprising only those published by the daily
press and others, that came to the knowledge of our
members and were reported to the secretary of the so-
ciety. Fromthese reports wecan give the following
agereeatrs : Number of boiler explosions, a0 ; number
of deaths, 697; number of injured, many fatally, 1273.
Thus with incomplete returns we have 1970 people
killed, maimed, or crippled, all resulting from igno-
Tance, intemperance, and avarice.’
“The records of death and mutilation inflicted by ma-
chinery are defective everywhere, and the effort to
obtain adequate data is new, even in
Massachusevis, . one ae Psu to
ublish an official record, however in-
Unguarded Complete: for one full year, of all acci-
Machinery. dents toemployees reported to the State
factory inspectors, was made simulta-
neously in Massachusetts, New York,and
New Jersey, and is embraced in the inspectors’ reports
of those States for 1887. Asimilarattempt is embraced
in the report of the factory inspectors of Ohio for 1888.
This record is in no case even approximately full, be-
cause the lawrequiring employers to report isnowhere
adequately enforced. Yet the official data, with their
descriptions of the killed and wounded, rival the rec-
ords of actual warfare, and sustain the metaphor of
the battlefield of industry. Altho in these lists the
ages of the slain are not always given, the ‘accidents’
to children are known to be so numerous that Professor
Hadley, while Commissioner of Labor Statistics for
Connecticut, expressed his official opinion that this
subject required special legislation. : »
“Inspector Wade, of Massachusetts, prefacing his
statement with the assurance that ‘there has been a
steady decrease both in the number and severity of
accidents from unguarded machinery,’ proceeds to
Teport 638 accidents to 642 persons, including 23 fatal
accidents, 62 injuries to hands, 53 toarms, 224 to fingers,
29 to thumbs, 38 to legs, 4o to feet, 29 to heads, besides
a large number unspecified (Annual Report District
Police, 1887, PP. 37-47)+
237
Child Labor.
‘In his first report for 1887, p. 27, Inspector Connally,
of New York, says:
“*It is no uncommon thing to see children working
minus a hand or fingers, and twice during our brief
term of office we have been in the factories where boys
were injured by having their hands bruised by the
machinery. In one New York City factory five chil-
dren have been injured in four months.’
“The machines used for stamping metal are extreme-
ly dangerous, and boys and girls are chiefly employed
at them. One day, in the office of the factory, the in-
spector met a boy looking for work who had lost two
fingers where previously employed. Whenasked why
he did not return to work where he was injured, he
said that the loss of his fingers made him useless to
his former employer.
“«The time taken to clean the machinery is not con-
sidered by a few employers as a part of the regular
working time, and they require the operatives to clean
it aftershutting down. Probably one third of the acci-
dents occurring are caused by cleaning the machinery
while in motion.’
‘“So says Inspector Fell, of New Jersey, adding:
“*Tt is too much the practice of the management of
factories for the purpose of saving five minutes of time,
rather than stop the machinery, to allow (if they do not
command) boys as well as men to replace a belt which
has slipped off a pulley, while the driving shaft giving
the power to the pulley is running at full speed; or
oftener, to shut down to half speed, which is a danger-
ous practice, and should receive the fullest condem-
nation.
“. Phe excessive increase of the annual expendi-
ture for ordinary purposes.” In 1816 the amountraised
by taxation was less than one half per cent. on the
taxable property; in. 1850, 1.13 per cent.; in 1860, %.69
per cent.; in 1870, 2.17 per cent.; in 1876, 2.67 per cent.
‘The increase in the annual expenditure since 1850,
ascompared with the increase of population, is more
288
The |
City and Social Reform.
than 4oo per cent., and as compared with the increase
of taxable property, more than 200 per cent.”
The commission suggest the following as the causes:
“;, Incompetent and unfaithful governing boards
and officers. ae z Sint
“9, The introduction of State and national politics
into municipal affairs. ; ;
“3. The Capen by the Legislature of the direct
control of local affairs.”
Concerning this last cause, the commission says:
“Jt may be true that the first attempts to secure leg-
islative intervention in the local affairs of our-principal
cities were made by good citizens in the supposed in-
terest of reform and good government, and to counter-
act the schemesof corrupt officials. The notion that
legislative control was the proper remedy was a seri-
ous mistake. The corrupt cliques and
rings thus sought to be baffled were
quick to perceive that in the business
of procuring special laws concernin,
local affairs they could easily outmatc
the fitful and clumsy labors of disinter-
ested citizens. The transfer of the con-
trol of the municipal resources from the localities to
the (State) capitol had no other effect than to cause a
like transfer of the methods and arts of corruption,
and to make the fortunes of our principal cities the
traffic of thelobbies. Municipal corruption, previously
confined within territorial limits, thenceforth escaped
all bounds and spread to every quarter of the State.
Cities were compelled by legislation to buy lands for
parks and places because the owners wished to sell
them ; compelled to grade, pave, and sewer streets
without inhabitants, and for. no other ponpese than to
award corrupt contracts for the work. Cities were
compelled to purchase, at the public expense, and at
extravagant prices, the property necessary for streets
and avenues, useless for any other purpose than to
make a market for the adjoining property thus im-
proved. Laws were enacted abolishing one office. and
creating another with the same duties in order to
transfer official emoluments from one man to. another,
and laws to change the functions. of officers with a
view only to a new distribution of patronage, and to
lengthen the terms of offices for.no other purpose than
to retain in. place officers who could not. otherwise be
elected or appointed.”
Concerning the second cause. soeger ed. by the com-
mission, Mr. Henry C. Lea makes the following scath-
ing indictment: ‘‘ The most dangerous enemies of re-
form are not the poor men or the ignorant men, but
the men of wealth and position, who have nothing to
gain from political corruption, but show themselves as
unfitted for the right of suffrage as the lowest pro-
letarian, by allowing their partisanship to enlist them
in the support of candidates notoriously bad, who
happen, by control of; the. arty. machinery, to. obtain
the regular nominations.” Eee INGS.)
This, however, by no means exhausts all the causes
Causes of
Corruption.
- of municipal corruption. Of another potent cause Mr.
Francis Bellamy says: ‘ Another cause of municipal
misgovernment is the uncertainty of responsibility,
especially in.its executive branches. Various depart-
ments, which should work in closest harmony, owe
their appointment to as many different authorities;
and often not only do not cooperate, but. actually pur-
sue cross purposes. At one time Philadelphia was
found to be possessed by four boards with power to
tear up the streets at will, but. none whose duty it was
to see that they were properly relaid. Or here is an
example of a composite officialdom which may happen
any day: a ‘citizens’ ticket’ mayor, a Republican
street commissioner, both elected by the people ; other
appointments filled. by men acceptable to a Demo-
cratic Board of Aldermen ; a police commission named
by the governor, together with the State Legislature
interfering on occasion. With such a mixture it is
not easy to fix responsibility for maladministration. .
Non-partisan commissions of four members, two from
each party, is another favorite and specious arrange-
ment by which the people are prevented from calling
either party to account. This non-partisan contri-
vance is alsoan open door forthe most unblushing divi-
sion of spoilsinthe department between the workers’
of both parties. ... It is imperative that responsibil-
ity be defined and located. The people must know
where the trouble lies, and whom to call to account
when things’ go wrong. There must no longer be a
dissipation of responsibility between mayor and alder-
men and councilmen, and then, through executive
commissions, for whose composition and actiens no
one can be held strictly accountable.. The: people of
Boston, for instance, do not know [the charter has been
now changed.—Ed.] where to. lay the blame for many
City and Social Reform.
municipal disorders. Mayor and street commissioner,
school board, and the two chambers are elected by the
people. Treasurer, auditor, superintendent of the
streets, and 104 other officials are appointed by mayor
and aldermen together. There are 4o distinct execu-
tive departments which depend on mayor and alder-
men. ‘he police department is controlled by the gov-
ernor and his council. The State also appoints a fire
marshal to investigate fires, while the city-appointed
firemen put them out, The various departments are
headed by commissions of three or five men, and by
another ingenious contrivance, these men are ap-
pointed by the mayor singly, only one each year; so
that the mayor can never control any commission of
three until his second year, nor any commission of five
until his third year, if he lastssolong. But these are
not all the obstacles the people meet in finding out who
is accountable. If seven of the 12 aldermen are not in
sympathy with’the mayor, they can, by dictations or
bargains, put sucha restriction on his appointments
that he finds himself without control of the executive
departments of which he is the nominal head. It is in-
deed, as an English journal said, ‘the craftiest combi-
nation of schemes to defeat the will of democracy
ever devised in the world.’ ”
Still another cause, and many believe the prime
cause, why American city government is so corrupt,
and particularly why so few of our best citizens in-
cline to take office, is the low sphere given in America
to municipal activities. In the progressive cities of
Europe, the city undertakes large, important func-
tions. In America these are carried on by private cor-
porations. These corporations pay many times the
salaries paid to most city officials. Is it any wonder
that they can get the best men, and the cities the worst?
The municipality is made the tool of the setpost oe
But neverthelessthe corporations get their franchises
from the city, andare affected by legislation ; hence, it
pays them to “influence” the low set of politicians to
whom we have left our municipal government. Is it
any wonder that corruption results? Says Mr. Francis
Bellamy :
“Why is the municipal government of Berlin or
Birmingham or Glasgow so much less corrupt and
more efficient than ours? Certainly not because their
citizens are more intelligent or more moral than
Americans. One reason certainly is that the machin-
ery is more simple and direct. But the deepest reason
is that the functions are so much more
extensive that not only are the most ca-
Corporation pable men led totake office, but the peo-
Influence ple generally are attentive to the prob-
* lems which the many-sided business
of the city presents.
“Tf it is objected that monopolies
should be kept out of politics, we can only reply that
monopolies are in politics. They depend on legisla-
tures and city councils and on politicians and lobby-
ists for their very existence. Private monopolies have
debauched our politics, and are a continual menace to
uncorrupted government. Our recent West End Rail-
way scandal in Boston is only less than the Broadway
Surface bribery of New York aldermen; but both go
to show how terrible is the pressure which great nat-
ural monopolies can bring to bear to extort franchises.
The interests of such immense enterprises as elevated
tailways, surface railways, gas works, electric light-
ing plants, and water works are necessarily antago-—
nistic tothe. interests of the public. They serve the
people, but their motive is dividends, and not the com-
ort of the people or the improvement of the city.
They absorb the best business talent and the best
legal shrewdness into their service, that they may se-
cure privileges at public sacrifice. They employ a
candidate for Governor of Massachusetts to defeat in
legislative committee the natural petition of Danvers
town people that they may be allowed to do their own
electric lighting. And they employ an ex-Governor
of Massachusetts to lobby for the passage of an ele-
vated railroad bill, which gives fullest freedom to the
company without the public receiving a dollar of com-
pensation. Monopolies will be in politics in a bad
sense until the people take them into politics in a good
sense by undertaking their operation themselves. In
this way, too, municipal reform is more apt to follow
extension of the city’s business than to go before it.
“Connected with this cause of municipal misman-
agement is the irresoluteness and indifference of the
people themselves. Some are apathetic. It has been
estimated that the stay-at-home vote at city elections
amounts to one fourth of the number of registered
voters. This stay-at-home vote carries the balance of
power. It carries also hidden in its pocket the power
of rebuke for misgovernment, for it is composed of the
289
City and Social Reform.
more intelligent of the citizens. There is not so much
to fear from the Irish vote, or the German vote as from
this absentee vote. The foreign vote is susceptible of
disintegration; it may negative itself. But the ab-
staining vote is solid against good government. At
intervals, after some particularly atrocious conduct,
this vote is invaded by indignation, and some fraction
of it shakes off its languor and makes itself felt at the
polls. But it is only a spasm. It is the rush of raw
volunteers against regulars. The regulars may be
broken, but they can wait. Their turn will come,
again presently. Meanwhile, the stay-at-homes return
to their habit, imagining that by earnestly doing their:
duty for two or three years they have conquered the|
power of corruption, and that it is not necessary to
continue the fight till it is driven from the field.”
All the needs of city reform, however, are by no
means confined to political evils (for the evils of over-
crowding, etc., see SLUMS ; TENEMENTS, etc.); but these
must not be forgotten in thinking of municipal condi-
tions. Eighty per cent. of New York City’s population
live in tenements; only 33 per cent. in Boston own the
houses they live in. Of those occupying hired houses,
only 16% live in single tenements; the rest crowd togeth-
er in tenements of two or more families. Of slum life,
the author of Soctalism and Christianity says (p. 205):
“Think of a plat of ground 200 feet square providing
a permanent home for nearly 600 persons, giving to
each a space of 8 feet by 9! But even so scanty a pro-
vision is palatial when the facts are more closely
examined. Sixteen families composed of 80 persons in
a single 25-foot dwelling are common. . .. Ina
room 12 by 8and 5% feet high inspected
in 1879, it was found that nine persons
slept and prepared their food. . ‘ Cit
In another room, located in a dark ty
cellar, without screens or partitions, Poverty.
were huddled together two men with
their wives anda girl of 14, two single
men and a boy of 17, two women, and four boys, 9, TO,
x1, and 15 years old—/our¢een personsinall. . . . 2
But this is only one half of the picture. Not only do
we have this terribie poverty in our cities, but we have
it close by the side of extreme wealth. Says Dr.
Josiah Strong:
“It is the city where wealth is massed; and here are -
the tangible evidences of it piled many stories high.
Here the sway of Mammon is widest, and his worship
the most constant and eager. Here are luxuries
gathered—everything that dazzles the eye or tempts
the appetite ; here isthe most extravagant expenditure.
Here, also, is the congestion of wealth the severest.
. . . How are such items as the following, which
appeared in the papers of January, 1880, likely to strike
discontented laborers? ‘The profits of the Wall Street
kings the past year were enormous. It is estimated
that Vanderbilt made $30,000,000 ; Jay Gould, ee
ooo; Russell Sage, $10,000,000 } Sidney Dillon, $10,000,-
ooo; James R. Keene, $8,000,000; and three or four
others from $1,000,000 to $2,000,000 each.; making agrand
total for 10 or 12 estates of about $80,000,000.’ ””
It is these terrible contrasts which form a large part
of the problem of the city.
When the unemployed, sleeping in crowded tene-
ments, in police stations, in empty wagons, under the
shelter of some friendly roof, go out, with little or no
breakfast, to look for work; when, after a long day’s
fruitless search, they return to pale-faced wives and
hungry children, one can scarcely wonder that they
grow weary and discouraged, reckless and desperate ;
but when, in addition to this, they pursue their search
for bare existence along streets lined with palaces
groaning with superabundance, one wonders that
anarchy does not arise in every modern city ; one ad-
mires the self-control and patience of the poor.
Connected with these contrasts is the composite
character of our city populations.
Though only about one third of the population of the
United States is foreign by birth or parentage, this
element rarely constitutes less than two thirds of our
larger cities, and often more than three fourths.
Charity attempts relief, but the foremost charity
workers (see CHARITY ORGANIZATION) are declaring
to-day that the misery increases faster than charity
can relieve it. The amounts spent annually for poor
relief, private or public, in England and America is
very many millions; yet the need is greater still.
Perhaps, more exactly, the need is for new conditions
that shall make charity less necessary. To-day misery
and affluence, the beggar and the capitalist, the prosti-
tute and the millionaire exist side by side.
The following is a table of the nationality of some of
ie larger American cities, according to the census of
1890 :
City and Social Reform. 290 City and Social Reform:
Votal | British- : ; 5 3 j &
CITIEs. Foreign | Ameri- ‘ 3 5 5 5 . 8
Born, cans, © a % S 5 g 2 ‘d
a =
q a B o < a =
NEW NoOrk a sascawsiey az 639,943 8,308 10,72, 27193 105535 39951
A she, 9 190,418 10" 11,242 210,723 Ty
Chicago, Ill....... 450,666 aieae selene Seer gj217_| 163,030 6,043 24502 51085
Philadelphia, Pa.. 269,480 2,584 | 110,935 38,926 8,772 74,971 2,003 24550 1709
Brooklyn, N. Y... 261,700 5,807 84,738 26,493 J417 94,798 1,493 2)402 99593
St. Louis, Mo.... 114,876 2,008 24,270 6,507 1,370 | 66,000 1,586 1717 1,205
Boston, Mass. . 158,172 38,294 71444r 13.454 45490 10,362 390r 875 4,718
Baltimore, Md. 69,003 52 13,389 3,089 666 40,709 1,221 424 824
San Francisco, Cal.. 126,811 4)371 30,718 9,828 3.18 26,422 1,263 4,663 5212
Cincinnati, O......... 2... 71,408 945 12,323 24950 621 491415 389 890 738
‘ a F
4 8 & s 3
S % a bo a a o
CITIES. a 8 e > oO o a 3 a
o bo o yg s oc a q a
Z eI 3 = 8 E 8 8 z
7 q fa A a n A n 5
New York... 48,790 12,222 8,099 | 6,759 15575, 7,069 1,495 887 2,048
Chicago, Ill...... 7,683 1,818 25,105 24,086 21,835 43,032 7,987 120 584
Philadelphia, Pa 7,879 1,354 189 2,189 1,500 1,626 704 136 785
Brooklyn, N.Y . 31397 663 143 1,887 4,873 95325, 1,839 526 600
St. Louis, Mo.... 1,538 253 2,301 875 134 876 285 45 177
Boston, Mass.. 45305 188 104 954 861 30413 353 149 497
Baltimore, Md..... 4,057 163 1,368 935 139 213 8x 40 190
San Francisco, Cal cia 1,064 167 82 501 1,396 39594 1,785 220 24,613
Cincinnati, O.............. 978 120 28 227 9 99 41 16 24
Connected with this foreign population of our cities
is the saloon problem. Says Dr. Josiah Strong (Our
Country, pp. 181 and 133):
“East of the Mississippi there was, in 880, one saloon
to every 438 of the population; in Boston, one to every
329; in Cleveland, one to every 192; in Chicago, one to
every 179; in New York, one to every 171; in Cincin-
nati, one to every 124. Of course the demoralizing and
pauperizing power of the saloons and their debauching
influence in politics increase with their numerical
strength. . . . The liquor trade boasts that in New
York City alone it controls 40,000 votes. That the
saloons are the great centers of political activity is
evident from the fact that out of 1002
primary and other political meetings
held in New York during the year pre-
ceding the November election of 1884, 63
were held in saloons and 86 were hel
next door to saloons, while only 283 were
held apart from them. These saloons
and their keepers are controlled ty a few strong
men. In 1888, of the saloons in New York City,
4710 were subject to chattel mortgages, which aggre-
gated $4,959,578 in value. An overwhelming proportion
of these mortgages were held by brewers, one firm
holding upward of 200, and another 600; which being
interpreted means that two firms controlled upward
of 800 centers of political influence in New York.”
Such are some of the‘evils connected with American
cities. (See also PROSTITUTION; GAMBLING; UNEM-
PLOYMENT 3 PAUPERISM ; CRIME; SLUMS, etc.).
Intemper-
ance,
(6) Europe.
The evils of modern city life are by no means
confined to American cities. ‘
Said Professor Huxley (Soctal Diseases and Worse
Remedies): ‘‘ Any one who is acquainted with the state
of the population of all great industrial centers, whether
in this or other countries, is aware that, amid a large
and increasing body of that population, /a misére
reigns supreme. ...Thaveno pretensions to the charac-
ter of a philanthropist, and I havea special horror of
all sorts of sentimental rhetoric; Iam merely inying to
deal with facts, to some extent within my own knowl-
edge, and further evidenced by abundant testimony,
as a naturalist ; and I take it to be a mere plain truth
that throughout industrial Europe there is not a single
large manufacturing city which is free from a vast
mass of people whose condition is exactly that
described, and from a still greater mass who, living
just on the edge of the social swamp, are liable to be
precipitated into it by any lack of demand for their
produce. And, with every addition to the population,
the multitude already sunk in the pit and the number
of the host sliding toward it continually increase.”
What Professor Huxley means by /a misére is ap-
parent when he says (¢dem): “It is a condition in
which the food, warmth, and clothing which are neces-
sary for the mere maintenance of the functions of the
body in their normal state cannot be obtained; in
which men, women, and children are forced to crowd
into dens wherein decency is abolished and the most
ordinary conditions of healthful existence are impos-
sible of attainment; in which the pleasures within
reach are reduced to bestiality and drunkenness; in
which the pains accumulate at compound interest, in
the shape of starvation, disease, stunted development,
and moral degradation ; in which the prospect of even
steady and honest industry is a life of unsuccessful
battling with hunger, rounded by a pauper’s grave.”
What life in London means for hundreds of thousands.
can be seen by the following from 7he Bitter Cry of
Outcast London, speaking of London’s tenements:
“To get into them you have to penetrate courts reek-
ing with poisonous and malodorous gases, arising from
accumulations of sewage and refuse scattered in all
directions, and often flowing beneath your feet ; courts,
many of them which the sun never penetrates, which
are never visited by a breath of fresh air. You have
to ascend rotten staircases, grope your way along dark
and filthy passages swarming with vermin. Then, if
you are not driven back by the intolerable stench, you
may gain admittance to the dens in which these thou-
sands of beings herd together. Eight feet square!
That is about the average size of very many of these:
rooms. Walls and ceiling are black with the accretions.
of filth which have gathered upon them through long
years of neglect. It isexuding through cracks in the
boards; it is everywhere.... Every :
room in these rotten and reeking tene-
ments houses a family, often two. In
one cellar, a sanitary inspector reports
finding a father, mother, three children,
and four pigs.... ere are seven
people living in one underground kitchen, and a little
dead child lying inthe same room. Elsewhereisa poor
widow, her three children, and a child who had | een
dead 13 days. Her husband, who was a cabman
had shortly before committed suicide. ... In another
apartment, nine brothers and sisters, from 29 years of
age downward, live, eat, and sleep together. “ Here is.
London,
City and Social Reform. 2
a mother who turns her children into the street in the
early evening, because she lets her room for immoral
purposes until long after midnight, when the poor little
wretches creep back again, if they have not found some
miserable shelter elsewhere. here there are beds,
they are simply heaps of dirty rags, shavings, or straw ;
but for the most part these miserable beings find rest
only upon the filthy boards. ... There are men and
women who lie and die, day by day, in their wretched
single room, sharing all the family trouble, enduring
the hungerand the cold, and waiting, without hope,
without a single ray of comfort, until God curtains
their staring eyes with the merciful film of death.”
Nor is this condition true only of a few worst slums.
As Tepards the 4,000,000 of penne in the metropolis,
Mr. Charles Booth tells us that 37,610, or o.9 per cent.,
are in the lowest class (occasional laborers, loafers, and
semi-criminals) ; 316,834, Or 7.5 per cent., in the next
(casual labor, hand-to-mouth existence, chronic want) ;
935,293, OF 22.3 per cent., form “tthe poor” (including
alike those whose earnings are small, because of irreg-
ularity of Sooner ee those whose work, though
regular, is il +paid). These classes, on or below the
“poverty line” of earnings not exceeding a yurnca a
tueek per family, number together 1,292,737, OF 30.7 per
cent. of the whole population. Tothese must be added,
99,830 inmates of workhouses, hospitals, prisons, indus-
trial schools, etc., making altogether nearly 1,409,000
persons in this one city alone whose condition even the
most optimistic social student can hardly deem satis-
factory (Labor and Life of the People, edited by Charles
Booth, 1891, Vol. ii., pp. 20, 21).
Says the Fudran Tract Vo. 5 (revised ed.): ‘In Lon-
don one person in every five will die in the workhouse,
hospital, or lunatic asylum. In 1892, out of 86,833 deaths,
48,061 being 20 years of age and upward, 132,713 were in
workhouses, 7707 in hospitals, and qrr in lunatic asy-
lums, or ee 20,831 in public institutions (Reg?s-
trar-General's Report, 1892, C—7, 238, pp. 2, 72, and 96).
The percentage in 1887 was 20.7 0 the total deaths; in
1888 it rose to 22.2, in 1897 to 24.2, and in 1892 it was 23.9.
“Tt is worth notice that a large number of those com-
pelled in their old age to resort to the workhouse have
made ineffectual efforts at thrifty provision for their
declining years. In x890-91, out of 175,852 inmates of
workhouses (one third being children, and another
third women), no fewer than 14,808 have been members
of benefit societies. In 4593 cases the society had
broken up, usually from insolvency (House of Commons
Return, i891, Nos. 366 and 130—B), Considering that
comparatively few of the inmates are children, it is
ee that one in every three London adults will be
riven into these refuges to die, and the proportion in
the case of the ‘manual labor class’ must, of course,
be still larger.”
London, though the largest, is not alone in the evil
condition of its working masses. In England the in-
dustrial friendly societies have in each large town their
‘proscribed streets.” The Liverpool Victoria Legal
Friendly Society proscribes, for Liverpocl alone, on
account of their insanitary character, 167 ‘streets
wherein no members of the Society may be entered”
(Circular of October 13, 1886). Yet these unhealthy
streets are not too bad to be the only homes of thou-
sands of the poorer citizens of that commercial center.
Says Mr. Frederick Harrison: ‘To me, at least, it
would be enough to condemn modern society as hardly
an advance on slavery or serfdom, if the permanent
condition of ered were to be that which we behold,
that go per cent. of the actual producers of wealth have
no home that they can call their own beyond the end
of the week; have no bit of soil, or so much as aroom
that belongs to them; have nothing of value of any
_kind except as much old furniture as will go in a cart;
have the precarious chance of weekly wages which
barely suffice to keep them in health; are housed for
the most part in places that no man thinks fit for his
horse; are separated by so narrow a margin from
destitution, that a month of bad trade, sickness, or un-
expected loss brings them face to face with hungerand
pauperism.... This is the normal state of the aver-
age workman in town or country” (Report of Jndus-
trial Remuneration Conference, 1886, p. 429).
V. Metnops oF REForM.
(a) Administrative.
Different classes of thinkers advocate very
various methods of reform. ‘The commission in
New York State referred to above (see Sec. IV.)
made the following recommendations :
gt City and Social Reform.
“(a) A restriction of the power of the State legislature
to interfere ye special legislation with municipal gov-
ernments or the conduct of municipal affairs.*
(6) The holding of municipal elections at a different
period of the year from State and national elections,
“(c) The vesting of the legislative powers of munici-
palities in two bodies: A board of aldermen, elected by
the ordinary (manhood) suffrage, to be the common
council of each city. A board of finance of from six to
15 members, elected by voters who had for two years
paid an annual tax on property assessed at not less
than $500 (£100), or a rent (for premises occupied) of
not less than $250 (£50). This oad. of finance was
to have a practically exclusive control of the taxation
and expenditure of each city, and of the exercise of its
borrowing powers, and was in some matters to act
only by a two-thirds majority.
“(d@) Limitations on the borrowing powers of the
municipality, the concurrence of the mayor and two
thirds of the State Legislature, as well as of two thirds
of the Board of Finance, being required for any loan
except in anticipation of current revenue.
“(e) Anextension of the general control and appoint-
ing power of the mayor, the mayor being himselt sub-
ject to removal for cause by the governor of the
State.
The large movement for municipal reform in
the United States, which has resulted in the for-
mation of municipal reform leagues or civic
clubs in all the large cities, and has now grown
into a national municipal league, is not com-
mitted to one definite program, yet nevertheless
does largely favor in all cities a similar program.
It may be said in general to favor municipal re-
form, fs/, by rousing the attention of all classes
of citizens, especially among the educated
classes, to take an active interest in the conduct
of civic affairs ; second, by fixing municipal re-
sponsibility through the simplification of munici-
pal systems; by such measures as increasing
the power of the mayor, abolishing the bicam-
eral system, doing away with so-called non-
partisan boards and appointing single responsi-
ble commissioners in their place, substituting
biennial or triennial elections for annual, reduc-
ing the number of departments, etc. ; ¢A/rd, by
divorcing municipal from national politics, in-
troducing proportional representation, etc. But
this movement is so important that we can only
consider it an an article by itself. (See Munici-
PAL REFORM ORGANIZATIONS.)
Somewhat opposed to this program, at least
in asserting that it does not reach the bottom of
municipal evils, is the view of those who believe
that the one first and greatest way to reform
city administration is to give ita large function.
Says Professor R. T. Ely (Zhe Chrestian Union,
October 9, 1890) :
“Weare reversing the order of nature in planning
to reform city government first and then to carry out
changes and to make improvements in behalf of the
poorer classes. Let any one name a city where this
policy has been successfully pursued. I know of
none. ‘
“When the Hon. Joseph Chamberlain and his friends
took hold of the corrupt and inefficient city government
of Birmingham, they at once ‘devised large measures,’
including the purchase of gas and water works by the
city. A public library followed; public parks, im-
proved dwellings for the poor, large public undertak-
ings, broad and generous measures, have been an
essential part of municipal reform and improvement
in cities like Berlin and Glasgow; they have not fol-
lowed a purification of politics, but have helped to ele-
vate political life.
‘““Has the experience of this country been different?
Not at all, When the city government of Baltimore
was worse than it is to-day, when the ‘Plug Uglies’
and ‘Blood Tubs’ were a terror, the governmont was
improved by adding to its functions a paid police and
a paid fire department. Extension of functions within
a proper sphere improves government.
City and Social Reform.
“‘When civil-service reformers in New York come
before the people with large and generous plans of
reform, with a program including adequate school
accommodations, strict enforcement of the compulsory
education law, better sanitary measures, public owner-
ship and management of gas and electric light plants,
playgrounds for children, public parks in crowded
sections, and strict enforcement of laws for the protec-
tion of working children, and when leading citizens
pledge themselves to these reforms, they will arouse
an enthusiasm which will sweep the city. Austin,
Texas, and several smaller places have
recently been carried by large majori-
ties for practical, tangible reforms. A
part of the program in Austin was
public water and electriclighting works,
and the reform party ousted an opposi-
tion which had been elected by a large
majority. It is estimated that one half of the voters
changed their votes.
“Another fundamental fact is that the program
which I propose will, when carried out, arouse munic-
ipal pride and self-respect. It willawaken what you
may calla self-consciousness. Cities with us do not,
as it were, respect themselves. They are like men
who have lost their self-respect, while they are de-
spised by private corporations, whose tool they be-
‘come.
“ Another fundamental fact, the last which may now
‘be mentioned, is that you cannot separate local from
national politics by merely talking about it. National
politics are supreme in the minds of voters because
they deal with real issues, like tariff reform, the silver
question, pensions, federal election laws. When local
politics come to mean what they should, when they in-
volve easily understood issues of moment to all, then
we will see less ‘ blind attachment to party and party
candidates.’ ”
While private corporations carry on larger
functions than the city, they will employ the
best men. While the city officials are inferior
men, and the corporations. can gain from and are
dependent upon city legislation, corruption
must result. Suchisthe argument of those who
believe that the one way to purify the city is to
enlarge its functions. For the details of this
argument, however, see MuNICIPALISM.
Professor
Ely.
(4) Soctal Reforms.
For the details of these reforms see Epuca-
tion; Manuat Tratntnc; Batus ; LAvATORIES ;
TENEMENTS ; Parks; STREET Rattways; TEmM-
PERANCE ; CHARITY ORGANIZATIONS ; MUNICIPAL-
ism, etc. The following program was laid by
Professor R. T. Ely before the meeting of the
Evangelical Alliance in Boston, December 4,
He said:
“y, Let me first mention the means of education
which should be liberally provided, and which should,
for the most part, be gratuitously offered. I do not
speak simply of schools of the lower grades, but of
schools of all grades, and of much besides schools. I
would thus broaden the way to success, and utilize all
talent in the community. With these schools I would
establish a sifting process, so that only the more gifted
should advance to higher grades. Such a scheme has
already been working in New York State for some
time. There are State scholarships, entitling the re-
eepieats to free tuition in Cornell University, and one
of them is offered for competition in each assembly
district each year. There are thus over soo all told. It
may be that the ideal thing is a public educational
system, comprising all grades of school up to and in-
clusive of the university.... But public education
does not begin early enough for the needs of the city.
The majority of children in cities are under bad home
influences, and free kindergartens should bea part of
the school system. It is all very well to talk about the
work of the family, but what about the majority of
children in large cities, for whom no wholesome family
life exists? I have sometimes feared that my good
friend, Dr. Dike, favored reactionary elements in not
taking into account sufficiently the actual situation.
Industrial training ought to be made important every-
1889.
292
City and Social Reform.
where, and I note with satisfaction the progress it is
making in Boston. Mr. Brace speaks of
industrial schools as the best agency for
reforming the worst class of children in paycation.
cities, and the experience of the Elmira
Reformatory in New York shows that
jority even of young convicte ‘i
etliminale tan be reformed by it, when coupled ak
good discipline. We find that many criminals an
paupers are uneducated and untrained in any tae
The apprenticeship system 1s antiquated, and city
dwellings furnish no opportunity for girls to learn
womanly occupations. Pee for life must for
all come from the school; for the many it is the only
place whence itcancome....
“But our educational system should not cease to pro-
vide for people when they leave school. Education
ought to end only with life. This brings me to men-
tion such educational facilities as free libraries, free
reading-rooms within convenient distance of every
part of the city, ee in many cases attached to
school houses, and open after school hours. :
“ University-extension lectures ought to be provided,
and Mr. Dewey, of New York, has been working on
some large plans for extension lectures to be connected
with the publicschools of New York State, and to be
conducted under the auspices of the Board of Regents.
Private undertakings, like Chautauqua, could well
sup) lement whatever public authority does.
. Bchoolhouses should be better utilized as gather-
ing places for clubs, debating societies, and all bodies
of men who would give guarantee of proper behavior.
Open in the evening, they would help to counteract
the baleful influences of the saloon.
“ Art galleries and museums—which may multiply
the value of pictures and other enjoyable articles a
hundredfold, by rendering them accessible to all—may
be mentioned under this general head, and, in my
opinion, they ought all to be open on Sunday. I do
not believe in leaving a free field to the devil every
seventh day. 2
“It goes without the saying that religious education
is an important part of all education, and that thé
Church should become more active than ever, and. be-
come tu a greater extent than at present a real people’s
Church. Church buildings also are not as fully utilized
as they might be.
‘2. “As a second item, and one closely connected, I
mention playgrounds, parade grounds, play-rooms,
and gymnasiums. I would include universal military
drill for boys and young men. Experi-
enced educators will tell you what a re-
markable agency physical drill is for
the cultivation of good morals; half of
the wrong-doings of young rascals in
cities is due to the fact that they have
no innocent outlet for their animal spirits.
“3. The third item is free public baths and public
wash-houses, like those which in Glasgow have proved
so successful. :
‘4, The fourth item is public gardens and parks and
good open-air music.
“5. Very important in all large cities is an improve-
ment of artisans’ dwellings, and the housing of the
poor generally. All those who work among the poor
speak about the great obstacle to reform and improve-
ment found in rent. Mr. Barnett speaks of it as ab-
sorbing a large proportion of the earnings of artisans—
namely, the fourth of a regular income—and Mr. Brace
speaks of it repeatedly. A lady working in connec-
tion with the Charity Organization of Baltimore spoke
of it thus a few days since in conversation : * Rent! On,
that is the dreadful thing! The rent of the poor just
goes on increasirg all the time; so do their appetities;
put these have to wait, while the rent has to be paid!’
“TJ cannot speak of the many things which can be
done and which are being done to improve the hous-
ing of the poorer urban classes. One of the most
promising reforms, it seems to me, is to obey the law
and assess all unimproved city land up to its full value
the very last dollar of its value, and then exempt all
new dwellings from taxation for a period of five years.
A somewhat similar eae appears to have produced
excellent results in Vienna. Of course, this alone is
not eae " ;
. My sixth item is complete municipalizati
markets and slaughter-houses, rendering eer
tion eeies and Thorne thorough.
oA e seventh item is organized medic ief,
rendering medical attendance and medicines: Tel
ble to the poor without a sacrifice of self-respect and
Hee ores SS anita ete
‘8.. Poor relief oug’ o be better organiz Bs
houses should be. workhouses and Wor eiipiees aan
Hygiene,
City and Social Reform.
be industrial schools. ... Anyone may witness in Ger-
many the beneficial effects of an extensive pension
system. | It is a great economy of resources, as small-
er salaries are sufficient under a pension system ; it
diminishes poverty and pauperism, and thus relieves
the public treasuries. It prevents anxiety, and checks
the greed begotten of uncertainty. An extension of
the principle of insurance is desirable for similar
reasons, 3 4 ;
‘“‘9, The ninth item is improved sanitary legislation
and administration. Great strides have already been
made in this direction, but probably the urban death-
rate among children of the poor under five years of
age could still be reduced one half.
‘“yo, The next item is a better regulation of the
liquor traffic where its suppression is impossible. I
ee something better than high license is practi-
eable....
“But temperance reform ought toinclude positive
measures, as well as negative, and how effective posi-
tive measures are, Mr. Brace’s book amply demon-
strates. The use of town halls and school-rooms for
political and other gatherings in England has proved
a good temperance measure. Do not simply drive out
the saloon—replace it.
“31, Municipal savings banks.
have produced most gratifying results in many Ger-
man cities. Deposits should be invested in city bonds
and other good securities. The investment in city
bonds would tend to give depositors a realizing sense
of what they have at stake in municipal government.
“yo. Ownership and management by the city of
natural monopolies of a local character, like electric
lights, gas works, street-car lines, docks, etc.
“JT will not enumerate further items in this connec-
tion. Ihavealready said that the individual force and
energy of citizens should be used to inaugurate and
carry out these reforms. I would utilize
in a higher degree than heretofore
the help of women. Police matrons
ave done something for one class of
our urban population in several Ameri-
can cities, and in Glasgow lady health
inspectors have proved an efficient ad-
junct to the health department. Lady members of
school boards have done good service in several cities.
“We should also have private associations of women
to insist on the enforcement of law. Something has
been done in New York by the Ladies’ Health Pro-
tective Association, which aims to secure enforce-
ment of sanitary legislation and to insist on a proper
street-cleaning service. We ought also to have in
‘every city ladies’ public educational associations, to
stimulate the educational authorities and to see that
the last letter of the law is obeyed; in New York, for
instance, see that schoolhouses are provided for all
children, aud that the compulsory educational law is
enforced.
“We should also have business men’s associations,
clergymen’s associations, and the like, all to help to
make the life of public servants who neglect their duty
a burden to them.
“Whence shall come the resources for these reforms?
I have already given the answer. A moderate and
conservative municipalism will provide resources. It
ds er cee ee to utilize public resources. Comp-
troller Myers, of New York, recently said that he
could pay all the expenses of the city government
from dock rents, miscellaneous receipts, and the an-
nual value of street car and other similar franchises.
Berlin pays over rs per cent. of its expenses from the
rofits of gas works; Richmond, Va., when I last
ooked at the report, about 7 per cent. We have
also electric lighting as a source of revenue. Then we
have plans which I have elsewhere described for
securing a portion of the increment of city real estate
for the public, and that without depriving any one of
his property rights. Inheritances, and particularly
collateral inheritances, may be taxed, and intestate
collateral inheritances might be even abolished. Re-
sources for every needed reform can be found in
abundance whenever any honest search is made for
them. We have yet no adequate idea of the public
resources of a great city. A
“Government is the God-given agency through
which we must work. To many, I am aware, this is
not a welcome word, but it isa true word. We may
twist and turn as long as we please, but we are bound
to come back to a recognition of this truth. Societies
have failed. Society, particularly as organized in city’
councils or city governments, to adopt what is with us
the more comprehensive designation, must recognize
the work we want done as the concern of the com-
munity, and must themselves doit. The most success-
Such institutions
Municipali-
zation.
293
Civic Church, The.
ful work, says Barnett, after his long striving, is done
by, the education act, the poor law and other social-
istic legislation. That that is the most successful work
is also illustrated by the life and career of the seventh
Earl of Shaftesbury, who carried through Parliament
legislation which has benefited millions of English-
men. Ifsimply by touching a person you could con-
fer a distinct benefit on the person touched, it would
take you 20 years to benefit as many people as have
been benefited by legislation chiefly due
to this great ae ist. Also the
experience 0: erfeld, Berlin, and
other German towns, so celebrated for Government.
the administration of charity, confirms
what is here said. Their success is due
to private cooperation with official work. ‘If nations
had been.ennobled by wars undertaken against an
enemy, towns may be ennobled by work undertaken
against the evils of poverty.’
‘*Societies have failed and will fail. They cannot,
acting simply as societies, do the work. Their re-
sources are inadequate, the territory they can cover is
too small, and their power is insufficient. The Evan-
gelical Alliance simply as such can never do the work.
The Evangelical Alliance, like other societies, must put
itself behind municipal government and recognize the
reform and elevation of municipal government as one of
the chief features of its work. It must strive to establish
among ustruecitiesof God. Thereis plenty of room for
the individual and for individual activity. Not all the
work can be done by government, altho without
government very little cam be accomplished. But, in
addition to strictly private work, there is room for any
amount of individual work in stimulating official
work and in cooperation with official work. js
“Tt takes a great effort and persistent, unflagging
zeal to keep alive a few industrial schools like those
which Mr. Brace has established in New York. He
has my admiration for his great work, but I cannot .
help asking the question, If a little more energy had
been used in stimulating public authorities and co-
operating with them, would not greater things have
been accomplished? Shameful, incredibly disgraceful
as it may be tothe authorities of New York City, 14,-
ooo children in that city were this fall turned from the
doors of the public schools because there was not room
for them, ow, with 200 children to a school, it would
take 70 private schools to educate these children,
whereas the energy and zeal necessary to support 10
such schools expended in enlightening the public and
stimulating the conscience of the municipal authori-
ties would have rendered this criminal record an im-
possibility.”
Says Rev. Mr. Barnett, after 17 years in East London:
“The first practical work is to rouse the town couh-
cils to the sense of their powers; to make them feel
that their duty is not to protect the pockets of the rich
(by reducing taxes and turning children away from
public schools, as in New York), but to save the peo-
ple.” And ‘the care of the people is the care of the
community and not of any philanthropic section.”
References: Zhe Ancient City, by Fustel de Cou-
langes (1891); article, Cz¢y,byA. K. Connel, in Palgrave’s
Dictionary of Political Economy ; Municipal Taxation
at Home and Abroad, by J. J, O'Meara (London, 1894) 5
Municipal Government in Great Britain, by Albert
Shaw (1895); 4 Study tn Muntctpal Government, Ber-
Lin (1893), by James Pollard; Zhe London Program,
by Sidney Webb (1801); Local Government, by M. D.
Chalmers (English Citizen Series, 1893); Czvzl Govern-
ment tn the United States, by J. Fiske (1890) 3 Czty
Government in the United States, by A. R. Conkling
(1895); chaps. 1., li., and lit. in The American Common-
wealth, by James Bryce (chap. lii., by Seth Low,
ad ed., 1895); Modern Cities and their Religtous Prob-
Jems, by S._L. Loomis (1887); Zhe Needs of the Cry,
address by R. T. Ely before the Evangelical Alliance
in Boston (1889) 3. Proceedings of the National Confer-
ence for Good City Government,'in Philadelphia (1894)
(this ‘book contains a very complete Erpoer any of
articles and papers on municipal reform); Census
Bulletin, 82; Expenditures and Recetpts of 100 of the
Principal Cities in. the United States. (See also_Mu-
NICIPALISM; BIRMINGHAM ; BERLIN ; GLASGOW ; LON-
DON; PARIS; SLUMS; TENEMENTS; GAS; ELECTRIC
LIGHTING; STREET RAILWAYS; BATHS, ETC.)
CIVIC CHURCH, THE.—A_ movement
originated and directed mainly by W. T. Stead
(g.v.), the London journalist. It aims to secure
the organization and cooperation of all philan-
thropic workers in every community. At pres-
Civic Church, The.
ent itis little more than an unrealized ideal ;
but its purpose and principles are so directly in
the line of social reform, that we give it here as
complete a description as possible. Togive Mr.
Stead’s own words, and the reasons upon which
‘he based his conception of a civic church, he
writes: ‘‘ The great want of the age is a church
—a church which will not be a mere sect, but a
real church, a working church, a church coex-
tensive with the community in which it exists ;
a church which, like the old Church, has the
power of excommunication, and exercises it; a
church which embraces the whole range of hu-
man life, and which influences all the affairs of
life, alike in personal conduct and in affairs of
municipal and national government. Until we
can constitute a church which will somehow or
other do the things which the old Church used
to do, and which the modern Church largely
shirks doing, we shall never get the key of the
solution of the social problem.’’ The funda-
mental idea, therefore, of the civic Church is
that of intelligent and fraternal cooperation of
all those who are in earnest about making men
and things better than they are to-day. Specu-
lative or religious differences would exclude no
one frommembership. It would not necessarily
antagonize the existing Christian churches, but
would bear the same relation to them that the
main drain of a city bears to the wash-basins of
private families. It would be_ distinctively
Christian in that it accepts the example and
teaching of Jesus Christ as authoritative, and
adopts as its motto self-sacrifice for the wel-
fare of others. Its demand is that every indi-
vidual life must be helpful to the community,
and that the community place no stumbling-
blocks in the way of individual development.
The ultimate object of the civic Church is the
reconstitution of human society through the
brotherly cooperation of .all who are willing to
take trouble to promote the welfare of others.
The field of its operations is the whole range of
the life of man, and especially so far as it touches
the life of his brother man. Practically, it is
the spiritual counterpart of the town council,
and is to be established in every large center of
population on the principle, ‘‘One town, one
Church.’”’ It is composed of representatives
and delegates from all the churches and all or-
ganizations that seek the good of the com-
munity. The civic Church would thus bring
all moral and philanthropic institutions into sym-
pathetic communication with one another ; it
would energize separate organizations and unify
all moral forces. Necessarily it would become
an electoral center, a ‘‘ moral caucus.’’ It would
keep moral questions to the front in all times of
election, prevent the nomination of dishonest
and immoral candidates, and endeavor to elect
conscience as the spiritual mayor of the town.
The duties of the civic Church may be consid-
ered as relating to the various stages of human
life.
I. To THE INFANT.
The civic Church would begin with the child
before its birth. It would insist upon the infi-
nite responsibility of parentage, and an improve-
ment in ordinary ante-natal conditions. Lying-
in hospitals would be established, and healthy
294
Civic Church, The:
“ : +s 1d
homes for foundlings. The civic Church wou
demand that er child be accorded the right
to two legal parents. The nourishment of young
children would be inquired into ; the créche or
something better would be established where
necessary ; cruelty to children would be pre-
vented, and child insurance investigated.
II. To THE CHILD.
The civic Church would seek to secure to every
child its natural play-time, and prevent early
child labor. It would endeavor to provide parks
or buildings in which city children might play.
The education of children would not be over-
looked ; kindergartens would be established and
school walls brightened with pictures. Home-
less children would be removed from work-
houses and distributed where possible among
the childless homes. Toys and picture-books
would be collected from the wealthier families
and placed in the homes of the alleys and slums.
III. To tHe Youru.
A system of scholarships is proposed which
would enable the poorest student to graduate
from the University. The civic Church would
use all its influence to provide for young men
and young women reading-rooms, evening
classes, rooms and open places for recreation,
bathing-houses, gymnasiums, etc. It would
devise some means of instructing boys and girls
ripening into maturity regarding the simple
physiological truth about their own bodies,
The housing of young people who have come
alone to the large cities would be the object of
much endeavor.
IV. To THE ADULT.
As to the services which the civic Church
might render to the adult citizen, Mr. Stead has
prepared a catalogue of possible and helpful
reforms which we here append.
THE ADULT AS A CITIZEN.
1. The education of the householder as to his civic
and national responsibilities. . 2.
2. The stimulating of an intelligent interest in politi-
cal and municipal issues.
3. The keeping moral issues to the front, as caucuses
keep a party issues.
4. The representation of the unrepresented, whether
women, children, paupers, or subject races.
5. The cultivation of patriotism and the religion of
citizenship.
6. The stemming the tide of national hatreds, and
claiming justice even for the enemy.
7. The formation of volunteer corps.
8. The establishment of life and fire brigades.
THE ADULT AS A WORKER.
1. The development of self-reliance and mutual help
by the formation of trade-unions.
2. The shortening of excessive hours of labor.
; z The enforcement of the laws for the protection of
abor.
4. The encouragement of industrial arbitration.
5. The promotion of copartnership between em-
ployers and employed. ;
6. The appointment of women inspectors for women
workers.
7. The prevention of sweating.
8. The payment of sailors’ wages before leaving ship.
THE ADULT IN SICKNESS,
. Provident dispensaries.
. Hospitals—general, infectious, and convalescent.
- Health lectures.
. Sick nurses.
POH
Civic Church, The.
. Medical comforts.
. Change of air for convalescents.
: prng-in hospitals.
Blind asylums.
. Deaf and dumb institutions.
. Lunatic asylums.
9D ONY AN
w
THE ADULT IN THE WORKHOUSE.
xz. Women on Boards of Guardians.
2. Brabazon scheme for employment of aged.
3. Decoration of walls of wards.
4. Library for inmates.
5. Supply of papers and magazines.
6. Constant supply of visitors.
7. Occasional excursions and treats.
8. Handkerchiefs and night-gowns for the bedridden.
9. Tobacco and snuff for the aged.
zo. Lantern and other entertainments,
11. Music, instrumental and vocal.
THE ADULT AT LEISURE.
1. A minimum of public-houses, and those well con-
ducted.
. Saturday night and Sunday closing.
Clubs for men and women—temperance hotels,
Free library and reading-rooms.
. Popular social evenings in board schools.
. Good theatre and decent music-hall.
. Bands in parks. -
. The preservation of open spaces.
. Shade-trees and seats in streets.
io. Kiosks, lavatories, and drinking fountains in
streets.
11. Lantern lectures.
zz. University extension lectures.
13. Museums and art galleries.
14. Open churches and organ recitals.
SOY aANnAW
oO
THE ADULT IN BUSINESS.
. Honest friendly societies.
. Old age pensions.
. Advisory council re investments.
Trade protection societies.
. Cooperative societies.
. The poor man’s banker—Monts de Piété—popular
banks.
7. The providing of adequate drinking fountains
and lavatories in workshops and factories.
8. The establishment of the six days’ working week.
g. Dining-halls with music.
Aupwbpr
THE ADULT OUT OF WORK.
. Establishment of labor registries.
. The creation of labor colonies.
. The direction of emigration.
The improvement of casual wards.
The organization of charitable relief.
. Temporary work for the unemployed.
. The development of cottage industries.
Every man his allotment.
THE ADULT AT HOME.
. Instead of slums, improved dwellings.
. A good water supply. -
. Sanitary drainage.
. Free baths and washhouses,
. Agarden for every home, if it is only a window-
OY anFrwWdHH
. Cheap transit by tram and rail.
- Municipal lodging-houses.
. Visitors for doss-houses.
. Cooperative homes.
o
© 00N Aoasy bu
THE ADULT IN DEATH.
. Homes for the dying.
. Reformed funerals.
. Cremation.
boo
uo
MISCELLANEOUS.
. Enforcing the law against gambling.
. Discouraging prostitution.
The poor man’s lawyer.
. Cab-shelters.
. Enforcement of law against smoke.
. Preventing the pollution of rivers.
. Music and visiting in prison.
. Prison-gate brigade.
. Rescue homes and inebriate asylums.
zo. Country holidays. oe
11. Pilgrimages—historical and religious.
Such is the ideal of the civic Church ; its real-
ization would establish a kind of humanitarian
OC OYAUEW YH
295
Civil Service Reform.
episcopate. But it is coming nearer than an
ideal in many English towns, where the idea
has been adopted and the principles put in
practice. Every attempt as yet along the lines
of the civic Church program has resulted in a
marked strengthening and energizing of the
forces of reform.
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. —In the
United States, civil service reform is under-
stood to mean a reformation in the method of
selecting public officials who hold appointive
Positions. At present the majority of public ap-
pointments are liable to be made upon the “spoils
system”’ (g.v.), or by favor rather than from rea-
son of special fitness of the appointee. Civil
service reformers seek by various means to
make fitness the first test of officials, and to
make them inore truly servants of the public by
making them less dependent on the good will
of an individual for their appointment to and
tenure of official positions.
The system of appointment by favor—or
‘‘ patronage,”’ as it is well called—tho practised
previously in New York and some other States,
did not appear in America in national politics
until during the administration of President
Jackson, who used the power vested in him to
arbitrarily dismiss the holders of appointive
positions and distribute the offices among his
own supporters. Previous to that time all offices
except those with specified limit of tenure were
practically held during good behavior, and so
rarely were civil service officials removed that
during the first 4o years the total was but 70.
In 1820 an act was passed whereby the tenure
of office by all who were charged with receipt
and disbursement of public moneys was limited
to four years—the object being to reduce the
opportunity of fraud. It had, however, a fur-
ther effect, which was viewed with much appre-
hension by Thomas Jefferson and other far-see-
ing statesmen. It placed a multitude of official
positions at the disposal of the President, and
with such opportunity it would be almost im-
possible torefrain from using the power for per-
sonal or Vee advantage. Their apprehensions
were only too well founded ; for when Presi-
dent Jackson took office it was openly declared
that the public offices were the spoils of the
great Democratic victory, and the spoils be-
longed to the victors. When the offices had
been filled by the partisans of one side, it was
only to be expected that there would be retalia-
tion, and a new set of partisan office-holders ap-
pointed when their opponents gained power.
Than this, nothing could be more demoraliz-
ing ; the politicians and the questions they dis-
cussed inevitably lost quality, the partisans in
office having an eye to retaining their office, and
their opponents looking forward to being able
to supplant them, the motive being the ‘' spoils’’
cather than principles. Asa natural sequence,
politics began to be regarded as a means of
making a livelihood ; and ‘‘ assessments’’ (see
ASSESSMENTS) were levied on the office-holders,
which they would be practically compelled to
pay, as their quota of the expense of an election
ertgn which should maintain their party in
office.
This system of ‘‘ spoils,’’ as it is called, which
Civil Service Reform.
permeates practically the whole of the United
States politics, federal, State, and municipal, is
the direct razson a@’étre of the ‘‘ machine poli-
tics,’’ with the ‘‘ bosses,”’ ‘‘rings,’’and all the
chicanery and fraud which have gone to make
the term ‘‘ politician’’ a byword of scorn.
When the principle of appointment and tenure
of office by ‘‘ favor’ became general, it soon be-
came evident that the President would have to
share the ‘‘patronage’’ with Congress. The
result was that each Congressman of the Presi-
dent’s party began to have chief control of the
appointments in his State or district. This
privilege soon came to be looked upon as a
“right” pertaining to the position—a doctrine
still largely held.
Under the ‘‘spoils system’’ the abuse of power
became so flagrant that several proposals were
made to remedy the evil, and in 1853 an act was
passed prescribing examinations for certain offi-
cial positions. This, however, soon degenerated
into a farce. With the rapid increase of federal
offices, due to opening up new territory after the
war, the abuses became even more intolerable.
In 1867 Mr. T. A. Jenckes, of Rhode Island, in-
troduced into Congress a bill looking toward
civil service reform, and by 1871 public senti-
ment was strong enough to bring about the
passing of a law by which the President was
authorized to make civil service rules and to re-
quire test examinations. ‘The leader in the agi-
tation was the Hon. George William Curtis
(g.v). President Grant established a system of
competitive examinations, under the direction of
a civil service commission, and made Mr. Cur-
tis chairman. The results were beneficial in
every way. Silas W. Burt, in the New York
custom house, and T. L. James and Henry G.
Pearson, in the New York Post Office, worked re-
form, but not to the liking of the supporters of
“‘ patronage’’ politics, and Congress soon refused
appropriations for it ; its work was consequent-
ly suspended, and it proved of little value except
in paving the way for amore complete measure.
About the same time competitive examinations
were commenced by the Naval Officer at New
York, and the custom house at that place gradu-
ally came to adopt the system with excellent
effect ; but this was a merely local attempt and
not required by law. Notwithstanding Grant’s
message to Congress, urging the support of the
commission, authorized in 1871, the messages of
Hayes, Garfield, and Arthur calling for an effi-
cient measure to reform the civil service, and
executive orders forbidding political assessments
(which orders soon became dead letters), noth-
ing was accomplished till the latter part of 1882.
Then a bill (often known as the Pendleton Bill)
was introduced by a Democrat, Senator Pendle-
ton, for reforming the civil service. It was ap-
proved by President Arthur, January 16, 1883.
This bill prohibited all political assessments and
the appointment of more than two members of
the same family to public office. It created a
civil service commission, consisting of three per-
sons, not more than two from one political party,
to be appointed by the President and confirmed
by the Senate. The rules framed by the com-
mission for carrying out the purposes of the act
are subject to the approval of the President.
The act applies to offices of more than 50 per-
296
Civil Service Reform.
sons in the departments at Washington, and in
the customs and postal departments, with such
exceptions as heads of departments, confiden-
tial clerks, etc. :
This act was amended in 1884, so as to make
it mandatory in all cities with a population of
20,000 and over. According to an article by
Theodore Roosevelt, the prominent civil service |
reformer, and long one of the commissioners
(in Scribner's Monthly, August, 1895) :
“From the beginning of the present System each
President of the United States has been its friend, but
no President has been a radical civil service reformer.
Presidents Arthur, Harrison, and Cleveland have all
desired to see the service extended and to see the law
well administered. No one of them has felt willing or
able to do all that the reformers asked, or to pay much
heed to their wishes, save as regards that portion of
the service to which the law actually applied. Each
has been a sincere party man, who has felt strongly on
such questions as those of the tariff, of finance, and of
our foreign policy, and each has been obliged to con-
form more or less closely to the wish of his party asso-
ciates and fellow pay leaders, and of course these
party leaders and the party politicians enerally
wished the offices to be distributed as they had been
ever since Andrew Jackson became President. In
consequence the offices outside the protection of the
law have still been treated under every administration
as patronage, to be disposed of in the interests of the
dominant party. ...
“The advance has been made purely on two lines,
that is, by better enforcement of the law, and by inclu-
sion under the law, or under some system similar in
its operations, of a portion of the service previously
administered in accordance with the spoils theory.
Under President Arthur the first classification was
made, which included 14,000 places. Under President -
Cleveland, during his first term, the limits of the classi-
fied service were extended by the inclusion of 7000
additional places. During President Harrison’s term
the limit was extended by the inclusion of about 8000
places; and hitherto, during President Cleveland’s
second term, by the inclusion of some 6000 places; in
addition to which the natural growth of the service
has been such that the total number of offices now
classified is over 40,000. . . . .
“By the inclusion of the railway mail service, the
smaller free delivery offices, the Indian school service,
the internal revenue service, and other less important
branches, the extent of the public service which is
under the protection of the law has been more than
doubled, and there are now nearly 50,000 employees of
the Federal Government who have been withdrawn
from the degrading influences that rule under the
‘spoils ohare This of itself is a great success and a
great advance, tho, of course, it ought only to spur
us on to renewed effort. In the fall of 1894 the people
of the State of New York, by popular vote, put. into
their constitution a provision providing for a merit
system in the affairs of the State and its municipalities ;
and the following spring the great city of Chicago
voted, by an overwhelming majority, in favor of apply-
ing in its municipal affairs the advanced and radical
Civil Service Reform law which had already passed
the Illinois Legislature.”
In Massachusetts the system has become quite firmly
established.
The success of the movement has been very largely
due to the activity of the Civil Service Reformi League.
Such an association was formed in New York about
1876. It did not long endure, but in 1880 was revived
under the presidency of Mr. Curtis. Other associa-
tions were formed in Brooklyn, Boston, Philadelphia,
and elsewhere, and in August, 1881, these associations
ae at Newport tet eeeyt ene a National Civil Service
eform League, under the presidency of F is
and then of the Hon. Carl Schurz. a Me oHens
In May, 1896, President Cleveland went still
further, and included practically all the 85,200
Federal employees under the civil service law,
thus completing the reform in the Federal ser-
vice. This will mean that with the exception
of afew heads of departments all public servants
will have to prove their fitness by passing an
open competitive examination as to their knowl-
Civil Service Reform.
edge of and ability to undertake the special
work of the position they seek to fill, It is also
proposed that the practical ability of the candi-
date be tested by making the appointment only
a provisional one for a specified time, after
which, if he prove satisfactory, the appoint-
ment to be permanent, subject to good be-
havior.
Competitive examinations are opposed by
some civil service reformers on the ground that
they may at times debar those really most fit for
the positions by giving mere ability to ‘‘cram”’
for an examination an advantage over more
solid merit and efficiency. The method of selec-
tion advocated by many who oppose the com-
petitive examination is to leave it in the hands
of the head of each department, but ensuring
fitness by taking away the power of arbitrary
dismissal, making the tenure of office for a fixed
term, thus making the head of the department
careful in his own interest to appoint those whom
his experience would show to be most efficient.
Concerning the next important step in civil
service reform in the United States, Mr. A. R.
Kimball writes in Ze Ouw/look (May, 1894) that
in a debate of the previous winter
“ Senator Lodge, of Massachusetts, touched upon the
weak spot of the present law—the spot which is attract-
ing the attention and centering the discussion of all
actively interested in civil service reform—when he
said: ‘The Senator from New Hampshire (Mr. Gal-
-linger) made a point in regard to the injustice of ar-
bitrary promotions, reductions, and removals. The
point is very well made, There are arbitrary promo-
tions, reductions, and removals, and the reason for
these injustices to meritorious clerks arises from the
fact that neither promotions nor reductions nor re-
movals come within the scope of the law in any re-
spect ; they remain within the range of favoritism and
patronage. That is the reason why they bristle with
injustice at every point.’ That it was the intention of
the framers of the law to leave promotions, reductions,
and removals at the mercy of partisanship was ex-
ressly stated by Senator Cockrell, who was in the
Renate. when the law was passed. He said: ‘It was
intended, and was so declared by Dorman B. Eaton
and others, who wrote in regard to the proposed law,
simply to guard the entrance into office, and had no-
thing to do with the back door, or exit. It protected
no man in office. It was simply to relieve the depart-
ments and all from the pressure of ApBCl ee and
changes in subordinate positions in the departments,
and to make a test of fitness and qualification for those
places before appointments were made.’ .. . .
“The ‘injustices’ to ‘meritorious clerks,’ with which
the practical operation of the law ‘ bristles,’as Senator
Lodge put it, owing to the fact that it governs appoint-
ments simply, and not promotions, reductions, and re-
movals, are constantly illustrated.... —
“The spoilsman who wants to substitute a man
‘with a pull’ for a good man holding a given place
sends for a list of eligibles, with the announcement
that a certain removal is to be made, ‘for the good of
the service,’ of course. If the spoilsman’s man is on
the list of eligibles, why, the substitution is made at
once. If not, the civil service people are informed that
it has been decided ‘not to make that change just at
present.’ Then the spoilsman waits until he thinks his
man is on the eligible list all right. The process is re-
peated until the man ‘with a pull’ gets the job.
“The next step, then, in reform, obviously, is to
limit the absolute power of removal as now exercised
by heads of departmenjs. This is what is aimed at in
the proposed Letter-carriers’ Tenure-of-office Bill, a
pill approved by Theodore Roosevelt, who writes that
the letter-carriers, ‘I am glad to say, realize that the
only trouble with the Civil Service Law is that it does
not go far enough. The commission should have
much more power than it has now, so as to prevent
dismissals for partisan reasons, and to allow every
public servant a chance to see any charges made
against him and to be heard in his own defense before
he is dismissed.’ The Buffalo Axpress strongly states
the argument for the bill: ‘The Express Nas never
297
Civil Service Reform.
regarded the privilege of unlimited removal as any-
thing but a concession to the spoilsmen, which may
have been politic in the early days of the reform, but
which the movement is now strong enough to aban-
don. Why should the entrance to the civil service
be carefully guarded and the exit left wide open? It
is absurd and unjust to require a man to undergo
severe tests before he receives an appointment, and
then to give him no guaranty of retaining it during
good behavior.’...
“But the argument is not wholly with the advocates
of the change, even from the reform standpoint. The
Civtl Service Chronicle, of Indianapolis, whose stand-
ing as an able and zealous advocate of reform is not
open to qnesiien, says, in discussing the Letter-car-
riers’ Bill: ‘The executive department should have
the power of dismissal; this is essential to discipline
and efficiency. The Civil Service Law is right in this
respect. It is true that heads of offices take a mean
and dishonest advantage of this power, as was done in
Topeka, Terre Haute, Fort Wayne, and elsewhere.
The remedy for that is public opinion and punishment
by the President. Information, however, is an abso-
lute necessity, and to this end the Civil Service Com-
mission should have power to investigate every
change in the public service within its charge, and to
report the facts. Upon such facts public opinion and
the President could act, and the time would speedil
come when heads of offices would be ashamed to tric.
employees out of their places. It is unnecessary to re-
peat that every dismissed employee should be entitled
at the time to an honest and fairly complete written
statement of reasons, and that those reasons should be
a part of the office records.’
“The question of the next step in civil service re-
form—a question which is likely to attract no small
share of public attention in the immediate future—
amounts simply to this: Isit better to impair, possibly,
to some small extent, the efficiency of government de-
partments by depriving executive officers of the abso-
lute power of removal? or is it better to leave ‘meri-
torious clerks’ at the mercy of partisanship, when the
removal of such clerks, and the consequent defiance of
the spirit of reform, must also impair the morale and
efficiency of the service? If one were sure of the in-
terposition of that public opinion on which the C7zwzl
Service Chronicle counts, it would be easy to accept its
view. But public opinion is slow to be aroused to the
point of making itself felt. Meanwhile, the artificial
checks which represent the best public opinion are its
oe even if at times they prove hamper-
ing and obstructive. For these reasons it seems prob-
able that a majority of civil service reformers will
come to agree with Mr. Roosevelt in his view of the
wisdom of limiting the absolute power of removal.”
The English civil service was, in earlier times,
in acondition of political corruption which dif-
fered chiefly from the ‘‘ spoils system’’ of the
United States in the fact that the civil servants
were more the tools of those in power and much
less responsible as accomplices. It probably
reached the worst point during the reign of
James II., who, Macaulay says, ‘‘ was deter-
mined to keep in public employment only such
gentlemen as should be disposed to support his
policy. .. . Thecommissioners of customs and
excise were ordered to attend His Majesty at
the treasury. Then he demanded from them to
support his policy, and directed them to re-
quire a similar policy from all their subordi-
nates.”’
In every town and village the court used its
power, tampering with the elections of members
of Parliament and all public officers, with the
result that when the revolution of 1688 ousted
James II. and called William of Orange to the
English throne, ‘‘ with rare exceptions all those
in office and all those connected with the court
or politics were seething sources of corrup-
tion.”’
Even with the new dynasty, tho some re-
forms were made, the ‘' spoils system”’ still con-
tinued to dominate civil service, the only change
being that instead of the king being’ the sole
Civil Service Reform.
source of appointments, they were largely be-
stowed as rewards for party zeal in the interests
of the dominant political party of the time. In
1782 an administration was elected pledged to
certain reforms in the civil service, but it was
not till 1855 that any real reform was accom-
plished. An order in Council was then adopt-
ed, whereby for certain offices the candidates
had to pass a competitive examination, and the
position bestowed for merit quite irrespective
of party politics. Despite the most strenuous
opposition from the friends of the old system of
patronage, the new reform, started chiefly as an
experiment, was so successful that in 1870 the
system of competitive examination and appoint-
ment for merit was made to apply throughout
the whole of the English civil service.
References: Dorman B. Eaton’s Civ7l Service in
Great Britain: A History of Abuses and Reforms, and
their Hearings uae American Politics (Harpers, New
ble
York, 1880) ; ications of the National Civil Service
Reform League (William Potts, Secretary, 56 Wall
Street, New York City); articles by H. C. Lodge, Cen-
Zury, October, 1890; by *Theodore oosevelt, Atlantic,
February, 1895, and Scrzbuer’s, August, 1895. (See also
CORRUPTION; MUNICIPAL REFORM; CURTIS; ROOSE-
VELT, etc.)
CLARK, JOHN B., was born in Providence,
R. L, in 1847, and educated at the public high
school, Brown University (two years), Amherst
College (two years), Heidelberg University, and
University of Ziirich (about two and one half
years). He received the degrees of A.M. and
Ph.D. at Amherst. He traveled as student and
tourist in France, England, Germany, Italy,
and Switzerland, returning to America in 1875.
He became Professor of Political Economy and
History at Carleton College, Northfield, Minn. ;
Professor of History and Political Science at
Smith College, 1881-92; Professor of Political
Economy at Amherst College in 1892-1895, and
is now Professor of Political Economy at Colum-
bia College. He has been Lecturer on Economic
Theory at Johns Hopkins University since 1892,
and is (1895) President of the American Economic
Association. His writings are: Philosophy of
Wealth; Capital and os Earnings (a mono-
graph of the American Economic Association) ;
Modern Distributive Process (written jointly
with Professor F. H. Giddings, of Bryn Mawr
and Columbia); Wages (a monograph of the
American Economic Association, written joint-
ly with Mr. Stuart Wood, of Philadelphia) ; arti-
cles in the Yale Review, the Quarterly Jour-
nal of Economies, the Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Soczal Science, and
La Revue d’ Economie Politique (Paris), and
other magazines.
CLARKE, WILLIAM, was born at Nor-
wich, England. He graduated at Cambridge
University (Historical Tripos), 1876; he gave
political lectures throughout England, and grad-
ually worked into journalism. He wrote articles
in the. British Quarterly Review, Contempo-
vary Review, North American Review, Po-
litical Sctence Quarterly, English Illustrated
Magazine, and New England Magazine.
He wrote for the Star and Echo of London,
and became connected with the London Dazly
Chronicle in 1890; he edited Mazzini’s Essays
and also Polztecal Orations for the Camelot
Series ; wrote a critical work on Walt Whit-
298
thas had a very large development.
Clifford, John.
man for Sonnenschein’s Social Science Series ;
and the essay on Zhe Industrial Basis 1
Fabian Essays on Socialism. A prominent
member of the Fabian Society, he was a dele-
gate to the Paris Labor Congress in 1889. He
is widely known in the United States by his
letters on social and political subjects, published
mainly in Zhe Outlook, and by his lectures
delivered in Chicago, New York, Boston, and
elsewhere, since published inthe Mew £ng-
land Magazine.
CLARKSON, THOMAS (1760-1846), was
one of the most persistent and influential of
English abolitionists. He commenced his life-
work in 1825, while at Cambridge, by writing a
prize essay against the principle of slavery. He
secured the cooperation of Wilberforce (¢7.v.),
who undertook the parliamentary campaign.
Clarkson became one of the leading members
in the anti-slavery society formed in 1823. His
benevolence led him to take part in many other
philanthropic endeavors, most notably in pro-
viding homes for sailors in the English seaport
towns. Among his tes anti-slavery publica-
tions are the following : Essay on the mae
of the African Slave-trade,; History of the
Abolition of the African Slave-trade; T. he
Cries of Africa to the Inhabitants of Europe ;
and also the Grzevances of our Mercantile Sea-
men a National and Crying Evil.
CLEARING HOUSES are institutions
where the settlement of mutual claims, espe-
cially of banks, are effected by the payment of
differences called balances. ‘To the clearing
house are sent all checks and drafts upon banks
or other mercantile houses, and when all are in,
each bank pays over or receives the difference
between the checks or drafts it has brought in
and the checks or drafts that have been brought
in against it. It thus enables large quantities
of accounts to be settled in an easy and expedi-
tious way. The system originated in London
between 1750 and 1770. In the United States it
was not introduced till 1852, but since this date
In 1890
there were 60 clearing houses, with some 700
members. The Paris Chamber of Compensa-
tion was established in 1872. In England the
system has been applied in a Produce Clearing
House, and more recently in a Railway Clearing
House. (See COMMERCE.)
a LESLIE. See Lesiiz, THOMAS
CLIFFORD, JOHN, was born in Sawley,
Derbyshire, in 1836, and at the age of 11 worked
in a factory near Nottingham. At the age of
14 he was received into the Baptist Church, and
soon became a student of the General Baptist
College. In 1862 he took charge of the Praed
Street Baptist Church, in London, of which
church he is still pastor, altho the growth of the
congregation has compelled the removal to the
present chapel in Westbourne Park. In con-
nection with his work Dr. Clifford pursued
studies and took degrees and honors at London
University. He has added an educational in-
stitute to his own church, where 1500 names
stand enrolled in various classes. Dr. Clifford
is known to-day for his active interest in social
reform, his pulpit being open to Tom Man and
Clifford, John.
other socialists. He was one of the founders
and is now president of the Christian Socialist
League (g.v.). His address on The Effect of
Soctalism on Personal Character has been
printed as a Christian socialist tract.
CLUBS. See Workinc MEn’s Ciuss ; Work-
ING GIRLS’ CLuss; Women’s CLuss.
COAL INDUSTRY.—(See also MinEs AND
Mininc.) It is not known when coal first came
into use for household and industrial consump-
tion. It seems to have been used in England
at least as early as 825 a.p , and probably long
before this. It forms to-day one of the most
important, if not the most important, branch of
mining. According to Mulhall, the production
from 1801-89 has been as follows:
Approximate | Approximate
CouNTRIES. No. of Tons. alue,
Great Britain... ........
United States..
$10,640,000,000
3 280,000,000
5,406,000,000
1,912,000,000
Germany....... 1,662,000,000 2,195,000,000
France......060 646,000,000 1,565,000,000
Belgium........ 621,000,000 1,250,000,000
Austria......... 438,000,000 460,000,000
Russia. 2.6 ..02.. 59,000,000 95,000,000
Various......... 342,000,000 603,000,000
Motel sn sia-chvioseaecuts 11,086,000,000 ] $20,090,000,000
The area of the world’s coal fields, according to the
same authority, is, in square miles:
China and Tipan, 200,000 3 United States, 194,000 ;
India, 35,000; Russia, 27,000; Great Britain, 9,000; Ger-
many, 3,600 ; France, 1,800 ; Belgium, Spain, and other
countries, 1,400. Total, 471,800.
The coal fields of China, Japan, Great Britain, Ger-
many, Russia, and India contain apparently 303,000,-
000,000 tons, which is enough for 700 years, at present
rate of consumption. If to the above be added the
coal fields in the United States, Canada, and other
countries, the supply will be found ample for 1000
years, and probably for a vastly longer period.
The present production of coal, according to the
Statesman's Year Book for 1895, is:
Tons. Value.
United Kingdom (1893).....-| 164,325,795 $279,049,040
United States (1892) .......+. 160,088,295 207,637,139
Germany (1893)..-......-+ 4s] 73,909,000 estalercie
France (1892)...seseeseeeee-+-| 26,178,70 | eee
Belgium (1893) 36,281,250
According to the eleventh census, the product of the
United States in 1889 was, in short tons of 2,000 Ibs. :
STATES. Tons. STATES. Tons.
Alabama ........ 3,378,484 ||Nebraska and
Arkansas ........ 2795534 Dakotas..... oa 30,307
California and New Mexico.....| 486,983
Oregon .......- 186,179 ||Ohio.. ......., 9:976,787
Colorado. .......} 2,360,536 ||Pennsylvania :
Georgia & North Anthracite..... 459544,970
Carolina....... 226,156 Bituminous ..../36,174,089
Illinois . |12,104,272 ||Tennessee ... ...] 1,925,689
Indiana...... were] 25845057 ||Texas..... «.| 128,216
Indian Territory} 732,832 ||Utah.. veee| 236,602
4,061,704 || Virginia:
2,230,763 Anthracite. ... 2,817
243991755 Bituminous....} 865,786
Maryland. 2,930,715 || Washington...... 9939724
Michigan 67,431 || West Virginia...| 6,231,880
Missouri. 2,567,823 || Wyoming........ 1,388,947
Montana.... 363,30
Total product, 1889, short tons, 140,730,288, equivalent
to 125,652,056 long tons of 2,240 Ibs,
299
Coal Industry.
In Great Britain the principal coal fields lie
(in the order named as to size) in South Wales,
Yorkshire and Derbyshire, Northumberland
and Durham, Scot, Lancashire, and
Cheshire. In Europe, the princi-
pal coal fields lie in a line through- _ Great
out the north of France and Bel- Britain.
ium, in the easterly district of
Silesia and Russia, and in basins
in Southern and Central France, Saxony, and
Bohemia. The collieries of Northumberland and
Durham hold the first place among the English
mines, and their colliers belong to the aristoc-
racy of labor. Before organization among them,
however, their condition was pitiable in the ex-
treme, as can be seen in the evidence collected
in the Royal Commission’s report on the Condz-
tion of the Children Employed tn Mines in
1842. As a result, the early efforts at improv-
ing their condition were attended with bitter
and tumultuous contests, and strikes were fre-
quent. A national miners’ association sprang
up in 1843, and at its conference, in Glasgow,
in 1844, 70,000 men were represented. Never-
theless, after a disastrous strike in that ycar it
broke down, and there was no effective organi-
zation till a national union was established in
1863, mainly owing to the efforts of Alexander
Macdonald (¢.v.), who was for 15 years the
miners’ trusted leader. Under his lead the
miners agitated for an eight-hour bill for boys,
but not for men. The principle of the Durham
and Northumberland miners, who controlled
the union at this time, as distinguished from
those of other counties, has always been to at-
tempt to gain higher wages and shorter hours
through trade-union effort rather than through
legislation. Macdonald’s own aim, however,
was to establish a standard of life, and he looked
for aid in legislation to establish this. From
1864-69 strikes were constant. In 1872 repre-
sentatives of the Durham miners and of the coal-
owners met and established a Standing Joint
Commettee (see ARBITRATION AND CONCILIATION),
and the same step was soon taken in Northum-
berland. In 1876 a sliding scale (7.v.) was
agreed upon. ‘These methods of adjusting diffi-
culties, however, have by no means prevented
all strikes. Strikes in the coal trade have taken
place, notably in 1879, in 1886-87, in 1890, and
the largest strike of all in 1893, when all Eng-
land was affected, and a settlement was only
reached by the Government’s proposal of con-
ciliation. The English miners’ movement has
thus become divided. The Durham and North-
umberland miners advocate efforts at raising
wages and reducing hours by trade-union or-
ganization and agreement with the coal-owners
and adoption of the sliding scale; the other
miners’ unions favor the limiting of production
and an eight-hour day, and more recently a liv-
ing wage to be gained by legislation. Gradually
the old miners’ Union has shrunk up to Northum.~
berland and Durham, and in 1888 a new miners’
Federation was formed at Manchester to advo-~
cate the opposing policy. The national confer-
ences, which have been long held by the miners
down to 1889, were called by the Union ; since
then they have been called by the Federation.
This Federation has grown from 36,000 mem-
bers in 1888 to 200,000 in 1893, making it the
Coal Industry.
leading trade-union in England. Wages in the
English coal mines vary. The hours are short.
In Durham, Schulze Gaevernitz (Soczal Peace,
p. 182) puts the wages, on the authority of the
secretary of the coal owners, at 45, 8d. a day for
a seven-hour shift.
In France, and especially in Belgium, the
wages of coal miners are much lower, and have
led to repeated strikes. Inthe last-named coun-
try alone, of the countries of Western Europe,
women have until very recently worked under
ground. (For the wages, see Be.cium AND So-
cIAL ReForm.) In Germany, wages for under-
ground miners varied in 1890 from
65 cents per day in Silesia to $1
in Dortmund. The miners in Si-
lesia seem wholly unorganized.
Women are only employed above
ground, and in the State mines not at all. Im-
portant strikes in the western mines took place
in 1889 and 1892.
The chief mining districts of the United
States are the anthracite coal district of East-
ern Pennsylvania, the bituminous coal district,
which includes Western Pennsylvania, Ohio,
Illinois, and Indiana, and the coal and iron
mines of Colorado. [% 6m 12S | & |e TES | &. |ES TES |» iBe | number
Bo Sy (5.5 BS ay [BS BS Sy 18g Bs gy leg
ao Sq [aU _|]/A& | Bg |ao am | BE ao am Bree lor oay em-
of | od JowZllo# | od oxy of | od ond of ed |ox >|! ployed.
pe ee le ee. [Ps fe ee! | oe fa Mle | oe lee
Siu 5% Ss slesu| 58/558 [Shu] FS [Fysl Sy] SA /5ssl
pao] > |>OBl>o0| » [poBilpoo) > |p OBll> aol > |pasB
< 2 le 8 jae | 2
Arkansas. Z| oe 6 |} sa |ss
California. ro} 2! 3] 2
Colorado... of ord. se fion | 2
Connecticu aceel | Uae dae Ween AP ae ae
Delaware. Bo || Sacer || aie ‘ Tl ai bv
Florida .. BV Nee || wae il we | 22 we Poa
Georgia, Bi Nh seca | sie lll tae | EN age ilo
Idaho.. F T || sais I Ewe [ke
Illinois a Be) seed ia 5|1a7]-.
indiana . Ti or) ee Pot eee fee ee
oe 2 ae ae at ae
zp 2\ 2} 4
2 1 I]ee 7 4]-
Louisiana. Bs Ihe < 6}...
Maine... ge | va . ee tfc ies
Maryland. r]o.r . . | 6
Massachusetts. ily 1 | 12
Michigan.... 2 2] 10
Minnesota ....... eeseeee 2 | 7
Mississippi . at | ve eal Rca :
MiSsOUT Lis agicaienesnsey veel 2] a. TE 9
Montana... Sacrffs Seo | Sara is I
Nebraska ........-..+ steistellsese: ff) a 4] 2
Nevada .......-..sec0eee- aise Wl caste | 2 a eae I
New Hampshire......... i BN ae 2|..
New Jersey sc. eee xr] or Beh as
New York..... excite. when weep TM 5 | 29].
North Carolina...... sees] ae [oes «| 51 4
North Dakota... sae EE) gel] Eee
ORIOs og ce oon caisson se || 2 655) TSP ss
Oregon 2 . 7 Boll aes
Pennsylvania............ 2|o. 327 iil en
Rhode Island. .......... oe 2 | a. a 2th care
South Carolina....... eee, 28 | ae | ae 7 Ih ct
South Dakota..... ...... I I Dt a I
Tennessee....... Pecewratel Be ase il sess 8} 2]..
IPO AS 5 saissive soars dveteilsisieie cision Be exp | ac 12 I
Utah ...... wisiebe.d aneters DA setae ae I Ty ces
Mermont 2: cassscisee venis “ Bae a 2
MARR tba ace ects erasats so ee Be Bae | caw 8 2
Washington.......00eeees as | 2 | 2% Bi [bse
West Virginia..........-| ©] rf. |. senlll) 3a
Wisconsin ..... Daa Gye sine r| 1 ‘sad | EO.
WYOMINGs cxesincwas sen 2 I .
Total sxc cccsawos eeeve| 34. | 45 7 4 |134t] 206] 16f
* Three Silver Republicans and 1 Silver Fusionist.
- + Including 15 members classed as Fusionists.
¢ Including 3 members classed as Silver party men,
326
Conservative Party:
The following table shows party divisions in
Congress since 186 :
SENATE. HOUSE.
CONGRESSES, ;
Dem.| Rep. | Ind. |Dem.| Rep. | Ind,
39 | 20 5s | 3r | o2 | x4
38 26 2 IO1 113 23
10 31 2 42 106 28
9 36 5 75 102 9
Ir 41 o. 40 145 ne
rr | 42 | -- | 49 | 743 | +
11 58 ata 78 15% ss
17 57 oe 103 138 5*
20 | 47 7* | 92 | 104 14
29 43 2* | 168 107 2K
39 36 w¥ {asx | 142 e
44 32 +e | 148 | 129 16¢
38 37 tf] 138 | 146 ot
36 40§ . | 198 | 124 st
34 42 . 204 120 1t
37 39 oe 168 153 4
37 39 15g | 166 aa
39 47 2|| | 236 88 8h
44 38 3] | 220 126 8i
39 | 42 sil | 104 . | 246 7
Parties as constituted at the beginning of each Con-
gress are given. These figures were liable to change
by contests for seats, etc.
* Liberal Republicans,
+ Greenbackers. '
t+ David Davis, Independent, of Illinois.
§ Two Virginia Senators were Readjusters, and
voted with the Republicans.
|| People’s party except that in the House of Repre-
sentatives of the Fifty-fourth Congress one member is
classed as Silver party.
| Three Senate seats were vacant (and continued
so) and two Representative seats were unfilled (Rhode«,
Island had not yet effected a choice) when the session *”
began. Rhode Island subsequently elected two Re-
publicans.
CONRAD, JOHANNES C.— Professor Con-
rad_was born in West Prussia in 1839. He
studied at Berlin and Jena. In 1868 he became
Docent and then professor of political economy
at Jena, but in 1870 was called to Halle. In
1872 he commenced assisting his father-in-law,
Professor Hildebrand, in the editorship of the
Jahr bicher fiir Nationalokonomze und Statis-
zk, and in 1878 became sole editor. He isin
economics identified with the historical school.
Among his writings are: Dze Nationalékono-
mie der Gegenwart und Zukunft (1848);
Liebig’s Ansicht v, der landwirschaftl. Bo-
denerschopfung (1864). Since 1889 he has been
chief editor of the important Handwérterbuch
der Staatswissenschaften,
CONSENT, AGE OF. See Ack or Consent,
CONSERVATIVE PARTY AND SO-
CIAL REFORM, THE (English).—The use
of the term Conservatzve, as applied to an Eng-
lish political party, dates from about 1831, when
the discussions over Catholic emancipation and
parliamentary reform were bringing up new
issues and teaching the more progressive Tories
to call themselves . Conservatives, as the more
progressive Whigs were learning to call them-
selves Lzberals. The leaders of this movement
called themselves Conservatives, because, altho
they admitted the necessity of reform, they de- —
sired to conserve by every constitutional means
the existing institutions of the country, both ec-
clesiastical and civil, and to oppose such meas-
Conservative Party and Soc. Ref. 327
ures and changes as they believed would impair
these institutions. Mr. Wilson Crocker is cred-
ited with the first use of the word, when he
spoke in the Quarterly Review of being con-
scientiously attached ‘‘to what is called the
Tory, but which might with more propriety be
called the Conservative Party.’’ Sir Robert Peel
was at this time the leader of the party. Disraeli
was just coming into notice. The party early
took an active part in social reform. If it is,
on the whole, to the Liberal Party that England
owes its extension of the suffrage giving the
working classes their opportunity in politics, it
is to the Conservative Party that much of Eng-
land’s advance in industrial legislation must be
credited. The first modern factory bill was
brought in by the elder Peel in 1802, tho
the first effective bill was that of 1833; and itis
to Lord Ashley, afterward Lord Shaftesbury
(g.v.), that we owe the ensuing bills of 1842,
1844, and, above all, the ten-hour bill of 1847.
The Liberal Party of this epoch, led by the
school of Cobden and Bright, was committed to
suffrage reform and /azssez fazre in industry.
Its leaders therefore, as a rule, bitterly opposed
industrial legislation. The Conservative Party
naturally, then, supported such legislation for two
reasons : first, to oppose the Liberals, since the
Conservatives were a party of the landlords and
of ‘‘the country’’ in contrast to the free-trade
manufacturers, who were largely Liberals;
and, secondly, because the Conservatives num-
bered among themselves such zealous philan-
thropists as Lord Shaftesbury, who on some-
what paternal principles worked for the benefit
of the oppressed workers in mines and factories.
Thus early were sown the seeds of the later so-
called ‘‘ Tory Democracy.’’ The bitterest op-
ponent of this legislation was John Bright. We
thus see the historic grounds for the connection
between the Conservative Party and industrial
legislation. Yetit took talent to develop this
into a political factor, and this was largely done
for the Conservative Party by Benjamin Dis-
raeli. In 1845 Disraeli published his Syéz?/, and
in this boldly advocated a so-called ‘‘ Young
England Toryism.’’ He attacked the principles
of Sir Robert Peel, and declared that Peel was
leading the Conservative Party into the ene-
my’s forts. He said that Peel ‘‘had caught the
Whigs bathing, and run away with their
clothes.’”’ He showed that the Reform Bill had
created a young England, and that it was for
the Conservative Party to champion the cause
of industrial protection for the working classes
against the middle class /azssez fazre of the
Liberals. Whatever one may think of Disraeli,
and whatever were his motives, there is no
doubt that he followed this policy more or less
faithfully through his brilliant career, and laid
the basis of the Conservative policy which has
extended the poor laws, assisted emigration,
checked foreign immigration, and favored in-
dustrial legislation.
But the exactions of political situations have
compelled both Liberal and Conservative par-
ties in England to outbid each other in intro-
ducing popular legislation. The connection of
the Liberal Party with the Irish Home Rule
movement, having led Mr. Gladstone to ex-
tremely socialistic measures on the Irish land
almost the key to the political situation.
Conservative Party and Soc. Ref.
question, the Conservatives, as usual, had to go
them one better, and the result has been Lord
Randolph Churchill and the Tory Radicalism
of the so-called ‘‘ Liberal Unionists.’’ This
meteor-like statesman outdid Disraeli in fa-
— radical legislation in order to win sup-
port for Conservative principles. In 1880 he
began to develop his program, and by 1886 he
was strong enough for a few months to He
is
program was non-intervention in foreign poli-
tics, reduction of army and navy expenditure,
household suffrage, equal electoral districts,
democratic elective councils, abolition of Lon-
don coal and wine dues, free education, peasant
proprietorship in Ireland by State purchase.
‘With this radical program he succeeded in cre-
ating a strong following. In concert with his
mother and wife, he formed the Primrose
League. Aschairman of the Conservative cau-
cus, he placed this body on a democratic basis.
More recently and more enduringly Mr. Cham-
berlain, with his ‘‘ Liberal Unionists,’’ has to
an extent stood for the same policy, but with
a distinct falling away from the progressive
policy he so brilliantly carried out in Birming-
ham (g.v.). This radicalism has led to somewhat
of an opposition in the Conservative Party, yet it
has had its effect in the almost revolutionary
extension of local self-government granted by
the Conservative Government of 1888, and the
extension of factory acts, truck acts, sanitary
acts, Costigan’s dwelling acts, the allotments
acts of 1886—all of which are Conservative
measures.
It is true that the Liberal Party (¢g.v.) in its
Newcastle program has gone still further, but
it shows why English working men, weary of the
large promises and slight fulfilment of the Lib-
eral Party, could, not without at least some ex-
cuse, vote for the Conservatives in 1895. Never-
theless, it must be said that the attitude of some
of the Liberal leaders against the liquor interests
had in many localities more to do with bringing
the Conservatives into power than any particu-
lar fondness of the working classes for the Con-
servatives, and what was not due to this was
rather due to dissatisfaction with the lack of ac-
tion by the Liberals than hope of any action
from the Conservatives. Nevertheless, some of
the more progressive Conservatives have out-
lined something of a program on social reform.
Sir John Gorst, writing in the Wzmeteenth Cen-
tury for August, 1895, advocates the creation
of permanent boards of arbitration and concili-
ation, with authority to conciliate industrial
troubles, the employment of the unemployed
by establishing free labor registries and experi-
mental labor colonies, employees’ liability laws,
the adjustment of the poor laws to care for de-
pendent children, placing them out when possi-
ble, and for the aged granting a free State pen-
sion. Mr. Whitelaw, Unionist, advocate for
N. E. Lanark, advocated in the late election a
resolute foreign policy to help trade, pensions
for the aged, improved workmen’s dwellings,
compensation for accidents, boards of concilia-
tion, increased inspection of dangerous trades,
restriction of alien pauper immigration, reform
of the licensing system, and of registration.
It remains to be seen what the government will
Conservative Party and Soc. Ref.
do, but undoubtedly the majority of the party
are not ready for all the above measures, and
will probably carry out no more than they are
obliged to. Few Socialists in England look
forward with any hope to even the most allur-
ing promises of this Tory Democracy. The Lib-
erty and Property Defense League (g.v.) are
doing all they can to protest against this incipi-
ent socialism of both the Conservative and Lib-
eral parties. The Earl of Wemyss, speaking
in the House of Lords August 15, 1887, pro-
tested against the ‘‘ socialism at St. Stephen’s,”’
and declared that in that year alone there were
83 ‘‘socialistic’ bills before Parliament, 39
brought in by Liberals and 44 by Conserva-
tives. Yet when one compares the little done
and the much promised, few friends of social
progress in England believe that real progress
will come from either party.
CONSIDERANT, VICTOR PROSPER,
was born at Salins, Jura, October 12, 1808. He
studied at Paris in the Polytechnic School, en-
tered the army as an engineer officer, but re-
signed his commission in 1831 to spread Fourier-
ite socialism. He took part in the socialistic
experiment of 1832 at Condé-sur-Végre, and
was associated with Fourier as editor of La
Phalanstére. In 1834 Considérant published
La destinée sociale, 3 vols. (1834-45). When
Fourier died, in 1837, Considérant became the
chief of the Fourierites; was editor of Za
Phalange (1836-43), and of a daily paper, La
Démocratie Pacifigue (1842-50). He was
chosen to the Republican constituent assembly
of 1848 as representative for Loiret. In 1849
he was returned as member for Paris for the
Legislative corps, but on account of certain in-
discreet acts he was soon compelled to retire
from the country. He went to Belgium, and
thence, in 1853, to Texas, where he afterward
organized the unsuccessful socialistic colony of
La Réunion. He was naturalized, and stayed
in Texas till 1869, when he returned to live in
quiet in Paris. Among his works are a J/anz-
Jeste de @école soczétatré (1841); Exposztion
abrégée du systéme phalanstérien (1841); Thé-
orte de l'éducation naturelle (1845) ; ide ie
au soctalisme (1847); Théorie du droit de Pro-
priété et du drott au Travail (1848); L’apoca-
lypse, ou la prochaine rénovation démocrat-
zgueé (1849).
CONSOLIDATION OF RAILROADS.
See Raitroaps; Monopo.iss; Trusts, etc.
CONSPIRACIES (in Trade, etc.).—A con-
spiracy may be defined in general as a combi-
nation of two or more persons to commit in
concert some reprehensible, injurious, or illegal
act. Conspiracy laws are the laws forbidding
such combinations. According to the common
law of England, which is also the basis of the
American law, conspiracy laws forbid combina-
tions
(x) To falsely charge another person with a crime
pee by law. (2) To wrongfully injure or preju-
ice a third person, or any body of men. (3) To com-
mit any offense punishable by law. (4) To do any act
with intent to pervert the cause of justice. (5) To ef-
fect alegal purpose witha corrupt intent or by improper
means. (6) Until recently and even now in malicious
ways combinations to raise wages.
nder the United States laws the following are the
328
Conspiracies.
things a concerting to do which made between two or
rire persons constitutes the offense of conspiracy:
(1) An agreement to overthrow the Gov-
ernment of, or levy war against, the
United States ; to overthrow, put down,
or destroy by force, or oppose the au-
thority thereof ; by force to prevent, hin-
der, or delay the execution of any law
of the United States, or by force to ;
seize, take, or possess any property of the United
States, contrary to the authority thereof. (2) To deter
a party or witness from attending or testifying ina
court of the United States, or to injure one on account,
or to influence a verdict or indictment by grand or
etit jury, and to impede the due course of justice with
intent to destroy equal protection of laws. (3), To
hinder or prevent any person from, voting or qualify-
ing to vote at any election, or to injure, oppress, or in-
timidate any citizen in the full exercise or enjoyment
of the right or privilege secured by the Constitution or
laws of the United States. (4) To hinder by force or
intimidation any person from occupying or holding
office under the United States, or to injure such officer
on account. (5) To induce any officer of the United
States to leave any State, or to injure such officer on
account. (6) Todefraud the United States by obtain-
ing approval of any false claim against the same. (7)
To cast away any vessel with intent to defraud the
underwriters. : _
Besides these the various States have_their special
laws. Criminal conspiracies in the United States
consist not in'the accomplishment of any unlaw-
ful purpose, nor in any one act moving toward
that purpose, but in the actual concert and agreement
of two or more persons to effect the unlawful thing so
concerted or agreed upon. Mere concert in itself is
not acrime, for associations to prosecute a felon have
been held to be lawful ; but it is the object or purpose
of.the concerting that make the offense. Where the
object or intent if carried into effect would be a wrong,
then concert is indictable, as an act in itself tending to
roduce it; as, for instance, to support a cause, in
itself just, by false testimony. A combination todo a
criminal act is indictable ; also an agreement or con-
federation to do a lawful act by unlawful means; be-
cause, in the first instance named, the act being in
itself criminal, a conspiracy to do it must in the very
nature of things be also criminal, while in the second
instance, the means being unlawful, it matters not
what may be the act to be done.
In this cyclopedia we are specially concerned
with the application of conspiracy laws to indus-
trial combinations. For their application to
combinations to raise prices, fares, etc., see Mo-
NOPOLIES. We consider here simply their appli-
cation to combinations of working men—a sub-
ject which has a long and important history.
The general theory in the Middle Ages of the
relation of the workman to the State was one of
tutelage. The law undertook to control him at
well-nigh every point. This was largely at-
tempted through the guild. The old craft guilds
were originally composed of apprentices, jour-
neymen, and masters, joined in one association.
As the guilds, however, grew in wealth they
became more and more purely instruments of
the masters to oppress the journeymen. These
naturally resented this,and formed combina-
tions of their own, usually secret, and some-
times under the guise of religious brotherhoods,
but really organized to protect their rights. It
was against these brotherhoods that the first
laws concerning workmen’s combinations were
directed.
As early as 7383 the city authorities of London issued
a proclamation forbidding all congregations, covins,
and conspiracies of workmen in general. In 1387 three
journeymen cordwainers were carried
to Newgate for trying to found a bro-
therhood. In 1415 the brotherhood of Workmen’s
tailors was for a while suppressed. ¢, bi .
An early law of Henry VI. forbade the OMbinations,
yearly confederation of the masons, on
the grounds that these gatherings tend-
ed to destroy the force of the famous Statut iS
prentices, which had tried to fix wages at fo
General
Laws.
Conspiracies.
of 1327. In 1548 a more general statute of Edward VI.
prohibited all conspiracies and covenants not to make
or do work but at a certain price, under penalty, ona
third conviction, of a loss of an ear and the pillory.
This act was not repealed till 1824. Inthe Elizabethan
period the famous peck laws were passed decreeing
that wages should be fixed by justices of the peace,
etc. This led to numberless combinations and prose-
cutions, particularly during the eighteenth century.
The earlier laws forbade combinations of masters and
of workmen alike. The later laws were directed
against workmen only. In 1799 they were combined in
a general act, repealed and replaced the next year by
40 Geo. III. c. 106, which prohibited all combinations for
raising wages or reducing hours. Mr. Justice Stephen
says of this act (A¢story of the Criminal Law of Eng-
land, vol. iii., p. 20): “The only freedom for which it
seems to me to have been specially solicitous is the
freedom of the employers from coercion by their men.”
This act was in force till 1824, during ail the period
when the workmen were feeling the first results of the
factory system, and were breaking machinery, etc. In
1803 three linen weavers were sent to jail simply for
carrying a letter requesting help from other workmen.
At last, in 1824, a change came, due to Joseph Hume, in
Parliament, and Francis Place, a London tailor, out of
Parliament. All previous statutes so far as they related
to working men were repealed, and workmen combin-
ing to advance wages or lessen hours were not liable
to prosecution for conspiracy. But the masters next
year succeeded in changing this and replacing it by
the 6 Geo. IV. c. 12g. This new act, while it repealed
the previous statutes, did notin expressterms legalize
combinations of workmen—the legality of such com-
binations was left to be dealt with by the common law
—it simply rendered men liable to punishment for the
use of threats, intimidation, molestation, and obstruc-
tion directed toward the attainment of the objects of
trade-unions. A few alterations in the act were made by
22 Vict. c. 34. The recommendations of the royal com-
mission of 1867 on trade-unions led to the repeal of the 6
Geo. IV. c. 129, and the 22 Vict. c. 34, by the 38 and 39
Vict. c. 31, and the 38 and 39 Vict. c. 32, which declare
that the purposes of a trade-union were not to be deemed
unlawful by reason merely that they were in restraint
of trade, and carefully defined what
acts should be ges med cr tinaleenaers
Present Eng- The protection afforde y these acts
lish wae was greatly diminished by the gradual
* extension of the common law doctrine of
conspiracy, and at length, in 1875, the
act was repealed and replaced by the
Conspiracy and Protection Act, 38 and 39 Vict. c. 86.
According to this act, an agreement between two or
more persons to do any act in furtherance of a trade
dispute is not indictable as a cone if such act
committed by one person is not punishable as a crime.
Such is a brief record of English legislation
on this subject, but it does not show the bitter
struggle of the working men against these
combination laws. In 1834 the case of the six
Dorchester laborers elicited general indigna-
tion. These poor and ignorant men, of good
previous record and characters, were convicted
nominally of administering unlawful oaths,
really of committing the crime of combination.
They were transported to Australia and sold to
labor contractors for £1 per head. It aroused
all English labor. A monster meeting was held
in Copenhagen Fields, attended, it was said,
by 400,000 persons ; 50,000 workmen marched
to the official residence of Lord Melbourne, pre-
senting a petition for clemency signed by
266,000 persons. Pardon was finally granted
against strong protests from the manufacturers,
but was not properly promulgated, and some of
the convicted only heard of it by accident after
years of slavery. All through this period there
‘were conspiracy prosecutions and condemna-
tions. One of the most important of these was
the prosecution of the Wolverhampton tin-plate
workers in 1851, at a cost of some $19,220.
There had been a strike, and the strikers picket-
ed the factory, and, inducing workmen to keep
329
Conspiracies.
away, had brought the business to a standstill.
They were charged with conspiracy, and con-
victed under common law misdemeanor, pun-
ishable by two years of penal servitude. It was
this conviction that brought the first modifica-
tion of the law of 1825. In the sixties a series
of conspiracy trials led to the commission of
1867, which resulted, in 1871, in the change of
the law and a careful definition of what was a
conspiracy in trade disputes. This law, tho
generally an advance, on one point—the right
of the workman to address another employee
during a strike—was retrograde, and led to the
great act of 1875. Since 1875 three main cases
have arisen—those of the engineers’ strike at
Erith, of the shoemakers’ at Bethnal Green,
and the bricklayers’ in Lambeth. .The first was
on a charge of “ picketing,’’ accompanied with
approximate mobbing; the second was on a
charge of picketing, with threats of personal
violence, and, according to George Howell
(Confizcts of Capital and Labor, 1878, p. 338),
the men were condemned to two months’ im-
prisonment, because they were unable to prove
their innocence or disprove the evidence against
them. The third case was a trial on charge of
a strike, the accusers not bringing any charge
of picketing or personal interference ; the charge
being not on the ground of strikes in general
being a combination, but that this particular
strike was aconspiracy. For the trial of John
Burns and others at Old Bailey, and for similar
trials on the charge of using seditious language,
etc., See ENGLAND AND SocIaAL REForM.
In the United States, the first trial for con-
spiracy to raise wages was in 1741, when certain
journeymen bakers of New York City were con-
victed for conspiring not to bake
till their wages were raised. It
does not seem, however, that any United
sentence was passed. The first States
case of which complete records exist Law.
was the trial of journeymen boot
and shoemakers of Philadelphia in
806. They were found ‘ guilty of a combina-
tion to raise their wages,’’ and were fined $8
each and costs. The next important case was
that of the people of the State of New York
against James Melvin and others in 1809. It
was finally decided July 12, 1810, before the
Mayor of New York City, against the men, be-
cause, tho possibly a combination not to work
except for certain wages might not be indict-
able, they were organized to compel members
of their union not to work if the union voted to
strike.
The same position was taken in acourt of
quarter sessions for Alleghany County, Pa.,
when Judge Roberts said: ‘‘It is not for de-
manding high prices that these men are indict-
ed, but for employing unlawful means to exact
these prices, for using means prejudicial to the
community. ... A conspiracy to compel an
employer to have only a certain description of
persons is indictable.’’ Similar verdicts were
rendered in various trials.
In 1834, in Hartford, Conn., the Thompson-
ville Carpet Manufacturing Company brought
suit against W. Taylor and others for conspir-
ing to raise the price of wages, hindering others
from working, and declaring a strike. The
Conspiracies.
defendants won. The court charged the jury
that a peaceable arguing with workmen not to
work except fora certain price was not a ground
for civil action.
In 1840 certain journeymen of the Boston
Bootmakers’ Society were indicted for con-
spiracy in the municipal court. They were
convicted in the lower court, but the Supreme
Court did not sustain the verdict. It is claimed
by labor leaders that the decision of Judge Shaw
decided definitely that men have a right to com-
bine to raise wages. The 7hzrd Annual Re-
port of the United States Commission of
‘Labor says (p. 1130) that this is a mistake, but
that the verdict was not sustained simply be-
cause the indictment was not rightly framed.
Chief Justice Shaw, in his decision, said :
“ The general rule of the common law is, that it isa
criminal and indictable offense for two or more to
confederate and to combine together, by concerted
means, to do that which is ynlawful or criminal, to the
injury of the public, or portions or classes of the com-
munity, or even to the rights of an individual. This
rule of law may be equally in force as a rule of the
common law, in England and in this Commonwealth;
and yet it must depend upon the local law of each
country to determine whether the purpose to be ac-
complished by the combination, or the concerted
means of accomplishing it, be unlawful or criminal in
the respective countries. . .
“Without attempting to teview and reconcile all
the cases, we are of opinion, that as a general de-
scription, tho perhaps not a precise and accurate
definition, a conspiracy must be a combination of two
or more persons, by some concerted action, to accom-
plish some criminal or unlawful purpose, or to accom-
plish some purpose not in itself criminal or unlawful,
by criminal or unlawful means.”
The next important cases were those of the
Master Stevedores’ Association vs. Peter H.
Walsh and others, decided in 1867, important
because Judge Daly reviewed adjudications; and
the case of some members of the Knights of
Labor of District Assembly No. 91, arrested
March, 1887, for alleged interference with the
employees of John H. Hanan and Gardner &
Estes, shoe manufacturers of New York City, im-
portant for the opinion delivered by Judge Bar-
rett. Nevertheless, no new principles were
established, and the case was appealed. Mean-
while, many of the States have enacted legisla-
tion on this subject.
In New York, by the act of 1870, labor unions
are made lawful ; also the peaceful and orderly
combinations in any trade or profession to se-
cure an advance in rates of wages or compensa-
tion, or maintenance of such ; but combination
of workmen to raise their wages by conspiring
to compel journeymen to conform to rules estab-
lished by the conspirators for the purpose of
regulating the price of labor, and to carry
rules into effect by overt acts, are indictable,
and not within the scope of the act. Several
attempts have been made to do away with the
operation of this act, by the enactment of others
tending against the workmen, but they have
not been successful.
In Pennsylvania, by the act of June 14, 1872,
trade-unions were made lawful ; the act pro-
vides that it shall be lawful for laborers, work-
men, or journeymen, acting either as individuals
or as members of any club, society, or associa-
tion, to refuse to work or labor for any person
or persons, whenever in his, her, or their opin-
ion the wages paid are insufficient, or the treat-
33°
such -
Conspiracies.
ment of such laborers, journeymen or workmen
by the employers is brutal or offensive, or the
continued labor of such laborers, journeymen, Or
workmen would be contrary to the rules, regu-
lations, or by-laws of any club, society, or or-
ganization to which he, she, or they belong,
without subjecting them in so refusing to work
or labor to prosecution or indictment for con-
spiracy under the criminal laws of the State ;
provided that the rules of such society shall not
conflict with the constitution of the State, also
that the act shall not prevent the prosecution
and punishment under existing laws. This act
was supplemented by the act of March 22, 1877,
which in order to provide for the better protec-
tion of passengers upon railroads, and insure
the prompt transportation and delivering of
freight, enacts that in case of strikes by Joco-
motive engineers and railroad employees, and
the abandonment by them of their engines and
trains at points other than their schedule desti-
nations, endangering the safety of passengers
and subjecting shippers of freight to great in-
convenience, delay, and loss, it shall be a mis-
demeanor for any engineer or other employee
to abandon engines and trains at points other
than their destination, with a view to incite
others to strike, or to refuse to give aid in the
movement of cars of other companies, or to in-
terfere with other employees, or to obstruct
tracks or injure property of the company, and
upon conviction punishes with fine and impris-
,onment. Such are examples of recent State
legislation.
The recently commenced Bulleten of the De-
partment of Labor, inits first number (Novem-
ber, 1895, p. 98), thus summarizes the present
state of the common law bearing upon combi-
nations :
“ Every one*has the right to work or to refuse to
work for whom and on what terms he pleases, or to
refuse to deal with whom he pleases; and a number
of persons, if they have no unlawful object in view,
have the right to agree that they will not work or deal
with certain persons, or that they will not work under
a fixed price or without certain conditions. The right
of employees to refuse to work either singly or in
combination is balanced by the right of employers
to refuse to engage the services of any one for any
reason they may deem proper. . . . In short, both em-
loyers and employees are entitled to exercise the
ullest liberty in entering into contracts of service,
and neither party can hold the other responsible for
refusing to enter into such contracts.”
It has been held, however, that employees in
separate, independent establishments have no
right to combine for the-purpose of preventing
workmen who have incurred the hostility of one
of them from securing employment upon any
terms, and by the method commonly known as
blacklisting, debarring such workmen from ex-
ercising their vocation, such a combination be-
ing regarded as a criminal conspiracy.
On the other hand, a combination of em-
ployees, having for its purpose the accomplish-
ment of an illegal object, is unlawful ; for in-
stance, a conspiracy to extort money from an
employer by ordering his workmen to leave him
and deterring others from entering his service
is illegal, and an association which undertakes
to coerce workmen to become members thereof
or to dictate to employers as to the methods or
terms upon which their business shall be con-
ducted by means of force, threats, or intimida-
Conspiracies.
tion, interfering with their traffic or lawful em-
ployment of other persons, is, as to such pur-
Wriet an illegal combination. Commissioner
right says, in the World Almanac for 1895
(Pp. 94):
“The States having laws prohibiting boycotting in
terms are Illinois and Wisconsin.
“ The States having laws prohibiting blacklisting in
terms are Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana,
Iowa, Missouri, Montana, North Dakota, Virginia,
and Wisconsin.
“The following States have laws which may be
fairly construed as prohibiting boycotting ;: Alabama,
Connecticut, Georgia, Indiana, Maine, Michigan, Min-
nesota, Missouri, Montana, New Hampshire, New
York, North Dakota, Oregon, Rhode Island, South
Dakota, Texas, and Vermont.
“The following States have laws which may be
fairly construed as prohibiting d/ack/isting; Maine,
Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New York,
‘Oregon, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Texas, and
Vermont.”
Recent decisions have, however, opened up
the whole question. March 25, 1893, Circuit
Judge Billings, at New Orleans, held that the
terms of the Anti-Trust Act, in ref-
erence to combinations in restraint
of trade, applied to laborers as well
as capitalists, and that a combina-
tion to allow no work to be done in
moving interstate commerce was
within the prohibition of the statute ; tho the
mere refusal to work or acombination not to
work, with no intimidation to prevent others
from working, would not contravene the stat-
ute. April 3 of the same year Judge Ricks, of
the United States District Court, at Toledo, O.,
having previously issued an injunction restrain-
ing the Lake Shore Railroad from refusing to
take freight from or to the Ann Arbor Road,
whose engineers were on strike, fined for con-
tempt of court an engineer of the Lake Shore
Road who refused to take a freight car from the
Ann Arbor Line. At the same day and place
Judge Taft, of the Circuit Court, granted an
order restraining Chief Arthur, of the Brother-
hood of Locomotive Engineers, from enforcing
a law of their association requiring members to
boycott freight and cars from any road on which
a Brotherhood strike existed. Both of these de-
cisions were based on the Interstate Commerce
Act. April 8, 1893, Judge Speer, of the United
States Circuit Court, at Macon, Ga., granted a
petition of the Brotherhood of Locomotive En-
gineers, that the receiver of a road in the court’s
control should contract with the organization in
reference to terms of service, tho he sustained
the above decisions. December 19, 1893, Judge
Jenkins, at Milwaukee, granted an injunction
restraining the officers of an employees’ organi-
zation from carrying out a threat to strike on a
road in the receivers’ hands. April 6, 1894, he
modified the language, but insisted on ‘‘ the
right of a court of equity to restrain a strike on
arailway.’’ April 5, 1894, the Circuit Court at
Omaha refused, under similar circumstances, to
enjoin employees from striking. October 1,
1894, the Circuit Court of: Appeals at Chicago
modified the decision of Judge Jenkins, and
held that ‘‘the rule is without exception that
equity will not compel the actual affirmative
performance by an employee of merely personal
services any more than it will compel an em-
ployer to retain in his personal service one... .
Recent
Decisions,
331 Constitution of the United States.
who is not acceptable to him.’’ The evils of
strikes, it held, must be met by legislation, and
“‘in the absence of such legislation the right of
one in the service of a quasi public corporation
to withdraw therefrom whenever he sees fit
must be deemed so far absolute that courts of
equity cannot interfere.” But the injunction
was sustained so far as it prohibited employees
from combining or conspiring to quit the service
of receivers with the object of crippling the prop-
erty in their custody, either by obstructing the
management or by using force or intimidation
against employees who chose to work. For
the recent developments of this question, see
INJUNCTIONS.
References: Report of the United States Commis-
ston of Labor, 1887; Report of New York Bureau of
Statistics of Labor for 1890; Howell’s Confitcts of Cap-
tlal and Labor.
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED
STATES, THE.—For a general view of con-
stitutions, see CONSTITUTIONALISM. Weconsider
here the working of the United States Constitu-
tion especially in relation to social reform. The
Continental Congress, which declared the in-
dependence of the United States, was a revo-
lutionary body, called into existence by the
necessity of common action between the colo-
nies in protecting their rights, and when it was
so voted, of obtaining their independence.
It gave itself, in 1877, a new legal character by
framing the Articles of Confederation and Perpetual
Union, whereby the 13 States entered into a ‘firm
league of friendship; but this con-
federation was rather a league than a
national government. Each State, ac- Beginnings.
cording to the articles, retained ‘‘its
sovereignty, freedom, and indepen-
dence, and every Powel, jurisdiction, and right which
is not by this confederation CXDICESY, delegated to the
United States in Congress assembled.”
There was no Federal execution, no Federal judi-
ciary, no Federal taxing power, no means of paying an
army, or any Federal bills, save as the States volun-
tarily contributed money. The confederation did not
work. It was, in fact, little better than anarchy, as
men like George Washington declared. Some firmer
union was creer needed.
In 1786 delegates from five States met at Annapolis,
Md., and recommended that Congress call a general
convention to consider the condition of the Union and
needed amendments to the Constitution. Congress
did so, recommending the States to send delegates to
a convention which should “revise the Articles of
Confederation, and report to Congress and the several
legislatures such alterations and provisions therein as
shall, when agreed to in Congress and confirmed by
the States, render the Federal Constitution adequate
to the exigencies of government and the preservation
of the Union.” .
The convention thus summoned met at Philadelphia
on May 14, 1787, became competent to proceed to busi-
ness on May 25, and sat nearly five months. Every
State was represented save Rhode Island. George
Washington was chosen President, and _the leading
men of the country were the delegates. It boldly de-
cided to prepare a wholly new Constitution, to be con-
sidered and ratified neither by Congress nor the State
legislatures, but by the people of the several States.
The delegates were 55, and 39 signed the Constitution ;
the debates were secret; the difficulties were very
great.
Two tendencies manifested themselves, which
led to the formation of the two great political
parties which, under different names, have divid-
ed American political life. On the one hand
was a strong desire for a national unity, with a
highly developed central power ; on the other,
a still more powerful fear of centralization and
Constitution of the United States. 332 Constitution of the United States.
the desire to retain the sovereignty of each State.
As is well known, the constitution adopted
was a compromise between these two tenden-
cies. The framers of the Constitu-
tion had the experience of the Eng-
Fundamental lish Constitution to go by, with its
Principles, Cabinet,its House of Commons, and
its House of Lords. They had the
State constitutions, which had to
an extent been modeled after the English pat-
tern, modified by the peculiarities of the differ-
ent States as they had oe up under the dif-
ferent charters originally granted to the differ-
ent colonies. On the other hand, the minds,
particularly of the Virginian delegates, were
filled with theories regarding the natural. rights
of individuals, derived, in fact, from Rousseau
and other French writers, and made them very
jealous of granting power to any government.
The Constitution framed was a resultant of
these and other forces. The framers had in mind
the principle of English common law, that an act
done by any official person or law-making body
beyond his or its legal competence is simply
void, which principle Mr. Matas Bryce declares
became the key to their difficulties. They care-
fully assigned to different branches of the gov-
ernment certain fixed forms which they held it
necessary for them to hold, and all powers not
mentioned were therefore retained in the hands
of the people. They sought so to divide the pow-
ers between federal and State governments, and
between the different branches of government,
that no branch should absorb too much power
or trespass upon the power of another branch.
September 17, the convention adjourned to
submit its result to the people of the various
States for ratification. Then began a struggle.
It was declared by many that the Constitution
gave too much power to the central government.
Men said that liberty would perish. It was as-
serted that freedom won from George III. was
being slain by her own children. The vote to
ratify was nearly defeated in Massachusetts and
New York. Several of the States suggested
amendments, and most of these
were adopted, in 1791, soon after
Adoption. the adoption of the Constitution it-
self, in ten amendments, called,
after the English precedent, a Bill
or Declaration of Rights. The first State to
ratify the Constitution was Delaware, Decem-
ber 7, 1787. When nine States had ratified, the
Constitution was to be adopted, and this was
accomplished when New Hampshire ratified,
June 21, 1788, by a majority of 11. Four days
after Virginia ratified, not knowing of New
Hampshire’s vote ; next New York and North
Carolina. Rhode Island had sent no delegates
to the convention, but finally ratified, May, 1790.
Congress voted that the Constitution go into
effect March 4, 1789. Elections had previously
been held, and on that day the first Congress
under the new Constitution met, but for lack of
a quorum did not organize till April. Then the
electoral votes were counted in the presence of
both Houses, and George Washington was
found elected President, and inaugurated April
30, 1789, in New York City.
The characteristic feature of the American Con-
stitution is its union of Federal and State Govern-
ment, The Federal Government was restricted to the
minimum of power necessary to a national union,
yet the State governments were pre: 7
vented from exerting undue power. Analysis.
The Constatarien belay a eneatire oF
the States, on e States can
it. eat AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION.) The
States, too, form the national Government by choos-
ing presidential electors, senators, and fixing the
franchise which qualifies the citizens to vote for repre-
sentatives. On the other hand, the Federal court is.
supreme in the interpretation of the Constitution, and
can overrule any State or National legislation which
it decides to be unconstitutional. (See JUDICIARY.) The
President and Congress, too, have power over the
States in certain specified matters, the presumption,
however, always being in favor of the State. The
States cannot make treaties, tax exports or imports,
save with the permission of Congress. They must
surrender fugitives from justice in other States. They
can be sued by other States or foreign powers in
Federal courts. Congress has power to establish uni-
form bankruptcy laws. Resistance to Federal author-
ity or attacks on Federal property may be repulsed by
Federal troops. In all other cases States are to act,
ua they may call upon the Federal Government for
aid.
The Federal Government comes into direct contact
with the people of the States by the Federal courts,
its taxing power, its power to raise an army, above all,
by the election of Presidential electors and.representa-
tives to Congress by the people. It was on these two
last points that the framers of the Constitution found
their greatest difficulty. Whether the States should
be represented in Congress as States, or simply by the
representatives of the people, was a burning question.
The smaller States desired representation as States,
while the opponents of this position declared that
this would be unjust, since it would give the few peo-
ple in the smaller States equal ee with the large
opulations in large States. he question, too, of
Bedtes rights versus the Federal Government was in-
volved. It was finally settled by having the members
of one house—the Senate—elected by the State Govern-
ment, and the members of the lower house—the House
of Representatives—elected by the people, the num-
En of the latter depending on the population of the
tate. ,
The election of the President caused even more dis-
cussion, but was finally decided by having the people
choose electors who should choose the President. (For
the working of this, see ELECTORAL COLLEGE.) The
chief matters which, as national, were intrusted to the
Federal Government were: ‘
The conduct of the national defense, and the making
of treaties.
The maintenance of federal courts.
Commerce, foreign and domestic.
Currency.
Copyrights and patents.
The post-office.
Taxation for general purposes.
Protection of citizens against unjust legislation by
States (Amendments XIV., XV.). :
The three branches of Government established by
the Constitution were the executive, the legislative,
and the judicial. It was attempted to make these in-
dependent of each other and coordinate,
with sucha balance of powers that no
branch could wield too much power.
To the President (g.v.) is given the su-
preme executive power. e has com-
mand of the army and navy, he can
make treaties and appoint ambassadors
and consuls, but must have the advice and consent of the
Senate. He appa the judges of the Supreme Court
and all high federal officers, but again must have the
consent of the Senate.
The
President.
: He can grant reprieves and
powers except in cases of impeachment. e can sum-
mon both Houses on occasion. He can veto any bill
or resolution of Congress. He must inform Congress.
of the state of the Union, and recommend legislation.
He must see that the laws be executed. He is pre-
vented from exerting too much power, because he can
raise no money to pay an army; he can appoint no
officers unless the Senate approves; he cannot prevent
legislation passed over his veto; he can be impeached
for faithlessness in office. The legislative power is
aS to the Senate and House of Representatives
@ v.). No federal officercan bea member of Congress.
‘his is an attempt to preserve the independence of the
legislature. It has the power to enact all federal laws,
to vote taxes and appropriations, to borrow money, to
Tegulate commerce, to coin money, to establish post-
Constitution of the United States.
offices and roads, to declare war, to raise and support
armies, to determine the certificates and to count the
votes of the Presidential electors, to
impeach and to try the President, to
judge of the elections, returns, and
qualifications ofitsmembers. Congress
is limited in the exercise of its power,
: : because it cannot change the Constitu-
tion, it can pass no bill unapproved by the Presi-
dent except by a two-thirds vote, and no bill of
Congress is valid if declared to be unconstitutional
ey the Supreme Court. The members of the House
of Representatives must be elected every second year
by the people of their several States, and all bills for
raising revenue must originate in the House of Repre-
sentatives; but the Senate may propose or concur
with amendments. To the Senate is given the power
of approving or advising in the matter of executive
appointments and treaties.
Yo the ee eae is given the power of inter-
pretation of the Constitution, and the trial of all cases
in law and equity arising under the Constitution, the
laws of the United States, United States treaties, con-
troversies between States, controversies to which the
United States is a party, and controversies between
a State and citizens of another State, or
between citizens claiming lands under
grants of different States, and between
States or citizens and foreign States or
subjects. (For the working of the feder-
al judiciary, see JUDICIARY.) Its power
is limited simply to the interpretation of the Constitu-
tion and of the law. rials of all crimes, except in
cases of impeachment, must bebyjury. (See INJUNC-
TION.) All federal judges havea life tenure, subject to
impeachment by the House of Representatives, and
trial by the Senate. Such are the main features of the
American Constitution. Certain actions are express-
ly forbidden. A writ of habeas corpus may not be
suspended save in cases of rebellion or invasion. No
ex post facto or bill of attainder may be passed. No
tax or duty may be laid on articles exported from any
State. No preference by regulation of commerce may
be given to one State over another. No money may be
drawn from the treasury save in consequence of ap-
propriation made by law. No title of nobility may be
oe and no person holding office under the United
tates may receive a present or title from any king,
prince, or foreign State. All duties, imposts, and ex-
cises must be uniform through the States. See also
AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION, forbidding any
law respecting an establishment of religion, or curtail-
ing the free exercise of religion, free speech, freedom of
the press, the right to peaceable assembly, to petition
Government, to keep and bear arms, to trial by jury
on indictment by a grand jury for capital or infa-
mous crime, and trial by jury in all criminal prosecu-
tions. By other amendments, the powers not delegated
by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States,
are reserved to the States or the people. No Statemay
enact or enforce any law abridging the privileges or
immunities of any citizen. The right of citizens to
vote shall not be abridged on account of race, color,
or previous condition of servitude. Neither slavery
nor involuntary servitude, except as punishment upon
conviction for crime, shall be allowed.
Congress.
Judiciary.
Such is a general account of the Constitution’
of the United States. Its practical working,
while open to not.a few serious criticisms, has
undoubtedly been a success. Even
its most serious defect may be said
Successes, to be the result of its virtues. At
the present time, when conditions
are so different from those unde
which it was drafted, the Constitution, with its
slow process for amendment, seems to bind the
nation against its will and unduly check wise
action. But this defect, if defect it be, is as-
suredly the result of the strength of the Consti-
tution, and a strength absolutely needed both
in the days of weakness when the nation was
young, and in the days of strength when the
nation was rocked with discussions over the
question of State rights.
De Tocqueville 60 years ago was more hope-
ful of the future of the separate States than of
333 Constitution of the United States.
the Union. He believed that with the first seri-
ous difference in views the Union would be dis-
solved. At the time of the Rebellion most Eu-
ropeans and some Americans believed that the
end of the Union was come. A strong con-
stitution was needed. To day the Union exists
more firmly knit than ever, and nosmall part of
this must be attributed to the wisdom and
strength of the Constitution, Perhaps, too, the
greatest triumph of the Constitution has been
that it has so marvelously succeeded in its com-
promise between federal and State powers.
This was the greatest difficulty presented to the
framers of the Constitution ; it has been till now
the burning question of American politics. The
Constitution has weathered thestorm.
964|8IT\ 9291897
FH |LO7
sre
“‘In these tables, says Mr. Howell, “the statistics
for the intrinsic value of the silver dollar as measured
by gold are taken from the last report of the Director
ofthe Mint. The 20 leading commodities whose per-
centages are averaged include cotton, with three or
four of its staple fabrics, wool, corn, wheat, wheat
flour, mess pork, butter, eggs, leather, anthracite and
bituminous coal, etc., such as constitute the chief
sources of America’s wealth. If more commodities
had been included, or different ones, the showing
might have been modified somewhat, but not mate-
tially, for what is true of the fall of these commodities
is true of all.”
The statistics for these commodities were
taken, Mr. Howell also tells us, from govern-
ment statistical returns.
Now the question arises whether this fall in
prices has been occasioned by improved meth-
ods in production, etc., or by the appreciation
of money? Mr. Howell answers this, and says :
frice
N
™“~
Ne,
WN
\
=
™S
CO
345
GF) IST 42
Fhe
6
Contraction of Currency.
for September, 1893, has presented the facts in
the two first ways. We present them here by
permission :
SHOWING THE FALL IN PRICES, GOLD BEING THE STANDARD.
we O7| Ge ao?
42 -\44-\lO“| OF
23) 76,
2els2
878
“ An editorial in the June Cexfury denies the appre-
ciation of gold, and claims that the fall of prices has
been due to improved methods of production and dis-
tribution. It is impossible to wholly disprove a state-
ment that is partially true. No doubt improved
methods of production have lowered the prices of cer-
tain commodities. In most of the commodities named
above there have been no materially improved
methods of production in the last 20 years. In Chart
III. I have compared the range in price ofacommodity
in which there have been improved methods of pro-
duction with two others in which there havenot, The
methods of producing steel rails have been greatly im-
proved in 20 years, and as a result the price has taken
a veritable ‘header.’ Yet butter and eggs have also
declined in price, tho there have been no improve-
ments made on the ordinary cow and hen as methods
of producing them. In other words, improved facilities
may in some cases have augmented a fall that has
been due to another and more universal cause.”
Here is his Chart III:
7 9.
(FG \LSE BSCS SFE) SES | 6
Contraction of Currency.
We see thus plainly that while improved pro-
duction undoubtedly has lowered the price of
many commodities, money has even apart from
this appreciated.
But whatever be the cause (for a further study
of this subject see SILVER; BIMETALLISM ; CuR-
RENCY), we are here concerned simply wzth the
fact that money has appreciated. How much
this is the case is well illustrated by President
Andrews (Az Honest Dollar, p. 13):
“ Our national debt on September 1, 1865, was about
two and three quarter billions, It could then have
been paid off with eighteen million bails of cotton or
twenty-five million tons of bar iron. When it had
been reduced to a billion and a quarter, thirty million
bales of cotton or thirty-two million tons of iron
would have been required to pay it. In other words,
while a nominal shrinkage of about fifty-five per cent.
had taken place in the debt, it had, as measured in
either of these two world-staples, actually been en-
larged by some 50 per cent.,.. Between 1870 and
1884 the debt of the United States decreased not very
far from three quarters of a billion dollars. Yet if we
take beef, corn, wheat, oats, pork, coal, cotton, and
bar iron together as the standard—assuredly not a bad
one—the debt not only did flot decrease at all, but ac-
tually increased by not less than 50 per cent.”
Now, it can be seen what expansion and con-
traction of the currency means to the producing
and debtor class of this country. As with pub-
lic debts, so with private debts. Measured by
what a dollar will buy from 1870-84, every debt
increased, according to President Andrews’s
statement, threefold. Immediately after the
war American enterprise filled the West with
new farms. The farmers borrowed money, and
mortgaged their farms to get stock and ‘‘ plant.’’
To-day their unpaid debt has increased three-
fold in value. Contraction in the currency will
increase their debt still more. Expansion in
currency will reduce their debt to nearer its
value when they contracted the debt. Can any
one wonder that almost desperately the farmer,
mortgaged often beyond all hope of payment,
battles desperately, wildly, pathetically for an
enlarged circulation, be it of silver, paper, or
aught else that seems to promise relief? Is it
any wonder, too, that in his desperate condition
(see MortTGacEs) he makes mistakes, and is will-
ing to get money, even of bad guality, if he
can only get quantity ?, When it is remembered,
too, that, according to the best authorities (see
BIMETALLIsM), it is at least very doubtful if there
be gold enough in the world to do the business
of the world, is it any wonder that those already
burdened under a load of money contraction
and falling prices struggle desperately, some-
times almost insanely, for bimetallism or any-
thing which promises. deliverance from the fur-
ther contraction of the currency and the appre-
ciation of gold value by what they consider
“the gold conspirators of the world’? For a
fuller study of the situation, see CuRRENCY > but
here, from the best authorities and principles
accepted by all economists, we can see some-
what of the appalling results of monetary con-
traction in the United States,
We therefore come to consider
IV. Proposep REMEDIEs.
(a) Choose that standard which varies least,
which is gold, say some; which is silver, an-
swer others. But either vary very much in
346
Contraction of Currency.
value. (See SILVER; GoLp.) Is there no better.
way? . js
(2) Choose both, say the bimetallists. (See
BIMETALLISM.) But even this is not sufficiently
elastic, and if it were, seems to-day to be impos-
sible. Says Professor Commons (in article
already quoted) :
“Both bimetallism and monometallism leave the
regulation of the volume of currency to the wasteful,
irregular frolics of nature. A truly elastic’ currency
can be obtained only by substituting scientific human
design for nature's unconscious lottery. ‘
“But the insuperable obstacle to bimetallism is the
impossibility of reaching an international agreement.
The United States have invited the nations of Europe
to three international conferences, but to-day an
agreement is no nearer than 14 years ago, when the
first conference was held. Until the last year or two
it may have been possible that the United States, with
their boundless resources and industry, could have
maintained the parity of the two metals without the
help of the European nations. But no longer does
there remain any doubt. We must face the fact now
that the money policy of Europe is dictated by a
league of the money-lenders and the army chiefs.
The masses of the people are ignorant, apathetic, and
powerless. With millions of gold collected into ‘war
chests,’ regardless of cost, with Austria-Hungary sud-
denly caliing for $200,000,000 of gold, and now at last
with India, for centuries (as a Frenchman has said)
the historical ‘abyss of silver from which there is no
return,’ with the mints of India ostracizing the white
metal at the command of the money eae of Eng-
land, there is no hope that the United States alone can
maintain free silver coinage. Already our gold has
been rapidly disappearing and has reached the danger
line with a law considerably short of free coinage.
Should the greater measure be enacted the rest would
follow, and our ioreign trade would be reduced toa
gambling joust, like that of Mexico.”
It has therefore been proposed to
(¢) Choose some standard or standards, and
increase the quantity by a commission controlled
by fixed law, taking it out of the hands of politi-
cal interests. For this several detailed plans
have been presented. i
Professor Walras, of Lausanne, would work
a priorz., He judges that the volume of com-
merce, the volume of money. and the relation
between the two can all be so closely figured
out and followed that threatened changes in
general prices may be forecast and prevented.
President Andrews would follow a similar plan,
but work @ ere His method, he says,
“‘ would involve (1) the critical, official ascertain-
ment of the course of prices ; (2).the use of some
form of subsidiary full legal tender money ; and
(3) the injection of a portion of this into circula-
tion, or the withdrawal of a portion therefrom,
according as prices had fallen or risen.
‘““ There is, of course, much labor and care in-
volved in determining the course of prices ; but
the task can be accomplished, with all sufficient
exactness, without excessive difficulty. Plans
for a compound standard of value have been
numerous. The articles composing them, it is
always and justly urged, must be staples, and
must be the same in kind, quality, and amount
at all the successive listings. There are five
conditions besides these on which stress should
be laid. One is that the commodities must be
taken from each of the two great classes, those
subject and those not subject to the law of
diminishing return, as far as possible in the pro-
portion which each bears to the total consump-
tion. The second is that those articles must be
chosen which are the least subject to accidental
and artificial fluctuations, as by customs regu-
Contraction of Currency.
lations, peculiarity of seasons, weather, and the
like. Thus Soetbeer is doubtless right in think-
ing prices in Hamburg, which till lately has
been a wholly free market, somewhat more nor-
mal than those of London even. The third is
that the greater the number of staples the bet-
ter, provided the just indicated requirements be
adhered to. The fourth is that, as a rule, prices
are to be registered in all the major markets of
the country or countries whose prices are in
question. In not a few cases, as wheat and
standard silver, London prices would serve as
well for other countries as for Great Britain.
For many staples trustworthy price records are
now kept, as by the London Aconomzs¢t and Ga-
szette. For others, new or more accurate records
would have to be instituted. The fifth special
condition is that of quantity coefficients—an ar-
rangement by which the figures for each com-
modity are made to enter into the grand total a
number of times in proportion to the quantity
of it consumed. :
‘‘ At intervals, now, whether directly or in-
dex-numberwise, as may be found intrinsically
the more correct as well as the less subject to
mistakes of calculation, the entire price-list of
the articles determined on is to be added up.
The geometrical, the arithmetical, or the har-
monic mean may be sought. If the amount at
any addition is greater than at the last, general.
prices have risen ; money has grown cheaper,
has lost in purchasing power ; too much of it is
in circulation ; some must be withdrawn.
<‘Tf, on the contrary, the amount is less than
at the last summation, prices have fallen ; money
has grown dearer, has gained in value ; too lit-
tle of it is in circulation, and more must be set
free or coined, to redress the balance. In a
word, inflate or contract, rarefy or condense, so
as to keep the footing of your great price-list
perpetually the same. -
“The universally conceded equity of a com-
posite value standard would in this way be in-
corporated in the monetary system itself, and
would spread to all the exchange ‘transactions
of the nation. The very knowledge of an exist-
ing purpose thus to regulate would do much to
regulate.” -
The Hon. Henry Winn, of Massachusetts, has
formulated a plan not dissimilar. In the speech
quoted above he says :
“Tt seems to me that the remedy lies in a currency
of legal tender treasury notes, not redeemable at any
fixed ratio in coin, but receivable for at taxes and
public dues, and kept as nearly as pos-
sible, By expansion or contraction of
their volume, at a fixed par in value. by
comparison of the average market price,
in such currency, of a specified number
of commodities selected as affording the
best barometer of values. The value
ratio of the dollar to this fixed par should be declared
at stated periods by a commission of experts, who
might be authorized to reject, for declared cause, any
commodity of which the price should appear abnormal
or forced, replacing it from a list of authorized sub-
stitutes. The basis of their action would be so com-
pletely public that fraud_would not occur. All time
and overdue debts should by law be payable by such
an amount of this currency as would give to the
creditor value equivalent to value given by him, as
determined by the ratio for the period when the debt
was contracted compared with the ratio at the time of
payment, with his interest, and no more.
“In ordinary transactions and account current the
ratio or variation would not enter or be thought of,
and the only inconvenience would be a computation at
Views of
Economists.
347
Contraction of Currency.
settlement of time obligations, involving perhaps half
the usual labor required to compute interest.
“Thus currency at 1.10 would indicate that it would
buy one tenth more of the commodities than when it
was at par, and at 90 it would buy one tenth less. So
a note for $1000 given when currency is at 90 would be
paid at $818.18 when currency is 110; and given at 110
would be paid at $122.22 with currency at go.”
Finally Professor Commons has presented a
plan, perhaps the wisest in the present situation.
It is a combination of President Andrews’s plan
with one proposed by Secretary Windom in
1889. Says Professor Commons (Annads of the
American Academy, September, 1893) :
“In the April number of Zhe Forum Mr. José F. de
Navarro proposes, instead of the present system of
silver certificates and treasury notes redeemable in
silver dollars, to substitute a system of bullion notes
redeemable in silver bullion at the gold price of silver
onthe day ofpayment. This is essentially the plan sub-
mitted to Congress in 1889 by Secretary Windom, who
proposed to restrict the issue of these bullion notes to
the yearly commercial value of the product of the
American mines. This would have resultedin an annual
increase of the currency of about $55,000,000 ($57,600,040
in 1891). Allthe advantages of the plan as claimed by
Mr. de Navarro may be readily conceded. It would
check at once the scare about the loss of our gold. In
fact, with such a system of currency, the United States
could dispense with gold altogether. This isa contin-
gency, however, which neither Secretary Windom nor
Mr. de Navarro seems to have considered safe or al-
lowable. Yet further consideration will show that,
having adopted the system of bullion notes, every dol-
lar of gold now on hand might be exported to Europe,
and every new ounce from the mines might follow it,
yet every dollar of American currency would be as
good asa gold dollar. Should all the gold leave the
country in this way, cablegram reports from London
every day would give the gold price of silver, just as
the Director of the Mint to-day receives prices to
guide him inthe purchase of bullion under the act of
1890. Every bullion note presented to the Treasur
would be redeemed in silver bullion at the world’s
gold price of silver on that day, and would, therefore,
be equal to a redemption in gold on the markets of the
world.
“Tf these principles be true, may not the United
States go further and adopt a scientifically elastic sys-
tem of currency, based on bullion notes?”
Professor Commons then goes on to state the
plans of Professor Walras and President An-
drews, and objects to them on the ground that
they would make the subsidiary money mere
token money, which, when prices were rising,
could not be contracted except by issuing bonds
redeemable in silver certificates, since it could
not sell silver for the certificates, and when
prices were falling could only be expanded by
an injection of depreciated coins.
“But,” says Professor Commons, ‘“‘these objections
would not hold if the subsidiary money were bullion
notes redeemable in silver bullion at the current gold
price of silver. With such an amendment, the scheme
of President Andrews could be carried out with emi-
nent success by the United States alone. We could be-
come the great regulator of world-prices, and not
with greet loss, such as France incurred when she
played that role under simple bimetallism, but with
unexampled profit. Our six hundred millions of gold
would go abroad in just the quantities we desired and
keep up Europe’s prices, while we would be doing
business on a gold basis without need of the gold.
The monetary commission, if prices were falling,
would purchase silver bullion at its market value at
any figure below $1.29 per ounce, and legal-tender cer-
tificates would be issued in payment thereof, in such
quantities as were necessary to keep upprices. Then,
again, if prices were rising above the standard, the
commission could sell silver bullion at its market
value, and could lock up the certificates received there-
for, thus contracting the currency without the issue of
bonds. “ With the expansion of the country, however,
it is eel. that the purchase of bullion rather than its
sale would be the normal operation.
‘It may be objected that quantity of money is not
Contraction of Currency.
the only factor influencing the rise and fall of prices,
but that inflation and collapse of credit have the same
effect. This is undoubtedly true. But credit depends
largely on the prospects of the money-supply. The
knowledge that a commission of experts is ready to
contract the currency will prevent undue and over-
inflated credits, and the knowledge of power to ex-
pand the currency will give infinite confidence and
power of resistance in times of panic and depression.
“ The possible objection that the stock of bullion in
the vaults of the Government may become depreciated
and the Government may lose through corners or
otherwise, when it sells bullion, need have little
weight. Inthe first place, there will be more buying
than selling, which would stiffen the price of silver.
And, secondly, tho the bullion value should fall,
the Government would be as safe as it is at present
with $100,000,000 gold to redeem $340,000,000 greenbacks
and some $400,000,000 of silver certificates, Let the
United States adopt this plan, and we should be inde-
pendent of international monetary conferences and
bimetallic treaties. An international money would be
created which the nations of Europe would soon be
driven to imitate.”
Such are the main ways proposed for the meet-
ing of the evil. For still other plans for an
elastic paper currency, see Paper Money. For
references, see Money and BIMETALLIsM. For
the latest facts in regard to the circulation,
see SILVER.
Revised by Pror. J. R. Commons.
CONTRACT LABOR.—When a national,
municipal, county, or other government desires
to erect a building or undertake any other work,
like printing, supplying the army, etc., the cus-
tom has grown of giving out the work to be
done by some contractor or contractors, who
usually sign a contract with the government to
do the work or furnish the required supplies
for a certain sum, taking the responsibility of
purchasing the material, hiring the workmen,
and concluding the whole work. Even private
persons and corporations usually give to con-
tractors the job of doing for them all work not
wholly in the lines of their ownindustry. Busi-
ness, therefore, done on contract forms a very
large proportion, particularly of the building,
constructing, and furnishing trades. This
method of business has grown up mainly for
two reasons: Firstly—and this reason applies
particularly to private corporations and indi-
viduals—because it is usually the easiest method.
An individual or a corporation, and to a less ex-
tent government, has not often either the time
or the ability to conduct an operation apart
from his, her, or its own line of industry, and
itis therefore much easier and sometimes the
only possible way to give the whole job to some
contractor, whose exact business it is to do the
kind of work that may be required, and leav-
ing to him all responsibility for details, to pay
him a lump sum for the completed work, usually
with certain specified requirements and by a
specified time. Secondly, itis usually claimed—
and this reason is applied particularly to gov-
ernments—that it is cheaper to let out the work
than for the government or in-
dividual to do it for himself or it-
Arguments self. This second reason naturally
for. springs in part from the first reason.
What we know little about we can-
not docheaply. A contractor whose
special business it is to undertake a work can
naturally do it more cheaply. This, it is true,
348
Contract Labor.
ight be obviated, especially on the part of
ae mete that are always having such works
performed, by hiring paid specialists not to
take a contract for the work, but to conduct
it for the government itself , but this, it is
usually said, is expensive. It is a common
opinion in business and public circles that
public work is never as cheaply done as pri-
vate work. Public work, carried out by paid
officials and employees, it is said, is always com-
paratively expensive, because it is no one per-
son’s interest to see that the work is cheaply
done. The only party that suffers if it is not
cheaply done is the general public, and the pub-
lic often knows little if anything about it, and
when it does know is often unable to speedily
and readily act in the matter. Consequently,
it is said, government work is usually carried
out by corrupt officials and lazy, inefficient em-
ployees. Contract labor is cheaper, it is argued,
because rival contractors will bid against each
other to do a job as cheaply as possible in order
to get the job, and will then see for the advan-
tage of their own pockets that their men do
work cheaply. To insure this, legislation, and.
often the special legislation autharizing the un-
dertaking, requires that the work be bidden for
in the open market, and the job be given to the
contractor agreeing to do it for the lowest fig-
ure. Thetefore exact specifications of what is
wanted are usually advertised by the govern-
ment, and sealed bids from various contractors
are received for doing the work, and at a cer-
tain time the bids are opened and the contract
awarded to the contractor offering the best
terms. This, until recently at least, has. been
almost universally regarded as the best way of
getting work done.
But three main difficulties have resulted from
this system. In the first place, it has developed
some of the greatest political scandals of mod-
ern times. It being, of course, for the interest
of the contractor to get all he can from the gov-
ernment for doing the job, it has repeatedly
happened that contractors in some way bribe
the administration or the officials in charge of
the works to award them the job, even when
they do not offer the lowest price. So fre-
quently does this happen, that public officials
expect, as a matter of course, to
be bought in this way, and a job
is created simply to afford achance Arguments
to the officials to sell the contract. against.
Sometimes contractors seem all but
compelled to bribe their way to re-
ceiving a contract. Not infrequently officials
will form bogus companies of their own, and
award a contract to themselves at exorbitant
tates, and then secretly ‘sublet the contract to
some company or contractor, pocketing them-
selves the enormous difference. ‘‘ Jobs’’ of
this kind, especially in municipal governments,
have at times in America been almost the
tule. (See Jozs.) Secondly, it being the in-
terest of the contractor not only to get a high
price for his work, but having gotten a high
price, to perform it as cheaply as possible,
he often defrauds the public, and sometimes
with the connivance of public officials, by fur-
nishing anything but the specified quality of.
material and the specified quality of work.
Contract Labor.
The rotten jobs that have been thus put upon
the people disgrace almost all American cities,
and exist wherever the contract system is found.
Thirdly, it being the interest of the contractor
to pay low wages to his men, the contract sys-
tem has often become synonymous with the em-
ployment of the lowest forms of imported labor,
to the exclusion of the more educated workmen
of the country. Roads are builts dwellings,
etc., put up in America by contractors who em-
ploy imported Italian and Hungarian labor,
while American workmen go idle for lack of
employment. This not unnaturally has greatly
incensed trade-unionists, and they continually
urge, and occasionally succeed in compelling
municipal governments to give the preference
to workmen resident in the city ; but more and
more are they agitating for the abolition of the
whole contract system, which has proved itself
fruitful of such corruption, and is built often
upon the low wages of working men. They
argue that it is the first duty of a government
to be just to its own citizens, and that it has no
tight to leave the management of public works
to irresponsible contractors. They would have
government employ its own workmen at fair
prices, for fair hours, and avoid the costs of
paying middlemen andcontractors. They claim,
too, that this will really give the public both
better and cheaper work. They do not, of
course, claim that all corruption will disappear,
‘but that work conducted by public officials can
be more easily investigated and watched than
work given out to private contractors. Such
are the general arguments on both sides. We
close this article by giving a statement of a rep-
resentative believer in the contract system anda
representative believer in the public doing its
own work. For the contract system the Hon.
Nathan Matthews, Jr., the Mayor of Boston,
said in his valedictory address, January 5, 1895 :
“One of the chief difficulties in municipal govern-
‘ment under democratic institutions is the treatment
-of the labor problem in its various aspects. The rela-
tions between the municipal corporation and its em-
ployees engaged in manual labor are everywhere the
cause of unceasing agitation and discussion ; and this
is particularly the case in Boston, where from the
earliest times a larger proportion of the public work
has been done by day labor than in the other large
cities of the country. The collection of garbage, at
first let out to contractors, was intrusted to a depart-
ment of the city government to be handled directly
by its employees, as early as 1824 ; and in the same year
a street-cleaning service was inaugurated upon the
day-labor plan, The lighting of the public lamps,
which prior to 1868 had been done by the gas com-
panies or other contractors, was at various times be-
tween that year and 1870 handed over to the lamp de-
partment, and has since been attended to by the
employeesof that department. Work upon the streets
was done very largely by day labor as early as 1850;
sewers have been built by day labor from an early
period; the laying of pipes for our waterworks has
almost always been done by the day; since 1865 the
construction of the great basins has frequently been
attempted by day labor ; and a large part of the work
< park constructions since 1882 has been done by the
ay.
“The present practice is to do all the work of main-
tenance, repairing, jobbing, pipe-laying, and all
matters the proper execution of which is a question of
opinion, and therefore difficult to secu through
written specifications, by day labor emplo directly
by the city departments, and to let all works of large
construction out by contract. : -
“The day-labor system, even if excluded entirely
from works of large construction, costs the city very
much more than contract work, as, owing to the
higher rate of wages paid, the smaller number of
349
Contract Labor.
hours, and the large number of holidays and half-
holidays without loss of pay, the city pays about 60
per cent. more than the market rate of
wages.* A further loss is experienced
through the necessity of furnishing, so
far as practicable, permanent employ- Day Labor.
ment throughout the year, and also by
the continued employment of men who
have grown old in the service of the city.
““On the other hand, a good deal of the city’s work
could not be done by contract without constant com-
plaints from the citizens that it was not properly done.
This applies to the collection of garbage, the cleaning
of streets, the lighting of lamps, and other work of
the sort, the proper execution of which is inthe nature
of things a matter of opinion, and therefore incapable
of accurate specification in a written contract. Inthe
next place, work in the nature of jobbing—of which
there is a great dealin the street department—prob-
ably costs no more under this system than if let out
by contract, for the reason that the profits of the mid-
dieman in small. jobs are necessarily large. ‘Then
there is a class of work difficult of inspection, such as
the laying of water-pipes, which itis for the interest of
the city to have done by day labor, even if it costs
more, in order that the city authorities may be certain
that it is well done.
“Notwithstanding all that can be said against the
execution of public works by day labor, I am satisfied
that it is on the whole for the advantage of the city
that work of the character mentioned should be done
in this way; and as tothe high rate of wages, shorter
hours of work, and other privileges which swell
the cost, it may be said that the wages paid to the
city laborers have not been increased since 1882; t+
that the hours of labor are regulated by statute; and
that if the city is to employ day labor at all, it has
been found practically necessary that the laborers
should receive high wages, permanent employment so
far as practicable, and generally a more liberal treat-
ment than in private work. Whether city laborers
work as faithfully as those employed by contractors
depends on circumstances, principally on the disci-
pline of the department and the energy of its foremen.
‘“* Passing now to the consideration of works of con-
struction, we find wholly different conditions. Here
the cost of the day-labor system is very much greater
than contract work, and the‘results are in no respect
more satisfactory.
“While there are opportunities for collusion and
corruption in the contract system, still these oppor-
tunities can be and, so faras my experience goes, are
avoided with comparative ease. Contracts for work
of this character can be so drawn as to permit of ac-
curate inspection, and with upright and watchful
heads of departments there is no reason why public
work of this sort cannot be carried on fully as cheaply
and quickly as private work.
“T have been at some pains to secure accurate com-
parisons of the cost of works of large construction
done by day labor and by contract, and the following
instances are given by way of illustration: At Lake
Cochituate, in 1887, about 50,o00 cubic feet of shallow
flowage work was done by day labor, at a cost of
$28,837.16; while the following year about 57,000 cubic
yards of similar work was done by contract for $16,-
202.25. Stripping 54,000 cubic yards of loam from the
bottom of Basin 6 cost by day labor 71 cents per cubic
yard; while the average of five sections let out by
contract, involving the removal of about 400,000 cubic
yards, cost about 40% cents a cubic yard. Rubble
masonry was built on Basin 6 by day labor at a cost
of $12.50 per cubic yard, and by contract for $7.50 per
cubic yard. The work on Basin No. 5 (that now under
construction, estimated to cost $2,500,000 for land and
construction) is being done by contract; while the
greater part of the work at Basin No. 6 was done by
day labor; and the following table shows a compari-
son of the results obtained -¢
* The cost in the street department alone of holi-
days and half-holidays amounts to nearly $75,000 per
annum. Acity laborer (unskilled) receives about 24
cents per hour of actual work, while the contractors
pay about 15 cents.
+ When they were fixed by vote of the city council
at not less than $2 per day.
t The city engineer, from whom these figures are
obtained, makes the following explanation :
In the item of 496,007 cubic yards of stripping is in-
cluded one section of 90,810 cubic yards, which was
very difficult, Excluding that section, the average
cost of stripping 405,197 cubic yards was 35% cents per
Contract Labor.
Noe DaM No, 6.
Contract.|Contract.| City.
Stripping of basin and |
GAM i sia cuseeg 209 asaieet 0.24 see 9.57
Sodding embankment. .|o.28 0.90
Concrete core-wall.....|4.70 6.64
Plastering Portland ce-
TENE 5 ceeainiess vee oi aeeel067 | waar ee 0.99
Delivering gravel on
embankment.,........ 0.206 (eSt.)} 0.206 sees
Spreading and rolling..|o.119 (est.)|... «. 0.226
Stripping 496,207 cubic
Yards, sseccecconmarcic:|| asdces 0.405 0.64
Stripping 110,232 cubic
VATS iiteias crime! cadease 4 Sets « | weeser
“The plan now being pressed by certain labor or-
ganizations (not composed of city employees) for the
construction of public buildings by day labor em-
ployed directly by the city is too preposterous for dis-
cussion. The city has no opportunity to give constant
employment to the skilled labor required in building
operations, and would, therefore, be unable to secure
the best workmen ; it has no plant; the administration
of such work would greatly enlarge the scope of polit-
ical patronage; the cost may be safely set down as
two or three times that of the present system ; and all
the advantages to be gained from competition under
our present admirable contract law would be lost.
“‘ Between the demands of the taxpayer for the ex-
ecution of all public works by contract, and the de-
mands of the labor organizations that all public works
should be done by the day, I believe that the safe,
reasonable, and prudent course to follow in the public
interest is the system now and for some time past in
operation. According to this, all work of large con-
struction is done by contract, through competition,
except, perhaps, in certain special cases of peculiar
difficulty; while jobbing, maintenance, repairs, and
other work of the kind, including all that cannot be
accurately specified and inspected, is done by day
labor employed directly by the city departments upon
liberal terms, in respect to wages, hours, holidays,
and length of employment.”
To this it may be said that even if contract
labor be cheaper, it is at least questionable if a
city should seek cheapness by importing or en-
couraging the importation of cheap, ignorant
laborers, who are often a danger and a burden
to the community, and who prevent its own
citizens from earning a fair living ; but it is
even argued that experience shows that con-
tract labor is not cheaper. Mr. Sydney Webb,
in a paper read before the Economic Section of
the British Association for the Advancement of
Science in 1894, relates the experience of the
London Council. He says:
_““ We come to an altogether different range of criti-
cism when we consider the council's determination to
dispense, wherever possible, with the contractor, and
execute its works by engaging a staff of workmen
under the supervision of its own salaried officers,
cubic yard. The city work necessarily costs more
than that done by contract for the Seaean that the city
pays in the country $2 for nine hours’ work, gives
one half-day per week during four months, all holi-
days, and two days for voting. The men work from
eight to nine months per year. This makes the price
reid ue hour ee work about 24 cents, while
contractor pays in ordinary years, i
ss eents ee ie yy s, in the country,
e division of cost of building the dams is ab
as follows: Labor, 67 per cent. ; teaming, 13 per Senn
tools, etc., 20 per cent. ; and on this basis the city must
pay 1.42 times as much as the contractor for the same
effort. For stripping, the division of cost would be
ad ae 75 ee Cente: teaming, 20 per cent. ; tools
nas cent. ; an e city must pav 1. i 5
much as the contractor. 2 ae
35°
Contract Labor.
i ttacked as being palpably and
ee ree salitical economy and business
obviously opposed to p z
experience. It is worth while to place on record the
facts. The first case is that-of watering and cleaning
the bridges over the Thames, a service which the
Metropolitan Board of Works let out to a contractor.
The new council perversely went into calculations
which led the members to believe that the contractor
was making a very good thing out of the job, and
finally to decide upon engaging labor direct, There
have now been over three years’ experience of the new
system, with*the result that, whereas the contractor
charged 4s. 74d. to 4s. 10%d. per square yard, the work
is now done at an average cost of 35. 2d. a square yard,
everything included.
“Tn July, 1892, it was necessary to do the annual
cleaning and repairing of the council’s offices. The
architect’s estimate for the work as executed was £740.
Instead of giving this work to a contractor, the archi-
tect was asked to engage a foreman and artisans, and
have it done under his own supervision. The result of
the experiment was that thé total cost was £686, an ap-
parent saving of £54. ae.
“This, however, was merely a matter of hiring labor,
no constructive work being involved. It is interesting
to trace the stages by which the council was driven,
by force of circumstances, to its present position of
builder. The first piece of actual building executed
by the council was a schoolhouse at Crossness. The
architect’s estimate was £1800, and tenders were in-
vited in due course. The lowest tender
proved to be £2300._ After considerable
hesitation the Main Drainage Committee
resolved to try to save this large ex-
cess over the estimate, and’set to work
to do the job under its own officers,
Certain items which had been put down
at £112 were omitted, reducing the estimate to £1688,
and the lowest tender to £2188. The actual cost proved
to be £1652 only, a saving of £536. But the case which
finally convinced three out of every four members of
the council of the desirability of executing their own
works was the York Road sewer. The engineer
estimated the cost at £7000, and tenders were in-
vited in the usual manner. Only two were sent in, one
for £11,588, and the other for £11,608. The council de-
termined to do the work itself, with the result that a
net saving of £4477 was made. :
“This remarkable result naturally created a sensation
among the contracting world, and attempts -were
made to impugn the engineer’s figures. In his crush-
ing reply he pointed out that the contractors had reck-
oned out their tenders at absurdly high prices in near-
ly every detail, charging, for instance, 60s. and 70s. per
cubic yard for brickwork and cement, whereas the
work was done at 39s. It is clear from the particulars
given, and from facts notorious at the time, that an
agreement had been come to by the contractors not to
compete with one another for this job, in order to in-
duce the council toabandon its fair wages clause. The
council preferred to abandon the contractor.
““The outcome was the establishment, in the spring of
1893, of a Works Committee, to execute works required
by the other committees in precisely the same manner
asa contractor. The Works Committee has anentirely
distinct staff, and keepsits own separate accounts. The
committee requiring any work prepares its own esti-
mate, asif tenders were going to be invited, and the
Works Committee is asked whether it is prepared to
undertake the work upon that estimate. Up to the
present date 16 separate works, varying in amount
from £100 to £4094, have been completed, and the ac-
counts settled and checked by the comptroller. The
result shows an aggregate net saving of £2420, or over
8 per cent. |
“Now, it is obvious that, incomplete as statistics nec-
essarily are, and difficult as it must always be to de-
cide a question of policy upon mere statistical results,
the figures, as far as they go, afford no assistance to
those who denounce the council’s action, and are dis-
eae encouraging to its progressive members, No
sound induction on such a matter can, however, be
made upon mere statements of profit and loss, extend-
ing, too, over a very brief period
When we thus find even the county councils in rural
districts giving up the contractor. it ceases to be sur-
prising t the town council of Manchester, in the city
of Cobdetilfind Bright, now manufactures its own bass-
brooms, or even that the wltra-conservative com-
missioners of sewers of the city of London actually set
the county council an example by manufacturing their
own carts. The superiority of ‘direct municipal em-
ployment, under salaried supervision, to the system of
letting out works to contractors has, in fact, béen slow-
Remarkable
Results,
Contract Labor.
ay borne in on the best municipal authorities all over
the country by their own administrative experience,
quite irrespective of social or political theories.”
Comparing the present cooperative system in New
Zealand with the former contract system, the Under
Secretary for Public Works in that colony says:
“The contract system had many disadvantages. It
gave rise to a class of middlemen, in the shape of
contractors, who often made large profits out of their
undertakings. Under this cooperative system works
are carried out for their actual value—no more and no
less.... Work also is better done under the coop-
erative than under the contract system.” See NEW
ZEALAND AND SOCIAL REFORM,
CONVICT LABOR.—It is now almost uni-
versally conceded that convicts of all kinds
should as a rule be made to work at some use-
ful form of labor during their imprisonment (see
PENoLoGy) ; but the important problem arises
how convicts may be employed at useful work
without diminishing the demand for the labor
of honest workmen outside of penal institutions.
The manufacture of commodities by the en-
forced labor of convicts, who are paid nothing,
enables prison authorities, if they are allowed
to do so, to sell these commodities at prices with
which firms employing paid laborers cannot pos-
sibly compete, and so tends to lower the wages
of honest laborers by taking the market from
the employing firms. Naturally this condition
of things is bitterly resented by labor organiza-
tions, who see their livelihood taken from them.
That it is not an unreasonable feeling will be
seen by the facts stated in this article. That it
is not a small matter can be seen by the num-
ber of convicts in the United States. In 1886
there were no less than 45,277 convicts in the
United States engaged in productive labor (Sec-
ond Annual Report of the Commiéssioner of
Labor, p. 51). Between 1880 and 1890 our
prison population had increased 45 per cent.
(Statistics of the Tenth Census and Bulle-
tin 71, 72, and 95 of the Eleventh Census.)
Yet the community, in its desire to reduce taxes,
by making the convicts support themselves, and
also to benefit the convicts themselves by teach-
ing them a trade, has repeatedly allowed convict
labor to thus injure honest labor. Even when
the produce of convict labor is not sold in com-
petition with the product of honest labor, but
simply made to produce the necessities of the
prisoners themselves—z.e., making their own
clothing, prison buildings, etc., it still makes the
convict do work which, if not done by convicts,
would have to be given to outside labor, and so
increase the demand for their labor, and thus
tend to raise their wages. On the other hand,
to keep convicts in idleness is physically in-
‘human to the convicts and not for the good of
351
Convict Labor.
the community, since a convict trained to idle-
ness, when he is discharged is almost the worst
foe acommunitycan have. The results of train-
ing convicts to work, asis done at Elmira (¢.v.),
are so markedly beneficial, that it would seem
criminal to prevent such results. Nor is the
problem to be solved by teaching the convicts to
labor at useless tasks or in producing commodi-
ties which are to be destroyed. This is a waste
of labor that no wise economy can seriously ad-
vocate. The problem, therefore, becomes very
intricate, and is the only problem we shall con-
sider under this head. For the different ways
in which, for the convict’s own good or reforma-
tion, it is wise to have them labor, see PENOL-
ocy ; Exmrra ReEForMAToRY, etc.
We ask here simply how can con-
victs be made to labor without The
affecting the interests of honest Problem
laborers. It is, of course, to be re- Stated.
membered that this problem only
arises under a system of society
where men can only get a living by doing all
the work they can get. No man cares to work
at long hours of hard labor for the sake of work-
ing. The modern laborer only looks upon work
asa privilege, because it is his only way of living.
Under a socialistic system, when all production
was for the community, to be divided in some
way equitably among the citizens, the more that
was produced the more each citizen would get,
and the honest laborer, therefore, would be de-
lighted to have the convict work for him. ‘The
convict labor problem, therefore, belongs solely
to the wage system. Under this system, how-
ever, it is adifficultone. Undoubtedly the gen-
eral solution of it lies in setting the convict to
produce that which, if he did not, would not be
produced ; but how to reach this end is the ques-
tion. The problem is of such importance and
of such difficulty that Congress in 1886 directed
the United States Commissioner of Labor to es-
pecially investigate and report upon the prob-
lem. It is this report that we condense here,
considering :
I. The extent to which convict labor com-
petes with honest labor.
II. The best way of employing convicts
without injuring the interests of outside labor.
The report (Second Annual Report of the
Commisszoner of Labor, p. 51) gives for three
classes of penal institutions—vzz., institutions
of severe penalties, of moderate penalties, and
institutions mainly reformatory—the following
summary of convicts engaged in productive
work at the close of the year 1886 in the United
States : :
| Haste PRODUCTIVE
ABOR. Engaged in
CLass. \ pore ie Soe Agegre-
Duties. ve gate
Male. Female. Total.
I Who) 9dr Vidish esaiavere: ei acatietyie id a PauenbTESN Ne oreca eatin 32,625 1,036 33,661 8,146 25705, 44,512
II 59407 452 59859 31205 775 95839
45767 990 59757 39749 492 9,998
ROCA seis: demesne darreha se sR RIRS ay becca 425799 2,478 | 455277 | 15,100 33972 645349
Convict Labor.
‘The following shows the industries in which con-
iets were employed and the amount of free labor dis-
placed:
352
Approxi-
Free
peponesS eS ¥
es
INDUSTRIES. Con- uirea | Value, of
victs. eiethe Goods
Ss. Made or
ame | Work
Work.
° Done.
Agricultural implements 651 529 $664,090
Barrels, etc....... wgiettieee 667 528 834,963
Boots and shoes.. i 7,609 51378 | 10,100,279
Briehs. op syaisaiys « ae 86 754 286,787
Brooms, brushes, etc..... 2,123 14545 834,955
Carpeting ........ ae chaaenaiae 242 163 951497
‘Carriages and wagons... 1,376 1,155 1,989,790
Clothing............. ciasaaqun 5150E “3,645 2,199,634
Farming, gardening, etc. 33569 3,817 762,313
PUENItUTE . sseccswies serie 33440 24435 1,280,006
Harnesses and saddlery.. 14455 1,033 14374404
Iron weeds: sicicen . 1,165 997 1,159,007
Lumber.. 3 228 252 63,890
Mining...... 35273 3,228 1,696,075
Public ways.. ¢ 3,089 3,088 1,046,779
Public works.. opie 6rr 631 242,547
UOT Chace emissions. ics Pt accuse 4,876 3,160 14315)202
Stoves, hollow ware, etc. 1,845 1,277 32545125
DO DAGCCO: 5 acs0sa sia siesa Seca anars 763 564 402,499
Wooden goods.. ita 368 205 338,431
Miscellaneous ............ 1,499 1,150 752,031
Total............6e tees 451277 351534 |2847531999
The report says of these tables:
“By this summary it is seen that the total value of
goods made and work done by productive labor in the
penal institutions of the whole country is $28,753,999-13.
it took 45,277 convicts one year to produce this total
value. It would have taken 35,534 free laborers to
have produced the same quantity of goods in the same
time; or, in other words, a free jaborer is equal to 1.27
convict, or, to reverse the statement, one convict is
equal to.78 of a free laborer. ci
‘The State producing the largest amount of convict-
made goods is New York, the value there being $6,236,-
20.98, The next State in rank is Illinois, producing
31234,267.50 worth of convict-made goods. Indiana
‘comes next, with a product of the value of $1,570,901.37 ;
while Ohio stands next in line, with a product of the
value of $1,368,122.51 ; then Missouri, $1, 42,020.07 ; then
Pennsylvania, $1,317,265.85. Kansas ranks next, with a
roduct worth $1,270,575.77.. Tennessee comes after
ansas, with only $roie oe then Michigan, $1,087,-
735-62, and, last of the States producing over $1,000,000
worth, New Jersey, $1,019,608.32. Each of the other
States and Territories drops below the million-dollar
point, Dakota coming at the bottom of the list, with
a product of $11,577.36. It is interesting to examine
these values by industries. Boots and shoes lead,
the product being $10, 100,279.61, or 35-13 per cent. of the
whole product of the penal institutions
. of the country, $28,753,999.13; the next
Convict-made largest item being the manufacture of
Goods, clothing, which is $2, 199,634.25, while car-
Tiages and wagons are manufactured to
the value of $1,989,790. In all other in-
dustries the product is less than 2,000, =
ooo, the smallest being lumber, to the value of 63,890,
dhcse values are for the year covered by the investiga-
10n,
“In regard to the competition with the industries
of the whole country, a few figures will suffice: The
total manufactured products of the United States, ac-
‘cording to the tenth census, amounted to $5,369,579, r9r.
The total product of all the penal institutions for the
year covered by this investigation amounted to $28,-
7531999, Which is $f; of 1 per cent. of the value of the
total products of the industries of the country. To
produce the products of the industries of the whole
country in 1880, there were paid in wages $947,953,7955
or $1 in wages to $5.66 in product. The wages paid By
contractors and lessees to States and counties for the
labor of convicts, from which resulted a product of the
value of $28,753,999, was $3,512,970, or $x in convict labor
‘wages to $8.19 of product of convict labor.”
Convict Labor.
In its final summary from these facts the report says
Pid is perfectly evident, from information, Sots
co i
frome ve ae ects so far as the whole cory is
OP eed would not of itself Wee orsaaet or ie
i iscussion. I
ead jot be Th OF A ee cent. of the total mechanical
De eiacts of the country. The whole prison population
er “those institutions in which productive labor is car-
ti d on is but 1 in rooo of the population of the
country and those engaged in convict productive
labor but 1 in 300 of those engaged in free mechani-
callabor. These facts, however, do not invalidate the
claim that locally and in certain industries the compe-
tition may be serious and of such proportions as to
claim the most earnest attention of legislatures. Itis
firmly established by all the testimony adduced in this
report that such is the fact. Wertens men, individu-
ally, everywhere, and collectively through their or-
ganizations ; manufacturers, individually, and collec-
tively through association ; penologists, commission-
ers, and legislators, both State and Federal, have ar-
rived at this conclusion.” : ; ;
Concerning the different ways in which convicts are
employed in production and the way in which they
should be employed, so as not to compete with honest
labor, it must be remembered that there are in the
United States several different systems of convict
labor more or lessin vogue. There is (1) the contract
system, under which a contractor engages to employ a
certain number of convicts at a certain price per day,
the convicts to be employed as a general thing within
the prison walls, the Btate usually furnishing power
and machinery. This system was (in 1886) the most
prevalent. (2) The pzece-price system. Under this
system the contractor has nothing to
do with the convicts; he simply fur- :
nishes the prison officers with material, Various
and the officers return the completed Systems,
work made by the convicts, and the
Government receives a fixed price for
the work. (3) The public account sys-
tem, according to which the prisoners produce under
State management, the produce is sold, and all the
profits go to the State for the general good of the com-
munity. (4) The /ease system, whereby the State leases
its convicts to a lessee or contractor for a round sum,
the lessee taking the convicts, managing them, guard-
ing them, and working them for aprofit. The number
of convicts employed under these various systems in
1886 and the value of the goods they produced were as
follows:
Free
Con- |Laborers
SYSTEM. ete Re- Value.
placed
‘
Public account system.| 14,827 10571 $4,086,637.87
Contract system........ 15,670 | 114443 18,096,245.74
Piece-price system . 5,676 319 24379)180,52
Lease system ..... © QyI04 91534 4,191,935-00
Mota), saves aes 4 451277 | 35:534 | $28,753,999-13
We now come to the definite question how
convicts can be best employed with the least
minimum of injury to outside labor. On this
the report says in substance, first, that in some
way the convict must be made to labor. To
abolish convict labor would either make the con-
victs insane, or if they escaped this fate, have
them go from the prison more demoralized and
vicious than ever, to demoralize and render
vicious those with whom they came in contact.
oe an Eeoe then considers vari-
ropositions that have be -
ing the dittieciy en made for meet:
1. The establishment of a ena i
Says the report, “is often uidvonntea ay ee xe ee
plan for removing criminals from society, and f Siete
porting them In such a way that no competitio re ets
ever could arise from their being employed aes
ductive labor. The suggestion is Predicateq ween ee
Convict Labor.
constitutional amendment, to be adopted, of course, by
the States, giving to the Federal Congress power to
regulate police matters. This sugges-
tion, therefore, cannot be entertained as
a practical plan, for it is not reasonable
to suppose that the separate States of
the Union will take the course necessary
for its adoption, and the States as in-
dividuals cannot adopt any such plan,
because of the small proportions of the prison pop-
ulation of each State. The penal colony plan has
been abandoned by some nations that had adopted it.
(See PENOLOGY, section Axzgland.) Moreover, it is
not reasonable to suppose that the moral sentiment of
the nation will ever permit the herding of criminals in
any section of. the land, whether in Alaska or on any
of the islands within the jurisdiction of the United
States; for the establishment of a penal colony would
entail upon a single community all the evil results now
seen to accrue from hereditary taint. Neither the
prison reformer nor the producer, whether employer
or employed, can afford to increase the opportunities
for Ugg Tena the criminal classes.
“2. The employment of prisoners upon public works
and ways.—The adoption of this plan would not avoid
competition in labor, but it would completely remove
any real or supposed competition in prices—that is, it
would not affect the products of manufactures.
“This proposition is warmly advocated both by manu-
facturers and by working men. It is plausible and
somewhat seductive. It removes the actual competition
5 from one realm to another. By indus-
trial labor in the prisons the contractor
competes with products of industries
in price and sale. The manufacturer
has his goods to sell, and his operatives
their labor; and both desire to keep
rices up. In transferring prison labor
to public works, the State would not compete with the
price of artisans’ or laborers’ work, but with the work
itself, The brick and stone-masons, the carpenters
and painters, the hodcarriers and tenders, would not
find the price of their labor affected to any material
extent, but would find the market for that labor oc-
‘cupied to the extent of the works in process of con-
estruction.
“It has been suggested that the State might engage
in some work that would not be performed unless by
convicts, such as macadamizing the roads of the whole
State. This would necessitate one of two things—
either the preparation of stone at the prisons, involv-
ing the transportation to the prison from the source of
supply and from the prison to the place for use, or the
mobilization of the convicts at the points not only of
supply, but of consumption, involving a heavy ex-
pense for guard duty and confinement.’
_ Such work would be costly work to the State. This
is, perhaps, of no particular consequence, as the con-
victs must be supported in some way, but at best the
plan offers a mere palliative, shifting the burden from
Skilled to unskilled labor, and would result in aggra-
vating many of the evils which grow out of the em-
ployment of convicts. It would seem fairer to distrib-
ute the work of the convicts among different trades
than to concentrate all their work upon publicimprove-
ments, and thus compete mainly with one form of
labor alone.
“3. The employment of convicts in manufacturing
goods for Government.—lf our State governments sup-
ported large bodies of troops and the Federal Govern-
ment had a large standing army the plan might have
some force in it, altho in some European countries,
where the consumption of goods of the coarser grades,
such as shoes and army clothing, camp equipage, har-
nesses, etc., is very large, the plan has not been made to
work very successfully, on account of the objections of
army officers to the manufacture in prisons of the
goods they require for the equipment of their forces,
the objections arising, not only on account of the
quality and make of the goods, but on account of the
impracticability of massing a force in any way so as
to supply goods upon emergencies. Theexperience of
these countries, however, is worth but little in the
United States, for the same conditions do not exist.
If each State should supply all its wants, so far as the
kinds of Fete that are usually made in prisons are
concerned, the result would be the employment of but
avery small fraction of the convicts of the State. In
Ulinois this amount of employment could have been
utilized last year to the extent of less than $50,000, and
this isa fair-specimen of the demands of other States.
Itis urged, however, that the United States Govern-
ment requires supplies sufficient to warrant the con-
Stant, or nearly constant, employment of the convicts
Penal
Colonies,
Public
Works,
353
Convict Labor.
x
of the different States under contracts which might be
made by the heads of departments requiring the
goods. An examination of these wants shows that the
entire expenditures of all the executive dapartments
of the United States Government for furniture, cloth-
ing, mail-bags, harnesses, wagons, infantry, cavalry,
and artillery equipments, clothing for the Indian ser-
vice, etc., and for such other things as are now made
in the different prisons of the various States, for the
fiscal year ending June 30, 1886, amounted toa sum little
less than $4,000,000, while the total product of the
prisons of the country amounted for that year sub-
stantially to $29,000,000. This answers the suggestion
completely. If it could be adopted, however, com-
petition in the wages of labor and in the price of
goods would be avoided, altho the individual concerns
now manufacturing the goods used by the Govern-
ment would lose that much trade, which would also
result in the loss of so much labor.”
4. The exportation of the products of convict labor is
sometimes suggested as asolution of the whole prob-
lem. It is not easy to see how the exportation of the
Nigra of the prisons of the country can be made,
or there is nod demand for such products at all pro-
portioned to the need, and the same objection may be
made to the counter proposition to prohibit the sale of
convict-made goods outside of the State in which they
are manufactured. If this could be done by establish-
ing custom houses on the borders of each State (an
impossible and undesirable step),there would be no
such demand for prison-mede goods as would prevent
their coming into direct competition with outside
labor. It would thus utterly fail of solving the prob-
lem how to avoid competing with outside labor.
“5. Convict-made goods to be stamped ‘ prison-made’ is
a suggestion very frequently offered, either as a partial
or as a full remedy inthe case. In the majority of in-
stances this would defeat the very ob-
jects for which the suggestion is prof-
fered, for, as a rule, prison-made goods Convict-made
do not sustain the character for quality Goods
and faithfulness of manufacture belong- ;
ing to the products of free labor, and if Stamped.
all convict-made goods were stamped in
accordance with the suggestion, the :
competition in prices and sales would simply be inten-
sified. The carrying out of the plan would, however,
make a general boycott of prison-made goods very
easy of accomplishment. The laws of some States al-
ready compel such marking, and with curious results.
In one State, where some of the convicts are employed
in making cigars, the boxes are stamped ‘Prison-
made,’ or whatever the law demands; but over this
stamp the internal-revenue stamp of the United States
is placed ; so, while the law of the State is complied
with, the sale of the goods meets with no interference
by the law. In another locality a certain prison has a
reputation of making most excellent goods ina certain
line, and these goods stand so high in the market that
outside manufacturers have been known to stamp the
products of their free shops ‘Prison-made.’ This
plan would only result ina palliation of some forms
of the difficulties and an aggravation of others.
“6. The payment of wages to convicts.—_Some sincere
friends of labor suggest that State governments pay to
prisoners for their labor wages equivalent to those paid
outside labor for the same quantity of
work performed or amount of goods
roduced, and then sell the products
a the open market, charging the pris- Payment of
onersfor their maintenance, andleaving Wages.
any surplus which might accrue over
such charge in the hands of the pris-
oners. On the face of it this suggestion is exceed-
ingly attractive in some ways. If it were practicable,
it would lead the prisoners to an ambitious discharge
of their duties, and would invest the product with a
cost for labor and material equal to goods produced
outside prison walls. An examination of the facts re-
lating to income and expenses, however, dissipates the
attractive elements of such a plan, and reduces it to
the impracticable, for, under the most favorable cir-
cumstances of prison labor, as exhibited in the con-
tract system, the average income ftom such labor
pays but 65 per cent. of the running expenses of the
prisons of the country. Of course, if the prisoners were
aid wages equivalent to those paid outside,the income
rom labor would be greater, provided the goods could
be sold. The result financially, however, would prob-
ably be that the State would pay the convicts for their
labor and have to take back all such wages for main-
tenance, and draw on the treasury through appropria-
tions for deficiencies. This becomes significantly
true by an examination pf the table on income and
Convict Labor.
expenses, so far as overtime work is concerned. Of
course, overtime work is allowed in but few institu-
tions, but in those wherein it is allowed the amount is
not sufficient to create much hope that the convicts
could earn enough with safety to the State for each
man to pay his share of the running expenses of the
institution in which he lived. The suggestion is
worthy, however, of most serious consideration and
study. Itis apparently new, and it would be interest-
ing to have some institution make the experiment.”
7. The reduction of hours of labor in prisons is a sug-
gestion often made as one calculated to reduce the
output of prisons, and thereby the amount of competi-
tion from the sale of products ; but while this might be
wise, it would be a very partial remedy of the difficul-
ties complained of, since outside industries are moving
toward the eight-hour day. :
8. Diversified industries.—This is a plan prominently
presented, and would meet the problem by scattering
the competition over as many trades as possible, and
therefore reducing the evil in any one
trade to a fot pean a One eee
. : owever, is that great diversity of labor
Diversified in prison is not practicable, except by
Industries. the possession of such diversified plant
as is almost impossible in ordinary
prisons. States have often limited by
law the number of prisoners to be employed in any
one industry ; but even a small number in any indus-
try may lower the wagesin that industy: Moreover,
however scattered, the total number of persons dis-
placed by prison labor may be the same, altho not so
noticeable as when concentrated in one trade.
“9, The utilization of convicts upon farms.—This plan
would cover, if adopted, but a limited field. In some
of the great farming States, and in the South, it might
be practicable, temporarily. The advantages of such
a plan have been well stated by Governor Gordon, of
peotet, his reasons for recommending it being as fol-
Ows:
“It would at once eliminate from our penitentiary
system the serious objections to the old plan of close
confinement, and the equally grave objections to the
present plan of leasing.
“Tt would confine the convicts thus employed to such
labor as would least compete with the honest labor of
the State.
“It would place the State in direct and full control of
its prisoners. .
““It would restore to the State the full power to en-
force the exact punishment imposed by the courts.
“It would place upon the State the just responsibility
for guarding the health of the convicts, and would con-
fine them to the most healthful employments.
_“TIt would enable the State to separate them at all
times according to classes, conditions, sexes, and fitness
for different kinds of labor, and to institute methods
for reformation with greater promise of success.
“Tt would make such portion of the penitentiary at
least self-sustaining, I think, and, with proper manage-
ment, might cause it to yield a larger net revenue, per
capita, than that now derived from leasing.
The adoption of this plan would ina very few years
arouse the farming population of the country, and the
opposition to convict farm labor would be greater than
any which now exists against the employment of con-
victs in mechanical pursuits; but asa temporary mat-
ter, and in some favorable localities, it offers great
advantages. Certainly, it would be well in all States
to carry on small farms with prisons, the work to be
done by convicts, and the products to be used for the
prison itself, but not to enter the market.
“10. Hand-labor under the public-account system.—
This plan offers many advantages over any other that
has been suggested tothe Bureau. It involves the car-
rying on of the industries of a prison for
the benefit of the State, but without the
Hand-Labor, use of power machinery, tools and hand-
machines only being allowed, the goods
to be made to consist of such articles as
boots and shoes, the coarse woolen and cotten cloths
needed for the institution or for sale to other institu-
tions, harnesses and saddlery, and many other goods
now made by machinery or not now made at all in
risons. With such a plan in vogue throughout the
nited States, or in the majority of the States, there
could be no complaint as to the effect of convict labor
upon the rates of wages or upon the sale of goods,
either in price or in quantity. The convicts could be
employed under the direction and supervision entirely
of the prison officers. None of the objections or disad-
vantages arising under the contract system, or the
piece-price modification thereof, or under the public-
account system with power machinery, can be raised
354
Convict Labor.
, ‘ i leave the
i this plan. The adoption of it would
State fee to undertake the ae ang most humane
the reformation 0: .
ent be an expensive plan, but would stor: the
convict and reduce competition to a minimum, Says
the report: | : feather
ee jection as to expense is not one of sufficient
im aes merit vere serious. consideration. An
objection, however, is taised, which comes closer to
the prisoner himself, and that is that if this plan should
be adopted, he goes out of the prison unfitted to take
art in the industries as they are now carried on—that
is, with power machinery. Is this objection valid? In
the first place, it is seldom that a discharged convict
enters the trade or the calling which he practised while
in a prison, as they are at present conducted, If he
works at boots and shoes in the prison, he runs a peg-
ging machine, or a stitching machine, or a skiving ma-
chine, or a heeling machine, and if the objection is
valid, when he goes he is limited to running that par-
ticular machine, except in this, that any man, skilled
in the running of any machine, can easily run any
other machine to a certain extent; but suppose he
learns in the prison the whole trade of shoemaking,
from cutting the stock to polishing the edges, is he at
a disadvantage when he leaves? is chances of earn-
ing a living as a cobbler, where he works on his own
responsibility and by himself, are greater than if he
depended on getting- into a great shoe factory. If
he learns to run a hand-loom in weaving flannel or
cotton cloth, ishe thereby deprived of any advantage
when he leaves the prison walls? He is better fitted to
enter a cotton factory or woolen mill than if he had
not had that experience, and far better fitted than the
thousands who have been imported to engage in such
work. If he is employed in making harnesses, which
is almost entirely hand-work, he has a profitable trade
when he leaves the prison. And so in almost any other
direction. The convict who has spent his term of sen-
tence on hand-made goods is, to say the least, as well
qualified to earn his living when released as if he had
been employed with the aid of power machinery. So
this objection has no real vital elements in it, or any
elements of sufficient vitality to prevent the adoption
of the plan. ¢
“Does not this plan offer the best pone oppor-e«
tunities for the technical education of convicts in all
the various uses of tools, both in wood and metal
working?
** Suppose such a systenr, then, could be adopted, and
the evidence shows that the system, on the whole
offers the best features of any that has been suggested
to the Bureau, how can it be made to
prevail in this country, where there are
48 distinct State or territorial govern-
ments? The system has this peculiar
quality in it, that each State could adopt
it without concerted action, altho the
advantages to be gained by individual adaption woulda
be small compared with those to be gained. by its
general adoption; but whatever plan is adopted must
be adopted by the States individually. No plan for
general adoption can be suggested except one to be
enforced by the United States Congress under the
rights to be granted it through aconstitutional amend-
ment. If one State, however, adopts a plan, and that
plan proves fairly successful, the other States will
wheelintoline. . . .
“The plans which have been treated comprehend
the majority of those which have been suggested to
the Bureau, or which have, as already stated, been
observed as coming from those who have investigated
the subject of convict labor. It is clear to the mind
of the writer that the facts sustain the complaints
against the contract system to a sufficient degree to
make it an objectionable system, but they also show—
That such system, however, is the most profitable ;
“That most of the plans offered simply shift the
burden from one class in the community to another,
but that with one exception they do not provide for
the support of prisons by the whole people; and
“That the only plan offered which does accomplish
or approximately accomplish this, is that involving the
employment of convicts under the public-account
system without the use of power machiner
“There are other considerations, however, in regard
to this whole question, which are quite as import: Be S
the method of employment, but which See ee a
sults of employment. "It is of far more consequ . ie
the Soe man of this country to reduce ott ona d
consequently the number of criminals than it } rt
adopt this or that system of labor; but if ther peae He
adopted a satisfactory system of labor and: eae
temporaneous reduction of the number of criminals,
Conclusion.
Convict Labor.
the highest possible results will have been reached.
Labor is more thoroughiy interested in securing the
absence of crime and of the criminal than in the ques-
tion as to how the criminal shall be employed. . . .
“The true interests ofthe working men demand as
much the study, by themselves and their leaders, of
rigid and practical moral SSP Hs as the study of
economic matters. As already intimated, convict labor
is of no great account compared with the
crime itself, and to avoid the presence of crime its
commission must be prevented. It is not enough to
shut up criminals, and the tendency to lessen terms of
imprisonment has not been salutary. . ..
“So, the convict-labor question involves not only the
system of work under which the convict shall be em-
ployed, but the higher consideration of a more states-
manlike treatment of the question of crime itself than
has yet prevailed.” (See PENOLOGY ; CRIMINOLOGY.)
So far the report. It may be added that the objec-
tion to the various proposals for meeting the convict-
labor problem always turns upon and implies the
difficulty of outside labor in securing
weaepae roe eee La suiiee
sans abor were treate etter, there woul
The Socialist be no objection on the part of working
View. men to treating the convict in any way
that might seem best for his or the com-
munity’s advantage. What working
men object to is letting convicts earn their support or
reformation at the expense of outside labor. They
object to having convicts better treated than free
laborers. Even the plan favored in the above report
of the employing of convicts under the public-account
resence of
system at hand work would, the report says, graduate
the convicts in a condition much better fitted to earn
their own living than many honest laborers, Even to-
day many laborers commit crime in order to be
imprisoned. It is exceedingly questionable, then,
whether the problem is not to improve the condition
and opportunities of outside labor, and ¢hen to approach
the convict-labor problem. Socialists would have the
State provide all with well-paid work, and maintain
that crime would, in the first place, largely disappear,
and, secondly, could then be wisely handled. Whether
this be so or not must be discussed in the articles So-
CIALISM and UNEMPLOYMENT; but this side of the case
must not be forgotten in treating the convict-labor
question.
References: See the Report of the United States
Commission of Labor for 1886; also PENOLOGY and
CRIMINOLOGY for further references.
COOKING SCHOOLS.—Schools for the
teaching of cooking have been established in
England many years. As early as 1863 Mrs.
Mitchell opened a school of cookery at 111 Great
Portland Street, London. By 1876 there was a
Northern union of schools of cookery in Eng-
land, which included many training schools,
and has supplied teachers for all the world. The
schools of Glasgow, Liverpool, and South Ken-
sington have taken the lead. Cooking is now
being introduced into the English board schools
as well as others. France and Belgium have
also followed suit, usually teaching laundry
work in connection with cookery.
In the United States instruction in cookery
was first given to public school children under
the auspices of the Young Women’s Christian
Association in 1880, but private schools were
established before this. In 1872 Juliet Corson
was made secretary of the Free Training School
for Women, and devoted herself to the study of
healthy and economical dietetics. In 1876 she
established the New York School of Cookery.
In 1877 Maria Parloa lectured on cooking in
Boston, and opened a school. She also gave
classes and lectures at various seminaries and in
evening schools. In 1882 she opened her own
school in New York. In 1883 the North Ben-
net Street Industrial School, in Boston, estab-
lished teaching in cooking for classes from the
public schools. In 1885 Mrs, Hemenway estab-
lished a vacation cookery school, and in the fall
355
Sor a Sctence of
Cooper, Thomas.
it was accepted by the school committee as Bos-
ton School Kitchen No. 1. In 1888 the city as-
sumed charge of it, and soon established other
similar schools. Mrs. Hemenway also estab-
lished a normal school in cooking. The exami-
nations require a grammar school education and
special acquirements in domestic and household
economy, in the principles and processes of cook-
ing in chemistry and physiology as applied to
cookery. Under the name of the New England
Kitchen, Mrs. Ellen H. Richards, of the Massa-
chusetts Institute of Technology, with the as-
sistance of Mrs. Mary H. Abel, has worked care-
ful and valuable experiments, and other experi-
ment stations have been started in the United
States, following somewhat the theories of nutri-
tion and of food values expounded in recent
years by Vait and the: physiologists of the
Munich school. Most women’s colleges, many
Western agricultural colleges, the Drexel Insti-
tute, in Philadelphia, and the Pratt Institute, in
Brooklyn, give courses in domestic science.
References: Report of Massachusetts Commission on
Industrial Education, 1893. See also article HOUSE-
HOLD ECONOMIC ASSOCIATION.
COOPER, PETER, was born in New York
City, February 12,1791. The son of a hatter,
he received a meager education, and entered
the trade of carriage-making. He gradually,
however, took up one enterprise after another,
with continuous success. In 1830 he estab-
lished the Canton Iron Works, at Canton, Md.,
where he constructed from his own designs the
first locomotives ever made in the United
States. Soon after he established a rolling and
wire-mill in New York. In 1845 he moved it
to Trenton, and made it the largest rolling-mill
of the day in the United States. He built three
blast furnaces in Phillipsburg, and conducted
other similar enterprises. He was one of the
chief supporters of the laying of the Atlantic
cable and other important enterprises. Deeply
interested in the free education of the industrial
classes, he gave the money for and laid the
corner-stone of the Cooper Union in 1854, and
saw its completion in 1859, to be ‘‘ forever de-
voted to the instruction and improvement of
the inhabitants of the United States in practical
science and art.’’ He gave $200,000 as an en-
dowment during his life, and $100,000 by his
will. The original cost when he conveyed it to
the trustees was $630,000. In 1876 Mr. Cooper
was candidate for the Presidency of the Green-
back (g.v.) or National Independent Party, and
received some 100,000 votes. He died in New
York City, April 4, 1883. He published /deas
Good Government, tn Ad-
dresses, Letters, and Articles on a Strictly
National Currency, Tariff, and Civil Service
(New York, 1883).
COOPER, THOMAS, born in Leicester,
England, March, 1805 ; died in Lincoln, July 15,
1892. The son of a poor widow, he learned the
shoemaker’s trade. At the age of 23 he opened
a school in Lincoln, anda year later became a
Wesleyan Methodist local preacher. In 1839 he
went to London to engage in journalism, but .
finding little success, he later returned to Leices-
ter and joined the Chartists. He published a
newspaper in their interests, and was nominated
Cooper, Thomas.
for Parliament. He addressed many meetings,
and aroused great excitement. A riot occurred
at Hanley after he left ; at Manchester military
guards were placed in the street. He was ar-
rested and taken back to Staffordshire on a
charge of arson in connection with the Hanley
riot, but he proved that he was not there when
the offense was committed. He was then ar-
raigned for conspiracy and sedition and tried
before Sir Thomas Erskine, March, 1843. He
defended himself eloquently, but was con-
demned to two years’ imprisonment in Stafford
jail, during which time he wrote the greater
part of an epic, the Purgatory of Suicides,
dealing with the social and religious questions
of the age. After his release he wrote several
other books of poetry and prose. He joined
Mazzini’s International League, but took no
part in the Chartist agitation of 1848 on account
of differences with O’Connor. He lectured on
political and historical subjects. Having been
a sceptic for 10 years and a follower of Btnass
in 1855, he changed his views and lectured
against atheism. In 1859 he became a Baptist
preacher. Later his. health broke down, and
W. E. Forster and Samuel Morley obtained for
him a small annuity. In 1882 he published his
_ autobiography.
COOPERATION.—We consider this sub-
ject in this article under five heads: I. Defini-
tion ; II. Varieties of Cooperation ; III. History
and Statistics of Cooperation in England and
her Colonies, France, Germany, Belgium, Hol-
land, Switzerland, Italy, Austria, and the
United States; IV. Methods of Cooperation ;
V. Arguments for and Objections to Coopera-
tion.
We commence with
I, DEFINITION.
Cooperation (from Latin co and oferare, to
work together) is used specifically in social
science for the voluntary union of persons, in
joint production, distribution, purchase, or con-
sumption, apart from government, on equitable
principles and for their mutual benefit. Such
is, perhaps, a rightly exclusive and inclusive
definition. Yet it must be admitted that the
word is used by good authority both in a larger
and a narrower sense.
George J. Holyoake, for example, defines it as ‘the
concert of many for compassing advantages impossible
to be reached by one, in order that the gain may be
fairly shared by all concerned in its attainment”
(History of Cooperation, voix p. 68). But this defini-
tion is obviously too broad. Bris definition would
include the State, socialism, communism, every trades-
union, almost every church, society, trust, monopoly,
or combination of any kind. To use words so loosely
is to misuse them, even tho it be admitted at the same
time that the essence of the cooperative idea does
often lie deep in all concerted life, especially in the
true State, the true church, the true trades-union. Yet
cooperation is not socialism, communism, trades-
unionism, or aught else but cooperation, and should
not be confused with them. On the other hand, the
word has been too narrowly used. It has been
said to mean simply ‘the voluntary union of con-
sumers or producers for the purchase or production of
commodities and the division of profits on the basis of
the amount purchased or produced by the coopera-
tors.” But this istoo narrow. It identifies one form
.of cooperation with cooperation itself. There are
other forms. Each form of cooperation, indeed, is
claimed by some to be the true form, but this. claim
cannot be allowed. The definition given above is be-
lieved to be inclusive of all forms of cooperation and
356
Cooperation.
We may therefore proceed to
m various propositions
t, and first from ordi-
exclusive of all else.
distinguish cooperation from |
which have been oe i
joint-stock enterprises. A
He Mr, E, Vv. iWeals, the veteran epopers ter 3 Tt
ig not unimportant that cooperators et ere make
clear to themselves in what the essential difference be-
tween simple joint-stock enterprises and enterprises
truly cooperative consists. The clear
apprehension of this difference would, 2
I believe, go far to remove the half- Not Joint-
heartedness which checks the prog- gto¢kism,
ress of cooperation from the indiffer-
ence shown by too many cooperators to
their own professed principles. . . cxf
“Tn a certain sense and toa certain extent all joint-
stock companies are cooperative. The capitalists who
form them club their resources for some common pur-
pose; they choose the managers of the concern by
common acts; they share together the profits; they
bear together the losses of their venture. Why, then,
are they not truly entitled to be called cooperators?
Because all these acts, according to the common con-
stitution of joint-stock companies, are done simply
from the desire of the parties who do them to promote
their own immediate advantage. : ;
“No doubt joint-stock companies, 7.e., companies
registered under the Joint-Stock Companies Acts,
might be formed fora purpose of a far higher char-
acter. Ideal with these companies only in the char-
acter which they commonly assume ; in which they
continually enter into an injurious competition with
cooperative enterprises. And Isay this is the essen-
tial distinction between the two. Joint-stock com-
panies are trading corporations, established to carry
on business for the benefit of those who set them up,
by means of any contracts which the recognized rules
ot justice, enforced by courts of law, permit. Cooper-
ative societies are trading corporations, formed to
carry on business in accordance with principles of
justice more perfect than those now enforced by courts
of law; principles voluntarily adopted by their
founders, who resolve to seek their own advantage
only through and in subordination to these principles,
and would regard the proposal to depart from them, in
order to gain some greater advantage for themselves,
asa bribe to wrong-doing. In this higher aim the
true strength of cooperation, its inner strength, con-
sists.
Again, cooperation must be distinguished from so-
cialism, communism, and all similar theories. Socialism
and communism attempt cooperative life in a// its in-
dustrial aspects. Cooperation admits of persons
uniting only for certazz industrial ends. Communism
contemplates communal colonies or
separate communes; socialism aims at
the development of cooperative life by
the whole community, the town, the
city, the State, the nation. Cooperation
differs from both in allowing a few in-
dividuals in a community, without leaving their homes
or social environments, to unite for special cooperative
purposes. Cooperation springs from individuals, so-
cialism from the natural or geographical unity of a
community. Socialism gives prominence to political
methods. Cooperation ger se makes little or no use of
political life. The distinction thus between coopera-
tion, on the one hand, and socialism and communism, on
the other, is marked. And yet it must be: pointed out
that the two ideas are by no means inconsistent. The
distinction lies more in the methods than in the aims,
and even the methods may be united, altho not biended.
The Belgian socialists, for example, have developed a
strong cooperative movement. tt were doubtless well,
whenever possible, if all socialists and cooperators
should work together. There is no reason im their
aims why they should mot. Asa matter of fact, most
socialists do theoretically believe in cooperation, only
considering it unpractical on a small sca e, while most
cooperators believe their movement tobe an education
toward and preparation for the true socialism, ima
cooperative state, a cooperative commonwealth, a ¢o-
ane rerive pielicaes. -
ill more carefully must cooperati Z
sharing be distinguished, for tho i poo en Soe
similar, they are in reality in_economic and ethical
principles radically distinct. Coopera- ’
tion is a union of consumers or pro-
ducers for their common benefit.
_ Profit-sharing (see. PROFIT-SHARING)
is simply the employee sharing beyond
ees Ae. ae Stentor or tons extent
in the profits of his employer, operation starts with
the worker. Profit-sharing starts with the employer.
Not
Socialism,
Not Profit-
sharing,
Cooperation.
Cooperation gives the worker a voice in the man-
agement. Profit-sharing is the employer giving his
employee no voice in the management, but simply a
slight interest in the profits. Cooperation is fraternal.
Profit-sharing is paternal. Cooperation tends to de-
velop the individual worker by giving him a share in the
responsibility. Profit-sharing gives him a little interest
inthe business, but with no general responsibility. Co-
operation thus immediately aims higher, and is more
difficult to put in successful operation. It comes into
competition with gieantle private combinations and
corporations. Profit-sharing, tho temporarzly not aim-
ing so nied, claims to be more practical in preparing
the way for eventual cooperation, and in not antago-
nizing great corporations, but rather in carrying into
these very corporations the principles of equity and
fraternity and generosity. hich, then, is to be pre-
ferred will depend largely on the temper and character
of the parties concerned in the given case; we are here
concerned simply with pointing out the difference.
II, Varieties oF CoorEeRATION.
Cooperation may be divided into at least three
distinct kinds, and these, it must be remem-
bered, are capable of subdivision into an almost
infinite number of methods and combination of
methods in carrying on cooperation. We may,
however, indicate three general classes, leaving
the history and argument to suggest the sub-
divisions. The three classes are :
1. Societies of distribution or consumption,
where consumers unite to bring together or to
maintain together stores of goods where mem-
bers can buy at a cheaper rate, or with some
advantage to themselves. Such are cooperative
stores, wholesale, retail, etc.
2. Societies of production, where producers
combine to gain the advantage of combination
in production, and to sell the collective or indi-
vidual work. Such cooperators are their own
capitalists. They may cooperate in manufactur-
ing, or in agriculture, or in any department of
production.
3. Societies of credit or banking, where ac-
counts of credit are opened with the members,
and loans advanced to the members at favorable
terms on fair securities. Such societies, in nu-
merous modifications, as cooperative banks,
friendly societies, burial societies, building so-
cieties, etc., exist in most cities. Owing, how-
ever, to these societies being in many ways dif-
ferent from the other kinds of cooperation, we
shall consider them in articles by themselves
under their separate heads. (See BuiLpING So-
ClETIES ; COOPERATIVE BANKS, etc.)
_ Between these various classes of cooperation
it is necessary carefully to distinguish, for one
class is often perfectly practical when the other
isnot. Distributive cooperation has been large-
ly successful, but was not the first attempted,
and is by many severely criticised. Productive
cooperation was first attempted, and is unques-
tionably the highest kind, but not unnaturally
has met the least success. Credit cooperation
has been-the most successful, but as being near-
est to ordinary business methods and least de-
veloping the principle of cooperation is by many
not considered true cooperation.
The respective merits of these various kinds
of cooperation will be best considered after
studying :
III. Tue History oF CoopeRATION.
We notice first the beginnings of cooperation,
‘and then consider it in the principal leading
357
Cooperation.
countries where it has been developed. For its
beginnings we quite from George J. Holyoake,
the eminent author of the Hzstory of Coopera-
tzon in England:
Writing in the Fortnightly Review (August,
1887), he tells us that cooperation dates from
the latter portion of the last century.
‘“‘Ambelakia,” he says, “‘ was almost a cooperative
town, as may be read in David Urquhart’s Turkey and
tts Resources. So vast a municipal partnership on in-
dustry has never existed since. The fishers on the
Cornish coast carried out cooperation on the sea, and
the miners of Cumberland dug ore on the principle of
sharing the profits. The plan has been productive
of contentment and advantage. Gruyéreis a coopera-
tive cheese, being formerly made in the
Jura Mountains, where the profits were .
equally divided among the makers. In Early
1777, aS Dr. Langford relates in his Cex- Cooperation,
tury of Birmingham Life, the tailors of
that enterprising town set up a coopera-
tive workshop, which is the earliest in English record.
- . . Shute Barrington, Bishop of Durham, who
established at Mongewell, in Oxfordshire, the first
known cooperative store; while Count Rumford
and Sir Thomas Bernard published in 1795, and for
many years after, plans of cooperative and social life,
far exceeding in variety and thoroughness any in the
minds of persons now living.”
“The only apostle of the social state in England,”
continues Mr. Holyoake, “at the beginning of this cen-
tury, was Robert Owen, and to him we owe the cooper-
ation of to-day. With him it took the shape of a
despotism of philanthropy. Lord Sidmouth and the
Duke of Kent gave him their personal influence to
advance his views. Mr. Owen carried into practical
use his ideas in his New Lanark Mills for educating
his work-people, and with a success that has had no
imitators except Godin, of Guise, whose Palace of In-
dustry is known throughout civilization. Jeremy
Bentham, who held shares in New Lanark, said it was
the only investment he had made that paid him. It
was here that Mr. Owen set up a cooperative store on
the primitive plan of buying goods and provisions at
wholesale ae, selling then to the working men’s
families at cost price.
“The benefit which the Lanark weavers enjoyed was
soon noised abroad, and clever workmen elsewhere
began to form stores to supply their families in the
same way. The earliest instance of this is the Eco-
nomical Society of Sheerness, commenced in 1816, and
which is still doing business in the same premises
and also in adjacent ones lately erected. Its rules
stated that its object was ‘to supply the members
with wheaten bread and flour and butchers’ meat.’
The great war had long deprived them of both, and
this society was commenced by intelligent dockyard-
workmen, who, altho better paid than ordinary work-
men, were yet subject to privations. my
“Cooperation was also put to use onthe Sussex coast,
where Lady Noel Byron aided it,in order that the
savings of the store might assist poor men in the way
of self-employment, by keeping market gardens, and
setting up tailors’, shoemakers’, and carpenters’ shops.
The desire of workmen to become their own masters,
and the double prospect of independence and profit,
spread the idea over the country as a new religion of
industry. The cooperative stores now changed their
plan. They sold retail at shop charges, and saved the
difference between retail and cost price as a fund with
which to commence cooperative workshops. By 1830
from 300 to 4oo cooperative stores had been set up in
England. There are records of 250 societies, distribu-
tive and productive, existing at that period, cited in
the History of Cooperation.”
Such is Mr. Holyoake’s review of the early history of
cooperation. Yet the real history of cooperation does
not commence until 1844 in
ENGLAND.
England is the classic home as the birthplace of
cooperation asa practical movement. Its beginnings
here we have seen. But the eirly movement died
away.
_ it should not be forgotten that cooperation received
its first practical solution at the hands of the few pour
weavers of Rochdale, in North England, who saved up
a few shillings, afterward investing them ina bag of
flour, which they distributed among themselves at cost
price, It was this humble enterprise which marked
Cooperation.
the beginning of the great Rochdale system, that now
counts its establishments by thousands, its invest-
ments and profits by millions of pounds sterling, and
takes itsname from those poor weavers, the Rochdale
Pioneers. April 25, 1844, the day when this society
ccmmenced work, is a red-letter day_in
the history of cooperation.
When their society began it only had 28
members—£28 of funds—and the first
year made no profit. In its second year
it had 74 members, £181 in funds, £710 of
business, and made £22 profit, 24 per cent. of which
was used as a fund for education. In 1876 its members
were 8892, its funds were £254,000, its year’s business ex-
ceeded £305,000, its profits were more than £50,500. Its
profits have since been greater, tho, from causes it
would be a digression to explain, they are now less.
(For details, see ROCHDALE PIONEERS.) .
The methods of the Rochdale and other early stores
were very simple, as the following early account will
show. ‘The societies have a public store, where goods
are sold even to those who are not members. The
condition of membership is the payment of a few
pence. At certain intervals, further payments of a few
pence are required from the new member (in most
cases 244 pence a week, or 10 pence a month), until their
aggregate, together with the interest and dividends
placed to his credit, amount to the prescribed mini-
mum share in the undertaking. The sum in Rochdale
was at first £4 ($19.36), afterward 45 ($24.30); in Man-
chester, however, only £1 ($4.84). ‘Bach member has
the privilege of letting his share increase to £100 ($484) 3
altho, in case of an excess of capital, the society can
diminish the amount. Each member can, after pre-
vious notice, demand that his share, over and above
the minimum share, be paid back to him, after an in-
terval varying according tothe amount ; the minimum
share itself, however, is not paid back to the member
when he resigns, but-may, with the approval of the so-
ciety, be carried over to the credit of another, who
thus becomes himself a member.
“A distribution of the net profits is made quarterly.
After an interest at the rate of 5 per cent. per annum
has been deducted from the shares of the members,
and 2¥% per cent. of the profits have been applied to the
educational fund, the balance is placed to the credit
of the members, in proportion to the purchases that
each has made at the store during the preceding
three months. The members are liable for no losses
beyond the value of their respective shares. This
right of allotment is governed by a special statute of
August 7, 1862, which secures to the companies the
same legal rights possessed by an individual.
“Every month there is a general meeting, in which
every member hasa vote. By this meeting, an Execu-
tive Committee of 12 is elected to manage the business
of the society for one year, which holds a weekly ses-
sion. This is the gist of the rules of the English soci-
eties, which differ only in minor particulars.”
In 1849 commenced the Christian Socialist movement
of the Rev. F. D. Maurice—the “Master,” Charles Kings-
ley, Vansittart Neale, Thomas Hughes, and, above
all, J. M. Ludlow, the real founder of the
Rochdale
Pioneers,
is movement. (For their general princi-
Christian ples and the history of their movement,
Socialists, see CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM.) It is suffi-
cient here to state that ‘their efforts
. were important, not for the immediate
results, since these were meager, but for the impetus
they gave to the cooperative ideal, and to its ethical
and enduring character. They started a society for
aiding cooperative production, and as the result some
cooperative tailor shops were begun. These, however,
either did not live or were merged in the larger Roch-
dale movement. A more enduring result was the gain-
ing by the Christian Socialist leaders successive im-
provements in laws which gave cooperative stores legal
protection, and enabled cooperators to become bank-
ers, to hold land, and to increase their savings to 42003
which last provision led to some stores becoming rich,
through the prospect it opened to members to acquire
houses. This legislation with the ethical principles
they so brilliantly advocated was the real contribution-
of the Christian Socialists to cooperation,
It is, however, the Rochdale movement that we must
study to follow the real development of English co-
operation. By 1856 the Pioneers hada capital of £12,-
goo, and sold not only articles of grocery, but bread,
meat, and clothing. In 1855 they commenced coopera-
tive production, first hiring a’ small room, in which
they placed a few looms, the beginning of their co-
operative cotton mills. It was a success. Says
ae Fawcett (Vanual of Political Economy, p.
266):
358
Cooperation,
rst success, ne promoters of
i ined to extend their operations,
sa eee of a mill was accordingly Tented, | ‘Their eap-
5 i 000, an
ital at that time was BbOus ens ae it was excel-
ividend of 5 per cent. on capital was the
1 oe profits. 5 After this dividend had been
secured, the remaining profits were di- ‘
vided into two equal shares. One of Growth of
these shares was given as an extra
dividend on capital, and the other was Cooperation,
distributed as a bonus among the
laborers employed. Each laborer’s
share of this bonus was proportioned to the aggregate
amount of wages he had earned. The most therefore
was given to those who worked with the greatest reg-
ularity and the greatest skill; and as, in addition to
this bonus, the wages current in the trade were paid,
it was natural that the best efforts of those employed
were stimulated, and the most prudent operatives in
the locality were powerfully attracted to an undertak-
ing where their labor received an extra remunera-
tion, and where they obtained a lucrative investment
for their savings. he undertaking developed so rap-
idly that soon a larger mill was required than any that
could be rented. It was therefore resolved to build
one: it was commenced in 1856, and_completed in 1860,,
at a cost of £45,000. The mill was fitted with the best
machinery and was complete in every respect. So
confident were the workmen of the success of the
scheme that the outlay involved in the erection of this
mill did not exhaust the capital they were willing to
invest, and accordingly a second mill was soon com-
menced. These mills had scarcely time to get into full
working when the breaking out of the civil war in
America brought the cotton trade of Lancashire intoa
state of unprecedented depression. Long after many
of the surrounding manufactories had been closed the
cooperative mills courageously struggled on.”
Better times were awaiting them. Meanwhile, the
success of their movement had created efforts at co-
operation all over England, particularly at Manchester,
alifax, Huddersfield, Leeds, Newcastle, and Oldham.
The last named became a cooperative town. Says Mr.
E. B. Osborn, in Palgrave’s Dictionary of Political
Economy : The ‘ Oldham Building and Manufacturing
Society,’ the first of its kind registered under the
Joint-Stock Companies Act, was founded in 1858:
capital, £1000 in £5 shares. The promoters were mem-
bers of the Oldham Industrial Cooperative Society.
Calls on shares were to be 3d. weekly, and the di-
rectors were paid 6d. a week for their services. Sev-
eral months elapsed before all the shares were taken
up, andalonger delay occurred before the-society’s
business, weaving, could begin. At the end of the
first ca working, a dividend of 7% per cent. was
paid, but afterward the looms were run ata loss. The
difficulty of disposing of the manufactured goods, dis-
pates among the directors, and between the share-
olders and non-shareholders employed by the com-
any, and, above all, the unsuitability of the climate
or weaving, led to this result. It became necessary to
make a radical change in the scheme, and accordingly
the promoters decided to increase the capital to £14,870,
and build premises for cotton-carding and spinning.
The engines were ‘christened’ in 1863, and under the
new name of the ‘Sun Mill Company’ business was
carried on through the period of the Cotton Famine
ae FAMINE) eventually with considerable
ront.
The success of these somewhat numerous stores led
tounitedeffort. In 1863 the present Cooperative Whole-
sale Society, Limited; was founded as the North of
England Cooperative Wholesale Soci-
ety, Limited. It confined itself at first
to purchasing articles-at wholesale price The Whole-
and selling them to cooperative soci- sale Society.
eties and companies, whether members
or ‘not, at a small profit, which was
“Encouraged by this fi
divided half yearly among all customer societies in.
Proportion to their purchases, mere customers receiv-
ing only half dividends, customer members whole. Its
sales in 1865 (the.first complete year of its working)
were £120,754. In 1872 these had reached 4153;132. In
3872, however, the society began production purchas-
ing Some buscuit works, and starting in Leicester a
boot factory in 1873, then soap works in 1874, other boot
works at Heckmondwike in 1880. Leather-currying
was entered on in 1886, a woolen miil taken over in 188:
Cocoa works were opened in 1887, a ready-made cloth.
ing department in 1888 (clothing having been already
made up in two branches as an adjunct to the woolen
cloth and drapery departments); a corn mill was
opened in 1891, jam-making entered on in 1892, and a
Cooperation.
printing department undertaken, besides building de-
eee in the society’s three English branches—
anchester, London, and Newcastle (there is also a
branch at New York). In addition to these there isa
shipping department, the society having quite a little
fleet of its own. During the quarter ending June 30,
1894, the society purchased a factory at Leeds for the
manufacture of ready-made clothing.
Says Mr. J. M. Ludlow (Atlantic Monthly, January,
1895): to whom we are indebted for these statistics:
“The success of the society as a whole has been pro-
digious. Its business in the distributive departments
during the last quarter (ended June 30) was £2,272,946,
or at the rate of upward of £9,000,000 a year, making it
one of the largest commercial establishments in the
world.”
This society soon led to another. Says Mr. Ludlow:
“The Scottish Cooperative Wholesale Society was es-
tablished in 1868. It entered upon production in 1880
with a shirt factory, followed in the same year by a
tailoring department (the two were united in 1888), by
a cabinet factory in 1884, boot works in 1885, currying
works in 1888, a slop factory in 1890, and
a mantle factory in 1891. A printing
office had been opened in 1887, to which
business ruling and bookbinding were
afterward added. Preserve-making and
3 tobacco-cutting have also been entered
on. Many of the productive departments have been
grouped together on 12 acres of land at Shieldhall
on the Clyde, about three miles from Glasgow. The
requisite buildings have been put up by the building
department of the society, as well as several of its
warehouses ; and latterly a large flour mill at Chance-
lot, near Leith—I believe the latest productive venture
of the society—has been built by it..
“The Scottish Wholesale Society has paid bonus to
labor since November, 1870. The principle on which
such bonus has been granted has varied, but by an
alteration of rules made in 1892 bonus is credited to all
employed at the same rate on wages as on purchases,
half the bonus remaining on loan at 4 per cent.”
In 1869 the first annual cooperative congress was held,
and congresses have been held annually since. The
present reports of these congresses cover over 200 large,
closely printed, two-column pages, and give the latest
information of the movement. Before these con-
Scottish
Wholesale.
359
Cooperation.
gresses England's bishops and foremost preachers
are invited to preach, and her ablest statesmen and
leaders in social reform are eager to appear. The
various cooperative societies, boards, and organiza-
tions in England are now limitless. There is a cooper-
ative union, which represents the federated coopera-
tive industrial and provident societies.
What it has done in the way of gaining legal advan-
tages for cooperative societies may be summed up
under two main heads.
1. The incorporation of the societies, by which they
have acquired the right of holding in
their own name lands or buildings and
Toperty generally, and of suing and
being sued in their own names, instead ao
of being driven to employ trustees. ights.
2. The Industrial and Provident Soci-
eties Act, 1876, which consolidated into
one act the laws relating to these societies, and, among
many smaller advantages too numerous to be mention-
ed in detail, gave them the right of carrying on bank-
ing business whenever they offer to the depositors
the security of transferable share capital.
The literature furnished by the union is varied and
extensive. It publishes some hundreds of leaflets,
pamphlets, and books for propaganda purposes. Lists
and specimens may be had from the secretary.
Among the writers are Messrs. Holyoake, Hughes,
Kaufmann, Tom Mann, E. V. Neale, and Beatrice and
Sidney Webb. One of its most useful publications isa
Manual for Cooperators, edited by T. Hughes and E.
V. Neale. Its 280 pages contain an introductory histor-
ical sketch of cooperation, and treat of the relations
between cooperation and different philanthropic, polit-
ical, and social movements.
September 2, 1871, was published the first number of
the Cooperative News, the recognized organ of English
cooperators. It isa penny weekly published in Man-
chester by a federation of cooperative societies,and had
in 1894 a circulation of 41,500. For 13 years the co-
operative wholesale societies have issued an Annual
giving full statistical tables and diagrams of the
growth of cooperation.
The following table, taken from the report of the
Twenty-sixth Annual Congress (1894), shows the de-
tails of this growth:
COOPERATION IN ENGLAND, IRELAND, SCOTLAND, AND WALES FROM 1861 TO 1893.
Compiled by H.R. Bailey, Newcastle-on-Tyne.
Societies %
Making Members. oe Pen Trade. Profit.
Returns. pita®, pe
: & & & 4
anes 48,184 3337290 sinibtatacn'’ Ep5E2)017 | asaree sieves
450 91,502 310,73U 541452 24349,055 166,302
460 108,583 5731582 731543 2,626,741 213,623
505 129,429 684,182 89,122 2,836,606 224,460
867 148,586 819,367 107,263 393739847 279,226
915 1745993 1,046,310 118,023 4,462,676 372307
1,052 171,897 314475)199 1365734 6,001,153 398,578
1y242 208,738 2,027,776 184,163 8,113,072 4259542
1,300 220,000 2,000,000 190,000 8,100,000 500,000
1,375 249113 2,034,261 197,128 8,202,466 5551435
746 262,188 2,305,952 215,553 94370471 670,721
748 300,932 247855777 344,509 11,388,590 807,748
980 387,701 315224962 4975750 15,662,453 1,119,023
1,026 411,252 3,903,608 586,972 16,358,278 1,226,010
1,163, 4791284 41700,990 844,620 16,088,077 314425,267
1,165 507,857 51304,019 919,762 19,909,699 15741,238
y144 528,582 534875959 1,073,265 21,374,013 1,900, 161
1,181 560,703 59730218 872,686 21,128,316 1,817,943
1,169 573,084 51747844 144951243 20,365,602 15949514
1,183 604,063 6,232,093 1,341,290 23,248,314 1,579)87
1,230 642,783 6,937,284 1,483,583 24,926,005 19701878
TyT45 654,038 7,289,359 1,463,959 26,573)55E 2,106,958
1,165 681,691 7,500,835 145383544 28,089,310 2,324,031
1,264 849,615 8,205,073 1,717,050 2952951227 2,658,646
1,288 803,747 8,799,753 1,827,109 29,882,679 2,883,761
1,296 835,200 91297,506 14999,658 3152539757 21966,343
1,291 896,910 9:8175787 24044,498 32,607,253 3,069,268
1,369 9431949 10,383,882 2,282,519 36,005,235, 313041843,
14438 1,014,086 11,187,409 25517940 39,089,087 37628, 608
1435 1,056,152 12,067,425 257995545 41,503,196 4,079,281
1,509 1,126,516 12,064,693 31054,262 46,915,905 4548,417
1,682 1,222,821 14,105,781 3:357)121 4915991800 41674803
fists, || oc feketcarentonr WN) edaeenais Ll angels 638,360,711 53)602,596
* No return published in 1869 ; these figures are an estimated amount.
Cooperation.
360
Cooperation.
The following tables from the same report give the details of the present condition:
A SUMMARY FOR ALL THE SECTIONS.
. LIABILITIES. ASSETS.
2
3 :
iO No. of Value of
3° lowed
Name oF Section. | 9 |Members| share Loan | Reserve | Value of | “Land, > De. | Invest
wn | atend of 5 Salable | pig @&| for ti
Capital at/Capital at| Fund at | stock at | Bldgs. & lpreciation| Ments at
‘S 1893. end of end of end of end of |Fixd. Stk. during end of
so 1893. 7893. 1893. e 1893. at end of 1893. 1893.
z 1893.
4 \ & & & & & & 4&
TPish. sis. weisietd ares . 46 2,561 18,066 6,712 600 4)233 25,198 2,138 41483
Midland 251 120,700 958,006 | 139,448 42395 386,233 5731238 19,936 322,002
Northern..... 158 169,525 | 1,836,301 108,615 60,621 590,845 744,875 29,864 806,323
Northwesterr. 496 560,638 | 8,232,279 | 1,649,163 330,705 | 2,782,584 | 4,032,107 191,149 | 4,109,816
Scottish........ 331 213,220 | 1,762,362] 1,376,462 187,389 | 1,090,807 | 1,263,864 54,616 | 1,266,282
Southern. 247 161,765 | 1,256,809 146,609 132,333 742,981 736,981 26,889 340,711
Western... 126 61,178 493,047 30,864 29,513 215,005, 206,039 8,820 | 162,824
Totals......+-..+6+ 1,655 | 1,298,587 | 14,556,960 | 3,457:873 783,556 | 5:813,288 | 7,582,302 332412 | 7,012,447
A SUMMARY FOR ALL THE SECTIONS.
TRADE. PROFITS:
-NAME OF SECTION. Received Trade Total Net | Applied for | Applied for | gupccription
Educational] Charitable
for Goods Charges | Profit Made | “purposes Purposes to
Sold during} during during dariee duce Central
1893. 1893. 1893. 1893. 7893. Board.
Zz £ S Zz & gk &
Trish. ..0%« idles oy MedeRTCeee Lacks 2254437 16,265 4,450 ieaiajazesaiere 5 141 8
Midland... ‘ 2,580,983 209,854 219,054 2,520 1,905 480 10 5
Northern ...... : 557005713 343,969 860,560 24583 2,954 7320 «#5
Northwestern. +} 26,008,737 1,269,611 2,158,079 21,774 22,517 2,212 5 7
Scottish ...... +} 999931635 560,115 1,051,125 4,124 4047 689 18
me : 414851523 ae ang 25233 11794 74 2 3
ssalrgaidta Baalahcieie ws si)
It should be remembered, however, that the
foreign dorm by no means measure the contribu-
tion of foreign conditions to America. Says
Dr. Josiah Strong (Our Country, p. 57):
_‘* The hoodlums and roughs of our cities are,
most of them, American born of foreign parent-
age. Of the 680 discharged convicts who ap-
plied to the Prison Association of New York for
aid during the year ending June 30, 1882, 442
were born in the United States, against 238 for-
‘eign born ; while only 144 reported native par-
entage against 536 who reported foreign parent-
age.
‘The Rhode Island Workhouse and House
of Correction had received, to December BT.
1882, 6202 persons on commitment. Of this
number, 52 per cent. were native born and 76
per cent. were born of foreign parentage. Of
410
Crime.
the 182 prisoners committed to the Massachu-
setts Retormatory for Women in 1880-81, 81 per
cent. were of foreign birth or parentage. While
in 1880 the foreign born were only 13 per cent,
of the. entire population, they furnished 19 per
cent. of the convicts in our penitentiaries, and
43 per cent. of the inmates of workhouses and
houses of correction."’
See, on the other hand, Professor Falkner’s
analyses above, in Sec. II. ,
Mr. W. F. Spaulding, too, in the Forum for
January, 1892, shows that the increase of com.
mitments in Massachusetts is almost wholly for
drunkenness, and that for serious crimes there
has been a decrease.
Of the United States generally there is still
wider room for difference of opinion. The sta-
tistics unquestionably show not only a large ab-
solute growth in the number of prisoners, but a
growth in the proportion tothe population. Yet
it is unquestionably true that the early statistics
were not complete. The only question is as to
how complete are the present statistics.
In England, in opposition to Mr. Morrison,
Mr. E. F. Du Cane, Inspector of Prisons, argues,
in the Mneteenth Century for March, 1893,
that crime is rapidly on the decrease. He holds
that the statistics brought forward to show an
increase of crime are misleading, because they
include offenses that are not really crimes, but
simply show an extension of law. ‘‘ Offenses,"
he says, ‘‘ against the Education Acts could not
be committed before 1870, But they count for
96,601 in 18g0-91.’’ He argues, also, that to add
the number of criminals and the juveniles com-
mitted to industrial reformatories, and then quote
the number as indication of an increase of crime
is like adding the number of cases of small-
pox and the number vaccinated to prevent their
‘having the disease, and using the whole num-
ber to show the spread of the disease. He
argues similarly of the increase of the po-
lice. So, too, one must not look at the number
tried for crime, but at the actual number of
crimes committed. More people
may be tried as the police grow
more competent ; but the question Crime Said
is, How many crimes are com- to be on the
mitted? As to this, he says the Decrease.
average number in local prisons in
1876-77 was 20,361; in 1890-91,
12,663. At the end of 1869 there were 9726 con-
victs in prison. On March 31, 1892, there were
4701. He says these facts cannot be explained
by the shortening of sentences. If there has
been any shortening, it is not enough to account
for so large a decrease. He says that we must
distinguish between what most people mean
by crimes and mere offenses against education,
acts, etc. The judicial statistics define crimes
in five classes :
I. Offenses against the person, including as-
saults.
Il. Offenses against property with violence.
III. Offenses against property without vio-
lence, including stealing, embezzlement, offenses
against the game acts, etc.
IV. Malicious offenses against
stroying fences, fruit, trees, etc.
V. Forgery and offenses against the cur-
rency,
property, de-
Crime..
Of these, Mr. Du Cane gives the following
facts, meaning by the word ‘‘ indictable’ those
not summarily dealt with.
“Indictable offenses in these five classes have fallen
as a whole since 1867-68, when the number was 57,-
812, and the fall has been almost continuous since
1877-78, when the number was 52,397, till in 1890-91 the
number was 35,335. Szmmary offenses in the same
five classes have been falling since 1873-74, when the
number Was 192,440, In 1899-91 the number was 159,-
534:
Of the different classes, he says that indictable of-
fenses in Class I. fluctuated very much before 1884-85,
when they suddenly rose, and stood in 1885-86 at 3626,
since when they have falien somewhat, and stood in
18g0-g1 at 3352. Swzmmary offenses in Class I. have
fallen almost continuously from 100,422 in 1875-76 to
97,857 10 1890-01. re! : .
In Class II. he says it is almost impossible to give
the fluctuations of indictable offenses, tho since 1881-82
the tendency has beento fall. The summary offenses
in this class are too small to be noticed. ~They never
have been over 87, and sometimes have been as low
asi.
In Class III. indictable offenses have fallen almost
continuously from 41,341 in 1877-78 to 25,086 in-x890-9r.
This, he says, is explained by some as fue to the Sum:
mary Jurisdiction Act of 1879, which, he
thinks, only accounts for a diminution
Statistics for of 3000 out of a net fall of 16,000. The
England, *”7”™ary offenses were increased b
& * the diminution in the indictable of-
fenses, for they remained about the
same from 1879 to 1882, when they were
72,434, Since when they have steadily fallen to 62,990 in
1890-91.
tn Class IV. indictable offenses have scarcely chang-
ed, being about 600. Swmmary offenses have fallen
from 25,800 in 1873-74 to 18,675 in 1890-01.
In Class V. offenses have tallen from 2839 in 1856-57
to 446 in 1890-91.
Mr. Du Cane quotes various authorities to sub-
stantiate these indications, a recent report of the
Commissioner of Police of the metropolis say-
ing: .
“The criminal returns for 1800 disclose a most satis-
factory record forthe year. The felonies relating to
property numbered 17,491, or 2053 fewer than in 1889,
tho the figures for 1889 were a marked
improvement on those for the preceding
‘year. ... There were fewer offenses
of this kind committed in the metrop-
_ olis during 1890 than in any year since
1875. But in 1875 the felonies of this class were rel-
atively to the population in the ratio of 4.182 per
tooo, Whereas last year the proportion per 1000 was
only 3.002, or less than half the number considered
normal zo years ago. ... Serious crimes against the
person were also relatively to population fewer than
ever before. It thus appears that there was greater
security for person and property in the metropolis
during aHas than in any previous year included in the
Statistical returns. It should be remembered that in
relation to police work the difficulties of dealing with
crime, as each decade adds a million to the population
of the metropolis, are augmented in a ratio far greater
than that of the arithmetical increase.”
The Chief Constable of Liverpool says :
“Never, since the first publication of returns of
crime in Liverpool (z.e., since 1857), have the statistics
disclosed so small an amount of crime or so largea
success in making criminals amenable to justice as
those for the year ended September 29, 1891.””
London.
Mr. Grosvenor, just before leaving the Home
Office, read to the Statistical Society in 1890 a
paper entitled The Abatement of Crime, in
which he summed up the matter thus :
“ Combined causes have ena ee in secur-
ing the abatement shown to have taken place in nearly
all classes of crime during the last 20 years, while the
great reduction in the number of known thieves and
other aerpee personsat large, as well asin the houses
of bad character which they frequent, and more es-
pecially the extraordinary diminution in the number
of receivers of stolen goods, has made manifest the
4II
Criminal Anthropology.
increasing efficiency of the police. When to this is
added the fact that during the period in question the
population of England and Wales has increased by
nearly 6,500,000, we must admit that the many agencies
enlisted for the purpose of diminishing the number of
criminals have been most successfully applied, and
the result cannot fail to afford the utmost satisfaction
and encouragement to all who are anxious for the im-
eg moral and physical advancement of our na-
ion.
Mr. Du Cane quotes Sir William Harcourt as saying:
“It is better to be an optimist after full inquiry thana
pessimist without.”
References: Professor Mayo-Smith’s Statistics and
Soctology (1895); W. D. Morrison’s Crime and tts
Causes (1891); Dr. Daniel Dorchester’s Problems of
Religious [and Moral] Progress (1895).
CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY is the
science of the study of the criminal. Altho
there were previously, of course, much consid-
eration and some shrewd judgments as to crim-
inals, the science of criminal anthropology may
be said to date from 1876, when Cesare Lom-
broso published his epoch-making work, L’ Vomo
Deleguente. (For a general consideration of
crime, see CRIMINOLOGY ; for the statistics of
crime, see CRIME.)
To understand what the scientific study of a
criminal means, we give in detail important
points noted by Benelli, Tamburini, aud Lom.
broso.
Generalities.--Name, age, country, profession, civil
state.
1. Anthropometrical examination.—Development of
skeleton, stature, development of muscular system,
weight. Color: of skin, hair, iris, uniformly colored,
double coloration, peripheral and central, non-uniform-
ly colored, color predominant, color not predominant,
beard. Piliferous system. Eatopittes raniometry :
face, height, bizygomatic diameter, facial type, facial
index ; nose ‘ee le, dimensions, direction, anomalies ;
teeth: form, dimensions, anomalies; ey. ; neck; tho-
rax; lungs; heart; genital organs ; disfigurements.
2. Examination of senstbility.—Touch; electric cur-
rent, left hand, right hand, tongue; zsthesiometer of
Weber: right hand, left hand, tongue. Pain: algome-
ter of Lombroso: left and right hands, tongue. Sensi-
bility: muscular, topographic, thermic, meteorologi-
cal, magnetic, metallic, hypnotic, hypnotic credulity,
visual, acoustic, olfactive, gustative, chromatic, sensual
(generative) ; first sensual relations,aberrations ; anom-
alies.
3. Examination of motility.—Voluntary movements:
gait, speech, language, writing, reflexes; muscular
force ; dvnamometry ; manual! skill; anomalies.
4. Examination of vegetative functions.—Circulation,
respiration, thermogeny; digestion; secretions: sali-
va, urine, sweat.
5. Psychical examination.—Perception (illusions) ;
ideation (hallucinations); reasoning ; will (impulsion) ;
memory; intelligence: works, writings; slang; con-
science; sentiments: affective, moral, religious; pas-
sions; instincts; sleep; moral sense; habitual ex-
pression of physiognomy ; psychometry ; anomalies.
6. Anamnestic examinations.—Family, parents ; state
of family; daughters ; sons; age of parents, history,
diseases, crimes of parents. Precedents; education,
instruction, intellectual and political development,
diseases ; traumatic accidents, crimes, habitual] charac-
ter. occupation preferred. Latest information: last
crimes, cause of crime, repentance, admissions, ner-
vous diseases and mental anomalies (intercurrent) ;
inquiries. :
In regard to these various points, however,
criminologists are by no means agreed as to
their being a criminal type. In his Crzme and
zts Causes (chap. vii.) Mr. W. D. Morrison
brings out the variety of conclusions. He says
(we abridge his words), as to height : ‘‘ Lombroso
says that Italian criminals are above the average
height ; Knecht says German criminals do not
differ in this respect from other meh ; Marro
says the stature of criminals is variable ; Thom-
Criminal Anthropology.
son and Wilson say that criminals are inferior
in point of stature to the average man. What-
ever may be the case on the Conti-
nent, there can be little doubt that
Physiology. as far as the United Kingdom is
concerned, the height of the crimi-
nal class is lower than that of the
ordinary citizen. In Scotland the average
height of the ordinary population is 67.30
inches ; the average height of the criminal popu-
lation, as given by Dr. Bruce Thomson, is
66.95 inches. According to Dr. Beddoe, the
average height of the London artisan popula-
tion is 66.72 inches; the average height of
the London criminal 64.70 inches; the aver-
age height of Liverpool criminals, according to
Danson, is 66.39 inches.
‘‘ As to weight, Lombroso and Marro assert
that Italian criminals weigh more than average
citizens. On the other hand, the weight of Lon-
don criminals is almost the same as that of Lon-
don artisans, but inferior to the weight of the arti-
san population in the large English towns taken
asawhole. The average weight of London crim-
inals is 136 lbs.; average weight of London
artisans, 137 lbs. ; average weight of artisans
in large towns generally, 138 lbs. The London
criminal is considerably inferior in weight to the
well-to-do classes, as will be seen from Mr. Gal-
ton’s Health Exhibition statistics. Average
weight, Health Exhibition, 143 lbs. ; average
weight, most favored class (Roberts), 152 lbs.
Respecting the skulls of criminals, the inquiries
of continental investigators have so far led to
very conflicting results. It is a contention of
Lombroso’s that the skulls of criminals exhibit
a larger proportion of asymmetrical peculiarities
than the skulls of other men. On this point
Lombroso is supported by Manouvrier. But
Topinard, an anthropologist of great eminence, |
is of an opposite opinion. He carefully exam-
ined the same series of skulls as had been ex-
amined by Manouvrier—the skulls of murderers
—and he discovered no marked difference be-
tween these and other skulls. At present we
must wait for further light before anything can
be said with certainty with respect to the crim-
inal skull.
‘* Just as little is known at present about the
brain of criminals as about the skull. Some
years ago Professor Benedict startled the world
by stating that he had discovered the seat of
crime in the convolutions of the brain. He
found a certain number of anomaliesin the con-
volutions of the frontal lobes, and he came to
the conclusion that crime was connected with
the existence of these anomalies. But he had
omitted to examine the frontal convolutions of
honest people. When this was done by other
investigators, it was found that the brain con-
volutions of normal men presented just asmany
anomalies, some investigators (Dr. Giacomini)
said even more than the brains of criminals.
According to Dr. Bardeleben, there is no such
thing as a normal type of brain. Weight of
brain is a much simpler question than brain
type, but so far it is impossible to say whether
the criminal brain is heavier or lighter than the
ordinary brain. The solution of this compara-
tively simple point is beset by a certai
of obstacles, prego
412
Criminal Anthropology.
“‘An examination of the criminal face has so:
far led to no definite and assured results. In
the imagination of artists the criminal is almost.
always credited with aretreating forehead. As.
a matter of fact, representatives of the anthro-
pological school assure us that this is not the
case. After comparing the foreheads of 539:
delinquents with the foreheads of too ordinary
men, he found that criminals had a smaller per-
centage of retreating foreheads than the aver-
age man. He also found that projecting eye-
brows, another trait which is supposed to be a
criminal peculiarity, were almost as common
among ordinary people as among offenders
against the law. Projecting ears is another
peculiarity which is often associated with the
idea of acriminal. But Dr. Lannois states that
after a careful examination of the ears of 43
young offenders, he found them as free fron,
anomalies as the ears of other people.
‘Careful inquiries have been undertaken by
criminal anthropologists into the color of the
hair, the length of the arms, the color of the
skin, tattooing, sensitiveness to pain among the
criminal population ; but these laborious inves-
tigations have so far led to few solid _conclu-
sions. According to Lombroso, insensibility to
pain is a marked characteristic of criminals, but
M. Joly denies this. In this connection it
must be borne in mind that a prolonged period
of imprisonment will change the face of any
man, whether he is acriminal or not. If a man
spends a certain number of years sharing the
life, the food, the occupations of five or six hun-
dred other men, if he mixes with them and with
no one else, he will inevitably come to resemble
them in face and feature. A remarkable illus-
tration of this fact has recently been brought to
light by the Photographic Society of Geneva.
‘From photographs of 78 old couples, and of
as many adult brothers and sisters, it was found
that 24 of the former resembled each other much
more strongly than as many of the latter who
were thought most like one another.’ It would,
therefore, seem that the action of unconscious
imitation, arising from constant contact, is
capable of producing a remarkable change in
the features, the acquired expression frequently
tending to obliterate inherited family resem-
blances. According to Piderit, physiognomy is
to be considered as a mimetic expression which
has become habitual. The criminal type of
face, so conspicuous in old offenders, is in many
cases merely a prison type.
“Summing up our inquiries respecting the
criminal type, we arrive, in the first place, at the
general conclusion that so far as it hasa real
existence it is not born with a man, but origi-
nates either in the prison, and is then merely a
prison type, or in criminal habits of life, and is
then a truly criminal type. Asamatter of fact,
the two types are in most cases blended togeth-
er, the prison type, with its hard, impassive
rigidity of feature, being superadded to the gait,
gesture, and demeanor of the habitual criminal.
In combination these two types form a profes-
sional type and constitute what Dr. Bruce Thom-
son has called ‘a physique distinctly character-
istic of the criminal class.’ It is not, however,
a type which admits of accurate description,
and its practical utility is impaired by the fact:
Criminal Anthropology.
that certain of its features are sometimes visible
in men who have never been convicted.
‘In regard to psychological characteristics,
deficiencies in memory, imagination, reason, are
three undoubted characteristics of the ordinary
criminal intellect. Of course, there
are very many criminals in which
Psychology. all these qualities are present, and
whose defects lie in another direc-
tion, but taken as a whole the crim-
inal is unquestionably less gifted intellectually
than the rest of the community.
‘Respecting the emotions of criminals, it is
much more difficult to speak, and much more
easy to fall into error. The only thing that can
be said of them for certain is that they do not,
as a rule, possess the same keenness of feeling
as the ordinary man. Some Italian writers
make much of the religiosity of delinquents ;
‘such a sentiment may be common among offend-
ers in Italy ; it iscertainly rare among the same
class in Great Britain. Thecellular system puts
an effective stop to anything like active hostility
to religion ; but itis a mistake to argue from
this that the criminal is addicted to the exercise
of religious sentiments. The family sentiment
is also feebly. developed ; the exceptions to this
rule form a small fraction of the criminal popu-
lation. _
“The will in criminals, when it is not impair-
ed by disease, is, in the main, dominated by a
boundless egoism. He may have a sense of
duty or a fear of punishment, but his immense
egoism demands gratification at any cost.
‘The criminal’s will is, however, usually dis-
eased. In some cases of this description the
will is practically annihilated ; in others it is
under the dominion of momentary caprice ; in
others, again, it has no power of concentration,
or it is the victim of sudden hurricanes of feel-
ing which drive everything before them. Per-
sons afflicted in this way, when not drunkards,
are generally convicted for crimes of violence,
such as assault, manslaughter, murder. They
experience real sentiments of remorse, but
neither remorse nor penitence enables them to
grapple with their evil star. The will is stricken
‘with disease, and the man is dashed hither and
thither, a helpless wreck on the sea of life.
‘‘ There are thus immense differences between
criminals. But it can be shown that criminals,
‘taken as a whole, exhibit a higher proportion of
physical anomalies, and a higher
percentage of physical degeneracy
Degeneracy. than the rest of the community.
With respect to the mental condition
of criminals, it cannot be establish-
ed that it is, on the whole, a condition of insanity,
or even verging on insanity. But it can be
established that the bulk of the criminal classes
are of a humbly developed mental organization.
Whether we call this low state of mental devel-
opment, atavism, or degeneracy is, to a large ex-
tent, a matter of words; the fact of its wide-
‘spread existence among criminals is the impor-
tant point.
“ The results of this inquiry also show that de-
‘generacy among criminals is sometimes inherit-
ed and sometimes acquired. Itis inherited when
the criminal is descended from insane, drunken,
epileptic, scrofulous parents ; it is often acquired
413
Criminal Anthropology.
when the criminal adopts and deliberately per-
sists in a life of crime. The closeness of the
connection between degeneracy and crime is,
to a considerable extent, determined by social
conditions. A degenerate person, who has to
earn his own livelihood, is much more likely to
become a criminal than another degenerate per-
son who has not. Almost all forms of degen-
eracy render a man more or less unsuited for
the common work of life ; itis not easy for such
a man to obtain employment ; in certain forms
of degeneracy it becomes almost impossible. A
person in this unfortunate position often becomes
a criminal, not because he has strong anti-social
instincts, but because he cannot get work.
Physically, he is unfit for work, and he takes to
crime as an alternative.
“‘ Another important result is the close connec-
tion between madness and crimes of blood. We
have seen that almost one third of the cases of
conviction for wilful murder are cases in which
the murderer is found to be insane. And this
does not represent the full proportion of mur-
derers afflicted mentally ; aconsiderable percent-
age of those sentenced to death have this sen-
tence commuted on mental grounds. In Ger-
many, from 26 to 28 percent. of criminals suffer-
ing from mental weakness escape the observa-
tion of the courts on this point, and so else-
where. Theactual percentage of criminals who
suffer from mental disorders is probably much
greater than is generally supposed.”’
So far Mr. Morrison. Mr. H. M. Boies, in his
Prisoners and Paupers (chap. Xii.), says:
“Herr Sichart, director of prisons of Wiirtemburg,
found by inquiry extending over several years, and
including 1714 cases, that ‘over one fourth of the Ger-
man prison population had received a defective organi-
zation from their ancestry, which manifests itself in a
life of crime.’ Dr. Vergilio says that ‘in Italy 32 per
cent. of the criminal population have in-
herited criminal tendencies from their
arents.’ According to Dr. H. Mauds-
ey, ‘the idiot is not an accident, nor the
irreclaimable criminal an unaccountable
causality.’ Ofthes27 convicts received
inthe Eastern Penitentiary of Pennsylvania in 1890, 93
were upon their third or more sentence. Seventeen
of these had been detected, arrested, tried, and con-
victed more thansix times. One of them was to serve
his fourteenth sentence; 68 of these prisoners had
relatives who were then or had been in prison ; and 103
were received upon their second sentence.
“Ina paper on Criminal Anthropology, read before
the National Prison Association in Cincinnati, Dr. H.
D. Wey, physician to the New York State Reforma-
tory, quotes from Dr. J. S. Wright :
“The concurrent and unanimous testimony of those
who are, from their experience and knowledge, most
competent to judge, is: that the great underclass of
criminals have more or less defective organizations,
especially as relates to their nervous system, and more
especially as to their brain ; that they are more or less
deficient in moral sense, showing in this respect the
lack of development or result of decay; the best and
last developed sense, the moral sense, disintegrating
first of all; that they are perversely wicked and in-
domitably inexpedient, committing crimes when do-
ing right would be of more use tothem; that they are
as passionate as the wild beasts of the forest, and as
restless as the ocean that heaves with every gust of
wind; that they are at war with mankind and ever in
commotion with themselves; that they are like the
ship beaten out by the storm—the ship without com-
pass, rudder, or captain; they are formed and fash-
ioned by the hand of an evil genius whose name is bad
heredity, and whose handmaid is ignorance ; and that
they cannot be very much reformed, and that their
reformation ought to have begun in their ancestors.’
“ Dugdale in his study of the ‘Juke’ family traces
1zo0 criminals and paupers impregnated with the
Heredity.
Criminal Anthropology.
vicious blood of one ancestor.in seven generations, who
cost the public over $1,300,000. ae
“Rev. O. McCulloch, of Indianapolis, discovered and
identified 1750 descendants of Ben Ishmael, living in
Kentucky in 1790, who had been criminals and paupers,
among whom z21 were prostitutes. In six generations
5 per cent. of the cases treated in the City Hospital in
earane olis were of the tribe of Ben Ishmael. Court
Pastor Stocker, of Berlin, investigated the history of
834 descendants of two sisters, the eldest of whom died
in 1825. Among these he found 76 who had served 116
years in prison for serious crimes, 164 prostitutes, 106
illegitimate children, 17 pimps, 142 beggars, 64 paupers
in almshouses; estimated to have cost the State more
than $500,000. . 7
“The trustees of the Children’s Homein Washington
County, O., in their eighteenth annual report, state
that 66 per cent. of the inmates of their home from that
county in the preceding two years had beenrelated by
blood or marriage. : :
“Major McClaughry, the eminent penologist who
had charge of the Joliet Prison in Illinois for many
years, and lately resigned the superintendence of the
Huntington Reformatory in Pennsylvania, to accept
the office of Chief of Police in Chicago, says, ‘that
criminal parentage, and association, and neglect of
children by their parents,’ are the great causes of the
increase of criminality in America.
414
‘Criminal Anthropology,
“The best authorities abroad fix the proportion of
the incorrigible at from 25 to 32 per cent. of the con-
victs. In America it is undoubtedly larger, because
we have so long offered an open haven of refuge toall
people, without any application of our proverbial
common sense to penal legislation and management,”
Mr. Arthur MacDonald, in his Crimznology,
adds many important facts, giving more weight
to Professor Lombroso’s conclusion than does
Mr. Morrison. (See above.) He says:
“From 79 children less than 12 years of age confined
in houses of correction, among whom were 40 thieves,
27 vagabonds, 7 homicides, and 3 whose crime is not
stated, Lombroso finds as predominat-
ing anomalies: 30 with deformed ears,
zt with small, retreating foreheads, 19 Asymmetry,
plagiocephalic, 16 with projecting cheek-
bones, 14 with prominent jaws, 7 with
raised frontal sinuses, 6 hydrocephalic, 5 cross-eyed
14 with facial asymmetry, 1o with physiognomy of
cretins, 9 goitrous, and 9 with deformed nose.”
The following table is based upon 3000 cases.
studied by independent investigators, by Lom-
broso, Legge, and Amodei :
TABLE OF ASYMMETRY.
MALES. FEMALES.
Normal. | Criminal. | Criminal. | Normal. Savage. Insane.
Per Cent. | Per Cent. | Per Cent. | Per Cent. | Per Cent. | Per Cent.
Plagycephalic heads... 0... cess ecceeee eee 20.0 42.0 21.0 17-2 sisi 24.0
Cranial sclerosis .. . 180 310 31-0 17.2 Ioo. 50.0
Sutures (‘‘soudées ”’).. 25.0 37.0 26.0 13.3 8.0 28.0
Suture (‘‘ metopique ”’) 9.0 12.0 5.0 10.0 5.1 9.0
“Wormian bones.......... 28.0 59.0 46.0 20.0 wale 68.0
Epactal bone . 5.0 9.0 7 6.8 564 3.8
Fusion of atlas with occipital bone.... 0.8 3.0 3.2 rata sii 2.7
Middle occipital fossa............ oa & 41 16.0 3.2 364 14.0
Hollow of Civini...... 27.0 15.0 8.1 ieee
Receding forehead... ee ee 18.9 36.0 6.8 10.0 ‘
Frontal Appophyses of the temporal bone.. Ls 34 6.6 Kee re
Superciliary ridges and developed sinuses.. 25.0 62.0 29.0 19.0 i r
Anomalies of lower teeth 6.0 2.0 3.2 0.5 "
Large jaws ..........00.ceees 29.0 37.0 25.0 6.5 eieaye ce
Very ee JUS 552 sipe rose gserehoeisyadvonalasanecntee ds 45 10.6 ante nate Too. sae
Traces of the intermaxillary suture 52.0 24.0 3:3 ag 60.0
‘“*Oxycephalic”’ shsston 2.0 75 3-3 oisiang cigtets ee
Double sub-orbitary fossa.. 6.0 18.0 aes pad funk wislste
‘‘Subscaphocepalic”’......... ‘ 6.0 6.0 Bs ecguts aes sb
PYOSnATISM, 294454 + Sad aati ia ware 34-0 34-0 32.0 10.0 100. -
Projecting zygomaticapophyses. 29.0 30.0 7 6.9 wea =
Nasal Glabella much depressed. . 13-0 31-0 Seaidua eae eisinia fe
Platycephalic ............ oe 15.0 22.0 33-0 OE ceive
Asymmetry of the face.. 6.0 25.0 ae ks apcisia es
Asymmetry of the teeth.......... 6.2 1.0 eicteye sew
Projection of the temporal bones... 27.0 43-0 eer essai
Frontal beak of the coronal suture 2.0 9-0 ose
Depression of the coronal glands.. 29.0 50.0 asia a
‘Wormian bone of pterion........ .. 16.0 23.0 3.0 ove 66.0
Anomalies of the occipital fossa . 2.5 10.0 11.5 ; :
Feminality 15.0 6.0 . nes fees 0.5
Virility. oe Dave oe : wg
Projection of the orbital angle of the frontal
DONG iki da seaniuis ae since ba gesenandecaae ee 15.0 46.0 7.0 6.9 100.
Concerning the intelligence of criminals, Dr.
MacDonald says : Deli
“Tn intelligence the criminal is below the average E ‘Ga eae
It must be remembered that the wandering and un- is :
certain life oie ena nil his knocking about in
the wor avor a development o i
: intelligence. The first in Europe s oe 1, Analphabets ee Eeecnle
Intelligence. vesheaie and establish anaverage were 2. Elementary instruction. Be :
e Spaniards. Out of 53,600 about 67 3. Superior instruction... z :
per cent. had a fair inteiligenc
cent. were below the average, and 18 Dee coal were!
depraved mentally ; less than 1 per cent. possessed
Hately any intelligence, and 2& per cent. could not be
io gives the following table as to educa-
“ Here 507 criminals are compared with roo normal
men. Thecriminals are much below the normals in
pee extremes, but not in the elementary instruc-"
“In Austria the lowest per cent. of crime (0.83 too.77
Criminal Anthropology.
per cent.) for 14 years was found to be among those
engaged in scientific work.
“With poets and artists crime is more frequent ;
they are dominated more by passion than those en-
gaged in severe inductions or deductions.
“Criminality is more frequent among the liberal
professions. In Italy 6.1 per cent. of criminals have
superior education ; in France, 6.0 per cent. ; in Austria,
from 3.6 to 3.11 per cent. ; in Bavaria, 4.0 per cent. The
proportion is here relatively greater than in the other
classes of society ; it iseasy for the physician to give
poison, the lawyer to cause perjury to be committed,
and the teacher rape. Illiteracy is extremely common
among prostitutes.
‘““ As compared with the insane ; criminals are much
more lazy; but what they do has more purpose. Edu-
cation tends to diminish monomania, religious and
epidemical insanity, insanity of murder, and it gives
to crime a less violent and less base appearance.”
Concerning the power of contagion upon crim-
inals, Dr. MacDonald says :
“Indirect contagion is as certain as the direct.
Aubry gives several cases in illustration :
“A woman of Geneva, Switzerland, in 288s, killed
her four children, then tried to commit suicide. /In
her autobiography were these words: ‘As a woman
did it, which was in the newspaper.’
“In 1881 a lad of 15 years stole from his patron;
when the money was spent he found achild and stab-
bed it in the abdomen, and as he cut its throat he
said: ‘Ihave often read novels, and in one of them I
found the description of a scene parallel to this which
Ihave executed.”
Concerning criminal hypnotism, see Hyp-
NOTISM.
As a result of the study of the criminal, crimi-
nologists come to the conclusions as to the treat-
ment of criminals stated in the articles Crimi-
noLocy and Penotocy. Dr. MacDonald sum-
marizes them thus :
1. It is detrimental financially, as well as so-
cially and morally, to release prisoners when
there is probability of their re-
turning to crime; for in this case
Summary. the convict is less expensive than
the ex-convict.
2. The determinate sentence per-
mits many prisoners to be released who are
morally certain to return tocrime. The inde-
terminate sentence is the best method of afford-
ing the prisoner an opportunity to reform with-
out exposing society to unnecessary dangers.
3. The ground for the imprisonment of the
criminal is, first of all, because he 2s dangerous
to society. This principle avoids the uncer-
tainty that may rest upon the decision as to the
degree of freedom ; for upon this last principle
some of the most brutal crimes would receive a
light punishment.
4. The publication in the newspapers of crim-
inal details and photographs is a positive evil
to society on account of the law of imitation ;
and, in addition, it makes the criminal proud of
his record, and develops the morbid curiosity
of the people. And it is especially the mentally
and morally weak who are affected.
5. It is admitted by some of the most intelli-
gent criminals, and by prison officers in gen-
eral, that the criminal is a fool ; for he is oppos-
ing himself to the best, the largest, and the
eee portion of society, and is almost sure
to fail.
He adds: ‘‘If, as Lombroso thinks, crime is
a return to the primitive and barbarous state of
our ancestors, the criminal being a savage born
into modern civilization, then for such there is
415
Criminology.
little hope of reformation. But these are crim-
inals by nature and constitute a very small pro-
portion, less than one tenth. The French school
of criminology has shown that the
greater part of crime arises out of
social conditions, and hence is
amenable to reformation, by the
changing of these conditions.
Buechner says that defect of intelligence, pov-
erty, and want of education are the three great
factors in crime. Major McClaughry, of wide
prison experience, and chief of the Chicago po-
lice, considers criminal parentage and associa-
tions, and neglect of children by their parents,
as first among the causes of the criminal class.
D’Olivererona, author of a French work on
habitual criminality, asserts that three fourths
of those who enter prison have been conducted
to crime from the results of a neglected educa-
tion.
‘* Now, education, in the narrow sense of mere
intellectual instruction, is not sufficient to reform
children who spend one fourth of the day in
school, and three fourths on the street or with
criminal, drunken, or idle parents. But are
there not reform schools? Yes; but no provi-
sion has been made for the little children.
‘One of the principal facts brought out at
the late National Prison Congress at Baltimore
was that all prisons should be reformatories.
All men, no matter how old in crime, can at
least be improved and benefited ; that is to
say, the best prisons of the future will be 7e-
formatory prisons, and the main means of re-
form will be the inculcation of good mental,
moral, physical, and industrial habits—in other
words, education.”’
Says Mr. Boies: ‘‘ Permanent seclusion for the
natural and incorrigible criminal, and indeter-
minate sentence to a reform schvol or reforma-
tory for first and second convictions, except for
the most heinous crimes, and special, perma-
nent wardens for all jails, with complete reform
of management, are the three vitally essential
requirements of modern penology in America.”
Results.
References: Arthur MacDonald's Crzminology (1892)
and The Abnormal Man (1893); Havelock Ellis’s 7he
Criminal (1892); H. M. Boies’s Prisoners and Paupers
(1893); W._D. Morrison’s Crime and its Causes (1891).
(See also CRIMINOLOGY.)
CRIMINOLOGY is the science which treats
of the nature, causes, growth, and prevention
of crime, together with the nature, punishment,
and reformation of the criminal. Criminal an-
thropology is that portion of criminology which
treats of the nature of the criminal, and penol-
ogy that portion which treats of his punishment
and reformation. We shall, therefore, treat
these subjects under their respective heads.
(See CriminaL ANTHROPOLOGY and PENoLOGY.)
The statistics and character of crime we study
underCrime. In this article we consider, I. The
Development of the Science of Criminology ;
II. The Causes of Crime ; III. The Prevention
of Crime.
I. Tue Science.
Criminology is a comparatively new science.
Penology in a way has been studied as long as
human punishments have been inflicted, and
Criminology.
from the classic times there has been more or
less thought and written as to the nature of
crime ;, yet only recently has crime been studied
ina scientific manner, with deduction and induc-
tion from carefully observed facts, The father
of modern criminology is Professor Cesare Lom-
broso, of Turin, whose epoch-making work,
L'uomo delinguente, appearing in 1876, may
be said to have almost created the science.
Since then the study of the science has been
general, yet Italy still leads. Says Dr. Arthur
MacDonald, in his Aénormal Man, published
in 1893 by the United States Bureau of Educa-
tion :
“In 1885 the first international congress [for the con-
sideration of pee was held at Rome. The
second congress met at Paris. At first the scientific
study of criminology was looked upon with suspicion.
At present interest in the subject is greatly increasing.
Like every new science, it is in its polemical stage.
‘The Italians are the innovators.. The criminologists
are divided into two parties: one emphasizes the pa-
‘thological or atavistic causes; the other, the psycho-
logical and sociological. The latter are subdivided
into socialists, who would account for everything by
the inequality of economic conditions,and those who
take into consideration all social phenomena.,
“Criminology proper may be divided into general,
‘special, and practical. General criminology consists
in a summary and synthesis of all the facts known.
Speciak criminology concerns the investigation of
individual cases, Bayereal'y, psychically, and histori-
cally considered. ere, perhaps, is the most promis-
ing field for the advancement of criminology as a
science. The practical side, which includes all meth-
-ods and institutions for the prevention or repression
-of crime, is the most familiar to the public.
“The subdivisions of criminal anthropology or crim-
inology and its relations to other sciences might be in-
-dicated as follows: :
“Criminal embryology considers the analogies of
crime in the vegetable and animal kingdoms. The
-anatomy of criminology includes more especially the
craniology, cerebrology, histology, an-
thropometry and physiognomy of the
Subdivisions, criminal. In criminal fsychology one
would study the entire psychical life:
intelligence, sentiments, sensibility,
ethics, esthetics, and religion. Criminal soczology
-comprehends the association of criminals; their rela-
‘tion to the State; economically, and in connection
with poverty and misery. Criminal jurisprudence
‘takes into consideration_all criminal laws and their
underlying principles. Pexology treats of the princi-
ples, degrees, and methods of punishment.
criminology has for its object the arrangement, classi-
fication, and summary of all criminal data, and their
interpretation. Criminal hygxology concerns those
hypnotic and partially hypnotic conditions in which
crime is committed, especially in the case of hysteri-
calindividuals. Criminal ep/demzology considers those
conditions where, through imitation or by a sort of
contagion, crime suddenly develops. Criminal ¢era-
tology treats of pathological sexuality, onanism, ped-
erasty, Sodomy, masochism and sadism, and saphism.
Criminal prophzlaxy considers the methods of preven-
tion through alterations of social condition, physical,
intellectual, moral, and religious education ; by means
of prisons, transportation, and deportation. The fhz-
tosophy of criminology takes up the more disputed
questions and theories, as atavism, infantilism (natu-
ral depravity of children), degeneracy, the interpreta-
tion of psychical and physical characteristics, and
-erimino-psychiatrical cases. We may add that the
whole study of pathological humanity may do for hu-
manity what pathology has done for medicine.”
Prominent among criminologists are, besides
Lombroso, the Italians, Beccaria, Ferri, Garo-
folo, Rossi, Tenchini ; the Germans, Benedikt
von Holder, Holtzendorf; the French, Drs,
Aubry, Berillon, Bernheim, Corre, Joly, Lau-
rent, Magnan, Tarde ; the English and Ameri-
cans, Brockway, Ellis, Falkner, MacDonald,
Morrison, Rylands, E. C. and F. H. Wines.
‘To show the present development of the sci-
ence, we quote the following report of the In-
416
Statistical
Criminology.
ternational Congress for Criminal Anthropology
in Brussels in tae, as written by Dr. MacDon.
ald in his Abnormal Man. He says:
« Dimitri Drill, publicist at Moscow, in his report as
to the fundamental principles of criminal anthropolog:
orcriminology, traced the origin of the school to Gal
its grandfather, and to *‘Lombroso,, the father and
founder.’ In speaking of the Italian school, he acknowl.
edged the great merits of Lombroso, but could not fol-
low him in all his opinions. His résumé of the princi-
ples and tendencies of the school of criminal anthro-
pology is as follows : > :
“7, Criminology renounces entirely the law of retali-
ation as end, principal, or basis of all judicial punish-
ment. The basis and purpose of punishment is the
necessity of protecting society against the sad conse-
quences of crime, either by moral reclamation of the
criminal or by his separation from society ; punish-
ment is not to satisfy vengeance.
“2, Incriminology it is not sufficient to study the
fact of crime ; the criminal himself must be considered;
it becomes necessary to define the causes which pro-
duce crime, to study the sphere of action
of the criminal as well as measures for
the safety of society against his acts.
Criminology does not study the crimi-
nal in the abstract and speculate over
his guilt or responsibility ; but it an-
alyzes him according to results pay
scientific, and with the aid of exact methods which
apply equally to the investigation of other phenom-
ena.
“3. In crime the results of two factors are seen re-
ciprocally reacting : first, the individual peculiarities
from the nature of the criminal or his psycho-physical
organization, then the peculiarities of external influ-
ences, as climate, nature of country, and social sur-
roundings. .
“4, Relying upon exact results, criminology reveals
the criminal as an organization more or_ less unfor-
tunate, vicious, impoverished, ill-balanced, defective,
and so not adapted to struggle with surrounding con-
ditions, and consequently incapable of maintaining
this struggle in legally established ways. This defect
of adaptation for the majority is not absolute, but
varies with the conditions. :
“5, The causes of crime fall into three categories:
(a) immediate, which arise from the character of the
criminal; (4) more remote, which are hidden in his un-
favorable surroundings, under the influence of which
organic peculiarities are developed into more or less
constant criminal agents; (c) predisposing causes,
which push these ill-proportioned and viciously devel-
oped organizations toward crime.
“6. Thus basing crime upon scientific grounds,
criminology has as its purpose a fundamental study of
the actual criminal and his crimes as ordinary Fee
nomena which it must investigate throughout. their
whole extent, from their genesis to their full growth
and final development. Thus the phenomenon of
crime is united with great social questions.
“7, Based upon these principles, criminology logi-
cally recognizes an absence of good sense in repressive
measures determined zz advance as to their duration
and specific character. Criminology, on the contrary,
affirms the necessity of studying individual peculiari-
ties, before rendering decisions in advance. The term
of punishment should endure so long asthe causes exist
which necessitate it; it should cease as soon as the
causes do.
“Manouvrier, who is professor in the anthropo-
logical school at Paris, ead the well-known opponent
of Lombroso’s criminal type, in his paper on the com-
atative study of criminals and normal men, did not
nd any real distinctive differences except in sur-
rounding conditions, which modify the associations or
combinations of habitudes and correlatively the
anatomical confirmation.
Dr. Lacassagne, professor at Lyons, in discussing
the primordial sentiments of criminals, distinguished
three classes: The frontals (intellectual), the parietals
or impulsive class, and the occipitals or the emotional
class ; the brain is an agglomeration of instincts which
at a given moment can have a special function, and it
is the preponderance of one of these instincts which can
control the whole situation ; this explains the want of
teflection and of prudence in criminals: cerebral
equilibrium, on the contrary, indicates virtue. The
occipital instincts are in close relations with the vis-
cera, and so with nutrition ; hence the importance of
fe aS social sectors: aoe andleates that in the future
y be necessary to found th iminali
upon cerebral function. the theory of criminality
Various
Views.
Criminology.
“ One of the most important papers in the Congress
was that on ‘Morbid Criminal Possession’ by Dr.
Magnan, physician and superintendent of the Ste.
Anne Insane Asylum at Paris. Such a
morbid possession consists generally of
Morbid 22 idea isolated and independent of the
‘ ordinary course of thought ; it isa mode
Possession. of activity in the brain, in which a word
or image imposes itself upon the mind,
apart from the volition ; in the normal
state this idea or possession gives no special uneasiness,
but in abnormal personsit can producea painful agony
and become irresistible. Inthe normal state the pos-
session is transitory and generally easy to repress, and
does not involve the other intellectual operations.
But in an abnormal or diseased subject the individual
can be irresistibly pushed to acts which he consciously
disapproves of. Owing to a want of knowledge of
such states, judicial and medical errors have not been
infrequent. Thus a person pushed by the possession
of the irresistible idea to murder (generally a cher-
ished friend), altho horrified by the thought, commits
the act. One of Magnan’s patients, when having a
premonitionof the impulsion coming on, would shut
herself up in aroom untilrelieved. . . .
““ According to Dr, Ladame, professor at Geneva, an
individual possessed with the idea of murder belongs
tothe group of hereditary mental degenerates; such
individuals are rare. Ifit be admitted that this mor-
bid possession is frequent, on the other hand it rarely
pushes to homicide, but is turned toward the indi-
vidual himself, resulting in suicide. Dr. Ladame
maintains that heredity is the main predisposing cause,
but an occasional cause is also necessary, and this is
principally in the publication of details in great crimes.
An acquired predisposition is due to alcoholism. It is
necessary to distinguish between insane murderers
and those pushed to murder by morbid possessions.
The latter belong tothe large category of those affected
by hereditary insanity, as dipsomania, kleptomania,
ete. The possession of the idea of murder is spo-
radic, but is more frequently found under the form
of a moral epeoro resulting from the widespread
knowledge of great crimes and from capital execu-
tions.
“No question stirred up more discussion than crim-
inal suggestion. While distinguished men were
frankly agnostic as to conclusions of their colleagues,
yet it may be said that those who have made the most
experiments on both normal and abnormal subjects
are convinced that criminal suggestion and hypnotism
can be produced experimentally, and actually ‘to occur
in society.
“Dr. Voisin, physician at La Salpétriére, who is es-
pecially qualified to speak in regard to hypnotism, es-
pecially as to its therapeutical value, maintained that
criminal suggestability in the waking or hypnotic
state is intimately connected with debility or mental
degeneracy of the individualto whom the suggestion
is given. There isa small number capable of commit-
ting criminal acts upon the example of degenerated
impulsive individuals. The penal responsibility of an
individual having committed a crime under the influ-
ence of hypnotic suggestion should be declared null,
conforming to the French penal code (article 64), which
says: ‘ There is neither crime nor misdemeanor, if the
accused was in a state of dementia at the time of the
act, orif he has been constrained by a force which he
could not resist.’ As to its therapeutical value, hypno-
tism in the hands of a physician can give admirable
results, It can also save from crime and from the
condemnation of the innocent, as well as from dis-
ease,
“Dr. Bérillon, editor of the Revue del’ Hypnotisme,
asa result of his own investigations and experiments -
in criminal suggestion, believes he is justified in con-
cluding that certain individuals present in the waking
state such a suggestibility that it would be possible to
make them execute automatically and unconsciously,
when under.the influence of verbal suggestion, mis-
demeanors or crimes, If itis shown that the accused
acted under such suggestions, he snould not be held
responsible. On the other hand, authors of criminal
suggestions should be held guilty in the same way as
those who by abuse of authority or power or by
machinations provoke the accomplishment of a crime
or misdemeanor, or simply give instructions to com-
mit it (French penal code, article 60). |
“Neither Professor Benedikt, of Vienna, nor Profes-
sor Mendel, of Berlin, believe in the existence of crime
by suggestion. Dr. Masoin, professor at Louvain,
answered that negations cannot prevail in the pres-
ence of facts. Voisin insisted again on his opinion,
since by hypnotism he had saved from condemnation
417
Criminology.
a woman, to whom acrime had been suggested. Dr.
Houzé, professor of anthropoiogy at Brussels, be-
lieved that hysteria could be cured by hypnotism,.and
that certainly it could be ameliorated; he believed
also in the reality of criminal suggestion.
“Judge Tarde, of Sarlat, in France, well known as
the author of Zhe Laws of {mitation and of Soctal and
Penal Philosophy, gave with his usualanalytical finesse
acurious and paradoxical discourse on the Crimes of
Crowds. Morally and intellectually men in throngs
are less valuable than in detail, that is, social collec-
tivity, especially when it takes the form of a crowd,
is morally inferior to the average individual in the
crowd; thus a nation is not as moral as its normal
‘citizen’ type; the public are not as moral as the in-
dividuals which compose it. The collective spirit,
which we call parliament or congress, is not equal in
rapid or sure power of functioning, or in profoundness
or amplitude of deliberation, to the spirit of the most
mediocre of its members, whence the proverb: Seza-
tores bontvict, senatus autem mala bestia. Even a lib-
eral sect will become intolerant and despotic; a
crowd still more so; in both cases despotism in any
event is much more intolerant and despotic than
among a majority of the members. Why? Because
the contiguity and concentration of opinions are mold-
ed into conviction and faith, which became fanatical ;
that which was a simple desire in the individual be-
comes a passion inthe crowd. The crowd is a retro-
grade social organism; no matter how perfect, it is
passionate, not rational. The more collective a crime
the less it is punished. The best police force cannot
suppress the brutality of the crowd, unless the press
cease to publish that which produces excitation to
crime or misdemeanor. The jury will not punish such
crimes, especially when they have a political color.
Thus the necessity of an exclusive criminal magistra-
ture is shown. The punishment should be, above all,
as anexample. The individual should be punished in
the measure that his impunity is dangerous.
“Dr. Coutagne, medical expert at Lyons, in his paper
on the influence of the profession on criminality, ad-
vocated the increase of penalty where the nature of
the profession aggravates the crime, as in the case of
abortion by physicians. Following the principle of
social necessity, the penalties for the use of injurious
substances in food, defamation of character by journal-
ists, etc., should be increased.
‘““The respective importance of anthropological and
social elements in the determination of penalty was
considered by Dr. Gauckler; he showed that the essen-
tial function of criminal law is to prevent crime by in-
timidation, and that this function is conditioned ex-
clusively by social elements; a secondary function is
to be assured as to the ‘innocuity’ of a first offender,
and also in some degree to repair the prejudice from
which a victim suffers.
“Professor Von Liszt, of the University of Halle, in
considering the applications of criminal anthropology,
said that the most important one is subordination to
criminal sociology. The profound difference between
criminals by nature and by occasion is a result that
can be immediately applied to legisla-
tion. Among the delinquents by nature
are found a large number of degen- Criminal
erated individuals especially marked by Sociolo
heredity. Punition must seek to com- SY:
bat and ameliorate the criminal by de-
generacy ; if the criminal is young, the
most preferable measures are those of education.
Whether the criminal is incurable or not, society must
be protected against him and he must be protected
against himself.
‘* Professor Benedikt submitted the following resolu-
tion, that anthropological and biological studies are in-
dispensable tor the placing of penal legislation upon
solid foundations.
“Professor Van Hamel, of Amsterdam, in his report
on measures applicable to the incorrigible, concluded
that the principal indication of incorrigibility is recid-
ivation ; against recidivists penalty should assume the
character of social defense, on account of the danger ;
there should be indeterminate detention for the in-
corrigible; there should be periodic deliberations as
to such cases. and a large latitude left to competent
authority, which should be judiciary.
“In treating of the same question, Professor Alimena
held to the idea of long and increased imprisonment
proportionate to the number of crimes; and for those
guilty of small misdemeanors, especially with recid-
ivists, an abolition of short terms of punishment, and a
substitution of obligatory labor in special institutions,
in companies for work and in interior colonization.
There should be perpetual relegation or deportation
Criminology.
for criminals who have passed the maximum of re-
cidivation.
“Professor Thiry, of Liége, held to the word incorri-
gible in the relative sense ; for him the basis of incorri-
gibility is the permanent moral influence to which the
individual succumbs; he did not believe in perpetual,
but in indeterminate, detention; there was also no
necessity for judiciary intervention to prolong or in-
terfere with the detention, as administrative responsi-
bility and the supervision already in use were suffi-
cient to prevent arbitrary action. .
“Dr. Maus formulated his conclusions as follows:
The measures to be taken in regard to hardened re-
cidivists should be, first, those that are best known;
to send into the prison asylums those
whose recidivation has a pathological
Recidivists, cause; to increase oe andina
radual manner the duration of the pun-
ishment until it becomes perpetual for
the serious crimes ; finally to render repression more
subjective by applying it with a view to reforma-
tion, according to the state of the criminal and the
nature of the crime. Such a difficult task requires
not only specialists with experience and knowledge of
insanity, but perhaps it cannot be atcomplished with-
out the aid of sincere devotion and sacrifice. Preven-
tion also plays a réle in combatting the social causes of
recidivation, as Ss alcoholism, prostitution,
misery, etc. ; these factors render vain in great part the
efforts of the penitentiary, producing more recidivists
than the penitentiary can correct.
“Professor Prins, of Brussels, who is the general in-
spector of prisons, placed the indeterminate sentence
under two heads: ee pues for misery and for de-
generacy ; but in regard to repression proper, he saw
great practical difficulties for those who are incorrigi-
ble and criminal by passion. As to the liberation of
the incorrigible, relatively speaking, the appreciation
of a judge or administrator is not sufficient guarantee.
The solution of the question of the incorrigible lies in
a progressive aggravation of punishment ; and it is
especially necessary to renounce prison luxury,
‘Dr. Paul Garnier, chief physician of the ‘ Préfecture
de Police’ of Paris, in considering the necessity of a
psycho-moral examination of certain accused persons
as a duty of the court, said, if it is deemed excessive to
ask judicial authorities to organize a medical inspec-
tion for the accused—which does not take the place of
the medico-legal expert, but designates to him the
cases to be sey ae into—it is nevertheless a necessity
in presence of frequent judicial errors. A magistrate
intrusted with so delicate a mission as to decide
whether a medico-legal expert is needed should at
least possess certain indispensable notions ofa scientific
order to make such decision. If the judge orders ex--
perts, he should be able to judge of their utility and to
control the results through special knowledge; but
such Special knowledge necessary for the interpreta-
tion of scientific facts is outside the domain of a mag-
istrate, however brilliant and judicious he may be.”
As to the principles of the science, different
schools would, of course, state them differently.
Dr. MacDonald, in his report, states them thus :
“The relation of criminality to the other forms of
pathological and abnormal humanity is one of degree.
f we represent the highest degree, as crime, by A®,
A$, say, would stand for insane criminality, and A‘ for
alcoholism, perhaps, A® for pauperism, A? for those
weak forms of po eee charity treats more
especially, and A for the idea of wrong in general, par-
ticularly in its lightest forms. Thus, crime is the most
exaggerated form of wrong; but these forms are all
one in essence. A drop of water is as much water as
1S an ocean.
“It is difficult to draw a distinct line between these
different forms of wrong. This will become evident
from the fact that they are dovetailed one into the
other. Thus, when cross-questioning criminals, one
often feels that not only are their minds weak and
wavering, but that they border close on insanity. The
same feeling arises after an examination of confirmed
paupers. Here alcoholism is one of the main causes;
the individual, on account of his intemperate habits,
finds difficulty in , obtaining employment, and this
forced idleness gradually, from repetition, develops
into a confirmed habit. Pauperism may be, in some
cases, hereditary, but it is too often overlooked that
the children of paupers can acquire all such habits from
their parents, and so it can be carried from one gen-
eration to another, without resorting to heredity asa
cause, which is too often a name to cover up our igno-
rance of all the early conditions, The extent to which
418
Criminology,
alcoholism is involved in all forms of humanitarian
pathology is well known; it is often indirectly as well
as directly the cause of leading the nas into crime ;
the intemperate father makes himself a pest in hisown
home; the children remain out all night through fear ;
this habit leads to running away for a longer time.
Altho not thieves, the children are compelled to
steal or to beg, in order to live; and thus many be-
come confirmed criminals or paupers, or both. The
great evil about alcoholism is that it too often injures
those around, who are of much more value than the
alcoholic himself. It makes itself felt indirectly and
directly in our hospitals, insane asylums, orphan asy-
lums, and charitable institutions in general, However
low the trade of the prostitute may be, alcohol is her
greatest physical enemy.
“ As just indicated, some of the lesser degrees of ab-
normal and pathological humanity may be considered
under the head of charitological. These are represent-
ed by the different kinds of benevolent institutions,
such as asylums for the insane and feeble-minded, for
the inebriate ; hospitals, homes for the deaf, dumb, and
blind, for the aged and orphans, etc. ; and institutions
for defectives of whatever nature.
“It is evident, however, that the term charitological
may not only be applied to what is pathological or at.
normal, but also to that which is physiological or nor-
mal. Thus it can refer to institutions of quite a differ-
ent order, but yet none the less charitable in nature,
We refer, of course, to educational institutions, the
majority of which are a gift to the public, and espe-
cially to those who attend them. It is obvious enough
that every student is, in some measure, a charity stu-
dent from the well-known fact that the tuition money
in most cases pays a very small part of the expenses.
“Now, no distinct line can be drawn between penal
and reformatory institutions, and between reform-
atory and educational institutions ; it is, again, a ques-
tion of degree. But, in saying this, it is not meant that
difference in degree is of little consequence. On the
contrary, it is very important to distinguish between
penal, reformatory, and educational for practical rea-
sons, as in the classification of prisoners, not all of
whom are criminals. In a sense, all education should
be reformatory. :
“But, it may be asked, where can a subject end? It
goes without saying that divisions are more or less
arbitrary, if we are seeking reality, for things are to-
gether, and the more we look into the
world the more we find it to be anov-
gene mechanism of absolute relativity.
ost human beings who are abnormal
or defective in any way are much more
alike than unlike normal individuals; 5 ‘
and hence, in the thorough study of any single individ-
ual (microcosmic mechanism), distinct lines are more
for convenience. ‘Thus the difficulties of distinguish-
ing between health and disease, sanity and insanity,
vegetable and animal, arefamiliar. Whatever maybe ~
said from the educational point of view about abnor-
mal cases is generally true, with few modifications, of
the normal. Education and pedagogy are thus to be
included to some extent in a comprehensive charito-
logical system.
“But altho the distinct separation of one wrong from
another is not easy, yet the decision as to the highest
form of wrong may not be so difficult. This form con-
sists, without doubt, in the act of depriving another of
his existence ; no act could be more radical ; the least
that could be said of any one is that he does not exist.
The desire for existence is the deepest instinct in na-
ture; not eae in the lower forms of nature, but an-
thropologically considered, this feeling manifests it-
self in the highest aspirations of races. In mythology,
religion, and theology the great fact is existence here-
after, and in philosophy it has gone so far as preexist-
ence of the soul. Perhaps the deepest experience we
have of non-existence is in the loss of an intimate friend,
when we Say so truly that part of our existence has
ee rom us. It is death which makes existence
“Now, the degrees of wrong may be expressed in a
general way in terms of Canes, that ie fa does
ing another of any of his rights we are taking from him
well oe eet te for existence is qualitative as
. 3 thas i
Er ast life content, Hey 2h RE es evenmthihg Ane
, rhus, in this sense, a man of 4o may have had more
existence than another at 80, where the toeinere life has
Principles.
‘been broader, richer in experience and thought, and
more valuable to others.
““We may say in general that th i
v S gener e existe: *
son is beneficial or injurious in that decree in eee it
is beneficial or injurious to the community or human-
Criminology.
ity. This statement is based upon the truism that the
whole is more than any of its parts.
“The degrees of wrong, therefore, should depend
upon the degree of danger or tn, jury (moral, intellectual,
physical, or financial) which a thought, feeling, will-
ing, or action brings to the communtty.
‘This same principle should be applied to degrees of
exaggerated wrong or crime.
“But it may be said, should not the degree of free-
dom or of personal guilt be the main basis for the
punishment of the criminal? The force of this objec-
tion is evident; historically, the idea of freedom has
been the basis of criminal law ; it has also been sanc-
tioned by the experience of the race; and altho no
claim is made of carrying it into practice without seri-
ous difficulties in the way of strict justice (difficulties
inevitable to any system), yet it has not only been an
invaluable service, but a necessity to humanity. This
is not only true on criminal lines, but this idea has been
the conscious basis of our highest moral ideas.
“But atthe same time it must be admitted that the ex-
aggeration of the idea of freedom has been one of the
main causes of vengeance, which has left its traces in
plood, fire, martyrdom, and dungeon ; and tho at pres-
ent vengeance seldom takes such extreme forms, yet
it is far from extinct. On moral and on biblical
grounds, as far as human beings are concerned, ven-
geance can find little support ; an example of its im-
practicability is the fact that some of the best prison
wardens never punish a man until some time after the
offense, so that there may be no feeling on the part of
either that it is an expression of vengeance. The of-
fender is generally reasoned with kindly, but firmly,
and told that he must be punished, otherwise the good
discipline of the prison could not be maintained, which
means that he is punished for the good of others. With
few exceptions, a revengeful tone of manner toward
the prisoner (the same is true outside of prison) always
does harm, for it stirs up similar feelings in the pris-
oner, which are often the cause of his bad behavior and
crime, and need no development. Kindness with firm-
ness is the desirable combination. Vengeance pro-
duces vengeance.
“But, taking the deterministic view of the world, the
highest morality is possible. One proof is that some
fatalists are rigidly moral. A psychological analysis
will show that persons who are loved and esteemed are
those whose very nature is to do good—that is, they
would not and could not see a fellow-being suffer ;
that is, from the necessity of their nature, they were
from infancy of a kind disposition. We admire the
sturdy nature who, by long struggle, has reached the
moral goal; but we cannot love him always. He is
not always of a kind disposition ; this is nota necessity
of his nature. As the expression goes, ‘There are
very good people with whom the Lord Himself could
not live.’ :
“Is it not the spontaneity of a kind act that gives it
its beauty, where there is no calculating, no reasoning,
no weighing in the balance, no choice? The grace of
morality is in its naturalness. But go still further.
Do we like a good apple more and a bad apple less be-
cause they are necessarily good or bad? And if wead-
mitted that every thought, feeling, willing, and acting
of men were as necessary as the law of gravity, would
we like honest men less and liars more? True, we
might at first modify our estimation of some men, but
it would be in the direction of better feeling toward
all men.
“But, whatever one’s personal convictions may be,
questions of the freedom of the will and the like must
be set aside, not because they are not important, but
simply because enough is not known re-
garding the exact conditions (psycho-
logical and physiological) under which
we actand think. If we were obliged to
withhold action in the case of any crim-
inal for the reason that we did not
know whether the will is free or not
(allowing for all misconceptions asto this
whole question), the community would be wholly un-
protected. Ifa tiger were loose in the streets, the first
question would not be whether he was guilty or not.
We should imprison the criminal, first of all, because
he vs Ceug rene to the communtty. .
“But ifit be asked, how there can be responsibility
without freedom? the answer is that there is at least
the feeling of responsibility in cases where there is
little or no freedom ; that is, there is sometimes no
Proportion between the feeling of responsibility
and the amount of responsibility afterward shown.
The main difficulty, however, is that in our present
state of knowledge it is impossible to know whether
this very feeling of responsibility or of freedom is not
Reason for
Imprison-
ment,
419
Criminology.
itself necessarily caused either psychologically or
physiologically or both. If we admit that we are
compelled to believe we are free (as some indeter-
minists seem to claim), we deny freedom in this very
statement. Another obvious and practical ground for
' our ignorance as to this point is the fact that,.altho
for generations the best and greatest minds have not
failed to give it their attention, yet up to the present
time the question remains sub judice. If we carried
out practically the theory of freedom, we should have
to punish some of the greatest criminals the least,
since, from their coarse organization and lack of moral
sense, their responsibility would be very small.
“There is no objection to speaking of freedom in the
sense that a man as an individual may be free in re-
gard to his surroundings and can influence those
around him, asis the case in strong characters which
can be independent of their outward environment, and
so act freely. But to say that within the man himself,
within his character or personality (body and mind),
there is freedom, is going entirely beyond our knowl-
edge, for there is little or nothing demonstrated con-
cerning the workings or relations of brain and mind.
“Dr. Paul Carus well expresses a similar idea when
he says: ‘A free man, let us say an artist, full of an
idea, executes his work without any compulsion ; he
works of his own free will. His actions are deter-
mined by a motive of his own, not by foreign pressure.
Therefore, we call him free.’
“A scientific ethics must regard the question of
freedom as an unsettled problem. Any ethics would
be unethical in taking as one of its bases so debatable
a question.
“Our general, sociological, ethical principle (as
above stated) is ¢hat the tdea of wrong depends upon
the moral, intellectual, physical, and financial danger
or injury which a thought, feeling, willing, or acting
brings to humanity.
“But, accepting this principle, the important ques-
tion is, just what are these thoughts, feelings, willings,
and actions, and by what method are they to be de-
termined? The first part of this question, on account
of the narrow and limited knowledge at present in
those lines, can be answered only very imperfectly, if
at all. Asto the method, that of science seems to us
the only one that can eventually be satisfactory. By
the application of the scientific method is meant that
all facts, especially psychological (sociological, his-
torical, etc.), physiological, and pemnologicn): must
form the basis of investigation. sychological facts
that can be scientifically determined, as affecting hu-
manity, beneficially or not, are comparatively few in
number. Physiologically, more facts can be deter-
mined as totheireffecton humanity. But it is preemi-
nently in the field of pathology that definite scientific
results can be acquired. Astothe difficulty of inves-
tigating psycho-ethical effects, it may be said physio-
logical psychology and psycho-physics have not as yet
furnished a sufficient number oF scientific facts.
‘By the scientific application of chemistry, clinical
and experimental medicine, with vivisection, to physi-
ology, many truths of ethical importance to humanity
are made known. But there is much here to be de-
sired ; for example, what is said about questions of
diet and ways of living in general is scientifically far
from satisfactory. The development of pathology in
medicine has been without precedent. Its direct eth-
ical value to humanity is already very great ; but the
outlook into the future is still greater. It is only nec-
essary to mention the discovery of the cholera and
tuberculosis germs (a condztio stne gua non of their
prevention). Immunity in the case of the latter would
be one of the greatest benefactions yet known to the
tace. Medicine can be said to be the study of the fu-
ture, especially in the scientific and prophylactic
sense. It is to experimental medicine that scientific
ethics will look for many of its basal facts.
_ “In emphasizing the scientific method as the most
important it is not intended to exclude others. The
a priort method has been of inestimable value to philos-
ophy, ethics, and theology, and to science itself in the
forming of hypotheses and theories, which are often
necessary anticipations of truth, to be verified after-
ward. The 4 prierg method isrelated tothea sostertorr
method as the sails to the ballast of the boat: the
more philosophy, the better, provided there are a suf-
ficent number of facts; otherwise there is danger of
upsetting the craft.
‘The present office of ethics is, as far as the facts
will allow, to suggest methods of conduct to follow
and ideals to hold that will bring humanity into a more
moral, physiological, and normal state, enabling each
individual to live more in harmony with nature’slaws.
Such an applied ethics must study especially the
Criminology.
phenomena manifested in the different forms of patho-
logical humanity and draw its conclusions from the
facts just gathered.
“But there are many scientists who look with sus-
picion upon the introduction of philosophical thought
and methods into their field, We may call them pure
scientists ; that is to say, those who believe that the
term scientific truth should be applied
only to that form of truth which can be
Responsibil- directly verified by facts accessible to
ity vall. Yet from this point of view the ar-
Y rangement, classification, formation of
hypotheses and theories, or philosophi-
ay cal conclusions are not necessarily ille-
gitimate, rove’ those processes are clearly distin-
guished from each other and rigidly separated from
the facts. Perhaps the study which, more than all
others, will contribute toward a scientific ethics is
criminology, the subject-matter of which touches the
popular mind very closely, owing, in a great measure,
to the influence of the press; and tho this has its
dangers, yet it is the duty of this, as of every science,
to make its principles and conclusions as clear as pos-
sible to the public, since in the end such questions
vitally concern them. ;
“Crime can be said, in a certain sense, to be nature’s
experiment on humanity. If anerve of a normal or-
ganism is cut, the organs in which irregularities are
produced are those which the nerve controls. Jn this
way the office of a nerve in the normal state May be
discovered. The criminal is, so to speak, the severed
nerve of society, and the study of him is a practical
way (tho indirect) of studying normal men. And
since the criminal is seven eighthslike other men, such
astudy is, in addition, a direct inquiry into normal
humanity.
_ ©The relation also of criminology to societ
sociological questions is already intimate, and may in
the future become closer. Just what crime is at pres-
ent depends more upon time, location, race, country,
nationality, and even the State in which one resides.
But notwithstanding the extreme relativity of the
idea of crime, there are some things in our present so-
cial life that are questionable. A young girl of inde-
pendence, but near poverty, tries to earn her own liv-
ing at $3 a week, and if, having natural desires for a
few comforts and some taste for her persorial appear-
ance, she finally, through pressure, oversteps the
bound, society, which permits this condition of things,
immediately ostracizes her. It borders on criminality
that a widow works 15 hours a day in a room in
which she lives, making-trousers at ro cents a pair, out
of which she and her family must live, until the
gradually run down toward death from want of suf-
ficient nutrition, fresh air, and any comfort. It is
criminally questionable to leave stoves in cars, so that
if the passes a is not seriously injured, but only
wedged in, he will have the additional chances of
burning to death. It has been a general truth, and in
some cases is still, that so many persons must perish
by fire before private individuals will furnish fire es-
capes to protect their own patrons. It is a fact that
over sooo persons are killed yearly inthe United States
at railroad grade crossings, most of whose lives could
have been spared had either the road or the railroad
passed either one over the other. But it is said that
such improvements would involve an enormous ex-
pense; that is practically to admit that the extra
money required is of more consequence than the 5000
human lives. And yet, strange as it may seem, if a
brutal murderer is to lose his life, and there is the
PERCENTAGE OF URBAN POPULATION
and to
420
Criminology.
least doubt as to his:premeditation, a large part of the
community is often aroused into moral excitement, if
not indignation, while the innocently murdered rail.
road passenger excites little more than a murmur,
“There is, perhaps, no subject upon which the pub-
lic conscience is more tender than the treatment of the
criminal. . ah
“Psychologically, the explanation is simple, for the
ublic have been educated gradually to feel the mis-
ortune and sufferings of the criminal; it is also easier
to-realize, since the thought is confined generally to
one personality at a time.’
II. Causes oF CRIME.
Writers, of course, vary very considerably in
their opinions as to the causes of crime.
At the Birmingham meeting of the (English)
National Association for the Promotion of Social
Science, held in 1868, the Rev. H. S. Elliot
gave the following table as to the causes of
crime, which he had compiled out of personal
observation :
Bad company ......cscccceeeeeee © cenceen even ees sees 351
Drink siscacere + 205
Poverty... 52
Opportunity. ..... 77
ant of principle... 67
Temperf........ - 96
Immorality... 39
‘Wantonness ..
Incapacity......- + oIr
Other CAUSES so 2c hoe cries oe cease eine tbe swie se aee neds 102
OLA iisis seciacsyorsisinrcinieds Hea e Re waqRQeRGNaiin ee stoneay oe + 1,000
Mr. L. G. Rylands says, in his Crzme and
zts Causes, from which we quote the above
table (p. 46):
“To sum up, the active causes of all kinds
are these: Defective training, or total absence
of any; immoral associates and bad example
in prison as well as out of it; drink, idleness,
and the hereditary transmission of evil tenden-
cies. These causes, however, frequently over-
lap, and one is often found to be the effect of
another ; the only perfectly simple and abso-
lutely final division is into two mains heads:
Heredity and Environment.”’
Considering the separate items here men-
tioned, various writers have emphasized vari-
ous causes. In his Przsoners and Paupers,
Mr. H. M. Boies, member of the Pennsylvania
Board of Public Charities, emphasizes the causes
of evil surroundings and intemperance. He
says that intemperance causes more than 75 per
cent. of the crimes committed, while our cities
furnish 90 per cent. of our criminals, and in sup-
port of which statement he presents the follow-
ing table : :
AND CRIMINALS IN CERTAIN STATES.*
Percentage of
Number Urban Popu- | One Criminal Total
of Cities. lation to to Every Criminals.
Total.
The United States... .
ni ate Panes pda Ye SRR AEG Sistie 345 27.6
Vermont pagent ; ze 6 —o : ° ga
Pomnayivania.. ‘ 207 rears 331
Vv va : :
stay it a ae i ae
. : i
eee 4 : cea ao oo
ew Yor ae ; : a
Massachusetts..,...... z ae se ee
District of Columbiavessan. « osicvaiais’s aneniroaie da eeugins $ I 100. a ae
. 40. 379
* Collated from the Bulletin of the Eleventh
Census.
Criminology.
He shows the same by the following as to
Pennsylvania :
“The county of Allegheny, where are the cities of
Pittsburg and Allegheny, with a joint population of
3431440 Out Of 551,959 in the county, largely made up by
421
Criminology.
mining and manufacturing towns, supplies 2023 of the
criminal population uf the same date, or one in 272.7 of
its population. This is nearly three times the average
of the State. Philadelphia furnishes about seven and
a half times, and Allegheny nearly nine times as many
criminals as the average of the rural counties.
‘A similar condition exists in regard to pauperism.”
COMPARATIVE STATISTICS OF PAUPERISM BY RURAL AND URBAN COUNTIES AND THE
STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA.*
.
State of County of County of Rural
Pennsylvania.| Philadelphia. | Allegheny. Counties.
Population..... .....-..+++ 159258,041 1,046,964 551,959 1,673,556
Inmates of almshouse 9,02! 2,877 719 2,075
Inmates of homes, asylums, and other charitable
institutions, and receiving temporary aid......... 20,858 16,913 592 5,265
Insane hospitals.......... ...4. Rehnaisioent cutis ; 4,826 1,400 352 2,427
Indigent deaf and dumb.... 606 108 86 159
Institutions for feeble mind 800 90 II 58
Other institutions.......... 74 12 5 37
Homes and private familie! 561 73 31 291
Average daily occupants of hospital beds 5 3,30 2,271 551 30
EnstitutiOns: TEPOPCING ic. seein ee esdeaeqerere pe givete s wore 183 97 23 19
TOtei led ws: de ee satis. eave staveaes Meas Tae SES waa MESS: 40,052 235752 24347 10,342
Percentage of population,............. cee ecee eee ee eee “759 2.268 +425 618
* Collated from the Report of the Board of Public Charities for zSgo.
City life, with its crowded slums and tene-
ments, he considers one great cause of crime.
He says:
“Humanity crowded into cities divides itself into
three distinct strata in their extreme divergence, altho
so gradually merging together as to leave no positive
line of demarcation between them. At the top of the
social scale is the beers class, able to live without
labor, and to indulgeitself in the gratification of most
of its desires. Next below is the middleclass of work-
ers, living in comfort without extreme luxury. At
the bottom all the rest, the largest number of all;
hustled and swirled in the fierce currents of life hither
and thither; packed and crowded into such tenements
as are left to them; mostly unable to procure or inca-
pable of enjoying any but the baser sensual pleas-
ures ; mixed indiscriminately in their habitations, and
everywhere with the most vicious of mankind, with
everything to SCOTT Upe and but little to improve them.
“The influences of city life upon these three classes
are different in nature and degree. The two upper
are extensively reached by the conservative and ele-
vating privileges of intellectual and religious culture
and stimulation ; the lower but slightly. Wealth and
the power it confers tend to engender in the highest
stratum a sense of independence of, and superiority
over, the rules and regulations of human and divine
law. Selfishness and indulgence weaken the moral
sense and physical powers; the incessant pursuit of
pleasure by individuals disturbs and disrupts family
relations; domestic enjoyment is abandoned for the
more exciting attractions of ‘society,’ and the family
home becomes but little better than a hotel to slee
andeat in when not otherwise engaged.
As a consequence, marriage tends to
become simply an arrangement of con-
venience like the home; children are
committed to the training of hired
nurses and tutors ; parental responsibilities are ignored
or neglected, and one by one the members of the
highest class sink out of it, by loss of health, char-
acter, or wealth, and it makes its contribution to
criminality or pauperism in due time from _ those
tuined init. The display of luxury and splendor by
the wealthy also, doubtless, excites ambitions and de-
sires among those who are unable to gratify them
honestly, which leads to dishonesty and crime. The
inability of many of the young who are in association
with the wealthy to maintain the expense of a family
in a style to which they are accustomed operates to
discourage matrimony, and conduces to licentious-
ness and the increase of prostitution. It is commonly
understood that social morals and religion are at their
lowest ebb in the upper and nether strata of society
the world over. .
“The great intervening mass of citizens which con-
City Life,
stitute the social leaven, ordained to save the whole
lump, are exposed to grave dangers of a different
nature in city life. They are subjected to tempta-
tions of the most attractive and insidious kinds.
Vice clothes itself in its most alluring vesture in great
cities. The most capable and skilful of the vicious
and immoral naturally seek and find here their most
fruitful field of operation, as well as opportunity to
hide themselves amid the thronging thousands. Gor-
geous saloons for gambling, drinking, and prostitution
invite the unwary on all sides. Traps for the innocent
are baited with every kind of ‘entertainment ;’ names
are invented to clothe wrong-doing in the garments of
respectability, and the constant, necessary familiarity
with the various forms of vice which abound leads
the unwary first to ‘endure, then pity, then embrace.’
The density of population affords also opportunity for
secret indulgence in sinful practices, without attract-
ing attention. People live for years in houses whose
doorsteps are only separated by an iron railing with-
out knowing one another. Thousands spend their
lives in ‘flats,’ with other families above and below
them, others in hotels and boarding-houses. The hus-
band and father is absent regularly every day at his
business, the home deserted ; Sunday, being the only
day when the whole family is together, becomes a day
of enjoyment and recreation ; religion wanes and dies,
and its restraints and elevating influences disappear.
“ Worse than all, the children are compelled to play
in the streets, and to associate with all they meet
there; to learn all the evil known by the worst. Here
they become familiar with every form
of evil and sin. The curbstones and
doorsteps of the respectable resident (Child Life.
portion of large cities, crowded with
children on a pleasant evening, are often
a painful sight toa philanthropist. Girls and boys of
all ages and kinds, sporting promiscuously of neces-
sity where every foul nighthawk seeks its prey, lose
the lovely innocence of childhood before they reach
their teens, and each generation of city growth takes a
lower level in purity and morals asits average than the
preceding. Parents, too, absorbed in the urgent com-
petitions and activities of business and pleasure, be-
come more and more prone to delegate the nurture
and admonition of their children to the day-school and
Sunday-school teacher—often to omit the latter en-
tirely. Family training and duties grow lax as com-
munal social requirements increase. As the divinely
instituted responsibilities are ignored, the conserva-
tive and elevating influence of domestic life declines ;
so the community takes the place of the family.
“It is a threatening and dangerous change which
substitutes public pleasures for private enjoyments,
ora public for a private life in society, obliterating
the home from the consciousness and recollections of
a people.
“An inordinate eagerness to accumulate wealth is
Criminology.
inflamed in the ranks of the successful; a speculative
spirit akin to gambling depraves honest business... .
“Tf the life of the upper classes of citizens conduces
to degradation, what shall be said of the lower and
lowest? What can be expected from the helpless and
hopeless ; the dregs of humunity, settled,
out of the ferment of civilization in the
cities? Their want and misery, immo-
rality and vice, have reached bottom, and
can descend no farther with life. The
shocking and deplorable condition of the ‘submerged’
has been forcibly portrayed by General Booth of the
Salvation Army and other recent writers. Whole
families (14, even, were found in one room) huddled
in single garret or cellar rooms, to feed together on
garbage, and sleep together on rags and straw gath-
ered on the streets; murderers, robbers, thieves,
worn-out drunkards, and prostitutes crowding to-
gether in vile dens; establishing communities which
the police scarcely dare enter after dark; filling sin-
gle tenements with the population of a village ; whole
precincts living in actual if not open defiance of
the law of God and man, of de of health, of hon-
esty, social welfare, morals, and religion. Their num-
bers, constantly recruited by criminal fugitives from
every direction, have no thought or study but to prey
upon society, and to educate one another in the inge-
nuities of vice. Few, feeble, and futile are the efforts
that are made to rescue or help or save them, and even
these are received with a snarl like that with which
the hunted street cur takes a morsel from the hand of
EVs after se
e ‘““Amid such environments society is corrupted
chiefly by the frightfully increasing vices of Sabbath
desecration, intemperance, fornication, and gambling.
To these debasing influences are to be attributed
largely the shocking increase of pauperism and crim-
inality from cities. These are the honor destroyers,
the family disruptors, the youth corruptors, the
corroders of vitality, the obliterators of morality, the
savage enemies of religion in cities. They all assail
classes with equal virulence and assiduity. They are
the common enemies of Christianity and humanity,
grown already into such proportions and power in our
cities as tothreaten the public welfare and endanger
the State. They have been ignored and tolerated or un-
wisely dealt with so long, that they have acquired a
status and strength which displaysits arrogance evenin
the organization of the government which should sup-
press them. They demand and often receive official
protection, instead of police extinction. Public senti-
ment, even, is half disposed to recognize and accept their
presence as an inevitable necessity. Witha contempt
bred of familiarity many question and doubt the pos-
sibility of their control or eradication, while their
minions and votaries, with amazing audacity, assert
and proclaim their immunity from interference. The
burglar, the robber, and embezzler might, with equal
propriety, make common cause with their pals, and
claim a right to exercise, unchallenged, their nefarious
professions. . . . ;
_ ‘Another prolific source of crime and pauperism
in cities is the gambling spirit which pervades all
classes. From speculation in real property or in the
paper tokens of property, such as stocks
and bonds, and social card-playing for
Speculation, money, down through the gilded gam-
bling saloons, glittering with an almost
P regal splendor, and made attractive
with almost every luxury of temptation to appetite;
through the private poker-rooms of the hotels and
liquor-saloons; through skilfully disguised lottery
chemes; plain betting on competitions, on horse-
races, on base-ball games ; indeed on every undecided
event, the desire and effort to acquire the prop-
erty of another without labor, or without the render-
ing of a fair equivalent of value, seems to permeate
and corrupt a constantly increasing proportion of city
pes le. The inevitable losses which befall the losing
alf, and the hope of retrieving them where they were
made, are the incitements to more frauds, embezzle-
ments, misappropriations, robberies, and even thefts,
than are the demands of actual want. oe
“ Another modern development of urban life con-
trary to nature and prejudicial to good morals is be-
coming recognizable in the multiplication of ‘clubs’
of all kinds. Some of these are useful as midday re-
sorts for those ,engaged at a distance from home.
Others are unobjectionable when formed for the pro-
motion of a laudable object. But when they become
substitutes for home, and are made to satis: y the de-
sires and wants of young men apart by themselves,
they deserve the condemnation and discouragement of
every Christian, moralist, philanthropist, and patriot.
Slums,
422
Criminology.
“The New York City Directory contains the names
of 242 of such clubs as having sufficient prominence to
warrant record there. Besides these, there are the
unnumbered small coteries, unnamed or unknown be-
yond their immediate membership, which exist in
all parts of the city. This lead of the metropolis is
being followed to a greater or less extent in all im-
portant cities, and the tendency to club life appears
to be growing. Inspired in the inception largely for
the comfort and convenience of the unmarried young
men abounding in the cities, by Providing opportunity
and temptation to indulgence of all kinds in compara.
tive privacy, especially for convivial drinking and
coal sample , they not only threaten the young
there with the dangers of intemperance and gambling,
but so ameliorate the loneliness and discomforts of
bachelor life as to become an obstacle and hindrance
to marriage. It is said that the sales of liquor in some
of the most popular clubs in New York exceed those
of any bar-room in the city.”
It may be noted also that, according to Levas-
seur (vol. ii., p. 455), urban population in France
has a criminality double that of the rural popu-
lation ; while, according to W. D. Morrison
(Aina, vol. i., N. S., p 512), London, with less
than one fifth of the population of England and
Wales, furnishes one third the indictable crimes.
Concerning intemperance as a cause of crime,
Mr. Boies says :
‘““We have attributed the abnormal increase of
criminality and pauperism in the United States large-
ly to an increase of intemperance. Alcoholic drink is
estimated to be the direct or indirect cause of 75 per
cent. of all the crimes committed, and of at least 50
per cent. of all the sufferings endured on account of
poverty, in this country and among civilized nations.”
For a contrary opinion, see Poverty, Causes
OF.
Mr. Boies enforces his statement by the fol-
lowing quotations.
E. C. Wines, D.D., LL.D., President of the
International Penitentiary Congress of Stock-
holm, author of State of Prisons in the Civil-
zzed World, etc., testifies :
“ Intemperance is a proximate cause of a very large
proportion of the crime committed in America. Fully
three fourths of all the prisoners with whom I have
personally conversed in different parts of the country
admitted that they were addicted to an excessive use
of alcoholic liquors. ... Ina circular letter which I
once addressed to the wardens of all our State prisons,
this question was put to them, among others: ‘ What
is your opinion as to the connection of strong drink
and crime?’ The answers were all one way. Mr. Pol-
lard, of Vermont, did but echo the general sentiment,
tho he put it more sharply than most, when he said:
‘My opinion is that if intoxicants were totally eradi-
cated, the Vermont State Prison would hold all the
criminals in the United States.’ ’*
William Tallack, Secretary of the Howard
Association, London, England, author of De-
Sects of Criminal Administration, Penologt-
cal and Preventive Principles, etc., testifies :
“Tt is unquestionable that, in most countries, the
worst sufferings inflicted upon women, children, and
dumb animals are perpetrated under the influence of
intoxicating drink, for this is provocative of bothcruel-
ty and lust. ... Most crimes must be and are attrib-
utable to intemperance. ... What is the origin, in
innumerable instances, of the wretchedness of those
homes which it is a calamity for a child to be born
into? It is intemperance. “And what is the main
source of that poverty which causes so many children
to be either neglected or driven into evil courses ?
Again it is unquestionably intemperance,”’t
Ex-Chief-Justice Noah Davis, of the New
York Supreme Court, testifies :
* State of Prisons, pp. 112, 113,
t fenological Privci pies, BP: O56; 380.
Criminology.
“Among all causes of crime, intemperance stands
out the unapproachable chief. ‘That habits of intem-
perance are the chief causes of crime, is the testimony
of all judges of large experience.’’*
Dr. Harris, of the Prison Association of New
York, testifies :
“ That fully 85 per cent. of all convicts give evidence
of having in some larger degree been prepared or
enticed to do criminal acts because of the physical and
destructive effects upon the human organism of
alcohol.”’+
The State Board of Charities of Massachu-
setts, in their report of 1869, testify :
“The proportion of crime traceable to this great
vice (intemperance) must be set down, as heretofore,
at not less than four fifths.”
Hon. Sanford M. Green, Judge of the Su-
- preme and Circuit Courts of Michigan, testifies :
“That it pacer ance) is the parent of pauperism.
That it is the chief cause of crime.’’}
John C. Park, District Attorney of Suffolk
County, Mass., testifies :
“ While district attorney I formed the opinion (and,
it is not a mere matter of opinion, but is confirmed by
every hour of experience since) that ninety-nine hun-
dredths of the crime in the commonwealth is produced
by intoxicating liquors.”
Mr. Fisk, in a report of the United States
Commissioner of Education, 1871, testifies :
“ Atthe Deer Island House of Industry, Boston, 88
percent, of the committals were for drunkenness and
93 per cent. of the confinements were connected with
strong drink.”
Charles S. Hoyt Secretary of the State Board
of Charities of New York, testifies :
“ After an examination made of the inmates of the
various poorhouses of the State in 1875, numbering
12,614, that 84.36 per cent. of the males and 41.97 per
cent. of the females were intemperate; and of 4047
insane examined, 79.21 of the males had been intem-
perate, and 21.44 per cent. of the females.”
A few other minor causes may be mentioned.
Mr. Forbes Winslow, Physician to the British
Hospital, says, in his Youthful Eccentricity a
Precursor of Crime (p. 85) :
“The great publicity given to the minutiz of atro-
cious crimes in the public press is undoubtedly a fruit-
ful source of crime inthis and other countries. The
evilis a great and admitted one; the remedy has yet
to be be discovered which does not come under the
accusation of interfering with the liberty rightly ex-
ercised in most matters by the press. There is always
floating on the surface of society a numerous class of
persons of questionable moral sense, ripe and ready
or any kind of vice, eager to seize hold of any excuse
for the commission of grave offenses against person
and property. This class is generally more or less
affected by the publication of the minute details of
murder, suicide, and other crimes. They tend, as it
were, to form the type of the moral epidemic, and to
give form and character to the criminal
propensities. Many years ago, Esquirol,
a leading authority in lunacy, with
many others of the period of which I
write, complained bitterly, even then,
of the effect of the public press in increasing the
amount of maniacal crimes. This was at a time when
newspapers were comparatively scarce, but since then,
I regret to say, the tendency for the sensational has
been gradually but surely increasing, to the damage
and detriment of its youthful readers, ever eager to
gloat over the description of acrime or an execution.
The daily reports which appear in the press as to the
The Press,
* Address before the National Temperance Society,
1878. :
+ The Relations of Drunkenness to Crime.
+ Crime, p. 37 et seq.
423
Criminology.
health, deportment, the general conduct of a notorious
criminal, his behavior, quotations from his letters,
scenes in prison, are surely the strongest induce-
ments to many weak-minded persons to take the same
means of acquiring notoriety by following in the
steps of the criminal in question. :..
“In dealing with the influence of the bar on the
spread of crime, I allude to the impressive and elo-
quent addresses made for the defense in some sensa-
tional cases.
“The law of any land is that it allows no man’s guilt
until it is proven, and all are entitled to such defense
as the law allows. But, being conscious of the fact,
what a powerful incentive to crime is the love of
notoriety! Let any one glance over the detailed, im-
passioned speeches of those learned in the law, plead-
ing for their client’s sake, the thrilling and soul-stir-
ring perorations of those conscientiously pleading for
very life, to save a fellow-creature from the gallows,
and let him calmly consider whether to be thus spoken
of would not be, to hundreds, a strong incentive to go
and do likewise, in order to be thus exalted by such
advocates at the bar.”
Other causes for crime exist besides those of
unhealthy city life and intemperance. Mr. Car-
roll D. Wright, in a paper published by, the
American Academy of Political and Social Sci-
ence, says concerning the economic causes of
crime :
‘All great social questions, on careful analysis, re-
solve themselves, in a more or less degree, into some
phase of what we call the labor question, and certain-
ly the causes of crime, ina sociological sense, cannot
be studied without considering the status of man in
the prevailing industrial order, for among all the
causes for criminal action, or for the existence of the
criminal class, we find that economic conditions con-
tribute in some degree to their existence. This, how-
ever, is only a phase of criminology. Itis this phase
which has been given me as a subject for discus-
sion. ...
“Guizot has said that labor is a most efficient guar-
antee against the revolutionary disposition of the
poorer classes. He might have added that labor,
properly remunerated, is an effective guarantee
against the commission of crime. Certainly hunger
leads to more crime of a petty nature, perhaps, than
any other one cause.
“Tn the study of economic conditions, and whatever
bearing they may have upon crime, I can dono bet-
ter than to repeat, as a general idea, a statement made
some years ago by Mr. Ira Steward, of Massachusetts,
one of the leading labor reformers in that State in his
day. He said: ‘Starting in the labor problem from
whatever point we may, we reach, as the ultimate
cause of our industrial, social, moral, and material
difficulties, the terrible fact of poverty. ae ee
we mean something more than pauperism. The lat-
ter isa condition of entire dependence upon charity,
while the former is a condition of want, of lack, of
being without, tho not necessarily a condition of com-
plete dependence.’
“Tt isin this view that the proper understanding of
the subject given me, in its comprehensiveness and
the development of the principles which underlie it,
means the consideration of the abolition of pauperism
and the eradication of crime; and the definitions
given pes Mr. Steward carry with them all the ele-
ments of those great special inquiries embodied in the
very existence of our vast charitable, penal, and re-
formatory institutions, ‘How shall poverty be abol-
ished, and crime be eradicated?’ The-discussion is a
very old one, and neither modern professional labor
reformers, nor philanthropists, nor criminologists, nor
penologists have any patents upon the theme. The
Prop tees of the world may be read as well by statutes
in the humanity of law, in the existence of prisons, in
the establishment of charitable institutions, and by
the economic conditions which surround labor, as by
written history ; for, as the condition of labor rises,
pauperism and crime must fall in the general scale.
“To say that pauperism, and crime as an attendant
evil, follow the unemployed more mercilessly than the
employed, would be to make a statement too simple
in its nature to invite serious consideration. Yet the
history and the statistics of labor and the conclusions
resulting from their study in their relation to pauper-
ism and crime present most interesting and valuable
features. Criminal conditions, the evils we are con-
sidering, have always existed, no matter what the so-
Criminology.
cial or legal status of men; under the most favorable
as well as under the most unfavorable conditions ;
under liberal and under despotic government ; in bar-
parous and in enlightened lands; with heathenism and
with Christianity ; under a variety of commercial sys-
tems; and yet they are, in a philosophic sense, a re-
puke to a people living under constitutional liberty.
“Employment of the unemployed will not crush
pauperism and crime, even if every able-bodied man
in the country could be furnished with work to-mor-
row. Universal education will not. The realization
of the highest hopes of the temperance and labor re-
formers will not. The general adoption of the Chris-
tian religion will not. But all these grand and divine
agencies working together will reduce them to a mini-
mum, and make that community which tolerates them
indictable at the bar of public opinion, the most pow-
erful tribunal known.
“Physical agencies, without all the higher elements,
can do but little. The early history of this country
and the history of all countries where civilization has
made any headway teach this truth. .
“The proposition that pauperism and crime are less
frequent in cultured communities will not, I suppose,
be debated. Itis true that the intelligent, skilled la-
borer is rarely found either in a penal or a charitable
institution; nor is the person who has the elementary
education sufficient to enable him to read, write, and
make his own calculations so liable to become a charge
as the one who has not these qualifications. I am, of
course, aware that the full accuracy of these state-
ments is oftentimes questioned; yet it is statistically
true that enough of knowledge to be of value in in-
creasing the amount and quality of work done, to give
character, to some extent at least, to a person’s tastes
and aspirations, is a better safeguard against the in-
roads of crime than any code of criminal laws. I
must, of course, consider this point asa fact, and shall
not weary you with the oft-repeated arguments and
the usual array of figures used to convince legislators
that it is wise economy to foster our educational insti-
tutions. This being conceded as to intellectual or men-
tal acquirements, including elementary book-learning,
how does the fact affect the matter under considera-
tion? Simply that the kind of labor which requires
the most skill on the part of the workman to perform
oes him most perfectly against want and crime, as
a rule.
“This statement is fortified by such statistics as are
available. Of <0 convicts, at one time, in the State of
Massachusetts, 2991, or 68 per cent., were
returned as having no occupation.
The adult convicts numbered at that
time 3971. Of these 464 were illiterate;
and the warden of the State prison, for
the year in question, stated that of 220
men sentenced during that year, 147
were without a trade or any regular means of earning
a Bune.
“In Pennsylvania, during a recent year, nearly 88
per cent. of the penitentiary convicts had never been
apprenticed to any trade or occupation ; and this was
also true of 68% per cent. of the convicts sentenced to
county jails and workhouses in the same State during
the same year.
_ “In Mr. Frederick Wines’ recent report on homicide
in the United States, in 1890, it is shown that of 6958
men, 5175, or more than 74 per cent. of the whole, were
said to have notrade....
‘‘Purthermore, it is true, so far as the statistics
which I have been able to consult demonstrate, that
during periods of industrial depressions crime of al-
most all grades is increased in volume. The difficulty
of demonstrating this feature of my subject to any
full extent lies in the fact that our criminal statistics
are given for periods, and not year by year. Could we
have annual statements of the convictions in all our
States, so that such statements could be consulted
relative to economic conditions, I feel sure that we
should find a coordination of results that would startle
us all. We should find that the lines of crime rise and
fall as the prosperity of the country falls and rises... .
“Ttis perfectly true that unsanitary conditions, and
all conditions that work a deterioration in the health
of peoples lead to uneconomic conditions. Bad air.
bad housing, bad drainage, lead to intemperance and
want. It requires no argument to show that these are
precursors of crime. Anything that brings about a
higher rate of mortality among the children of the
poor leads to crime, and it is perfectly deducible from
acts that are known that any occupation which insures
a high rate of mortality among the children of its par-
ticipants tends to conditions most favorable to the
prevalence of pauperism and crime,
Unemploy-
ment,
424
Criminology,
“The displacement of labor through the application
of improved machinery pee onaet Ss and to the indi-
vidual, producesacondition of want which may or may
not be remedied by the increased labor demanded
through invention. Society can be easily answered
by stating the benefits which come to it through inven-
tive genius, but it is a poor answer to the man who
finds the means of supporting his family taken from
him. But with the progress of invention and the con-
sequent elevation of labor both pauperism and crime,
so far as society is concerned, have correspondingly
decreased. This is true in more senses than one. The
age of invention, or periods given to the development
and practical adaptation ot natural laws, raises all
peoples to a higher intellectual level, to a more com-
prehensive understanding of the world’s march of
progress. :
“ But the question of the removal of poverty and the
suppression of crime is not wholly with the working
man; the employer has as much to learn as he, and he
is to be holden to equal, if not greater, responsibility.
Ignorant labor comprehends ignorant
employer. Insomuch as the profits of
labor are equitably shared with labor,
insomuch is poverty lessened, and inso- -
much as poverty is lessened, insomuch
Labor,
-is crime decreased. The employer should always re-
member that if conditions become ameliorated, if life
becomes less of a struggle, if leisure be obtained, civ-
ilization, as a general rule, advances in the scale. If
these conditions be reversed, if the struggle for exist-
ence tends to occupy the whole attention of each man,
civilization disappears in a measure,* communities be-
come dangerous, and the people seek a revolutionary
change, hoping by chance to secure what was not pos-
sible by honest labor.
“In a State in which labor had all its rights there
would be, of course, little pauperism and little crime.
On the other hand, the undue subjection of the labor-
ing man must tend to make paupers and criminals,
and entail a financial burden upon wealth which it
would have been easier to prevent than to endure; and
this prevention must come in a large degree through
educated labor.
“Do not understand me as desiring to give the im-
pression that I believe crime to be a necessary accom-
paniment of our industrial system. I have labored in
other places and at other times to prove the reverse,
and I believe the reverse to be true. Our sober, in-
dustrious working men and women are as free from
vicious and criminal courses as any otherclass. What
Iam contending for relates entirely to conditions af-
fecting the few. The great volume of crime is found
outside the real ranks of industry.
“The modern system of industry has reduced the
periods of depression from the long reaches extending
over half a century under older systems, These peri-
ods have been reduced to decades and half decades of
years. The time will come when periods of depres-
sion will occur only for the few months of a single
year, and when this time comes the columns of thesta-
tistics of crime will show a receding quantity. Infi-
nitely superior as the modern system is over that which
has passed, the iron law of wages, when enforced with
an iron hand, keeps men in the lowest walks of life,
often on the verge of starvation. As intelligence in-
creases and is more generally diffused, the individual
man wants more, has higher aspirations for himself
and his family; but, under the iron law of wages, at
times, all these desires and aspirations are hard to sat-
isfy. The modern system produces mental friction ;
a competition of mind has taken the place, in a large
measure, of mere muscular competition, and the lag-
gard in the industrial race may lose his mind or his
conscience, in the latter case causing him to develop
into the criminal. The economic condition or environ-
ment of this particular man leads him inevitably to
ime.
On the other hand, and in opposition to the °
above views, Mr. W. D. Morrison, of the (Eng-
lish) Wandsworth Prison, in his volume Crzme
and tts Causes, denies that destitution or pov-
erty are powerful factors in producing crime.
He says that if destitution were a prominent
factor in producing crime, the crimes most preva-
lent would be begging and theft. Yet, he says,
out of the total number of cases tried in Eng-
land and Wales during the year 1887-88, 726,698,
* Rawlinson’s Origin of Nations,
Criminology.
or only 8 per cent., were offenses against prop-
erty, excluding cases of malicious damage, and
only 7 per cent. offenses against the Vagrancy
Acts. This makes only 15 per cent., yet he ar-
gues that all these cases cannot be laid to des-
titution, because his inquiries show that fully
one half of the offenders of this class had work
when they committed the offense. Add to
these the great bulk of juvenile offenders and
those who steal because of a thievish disposi-
tion, and there is only a small percentage left.
Yet this is not all. Many offenders of this
class are habitual criminals, professional bur-
glars, shoplifters, etc., who are able often to
pay counsel high fees ; these cannot be said to
be driven: to crime through destitution. As
for vagrants, we must not forget the large class
of habitual or professional beggars who will not
work (seé TRaAmp), who are, perhaps, destitute,
but not destitute from necessity. He says M.
Monod, of the Ministry of the Interior in France,
arranged with some merchants and manufac-
turers to offer work at 4 frs. (80 cents) per day to
any personshesentthem. Ineight months, 727
awh 1
*rance, 1879-83 =
Belgium, 1876-80 ee i
Germany, 1882-83 ie *
England, 1880-84 i -
Scotland, 1880-84 “t S
Ireland, 1880-84 us -
Hungary, 1876-80 se ss
Spain, 1883-84
Mr. Morrison says :
“To what conclusions do the statistics contained in
this table point? It is useless burdening this chapter
with additional figures to prove that England and
France are the two wealthiest countries in Europe.
The wealth of England, for instance, is perhaps six
times the wealth of Italy; but, notwithstanding this
fact, more thefts are annually committed in England
than in Italy. The wealth of France is enormously
superior to the wealth of Ireland, both in quantity and
distribution, but the population of France commits
more offenses against property than the Irish. Spain
is one of the poorest countries in Europe, Scotland is
one of the richest, but side by side with this inequality
of wealth we see that the Scotch commit, per 100,000 of
the population, almost four times as many thefts as
the Spaniards. With the exception of Italy it is the
poorest countries of Europe that are the least dishon-
est, and, according to our table, even the Italians are
not so much addicted to offenses against property as
the inhabitants of England.
' “Perhaps the most instructive figures in these inter-
national statistics are those relating to England and
Ireland. The criminal statistics of the two countries
are drawn up on very much the same principles ; the
ordinary criminal law is very much the same, and
there is very much the same feeling among the popu-
lation with respect to ordinary crime ; in fact, with the
exception of agrarian offenses, the administration of
the law in Ireland is as effective as it is in England.
On almost every point the similarity of the criminal
law and its administration in the two countries almost
amounts to identity, and a comparison of their crimi-
nal statistics, in so far as they relate to ordinary of-
fenses against property, reaches a high level of exacti-
tude. What does such a comparison reveal? It shows
that the Irish, with all their poverty, are not half so
much addicted to offenses against property as the
English, with all their wealth, andit serves to confirm
the idea that the connection between poverty and
theft is not so close as is generally imagined.
“International statistics, then, as far as they go,
‘point to the conclusion that it is the growth of wealth,
rather than the reverse, which has a tendency to aug-
ment the number of offenses against property, and
national statistics, as far as England is concerned, ex-
hibit a similar result. ... :
“Té we look at crime in general, instead of that par-
425
Criminology.
beggars applied to him for help, and were told
to come the next day and receive a Jetter which
would enable them to get work at the above
price. Four hundred and fifteen never came;
138 more came, but never presented their letter.
Of the whole number only 18 continued at work
three days. Mr. Morrison figures, after careful
argument, that only 4 per cent. of the criminal
population commit crime from destitution. As
for poverty as distinguished from destitution,
Mr. Morrison argues that not much crime can
be due to poverty, because if it were there
would be most theft where there was the most
poverty ; and he says this is not the fact, and
presents the appended table, extracted from a
larger one by Signor L. Bodio, Director-General
of Statistics for [taly. The calculations for every
country except Spain are based on the census
of 1880 or 1881; the calculations for Spain are
based on the census of 1877. In all the coun-
tries except Germany and Spain the calcula-
tions are based on an average of five years ; tor
Germany and Spain the average is only two
years.
1880-84 Annual trials for theft per 100,000 inhabitants, 221
“ “ “a “
121
143
262
228
239
TOI
ae ee ae 82
“ “ a 74
“ rr “
“ “ a
“ ry “
“ ae a
a“ « “
ticular form of it which consists in offenses against
property, it will likewise become apparent that it is
not so closely connected with poverty as
is generally believed. The accuracy of
Indian criminal statistics is a matter Poverty not
that has already been pointed out.
When these statistics are placed side by 7 Cause of
side with our own what do we find? Crime,
According to the returns for the two
countries in the year 1888, it comes out
that in England one person was preceeded against
criminally to every 42 of the population, while in India
only one person was proceeded against to every 195.
In other words, official statistics show that the people
of England are between four and five times more ad-
dicted to crime than the people of India. On the sup-
position that poverty is the parent of crime, the popu-
lation of India should be one of the most lawless in
the world, for itis undoubtedly one of the very poor-
est. The reverse, however, is the case, and India is
justly celebrated for the singularly law-abiding char-
acter of itsinhabitants....
“A further illustration of the same fact will be
found on examining the prison statistics of the United
States. According to an instructive paper recently
read by Mr. Roland P. Falkner before the American
Statistical Association, the foreign-born population in
America is, on the whole, less inclined to commit
crime than the native-born American. In some of the
States—Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, and Cali-
fornia—‘ the foreign born,’ savs Mr. Falkner, ‘make a
worse showing than the native. In a great number of
cases, notably Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and Ten-
nessee, we notice hardly any difference. Elsewhere
the showing is decidedly in favor of the foreign born,
and nowhere more strongly than in Wisconsin and
Minnesota.’ (See CRIME.) It is perfectly certain that
the foreign-born population of the United States is
not, as arule, so well off economically as the native-
born citizen. The vast proportion of the emigrant
population is composed of poor people seeking to
better their condition, and it is well known that a
large percentage of the hard, manual work done in
America is perormed by those men. The economic
condition of the average native-born. American is
superior to the economic condition of the average
emigrant; but the native American, notwithstanding:
his economic superiority, cuts a worse figure in the
statistics of crime. ...
Criminology.
“A further illustration of this significant truth is to
be witnessed in the Antipodes. In no quarter of the
world is there such widespread prosperity as exists
in the colony of Victoria. All writers and travellers
are unanimous upon this point. Nowhere in the world
is there less economic excuse for the perpetration of
crime. Work of one kind or another can almost al-
ways be had in that favored portion of the globe.
‘Even in the worst of times, if men are willing to go
‘up country,’ as it is called, occupation of some sort
is certain to be found, and trade depression never
Teaches the acute point which it sometimes does at
home.
‘* Nevertheless, on examining the criminal statistics
of the colony of Victoria, what do we find? Accord-
ing to the returns for 1887, one arrest on a charge of
crime was made in every 30 of the population, and on
looking down the list of offenses for which these ar-
rests were made, it will be seen that Victoria, notwith-
standing her widely diffused material well-being, is
just as much addicted to crimes against person an
property as some of the poor and squalid States of
Europe. It may be said in extenuation of this con-
dition of things that Victoria contains a larger grown-
up population, and, therefore, a larger percentage of
persons in a position to commit crime than is to be
found in older countries. This is, to a certain extent,
true, but the difference is not so great as might at first
sight be supposed. Assuming that the criminal age
. lies between 15 and 60, we find that in the seven
Australasian colonies 563 persons out of every 1000 are
alive between these two ages. In Great Britain and
Ireland 559 persons per 1ooo are alive between 15 and
69. According to these figures, the difference between
the population within the criminal age in the colony,
as compared with the mother country, is very small,
and is quite insufficient to account for the relatively
high percentage of crime exhibited by the Victorian
criminal statistics.
‘‘ All these considerations force us back to the con-
clusion that an abundant measure of material well-
being has a much smaller influence in diminishing
crime than is usually supposed, and compels us to ad-
mit that much crime would still exist even if the world
were turned into a paradise of material prosperity to-
morrow.”
If it be asked to what causes Mr. Morrison does lay
excess of crime, it is to be answered, to the effect of
climate and season.
To prove the first point, he shows that while race
makes some difference in the amount of crime, people
of different races do not materially differ in the
amount of crime they commit in thé same climate,
while people of the same race do materially differ in
different climates. He shows that in the proportion
of murders to the population in European countries
(see HOMICIDE), Italy, Spain, and Hungary head the
list; Austria and Belgium come next ; France, Ireland,
and Germany follow ; England, Scotland, and Holland
stand at the bottom. He shows that this cannot be
due to the conditions of civilization or economic con-
ditions, because poor countries and uncivilized coun-
tries do not by any means always have many murders.
M. de Quatrefages argues that in crime white men are
scarcely more moral than black. If poverty were the
426
Criminology.
cause of the difference, why should Ireland be so dif-
ferent from Italy? For the same reason it cannot be
religion. In America he argues that white. men of the
South commit more homicides than white men of the
North. Above all, he compares the Australian colony
of Victoria with Great Britain. He argues that the
opulation in Victoria is better than the average in
Great Britain, its general prosperity greater, its police
more thorough, and yet he shows crime to be much more
frequent in Victoria in proportion to the population.
In the same line of argument, Mr.
Morrison shows that crime, from Octo-
ber to February, falls with the falling
temperature, and from February to
October climbs with the climbing tem- _
perature. He says that the cause of this cannot be
economic, because in the summer it is easier to get
work. He shows, too, that in summer there are more
offenses against prison order than in winter.
Climate.
Thus far we have been considering the effect
of environment upon crime. But heredzty con-
tributes to the result. Says Mr. H. M. Boies
(Prisoners and Paupers, pp. 266, 279):
“We believe it is established beyond controversy
that criminals and paupers, both, are degenerate ; the
imperfect, knotty, knurly, worm-eaten, half rotten
fruit of the race. In short, both criminality and pauper-
ism are conditions and not dispositions. The mind, the
intellectual faculties, and the soul, the moral faculties
—which are the motive powers of character, which con-
stitute the man—have their home in his body, to which
they are conformed, which they represent, and by
which they are limited and controlled |
in their operations, as well as in their
conditions. A normal character is not
to be expected in an abnormal physique,
nor a sound and healthy character ina
diseased constitution.
“The law that ‘like begets like’ is by no means con-
fined to criminals and paupers, but operates inexor-
ably in all classes and conditions of people. A taint of
hereditary drunkenness, insanity, suicide, epilepsy,
idiocy, deaf-mutism, cancer, syphilis, gout, rheuma-
tism, tuberculosis or scrofulous diathesis in the blood
is a symptom of degeneration, likely to be intensified
by propagation in succeeding generations until the
tainted family becomes extinct. Intermarriage with
those tainted diffuses weakness, deformity, and ab-
normality through the social structure, deteriorates
and contaminates all who issue from such unions.
These things are well known and completely estab-
lished. We have not space for the argument here.”
Heredity.
The diagramic history of eight families, given
below, are taken from Dr. Strahan’s book
(Marriage and Disease, a study of hereditary
and the more important family degenerations,
1892) and illustrate the evil more impressively
than argument.
CASE No. I, p. 49.
J. E-—’s Fami.y.
M M F
A suicide. At. 56. Died of cancer of ied i
Married. No issue. stomach. ®t. 66. cae Shee
| | | [= | |
Died pcan Died of Di dot Di dot a i
S ied of con- Died of con- ied of con- Died of con- Health Has
cer of stom- vulsions. sumption. sumption. i Y ohi
ach, 2Bt. 58. 48t. 13 weeks. A po eke ae
: Married several Married several i. : M
ee ee chil- years. Noissue. years. No issue. Epileptic. Twice in-
hl sane. Testes in abdo-
ee Married. No
No. IL, p. 108. aaa a
K. S——’s FAMILY.
M F
Epileptic. . | Had sister insane.
| |
F M F !
Epileptic. Dead. Epileptic. Dead Idiot, Ss ici
Gs te : . ane as yet. Insane. Suicidal.
an ee No Impotent. Incurable. No issue.
Nine children.
Some imbecile. =
Criminology.
427 Criminoiogy.
No. IIL, p. ras.
Father, a oe kard,
Son,
A drunkard, disgustingly drunk on his wedding day.
| .
| | | | | -
Died of con- Died of con- Idiot at 22 years Suicidal. A Peculiar and Renenteaty
vulsions. vulsions. of age. dement. irritable. insane.
Nervous and
depressed.
No. IV., p. 137.
M
Died mad.
| | | |
M M M M
te pets ana
Imbecile. Ps Died of brain disease.
evil mellisk LS
F Epileptic. Epileptic. I 2 3 4 5 6 7
Imbecile. Sa —_—
All seven died in convulsions.
m No. V., p. 138. a No. VL, p. =
A suicide. Mute. | Normal.
fe = |
M | Insane. Epileptic. M EF M
TSEC hs Mute. No issue. Sonne . | aermal.
| = : * _
Excitable. Dull. Epileptic. Mute. Mute. Normal. |. Normal.
Imbecile. M
Mute.
No. VIL, p. 231.
J. G. A—’s FAMILY HIsTory.
Paternal side. Maternal side.
First G , Grandfather. A drunkard. Grandmother. ‘Odd.”
irst Generation.............+---» 7 Grandmother. Normal. Grandfather. Normal.
Uncle. A drunkard. Uncle. Epileptic. .
Uncle. A drunkard. Mee bee roeily cripple,
a and his daughter also.
Second Generation...........+.+5 Uncle. An epileptic. Uncle. Rheumatic.
Aunt. Rheumatic.
Father. Excitable and irritable. Mother. Died in asylum.
| |
: _
Daughter. Has had rheumatism and has heart disease.
Son. Now insane.
Third Generation .........
Son. Nowa chronic
Son. Died a few days old of convulsions.
maniac in an asylum.
Daughter. Suicidal melancholia; diedin an asylum; no issue. Family ex-
tinct.
No. VIIL, p. 303.
: S. H—’s FAMILy.
M F
Asthmatic. | Somewhat weak-minded.
i | | | | | | | | | |
I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 It
reed cas oe eee
Healthy. Died ininfancy inconvulsions. Drowned. Epilep- Healthy. Idiot.
It is true that most scientists” to-day believe
that environment has greater influence on char-
acter than heredity, and that heredity trans-
mits only the natural and not the acquired habits
of the parent. Says Mr. Morrison (Crzme and
its Causes, p. 189):
“The son of a rope-dancer does not inherit his
father’s faculties for rope-dancing, nor the son of
tic. | | I
12 13 14
Died in Healthy. Scrofu-!
infancy in lous.
convulsions.
an orator his father’s ready aptitude for public speech,
nor the son of a designer his father’s acquired skill in
the making of designs. All that the son inherits is the
natural faculties of the parent, but no more. Hence
it follows that the son of a thief, on the supposition
that thieving comes by habit and practice, does not
by natural inheritance acquire the parent’s criminal
propensity. As far as his natural faculties are con-
cerned he starts life free from the vicious habits of his
parent, and should he in turn become a thief, as some-
times happens, it is not because he has inherited his
Criminology.
father’s thievish habits, but because he has himself
acquired them. It is imitation, not instinct, which
transforms him into a thief; and if he is removed
from the influence of evil example he will have al-
most as small a chance of falling into a criminal life
as any other member of the community.”
“Nevertheless, natural characteristics are
transmitted. In arecentcommunication toa Ger-
man periodical, Herr Sichart, Director of Pris-
ons in the kingdom of Wiirtemberg, has shown
that a very high percentage of criminals are the
descendants of degenerate parents. Herr Si-
chart’s inquiries extended over several years and
included 1714 prisoners. Of this number 16 per
cent. were descended from drunken parents ; 6
per cent. from families in which there was mad-
ness ; 4 per cent. from families addicted to sui-
cide ; 1 per cent. from families in which there
was epilepsy. In all, 27 per cent. of the offend-
ers examined by Herr Sichart were descended
from families in which there was degeneracy.
According to these figures, more than one fourth
of the German prison population have received
a defective organization from their ancestry,
which manifests itself in a life of crime.”’
‘‘In France and Italy the same state of things
prevails. Dr. Corre is of opinion that a very
large proportion of persons convicted of bad
conduct in the French military service are dis-
tinctly degenerate either in body or mind.
Dr. Virgilio says that in Italy 32 per cent. of
the criminal population have inherited criminal
tendencies from their parents.”” Of England
Mr. Morrison says :
“The population in the local jails in 1888-89, between
the ages of 21 and 40, constituted 54 per cent. of the
total prison population, while the same class between
the ages of 40 and 60 formed only 20 per cent. of the
prison population. One half of this drop in the per-
centage of prisoners between 4o and 60 may be ac-
counted for by the decreased percentage of persons
between these two ages in the general population.
The other half can only be accounted for by the ex-
tent to which premature decay and death rage among
criminals who have passed their fortieth year. In
other words, the number of criininals alive after 4ois
much smaller than the number of normal men alive
after that age.
“A direct proof of the extent of degeneracy in the
shape of insanity among persons convicted of murder
can be found in the judicial statistics. The number
of persons convicted of wilful murder, not including
manslaughter or non-capital homicides, from 1879 to
1888 amounted to 441. Out of this total 143, or 32 per
cent., were found insane. Of the 299 condemned to
death, no less than 145, or nearly one half, had their
sentences commuted, many of them on the ground of
mental infirmity. The whole of these figures de-
cisively prove that between 4o and so per cent. of the
convictions for wilful murder are cases in which the
murderers were either insane or mentally infirm.”
The socialist view of the causes of crime is
that they may be summed up in one word, e-
vironment, produced by a capitalistic system.
It agrees with Mr. Boies when he says (Pris-
oners and Paupers, p. 263):
“We have been convinced by our study that most of
those characteristics which have hitherto been treated
as causes, such as ignorance, intemperance, poverty.
disease, and defects, are symptoms indicating a social
state or condition of crime and pauperism, rather
than causes of them.”
Most of the above quotations are simply
illustrations of the power of environment pro-
duced by capitalism upon character. As for
Mr. Morrison’s supposed proof that want and
destitution do rot produce crime, because there
428
Criminology,
is more crime in wealthy countries like England
and France than in poor countries like Ireland
and Italy, Mr. Morrison forgets that the average
wealth of a country does not prove that there
are not poor people there. England and France
are wealthier than Ireland and Italy, but still
there may be more desperate poverty, above
all, more poverty crowded in great cities, in
wealthy countries than in poor. India is
poor and comparatively free from crime (not
necessarily free from immorality), but India does
not have the kind of poverty produced by a
capitalist system. It is not poverty simply, but
poverty and bad environment, produced by a
seeking after profits which blesses neither the
wealthy nor the poor, and tends to increase
crime in both classes.
JII. THe PREVENTION OF CRIME.
If the cause of crime be poor homes, intem-
perance, lack of proper education for children,
Jack of family life, etc., it is easy to see that the
way to prevent crime is to reduce intemperance,
educate children, and give a proper environ-
ment toall classes, Said Mr. Charlton T. Lewis,
President of the New York Prison Association,
in the opening address at the International
Congress of Charities and Corrections at Chi-
cago in 1893 :
“There is now stirring in the general mind a sense
that we are on the eve of one of the greatest social
revolutions which mankind has ever experienced, and
that the revolution will be a reorganization of society,
a reconstitution of law, a reformation of the courts, a
reconstruction of the system of dealing with crime....
The business of society in protecting itself against the
criminal, or warring against crime, in striking the
blow of vengeance at the criminal, has given place to
the work of charity to the criminal.”
How society can bring proper education and
environment to all classes is too vast a subject
to be considered here. It is the subject of this
whole encyclopedia. (See especially Enuca-
TION ; INDUSTRIAL EDucaTION ; UNEMPLOYMENT ;
Ciry ; TENEMENT-HOUSE QUESTION; SIUMS;
TEMPERANCE } CHARITY ORGANIZATIONS } SOCIAL-
IsM, etc.)
A few points here may be noted. Says Mr. Boies
(Prisoners and Paupers): ‘The problem then is that
of the reformation of city life.... It is important
that an improved system of public char-
ities should be organized in all cities to
prevent the abuse of benevolence. The
organization of charity,’ which has be-
gun under this necessity, ought to be
perfected and sustained by law. It
should comprehend within its scope the
reinstatement of the family unit in its original po-
tentiality in urban life. It must endeavor to adapt
the family to its urban environments, and urban
environments to the essential family privacy and in-
tegrity.
_ The very plan and method of institutional charity
is a mistake in almost every direction. It violates the
primordial principle of the social organization by the
effort to substitute communal treatment for the natural
family arrangement... .
“The general consensus of the wisest students of
sociology is coming to favor a smaller classification
and a more domestic provision for dependents, that
which most closely resembles and reproduces private
family relations in the reduced classification, as most
hopeful of wide and permanent success... . :
These factors of the problem of city life seem to
Tequire the exercise of public power. . . .
One of the primary objects of good local govern-
ment in cities should. be the restoration of a fair
equilibrium in density of population. ...
Social
Reforms.
Criminology.
“The Health Department of New York reported in
1891 a count of 37,358 tenement houses in the city, oc-
cupied by 276,565 families and 1,225,411 souls. This
shows an increase of over 200,000 in tenement popula-
tion in three years, and anaverage of 32.8 occupants to
each tenement! The average density of the 22 largest
cities in the country was 15.92 persons to the acre, so
that the greatest density in New York was 32 times,
and in Philadelphia 10 times the average.
“Tt ought to be the province of the Government to
relieve this social congestion. People do not live in
misery from choice, but because they are unable to
escape it. Let society, in self-protection, open up the
way of escape if itcan, and nature will relieve itself.
Real estate in cities increases in value according to its
accessibility to transportation terminals and occupa-
tion centers, The poor abide where they obtain sub-
sistence, because they cannot afford the time and
money to live farther away. Offer them cheap and
quick transfer to healthier and better homes, and they
will quickly spread themselves out of their stifling
abodes. ;
“Tt becomes a public necessity, then, to provide
rapid and cheap transportation from centers to sub-
urbs....
“An autonomic municipality should and would
greatly improve its police. It would recognize its in-
creased dependence upon it, and the importance of
making it the absolutely safe reliance which it should
be. The municipal police is the public executive force,
the manifestation of the authority and power of the
people’s government. Instead of being the tool of
politicians, it must be made entirely independent of
and superior to partisanship. .. .
“All our cities must provide for the adaptation of
the rising generations to the probable needs of the
coming time, for the general advantage indeed, but
especially to reduce the herds of the idle—the prolific
source of crime and poverty. This provision cannot
safely be left longer to the bequests of the benevo-
lent. It has become a necessary function of govern-
ment, as imperative as the public school, as palpable
and obligatory as the provision of almshouses, asy-
lums, and prisons, and a thousand times better. A
fraction of the sums expended in maintaining these
would be sufficient to transform idleness into earning,
and largely empty them of their inmates—an ounce
of prevention, equivalent to many pounds of ineffec-
tual cure.
“Tt will be necessary to remove those who are in-
capable, by nature or disposition, of adaptation to a
higher life to the simpler requirements of the country,
to locations where labor suitable to their
abilities is in demand. The time has
Employment, come when the public welfare requires
not only that the advantages of adapta-
tion shall be general and sufficient, but
also that the privileges of a constant and even equilib-
rium of work and labor shall be maintained uniform-
ly, and without friction. The ease and economy of
modern facilities of travel and transportation, in
America certainly, have not only made great famines
impossible, but human idleness inexcusable. If the
hands are unfit, and cannot be made fit for the work at
hand, let society see to it that they are taken where fit
work waits.’”’ ~-
As to intemperance, Mr. Boies advocates tax-
ing liquor enough to make it meet the expense
of a greatly increased number of asylums, Kee-
ley institutes, etc.,and the gradual reduction of
intemperance by strict laws restricting or pro-
hibiting the sale of liquor to minors, paupers,
etc., and punishing offenders. He would also
have coffee houses and other substitutes for the
saloon, and have the State teach hygienic cook-
ing to all classes. (See TEMPERANCE.)
The State, he says, cannot, however, do all.
The redemption of the urban population is not
to be expected from the action of the Government
alone, altho this may facilitate it. Government
may restrict and abolish drinking-saloons, gam-
bling saloons, and brothels. It may punish vice
and crime ; it may chase immorality from public
sight. It must provide for the helpless indigent,
: ae put forth effort to reform the criminal in its
ands. But the reformation and elevation of
429
Criminology.
society at large devolves upon philanthropy,
patriotism, and the Church of Christ.
On this point Mr. Forbes Winslow says
(Youthful Eccentricity a Precursor to Crime) :
‘* An education which merely instructs will encourage
crime. One which coordinates the faculties of the
mind, which gives exercise to reason and judgment,
at the same time that it represses without ignoring the
instinctive part of man’s nature, will elevate his posi-
tion in the scale of the creation, and turn those faculties
to the services of his fellow-creatures which otherwise
would be employed to their destruction. If the emo-
tions be constantly trampled. down and invariably
subordinated to reason, they will in time assert their
claims, and break forth in insanity or crime; if they
be constantly indulged, the result will probably be the
same. . . . I am no opponent to the diffusion of
knowledge; but I am to that description of informa-
tion which has only reference ‘to the life that is, and
not to that which isto be.’ Such a system of instruc-
tion is of necessity defective, because it is partial inits
operation.
“Teach a man his duty to God, as well as his obliga-
tions to his fellow-men; lead him to believe that his
life is not his own, and we disseminate principles which
will give expansion to those faculties that alone can
fortify the mind against the commission of a crime
alike repugnant to all human and Divine laws.”
Concerning the methods of reaching the eco-
nomic causes of crime, Mr. Carroll D. Wright
says, in the paper quoted above :
“Trade instruction, technical education, manual
training—all these are efficient elements in the reduc-
tion of crime, because they all help to better and truer
economic conditions. I think, from what I have said,
the elements of solution are clearly discernible. Justice
to labor, equitable distribution of profits under some
system which I feel sure will supersede the present,
and without resorting to socialism,instruction in trades,
by which a man can earn his living outside a penal in-
stitution, the practical application of the great moral
law in all business relations—all these elements, with
the more enlightened treatment of the criminal when
apprehended, will lead to a reduction in the volume of
crime, but not to the millennium.”
So far as heredity contributes to crime, Mr.
Boies would meet it by strict marriage laws.
He says (Prisoners and Paupers, p. 277):
“Tt is an astonishing and incomprehensible fact to
the student that society, among all the plans and proj-
ects it is continually devising for the benefit and ele-
vation of humanity, has in our modern civilization
utterly overlooked and ignored the one vital social
function upon which improvement of the race depends.
Marriage, which constitutes the social unit, which
creates the family, whence the generations succeed one
another in upward or downward progress, has been
left by philanthropy, by Church and State, except b
the recognition and solemnization of the fact itself,
almost as entirely unregulated as it was in the days of
savage life,as itis among wild animals. The union of
the pair upon whose fitness will depend the physique
and character of the next generation is submitted by
society to ‘natural selection’ and ‘chance.’ If other-
wise influenced at all, it is solely by material consider-
ations of selfish, nent importance rather than
those affecting the real object and purpose of the union,
the children who are to come of the union. Itis doubt-
ful if one in a thousand of those who marry ever take
this subject into consideration in their selections. If
they were to do so, indeed, there would be no proper
method available to determine the questions needing
settlement. Sothis seriously vital function is settled by
caprice and ‘chance.’ The chances remaining about
the same, the results have been about the same for
thousands of years, save for the multiplication of the
WUANE. «os
“ Society has willingly expended, and continues each
year to expend, vast sums of money and great labor in
the support of religious institutions, preachers, and
churches for the moral elevation of the people. It sub-
mits cheerfully to pay the largest share of the public
tax, and contributes immense amounts in addition,
benevolently, to promote their intellectual progress.
It founds and supports medical colleges, stimulates
physical culture by encouraging athletic games and
Criminology.
sports, and advocates the improvement of the ee
in every imaginable direction. Religion and philan-
thropy join their forces in ceaseless and exhausting
effort to stem the resistless tide which appears to be
sweeping the race over the cataract of extinction, sus-
tained by faith in the eternal promise of a millennium
rather than encouraged by any palpable success.
They contend valiantly against overwhelming results,
ignorant or oblivious of the easily controlled causes.
“Let it once assume the regulation of the propaga-
tion of the race with wisdom and faithful efficacy, and
all the other burdens and labors will become light and
full of promise, hope, and fruit. It must control this
vital function of marriage for the public welfare, as
well as for the private good of the individual. This
control is sanctioned and required by the divine right
of self-preservation, and_ has become: an imperative
duty to the race and to God—a duty supreme in im-
pulse and in consequence. | i 3
“Nor is its performance impeded by great difficulties.
The tentative measures which have been enacted, the
revious license, the consent of parents or guardians
‘or minors, the prohibited marriage of the idiot and
raving maniac, have secured unanimous approval. So,
eventually, the common-sense of mankin will endorse
the enactment of whatever provisions are essential to
the common welfare.
“We recommend, as the next step, the enactmentofa
code regulating marriage fully in these respects, and
by some such methods, as follows: . :
‘First, it should be required that a license must in
all cases be obtained from a county official before a
legal marriage can be made.
“Second, severe penalties should be imposed upon
any who perform the marriage ceremony without the
presence of the prescribed license, which should have
a blank upon it for the marriage certificate, with the
ages, residence, parentage, nativity, and race of the
parties ; the signature of ‘witnesses, and the certificates
of one or more reputable physicians, under oath, testi-
fying to a knowledge of the following facts, derived
from personal acquaintance with the persons and fam-
ilies of the parties, or from other satisfactory evidence.
“That they are both of proper marriageable age, in
good health, sound and complete physically, neither
intemperate, criminals, nor paupers ; whether either
parents or grandparents were lunatics, drunkards,
idiotic, epileptic, congenitally blind, deaf, or deform-
ed, oro syphilitic, cancerous, scrofulous, or tuber-
culous constitution.
“The license papers should be issued in duplicate
and one copy with all blanks filled should be filed and
recorded in the county clerk’s office. A false certifi-
cate by a physician should prevent the further prac-
tice of his profession. The law should strictly pro-
hibit the marriage of females under 20, and males
under 25; of males over 45 with females over 40 who
have not passed the period of child-bearing (for out-
side of these limitations of age it is generally under-
stood healthy children are exceedingly improbable, if
not impossible); of habitual criminals, paupers,
tramps, and vagrants; of the insane, idiotic, epileptic,
aralytic, syphilitic, intemperate, cancerous, scrofu-
ous, and tuberculous ; the congenitally blind, deaf,
defective, or deformed ; the children or grandchildren
of parents possessed of these taints, or of suicides,
which is of itself presumptive evidence of degener-
acy.
“The infraction of this law or the cohabitation with
prohibited persons should be punished by the per-
manent seclusion of both parties in the penitentiaries
provided for life confinements.
“This is neither a complicated nor impracticable
scheme. Consider what the results would be. In the
brief course of one generation all the inherited rotten-
ness and corruption of the ages would
be purged out of the people. The
Control of criminal and pauper class, as a class,
Marriage. would become extinct. Penitentiaries,
jails, almshouses, insane asylums, idiot,
deaf and dumb and blind asylums
would be largely depopulated. Intem-
perance, the fruitful mother of all evil, sin, and suffer-
ing, would become a rare vice; suicide, the refuge of
conscious incompetence, which has increased at the
rate of 3 per cent. in 25 years in England,* and quite
as much here, would be an almost unknown crime;
the growing burden of inordinate taxation and benev-
olence for the dependent would be lifted from so-
ciety ; the evils of divorce would cease, chronic dis-
eases would disappear almost entirely, and temporary
ailments be robbed of more than half their terrors ;
* Marriage and Disease, p. 88.
430
Crises.
< ‘
more than half of the poignant grief and affliction
over the untimely death of children world be avoided ;
health and strength and ruddy cheeks would delight
the eyes and hearts that now grieve over puny forms
and wan faces; doctors’ bills would no longer drain
the family resources; the earning power of the next
generation would be magnified, its capacity for intel-
Tectual improvement and education increased, its sus’
ceptibility to moral and religious influence and gov-
ernment intensified, and the whole race rebound from
the depression of its past with a buoyancy and power
equal to the full deve opment of its age of steam and
electricity.”
For the treatment of prisoners and its impor-
tant bearing on the prevention of crime, see
PENOLOGY.
References: Criminology, by Dr. Arthur MacDon-
ald (New York City, 1893). This volume has an intro-
duction by Dr. Cesare Lombroso, of Turin, and a com-
lete bibliography of the subject. Abnormal Man, by
r. Arthur MacDonald, United States Bureau of Edu-
cation; Crime andits Causes, by W. D. Morrison (Lon-
don, r89t); L’homme criminel, étude anthropologique
et médico-légale, par Cesare Lombroso traduit sur la
Ive édition italienne, avec préface par M. Letourneau
(Paris, 1887); La criminologie, étude sur la nature du
crime et la théorte de la pénalité, par R. Garofalo,
agrégé de Puniversité de Naples (Paris, 1888); Aypno-
tism and Crime, by Dr. J. M. Charcot (The Forum
April, 1890); Penologzcal and Preventive Principles, with
special Reference to Europe and America, by William
Pallack, Secretary_of the Howard Association (Lon-
don, 1889); Prison Statistics of the United States for
1890, by Roland P. Falkner, Ph.D, (Philadelphia, 1892) ;
The Restoration of the Criminal,a sermon by Fred-
erick H. Wines (Springfield, Ill., 1888); Créme- its
Cause and Remedy, by L. Gordon Rylands (London,
1889); Przsoners and Paupers, by H. N. Boies (New
York and London, 1893). (See also articles CRIME and
PENOLOGY.)
CRISES (COMMERCIAL AND MONE-
TARY).—A time of general difficulty and press-
ure in commercial and monetary circles, if acute,
iscalledacrzs¢s ; if prolonged it is usually called
a period of depression. A crisis, too, must not
be confused with a panic. A panic starts with
a group of speculators, perhaps occasioned by
some disastrous event or report of a disastrous
effect. The market is upset. Weaker firms
fail ; yet there is no general crisis and the mar-
ket soon recovers. A crisis lasts longer and is
general, tho it is often connected with panics.
Crises, whatever be their cause, usually follow
a certain course, which it is asserted by some
writers, Jevons prominently among them, fol-
lows a certain cycle. Jee in his Polztécal
Economy Primer thus describes them. He tells
us (pp. 115-119) that the cause of this cycle is
not well understood, but then says :
“There can be no doubt that in some years men be-
come confident and hopeful. They think that the
country is going to be very prosperous, and that if they
invest their capital in new factories, banks, railways,
ships, or other enterprises, they will make much profit.
When some people are thus hopeful, others readily
become so too, just as a few cheerful people in a party
make everybody cheerful. Thus the hopefulness
gradually spreads itself through all the trades of the
country. Clever men then propose schemes for new
inventions and novel undertakings, and they find that
they can readily get capitalists to subscribe for shares.
This encourages other speculators to put forth pro-
posals, and when the shares of some companies have
risen in value, it is supposed that other shares will do
so likewise. The most absurd schemes find supporters
inatime of great hopefulness, and there thus arises
what is called a bubble or mania.
‘When the schemes started during a bubble begin to
be carried out, great quantities of materials are re-
quired for building, and the prices of these materials
rise rapidly. The workpeople who produce these
materials then earn high wages, and they spend these
wages in better living, in pleasure, or in buying an
Crises.
unusual quantity of new clothes, furniture, ete. Thus
the demand for commodities increases, and trades-
people make large profits. Even when there is no
sufficient reason, the prices of the remaining com-
modities usually rise, as it is called, by sympathy, be-
cause those who deal in them think their goods will
robably rise like other goods, and they buy up stocks
in the hope of making profits. Every trader now
wants to buy, because he believes that prices will rise
higher and higher, and that, by selling at the right
time, the loss of any subsequent fall of prices will be
thrown upon other people.
“This state of things, however, cannot go on very
long. Those who have subscribed for shares in new
companies have to pay up the calls—that is, find the
capital which they promised. They are obliged to
draw out the money which they had formerly deposit-
edin banks, and then the bankers have less to lend.
Manufacturers, merchants, and specu-
lators, who are making or buying large
Course of stocks of goods, wish to borrow more
Crises and more money, in order that they
* may have a larger business, the profit
seeming likely to be so great. Then,
according to the laws of supply and
demand, the price of money rises, which means that
the rate of interest for short loans, from a week to
three or six months in duration, is increased. The
bubble goes on growing, until the more venturesome
and unscrupulous speculators have borrowed many
times as much money as they themselves really pos-
sess. Credit is said to be ererty extended, and a
firm which perhaps owns a capital worth £10,000 will
have undertaken to pay £200,000 or £300,000 for the
goods which they have bought on speculation.
“But the sudden rise which, sooner or later, occurs in
the rate of interest, is very disastrous to such specu-
lators; when they began to speculate interest was,
perhaps, only 2 or 3 per cent.; but when it becomes
7 or 8 per cent., there is fear that much of the profit
will go in interest paid to the lenders of capital.
Moreover, those who lent the money, by discounting
the speculators’ bills, or making advances on the se-
curity of goods, become anxious to have it paid back.
Thus the speculators are forced at last to begin selling
their stocks at the best prices they can get. As soon
as some people begin to sell in this wey, others who
hold goods think they had better sell before the prices
fall seriously ; then there arises a sudden rush to sell,
and buyers being alarmed, refuse to buy except at
much reduced rates. The bad speculators now find
themselves unable to maintain their credit, because, if
they sell their large stocks at a considerable loss, their
own real capital will be quite insufficient to cover this
loss. They are thus unable to pay what they have en-
gaged to pay, and stop payment, or, in other words,
become bankrupt. This is very awkward for other
people, manufacturers, for instance, who had sold
goods to the bankrupts on credit ; they do not receive
the money they expected, and as they also perhaps
have borrowed money while making the goods, they
become bankrupt likewise. Thus the discredit spreads,
and firms even which had borrowed only moderate
sums of money, in proportion to their capital, are in
danger of failing... .
“No one ventures to propose a new scheme or a new
company, because he knows that people in general
have great difficulty in paying up what they promised
to the schemes started daane the bubble. Phis bub-
ble is now burst, and it is found that many of the new
works and undertakings from which people expected
so much profit are absurd and hopeless mistakes. It
was proposed to make railways where there was noth-
ing to carry; to sink minés where there was no coal
nor metal; to build ships which would not sail; all
kinds of impracticable schemes have to be given up,
and the capital spent upon them is lost.
“Not only does this collapse ruin many of the sub-
scribers to these schemes, but it presently causes
workpeople to be thrown out of employment. The
more successful schemes indeed are carried out, and,
fora year or two, give employment to builders, iron
manufacturers, and others, who furnish the materials.
But as these schemes are completed by degrees, no
one ventures to propose new ones; people have been
frightened by the losses and bankruptcies and frauds
brought to light in the collapse, and when some peo-
ple are afraid, others readily become frightened like-
wise by sympathy. In matters of this kind, men of
business are much like a flock of sheep which follow
each other without any clear idea w y they do so.
Ina year or two the prices of iron, coal, timber, etc.,
are reduced to the lowest point; great losses are suf-
431
Crises.
fered by those who make or deal in such materials,
and many workmen are out of employment. The
working classes then have less to spend on luxuries,
and the demand for other goods decreases; trade in
general becomes depressed ; many people find them-
selves paupers, or spend their savings accumulated
during previous years. Such a state of depression
may continue for two or three years, until speculators
have begun to forget their failures, or a new set of
younger men, unacquainted with disaster, think they
see a way to make profits. During such a period of
depression, too, the 1 cher people, who have more in-
come than they spend, save it up in the banks. Busi-
ness men as they sell off their stocks of goods leave the
money received in the banks ; thus by degrees capital
becomes abundant, and the rate of interest falls.
After a time bankers, who were so very cautious at
the time of the collapse, find it necessary to lend their
increasing funds, and credit is improved. Then be-
gins a new credit cycle, which probably goes through
much the same course as the previous one.”
Such is Jevons’s description of a general crisis ;
crises started by particular causes we shall con-
sider under the history of crises below. It is
necessary now to point that Jevons
and other economists claim that
general crises not only follow a Periodicity.
somewhat fixed course, but occur
at somewhat fixed periods. Thorn-
ton, Tooke, Langton. Mr. John Mills, of Man-
chester, and Jevons have all treated this subject
at length. Palgrave’s Dectznary of Political
Economy says :
“An enumeration of recorded years of acutecommer -
cial distress—1753, 1763, 1772-73, 1783, 1793, 1815, 1825,
1836-39, 1847, 1857, 1866, 1878, 1890—suggests periodicity.
During these 140 years trade and banking have been
carried on in war and peace, with a silver standard,
with a gold standard, under a suspension of cash pay-
ments, in times of plenty and in times of want ; but
the fatal years have come round with a consider-
able approach to cyclical regularity. Whileadmitting
that the commercial crises to which this generation has
been exposed have been less acute than those which
afflicted the close of the last and the beginning of the
present century, the fact of their recurrence in some-
thing like periodicity remains.”
Jevons explained crises in part by bad crops,
and these by sun-spot periods. He says. ina
communication to the British Association (1862) :
“There is a periodic tendency to commercial dis.
tress and difficulty during these months (October and
November). It is when great irregular fluctuations
aggravate this distress, as in the years 1836,39, 1847,
1857, that disastrous breaches of commercial credit
occur.
And again (Journal of the Statistical Soctety of Lon-
don, 1866, vol. xxix., p. 249): “ These changes arise from
deficient cr excessive harvests, from sudden changes
of supply or demand in any of our great staple articles,
from periods of excessive investment or speculation,
from wars and political disturbances, or other fortui-
tous occurrences which we cannot calculate upon and
allow for.” Still further developing the notion of
periodicity, Jevons (Politrcal Economy, 1878, Science
Primers) says: ‘Good vintage years on the continent
of Europe, and droughts in India, recur every 10 or rr
years, and it seems probable that commercial crises
are connected with a periodic variation of weather af-
fecting all parts of the earth, and probably arising
from increased waves of heat received from the sun at
average intervals of 10 years and a fraction.”
The invention of this theory of ‘‘ credit cycles"’
can be traced to Mr. John Mills, of Manchester
(paper on ‘Credit Cycles and the Origin of
Commercial Panics,"’ Transactions of the Man-
chester Statistical Soctety, December, 1867).
Mr. Mills discusses the pathology of crises ; and
after alluding to ‘‘ the occult forces which swell
or diminish the volume of transactions through
a procession of years,’’ thus speaks of periodicity :
Crises.
‘Tt is an unquestionable fact that about every
ten years there occurs a vast and sudden increase
of demand in the loan market followed by a
great revulsion and a temporary destruction of
credit.”
A perhaps safer position is to say that while
the cause of crises lies in the various motives
which lead men to overspeculation, and in the
psychological principles which make the act of
one mind or of a few minds influence a whole
community, so that overspeculation creates a
general overspeculation, in the above-suggested
ideas may lie the secret of crises returning so
frequently about once in ten years. Many
causes, however, may lead to crises. Macleod’s
Dictionary of Political Economy puts the
causes of commercial crises as follows :
“1, Along-continued very low rate ofinterest. Per-
sons in such times who have nothing but the interest
of small capitals to live on are so strained in their
means that they look out for more profitable invest-
ments. At such times wild speculators are sure to
abound to take advantage of the credulous. One
scheme breeds another, and a speculative fever seizes
upon the public like a mania. Multitudes of schemes
are set afloat for no other purpose than gambling in
the shares. Numbers of persons then rush to buy the
shares merely for the sake of selling them again,
knowing full well that a crash must come, but hoping
to make a lucky hit during the fever. Then, at last,
either when calls come, supposing them ever to get to
that stage, or when the circle of dupes is found to be
exhausted, prices begin to waver and every onerushes
to sell, and of course things fall asrapidly as they rose,
and then comes the crash.
‘‘o, When some new, large market is opened at
home or abroad, in which extraordinary gains are
realized by the first adventurers, numbers then rush
in and over-production takes place, and the herd of
adventurers is ruined.
“3. A great and general failure of some great crop
necessary for subsistence. The enormously increased
Bilge deranges the demand for other things; the sui-
en rise of price tempts great speculation, sure to be
followed by enormous disasters.
‘““4. A great derangement of the ordinary course of
trade from some great general cause, such as the sud-
den commencement or the sudden termination of a
war. The sudden cessation of demand for some arti-
cles deranges the calculations of the producers of them,
and the sudden demand for large quantities of others
raises their price suddenly, and gives rise to immense
speculations in them, which are sure to be overdone
and end in general ruin.
‘Each of these causes separately, if on a sufficient
scale, may produce acommercial crisis; but, as several
of them may happen together, it will, of course, be
Pproportionably intensified.”
Of peculiarly monetary crises the Report of the
United States Monetary Commission of 1876
gives a description from which we quote the fol-
lowing extracts :
“The worst effect, however, economically consid-
ered, of falling prices, is not upon existing property
nor upon debtors, evil as it is, but uponlaborers, whom
it deprives of employment and consigns to poverty,
and upon society, which it deprives of that vast sum
of wealth which resides potentially in
3 the vigorous arms of the idle workman,
Contraction A shrinking volume of money transfers
existing property unjustly, and causes
on Money a concentration and diminution of
and Crises, wealth. It also impairs the value of ex-
isting property by eliminating from it
_that important element of value con-
ferred upon it by the skill, energy, and care of the
debtors from whom it is wrested. But it does not de-
stroy any existing property, while it does absolutely
annihilate all the values producable by the labor
which it condemns to idleness. The estimate is not an
extravagant one that there are now in the United
States 3,000,000 persons willing to work, but who are
idle because they cannot obtain employment.
Money capital, labor, and other forms of capital
are the warp and woof of the economical system,
- 432
Crises,
#
Labor, cooperating with the forces of nature, is the
source of all enlel and to reach the highest degree
of effectiveness, it must be classified through the aid
of capital and supported by capital during the process
of production and be measured and paid in money,
each unit of which isa sight draft on all other forms
of property, bearing a value in proportion to the num-
ber of such drafts. In order that any country may
reach the maximum of material prosperity, certain
conditions are indispensable, All its labor, assisted
by the most approved machinery and appliances, must
be employed, and the fruits of industry must be justly
distributed. These conditions are utterly impossible
when the money stock is shrinking and the money
value of property and services is declining. Howso-
ever great the natural resources of a country may be,
however genial its climate, fertile its soil, ingenious,
enterprising, and industrious its inhabitants, or free
its institutions, if the volume of money is shrinking
and prices are falling, its merchants will be over-
whelmed with bankruptcy, its industries will be par-
alyzed, and destitution and distress will prevail. ...
“The peculiar effect of a contraction in the value of
money is to give piofit to the owners of unemployed
money, through the appreciation of its purchasing
power, by the mere lapse of time. It is falling prices
that robs labor of employment and precipitates a con-
flict between it and money capital, and it is the ap-
preciating effect which a shrinkage in the volume of
money has on the value of money that renders the
contest an unequal one, and gives to money capital the
decisive advantage over labor and over other forms of
capital invested in industrial enterprises. Idle ma-
chinery and industrial appliances of all kinds, instead
of being productive of profit, are a source of loss.
They constantly deteriorate through rust and waste.
They cannot escape the assessor and tax-gatherer as_
the bulk of money does, and must pay extra insurance
when idle. Labor, unlike money, cannot be hoarded.
The day’s labor unperformed is so much capital lost
forever to the laborer and to society. It being his only
capital, his only means of existence, the laborer can-
not wait on better times for better wages. Absolute
necessity forces him to dispose of it on any terms
which the owners of money may dictate. These are
the conditions which surround the laborer throughout
the commercial world to-day. The labor of the past is
enslaving the labor of the present. ‘At least that por-
tion of the labor of the past which has been crystal-
lized into money is enabled through a shrinkage of its
volume and while lying idle in the hands of its owners
to increase its command over present labor and over
all forms of property, and to transform vast numbers
of honest and industrious workmen into tramps and
beggars. These laborers must make their wants con-
form to their diminished earnings. They must con-
tent themselves with such things as are absolutely es-
sential to their existence. Consumption is therefore
constantly shrinking toward such limits as urgent
necessities require. Production, which must be con-
fined to the limits indicated by consumption, is con-
stantly tending toward its minimum, whereas its ap-
pliances, built up under more favorable conditions,
are sufficient to supply the maximum of consumption.
Thus idle labor, idle money, idle machinery, and idle
capital stand facing each other, and the stagnation
spreads wider and wider.”
HISTORY OF CRISES.
In 1634 there was a crisis over tulips which
became a furore in Holland. This mania
lasted four years before it burst. But the first
crisis of the modern type occurred in 1720 over
the speculative plans of John Law in forming
his Mississippi Company. His company pos-
sessed in 1719 over 21 ships and nearly $1,000,000.
_ Shares went up to many times their value. Spec:
ulation developed liké a fever in
France and England. In France
the currency was inflated. The fall Early Crises.
ile ce oe the same
imeé,:too, in England was developed
the South Sea Bubble (g.v.). eriads companies
united into one South Sea Company, but they
were largely fraudulent, and tho leading to
great speculation, soon utterly failed. In 1763
and 1799 there were crises in Hamburg. In
Crises.
England there were crises in 1783, 1793, 1795-
1797, Ain connection with the American and
French wars. In 1815 there was a severer crisis
at the close of the Napoleonic wars. Hitherto
the French ports had been closed to England.
After the peace England undertook to flood Eu-
rope with manufactures. But there was ‘‘ over-
production” (¢.v.) and a crisis. In 1825 there
was another crisis, an account of which, together
with the accounts of the next succeeding crises,
so far as they concern England, we abridge
from the account by G. H. Pownall in Palgrave’s
Dictionary of Poletecal Economy. It was one
of the most severe :
“ Atthis date speculation ran very high, forthe most
part in loans and mining adventures, and other in-
vestments abroad. The foreign exchanges were so
much depressed as to be the cause of a
nearly continuous drain on the bullion
of the bank. This foreign drain, Tooke
remarks, was not counteracted by any
operation of the bank ; it was suffered,
he observed, to run its course, till it
ceased of its own accord, that is by
simple efflux, toward the close of the summer. Many
and heavy banking faifures, and a state of commercial
discredit, preceded and formed the earlier stage of
the panic. The tendency to speculation, and the un-
due extension of credit, was preceded, qeapaely
caused, and certainly favored and promoted, by the
low rate of interest which had existed for some time
previously; and this low rate of interest was appar-
ently prolonged by the operations of the Bank of
Hag lead. Facility of banking accommodation, which
had existed for some time previously, favored undue
extension of credit.
“This gradually led on to the great difficulties of the
ear.
“In the summer of 1822 the bank reduced its rate of
discount from s to 4 per cent. iw
. The great severity of the pressure extended overa
very short time, hardly more than three weeks. Some
banking failures, principally in the provinces, in the
month of December, were followed by the failure of
several banks in London. A severe drain cn the re-
sources of the Bank of England took place. The
accidental discovery, for such it was said by Mr. Har-
man in his evidence in 1832 (Bank Charter Report,
1832) to have been, of an amount of £1 notes which
had been put away in the bank was, doubtless, a for-
tunate circumstance; for altho the sum was not large
(between £700,000 and £800,000), it served to meet the
peculiar difficulty of that time, which consisted in an
extensive distrust of the small note country circula-
tion, and itis probable that it had an immediate and
very great effect in sopping, the demand from the
provinces for gold.” (Tooke.)
Crisis of
1825,
“Tooke describes the spirit of speculation aroused as.
follows: ‘ This possibility of enormous profit by risk-
ing a small sum was a bait too poe to be re-
sisted; all the gambling propensities of human nature
were constantly solicited into action ; and crowds of
individuals of every description—the credulous and
the suspicious, the crafty and the bold, the raw and the
experienced, the intelligent and the ignorant ; princes,
nobles, politicians, placemen, patriots, lawyers, et
cians, divines, philosophers, poets, intermingled with
women of all ranks and degrees (spinsters, wives, and
widows)—hastened to venture some portion of their
property in schemes of which scarcely anything was
nown except the names.’ 7
“The recoil from these speculations was inevitable.
The country banks, whose advances and whose issues
of notes had both exceeded the limit of prudence,
were among the principal sufferers. Several London
banks likewise failed. A remark made by Mr. Hus-
kisson, ‘that we were within a few hours of a state
of barter,’ has often been quoted as showing the
severity of the trial the country passed through.
The turning-point appears to have been in the week
ending Saturday, December 17, 1825. On that day, ac-
cording to a statement made by Mr. Richards, then
deputy governor of the bank, ‘whether from fatigue,
or whether from being satisfied, the public mind had
yielded to circumstances, and the tide turned at the
moment on that Saturday night.’ The greater part
of 1826 was a time of considerable depression, but by
1827 the trade and manufactures of the country had
resumed their usual and steady course.
433
Crises.
The crisis in America was at its height in 1826. In
July metal had disappeared from the banks. Discount
rose from 20 to 30 percent. By August failures were
general.
The monetary disturbances of 1836-37 are not in-
cluded by Tooke among the memorable commercial
crisis. ‘It was confined in a great measure to two
branches of trade, the American and East Indian, in-
cluding China, The Bank of England raised its rate
of discount to 5 per cent., and laid some restriction
upon the bills of the American houses, who were
notoriously overtrading.”
But in the United States this crisis was most
severe. Early in 1836 President Jackson coun-
seled an increase of circulation at the expense
of small notes, and gold began to come to
America ; but by the above-mentioned action
of the Bank of England credit was withheld,
and failures in this country became numerous.
Gold in 1837 went back to England, and the
crisis in the United States was general.. Seven
hundred banks stopped payment.
It was the worst period since the
Revolutionary War. Early in 1838
there was prosperity again, but a
crisis breaking out in France and
Belgium, with a great draft of gold
from the Bank of England, which came near
stopping specie payment, the crisisin the United
States became still more formidable. On Octo-
ber 10 the United States Bank (see BANKs AND
BANKING) was compelled to close its doors. In
1839, 959 banks stopped payment. There were
33,000 failures, with a loss of $440,000,000.
The crisis of 1847 affected England more.
The failure of the potato crop in 1846 caused the
Crisis
of 1837,
need for a heavy importation of corn. ‘‘ The
price of corn was very high in 1847,
the average in May being g25. 10d.
per quarter, but the imports rose Crisis
in proportion. The result was _ of 1847,
the failure of many houses in the
corn trade, which became the
signal for other heavy bankruptcies. Several
banks succumbed, and credit was severely
shaken.”’ .
Meanwhile the anxiety and alarm were caus-
ing hoarding, and it appeared not unlikely that
the banking department of the Bank of England
might be compelled to stop payment while there
was more than £6,000,000 of specie in the issue
department. Some of the leading city bankers
had an interview with the prime minister, and
the desired relaxation was given. ‘The official
letter recommended ‘‘ the directors of the Bank
of England, in the present emergency, to en-
large the amount of their discounts and ad-
vances, upon approved security.’’ A high rate,
8 per cent., was to be cheng ed to keep these
operations within reasonable limits ; a bill of in-
demnity was promised if the arrangement led to
a breach of the law. The extra profit derived
was to be for the benefit of the public. No
really adequate reason has ever been given for
this last stipulation, unless it is supposed to
have been made to prevent the bank from main-
taining the extra rate unduly long.
_ The effect of the Government letter in allay-
ing the panic was complete. When anxiety
as to obtaining bank notes or gold was re-
moved, the immediate pressure shortly disap-
peared.
The crisis of 1857 began in America. New
Crises.
companies had been forming in all directions.
There was an unusual importation of European
goods. The banks were unable to
resist the monetary pressure, and
on August 24 they stopped pay-
ment ; 5123 failures were counted,
with liabilities of $299,000,000. The
enormous fall of values, however,
brought back gold, and by January, 1858, most
of the banks had resumed. Itaffected England
later, but most severely. The suspension of
the Bank Act of 1844 eased the market some-
what, but the industrial crises were even more
marked. Hundreds of thousands of workmen
were unemployed. Riots became frequent. The
crisis passed, but then gradually reached suc-
cessively France, Germany, the Scandinavian
States, Austria, Italy, South America.
The crisis of 1861 affected England in January
. and France in the autumn, and was
brought on by England’s having to
pay a heavy balance in favor of
the United States. The rate of dis-
count in France had to rise to 8
per cent. to bring back cash.
The crisis of 1866 was mainly in England,
once more causing a suspension of the Bank
Act, and was marked by the mem-
orable ‘‘ Black Friday’’ and of the
failure of the almost historic house
of Overend, Gurney & Co. Sep-
tember 23, 1869, saw a ‘‘ Black Fri-
day’’ in New York, but it was mainly local and
connected with gold speculation.
During the first three quarters of 1873 the
general prosperity of the United States seemed
undiminished ; but on September 18, 1873, the
most extraordinary panic began
which this country has ever wit-
nessed, and reached its height about
the middle of October. It pros-
trated thousands of commercial
houses, cut off the wages of hun-
dreds of thousands of workmen, and overthrew
the Stock Exchange. It swept down the entire
banking system of the country. Even savings
banks closed their doors. It broke off the nego-
tiation of American securities in Europe, and
prostrated business in every way. The causes
were involved.
The closing of the War of the Rebellion had
seen the commencement of great industrial
activity in the United States. From 1869-73
enormous amounts of money were invested in
commercial enterprises. The cost of the rail-
road construction of those five years is estimated
at $1,700,000,000, while municipalities and pri-
vate corporations borrowed money for vast un-
dertakings. The land grant policy and cheap
transportation developed a new West. In Eu-
rope the opening of the Suez Canal stimulated
commerce. Interest was based on the high
prices of war time. There was increased need
of currency. Instead of this the policy of re-
sumption and contraction (see CONTRACTION AND
EXPANSION OF CuRRENCY) limited the amount
of currency, below the demand. Prices fell,
whether owing to contraction of currency or
cheaper processes of production is a disputed
point. (See BimeTa.iism.) Both causes were
probably at work. But it is not disputed that
Crisis
of 1857,
Crisis
of 1861.
Crisis
of 1866,
Crisis
of 1873,
434
.from all other crises.
Crises,
prices fell, Heavy crops and an unusually large
demand for money precipitated the impending
crisis, September 18 the great house of Jay
Cooke & Co., of New York, failed. This brought
trouble to Fish & Hatch, and to McCulloch of
London. The worst immediate effects of the
crisis were soon met. .The bankers met and
voted : 1. To issue $10,000,000 loan certificates,
and still later $10,000,000 more. 2. A general
movement on the part of the banks to make
large payments in checks only, certifiedas ‘‘ good
through the Clearing House.’’ 3. Purchase of
bonds by the Treasury amounting to $13,500,000,
which liberated an equal amount of legal ten-
ders. 4. The advantage taken by the savings
banks of the thirty days’ notice of withdrawals
by depositors. 5. The closing of the Stock Ex-
change from the zoth to the 30th of the month,
Great pressure was brought to bear upon the
United States Treasurer to afford relief by issu-
ing United States notes ; but he declined, and
only consented to sell $13,000,000 bonds.
The immediate crisis was stayed ; but in in-
dustrial lines 1874 was worse than 1873, and
there was depression till 1877. The great rail-
road strikes of that year made matters worse.
In 1878 there was improvement, and this con-
tinued till 1883. In 1884 another crisis occurred,
tho of less serious character, and depression con-
tinued through the strikes and industrial trou-
bles, which continued till 1886. Confidence was
then in a degree restored, and with
some depression in 1888, till the
crisis of 1890. hat year promi-
nent English houses which had in-
vested in Argentine Republican and
African securities were disturbed,
and finally on December 15 even the great house
of Baring Brothers suspended. In France the
great coffee syndicate failed. But the Bank of
England stood firm, and a syndicate of strong
houses liquidated the debt of Baring Brothers.
It affected the United States almost as much,
tho not so much in the form of a crisis as of add-
ing to depression, continuing without much im-
provement to the great crisis of 1893.
The crisis of 1893 was in many ways different
It was only very slightly
due to overspeculation, almost purely to mone-
tary conditions, yet it affected not
only financial circles, but indus-
try all over the United States.
Early in the year there was wide-
spread financial unsteadiness, with,
securities on the down grade. In
Congress there was discussion over the repeal
of the silver-purchasing act of 1890. (See Cur-
RENCY.) During May and June there was no
improvement, tho, with the exception of the Na-
tional Cordage Company, no important houses
were seriously affected. June 26, however, it
was announced that India had stopped the free
coinage of silver. It at once sent the price of
silver bullion down to the lowest point ever re-
corded, and all stocks went down. The mines
of Colorado and other silver States were at once
stopped and their workmen left unemployed.
There was a panic. Western and Southern
banks began to fail. Hoarding set in, even in
the East. Currency became scarce. Many
manufactories shut down. Even strong manu-
Crisis
of 1890,
Crisis
of 1893,
Crises.
facturing companies could not get change to
pay their men. Wealthy men with unques-
tioned credit could not get checks cashed. All
the banking centers except Chicago began to
have recourse to clearing-house certificates. In
New York during the summer these certificates
reached the sum of $38,280,000. Early in Au-
gust bank and treasury notes commanded a
premium as high as 4 per cent. in New York.
There was a money dearth. The President
called an extra session of Congress, which opened
August 7. It was claimed by the monometallists
that the money panic was caused by a lack of con-
fidence in the United States monetary policy,
from fear that, tho silver was depreciating, the
United States would be committed to depreciat-
ed silver. In the House a bill was therefore in-
troduced by Mr. Wilson, according to the sug-
- gestion of the President’s message, repealing
the silver-purchase bill, tho renewing the pledge
to maintain the parity of gold and silver at the
existing or some other ratio. On the other
hand, it was claimed by the free-silver men that
the financial crisis was caused by the lack of
money resulting from the purpose of the gold
manipulators to drive silver from the world, en-
hance the value of gold, and increase their
profits. It wasclaimed that ever since 1873 this
policy had resulted in a contracted currency,
low prices, suffering for the debtor classes, stop-
page of manufactories, etc., a long depression,
and that now by alast stroke the crisis had been
brought on by the bankers trying to drive sil-
ver completely from the market. The conflict
was bitter in Congress and through the country,
the sentiment of the West and South being bit-
ter against the capitalistic East. Finally, Au-
gust 28, the Wilson Bill was carried by a vote of
240 to 110, and the silver-purchase clause re-
pealed. Then began a still more heated strug-
gle in the Senate. Not till October 30 was a bill
introduced by Senator Voorhees repealing the
silver-purchase law, but declaring for the parity
of gold and silver in stronger terms, substituted
for the Wilson Bill passed by the Senate by a
vote of 43 to 32, accepted by the House bya
vote of 192 to 94, and signed by the President
November 1.
Meanwhile the crisis was already checked.
By the middle of August confidence began to
return. By September the premium on cur-
tency vanished. Foreign investors began send-
ing in money, taking advantage of the low price
of stocks. Only one private banking firm in
New York City had failed and only one na-
tional bank. Of the 301 bank suspensions from
‘May 1 to July 22, 93 per cent. were in the South
and West. Yetthe business failures from April
1 to October 1 were 8105 against 4171 for those
months in 1892, with liabilities of $284,663,624
Sri $41,110,322 for 1892. Thus the number
of failures had doubled and the liabilities had
increased nearly sevenfold. Three great rail-
way systems were sent into the hands of receiv-
ers: the Northern Pacific, the Union Pacific,
and the Erie. For further details of this crisis
and for references, see CurRENCY. For various
other views as to the causes of crises, see ar-
ticles SILVER QUESTION ; CONTRACTION AND Ex-
PANSION OF CURRENCY ; MONOMETALLISM OVER
PropucTion ; SocIALISM.
435
Cunningham, William.
CRUSADES, SOCIAL EFFECT OF.—
The crusades covering the interval from the
eleventh to the thirteenth centuries, and partly
inclusive of these, exercised the most profound
influence upon Europe; not only upon those
directly engaged, but upon popes, kings, and
emperors ; upon the relations of Church and
State, and upon the development of literature,
education, and art. Classes were broken up,
and nations were brought together. The eco-
nomic conditions of Europe were changed. The
decay of the Western empire had broken off the
intercourse between the East and West, and
completely ended the maritime traffic which had
been begun by the Phoenicians. It was this de-
struction of naval commerce that compelled the
Crusaders to march overland to Asia. The cru-
sades revived the trades of ship-building and
merchandising, and dotted the Mediterranean
with sails. Asia Minor exchanged products with
Norway and Sweden. An enormous impulse
was thus given to manufactures and agricul-
ture. Neglected industries were developed,
and new arts and occupations introduced from
the East. The crusaders learned in Greece the
manufacture of silk, in Tyre the art of glass-
making, in Africa the cultivation of maize and
sugar-cane, and in Damascus the working of
metals and making of cloth. Manufactures
necessitated the growth of large towns, which
was one of the most notable results-of the cru-
sades. Great wealth, with all its good and evil
_consequences, began to flow into the cities of
Italy, Germany, France, Flanders, and other
European countries.
References: Blanqui, Hrstorre de l’Economie Polt-
tigue en Europe; Guizot, History of Civilization in
Europe ; Ranke, Weltgeschichte, viii,
CUNNINGHAM, WILLIAM, is_ best
known in economic thought as the leading
English advocate of the historical or empirical
study of social phenomena. Graduated from
Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1873, and or-
dained the same year, he devoted his early years
mainly to historical, theological, and ecclesiasti-
cal studies Deputy to the Knightsbridge pro-
fessor, 1881, and since 1887 Vicar of St. Mary’s
the Great, Cambridge, he has given his later
years largely to economic history. In 1882 ap-
peared the first edition of his important work,
The Growth oy English Industry and Com-
merce, which Professor Ashley (g.v.) calls the
first attempt that had been made to trace the
whole course of English economic development.
He has since developed this book into a practi-
cally new work, the first volume of which ap-
peared in 1890 and the second in 1892. In 1884
he published his Chrzstzan Opinion on Usury ;
in 1885, Polztzcs and Economics, an Essay on
the Nature of the Principles of Polttical
Economy anda Survey of Recent Legislation ;
in 1886 S. Austen and hts Place in the flistory
of Christian Thought , in 1887, Polztecal Econ-
omy Treated as an Experimental Science ,; in
1891, Use and Abuse of Money. In 1891 he was
made Tooke Professor of Political Economy at
King’s College, London, and also elected to a
fellowship at Trinity, Cambridge. He is a
D.Sc. of Edinburgh and D.D. of Cambridge.
Currency.
CURRENCY.—(See also Money; Banks
AND Bankinc; GoLp; Sitver; BIMETALLISM ;
MONOMETALLISM ; PapER Money ; CONTRACTION
AND EXPANSION OF CuRRENCY ; CRISES; MONE-
‘TARY CONFERENCES ; GREENBACKIsM, etc.) The
word currency may be defined as money in c7r-
culation, or the commodity or commodities in
use in any country as the medium of exchange.
Money (¢.v.) is the general and philosophic
term ; currency is money, with emphasis upon
its passing trom hand to hand. For a state-
ment, therefore, of the economic principles and
different theories of money, see Monzy. We
present here an historical review of the
UniTeD STATES CURRENCY,
our main authorities being, for the earlier
periods, Professor Sumner’s Hzstory of Ameri-
can Currency, and Bolles’ Financial History
of the United States ; for the later periods,
the reports ot the Secretary of the Treasury,
the Comptroller of the Currency, the Director
of the Mint, and the Record of Political Events
in the Polztzcal Sczence Quarterly. :
I, COLONIAL PERIOD.
From Professor Sumner we learn that the first
colonies to this country brought little English
or European currency with them, and soon
found need for more.
Winthrop wrote to his son in 1630 especially to bring
4150 oF £200 with
days was allowed £30 per annum. Carpenters and
skilled workmen, who were greatly in demand, were
forbidden to take over 12d. and later 2s. per day.
When explorers reached Long Island Sound, they
found the Indians more advanced in civilization than
their northern neighbors, and using a circulating
medium of exchange, consisting of beads of two
kinds, one white, made out of the end of a periwinkle
shell, and the other black, made out of the dark part
of aclam shell. They were rubbed down and polish-
ed, and when artistically arranged in strings or belts
formed objects of real beauty. These beads circu-
lated among the Indians as money, one black bead
being reckoned as worth two white ones, and were
known as wampum, or wampumpeag or peag. The
colonists came to use them first in their trade with
the Indians, and then among themselves. In Massa-
chusetts they became by custom the common cur-
rency of the colony, and were made a legal tender in
small sums. ‘The white man,” says Professor Sum-
ner, ‘‘also proved his superiority by counterfeiting
it.” A fathom or belt of wampum consisted of 360
beads, and one fathom of white would buy furs valued
at 5s. sterling. Barter was also at this time continu-
ally used, and various commodities did duty for
money. In 1635 musket bullets were used for change
ata farthing apiece. And the more barter was used
because money was scarce, the scarcer money be-
came. Interest in 1664 was 8 per cent. Merchants
drained the people of their cash. In 1652 Massachu-
setts set up a mint to coin silver—the famous '“ pine
tree” coinage. She coined shillings,
sixpences, and threepences. The coins
were to be of sterling alloy fine,
and the shilling worth 1o@. sterling. It
was taken in England at 25 per cent.
discount, and declared to be not of even
: _weight or fineness. Barter, however,
continued. Silver was smuggled out of the country or
clipped. The silver which came to the colony con-
sisted mainly of Spanish pillar coins. They were not
allowed to be circulated. In 1686 a bank was proposed
and seems to have made issues, but soon disap eared.
Andrews stopped the mint about 1688. The ‘erst en-
during issue of paper money made in the colonies was
in 1690, six years before the founding of the Bank of
england, a
n expedition had been sent out against Can
and returning without spoils, and ina Gate of ee
the soldiers were ‘clamorous for their pay. So £7000
Pine Tree
Coinage.
436
him. A married clergyman in those.
Currency,
were issued in notes from 5s. to £5. The form of
these notes or bills was as follows:
“This indented bill of ros., due from the Massa-
chusetts colony to the possessor, shall be in value
equal to money, and shall be accordingly accepted by -
the treasurer and receivers subordinate to him in
all public payments, and for any stock at any time in
the treasury.” The soldiers disposed of them at
cne third discount till 1692, when the Government
ordered that they be received at 5 per cent, advance
over coin, and pee to redeem them in money
within 12 months. This kept them at par 20 years,
There were continually at every new crisis new
issues of money. Another expedition against Canada
in 1709 meant a new large issue. Connecticut and most
of the colonies also issued a small amount. South
Carolina probably issued more money than any other
colony. In 1709 the time for redemption in Massachu-
setts was set at four years and then later, and the
paper began to depreciate. In Connecticut there
were four prices for “pay,” “pay as money,”
“money,” and “trusting.” ‘‘Pay” was barter at
Government prices. ‘‘Money”’ was Spanish or New
England coin. ‘Pay as money” was barter cur.
rency at prices one third less than the Government
rate; ‘trusting’ was an enhanced price according to
time. The merchant asked his customer how he
would pay before fixing his price.
In 1715 John Culman proposed a land bank, which
in those days meant simply an issue of paper based
onland. Such an issue was made. Banking was ar-
resting attention the world over. The Land Bank of
England dates from 1685, the Austrian enterprises
from. 1700, John Law’s scheme from 1715, and the South
Sea Company from 1711. In 1720 trade was stagnant,
and there was a'great cry for more issues. At the
same time the commissioners of the New England
colonies became alarmed at the ten-
dency to further increase ot paper notes.
The English Parliament forbade bank- Land Banks,
ing except under its charter, and for-
bade the colonial governments from 5
emitting bills. Later the restriction was modified to
permit an issue for government expenses only. In
1739 a “‘land bank” was set in operation, which loaned
its notes for 3 per cent. per annum interest, and 5 per
cent. in prin¢ipal, doth payable in merchandise. is
bank became a factor in politics, and as fortunes were
to be made through it, the “land bank,” says Sumner,
“resisted its fate by social and political intrigues.’
In 1740 Parliament required its wind up, but it man-
aged to evade the requirement. : Le
Rhode Island had the severest experience, as it issued
bills the most recklessly. Parties were no longer
Whig or Tory, but Creditor and Debtor. In 1721
Massachusetts issued £100,000, and forbade buying or
selling silver ; but this could not be stopped, It led to
the above-mentioned instructions from Parliament to
forbid the governors signing any acts for emitting
bills, and the history of the next 20 years is a history
of struggle over this. In 1749 the paper issue of
Massachusetts was £2,466,712. Parliament at this time
ransomed Louisbourg from the colonies, and paid
Massachusetts in silver and copper £138,649 sterling,
which at rz to 1, the ruling exchange, nearly cancelled
the paper, and Massachusetts found herself with a
specie currency. Other colonies, and Rhode Island
in particular, clung longer to paper money.
2. TO THE WAR OF THE REBELLION.
We now come to the times of the Revolution.
The colonies commenced the war, many of them
with paper already in circulation. To issue
Paper money was the one way in which. the
were accustomed to meet acrisis. The Conti-
nental Congress ordered in May, and issued in
August, 1775, paper for 300,000 Spanish dollars,
on the faith of the ‘‘ Continent,’” redeemable in
three years in gold and silver. ‘This went on
till $9,000,000 were thus issued. In 1776 depre-
ciation began. In 1779 Congress was at its
wits’ end. It tried to force paper money into
circulation by making it legal tender, and by
fixing prices, but this only increased deprecia-
tion. In 1780 the bills were worth only two
cents on the dollar, The following table, con-
Currency.
densed from Gouge’s History of Continental
Money, gives the issues and depreciation :
437
Currency.
Amount issued up to and inclusive of the
year—
_ 1776 $20,064,464 Rate of ys, Jan. 1, 1777 14 for rx
Added in 1777 26,426,333 for gold or silver 9778 4 ee
3778 66,965,269 eo * 3779 9 :
“a “cr “ es ac
«eS “ “ a ae
“ 1781 11,408,095 oe ee “1782 500 of
Total, $357,476,541
The French alliance in 1779 enabled Congress
to borrow money, and it attempted to limit the
outstanding issues of paper money to $200,000,-
000, but did not. The loss of value of the entire
issue became complete in 1781, and having been
gradual, as it passed from hand to hand through
several years, came to be regarded in the light
of an involuntary tax for the maintenance of
the war, which in general had fallen severely
on people, according to their means, tho in cases
it produced shameful wrongs. Nevertheless,
of this depreciation of the conti-
nental paper money, it should be
Continental added that it struggled against fear-
Currency. fulodds. Congress issued the bills,
but only the individual States could
redeem them. Congress collected
no duties on imports or internal revenue. For
Congress it was all outgo and no income. The
continental money was made payable in coin
which was at a premium. ‘The wonder is that
it circulated as well as it did.
The colonies were contending with the great-
est nation on earth, whose armies had generally
been victorious on land, who was conceded to
be the mistress of the seas, The colonies were
poorly prepared for war. They had no army,
no navy, no fortifications, no arms, no ammuni-
‘tion, no credit, no money. The odds were im-
mensely against them, viewed from a military
standpoint. The contest was not only doubt-
ful, but from any standpoint except justice and
right was overwhelmingly in favor of Great
Britain. Under thesSe circumstances it would
have been difficult to maintain a State paper
circulation at par had Congress adopted the best
method of doing it. But with the means adopt-
ed, itis astonishing that any success attended
their efforts. So that, while the continental
paper money must be admitted to have failed,
small argument can be drawn from it as to the
failure of such money under proper conditions.
But the real currency of this period was the note
citculation of banks, under either national or
State charters, altho some metal was coined.
For a fuller consideration of this period, we
therefore refer the reader to the article BAnKs
AND BANKING. : ;
In January, 1782, the Bank of North America
was chartered in Philadelphia, with a capital
of $400,000. Seventy thousand dollars in specie
were put intoits capital by citizens,
and the remainder by the Govern-
i ment in specie or foreign exchange
Ris, out of a foreign loan, The bank
had its origin in a union of citizens
to supply the army. They issued
the bank’s notes in pay. Gouge, in his Hzstory
of Paper Money and Banking in the United
States, published in 1833, shows that it was a
mistake to suppose that that bank aided the
Government, as its stockholders only paid in
Ro or seven-fortieths of its capital. The
overnment deposited $254,000, and was credit-
ed by Robert Morris with that amount of stock
in the bank. The individual directors thus ac-
quired the power to circulate $400,000 in the
bank’s notes, and loaned the Government and
others their own money and the $400,000 addi-
tional money which the Government’s deposits
and sanction soon made current at par. The
dividends were soon from 12 to 16 per cent. for
the stockholders. ‘‘ In 1785,’’ says Gouge, ‘‘ the
effects of its operation began to be apparent. .. ,
Atemporary plentifulness of money, followed by
great scarcity, usury, ruin to the many, riches
to the few.’’ In 1785 the Legislature of Penn-
sylvania repealed its charter, but it existed
under its old congressional charter till Penn-
sylvania finally rechartered it. In 1785 and
1786 Shay’s rebellion broke out in New Eng-
land. It was an insurrection of debtors who
were suffering from a collapse of the currency
and return to specie values. They clamored for
paper. The rebellion was put down by force ;
but Massachusetts passed a law delaying the
collection of debts. In Rhode Island the Paper
Money Party carried the election of 1786, and
4100,000 were issued by vote of the rural dis-
tricts against the cities.
The new federal Constitution, framed in 1787,
had decreed that no State ‘‘ shall coin money,
emit bills of credit, or make anything but gold
and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ;”’
and this would seem to have forever barred a
State from giving charters to banks of issue,
since it would seem that a State Legislature
could not delegate to private corporations a
power the Constitution had denied to the State
itself. Nevertheless, the rage for banking be-
came so extreme, excited largely by the high
profits of the Bank of North America, that
‘Massachusetts, New York, and Maryland gave
charters to banks which United States courts
did not abrogate. The Bank of North America
had already been chartered, and it was held
that ‘‘ bills of credit’? were not meant to cover
bank-notes. The courts have held that a State
may authorize bank issues when it itself owns
all the stock; when the Legislature appoints
the directors; when the faith of the State is
pledged. for the redemption of the bills, and
when they are receivable for public dues, PRo-
vided also that the capital is paid in and the
bank may be sued (Story, fourth edition, vol i.,
p. 227, note). Onthe question, Can the national
Government do what the States cannot do under
this clause? the courts have decided that it can.
When it was proposed, however, in the con-
stitutional convention to give to Congress the
right to emit bills of credit, it was defeated by
a vote of nine States to two,
Currency.
Thus began the great flood of State banking,
which did not terminate till the War of the Re-
bellion. (See BANks AND Banxinc.) The first
United States bank was chartered in 1791, and
expired in 1811. The second United States
bank was opened January 1, 1817, and finally
suspended February 4, 1841. The Secretary
of the Treasury began to interfere with the bank
market directly about 1814. (For the whole
struggle of the Government and of the State
banks against the national bank, and for the
effect of the national and State bank issues upon
the currency, see BANKs AND BANKING.) In 1786
Congress passed a coinage law upon a plan pre-
sented by Thomas Jefferson.
The Constitution (Article 1, section .8, clause 5) had
vested in Congress the right to coin money and to
regulate the value thereof, and the Act of Congress of
April 2, 1792, was the first act respecting coinage, en-
titled ‘‘ An act establishing a mint and regulating the
coins of the United States.’’ The ninth section of this
act provided:
‘““That there shall be from time to time struck and
coined at the said mint, coins of gold, silver, and cop-
per of the following denominations, values, and de-
scriptions, viz.: Eagles—each to be of the value of $10
or units, and to contain 247 grains and four eighths of
a grain of pure, or 270 grains of standard gold.”
After providing for half eagles, each to be of half
the value of the eagle, and quarter eagles, each to be
of one fourth of the value of the eagle, the section
continues, as follows:
“Dollars or units—each to be of the value of a
Spanish milled dollar as the same is now current, and
tocontain 37: grains and four sixteenth parts of a
grain of pure, or 416 grains of standard silver.”
_ The act also provided for half dollars, quarter dol-
lars, dimes, and half dimes, each to contain, respec-
tively, one half, one fourth, one tenth, and one twen-
tieth of the pure silver contained in the dollar. The
coinage of cents and half cents of copper was also
provided for.
It thus declared the dollar to be the unit of
value, and it measured this value in silver.
The money unit of the United States had been
already established in 1785 by the Continental
Congress as the dollar. This was a well-known
coin, and had been in constant use
for many years. Indeed, it com-
Adoption of peted with the pound as a méasure
a Currency. of value ; in some transactions the
pound measure was used ; in other
transactions the dollar measure.
Persons expressed their transactions in their
books of account either in pounds or dollars;
but for a long period the quantity coined was so
small that it was necessary to use foreign coins
for monetary purposes. Congress first author-
ized their use in 1793, declaring at what rates
they should pass current, and that they should
be a legal tender for the period of three years
from the time the mint began operations. When
that time expired their use was renewed by addi-
tional legislation for short periods until 1809,
To determine their value, they were assayed an-
nually, and from the information thus obtained
Congress could act intelligently in fixing the
rates. After the supply of domestic coin became
ample, foreign coins ceased to be used much as
money, tho, as they were mingled with the do-
mestic coinage, they were to be constantly seen
until the suspension of specie payments in 1861
when all coin disappeared. ;
By the act of 1792 the i
alloy in gold Shing wos ede oe ‘ie oe oes
gold and one part alloy, the alloy being composed of
438
Currency,
silver and copper. The proportion of pure silver to
the alloy in silver coins was made 1485 parts fine silver
to 179 parts alloy. The reason for this proportion of
silver to alloy was that the alloy was found in that
proportion in the Spanish dollars then current. These
coins having been a long time in circulation were more
or less worn, and their assay did not show the exact
original weight of the coin, and probably not the
exact original proportion of alloy, The alloy in the
silver dollar consisted of 443 grains of copper, mak-
ing the dollar 892.4 fine; this, by the act of 1837, was
changed to 41% grains of copper, making the standard
nine tenths fine. Section 1: of the act provided:
“That the proportional value of gold to silver in all
coins which ghall by law be current as money within
-the United States, shall be as 15 to 1, according to
uantity in weight of pure gold or pure silver; that
a to say, every 15 lbs. weight of pure silver shall be
of equal value in all payments with 1 1b. weight of
pure gold, and so in proportion as to any greater or
less quantities of the respective metals.”
A dollar of gold contained 24.75 grains of pure metal,
and a dollar of silver 371.25 grains—being exactly 15 to
x. Section 14 provided 7
“Phat itshall be lawful for any person or persons to
bring to the said mint gold and silver bullion, in order
to their being coined ; and that the bullion so brought
shall be there assayed and coined as speedily as may
be after the receipt thereof, and that free of expense
to the person or persons by whom the same shall have
been brought. nd as soon as the said bullion shall
have been coined, the person or-persons by whom the
same shall have been delivered shall, upon demand
receive in lieu thereof coins of the same species of
bullion which shall have been so delivered, weight for
weight, of the pure gold or pure silver therein con-
tained.”
Section 16, which follows, made the coinage of both
metals equally a lawful tender in all payments what-
soever, thus establishing the free coinage and full
legal tender of both metals without limit, at the ratio
of r5 to 1, The exact language of section 16 of the
act is:
' “That all the gold and silver coins which shall have
been struck at, and issued from the said mint, shall be
a lawful tender in all payments whatsoever; those of
full weight according to the réspective values herein-
before declared, and those of less than full weight at
values proportional to their respective weights.’
The ratio of 15 tox for American coins was not ex-
actly in accordance with the ratio which then prevail-
edin European countries. Silver was slightly over-
valued and gold a little undervalued.
The result was that the metallic money
of the United States during this period
consisted mostly of silver coins and
largely of foreign coins. But $11,908,890
of gold altogether were coined from 1793 to 1834, and
this was generally soon exported. The production of
gold for the same period in the United States is given
at $14,000,000.
| The act of May 8, 1792, provided for the purchase of
copper, ‘‘ not exceeding 150 tons,” ‘‘to be coined into
cents and half cents,” which, by the act of April 2,
1792, were to contain respectively 11 and 5% penny-
weights. The act of January 14, 1793, provided that
the cent piece should contain 208 grains of copper and
the half cent 104 grains.
The act of February 9, 1793, prescribed the rates at
which foreign gold and silver coins should be legal
tender inthe United States. This act provided that
Spanish milled dollars should be legal tender “at the
rate of roo cents for each dollar, the actual weight
whereof shall not be less than 17 penn weights and
7, grains.” Section 2 of this act provided, “That at
the expiration of three seo next ensuing the time
when the coinage of gold and silver, agreeably to the
act entitled ‘An act establishing a mint and regulat-
ing the coins of the United States,’ shall commence at
the mint of the United States (which time shall be an-
nounced by the roclamation of the President of the
United States), all foreign gold coins and all foreign
silver coins, except Spanish milled dollars and parts
of such dollars, shall cease to be a legal tender, aS
atgressid.”
ection 5 of the act of March 3, 1 rovided for
the deduction of two cents per ange tom deposits
of silver bullion when below the standard of the
United States and four cents per ounce from gold bul-
lion below the standard to cover the cost of refining.
Only the copper, however, at this time was coined, -
and, being below standard, depreciated. They bore 13
citeles linked together, with a small circle in the mid-
e, around this the words “ United States,” and in the
15 to 1.
Currency.
centre ‘‘ We are one.” On the opposite asun-dial with
the words “ /ug7o” and “1787” on either side, and “ Mind
your business,” below the dial. The real currency of
the United States at thistime consisted mainly of bank
notes, nominally convertible, issued by chartered
banks. In 1794, the first silver was actually coined,
the dollar weighing 416 grains, 1485 parts pure to 179
parts alloy” Gold was first coined in
1795, the eagle weighing 270 grains, }}
pure, so that one dollar contained 24.75
grains pure gold. It was assumed that
silver was to gold as 15 to 1x, but the
actual market value was 15% tor. With
slight amendments the above was the
coinage to 1834, when there was achange.
The act of June 28, 1834, changed weight and fineness
of the gold eagle, making it 258 grains of .899225 fine-
ness, or 232 grains of pure gold.
No change was made in our silver coins by the act of
1834. Why the ratio should have been changed at this
time from 15 to 1, as established in 1792, to 16 to 1, 31
ears after the French act of 1803, which had practically
xed the ratio for all Europe at 15% to 1, is difficult to
understand. The reason usually given is that under
the ratio of 15 to 1 little or no gold came or stayed here,
and new mines of gold having been discovered in
North Carolina and Georgia about this time, the higher
ratio was adopted in order to give the gold a higher
rating relatively to silver, and thereby keep it here.
But it worked evil, and the act of January 18, 1837, es-
tablished .900 as the standard fineness of both gold and
silver. It fett the weight of the gold dollar unaltered
(thus slightly increasing its value) and reduced the
weight of the silver dollar to 412} grains.
Between the act of 1792, establishing the mint, and the
act of 1837, no change whatever was madc in the silver
coins, and the only change made in these coins by the
Currency
Changes.
act of 1837 was the change in the alloy from 44% grains, -
as contained in the dollar of the act of 1792, to 414%
grains, the pure silver being left the same exactly by
the act of 1837 as it was in the original act of 1792. The
pure gold was changed from 24.75 grains to a dollar, as
in the act of 1792, to 23.22 grains, as fixed in the act of
1837. As 371% gains is the weight of pure silverin our
present standard dollar, it will be seen that this unit
has therefore never varied in weight of pure metal
through all the changes of our mintlaws. Itstandsto-
day the same dollar it was when our money system
was established.
The change in the ratio to 16 to1z, in 1834, while the
European ratio stood at 15% to 1, led to the exportation
of nearly all our full-weight silver coins. For, by this
variation in the ratio between the two metals in the
United States and in Europe, full-weight silver coins
were worth for export a little more than 3 per cent.
more than our gold coins; and as our subsidiary coins
contained proportionally the same weight of pure silver
contained in the dollar piece, it was as profitable to ex-
port these coins asthe dollar piece ; consequently the
country was well-nigh depleted of small coins. To
Temedy this evil, Congress by the act of February ar,
1853, reduced the weight of the half-dollar from 206%
grains to 192 grains standard silver, and the smaller
siiver coins in proportion. Until this act fractional
silver coins were legal tender for all sums; but by this
act they were made legal tender for $5 only. Deposits
of silver for coinage into fractional pieces for the ben-
efit of the depositor were no longer received, but pro-
vision was made for the purchase of silver bullion on
government account for the fabrication of the light-
weight subsidiary coins.
Passing by legislation concerning foreign
coin (which by the act of February 21, 1857,
was deprived of. currency) and concerning
minor currency, we now reach the period of the
War of the Rebellion. Yet it must not be for-
gotten that through all this period the currency
of the country was really very largely the bank
notes, and that the great currency problems
and movements of the day were connected
with the banks and the battle of the various
administrations for or against the national and
State banks. (For all this interesting period,
however, see BANKS AND BANKING.)
3. THE PERIOD OF THE WAR OF THE REBELLION.
At the breaking out of the Rebellion, the
Government found itself destitute of the means
439
Currency.
necessary to carry on a gigantic war, and un-
able to procure such means from ordinary
sources. Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, had been
nominated Secretary of the Treasury by Mr.
Lincoln, and after much hesitation had accept-
ed. He was without experience, but trusted by
the people. He hadadifficult problem to meet.
Howell Cobb had worked under the preceding
administration to ruin the credit of the Govern-
ment, and tho General J. A. Dix, after Mr.
Cobb’s retirement, had done his best, he had
had to borrow at 12 per cent. interest, and
raised only $5,000,000 of treasury notes at that.
Mr. Chase first negotiated some small loans
under the authority already existing, and on
July 4, 1861, Congress convened to enact meas-
ures for suppressing the war. A
loan of $250,000,000 was author-
ized, duties were increased, an War Loans.
internal revenue system was adopt-
ed, and a direct tax of $20,000,-
ooo was laid. The States were offered 15
per cent, reduction if they paid the tax, and this
course was taken by all the States except those
in rebellion, Delaware, and two of the territo-
ries, altho much of the money was paid by fit-
ting out troops, and brought in no revenue to
the general Government. Tax commissioners
were appointed to enforce the law in the insur-
rectionary States, and they made levies and sold
land, and after a long effort collected a portion
of the tax assessed on them.
As soon as Congress adjourned, Mr. Chase
went to New York to effect the loan, obtaining
a promise of $150,000,000. Subscription books
- for a ‘‘ popular loan"’ were opened and brought
in $24,678,866, and the banks agreed to make
up the rest. The thought was naturally in oe
ple’s minds, What if we do not support the Gov-
ernment?
The banks proposed that they should pay
their respective portions over to one or two
banks, and that the secretary should draw it
out by issuing checks like an ordinary borrow-
er. Congress had voted to suspend the law for-
bidding the Government from receiving any-
thing but specie. The banks said that this
would be the easiest way for them, as the checks
would then simply go through the clearing
house like other checks. Mr. Chase, however,
insisted that the banks pay the Government in
gold. They undertook to do so, but sought a
promise that the treasury notes, which had been
authorized to the extent of ¢50,000,000, should
not be issued. Tho not making any formal
promise, Mr. Chase assured the banks that their
wishes should be regarded. Soon, however,
the notes began to appear in circulation. The
effect was soon apparent. The banks could pro-
vide for the redemption of their own circulation,
but as the Government had only so much gold
as the banks could furnish, the banks must pro-
vide for the redemption of the Government
notes or they must circulate without any foun-
dation. The banks, therefore, feared the notes.
They, however, appeared in small quantities
at first, and as the gold paid out quickly came
back again in the way of ordinary deposits, all
went well. But as soon as the quantity of the
treasury issues became considerable, the gold
did not return to the banks as before, and see-
Currency.
ing that it was rapidly disappearing, the banks,
on December 28, 1861, concluded to suspend
specie payments on the Monday following (De-
cember 30).
The balance of the $150,000,000 they agreed
to pay the Government was paid in paper.
Professor Sumner says that the banks suspend-
ed unnecessarily. Nevertheless they had done
so, and the Government was compelled thereby
also to suspend avec payment. But more
money was needed. Public sentiment favored
the issue of treasury notes. Mr. Chase, in his
report (see Banks AND Bankinc), had already
proposed the creation of a national banking sys-
tem, but it was seen that this could not be de-
veloped in time. Money was needed then. Mr.
E. C. Spaulding, of New York, therefore, two
days after the suspension of the banks, intro-
duced a bill into the House authorizing the
issue of $50,000,000 of treasury notes to be legal
tender in payment of all debts in
the United States and receivable by
Greenbacks, Government for all dues to the
United States. It was referred to
the Committee of Waysand Means,
consisting of Thaddeus Stevens, Chairman ;
J. S. Morrill, of Vermont ; J. S. Phelps, of Mis-
souri; E. G. Spaulding, of New York; V. B.
Horton, of Ohio; Erastus Corning, of New
York ; S. Hooper, of Massachusetts ; Horace
Maynard, of Tennessee; and J. L. N. Strat-
ton, of New Jersey. The committee duly con-
sidered it, increased the amount to $100,000,000,
and reported it favorably by a vote of five to
four, altho Mr, Stratton finally consented to cast
a favorable vote only to bring it before the
House. Stevens, Spaulding, Hooper, and May-
nard voted for it. Itimmediately created great
discussion and interest. Delegates from the
banks came to Washington and _ protested.
James Gallatin, President of the Gallatin Bank
of New York, made the principal speech, and
proposed a counter plan of taxation, and to
make a loan with the banks as depositories, the
Government to issue $100,000,000 treasury notes
for two years, to be receivable for public dues
except dutiesonimports, The consultation im-
mediately resulted in nothing except that later
the delegates favored Mr, Chase’s proposals of
a national banking system. Meanwhile the
$100,000,000 Legal Tender Note Bill came be-
fore the House for debate January 28. It was
claimed—and on this point Stevens had at first
hesitated—that the bill was unconstitutional,
since the Constitution provides that ‘‘ no State
shall. . . make anything but gold and silver
coin a tender in payment of debts.’’ It was an-
swered that this pertained only to States. The
preceding clause in the same section, ‘‘ No State
shall emit bills of credit,’’ has always been so
understood. Mr. Pendleton, of Ohio, made the
best plea against its constitutionality. It was
believed by many that Mr. Chase doubted its
constitutionality, and he was appealed to ; but
he wrote that necessity seemed to demand it.
Mr. Morrill proposed a counter scheme. Mr.
Stevens closed the debate, arguing that it was
‘‘a measure of necessity, not of choice.’’ An
amendment was passed increasing the amount
to $150,000,000 ; but the $50,000,000 authorized
by the July act of the previous year were to be
440
Currency.
retired. The act finally passed by a vote of 93
to 59.
On February to the bill was reported by the
Finance Committee of the Senate, with various
amendments—among others, that the notes
should not be receivable for ‘‘ interest on bonds
and notes, which shall be paid in coin,’’ and an
amendment relating to the issuing of certifi-
cates, which, said Mr. Fessenden, the Chairman
of the Committee, ‘‘ was very much desired by
the banks in all the cities.’” This was opposed
by Senator Sherman, and answered by Mr.
Fessenden, who, however, opposed the bill as
“‘a confession of bankruptcy,’’ ‘‘ bad faith,”
and ‘a stain on the national honor,’’ altho he
admitted that if it were necessary to issue legal-
tender notes to sustain the Government, he
should have no hesitation in doing so. The bill
passed the Senate by a vote of 30 to 7. -Return-
ing to the House, after a strong contention with
the Senate, its principal amendments were
finally concurred in, As a fair specimen of the
supporters of the bill, few of whom would have
voted for it had the notes not been made legals
tender, we quote Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts,
who said, February 13, 1862 :
“Tf the legal-tender clause is not retained in this
bill, I shall vote against it under any and all circum-
stances... . I shall vote for every measure to sustain
these notes by sustaining the credit and
good faith of the nation.... Your man-
ufacturers, your merchants, your men Legal
who have their hundreds of millions Tender.
trusted out in all parts of the country,
are for this measure, for it is their protec-
tionandtheirinterest. You will find that
the families of your soldiers who are to receive a small
pittance from the men who are fighting the battles of
your country in the field are in favor of stamping upon
these notes the words ‘legal tender,’ so that when that
little pittance comes from the field to them to support
them at home, they can use it to pay their necessary
debts and support themselves without having to go
through the process of broker-shavings.... I believe
the sentiment of the nation approaches unanimity in
favor of this leval-tender clause,... The intelligence
he from all portions of the country is to the same:
effect... .
Senator Sherman said the same day :
‘\T do believe there is a pressing necessity that these:
demand notes be made a legal tender, if we want to-
avoid the evils of a depreciated, dishonored paper cur-
rency. I do believe we have the constitutional power
to pass such a provision, and that the public safety now
demands its exercise. . . . We have the concur-
rence of the Chamber of Commerce of the city of New
York, the opinion of the Committee on Public Safety
of the city of New York, compased of distinguished
men, nearly all of whomare ead financiers, who agree
fully in the same opinion. may say the same in re-
ard to the Chambers of Commerce of the city of
oston, of the city of Philadelphia, and of almost every
recognized ocean of financial opinion in this country.
They have said to us in the most solemn form that this.
measure was indispensably necessary to maintain the
credit of the Government. + I Mesive to show the
necessit
“a
of it from reason.
; ave to raise and pay out of the treasury of the
United States before July 1 next, according to the es-
timate of the Committee of Ways and Means, the sum
of $343,235,000. Of this sum, $100,000,000 is now due and
payable to your soldiers, to contractors, to the men
who have furnished provisions and clothing for your
army, to your officers, your judges, and your civil mag-
istrates. '
“Where will you get this money?
“A question of hard necessity presses you. We
know very well that this money cannot be obtained of
the banks.”
The bill finally passed as amended by a vote
of 97 to 22, and was signed by the President
February 25. :
Currency.
On February 19, 1862, the Hon. Mr. Spauld-
ing spoke to the amendments of the Senate to the
legal tender bill :
“Mr. Chairman, I desire especially to oppose the
amendments of the Senate which require the interest
on bonds and notes to be paid in coin semi-annually,
and which authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury
to sell 6 per cent. bonds at the market price for coin to
pay the interest.... It might be very pleasant for
the holders of the 7 3-10 Treasury notes and 6 per cent.
bonds to receive their interest in coin semi-annually,
but very disastrous to the Government to be com-
pelled to sell its bonds at ruinous rates of discount
every six months to pay them gold and silver, while it
would pay only treasury notes to the soldier, sailor,
and all other creditors of the Government. Iam op-
posed to all those amendments of the Senate which
make unjust discriminations between the creditors of
the Government. A soldier or sailor who performs
service in the army or navy is a creditor of the Gov-
ernment. The man who sells food, clothing, and the
material of war for the use of the army and navy isa
creditor of the Government. ..,. All are creditors of
the Government on an equal footing, and all are equal-
ly entitled to their pay in gold and silver. I am op-
Bueet to all those amendments of the Senate which
iscriminate in favor of the holders of bonds....
Why make this discrimination? Who asks to have
one class of creditors placed on a better footing than
another class? Do the people of New England, the
Middle States, or the people of the West and North-
west, or anywhere else in the rural districts, ask to
have any such discrimination made in their favor?...
“No, sir; no such unjust preference is asked for by
this class of men. They ask for the legal-tender note
bill pureandsimple. They ask fora national currency
which shall be of equal value in all parts of the coun-
try.... They want a currency secured by adequate
taxation upon the whole property of the country which
will pay the soldier, the farmer, the mechanic, and the
banker alike for all debtsdue. ...
‘‘ Who, then, are they that ask to have a preference
given to them over other creditors of the Govern-
ment? Sir, itis... aclass of men whoare very sharp
in all money transactions. They are not generally
among the producing’ classes, not among those who by
their labor and skill make the wealth of the country,
but a class of men thgt have accumulated wealth—men
who are willing to lend money to the Government if
you will make the security beyond all question, give
them a high rate of interest and make it payable in
coin.... Safe, no hazard, secure, and the interest
payable ‘in coin.” Who would not be willing to loan
money on such terms?”’
On February 20, Thaddeus Stevens, closing
the debate upon this bill, said :
“I approach the subject with more depression of
spirits than I ever before approached any question.
o personal feeling influences me. I hope not, at
least. I have a melancholy foreboding that we are
about to consummate a cunningly devised scheme
which will carry great injury and great loss to all
classes of the people throughout this Union, except
one,
_" With my colleague I believe that no act of legisla-
tion of this Government was ever hailed with as much
delight throughout the whole length and breadth of
this Union by every class of people, without any ex-
ception, as the bill we passed and sent to the Senate.
-.. It is true there was a doleful sound came up
from the caverns of bullion brokers and from the sa-
loons of the associated banks. ... They fell upon the
bill in hot haste, and so disfigured and deformed it
that its very father would not knowit.... Itis now
Positively mischievous. ... It makes two classes of
money—one for the banks and brokers and another for
the people.”
In speaking of the mutilated bill, he said
later :
“We did not yield until we found that the country
must be lost or the banks be gratified, and we have
Sought to save the country in spite of the cupidity of
the wealthy citizens.”
To the legal-tender act Judge Kelley, on
Jenupty 15, 1876, in Philadelphia, refers in these
words :
441
Currency.
“But the patriots to whom I have referred had
studied the Constitution of the United States. They
knew that it had imposed upon them the duty of sav-
ing the nation. They knew that money is the sinew
of war.... A marvelous child was that ‘rag baby.’
It lighted the fires in every forge and furnace in the
country; it hired ships and bought others.... It
rallied an army of 75,000 men, and we soon after heard
ringing through the streets shouts of well-paid and
well-clad soldiers—‘ We’re coming, Father Abraham,
300,000 more.’ It met all demands, and the free States,
with the great war on its hands, were prosperous as
they had never been before.”
Of the Senate's limitations he said :
“That crime perpetrated by the Senate of the United
States, or that blunder worse than a crime, has cost
the American people more than all the war would
have cost had the House bill been adopted as origi-
nally passed.”
Even Senator Sherman said, in 1862 :
“Tf we can compel one citizen to take this paper
money, why not another and another? Is it any less
the violation of contracts in one case than another?
Do not all citizens hold their property subject to un-
limited power of taxation? Do not all share in the
blessings of Government, and should not all share in
its burdens? Shall we inflict a loss only on those who
trust the labor for the Government, and relieve the
selfish, avaricious, idle, unpatriotic citizen who will
neither fight for, lend to, nor aid the Government?
‘“*Sir, to make all these share in the burden of the
war, and to relieve those who risk life and property in
its defense, I would waive a constitutional doubt.”
Such, even in the opinion of men not Green-
backers, was the effect of this limitation.
On the other hand, by many believers in spe-
cie it is claimed that it has not even yet been
proved that any such notes were needed, and that
the United States could not have gotten along
without issuing these notes. However, the bill
passed, and was soon followed by another of
$50,000,000 more.
Many who voted for the first bill strongly op-
posed the second ; but it passed and became a
law. The banks, tho prudently confining their
issues for a time after suspending
specie payments, turned a fresh
issue into the swollen stream. Hav- Second Issue.
ing suspended specie payment they
could issue as much as they chose.
As soon as the legal-tender notes appeared, the
banks could legally use these for redeeming
their own issues, and thus the way had been
made easy for an enormous inflation. Some of
the banks did, in truth, collect the legal-tender
notes and substitute their own to a much larger
amount. The increase in one year, after sus-
pension of specie payment, was $56,000,000
(Treasurer’s Report, 1866, p. 67). This was one
of the causes of enmity on the part of Congress
against the banks, and helped onward the crea-
tion of a rival system and the imposition of the
tax of Io per cent. on the State bank issues,
which finally drove them out of existence.
At this time this was one of the strongest
arguments made for issuing more treasury
notes. Mr. Hooper, of Massachusetts, said in
the debate :
“IT confess that I can see no limit to a depreciation of
the currency that may be produced by the banks ; and
were it not that I have great faith in the prudence and
wisdom and patriotism of those who manage the banks,
I should have great apprehension in regard to it, as no
obligation is now recognized by them to redeem their
circulation, many of the States having legalized the
suspension of specie payments.”
Another member said of the banks:
Currency.
“They have authority to buy up our bonds in the
market, to take up our circulation, and put their cir-
culation in place of it, and that is what they are doing
all the time, and the question is whether we shall pay
these people 6 per cent. upon our bonds for furnish-
ing no better currency than we can furnish ourselves.
3 In other words, it is a struggle on the part of
the banking institutions of the country to bleed the
Government of the United States to the tune of 6 per
cent. on every dollar, which is necessary for the Gov-
ernment to use in carrying on this struggle for our in-
dependence and our life.” Senator Sherman said the
same in milder form: ‘‘The legal-tender notes are
actually kept out of circulation by the depreciated
bank paper of the country ; and every issue you make
increases that tendency. Every new issue of treasury
notes is only a bid for new inflation by the banks, and
thus the better money of the United States is hoarded
and laid away, and the paper money which is issued
on the credit of it is thrown on the country, producing
inflation and derangement of our monetary system,
and I believe in the end will produce disaster.” (A. S.
Bolles’s Financial History @ the United States, vol.
iii., Pp. 79, 80.)
Senator Chandler, of Michigan, spoke strong-
ly against the issue, but it passed. Deprecia-
tion set in and gold rose. By August, Profes-
sor Sumner says that specie had disappeared.
July 11 postage-stamps were made legal pay-
ment to the Government in quantities not ex-
ceeding $10. Corporations and individuals be-
gan to issue ‘‘ shin-plasters,’’ and in many cases
made them exchangeable for commodities.
Cities and towns issued small notes payable in
taxes or lawful money. This was forbidden by
Congress for amounts less than $1. In March,
1863, Congress authorized the secretary to issue
fractional currency to an amount not exceeding
$50,000,000. But already by February, 1863,
Congress had issued $400,000,000 of treasury
notes (the last $100,000,000 of these being in
January, 1863, to pay the soldiers), and had in-
dorsed $60,000,000 more of other notes with the
legal-tender quality, besides the postage-stamps,
etc,
The next step we give in the words of Mr.
A. S. Bolles (Excyclopedia Americana, article
FINANCE) : ;
“The same law which authorized the first issue
of legal-tender notes also authorized the issue of
$500,000,000 of bonds bearing 6 per cent. interést and
payable after five and within 20 years. The interest
was payable in gold collected from import duties, and
at this early date Congress also provided that one per
cent. of the public debt should be discharged annually
At first the bonds sold very slowly, but, in the mean
time, the Government procured considerable funds by
two kinds of temporary loans. The first consisted of
certificates of indebtedness, which were nothing more
than certificates given to such creditors of the Govern-
ment as would take them, payable in a year, or sooner
if it desired, and bearing 6 per cent. interest. The
other kind of ee loan_ consisted at first of
$25,000,000, and finally increased to $100,000,000, of de-
posits of treasury notes by the banks to the Govern-
ment, which bore not exceeding 5 per cent. interest,
and which they could demand after 30 days’ notice.”
To some members of Congress this operation
of the treasury seemed to be wholly for the
benefit of banks, asthe Government could make
no use of money which it was liable to pay at
such a short notice. In truth, however, the
Government did use all of the money thus
loaned, so that it was a highly favorable opera-
tion of the Government. To provide more ade-
quately for the payment of these deposits, if
they should be demanded when the Govern-
ment was not able to respond, an issue of $50,-
000,000 legal-tender notes was authorized for this
purpose. When the country became tull of
442
Currency.
these notes the bonds began to sell. Arrange-
ments were made ete Cooke & Co., and
large quantities were sold by them. Mr. Chase
then withdrew their sale and tried bonds at only
5 percent. No one wanted these, and the debt
rapidly increased.
Meanwhile the bill establishing the national
banking system had been at last enacted. (See
Banks AND Bankinc.) It was Mr. Chase’s fa-
vorite measure. He had outlined
it in his first report and empha-
sized it in his second, and President
Lincoln strongly favored it. A
sentiment against the State banks
had developed partly through their
expansion of notes to replace or at
least add to the treasury notes, and so cause in-
flation. Many believed that there was a gen-
eral policy of the banks to cause inflation, and
so drive specie into their hands, to be used later
when the crash should come. Even a bank off-
cer in Pennsylvania wrote in December, 1862:
‘The present expansion of the banks is unjus-
tifiable. . . . They will continue to expand
until the bubble bursts or the iron hand of the
Government interferes to save the people. This
ad libitum issue of paper is filling up all the
channels of circulation and forcing specie into the
clutches of hoarders and the hands of brokers”
(Bolles’s Financial History, vol. iii., p. 135).
Many believed that but for the bank issue the
Government notes would not have depreciated,
Mr. Chase himself, in his report for 1863, said
of these bank issues: ‘‘ Were these notes with-
drawn from use it is believed that much of the
now very considerable difference between coin
and the United States notes would disappear.”
Amasa Walker, of Massachusetts, in a speech
prepared but not delivered, wrote: ‘‘ Could I
have my own wishes, I should, as I have before
insisted, instead of creating a rival system, lay
a tax of 3 percent. semi-annually on all present
bank circulation, drive it entirely out of exist-
ence, and fill its place with the legal-tender
notes of the Government, so that on the return
of peace and specie payments by the Govern-
ment and banks, there would be no credit cur-
rency issues except those made by the national
currency, which, by suitable limitation, mightal-
ways be kept at par with gold’’ (Bankers' Maga-
zine, 17, p. 833). Senator Sherman had said
in the Senate, July 4, 1862: ‘‘ When you issue
your pay money now, as you are compelled to
issue it, it becomes the basis of other issues by
the banks, and the inflation which you are com-
pelled to give becomes a double inflation from
its consequence on the banks of the United
States. When the Government of the United
States issued $150,000,000 of notes, if there had
been no depreciated bank paper money in the
United States, that of $150,000,000 would this
moment have been at par with gold.”
With this hostility to the State from very dif-
ferent sources it was not strange that a national
banking system should be favored. Mr. Chase
was obstinate in his purpose of effecting it. A
bill for its creation was introduced into the Sen-
ate by Mr. Sherman, and supported at length
by him. Mr. Collamer opposed the bill in an
elaborate speech, saying that it would destroy
the State banks and create a monopoly that
National
Banking
System,
Currency.
would give the Secretary of the Treasury too
much power, The bill passed by a vote of 23
to 21. In the House similar bills had been de-
bated before, but not enacted, and the debate
was now brief. Mr. Spaulding and Mr, Fen-
ton, both of New York, supported it. Mr.
Baker, of the same State, principally opposed
it. It passed by a vote of 78 to 64 on February
20, 1863, and received the President's signature
February 25. The bill (see Banks AnD BANK-
NG) provided for an issue of $300,000,000.. Yet
no issues appeared till December 21, and con-
versions of the State banks did not take effect
until after the amendments of the bill the next
year, the act of March 3, 1865, which forced
their conversion by a tax of ro per cent. on all
issues of State banks, and the decision that
the act was constitutional, Then the process
went on rapidly. But we are anticipating.
Many claimed that the delay was because the
banks wanted to send the treasury notes toa
lower point before they bought them all and
exchanged them for bonds, which meanwhile
Mr. Chase was gradually placing. Into all the
details of the placing of these bonds we need
not enter. When Mr. Chase found that he could
not place the bonds at 5 per cent. he had re-
course to the issue of more legal-
tender notes which he induced
Congress to authorize till the cur-
rency was depreciated to a point
where he could place these bonds.
Thus, wittingly or unwittingly, he played into
the hands of the bond-buyers, who bought these
bonds with a depreciated currency, and then
held them for the contraction which later they
forced. On the last day of the fiscal year 1864
Mr. Chase retired from the office of the treasur
and Mr. William P. Fessenden, of Maine, took
his place. Mr. Chase, not a banker by profes-
sion and without much experience in financier-
ing. had yet proved himself obstinate and un-
willing to learn, Whatever were his inten-
tions—and it must be allowed that they were
probably good and his difficulties great—he had,
yet without consenting to what the bankers de-
sired on many points, actually played into their
hands, Men said that his ambition to be presi-*
dent had been his weakness. Mr. Fessenden
was aman of ‘different type. He determined,
if possible, to issue no more treasury notes. He
advertised for a loan, the lenders to receive
treasury notes payable in three years, with
semi-annual interest at 7.3 per cent. in lawful
money. The response was not great—the sol-
diers themselves, however, taking over $20,000,-
ooo. Once more then he endeavored to sell
bonds, and was successful. Bids reached nearly
$70,000,000, and the premium offered was 4 per
cent. and higher. e continued this general
policy till, being reelected to the Senate, he re-
tired from the treasury on March 5, 1864, and
Hugh MeCulloch took his place. In April, Rich-
mond was captured, and soon after the Confed-
erate armies surrendered. Mr. McCulloch knew
that he would now need a large sum for trans-
portation, pay, and bounties. To use his own
words, ‘‘ As it was important that these requi-
sitions should be promptly met, and especially
important that not a soldier should remain in
the service a single day for want of means to
Inflation,
443
Currency.
pay him,’' the secretary perceived the necessity
of realizing as rapidly as possible the amount—
$53,000,000—still authorized to be borrowed
under the act of March 5, 1865. The 7.3 per
cent. notes had proved to bea popular loan, and
altho a security on longer time and lower inter-.
est would have been advantageous to the Gov-
ernment, the secretary considered it advisable,
under the circumstances, to continue to offer
these notes to the public, and to avail himself,
as his immediate predecessors had done, of the
services of Jay Cooke in the sale of them. The
result wasin the highest degree satisfactory. .. .
No loan ever offered in the United States, not-
withstanding the large amount of Government
securities previously taken by the people, was
so promptly subscribed for as this. Before Au-
gust 1 the entire amount had been taken.”” This
was the last war loan. The other great war
loans had been :
500,000,000, authorized February 25, 1862 ; $900,000,000,
March 3, 1863 ; $200,000,000, March 3, 1864 ; $400,000,000,
June 30, 1864 ; $600,000,000, March 3, 1865.
The acts for legal-tender notes may be thus sum-
marized:
$150,000,000, February 25, 1862} $150,000,000, July 11,
1862; $r 0,000,000, January 17 and March 17, 1863; §400,-
000,000; March 3, 1863; SIX per cent. interest-bearing
notes, running not longer than two years ; $400,000,000,
une 30, 1864, and January 28, 1865, 7.3 per cent. interest-
earing notes, running for three years or longer.
The cost of the war was estimated at $6,844,571,431.03
(Sen, Doc., No. 206, 46 Cong., Second Session). he ex-
penditure by States and Municipalities was $467,954)-
364 (Bolles's ¥nancial History, vol. iii., p. 245).
It will be seen that the issue of non-interest-
bearing legal-tender notes was comparatively
not large. Their effect has been probably ex-
aggerated. Prices rose not only because of in-
flation, but because of the enormous demand for
arms and other commodities by the Govern-
ment. The price of gold was comparatively
btt slightly affected by the issue. It went up
and down according as war reports
were unfavorable or otherwise.
Gold speculation was also rife. Speculation.
Hugh McCulloch, Comptroller of
the Currency, said, in his second
report : ‘‘ Hostility to the Government has been
as decidedly manifested in the effort that has
been made in the commercial metropolis of the
nation to depreciate the currency as it has been
by the enemy in the field, and unfortunately
the effort of sympathizers with the rebellion and
of the agents of the rebellious States to prostrate
the national credit has been strengthened and
sustained by thousands in the loyal States whose
political fidelity it might be ungenerous to ques-
tion. Immense interests have been at work all
over and concentrated in New York to raise the
price of coin, and splendid fortunes have been
apparently made by their success. ... Gold
has been a favorite article to gamble in... .
The effect of all this has been, not to break
down the credit of the Government, but to in-
crease enormously the cost of the war and the
expense of living ; for, however small may have
been the connection between the price of coin
and our domestic products, every rise of gold,
no matter by what means effected, has been
used as a pretext by holders and speculators for
an advance of prices, to the great injury of the
Government and the sorrow of a large portion
Currency.
of the people.”’ He again, in the same re-
port, gives a statement of the price of gold in
the New York market from January, 1862, to
September, 1864, and then adds: ‘‘ None of
these fluctuations (from a premium of 23} to
-185) were brought about by an increase or de-
crease of the currency ; on the contrary, gold
rose the most rapidly when there was no con-
siderable increase of the currency, and fell in
the face of large additions to it. Nothing can
be more conclusive of the incorrectness of the
opinion that gold is always the standard of
value, and that the high price during the prog-
ress of the war is the result of an inflated cur-
rency, than this brief statement of its variations
in the New York stock market.’’ A senator
(Globe, April 15, 1864, p. 1645) stated a partial
cause of gold fluctuations: ‘‘ It is the immense
business that your citizens are now carrying
on, domestic as well as foreign; it is the im-
mense amount of bonds which your local cor-
orations throughout the whole extent of the
Tinited States are issuing for the purpose of
accomplishing some particular local or general
improvement. The whole, in one sense, is a
‘species of currency, by means of which the
. business of the country is being conducted.”’
‘ Whatever were the causes, however, prices did
rise. Money was so plentiful that the demand
for products of the Old World, especially those
of luxury, was unparalleled. Fortunes were
made by speculation, and the basis laid for the
change of our social life from one of compara-
tive simplicity to comparative luxury. One
thing only did not rise in proportion. Wages
were the slowest of any ‘‘commodity”’ to ad-
vance. They suffered the most from the specu-
lation. Mr. McCulloch said, in a speech at Fort
Wayne, 1865: ‘‘ Men are apparently getting
rich, while morality languishes and the produc-
tive industry of the country is being diminishe®.
Good morals in business, and sober, persever-
ing industry, if not at a discount, are consid-
ered too old-fogyish for the present times.’’
To many the creation of this tendency was the
worst legacy left the country by the speculators
during the war.
4. SINCE THE WAR,
As soon as the war was over there was gen-
eral talk of areturn to specie payment. Mr.
McCulloch, then Secretary of the Treasury,
strongly recommended this, and prepared for it.
The President, in his annual message, sustained
the Secretary, and boards of trade and similar
organizations all over the land endorsed the
position. ‘‘ Five years ago,” said Mr. Lincoln,
“‘the bank-note circulation of the country
amounted to $200,000,000 ; now the circulation,
bank and national, exceeds $700,-
000,000. The simple statement of
Restriction. the fact recommends more strongly
than any words of mine could do
the necessity of our restraining this
expansion. The gradual reduction of the cur-
tency is the only measure that can save the
business of the country from disastrous calami-
ties ; and this can be almost imperceptibly ac-
complished by gradually funding the national
circulation in securities that may be made re-
deemable at the pleasure of the Government.”
444
Currency.
Many, however, objected to a reduction of the
currency. They argued that it would reduce
prices and injure trade, raise the value of the
bonds already taken, and the debt of the debtor
classes. (See CONTRACTION AND EXPANSION oF
Currency.) The Secretary met these criticisms
as best he could, arguing mainly that it was bet-
ter to get to specie payments as rapidly as pos-
sible and prevent getting more debts, even if it
did hurt the debtor class to some extent. ‘‘ The
process,’’ he said, ‘‘need not be injuriously
rapid.’’ There was a long and warm debate in
Congress, Messrs. Morrill, Hooper, and Went-
worth strongly favoring contraction, Messrs.
Kelly and Boutwell, with Mr. Sherman, in the
Senate, strongly opporing. There were many
amendments, and the Secretary was finally
authorized to retire $4,000,000 of notes a month.
The bill passed the House by 83 to 53, 47 mem-
bers not voting. In the Senate only seven voted
against it (act of April 12, 1866). By 1868 there
was such stringency in the money market that
a bill to suspend the retiring of the legal-tender
notes was hurriedly passed. In 1870 the banks
were authorized to increase their circulation to
the amount of $54,000,000, but a similar amount
of the-loan certificates were to be destroyed.
With the opening of General Grant’s adminis-
tration (1869) Mr. McCulloch had been supersed-
ed by G. S. Boutwell, and in October of that
year he issued $1,500,000 legal-tender notes to
relieve a Wall Street stringency, and the next
year a larger amount ; but he was so criticised
that he and Mr. W. A. Richardson, who suc-
ceeded him March 17, 1873, retired the issue.
This was the year of the great crisis, and Mr.
Richardson had hardly become Secretary when
the cyclone struck the country, and Mr. Rich-
ardson was induced to issue more notes. He,
however, asked Congress to decide whether the
Secretary should be allowed to do this whenever
a crisis came, and the House voted that notes
could be issued up to $400,000,000. This was
the effect of the growing protest against Mr.
McCulloch’s policy of contraction. The debtor
class were beginning to cry out, and the crisis
of 1873 brought this to a head. The bill was
“then carried to the Senate and debated. Mean-
while, general interest and excitement were
aroused. A bill to establish free banking had
been introduced into the House. The whole
country seemed full of plans to prevent another
crisis. Over sixty different bills were sent to
the Senate finance committee proposing every
conceivable step—from establishing an elastic
currency, as proposed by General Butler, to the
resumption of specie payments, proposed by
Messrs. Cox and Pierce. The Senate finally
voted to increase the legal-tender notes to $400,-
000,000, and to authorize an additional issue of
$46,000,000 of bank-notes, to be distributed in
the South and West. This bill the President
vetoed, the specie and bank men believing this
to be ‘‘ one of the crowning glories in President
Grant’s civil career” (Bolles’s Fizancial His-
tory, vol. iii., p. 289); the inflationists, as friends
of the bill were called, believing that it showed
that the President was under the influence of
the bankers and bondholders. Early the next
Session a bill was introduced by Mr. Sherman
inthe Senate entitled ‘‘ An act to provide for
‘Currency,
the resumption of specie payments.’ Upon
it all the Republican senators were agreed ex-
cept Mr. Schurz.
The main features were the
withdrawal of $80 of the legal-ten-
Resumption, der notes for each issue of $100 of
national bank-notes, until the ag-
gregate amount should be reduced
to $300,000,000, and the accumulation of coin
from customs duties and the sale of bonds. The
question arose, Could the treasury notes thus
withdrawn be reissued? When Mr. Sherman
was asked, he replied that the question must
be left unsettled. It was seen that if they
could be, the intent of the law could be defeat-
ed, It was a defective, double-faced law. Op-
position in Congress to any kind of a resump-
tion measure was strong.
But the bill passed. As a matter of fact,
the secretaries, Bristow and then Morrill, grad-
ually retired the legal-tender notes, till in March,
1877, Senator Sherman himself became treasurer.
He completed the work. He sold as the bill al-
lowed, but, as the former treasurers had not
done, bonds enough for coin to resume specie
payments, An arrangement was entered into
with the banks, and on January 1, 1878, specie
payments were wholly resumed, to the delight
of the friends of specie and amid the indigna-
tion of a growing greenback party. We have
followed this portion of our subject to its conclu-
sion ; but simultaneously with this question of
resumption other great currency questions were
being discussed, and were connected with it.
From the beginning one of the great objections
raised to the issue of legal-tender notes had
been their alleged unconstitutionality, Mr. Pen-
dleton, of Ohio, making perhaps the strongest
speech on that side. The State courts decided
in favor of the law, with the single exception of
the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania. The Court
of Appeals of New York at an early day de-
clared the law to be constitutional. But all felt
that the question would not be settled until it
reached the United States Supreme Court.
When it finally came before that tribunal in
1867, Mr. Chase was the chief justice. He and
four of his colleagues (Nelson, Grier, Clifford,
cand Field) deciied: against the constitutionality
of the law, the other three dissenting. It was
said that Mr. Chase now decided against the
constitutionality of what he himself had once
favored, because he thought it would aid his
presidential chances. At the time of rendering
this decision, however, two vacancies existed,
which were soon after filled. The attorney-
general, R. E. Hoar, then applied for a reargu-
ment of the question in another case. He
‘claimed that the former decision had been
made when the bench was not full, and that
a question of such transcendent importance
Ought not to be declared as definitely settled
until all the members had expressed an opinion,
The judges who concurred in the opinion given
were opposed to opening the question; but
those who dissented, uniting with the two new
ener constituted a majority, and decid-
ed in fayor of another argument. The de-
cision in the second case sustained the law. Ata
later period another question was raised—name-
ly, that, admitting it was constitutional to issue
445
Currency.
such notes in time of war, could this be legally
done in a time of peace? The court in the sec-
ond case maintained that if the issuing of such
notes was necessary to supply the absolute
necessities of the treasury, that if nothing else
would have enabled the Government to main-
tain its armies and navy, nothing else would
have saved the Government and the Constitu-
tion from destruction, while the legal-tender
acts would, could any one be so bold as to as-
sert that Congress had transgressed its powers ?
Whether they were needful, the court declared,
was a question for Congress to decide. If it
was a question for Congress in the second case,
it was equally so in the last case, so the court
decided, and thus the law stands. This case
was not decided till March, 1883. :
Another great question of this period was con-
cerning the paying off of the public debt. In
September, 1865, it stood at its maximum,
$2,757,689,571. Public sentiment favored its
being paid as rapidly as possible. It was need-
ful to make provision for the debts as they ma-
tured, and Secretary McCulloch's
policy was to take up from time to
time such portions of it as could Conversion
be advantageously converted into into Bonds,
bonds or paid in currency before
maturity, so as to avoid the neces-
sity of accumulating large sums of money or of
being compelled to seit bonds at the last mo-
ment, when perhaps the condition of the market
would prevent their sale on advantageous terms.
He asked and received from Congress large dis-
cretionary powers as to the sale. He then
drew in as rapidly as he thought possible the
temporary loans, certificates of indebtedness,
the compound interest notes, py converting
them into bonds at 6 per cent. e also kepta
large gold reserve. ost people believed that
Mr. McCulloch acted wisely and well. Not all,
however. His withdrawing of the temporary
loans, etc., practically acted as a reduction of
the currency, since they were to no little extent
used as currency, and some of them had been
endowed with the legal-tender quality. Men
began to feel the pressure. By 1868 the last of
the temporary obligations had been funded, and
$271,496,018 of the public debt had been paid.
This was well; but men began to question.
Bond-seekers were buying the bonds for legal-
tender treasury notes at their face value, which
they had got perhaps at a depreciation even
down to two or three for one dollar, and were
now Sere interest in gold, and would get
the principal in gold. For some of this pay-
ment in gold there was no help, as the bond-
holders had seen to it that while the soldiers
and others could be paid in paper, the law read
that their interest should be paid in gold. But
of all the bonds this was not true. Of some of
them the law did not say in what their interest
or principal should be paid. This was true of
the $500,000,000 five-twenty loan of 1863. The
question now arose called ‘‘the Ohio idea,’’
whether it was not justifiable to pay this off in
legal-tender notes. The secretary was pro-
nounced in his utterances that they should be
aid in gold, and that honesty demanded this.
t was argued that as this was expressly stated
of other bonds, this was the implicit understand-
Currency.
ing in regard to all the bonds. On the other
hand, it was held that the mere fact that it, was
not stated so of some and was stated of others
showed there wasa difference. Debate ran high
through all the country, and, with other causes,
led to the formation of the Greenback: Party,
tho many State conventions of all,
and especially of the Democratic
The Green- Party, favored paying these bonds
back Party. inpaper. Mr. Tilden, however, and
the leaders of the Democratic Party
in the East, mainly favored gold
payment. Failing to get Congress to pay in
paper, some extremists favored repudiation.
Credit was said to be damaged. Congress there-
fore, in March, 1869, passed the so-called Credit
Strengthening Act, pledging the faith of the
United States to pay all principal and interest
in gold save where the law authorizing an issue
had expressly provided that it could be paid in
other currency than gold or silver. This was
received with joy and boasting by those who
believed in specie, which they called ‘‘ honest
money,’’ and was denounced as the influence
of the bondholder upon legislation by the grow-
ing number of believers in ‘‘ soft money,” and
by not a few who did not so believe, but yet
feared the bondholder’s power.
It is in these votes, one by one enacted in
favor of the so-called ‘‘money power,”’ that
one must look for the basis of the Greenback
charge of a ‘‘gold conspiracy,’’ which has
played so important a part in the Greenback
and People’s party movements,
Many soldiers pronounced the enactment un-
scrupulous. They had faced opposing ranks—
had saved the nation and kept its banner from
trailing in the dust. They protested against
these privileges being granted to a few bond-
holders by this Government when it could not
keep its faith with them. They demanded res-
titution, and asked their representative in Con-
gress, General James B. Weaver, to introduce
a bill in that body asking that the difference
between paper and coin payment be made to
them as per agreement, but Congress would
not hear. és
In 1870 a bill was introduced into the Senate
by Mr. Sumner, among other things, exempting
all national bonds from taxation, State or na-
tional, it being urged that to tax them would
be simply to lower their value, so that the Gov--
ernment would sell them for less, and thus lose
whatever she should gain from them by taxa-
tion. After much debate, this was enacted.
The Greenbackers, however, claimed that the
bank influence was growing more and more.
The Greenback claim was that a ‘“‘ bank con-
spiracy”’ had caused the greenbacks to be de-
preciated by putting limitations on their legal-
tender value and by themselves inflating the
currency with their own notes; that they had
then caused needless bonds to be issued by the
Government; that they had next, when the
greenbacks had got low enough, bought these
bonds with the depreciated greenbacks, the
Government taking them at their par value ;
that they then caused Congress to vote that the
capital and interest in them all should be paid
in gold, and that they should not be taxed. It
was, moreover, charged that the banks and
446
Currency.
bondholders, having got the bonds with a de-
preciated currency, were now inducing the Goy-
ernment to contract the currency by withdraw-
ing the notes under the color of returning to an
‘‘honest’’ specie basis, and by oe the debt
to make the debt more permanent. he whole
national banking system was declared to be an
organization to make the debt permanent. It
was declared that when Congress voted to pay
all interest and principal in coin, amounting to
many hundreds more of gold and silver coin
than were in its resources to pay, it was proof
that the Government intended the debt never
to be paid off, but to be the abiding benefit of
the bondholding class. Had not Mr. Chase
said in 1862 of the national banking system :
‘“The central idea of the measure is the establish-
ment of a sound uniform currency throughout the
country “fon the foundation of national credit (in other
words, upon a national debt), making this the settled
policy of the country.”
If, now, this settled policy was based on the
national debt, using it to furnish the people with
a permanent circulation, did it not prove that
the debt was to be permanent? Comparing the
Government’s treatment of the favored bond-
holder with its treatment of the soldier, who was
paid in paper, and the poor man, whose debt
was increased by contracting the currency, the
Greenbackers roused bitter feeling against the
gold policy.
Nevertheless, the secretaries went steadily
on funding the debt, and paying it off slowly.
Into all the details we need not enter. The
process went on under the secretaries McCul-
loch, Boutwell, Richardson, Bristow, Morrell,
Sherman, Windom, Folger, Gresham. The sec-
retaries were able to get lower and lower inter-
est, till Secretary Windom was able to get 3} per
cent., and later, when rechartering (see Banxs
AND BankING), the national banks were allowed
to exchange the ‘‘ Windoms’”’ of 34 per cent. to
other bonds, with longer time to run, bearing
only 3 per cent. On November 1, 1884, the net
debt was $1,408,482,948.69. In 19 years the debt
had been reduced $1,347,948,622.74, and the
annual interest charge $103,653,866. 37.
“In the management of its debt,” said Mr. McCul-
loch, then again Secretary of the Treasury, “ the United
States had been an example to the world. Nothing
has so much surprised European states-
men as the fact that immediately after
the termination of one of the most ex-
pensive, and in some respects exhaust-
ive, wars that has ever been carried on,
the United States should have com-
menced the payment of its debts and
continued its reduction through all reverses unti}
nearly one half of it has been paid. . . . Itistrue
that all this has been effected by heavy taxes, but it is
also true that these taxes have neither checked enter-
prise nor retarded growth.”
Paying the
Debt.
But there are other sides to this statement.
For the argument that these heavy protective
war tariffs were paid by the consumers, see
Free Trape. We notice here another point.
Greenbackers and some not Greenbackers said
that by contracting the currency the Govern-
ment, while paying off a part ot the debt, was
making the remainder of the debt really worth
more, measured by what it would buy, than the
Currency.
original debt. President Andrews (Az Honest
Dollar, p. 13) says: ‘‘Our national debt on
September 1, 1865, was about two
and three quarter billions. It could
then have been paid off with eigh-
teen million bales of cotton or
twenty-five million tons of bar iron.
When it had been reduced toa bill-
ion and a quarter, thirty million bales of cotton,
or thirty-two million tons of iron, would have
been required to pay it. In other words,
while a nominal shrinkage of about 55 per
cent. had taken place in the debt, it had, as
measured on either of these two world staples,
actually been enlarged by some 50 per cent.”
When a trained economist says this, it can be
fancied what has been said by men feeling as
the Greenback Party felt on this question. It
was of not much use for Mr. McCulloch to talk
to them of how the debt had been paid off, when
they held that he and his fellow-secretaries had
made the debt that was left worth more than
the original debt, and had, moreover, in propor-
tional measure, increased the debt of every farm-
er who had a mortgage on his farm, or every
poor man who owed any money. It is perfectly
true that by no means all this appreciation of
the value of the debt could be laid to the con-
traction of the currency. Undoubtedly a large
part must be laid to invention, skill, and the
general progress in lowering the expense of pro-
duction, so that a dollar can now go twice as
far in many ways as in war times, and in this
progress all classes have had part. (See Mono-
METALLISM.) Nevertheless, to men who held
that when they borrowed a dollar it represented
acertain possibility of purchase in the market,
they ought in all equity to be asked only to re-
turn the same possibility of purchase, the same
real value, and that, therefore, if when they
came to return the dollar, it had appreciated,
no matter how, enough to be worth the price it
was when they borrowed it, they ought in equity
only to be asked to return 50 cents. To such
people, maddened by what at least looked like
a favoring of the bondholding class, we can
readily see what paying debts which had doubled
in value came to mean, and how bitterly they
denounced any approach to contraction of the
currency, which would still more increase the
value of their debts (for a discussion of this
position, see CONTRACTION AND EXPANSION OF
Currency); but a realization of this thought is
necessary to understand the bitterness of feel-
ing and expression which characterized many
of the Greenback leaders and to-day character-
izes many of their successors, the leaders in the
People’s Party, robbed, as they believe, by the
influence upon Congress of the bondholders.
And early in the seventies came one more ele-
ment to fan their wrath—an element which has
developed to-day into a question of prime im-
portance to currency, and must therefore be
well understood. After the sus-
pension of specie payment during
Falling
of Prices,
Silver - :
Su : the war, Congress did not much
Spension. concern itself with the coinage.
’ There were minor changes in minor
coins. In 1867 a conference held in Paris, at
which 19 nations were represented, proposed a
Single gold standard and coins of equal weight
447
Currency.
and fineness. The Senate Finance Committee
strongly favored this; but as the existing
five-franc gold piece was to be the unit, it would
have reduced the gold dollar in this country 34
per.cent., and Congress was not ready for this.
It would have reduced the public debt $90,000,-
ooo, and private debts. proportionally. In 1870
Mr. Knox, the Depyty Comptroller of the Cur-
rency, reported to Congress, at the request of
the Secretary of the Treasury, concerning the
mint laws, which had not been revised since
1837. Among other things, the report proposed
to discontinue the coinage of silver dollars. The
reason assigned was that the silver dollar was
at a premium, and had long been so, and had
therefore long ceased to bea coin of circulation,
being bought and melted by manufacturers of
silverware. According to Bolles’s Fzmanczal
History, vol. iii., p. 378, the bill proposed by the
report was reported by the Finance Committee
of the Senate, discussed two days, passed, and
sent to the House, where it was exhaustively
discussed by Mr. Hooper and others, Mr. Kel-
ley, chairman of the Coinage Committee, favor-
ing, and saying that the bill had received as care-
ful attention as he had ever known a committee
to bestow on any measure, having gone over
the bill not only section by section, but line
upon line and word upon word. According to
Upton’s Money tn Polztecs, p. 20, the report of
the deputy comptroller distinctly stated that the
bill accompanying it proposed to discontinue
the issue of the silver dollar pieces ; the House
considered it during five sessions ; the bill was
printed 13 times by order of Congress and once
by the commissioners revising the statutes. It
passed the House by a vote of 110 to 13. Yet
later, as we shall see, congressmen asserted that
they had not known that the bill contained this
measure, and that it had been passed surrepti-
tiously. They asserted that the act was nomi-
nally one for the codification of the coinage laws,
and new legislation was not supposed to be in-
troduced into a codifying act unless the atten-
tion of both houses was called to the change.
The act was exceedingly long, and no congress-
man could be held responsible for not having
noticed the few lines first omitted and then in-
serted by which silver was demonetized. The
debate which took place in the Senate was upon
the minor point whether the mints should charge
three tenths of one per cent. for coinage, or coin
free. Mr. Kelley, of Pennsylvania, who intro-
duced the codifying act into the House, express-
ly stated that the principal change proposed re-
lated to certain officials of the mint. In 1876,
when the knowledge of the great change that
had been made, and its consequences, had be-
come apparent, Mr. Kelley introduced the bill
to restore silver to its old place in the coinage,
and permit greenbacks to be payable in the gold
or silver which they promised. Not onlya great
many members of Congress stated that they
voted for the codifying act, not knowing the
great change it made, but so careful a political
economist as President Walker has written
that the bill had been a law for several months
before he ever heard of this feature in it. The
debate shows that a few members ot Congress
did know that the single standard was estab-
lished, but most of them at least attached no
Currency.
importance to it, for the country was then using
neither gold nor silver, and the bullion value of
a silver dollar had for many years been $1.03 in
gold, the price offered by the French mints.
Only a few experts were aware of the legisla-
tion against silver which had just been entered
upon by European nations, and which has re-
sulted in making the debtsof Christendom pay-
able in gold alone. The codifying act was
drafted by experts, and upon them the responsi-
bility for its wording rests, tho it does not neces-
sarily follow that they were guilty of a plot, since
few knew how it would result.
But the results at least were momentous, and
Greenbackers and believers in free silver gen-
erally believe it to have been a part of a world-
wide plot to demonetize silver, con-
tract currency, and so enhance the
Conspiracy value of the gold loaned by the
Charged, gold kings and capitalists in Amer-
ica, and especially in England (see
BIMETALLISM ; CONTRACTION), and
‘‘traitor’’ is but among the milder names they
have heaped upon Senator Sherman and others,
for, as they believe, selling themselves to the
gold interest. For hardly had the bill been en-
acted when silver began to fall as compared
with gold. The amount of silver in the dollar
could be bought now for only 98 cents in gold ;
in 1874 for 96 cents ; in 1876 for 977, cents; in
1877 for 90 cents. An agitation to remonetize
silver was started. Mr. Reagan in 1875 intro-
duced a bill into the House to make silver dol-
lars legal tender to the amount of $50. The
Senate amended the bill, and authorized the
coinage of a silver dollar nine-tenths fine and
weighing 412;8, grains troy to be legal tender to
the amount of $20 in one payment, except for
duties and interest on the public debt. Each
House passed the amendment. The silver ex-
citement now became universal. The statement
was constantly made that silver had been de-
monetized by stealthy means. The silver pro-
ducers wanted silver remonetized, and were
joined by the growing number of those who
wanted the currency expanded, and who, hav-
ing failed in securing the payment of the bond-
ed debt in paper, now wanted it paid in silver.
It became a theme of general discussion in the
United States. It wasa prolific source of debate
in the Forty-fourth Congress ; and on August
15, 1876, the Senate initiated a joint resolution
for the appointment of a joint commission of
three senators, three members of the House,
with experts, not exceeding three, to be select-
ed by the former, whose duty was to inquire :
“First, into the change which has taken place in the
relative value of gold and silver; the causes thereof,
whether permanent or otherwise; the effects thereof,
upon trade, commerce, finance, and the productive in-
terests of the country, and upon the standard of value
inthis and foreign countries; second, into the policy
of the restoration of the double standard in this coun-
try ; and, if restored, what the legal relation between
the two coins, silver and gold, should be;
third, into the policy of continuing
Monetary legal-tender notes concurrently with the
aot metallic standards, and the effects there-
eu of upon the labor, industries, and wealth
0: » of the country; fourth, into the best
means for providing for facilitating the
, Tesumption of specie payments.”
The commission as organized consisted of Senators
John P. Jones, Lewis V. Bogy, and George S. Boutwell :
Randall L. Gibson, George Willard, and Richard P’
448
Currency.
Bland, of the House of Representatives; William S§.
Groesbeck, of Ohio, and Professor Francis Bowen, of
Massachusetts, with George M. Weston, of Maine, sec-
‘retary. Circulars were issued by the commission to
men of eminence in monetary studies, to authors, bank-
ers, and business men in the. United States and Eu-
The chambers of commerce in the cities were
rope. “ A
invited to furnish, and did furnish, lists of persons
most competent to give information. The United
States representatives in foreign countries were re-
quired to aid in the work. The commission entered
upon its duties with energy, collected vast stores of
information, and were aided by the most: eminent
political economists and financial writers of all schools,
who were glad to have such an opportunity for the
elucidation and comparison of their views. he main
substance of the report was submitted and ordered to
be printed March 2, 1877. Theconclusions of the com-
mission were unanimous.
The conclusions of the majority of the committee on
the first questions submitted were: That the recent
production of silver relatively to gold has not been .
greater than formerly ; that the (then) recent fall in
the price of silver was not caused by any recent large
production, but mainly by the concurrent demonetiza-
tion of silver in Germany, the United States, and the
Scandinavian States, the closure of the mints of Europe
to itscoinage, the temporary diminution of the Asiatic
demand, the exaggeration of the actual and prospec-
tive yield of the Nevada silver-mines, and a prevailin,
idea that the efforts of holders of Government securi-
ties would bring about its demonetization ; that gold
is more fitful in production than silver; that the av-
erage production of both is more steady than of either
one; “that to annihilate the monetary function of one
must greatly increase the purchasing
power of the other, and greatly reduce
prices; that “silver to the amount of
$3,000,000,000 in coin, the accumulation
oF 50 centuries, is so worked into the
web and woof of the world’s commerce that it cannot
be discarded without entailing the most serious con-
sequences, social, industrial, political, and commer-
cial ;” that “the evil is enormously aggravated by se-
lecting gold as the metal to be retained and silver as
the metal to be rejected ;” that ‘‘the exchanges of the
world, and especially of this country, are continually
and largely increasing, while the supplies of both the
precious metals, taken together, if not diminishing are
at least stationary, and the supply of gold, taken by
itself, is falling off; and that-to submit the vast and
increasing exchanges of this country and the world to
be measured by a metal never to be depended on in its
supply, and now actually diminishing in its. supply,
would make crisis chronic, and business paralysis
perpetual.” Covering the second question the com-
mission recommend the restoration of the double
‘standard and the unrestricted coinage of both metals. '
The report on the third question for solution refers to
the answer to the fourth—v7z., ‘the best means for pro-
viding for facilitating the resumption of specie pay-
ments.” To this question the report answers, that
“the remonetization of silver is a measure essential
to specie payments, and may make such payments
practicable.’”’ The commission believe “that the re-
monetization of silver in this country will have a pow-
erful influence in preventing, and probably will pre-
vent, the demonetization of silver in France and other
European countries; that remonetization by the
United States, even without change in legislation else-
where, will draw to us silver from other countries
while it is cheap, in exchange for what we have to
export ; and that this country will have the benefit
of the rise which the committee believe will take
place in its value when the temporary causes of
its depression have passed. The report concludes
with these words: ‘If the States of the Latin Union,
or other countries in Europe, abandon the double
standard after we readopt it, or because we readopt it,
it will be a policy on their part through which great
advantages will inure to us, and great disasters will
befallthem. It would inaugurate in the United States
an era of prosperity, based upon solid money, ob-
tained on profitable terms, atid. under circumstances
necessarily stimulating to our industry and com-
merce. :
Finally, the commission believe that the facts that
Germany and the Scandinavian States. have adopted
the single gold standard, and that some other Euro-
pean nations may possibly adopt it, instead of being
reasons for perseverance in the attempt to establish it
in the United States, are precisely the facts. which
make such an attempt entirely impracticable and ruin-
ous, If the nations on the ccntinent of Europe had the
Report,
Currency.
double standard, a gold standard would be possible
here, because, in that condition, they would freely ex-
change gold for silver. It was that condition which
enabled England to resume specie payments in gold in
3821. The attainment of such a standard becomes dif-
ficult precisely in proportion to the number and im-
portance of the countries engaged in striving after it;
and it is precisely in the same proportion that the
ruinous effects of striving after it are aggravated. To
piapore to this country a contest for a gold standard
with the European nations is to propose to it a disas-
trous race, in reducing the price of labor and com-
modities, in aggravating the burdens of debt, and in
the diminution and concentration of wealth, in which
all the contestants will suffer immeasurably, and the
victors even more than the vanquished.”
Mr. Boutwell alone madea minority report against
remonetization of silver, except on a previously agreed
basis, adopted in conjunction with European nations.
Professor Francis Bowen expressed his dissent from
the conclusions of the majority of the committee at
much length; and while he argued for the gold basis
alone, he finally reported in favor of the remonetiza-
tion of silver, on adding to the quantity of pure silver
inadollar enough to make its bullion value equal to
the then value of gold per dollar, and also recom-
mended the reduction of the value of our gold coins,
so that a $< for shall be the equivalent of the
English pound sterling. Meanwhile a bill had been
introduced into Congress in 1876, providing for the
free coinage of silver. The speeches were volumi-
nous. The bill was amended limiting the maximum
amount to $4,000,000 a month, with a minimum of
$2,000,000, no silver to be coined on private account.
Upon its passage President Hayes promptly vetoed it,
but it was passed over his veto by both houses by act
of February 28, 1878, the so-called Bland bill, from its
author, R. P. Bland, of Missouri. The excitement and
also the effort. to obtain international bimetallism in-
duced Congress to insert the following: “Section 2.
That immediately after the passage of this act, the
President shall invite the governments of the countries
composing the Latin Union, so called, and of such
other European nations as he may deem advisable, to
join the United States in a conference to adopt a com-
mon ratio between gold and silver, for the purpose of
establishing, internationally, the use of bimetallic
money, and securing fixity of relative value between
those metals; such conference to be held at such
place in Europe or the United States, at such time
within six months, as may be mutually agreed upon
by the executives of the governments joining in
the same, whenever the governments so invited, or
any three of them, shall signify their willingness to
unite in the same.” The section further provides that
the President shall appoint three commissioners to the
conference. Ex-Governor Reuben E. Fenton, of New
York, William S. Groesbeck, of Ohio, and Professor
Francis A. Walker were appointed. Subsequently
the President was authorized to add to the list of dele-
gates Mr. S. Dana Horton, of Ohio, an accomplished
monetary student and author. Paris was chosen as
the place of conference. Austria-Hungary, Belgium,
France, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands,
Russia, Sweden-Norway, and Switzerland sent their
ablest representatives. The German government alone
declined to eee in the conference, tho a second
time invited.
The conference opened its session August 1o, 1878.
Leon Say, Minister of Finance in France under the
presidencies of Thiers and MacMahon, was made presi-
dent of the conference, and Mr. Fenton, vice-president.
Inhis opening address to the conference, Mr. Say
stated the reasons which had induced the five States
composing the Latin Union, ‘ while preserving to sil-
ver its legal-tender quality, to restrict its coinage
within narrow limits, and, within the past year, to
suspend it entirely.” These reasons were the adop-
tion. by Germany of the single standard of gold, and
the great production of the American silver mines.
While Germany continued to gather and sell her sil-
ver, he thought it would be difficult to determine the
value at which silver might be rated when that dis-
turbing element in its present value was out of the
way. The Latin Union, therefore, while glad to join in
the American efforts to fix a ratio of value between
silver and gold, ‘‘as a measure of prudence has re-
mained in an expectant attitude.” Mr. Fenton then
presented the call tothe conference in the words of.the
act of Congress. After a lengthy discussion, continu-
ing through six sessions, marked on the whole by the
position in which France found herself, of approving
the double standard in theory but not able as yet to
enter into any agreement in regard to it in practice
449
Currency.
(little Switzerland alone unequivocally advocating the
single gold standard both in theory and practice), the
European representatives gave the American repre-
sentatives the following answer:
“a, That it is necessary to. maintain in the world the
monetary functions of silver, as well as those of gold,
but that the selection for use of one or the other of the
two metals, or of both simultaneously, should be gov-
eae by the special position of each State or group of
tates.
‘2, That the question of the restriction of the coinage
of silver should equally be left to the discretion of each
State or group of States, according to the particular
circumstances in which they may find themselves
placed; and the more soin that the disturbance pro-
duced during the recent years in the silver market has
variously affected the monetary situation of the sev-
eral countries.
‘3. That the differences of opinion which have ap-
peated: and the fact that even some of the States which
ave the double standard find it impossible to enter
into a mutual engagement with regard tothe free coin-
age of silver, exclude the discussion of the adoption of
a common ratio between the two metals.”
Messrs. Rusconi and Baralis of Italy at the seventh
session entered a protest against the response of the
majority of the European delegates as felews ;
‘“r, That by the adoption of the formula proposed,
the conference does not respond to the question which
was put toit, and that in systematically avoiding to
pronounce itself upon the possibility or impossibility of
a fixed relation, to be established by way of interna-
tionaltreaty, between coins of gald and silver, it leaves
its task unfinished.
‘2g. That since the French law established such a
relation (1785) between the two metals, the oscillations
of their relative value had been without
BE map elem tay had been the pro-
uction of the mines.
“3. That consequently, @ fortior?, if Honest of the
the law of France had been alone able to VOMmussion.
accomplish the result, then on the day
when France, England, and the United
States, by international legislation, should agree to
establish together the relation of value of the two
metals, this relation would be established upon a basis
so solid as to become unshakable.”
Mr. Goschen, on the part of England, desired it to be
distinctly understood that the adhesion of himself and
colleagues to the response was because it ad not pro-
nounce fora double standard ; and that he desired with
equal distinction ‘‘to combat the theory of the econ-
omists who demand the universal adoption of the sin-
gle gold standard—a measure which, in my view,
might be the cause of the greatest disasters.” Mr. De
Thoerner, the Russian delegate, expressed a decided
adherence to the single standard of his country—gold.
Count Von Kuefstein, of Austria, saidthat “in presence
of the explanations which had been given, from which
might be inferred an admission of the impossibility of
an international arrangement for the double standard,
he felt himself obliged to declare that if he adhered to
the formula proposed by the European delegates, it
was precisely because in his view it did not exclude
the idea that. such an arrangement was possible.”
The practical work of the conference closed with the
reading of the following rejoinder, signed by the four
American delegates, to the response of the European
delegates:
“The representatives of the United States regret
that they cannot entirely concur in all that has been
submitted to them by a majority of the representatives
of European States. They fully concur in a part of the
first proposition, vzz., that ‘it isnecessary to maintain
in the world the monetary functions of silver, as well as
those of gold,’ and they desire that erelong there may
beadequate cooperation to obtain that result. They
cannot object to the statement that ‘the selection for
use of one or the other of these two metals, or of both
simultaneously, should be governed by the special po-
sition of each State ;’ but if it be necessary to maintain
the monetary functions of both metals, as previously
declared, they respectfully submit that special positions
of States may become of but secondary importance.
“From so much of the second proposition as assigns
as a special reason for at present restricting the coin-
ageof silver, ‘that the disturbance produced during
the recent yearsin the silver market has differently
affected the monetary situations of the several coun-
tries,’ they respectfully dissent, believing that a policy
of action would remove the disturbance that produced
these inequalities.”
The report of this monetary conference, prepared by
Mr. S. Dana Horton, secretary of the American dele-
Currency.
gation, forms vol. v. of the executive documents of the
United States, printed by order of the Senate in the
third session of the XLVth Congress, 1878-79. In addi-
tion to the journal of the proceedings of the confer-
ence, anda collection of the monetary tables and statis-
tical tables submitted by each delegation, it containsa
large variety of relevant matter of English and Amer-
ican legislation on money, with classic treatises and re-
ports on monetary questions. Besides these it repub-
lishes entire the proceedings of the first monetary
conference held in Paris, June, 1867 ; the whole forming
a volume Of 918 pages.
In the United States, the silver agitation went
on. The act of 1873 was specially unpopular at
the West, and was violently assailed as well as
vigorously defended, and numerous resolutions
were introduced into the Forty-fifth Congress to
restore the silver dollar. Novem-
ber 5, 1877, Mr. Bland moved to
Act of 1878, suspend the rules of the House and
pass a bill providing ‘‘that there
shall be coined at the several mints
of the United States silver dollars of the weight
of 4124 grains troy of standard silver, as provid-
ed in the act of January 18, 1837,on which shall
be the device and superscriptions provided by
said act; which coins, together with all silver
dollars heretofore coined by the United States
of like weight and fineness, shall be a legal
tender at their nominal value for all debts and
dues public and private, except where otherwise
provided by contract ; and any owner of silver
bullion may deposit the same at any United
States coinage-mint or assay office, to be coined
into such dollars, for his benefit, upon the same
terms and conditions as gold bullion is deposit-
ed for coinage under existing laws. All acts
and parts of acts inconsistent with the provi-
sions of this act are hereby repealed.”’
This was agreed to and passed by a vote of 164 to
4,and it went to the Senate. Mr. Allison moved in the
enate to amend by striking out the last clause com-
mencing ‘“‘and any owner” and inserting the following :
“ And the Secretary of the Treasury is authorized and
directed, out of any money in the treasury not other-
wise appropriated, to purchase, from time to time,
silver bullion, at the market price thereof, not less than
$2,000,
ooo per month, nor more than $4,000,000 per
month, and cause the same to be coined monthly,
as fast as so purchased, into such dollars. And any
gain or seigniorage arising from this coinage shall be
acounted for and paid into the treasury, as provided
under existing laws relative to the subsidiary coinage ;
provided, that the amount of money at any one time
invested in such silver bullion, exclusive of such re-
sulting coin, shall not exceed $5,000,000.”’
The Bland Bill with Allison’s amendment
passed the Senate February 15, 1878, by a vote
of 49 to 22. The bill went back to the House
for concurrence February 21, 1878, when it
passed by a vote of 203 to 72.
President Hayes vetoed the bill February 28,
and in the same day it was passed over his veto
by a vote of 196 to 73 in the House and 46 to 19
in the Senate.
_ June 9, 1879, an act was passed raising the
limit of legal tender for subsidiary silver coins
to $10, and also providing for their redemption
in full legal-tender money. :
In the Forty-ninth Congress a proviso was
attached to the sundry civil appropriation bill
authorizing the issue of one, two, and five dol-
lar silver certificates. This provision has oper-
ated to remove in.a measure the objections to
silver where large sums are required in small
denominations, as in pay-rolls on railroads and
other like operations.
450
Currency.
The year 1881, however, saw a renewed mone-
tary agitation, when France and the United
States jointly issued a call toa monetary confer-
ence. It met in Paris on April 19, 14 govern-
ments being represented at the opening, and
delegates from Great Britain, India, and Can-
ada being present a part of the time. The
United States representatives were William M.
Evarts, Allen G. Thurman, Timothy O. Howe,
and S. Dana Horton. ‘This conference, which
continued its sessions with some breaks for
nearly two months, indicated a still great ap-
proval of the theory of bimetallism, but still
could come to no agreement or line of action,
England and Germany being still unwilling to
act. The United States, therefore, were still
left to act alone. No change, however, was
made in our currency, these years being marked
by large decreases in the public debt and a dis-
cussion of what to do with the ‘‘ surplus’’ in the
treasury. On July 12, 1882, an act was passed
providing for the extension of the charters of
the national banks, the running out of whose
charters had created considerable discussion.
The year 1883, however, was marked by finan-
cial depression and many failures, caused part-
ly by poor crops and overspeculation, and fell
particularly on the iron trade. Yet there was no
panic till May, 1884, when it fell in force, altho
in speculative rather than in commercial circles.
In 1885 there was a general improvement, yet
the Secretary of the Treasury and the President
alike in their annual messages recommended
the repeal of the silver bill of 1878; but Con-
gress declined to act, and the next year like-
wise, altho it also declined to pass a free silver
bill. In 1887, a year of prosperity, there was
still more discussion of the ‘“‘surplus’’ in the
treasury, and again an effort to repeal the sil-
ver bill of 1878, but still Congress refused. In
1888 the revenue of the United States was over
$1,000,000 a day. The circulation
of the national banks was, however,
contracting, and Congress could
still not be prevailed upon to repeal
the silver law. In 1890 the failure
of several London houses, and
notably Baring Brothers, owing mainly toa crisis
in the Argentine Republic, was to some extent
followed by a stringency in the market here,
and by the now famous Sherman Act of July
14, 1890, the treasury was directed to purchase
4,500,000 ounces of silver, or so much as might
be offered at the market price, not to exceed $1
for 371} grains of pure silver, and to issue in
payment therefor treasury notes to be a legal
tender in payment of all debts, public and pri-
vate, except where otherwise expressly stipu-
lated in the contract, and when held by a na-
tional bank to be counted as a part of its re-
serve. The act further declared that the Secre-
tary of the Treasury should redeem such notes
upon their presentation in gold or silver coin at
his discretion, and that the established policy of
the United States was to maintain the two
metals on a parity with each upon the existing
legal ratio, or such ratio as might be provided
By law. The act was a compromise, but the
effect was to put into circulation every month
about $6,000,000 in the certificates authorized,
and so its issue created much discussion, it
Panic
of 1890.
Currency.
finally passing in the House by a vote of 112 to
go, and in the Senate by 39 to 26.
We now come to the critical year of 1893.
Early in the year gold began to go to Europe,
caused mainly by the failures of the Baring
Brothers above referred to, and the
resultant stringency in the London
market, which continued to this
time ; still more by failures of
Australian banks, and yet more by
the decision of Austria-Hungary
and Roumania to change to the gold standard.
With all the world except the United States
thus declaring fot gold (see BimeTa..ism), the
friends of gold in the United States began to
urge that we could not continue to use silver in
the face of the position of all the other great
powers. They declared that all the gold would
go to these other nations, and the United States
become a silver nation, and silver depreciate,
and give us all the results of a depreciated cur-
tency. They therefore agitated for the repeal
of the Sherman bill of 1890. It is claimed, too,
that in order to force a slight pinch in the mar-
ket, and so induce people to feel that something
was wrong, and therefore demand the repeal ot
the Sherman act, some of the banks began to
decrease their circulation and decline credit. If
this is the case, they little knew what they were
bringing upon themselves. Credit was decreas-
ing, failures beginning, silver falling, when
suddenly came the news (June 26) that the Ind-
ian Government had decided to stop the free
coinage of silver. Coming upon the other
above-mentioned causes, it created at once a
crisis. The day after the news, silver experi-
’ enced a heavy drop, and silver mines in Colo-
tado began to close. Men were discharged all
over the country. Anxiety was everywhere.
Silver conventions were held in Denver, July
11, and Chicago, August 8. Men and women
began to draw their money from the banks, and
to hoard what they could. Therecame a marked
money famine. Banks really solvent were com-
pelled to close because they could not get ready
currency. Manufacturers with abundant credit
closed because they could not get currency to
pay their help. Business was prostrated, and
millions lost. The newspapers industriously
circulated the opinion that the panic was due to
hoarding of men and withdrawal of credit, from
lack of ‘‘ confidence,’’ and fear that the United
States would have a depreciated silver cur-
rency, and argued, therefore, that the Sherman
Bill must be repealed and the United States,
with the rest of the world, declare for gold.
Mr, Cleveland was induced to call an extra ses-
sion of Congress and urge repeal. The account
of the ensuing struggle, together with the ac-
count of the bond issues of the last two years,
we abridge from the reliable record of events
printed in the Polztzcal Sczence Quarterly.
According to this authority, Congress met Au-
gust 8. The silver men, without reference to
party lines, took an attitude of energetic resist-
ance to any project for unconditional repeal.
On August 11 a bill was introduced by Mr. Wil-
son, of West Virginia, repealing the purchase
clause, but renewing the pledge to maintain the
parity of gold and silver coin at the existing or
some other ratio. At the same time an order of
Panic
of 1893.
451
Currency.
procedure was adopted, providing for a debate
of 14 days, to be followed immediately by
voting. This program was carried out, and the
votes were taken August 28. All the amend-
ments were rejected, those proposing free coin-
age by majorities ranging from 140 on the 17:1
ratio to 100 on the 20:1, and that reviving the
Bland Act by a majority of 77. The bill was
then passed by a vote of 240 to 110. In the Sen-
ate much more serious difficulty arose in seek-
ing to carry out the policy recommended by
President Cleveland. After much caucusing,
with unsatisfactory results, Senator Voorhees,
Chairman of the Finance Committee, at last in-
troduced a repeal bill, August 29, with a ‘‘ par-
ity’’ pledge in more verbose form than that of
the Wilson Bill, and with a recommendation of
bimetallist policy for the Government. The sil-
ver men immediately submitted a
substitute proposing free coinage of
silver at the ratio of 20:1. Vari- Sherman
ous plans were suggested for a com- Bili
promise between unconditional re- Repealed.
peal and free coinage, but the atti-
tude of the administration was
steadily hostile to any such idea. On the other
hand, suggestions as to the introduction of some
form of closure in the Senate met little favor.
On October 11, when it had become pretty clear
that there was a majority for unconditional re-
peal, Mr. Voorhees asked for a continuous ses-
sion till a vote should be taken, but after a ses-
sion of nearly 4o hours, occupied by speeches
by the silver men and calls of the House, a
quorum could no longer be obtained, and the
Senate adjourned without voting. Attention
now became concentrated exclusively upon
the possibility of. either compromise or closure.
While propositions looking to the latter alter-
native were under serious and heated discus-
sion, a scheme of compromise that proposed
making the date of repeal 12 or 18 months in
the future and coining in the interval all the sil-
ver purchased, was accepted by the silver Demo-
crats, and seemed likely to secure enough sup-
port to unite the majority party, when the
authoritative announcement that the President
did not approve the scheme turned the current,
and the project failed. Thereupon the Demo-
cratic silver senators reluctantly gave up the
struggle, October 23, and the remainder of the
opposition acknowledged the hopelessness of
preventing a vote. The final speeches of the
debate were made, the various amendments
were voted down by majorities averaging about
ro, and on October 30 the Voorhees Bill, hav-
ing been substituted for the Wilson Bill, was
passed by a vote of 43 to 32. The substitute
was accepted by the House, 194 to 94, and be-
came law by the President’s approval, Novem-
ber 1.
The inference, however, is by no means to be
made that all the voters for repeal were friendly
to gold monometallism. Many of them felt that
the Sherman Bill, in itself popular with neither
monometallists nor bimetallists, had been pre-
sented to the country as the cause of the panic,
so that its repeal would at least tend to restore
confidence, when Congress could then go on to
permanently legislate as it saw wise. Some
felt, too, that since the supply of gold in the
t
Currency.
world is not adequate to doing the world’s busi-
ness, if the United States, with the rest of the
world, voted to adopt a gold standard, the strain
would be so great that all countries would be
compelled to remonetize silver, so that this would
be the quickest way to reach international bi-
metallism. Thus the vote on the bill was by no
means a test of the strength of monometallism.
Nevertheless, its passage has been bitterly de-
nounced by the believers in silver and an ex-
panded currency, and the continued depression
through the country they laid largely to its pas-
sage.
The marked features of 1894 and 1895 in the
history of the currency have been the bond is-
sues of the Government and their sale to private
syndicates. December 20, 1893, the Secretary
of the Treasury, in his report to Congress, esti-
mated that the year ending June 30, 1894, would
show a deficit of $28,000,000. He asked author-
ity, therefore, to issue a 3 per cent.
bond, redeemable in five years, and
Bond Issues, recommended that the denomina-
tions be low, so as to enlist the in-
terest of the masses of the people.
Another suggestion for meeting the emergency
was the issue of a 3 per cent. one-year bond, to
be sold or paid out to Government creditors at
par. Mr. Carlisle described the decrease in the
gold reserve for greenback redemption, and
dwelt upon the necessity of some scheme which
should enable him to keep up that reserve as
well as to pay the current expenses of the Gov-
ernment. While endorsing the principles of
the tariff bill pending in the House of Repre-
sentatives, he thought it would bring a revenue
some $50,000,000 less than what would be neces-
sary, and to meet this deficit he advocated an
increase of the tax on distilled spirits, and the
imposition of new taxes on cigars and cigarettes,.
cosmetics, perfumeries, legacies and successions,
and incomes from investments in corporate se-
curities. From the beginning of the period
under review the condition of the treasury,
which the Secretary’s report showed to be so
bad, grew worse and worse. Expenditures ran
steadily far ahead of receipts, and the balances
on hand, both of gold and of currency, tended
rapidly to extinction. On January 13 Secretary
Carlisle submitted to the Finance Committee of
the Senate a statement showing that the excess
of expenditures over receipts to that date had
reached $43,000,000, and that at the same rate
the deficit for the year would be $78,000,000, or
nearly three times what he had estimated in his
report in December. The gold reserve was
down to $74,000,000, and the Secretary declared
that the ordinary expenses of the Government
would soon have to be paid wholly out of that
fund. Unless something were promptly done
by Congress to authorize the issue of low-rate
bonds, he announced that he would put forth
high-rate bonds under the power granted by the
Resumption Act of 1875. No steps having been
taken by Congress, on January 17 the Secretary
announced a bond issue of $50,000,000. The
bonds were to be redeemable after 10 years, and
to bear 5 per cent. interest, payable in coin.
No bid would be accepted lower than 117.223,
the equivalent of a 3 per cent. bond at par.
The treasury’s policy was immediately antago-
452
Currency.
nized by the silver party, who wanted the finan-
cial emergency tided over by the coinage of the
seigniorage. The House Judiciary Committee
adopted a resolution denying the power claimed
by the Secretary to use the proceeds of the bonds
for paying the current expenses of the Govern-
ment, and under the auspices of the Knights of.
Labor a suit was brought for an injunction to
restrain the Secretary from issuing the bonds.
Financiers found fault with the method of the
issue, and claimed that there was absolutely no
chance for profit under the terms imposed. On
the last day of the term allowed for. bids, how-
ever, the New York bankers, after several con-
sultations with Mr. Carlisle, decided to sustain
him, and subscribed for some $45,000,000. The
subscription terminated February 1, and the
total amount called for was about $58,000,000.
The treasury gold balance meanwhile had run
down to $65,500,000, but the proceeds of the
bonds raised it for a while above the $100,000,-’
ooo mark. Congress had a lively struggle over
the Seigniorage Bill. This measure, introduced
in the House by Mr. Bland, provided. for the
immediate coinage of silver in the treasury to
an amount equal to the difference between the
cost and the coin value of the bullion purchased
under the Sherman Act, which difference
amounted to about $55,000,000. The bill pro-
vided that certificates should be issued on this
seigniorage as fast as coined, or faster, if the
needs of the treasury required. A second sec-
tion directed that, after the seigniorage was dis-
posed of, the remaining bullion in the treasury
should be coined, and the treasury notes based
on it should be redeemed and replaced by silver
certificates. This bill was passed in the House,
March 1, by 168 to 129, the majority consisting
of Democrats and Populists, with 19 Southern
and Western Republicans ; the mi-
nority, of Republicans, with 49
Eastern Democrats. In the Senate Seigniorage
the friends of the bill took parlia- _—_—Bill.
mentary advantage of a little care-
lessness on the part of its adversa-
ries to cut off the long debate that was expected,
and on March 15 the bill passed by 44 to 31, 10
Republicans for and nine Democrats against it.
On the 2oth President Cleveland vetoed the bill.
His general position was that of favor to the
idea of coining the seigniorage, but of hosiility
to this particular bill, and especially to the sec-
ond section, which went beyond this simple
idea. He objected to the phraseology of the
bill, which was in places ambiguous, Sat found
awider ground for his veto inthe belief that
‘‘ sound finance does not commend a further in-
fusion of silver into our currency at this time,
unaccompanied by further adequate provision
for the maintenance in our treasury of a safe
gold reserve,”” The President expressed, in
conclusion, a willingness to see the seigniorage
coined, if at the same time provision were made
for a low-rate, short-term bond to protect the
gold reserve. On the question of overriding
this veto, the vote in the House, April 4, stood
144 to 115, not two thirds in the affirmative.
By June 22 the gold reserve was down to $62,-
000,000, The New York banks at this time came
to the rescue, and supplied the export demand.
In the uncertainty over the tariff, custom re-
Currency.
ceipts were small and the condition of the treas-
ury verylow. With some variations, however,
the gold reserve in the treasury remained at
about the above amount till, November 13, sub-
scriptions were invited for $50,000,000, in 10
years 5 per cent. bonds, and the whole amount
was awarded to a syndicate at 117.077, making
the rate of interest 2.878. This raised the gold
reserve to $112,000,000, but this immediately
began to dwindle. Secretary Carlisle intro-
duced into Congress a plan for reorganizing the
banking system so as to protect the treasury
against demands for redemption of legal tenders
and develop State-bank currency, but it was
defeated, and by June 28 the gold reserve was
down to $52,463,173, the lowest point since re-
sumption in 1879. The same day President
Cleveland sent an energetic message to Con-
gress to empower the issue of a low-rate bond.
Congress declined to act, and another bond
issue followed, February 7, when the gold re-
serve was only $41,743,136. A contract was
made with the banking houses of Belmont,
Rothschild, and Morgan, for the purchase of
3,500,000 ounces of gold to be paid for in 30
years, 4 per cent. bonds, on terms which made
the price about 1044, and the amount $62,317,-
500. The contract provided that half the gold
should be procured abroad, and the
bankers were given an option on
Bond Issue any other bonds that could be is-
to Morgan sued up to October 1, and on their
Syndicate. part they undertook ‘‘to exert all
financial influence and [to] make
all legitimate efforts to protect the
treasury of the United States against the with-
drawal of gold’* during the same period. The
4 per cents. were soon put on the market, and
the quotation rose at once to118. The admin-
istration was violently attacked, tho it defended
itself by showing that the New York sub-treas-
ury was within 48 hours of suspension of gold
payments, and that, therefore, the treasury was
at the mercy of the bankers. Nevertheless the
sale of bonds to the syndicate was widely de-
nounced, some papers, like the New York
World, demanding an investigation of the
“scandal” by Congress, in part basing its sur-
mises on the fact that Mr. J. P. Morgan was a
former client of Mr. Cleveland, and Mr. Stetson,
the legal adviser of Mr. Morgan and the
agent of the syndicate in its negotiations, a
partner of Mr. Cleveland when Mr. Cleveland
practised law in New York in the interval be-
tween his first and second administrations. The
World figured the profits of the transaction to
the syndicate as follows :
Face of loatis iss iaiietisies deuveees § betwen ts $62,315,000
Syndicate premium at LO4F-4Q rece rece sgbgsnt SFR AG 257975943
United States gets............0 00000 ce eeee ees $65,112,942
Syndicate profit to 112 ...ccce cee cee cece eee eeee 458355644
What inside jobbers pay. + + $69,948,587
Inside jobbers’ profit to 118. . 3.583.113
The public pay and the United States should
DEVS Tecal vey nsec ievedenasresmnens eee hae $72,531,700
United States has lost........secceeeeee ceeewee $8,418,757
Compounded as a sinking fund at 4 per cent.
for 30 years, this lost profit would be..... $27,628,676
Or nearly one half the original loan.
453
Currency.
PROFIT ANT LOSS
Belmont & Morgan buy.$62,315,000 at 104.49
$65,112
Belmont & Morgan sell.. 62,315,000 at 112.25 rene
69,948,587
Belmont & Morgan profit....ecesseseeee $4,835,644
$69,948,587
730531)700
Inside jobbers buy....... $62,315,000 at 112.25
Inside jobbers sell.,..... 62,315,000 at 118.
Inside jobbers’ profit............06 ssersexeee $3 yS89:E73
$731351,700
$3,418,757
General public buy......$62,315,000 at 18...
Loss by United States to the jobbers.......
Commenting editorially upon this
the World said :
* The bonds are worth much more than 112¥, and the
public was not allowed to buy any of them, tho
subscriptions were eagerly sent in for 10 times the
issue at a much higher price than the 112144 at which
the syndicate allotted the securities to its members.
“These people took the bonds as well as the profit,
and they will now proceed totake another heavy profit
by marking the securities up to their actual market
value.
“Does anybody now suppose that Mr. Cleveland
‘did the best he could’ when he secretly sold these
bonds to his former client’s syndicate at 104%? With
New Yorkers anxious for ten times the issue, and with
London bankers bidding, as they did yesterday, for
$600,000,000 at 444 points above the syndicate distribut-
ing price, can there be any doubt that the issue could
have been sold in the open market for greatly more
than was got for it? as there any necessity or ex-
cuse for a secret negotiation with speculators to dis-
credit the Government and give millions of its money
away? Is there any possible reason for supposing
that a public at home and abroad which to-day wants
ten or twenty times the issue at three or four times the
premium would have failed to take this $62,315,000 at a
much better price than that at which it was sold, if
the issue had been offered openly in the market?”
showing,
Whatever were the profits, the syndicate kept
its word as to protecting the treasury until Oc-
tober 1, when it dissolved. Soon after the re-
serve again began to diminish, and there was
talk of another issue. Congress on its conven-
ing refused to relieve the situation. Mr. Mor-
gan formed another syndicate, and proposed to
buy the bonds on substantially the same basis
as before. Some papers, and par-
ticularly the New York I[Vorld,
agitated for making it a so-called
popular loan, and finally succeeded
in forcing this from the Govern-
ment. Sealed bids were put in up
to February 5, and it was found that the whole
issue of $200,000,000 was more than subscribed
for at an average of about 111 instead of 104, as
offered by the syndicate, saving the Government
some $7,000,000, without counting interest for 30
years. Such aresult justified papers like the
World in claiming that the previous sale to the
syndicate might also have been public.
The World said editorially February 8, 1896 :
“The Wall Street operator who buncoed the Govern-
ment out of 8 or 10 million dollars in last year’s bond
deal, and had his arrangements perfected to repeat
the grab on a larger scale this year, and would have
succeeded but for the World, is certainly not above
criticism. Neither are the remnants of Mr. Carlisle’s
reputation sufficient to cover a transaction of this
sort.
“There is something still to be explained in this
affair. The suggestion of a Congressional investiga-
tion istimely, It might well be extended to cover the
negotiations to which Mr. Morgan was invited at
Washington by some member of the administration,
and which led to the formation of his famous blind
pool to take $200,000,000 of bonds in exchange for gold
at ‘about the price’ of the sale in February, 1895. The
Hoca-Hent of publicity is needed for this whole trans-
action.
“ Public
Loan.”
Currency.
Western papers bitterly condemned all issue
of bonds at any price. Said the Chronicle (Re-
publican) of San Francisco :
“It matters very little to the American people
whether a sale of bonds nets a few millions more or
less. The thing to take into consideration is the fact
that with a balance of nearly $175,000,000 in the Treasury,
the President deliberately authorizes the creation of
another $100,000,000 of indebtedness for a period of 30
years. tween the date of their emission and their
final redemption these bonds will call for the payment
of $120,000,000 in interest, or $20,000,000 more than the
amount borrowed. And for what purpose are these
ponds sold? To maintain a gold reserve for the re-
demption of United States currency—an impossible
feat under existing circumstances. The futility of
such attempts has already been exhibited. It hasbeen
shown that the gold, as rapidly as accumulated, will
be drawn out ofthe Treasury so long as it is needed
for export purposes.”
The feeling of the People’s Party and the ex-
tremer free silver men can be seen 1n a compara-
tively moderate quotation from the sensational
utterance of Senator Tillman, of South Carolina,
spoken on the floor of the Senate January 29, 1896.
He charged that the sound-money cry was part
of ‘‘a damnable scheme of robbery,”’ having in
view, first, the utter destruction of silver asa
money metal ; second, the increase of the pub-
lic debt by the issue of gold bonds ; and third,
the surrender to corporations of the power to
issue all paper money and to give them a mo-
nopoly of that function. This, he averred, in-
cluded the control of the presidential nomina-
tions of both the Democratic and Republican
parties in 1892 by an Eastern gold ring and the
stock gamblers of Wall Street. Accusing the
President of weakening on tariff reform for a
454
Currency.
financial platform cunningly drafted to force a
gold standard upon the people, he said :
“Rothschild and his American agents graciously
condescend to come to the help of the United States
Treasury in maintaining the go. d standard, which has
wrought the ruin, and only charges a small commission
of ro million or so. Great God! that this proud Govy-
ernment, the richest, most powerful on the globe,
should have been brought to so low a pass that a Lon-
don Jew should have been appointed its receiver, and
presume to patronize us! =e
“The encroachments of the Federal Judiciary, and
the supineness and venality—corruption, I say—of the
representative branches of the Government are causes
of deep concern to all thinking and patrioticmen, We
are fast drifting into government by injunction in the
interest of monopolies and corporations, and the Su-
reme Court, by one corrupt vote, annuls an act of
ongress looking to the taxation of the rich.”
Even the Wor/d, while condemning Mr. Till-
man’s speech, said :
“It is unfortunately true that the relations between
the Executive and Wall street have been unduly close;
that the Treasury has been managed in the interests
of syndicates; that the enforcement of the anti-trust
laws has been turned into a mockery ; that the attempt
to adjust taxation in proportion to wealth has been de-
feated by amajority decision of the Supreme Court;
that the influence of plutocracy is manifest in the com-
position of the Senate, in the control of legislation, and
in the organization of national parties, conventions
and campaigns.”
For most recent events, see SILVER QUESTION.
Following are the tables giving various statis-
tics as to United States currency, the first show-
ing the present money system of the United
States as compiled by G. B. Waldron, of the New
York Vozce, from official sources. It shows the
kinds of money in use in the treasury, in na-
tional banks, and in circulation July 1, 1895 :
: : Subsidiary ‘ : Gold
Gold Coin. Silver Dollars. Silver Coin. Minor Coin. Certificates.
First authorized ..... wamiewid April 2, 1792. April 2, 1792. April 2, 1792. April 2, 1792. March 3, 1863.
Weight............ sieainsanes 25.8 grains to 41246 grains. 385-8 grains to |5 Cc. 77.16 grains. |..... sais teanca mance
Sit ollar. : dollar, 1c. 48 grains.
Fineness .......eee sees ees eee +goo +900 +900 5 C.-75% COPPEL, |...se.eseessceeeee
aie nickel.
1C.-95% copper,
oe . yeu, . i tin and zinc.
Limit of issue..............| Unlimited. [Amount requir-] — $50,000,c00t iscretion of|Issue suspended
To whom first issued*......
Denomination
Legal tender........
Receivable*..... ..
Exchangeable*........ atiohig
Redeemable*
July 1, 1895:
Total coined or issued.. .
In Treasury..
In circulation......... eis
Held by National Bank
Joly 28) 9899. oc sccconves oe
Net circulationt. essa
Per capita, nett...........
No restriction.
$20
10
5
| 2.50
Unlimited.
For all public
dues.
For gold certifi-
cates.
Teen ee ene ceenee oe
$579,422,971
999147,914
480,275,057
117,476,837
362,798,220
$5.19
ed to redeem
Treasury
notes.
No restriction.
Secretary of
when gold re-
the Treasury. | serve falls be-
8 Ag low $100,000,000
No restriction. | No restriction. |Depositors of
old coin and
ullion.
$x 50 cents. 5 cents. $10,000 $100
25 cents. 1 cent. 5,000 50
1o cents, 1,000 20
ee oO
Unlimited un-| Not to exceed |Not to exceed 25| Not = tender.
less stipulated
in contract.
For all public
dues.
For silver cer-
tificates or
smaller silver’
coin.
-|In
$10.
cents.
For all public}/For all public|/For all public
dues to the] dues to the dues.
amount of $10.| amount of 25
: cents,
For minor coin. |........00.eee000e For gold coin
an other
money.
“lawful
mon 2? ” in
sums of $20 or
any multiple
thereof,
In “lawful
money” in
sums of not
less than $20.
In gold coin.
$423,289,219 $76,772,56
3
371)306,057 16,552,845 Seo
aol) ee dab
7)248,059 5)834,241 ses
i 425,600
445735)103 541385477 .
$0.64 $0.78 2519551969
"37
Currency. 455 Currency.
Silver United States Currency Treasury Notes National
Certificates. Notes. Certificates. of 1890. Bank-Notes.
First authorized............ Feb. 28, 1878. Feb. 25, 1862. June 8, 1872. July 14, 1890. Feb. 25, 1863.
Weight........ dalslcie Saree SGU. Hele Lewae StOss aay eG] IN Hisloator GE MEAs ais ‘i
Fineness .
Limit of issue ....
To whom first issued*......
Denomination.......... wee
Legal tender....... .. wisitnatels
Receivable* ..............6.
Exchangeable*.............
Redeemable*. .............
uly 1, 1895:
J Total erned or issued ...
In Treasury
In circulation.... ........
Held by National Banks
July x1, 1895
Net circulationt .
Silver dollars in
Treasury.
Depositors of
silver dollars.
$1,000 $10
500 5
100 2
50 I
20
Not a tender.
For all public
dues,
For silver dol-
lars and frac-
tional silver.
In silver dollars.
$328,894,504
9,162,752
319,731,752
30,127,457
289,604,295
4614
$346,681,016§
No restriction.
$10,000 = $20
5,000 Io
1,000 5
500 2
100 I
io
Unlimited un-
less stipulated
in contract.
For all public
dues except
duties on im-
ports and in-
terest on pub-
lic debt.
For any money)
except gold
certificates.
In coin in sums
of $50 and over,
at sub-treas-
uries in New
York and San
Francisco.
$346,681,016
81,571,560
265,109,456
123,185,172
141,924,284
$2.03
Per capita, nett....... ‘2
Unitea”
notes in Treas-
ury.
National banks.
$x0,000
51000
Not a tender.
Not receivable.
For United
States notes.
In United
States notes.
$55,755,000
350,000
553405,000
451330700
10,075,000
$0.14
States :
$152,584,4171)
Depositors of
silver bullion
purchased by
Government.
$1,000 $10
Too 5
50 2
20 1
Unlimited = un-
less stipulated
in contract.
For all public
dues.
For any money
except gold
certificates.
In ‘coin.”
$146,088, 400
30, 109,692
115,978,708
Ir c
1.66
go of United
States bonds.
National banks]
$1,000
500
100
50
20
$10
5
2
L
Not a tender.
For all public
dues except
duties on im-
ports and in-
terest on pub-
lic debt.
For silver and
minor coin.
In “lawful
money” at
Treasury or
bank of issue.
$211,691,035
46431489
207,047,546
6,025,799
201,021,747
$2.88
On the basis of an estimated population of 69,878,-
ooo on July 1, 1895, there was a total circulation out-
side of the Treasury and the National banks of $1,246,-
478,805, or $17.83 per capita.
oncerning the present amount of money in the
United States, the report of the Treasurer for 1894
gives the following statement:
According to the revised estimates the stock of gold,
silver, and paper money in the United States on June
30, 1893 and 1894, was composed as follows:
KIND. June 30, 1893.|June 30, 1894. KIND. June 30, 1893.| June 30, 1894.
Gold coin.......... aieiciewsien $519,156,102| $582,512,083 || United States notes......... $346,681,016| $346,681,016
Gold bullion.... .. , 78,541,583 44,781,118 || Treasury notes of 1890.. ... 147,190,227; 152,584,417
Silver dollars... ... - 419,332,450 419,333,208 || National bank-notes ...... 178,713,872| 207,3531244
Fractional silver coin.. 77s4155123 76,249,925 || Gold certificates ...... 94,041, 189] 66,387,899
Silver bullion ...,........... 119,113,911 128,764,624 || Silver certificates ..... 339)957)504 3371148,504
Currency certificates........ 12,405,000] 60,035,000
Total paper currency.. ..| $1,109,988,808| $1,170,190,080
Total coin and bullion ... $1,213,559,169| $1.251,640,958 Aggregate. ..............- $2,323,547,977| $2,421,831,038
_ The estimated effective stock of money, which is ar-
Tived at by eliminating from the list of paper issues,
the certificates of deposit, and Treasury notes, as
merely representative, on June 30in each of the last
five years, was as follows:
KIND. 1890. 1891. 1892. 1893. 1894.
$695, 563,029 $646, 582,852 $664,275,335 $597,697,685 $627,293,201
463,211,919 52242771740 573135544 615,861,484 624,3475757
532,651,791 514,608,990 5195364,806 5251394,888 | 55410341260
$1, 691,426,739 $1,683,469, 582 $1,75319539745 $1,738,954,057 | $1,805,675,218
* By the Government.
+ Total circulation outside of Treasury less amount held by National banks.
t Acts of July 14, 1875, and April 17, 1876, limited issue to amount required to retire fractional paper cur-
Tency.
This limit was increased to
50,000,000 by act of July 22, 1876.
1878, considerable fractional silver reappeared which had been issued
Amount outstanding when the act of May 31, 1878, forbade their further retirement.
} Amount outstanding when the a ee clause was repealed, November 1, 1893.
¥ And reissued by the banks for genera
circulation.
After resumption of specie payments,
reviously.
Currency.
456
The following three tables from the Report
of the Treasurer give the gold and silver coin
and bullion ; gold, silver, and currency certifi-
cates; United States notes and national and
Currency.
State bank-notes, and the estimated oy in
the United States and distribution thereof on
July 1 of each year from 1872-94 :
GOLD. SILVER.
COIN AND BULLION. CERTIFICATES.$ IN TREASURY.
JULY «.
In Treas- deo ta ’ Standard
. Coin in . a «ai
= us n Treas- | In Circu- Silver Dol-] Subsidi
ee Cireula- Total. I ae lation, Total. lars and lary Coin. Total.
Bullion. Bah 2 Bullion.
sie sidieissatees *$25,000,000) 4
. «| *25,000,000)
: $25,000,000 . .
: 25,000,000} S23. cayeesWe| VE La eagle:
Pi 25,000,000 $6,363,606] $6,363,606
: ¥25,000,000| seeeceeees| coeceeevee| ceeeterece] ceeeeeeree| caeeeeee . 25952,653; 23952653
eS) As =+| 25,000,000! $15,059,82 6,860,506] 21,920,334
«+ | $135,236,475| tr10,505,362| $245,741,837 $15,279,820] $15,413,700] 33,239,917 8,903,401] 42,143,318
«| 126,145,427| 225,695,779] 351,841,206 75963,900 8,004, 491549,851| 24,350,482 73,900,333
163,171,661] 315,312,877] 478,484,538 517591520] 54782,920| 65,954,671] 27,247,097] 93,202,368
148,506,390] 358,251,325| 506,757,715 51029,020] 50375120] 90,384,724] 28,048,631] 118,433,355.
198,078,568] 344,6531495| 542)732,063| 22,571,270! 59,807,370] 82,378,640] 116,396,235] 28,486,001 144,882,236.
204,876,594] 340,624,203| 545,500,797] 27,246,020| 71,146,640] 98,392,660] 139,616,414! 29,600,720) 169,217,134.
247,028,625| 341,668)411| 588,697,036] 13,593,410] 126,729,730] 140,323,140] 169,4574998| 31,236,899] 200,688,897
2325554,886| 358,219,575] 590,7741461| 55,129,870] 7650444375] 131,174)245| 184,523,283] 28,886,947} 213,410,23c
277:979:654| 376,540,681] 654,520,335] 30,261,380] 91y2255437| 121,486,817) 221,897,046] 26,963,934] 248,860,980:
3%4)704,822| 391,114,033] 705,818,855] 20,928,500] 121,094,050] 142,023,150] 254,63g,003| 26,044,062| 280,683,125
303,581,937] 376,482,568] 680,063,505] 36,918,323) 117,130,229] 154,048,552] 289,489,794] 25,124,672] 314,614,466
321,304,106; 374,258,923! 695,563,029] 26,732,120] 130,830,859] 157,562,979] 323,804,555] 2257921718) 346,597,273
239,263,689] 407,319,163] 646,582,852] 32,423,360] 120,063,069] 152,486,429) 379,927,323] 19,629,480) 399,556,803.
255y700,511| 408,568,824| 664,275,335] 15153310] 141,093,619} 156,623,929] 434,240,050] 14,227,774] 448,467,830
189,162,022] .408,535,663| 597)697,685 1y399,000] 92,642,189] 94,041,189] 481,371,103) 11,9455257] 493,316,360
131,316,471] 495,976,730] 627,293,201 48,050] 66,339,849] 66,387,899] 49514351370] 1 71738;968) 513,774,338
* The coin in circulation includes the subsidiary silver in circulation on the Pacific coast.from 1872 to 1878.
+ Gold coin became available for circulation January 1, 1879, as a result of the resumption act of January 14,
75+
t Gold certificates, being representative of gold coin, became available as circulation on the resumption of
specie payment, January 1, 1879.
SILVER.
COIN IN CIRCULATION.
CERTIFICATES.t
CERTIFICATES, ACT OF JUNE 8,
JULY x. 1872.
Standard |Subsidiary| In Treas- | In Circu- In Treas- | In Circu- }
Dollar. Coin.* Total. ury.. | lation. Total. ury. lation. Total.
: $215,000] $31,515,000] $31,730,000
3 755,000} 58,000,000] —§8,755,000-
tine ster cels of 445,000] 57,970,000] 58,415,000
$21,055,128 1055)128 275,000) 32,565,’ 32,840,000
371884,853} 37,884,853 1,135,000] 53,825,000! 54,960,000
$1,209,259] 53,918,322) 55.127,573] $1,455,520 570,000] 46,245,000! 46,815,000
8,036,439] 61,346,584] 69,383,023] 2,052,470 1,450,000] 29,355,000] 30,805,000
20,110,557| 48,511,788) 68,622,345) 6,584,701 12,374,270 360,000] 14,235,000] —144595)000
201342412} 46,839,364] 76,181,776] 12,055,801] 39,110,729] 51,166,530 275,000] 11,650,000] 1,925,000
32,403,820] 46,379,949] 78,783,769) 11,590,620] 54,506,090} 096,770 75,000] 13,245,000] 13,320,000
3510511450] 46,474)200) 82,125,749] 15,996,145} 72,620,686] 88,616,831 315,000] 13,060,000] 13,375,000
40,690,200] 45,660,808] 86,351,008] 23,384,680] 96,427,011 119,811,691 195,;000| 12,190,000] 72,385,000
39,086,969] 43,702,921] 82,789,890] 38,370,700 101,530,946] 139,901,646 200,000] 29,585,000] 29,785,000
52,668,623| 46,173,990] 98,842,603] 27,861,450] 88,116,225 115,977,675 250,000] 18,250,000] 18,500,000:
551548721) 48,583,865] 104,132,586 31425)133] 142,118,017] 145,543,150 310,000 8,770,000 9,080,000
551527396] $0,362,314] 105,889,710] 28,732,115] 200,759,657] 229,491,772 250,000] 14,665,000] 14,915,000
5414571299| 5%1477,T64] 105,934,463 51474,181| 257,155,565| 262,629,746| 240,000] 16,955,000] 7,195,000
50,278,749] 54,032,587] 110,321,336] 3,983,513] 297,556,238] 301,539,751 500,000] 11,890,000] 12,390,000"
58,826,179} 58,219,220] 117,045,399 7)479)219] 307,235,966] 314,715,185 14905,000] 21,875,000], 23,780,000
56,817,462| 63,293,704] 120,111,166 41920,839] 326,693,465, 331,614,304 590,000] 29,840,e00] 30,430,000
569295673 6514601860} 12243991539] 4,133,656] 326,823,848! 330,957,504 690,000] 11,715,000| 12,405,000
521564,662) 58,510,957] 111,075,619] 10,157,768] 326,990,736| 337,148,504 300,000] — 58,935,000) 59)235;000
* Subsidiary silver,
of January 14, 1875
. O7 e :
+ Silver certificates were authorized by acts of February 28, 1878, and August 4, 1886,
which disappeared from circulation in 1862, was reintrodyced under operation of the act
+
Currency. 457 Currency.
CURRENCY.
JuLy t. UNITED STATES NOTES. NATIONAL BANK-NOTES,
In Treas- In Cireu- In Treas- In Circu-
ury. lation. Total. ury. lation. Total.
$11,331,320] $346,168,680/ —$357,500,000 $8,627,790] $320,037,005] $337,664,795.
39,050,855, 316,949,145 356,000,000 8,304,586 338,962,475 347,267,061
68,578,548] 31314211452] 382,000,000 11,715,488 340,265,544 351,981,022
84,055,245 291,716,335) 37597711580 13,861,463 3401546,545 3541408,008
70;889,906} 298,882,378] 369,772,284 16,877,634 316,120,702 332:998,336
7516894998 284,074,344) — 35917641332 15,759,847 301,289,025 317,048,872
72,020,121 274,660,895 346,681,016) 12,789,923 311,724,361 324,514,284
7453915904 272,289,112 346,681,016 8,286,701 321,404,096} 329,691,697
331020559] 313,660,457 346,681,016) 71990249] 33714154178) 3445051427
30,204,092 316,476,924] 346,681,016 51296, 382 349)746,203 35510421675
34,670,589 312,010,427 346,681,016 6,277,246 352,464,788 3585742024
36,498,839 310,182,177 346,681,016] - 8,217,062 347,856,219 356,073,281
40,183,802! 306,497,214 346,681,016) 8,809,990} 330,689,893 33914991883
45,947)379 301,633,637] 346,681,076) 959459710 308,631,001| 318,570,711
41,118,317] 305,562,699] 346,681,016] * 4,034,476] 307,665,038, 311,699,454
28,783,797 317,897,219 346,681,016 2,362,585 276,855,203 279,217,788
5393451976 29393351040 346,681,016 719559542 245,312,780 252,368,321
475196,825) 299,484,191] 346,681,016 45158,330| 207,220,633 211,378,963
23,882,039) 322,798,977 346,681,016 4,365,838 181,604,937 185,970,775
25,348,656 321,332,360 346,681,016 5,706,928 162,221,046, 167,927,677
371 21,112 309;559,904] 346,681,016 5462, 333 167,221,517 172,683,850-
27,621,590] 319,059,426] 346,681,016 4,043,906 174,669,966 178,713,872
80,091,414 266,589,602 346,681,016 6,635,044) 200,219,743 206,854,787
CURRENCY.
ULY RACTI ENCY.
J) ¥ FRACTIONAL CURR Siete Baek:
Notes in Cireus
In Treasury. | In Circulation. Total. lation.
IS7ais Wawaesieues- V8 NAR AAs RHEE ORES fees $4,452,906 $36,402,929 $40,855,835 $1,700,935
1873. 6,723,360 38,076,005 44)790,305 1,379) 184
716475714 38,233,582 45,881,296 1,162,453
452245854 * 375904,570 425129,424 9641497
1,507,750 321938,845 341446,595 15047335
161,476 20,241,661 20,403,137
180,044 16,367,725 1655475769
Treasury Notes Act, July 14, 1890.
9,879,713 40,348,704 50,228,417
394539379 98,258,692 101,712,071
6,334)613 140,855,614 147)190)227
1894.. 17,902,988 134,681,429 15255849417
The following two tables give the total coin-
age of the United States mints from 1793' to
1895, as given in the reports of the Director of
the Mint, and the money in circulation since
1872. For the per capita circulation before
1872, see CONTRACTION AND EXPANSION OF CuR-
RENCY, and see also that article for questioning
the correctness of the showing made in these
reports. Note also that the currency certifi-
cates (act of June 8, 1872) are included in the
amount of United States notes in circulation
in the tables for the years 1873 to 1891 in-
clusive; since 1891 they are reported sepa-
rately.
* State bank-notes ceased to circulate after passage of the act of February 8, 1875, which laid upon them a
tax of 10 per cent.
the Treasury.
They were not receivable for public dues, and therefore do not appear among the funds in
°
Currency. 458 Currency.
NS
In Circu-
JuLy «. In Treas- nuey ee. In eleonle: lation aoe ee Population
y. Capita. ion, Sate, oney. Capita une 1.
$24,412,016 $.60 $738,309,549 18.1 62,721,56: 8,
22,563,801 +54 re BBY 809 . ‘ea a = 3 bint cy
2059415750 +79 776,083,031 18.13 806,024,781 18.83 424796,000
44,171,562 1.01 754)101,947| 17-16 798,273,509] 18.16 431951,000
63,073,896 1.40 727,609,388| 16.12 799,683,284) 17.52 451137000
40,738,954 -88 722,314,883] 15.58 763,053,847) 16 46 46,353,000
62,120,942 1.31 720,132,634| 15.32 7915253576] 16.62 47)598,000
232,889,748 4-77 818,631,793] 16.75 1y05%)521,541] 21 52 48,866,000
232,546,969 4.04 973382228] 19-41 1y205,929,197| 24.04 5,155,783
29253033704 5-66 1, 114,238,119 21.71 1,406, 541,823 27-41 51,31 Non
306,241,300} = 5.83 | 1y174)290,419] 22.37 | 14480531,719| 28.20 524495,000
4135184,120] 7-70 | 14230,305,696] 22 gt | 1,643,489,816/ 30.61 53,603,000
461,528,220] 8.41 1,243,925,909] 22.65 | 1,705,454,189] 31.06 541911000
525,089,721 9-35 1,292,568,615 23.02 14817,658,336 26 :
7195933 32+37 56,148,000
55598595169) 9-68 14252,700,525| 21.82 1,808,559,694) 31.51 57,404,000
382,003,520/ 9-93 | 153775530)143| 22-45 | 1,900,442,672] 32.39 38,680,000
690,785,079 Ir.52 1,372)170,870 22.88 2,062. tara.
ae 900249551949 34-40 59)974,000
694,989,062) 11.34 1,380,361,649| 22.52 25075;350711| 33.86 61,289,000
pare Bisa 1y429,251,270| 22.82 2,144,226,150| 34.24 62,622,250
: x 070 .
iid Go| ee BG leet! S| ies
726700 147 10.87 1559657035245] 23.87 aaa aoeaas ae ue
:
759,626,073] 11.13 1,660,808,708] 24.33 24420, 434,781 35-44 68,275,000
YEARS. Gold. Silver. Minor. Total. YEARS. Gold. Silver Minor. Total
ae eee ee $11373-00 $4531541-80 -|$31756,447.50]$1,873200.00] $38,948.04] $5,668,595.54
1797 - 128,190.00 34,656 es pooie ao 41934177-50| 2)558)580.00] 41,208.00] 6,633,965.50
Saree oe 95520-34 152,250.79 + | 20,202,325.00| 2,374,450.00] 61,836.69] 22,638.611.69
Glee pene an nee Pies ee 2,040,050.00, 641357.99 518795720.49
sre nGeosl | author col: ceoiese: : 007,761.50] 2,114,950.00] 41,984.32] 11,164,695.82
pelle er ees eM cea mee yet geen rote rene
423)310.00| 8,343.00] 34,422.83| 516,075.83 lees Age se 7745397-00| — 99)035-43] 63)488,524.93
Sicoest prtdes| seeencs! cyeecess + |561846,187.50) 999,410.00] 50,630.94} 57,896,228.44
Sepia! Seelesagel Gael. ety aeded 39:3771909.00 9:077)571.00] 67,059.78} 48,522,539.78
170,367.50] 149,388.50] 13,483-48| 333,239.48 Sle daisies ee eo) eee
ee asl ae es ; 1968. 1501,245. 030-79} 32)905;243.79
eons anes a 2 ee 7 801,084, e +|36,857,768.50| 5,1%42,240.00] 27,106.78 42,007,115.28
eS eon ee 994.4,595-9 + |32)214,040.00] 5,478,760.00] 178,010.46] 37,870,810.46
Sereec| woireeal | Race. go teas co + }221938,413-50] 8,495)370.00] 246,000.00] 31,679,783.50
Seed! tae 1001-53 49752+53 + |14,780,570.00] 3,284,450.00| 364,000.00] 18,429,020.00
1435° 38)773-50] 5,660.00] 1,15 5,868.50 23,473:054.00| 2. 1938)
Soy aoe cal 3550 394739054. 12595390-00] 205,660.00] 25,938,704.00
498 eee 1340. 2)495-95| 1,108,740.95 + |83)395)530-00] 2,733,740.00] 101,000.60] 87 '280,270.00
aro Gaslggiice Bee Paap +]20,875,997.50] 1,252,516.50| 280,750.00 22,409,264.00
_ +180. +50
TT saee| e6rebyes age ea 5 Bad 45:482-00 809,267.80] 498,400.00] 23,753,149.80
LE al sp ai 42553 + |20,081,415.00] 609,917.10} 926,687.14] 21,618,019.24
penn aR ares 128,209.82 se Bees - |28,295,107.50] 691,005.00] 968,552.86] 29,954,665.36
s]escecseescee 607,783.50] 39,484.00 iy 6725 : Sack eeeos ee ete 33,4011314-25
268 Cts.00 eh sear ace 113451064.50 i 19,371,387-50 ey aesce fe egresoee ee
1,319,030.00] 501,680.70 44,075.50 86o Bo *|2715821987-50) 14266,143-00] 963,000.00] 19812,130.50
189,325.00] 825,762.45 3,890.00 norlGrgas : perils 113781255+50| 350,325.00] 24,927,908.00
ee So5;800.50 20,723.39 915,509.89 ; a aa ee oc aang oad
1425.00 O5ySSO:00] Sewaacs xc 967,975.00 : Seay ays Lise dale te eee heared ete ben a
931200.00] 1,752,477.00] 12,620.00] 1,858,297.00 *|$21922+747-50| 41024,747-60| 379,455.00] 611426,950.10
¥ . 254,630.
ee 215641583-00] 14,926.00) | 357354894.00 || 1875..... See Race ie Eaegraon See caine
PB go) ; 3 \< e
131,565.00| 2,869, 200.00) eset ae oar eae 464579,452-50| 24,503,307-50| 210,800.00 Pigg taco
140,145.00] 1)575,600.00| 25,636.24, sr74r, 873 431999864.00) 28, 393,045.50] 8,525.00] 72)401,434-50
2951717.50| 14994,578.00| 16.580.00 206 83 . i 49;786,052.00] 28,518,850.00] 58,186.50| 78,363,088.50
643,105.00] 2149$,400.00| 17,215.00 a ecegn ce 3x080,080.00 27,569,776.00| 165,003.00| 66,814,859.00
pegia7o.c 312751600.00] 33,603.60] 3,923,473.60 ee poe 271411,693-75| 391,395-95] 90,711,368.70
798,435-00| 2,579,000.00] 23,620.00] 3, 401,055.00 : g ee eg oO) 272940 263-75| 428,151.75) 125,2195205.50
978,550.00] 2,759,000.00| 28,160.00] 3,765,770.00 50 88171685.00] 2749731132-00) | 960,400.00] (94,8aTya17-00
319541270.00] 3,415,002.00] 19,151.00] 7, 388,423.00 291241,990.00/ 29,246908.45)1,604,770.43| 60,093+728.86
2,186,175.00] 314431003.00] 39,489.00] _5,668,667.00 2319914756. 50] 28,534,866.15| 796,483.78] 53,323)106.43
493354700.00| 3,600,100.00| 23,100.00 PGi aoe co 271773,0%2.50| 28,962,176.20] 191,622.04| 56,920,810.74
Son ee Brot ntsae $51583.00 35299,898.00 Bate aan 325086,709.90] 343,186.10) 61,375,438.00
ee] ages’) Gamez ae] Azeri | 190-0. ]siobod'o| ons ones “grtaere| eceibisas
nee alin 2 3 ng -6x| 3,617,912.31 || 1889 21413,931.00 33) 505 445] 912,200.78) 65,318,615.23
1,091,857.50| 1132 75cc00] atone en] 2426:822.50 abd6rs ibe 2o| cones oobian Xastgsdct da] Bs tatione 34
ue 11325750. 15,973-67| 2,240,582.1 467,182. 50] 39,202,908. 20|1, 384,792.14] 61,054,882-84
%)829,407-50 213324750.00 23,833.90] 418s 097 a 294222005;00 27,518,856.60]1,312,441.00] 58,053)302-60
184g ncpen| Sanoroos| Case eiaes| _gagaeae| eater Nee yr ereel Mente ook, Cosco] aneseareame
12351550 23:987-52| 7,687,207.52 265 oe Once 9802; 797-30|T,134,931+70] 66,934)749.00
1540)100.00} 9,200,350.85) 438,177.92| 89,184,688.77
Currency. 459 Curtis, George William.
The following is the coinage of the silver dollar:
1793-5. se+eee+4 $204,791 $165,100 1861. $27,560,100
1796. 72,920 20,000 1862. 2713979355
75776 24,500 1863. 27192719075
327)536 169,600 1864. 274574yT00
423,515 140,750 1865. 28,470,039
220,920 15,000 1366. 28,136,875
545454 62,600 1867 28,697,767
41,650 47,500 1868. 31,423,586
66,064 1,300 1869. 33,611,710
19,579 1,100 1870. 311990833
32r 46,110 1871 34,651,911
1,000 331140 1872 38,043,004
. 26,000 1873. 23,562,735
isi eapinires 3 63,500 1874. 63339245
300 94,000 1875. 144559792
6t,00§ | “858. se) cece sees act cnawte 1876. 2,443,034
73,000 36,500 1877
184,613 1860..... tereeee 7331930 1878 $429,807,646
* November 1, 1894.
The following, compiled from the report of the Director of the Mint, gives the approximate amount otf
money in the world, 1893-94 :
rl ae Ratio PER CAPITA.
Gold between a im?
Countries. — {and Full (Fold and) Gora stock. |Silver Stock.| Ungovere
esol Tender Gold. | Silver.| Paper.| Total.
Silver. Silver.
United States......... 1 to 15.98 |x to 14.95 $661,000,000] $624,000,000] $469,000,000] $9.81 $9.25 $6.96 | $26.02
United Kingdom... ...].......... 1 to 14.28 540,000,000 112,000,000] 127,000,000] 14.17 2.94 3-33 20.44
1 to 14.38 800,000,000) 500,000,000 110,000,000] 20.89 13.05 2.87 36.81
salle waters - {x to 13.957 618,000,000} 215,000,000 84,000,000] 12.51 4-35 1.70 18.56
..| 1 to 153g {1 to 14.38 54,000,000 54,900,000} 54,000,000) 8.85 9.00 8.85, 26.790
-| to 15% |x to 14.38 96,000,000 16,500,000 179,000,000) 3-16 +54 5-89 9-59
1 to 15}8 |1 to 14.38 15,000,000. 15,000,000) 12,000,000) 5-17 5:17 4-14 14.48
1 to 15}9 |r to 14.38 500,000 3,000,000! 23,400,000) +23 1.36 10.63 12.22
1to 15% |x to 14.38 40,000,000 155,000,000 105,000,000 2.28 8.86 6.00 17-14
Ane ae 1to | 40,000,000) 10,000,000} 49,000,000 8.51 2.13 10.42 21.06
ustria-Hungary 1 to 13. 124,000,000 < x ei .
Netherlands.. ...... 1 to15 19,000,000
Scandinavian Union.. 1 to 14.88 28,000,000
Russia ..............-. 1 to 15% |x tors 422,000,000
Turkey.. 1 to 15% |1 to1s% 50,000,000
AUSEAN Asis siacs srarsiaincsiase fate siersr sees [t to 14.28 105,000,000,
Hpy pte soscarsimicicterieshl| sg aciainttee 1 to 15.68 120,000,000}
exico .... ei 5,000,000]
Central America......| 1 to 153g |....22..0. |... eee feeder
South America .......
Canada ..... 5,000,000
Cuba, Hayti, etc...... 4,400,000
Dota I wcscanvercnccaleezewcexe ligsstecen $3,901,900,000 $3,932,100,000] $2,700,000,000]... -+. fessecee |eceeueee osetia eat
See also CONTRACTION AND EXPANSION OF CUR-
RENCY; BIMETALLISM; GREENBACKISM; PRICES;
GOLD; and for the most recent information, SILVER.
References: W.G. Sumner’s History of American
Garyeney (1878); C.F. Dunbar’s Laws of the United
States Relating to Currency and Finance from 1789 to
1890; Albert S. Bolles’s Financial History of the United
fates; for recent times, see Record of Political
Events in the Polttical Science Quarterly; for the
greenback view, see B. S. Heath’s Labor and Finance.
evolution ; for the free silver view, see W. A. Har-
vey’s Coin'’s Financial School ; for the bimetallic view,
see E. B. Andrews’s Az Honest Dollar ; for the mono-
Metallist view, see Horace White’s Moneyand Banking
Illustrated by American History. See also BIMETAL-
LISM; SILVER ; GREENBACKISM, etc.
_ CURTIS, GEORGE WILLIAM, was born
in Providence, R. I., February 24, 1824. His
father, a business man, desiring him to continue
in his footsteps, placed him in an importing
house in New York City. A year later, how-
ever, the son threw off the restraints of this un-
congenial life, and with his elder brother joined
the community at Brook Farm, Mass., being the
youngest member of that distinguished com-
pany. Mr. Curtis remained four years at
rook Farm, going thence with his brother
to Concord, Mass., where they lived for two
years, keeping up the admiring friendship he
had formed with Emerson, Hawthorne, and
others.
In 1846 Mr, Curtis went to Europe, and dur-
ing his travels contributed letters to the New
York Zrzbune. On his return, in 1851, he be-
came connected editorially with that paper. In
1852 he became one of the editors of Putnam's
Monthly, and when it passed into the hands of
a firm that failed, he paid off the debt, tho it
took 16 years. In 1853 he began a career asa
lyceum lecturer, and soon became one of the
most popular speakers of the day. The ele-
Curtis, George William.
gance and dignity of his manner, the melody
and sympathetic quality of his voice, the grace
and easy flow of his language, made him a gen-
eral favorite. In 1856 he was married to Anna
Shaw, daughter of Francis George Shaw, the
philanthropist. In 1857 he became permanently
associated with the Harpers, as editor of the
‘‘ Easy Chair,”’ the remarkable series of papers
which he had commenced in 1853. The pre-
vious year he had become chief editorial writer
for Harper's Weekly, a position he held till
his death.
In 1860 Mr. Curtis was a delegate to the con-
vention that nominated Mr. Lincoln, and in
Harper's Weekly and on the platform he en-
thusiastically advocated the cause of the Union
and emancipation.
In 1864 he was again delegate to the National
Republican Convention, and was candidate for
Congress in the First New York District, but
was defeated. In 1867 he was delegate to the
convention for revising the Constitution of
New York State. In 1868 he was a Presidential
elector on the Republican ticket. We now come
to his great work for civil service reform, when,
460
Dangerous Trades.
in 1871, General Grant appointed him one of
the commissioners to draw up rules to regulate
the civil service. Yetin 1876 Mr. Curtis opposed
the renomination of President Grant for a third
term. In that year a civil service league had
been formed in New York State, and in 1880 it
was revived, and Mr. Curtis became its presi-
dent. This was superseded a year later by the
National Civil Service Reform League, which
was essentially of his organization. In the
same year Mr. Curtis supported General Gar-
field’s candidacy for President, being again a
delegate to the National Republican Conven-
tion, and in 1884 he again held a seat in that
body, working earnestly against the nomination
of Mr. Blaine. In 1890 he became Chancellor of
the University of the State of New York, of which
he had been a regent since 1864. He died at
his home on Staten Island, August 31, 1892. His
best-known works are: (Vile Notes of a How-
adjz (1851); Lotus Eating (1852); Potiphar
Papers (1853); Trumps (1862); Eulogy on
Wendell Phillips (1865); Motley’s Correspona-
ence (1890) ; From the Easy Chair (1892).
D.
DANGEROUS TRADES.—The study of
dangerous or unhealthy trades and occupations
has been carried to a much further extent in
England than in this country. Particularly
does Dr. Arlidge’s exhaustive work on 7he
Diseases Incident to Various Occupations,
published in 1892, give us the fullest informa-
tion. From a study of this great work and
similar sourcesin a tracton Dangerous Trades,
wiblished by the Humanitarian League of
Bapiand, we abridge the following account :
“In the white-lead trade, pre-eminent for its fatal
effects upon the workers, dust isa constant factor in
their lives, and they are continually exposed to the
influence of the deadly ‘saturnine’ poi-
soning. That lead is highly poisonous
White-Lead is nonew discovery. Its effects were well
Trade, known to the ancients. Yet in this
2 trade the roughest and most dangerous
part of the work is done by women, as
it needs less muscular strength than
work which is far less perilous.
“This will readily be understood by a glance at the
process of white-lead making ; the deadly white carbo-
nate being manufactured from the ordinary biue lead.
“It is mostly women of the very poorest and rough-
est class who offer themselves to work in the white-
lead factory. ‘The widow who has a family to support,
the wife of a drunken husband, the girl whose char-
acter will not bear scrutiny ’—these are the applicants
for employment.
“Here, aftera varying degree of exposure, she be-
comes anemic, It may be that her gums show a very
faint blue line, or perchance her teethand gumsare per-
fectly sound, and no blue line is discernible. Coinci-
dently with the anemia she has been getting thinner,
but so padnally, as scarcely to impress itself upon her
or her friends. Sicknéss, however, ensues, and head-
aches, growing in intensity, are developed. ‘Fhese are
frequently attended by obscuration of vision or tem-
porary blindness. Such a girl passes into what appears
to her friends and medical adviser as ordinary hys-
teria. This gradually deepens without warning, until
she is suddenly seized with a. convulsion, beginning in
one half of the face, then involving the arm, next the
leg of the same side of the body, until the convulsion,
violent and purely epileptic in its character, be-
comes universal. This is attended by loss of con-
sciousness, out of which she passes into a series of con-
vulsions, gradually increasing in severity, in one of
which she dies; or consciousness, partial or perfect, is
regained, either, it may be, fora few minutes, a few
hours, or days, during which violent headache is com-
plained of, or she is delirious and excited, as in acute
mania, or dull and sullen, as in melancholia, and re-
quires to be roused, when she is found wandering, and
her speech is somewhat imperfect. Without further
warning, save that the pulse, which had become soft,
with nearly the normal number of beats, all at once
becomes low and hard, she is suddenly seized with
another convulsion, in which she dies, or passes into a
state of coma from which she never rallies. In another:
case the convulsions will gradually subside, the head-
ache disappears and the patient recovers, only to find
that she has completely lost her eyesight—a loss that
may betemporary or permanent.”
Yet tho the trade is so dangerous, governments have
declined to interfere.
Says Mr. Vaughan Nash:* “The children of the
white-lead worker enter the world, as a rule, only to
die from the convulsions of lead-poisoning ; they are
either born prematurely, or die within the first year.
These facts have been brought before the country from
time totime. Professor Oliver has appealed to the
British Association to do something on behalf of these
unfortunate people ; but the Home Office still con-
tinues its inadequate precautions, and its inspection of
the lead-poisoned. What, we may ask, is the good of
scheduling a trade as dangerous, and drawing up
special rules, if this sort of thing is to be the outcome
ofit?.... The duty of drying up such poison springs
as these carbonate of lead works, the evil effects of
which are only begun when the fatal white. powder
sets off on its journey to the potteries, the house
painter, and the artist, seems too clear to be disputed.
arious substitutes are in the market, and the Home
Office should at once undertake an investigation into.
their merits with a view to enforcing a safe process.”
Of the phosphorus trade we are told :
“Probably but few people are aware of the conditions.
under which this industry is carried on, or realize that
in their endeavors to save an occasional
penny they are dooming numbers of
their fellow-creatures to agonizing suf- Phosphorus
ferings and to death by slow torture; “Trad
still less do they realize the urgency of ee
this question.” The peril is steadily
growing, for the sale of phosphorus
matches is incteasing, and that oft the Swedish safety
matches proportionately diminishing. The cheapest
* Fortnightly Review, February, 1893, p. 175-
Dangerous Trades.
kind of matches (those bought by the very poor for one
penny per dozen boxes) are tipped with the common
white phosphorus, asubstance which is prepared from
powdered bone ash by mixing it with sulphuric acid.
“This dangerous substance, even when kept under
water, gives off deadly fumes, and nothing can pro-
tect the workers who handle it, and those who work in
the room with it, from their influence.
‘The women who use it begin after atime to suffer
from toothache. They think lightly of it, perhaps
have some decayed teeth extracted, and go on with
their work. The pain, however, continues and in-
creases—first the jaw andthen the whole face swells
up, ane the sight on this side of the face is often af-
fected. :
“The pain is agonizing. Ihave heard it described
by asufferer asa ‘gnawing and tearing’ pain; it is,
in fact, the pain of cancer. The jaw gradually be-
comes green, then black, and it begins to discharge ;
and now the odor of the wound becomes offensive to
those who share a room with the sufferer.
‘Death ensues after much suffering, and both be-
fore and after death the jaw is seen, if examined in a
dark room, to be alight and phosphorescent.”
Of other trades the same source says :
“If we look fora moment at one of the largest and
oldest established trades, one of the most necessary to
the existence of a civilized community—
the linen eaaapggeet find eeoueni
pneumonia, severe rheumatism, much
Other Trades. more than usually prevalent, in conse-
quence of the frequent wet feet and wet
clothes of the workers engaged in deal-
ing with the flax, which has to be left to soak in
eevee water. — r
“In the preparing and carding departments, how-
ever, the mischief is even more serious, for there the
dust which is inhaled is so fine and of such an irritat-
ing character that, according to Dr. Arlidge, in the
vast majority of instances it produces lung disease ;
so that a woman who starts carding at 17 or 18 usually
begins to break up at 30.
“The chemical laborers—such, for instance, as are
Siiplc ved in the works of the United Alkali Company,
and who are picked from the very strongest and most
ppien ty built men to be found—do not live as a rule
to be 48.
“ Glass-blowers, who are exposed to more than tropi-
cal heat, when still under 40 years of age are pale and
thin, prematurely old and worn out, and suffer from
headache and giddiness, great prostration, and occa-
sional blindness.
“Tt is ges proved that ‘only by a compulsory re-
duction of hours can adequate relief be obtained for
the chemical workers.’ Plumbers and painters suffer
from a high death-rate, which is mainly determined by
their ee to lead-poisoning. And we know that
printers, tailors, shop assistants, bakers, and book-
binders often work in so close and vitiated an atmos-
phere that their health is impaired and their lives are
shortened.
“Another dangerous industry is the trade of fur-
cape-making, which is carried on by women in private
workshops, The characteristics of this trade are the
existence of an offensive smell, prejudicial to health,
arising from the skin of the animals used in trade, and
also the constant presence in the atmosphere of an
irritating fluff, which invades the nostrils and air-pas-
sages and hinders respiration.
“ Again, artificial-flower-makers suffer much from
the strain upon their organs of sight caused by the
making of white flowers at night by gaslight. Chronic
inflamed eyelids are common with them, as a conse-
quence of using the dry colored dust which surrounds
them while they work. And the life is so trying that
before they reach the age of 40 they are prematurely
old and worn out. .
_ ‘Again, inthe china trade, the dust is extremely
injurious to the health of the china scourers and tow-
ers. This dust consists of extremely minute particles
of flint, the jagged edges of which injure the lungs.
The towers, whose business it is to put a fine surface
on the revolving plate by means of sandpaper, are ex-
posed to the constant play of the clay dust. ‘Itis
rare to find a woman who has worked for any time
either as a tower or china scourer who is free from
respiratory troubles.’ The scourers, who are always
women, and the rougher, more ignorant and reckless
of their sex, have to brush and beat off the dust from
the chinaware after its removal from the saggars.
Statistics tell us that the percentage of deaths in
phthisis and respiratory diseases among all classes cf
461
Dangerous Trades.
male workers in the potteries is three times as great
as among all other adult male workers.
“Speaking of the potter’s trade, Dr. Arlidge writes
(p. 177) thus : ‘ 4// who deal with the clay suffer more or
less. Potter’s dust does not kill suddenly, but settles,
year after year, a little more firmly into the lungs, un-
tilat length a case of plaster is formed. Breathing
becomes more and more difficult and depressed, and
finally ceases,’ ”’
For conditions in still other trades we turn to
an account prepared by Mr. Vaughan Nash, and
published in the Cooferative Wholesale An-
nual for 1893. Of the Sheffield cuttlery trade,
he says:
“Every one is proud of Sheffield, and its manufac-
turers boast that wherever the British flag flies there is
Sheffield trade ; and when it flies for war, Sheffield
steel is not far off. It has a school of protection of its
own for Sheffield goods, so keen is the pride it takes in
its cutlery. But what a life the Sheffield workman
lives who earns his bread at the grindstone! Here is
what the medical officer for Sheffield says about the
place where these men live and work:
“** Houses of the poorest description, with damp walls
and cellars, in many instances standing several inches
deep in water, contaminated with sewage and giving
out foul gases into the rooms above; courts confined
and occupied by large, sodden privy-middens so near
to the dwellings that ventilation becomes impossible
and absolutely dangerous; sink pipes discharging in
the channels, usually defective, and allowing the slops
to form stagnating pools before reaching the gullies
which are situated often 50 yards away; or, what is
worse, permitting of percolation into the soil of the
yard. ll these conditions exist in many parts of the
district, and no doubt are largely accountable for the
high death-rate. At present almost every available
foot of ground is occupied, if not by houses by privies
stables, or outhouses ; the air is stagnant and the round
polluted with sewage and decomposing matter.
“ Hundreds of these wretched jerry-built slum houses
have been turned into workshops in which the grinders
and cutlers stoop over their wheels. Somewhereinthe
court a gas engine is working, and a network of bands
are connected with the wheels which
whiz around in every dark hole and
corner that ey can be squeezed into.
You go up rickety ladders into lofts
where the boards are worn and covered
with an ancient grime of steel and stone
particles of file dust and filth. Here you will find
women finishing off the men’s work. Very likely the
water comes through the roof when it rains and lays
the dust. The grinders and cutlers rent these places.
They enjoy the privilege of freedom, which, in this
case, is one of the strangest and most ghastly priv-
ileges men could claim. They have their own wheels
and their own tools. They pay so much rent for the
place, so much rent for the gas, and so much rent for
the power; meanwhile, the manufacturer, so called,
sits in his warehouse or office giving out steel in the
rough, first to the forger, who passes it to the grinder,
and so on to the polisher and finisher until the round is
completed and the finished stuff comes back into the
other door ‘warranted best Sheffield cutlery.’ The
trade is a highly skilled one, and the work isextremely
hard. The wages run from 16s. for light grinders, to
25s. for heavy grinders. The wages of Sheffield are
literally death. The lungs of the cutler and grinder
get charged in the course of time with the metallic
particles given off during their work, and they contract
that form of phthisis locally known as ‘grinder’s rot.’
These particles, owing to their mineral constitution and
sharp jagged outline, are peculiarly harmful, and at
last the lungs can stand it no longer and cease work.
Cutlery
Trade.
1888.
Grinders died from all causes ............. seee. 99
Grinders died from phthisis and respiratory dis-
CASES oo. eee eee & beaieiovaye OM ecais Waite: ‘ 58
Cutlers died from all causes....... 00... 00.2200. 156
Cutlcrs died from phthisis and respiratory dis-
eases..... o's helacaksiwrcia ace eee 6 Ishi fais Solna apee 73
1889.
Grinders died from all causes................00.., 10r
Grinders died from phthisis and respiratory dis-
eases . 3 64
Cutlers died from all causes...............000. 000 130
Cutlers died from phthisis and
CASES... eee eee .
Dangerous Trades.
18go.
Grinders died from all causeS..........-0.2.ccceee 131
Grinders died from phthisis and respiratory dis-
CASES .... we eee ee been e eee eee g2
Cutlers died from all causes ...... ......... 17
Cutlers died from phthisis and respiratory dis-
CASES cine ss tanec Hees 4.5) winless buen weeies LER ROSS: 98
1891.
Grinders died from all causeS......... cs. seeeee joe BRE
Grinders died from phthisis and respiratory dis-
eases e ni 87
Cutlers died from all causes 147
Cutlers died from phthisis and respiratory dis-
eases ........ said iaseiateorlnie eh posers). MaNNeng Nels ane 77
“Tf the 13: grinders who died in the year 1890 had
shown the average health conditions of the country,
not 92 but 27 ought to have died from phthisis and res-
iratory diseases. The figures show how terribly
arge is the proportion of these diseases to the total
number of deaths, and yet Dr. Littlejohn, the Medical
Officer of Health, asserts that they fall far short of the
actual facts, as many workmen at the cutlery trade
when their health begins to fail go into some lighter
occupation, under which their deaths are registered.”
Of another trade he says :
“In the alkali works we come across an entirely dif-
ferent class of labor. Withthe exception of the men
employed in the construction of public works, there is
robably no finer set of workmen to be
found in the country than those in the
employment of the great corporation
known as the United Alkali Company.
This company has acquired nearly all
the chemical works in the country, and
it employs something like 20,000 men.
The conditions under which these men work have
been so fully brought before the public of late in the
press and before the labor commission, that it is un-
necessary to deal with their case at length. A distinc-
tive feature about the trade is that it wears out the
workmen prematurely because of the intensity of the
toil, the alternations of heat and chill, and most of all
the exposure to noxious vapors. The traveler who
passes through Widnes, even in an express train,
draws up the window to keep out the choking sul-
-phurous fumes, These centers of the chemical in-
dustry are in truth ‘hell-holes’ for those who have to
live and work in them. Taking one week with another,
most of the men do their 12 hours a day in the works,
and taking one man with another, their life is over by
the time they are 47.* The gases and vapors which do
the mischief bring on bronchitis, and in the winter-
time the hospitals and workhouses are full of patients
from the chemical works. The men who work on what
is called ‘salt-cake’ have their teeth rotted away in
the course of time by the hydrochloric acid gas; others
suffer from contact with vitriol ; others again do their
work in air which is filled with stinging caustic; the
men in the ‘lime-house’ constantly get burned by the
action of the perspiration of the lime particles which
settle on their bodies; and worst of all, bleaching-
powder men suffer daily semi-suffocation and bodily
torture of a dreadful kind in the chlorine chambers,
which they enter with their mouths swathed with a
huge protuberance of flannel. Nothing could be more
per eS and crude than the labor conditions in these
works.
In the United States the reports of the New
Jersey Bureau of Labor Statistics for 1889, 1890,
and 1891 are almost the only adequate study of
dangerous trades. These reports study the pot-
tery, hat-making, and glass-blowing trades.
Of the pot-makers, the investigator says he has
seen the decay of three generations within 40
years. Among the hatters, out of 240 sizers or
makers, 76 had catarrh, 44 rheumatism, 41
coughs, 17 had had and 13 then had ‘‘the
shakes,’’ 12 constantly caught cold, 7 were dys-
peptics. The workmen paid little attention to
the conditions under which they worked ; 200 of
Alkali
Works,
* I make this statement on the authority of the medi-
cal officer of health for St. Helen’s, who has kindly
supplied me with the figures. -
462
Danton, George Jacques.
the number used tobacco or stimulants in some
form. -
In the United States one of the most danger-
ous trades is work upon railways, particularly the
work of brakemen, in coupling and uncoupling
cars not provided with modern couplings, and on
walking on freight cars without proper defenses,
During the year ending June, 1892, there were
2554 employees killed and 28,268 injured, which
is 1 for every 29 employed. Ot trainmen, 1 man
was killed for every 113 employed, and 1 was
injured for every 10 employed (/zerstate Com-
merce Commission Report, 1892, pp. 68, 73, 78).
For statistics as to mortality in different
trades and the difference between the death-
rates of the working class communities and
wealthy communities, see Dzatu-Ratss. For
the dangers of machinery to the life and limb
of children, see Cu1Lp Lasor, section ‘‘ United
States.’’
References: Dr. ae The Diseases of Occupa-
tions (1892); New Jersey Labor Reports (1889-91). (See
also DEATH-RATES and CHILD LABOR.)
DANTE AND SOCIAL REFORM (1265-
1321).—The great Italian poet we consider here
simply in his influence on the social movement
of his day. But this was not small. As is well
known, he took an eager part in public affairs,
Altho of a family traditionally Guelph, he was
a Ghibelline, favoring the Empire against the
Church, and therefore, for what he believed to
be the deepest good of Florence and Italy, op-
posing the popular party. It was as a result of
the strife and intrigues arising out of this con-
troversy that he was expelled from Florence,
and given the bitter, sad, noble life out of which
has come his great, mystic, and unfathomable
song. His one great work on social themes is
his De Monarchia, written in Latin in rigid
dialectical method, perhaps about 1302, tho more
probably later. In any case, it represents his
mature Ghibelline views. He asks three great
questions concerning the Roman Empire (De
Monarchéa, \., I1.): 1. Whether it was neces-
sary for the welfare of the world. 2. Whether
the Roman people took to itself by right the
office of monarchy or empire. 3. Whether the
authority of monarchy comes from God directly
or only from some other minister or vicar of
God. He believes that the authority of the em-
pire came from God direct ; he advocates the
theory which became the ruling thought of the
Middle Ages, and which has affected all Euro-
pean history—that the empire and~the Church
are two parallel coordinate powers, both divine,
both owing respect, but neither owing obedience,
to the other. It is this ideal that is revived in
the German ideal advocated by Bismarck—e.g.,
of the Christian State. (See GERMANY.)
_ DANTON, GEORGE JACQUES, was born
in France at Arcis-sur-Aube, in 1759. Of a re-
spectable family, he received a good education
and entered the practice of the law in Paris.
Of radical views, he was one of the Jeaders of
the club of the Cordeliers, which was from the
first the center of the extreme popular party in
the French Revolution. Danton became promi-
nent in the Revolution in 1792. He is credited
with instigating the rising of the bloody insur-
Danton, George Jacques.
rection of August 10 of that year, which began
the Reign of Terror. The next day he was
raised to the post of Minister of Justice. On
September 2, when Paris was in a panic, Dan-
ton made a bold, powerful speech in the Assem-
bly, closing with the words, ‘‘ Dare, dare again,
and forever dare.” That evening several hun-
dred prisoners were massacred in the prisons.
His admirers claim that Danton adopted this at-
titude because he believed that a little audacity
on the part of the people then would really in
the end most preserve life as well as liberty.
As a member of the convention he joined the
Mountain, as the extremists were called, and
voted for the death of the king.. He was promi-
nent in the establishment of the revolutionary
tribunal ; was a member of the Committee of
Public Safety ; aided in overthrowing the Giron-
dists (g.v.) ; but was not a member of the new
Committee of Public Safety, being unable to ap-
prove their excesses. He could not, however,
prevent them, and fell into a sort of apathy till
at last Robespierre moved against Danton. He
was brought before the Tribunal, sentenced and
guillotined April 5, 1794.
Reference: Gronlund’s (a J/ra, or Danton in the
French Revolution, gives the favorable view of Dan-
ton. (See also FRENCH REVOLUTION.)
DARKEST ENGLAND SCHEME. See
SALVATION ARMY,
DARWINISM. See Evo.LuTion anv So-
CIAL REFORM.
DAVITT, MICHAEL, was born of poor
Irish peasants, in 1846, in the village of Straide,
Mayo County. When five years old he saw his
parents evicted from their home. The family
emigrating to Lancashire, he was employed in
a cotton mill, and at the age of 11 lost his right
arm through a machinery accident. He then
attended school at Harlingden until 15, when
he obtained work in a printing-office, remain-
ing seven years. He joined the Irish movement
in 1866, and was arrested on charge of treason
in 1870, and sentenced to 15 years of penal servi-
tude. After seven and a half years he was re-
leased on ticket of leave. After a tour of the
west of Ireland and a visit to America, he re-
turned to his native country. In 1879 he start-
ed the land agitation, and in conjunction with
Mr. Parnell and others founded the Land
League ; and because of his connection with
this movement has endured nine years’ impris-
onment. His third arrest was in November,
1879, when a week’s imprisonment followed.
He was again arrested February 3, 1881, on
Tevocation of his ticket of leave, but after 15
months was again released on ticket of leave,
and was accorded a reception by Mr. Parnell
and the Irish leaders. In February, 1883, he
was once more arrested for a speech against rent
and landlordism, and was incarcerated four
months. While in prison in Portland in 1882 he
was elected M. P. for Meath, but was disquali-
fied by vote of the House of Commons. He
also wrote, while in prison at Portland, Leaves
from a Prison Diary, publishing it in Decem-
ber, 1884. ;
In 1880 he superintended the organization of
the American branch of the Land League, mak-
463
Death Penalty.
ing a tour from New York to San Francisco and
back. He had the chief direction of the Land
League funds during the famine of 1879-80.
He is a constant contributor to American and
colonial newspapers, and Irish and English re-
views and journals. He has pronounced views
on land nationalization, and has not only writ-
ten in its advocacy, but has made many speeches
in its favor. He is almost the only one of the
Irish leaders who does thus advocate industrial
as well as political reforms. In 1890 Mr. Davitt,
siding with Mr. Gladstone, demanded the re-
tirement of Mr. Parnell (¢g.v.) because of his
proven immorality, Mr. Davitt believing that
this was the only way to save the Home Rule
cause. The conflict in the Irish Party and in
Ireland became bitter, but Mr. Davitt found a
large following, and in 1892 was returned to the
House of Commons as member for North Meath.
In the late election (1895) he was again returned.
DEAF AND DUMB INSTITUTIONS.—
The first public institution for the deaf was
opened in London, England, in 1792, tho in 1760
Abbé de 1’Epée, in Paris, and Thomas Braid-
wood, in Edinburgh, had gotten together classes
of the deaf and dumb. The first institution of
the kind in America was opened at Hartford,
Conn., in 1817, owing to the efforts of Dr.
Gallaudet. To-day there are in the United States
49 public boarding-schools for the deaf, 12 pub-
lic day-schools, and 19 private schools, with 757
instructors and 9104 pupils. In England and
Wales in 1881 there were 2713 deaf-mute chil-
dren at school, with 22 public institutions and
many private ones. Germany had 90 schools ;
France, 60; Italy, 55 ; Europe and America over
300. The aim of these schools is to teach sign
language, finger speech, writing, oral speech,
general education, and useful arts, Their suc-
cess has been among the marvels of science and
humanity.
DEATH PENALTY.—The infliction of the
death penalty has existed among all peoples and
in alltimes. Only recently has there been any
serious agitation for its abandonment. In the
earliest times and through the Middle Ages it
was often accompanied with the most terrible
tortures that the mind of man could conceive. |
Death on the wheel, by quartering, by flaying
alive, by burning, by crucifixion, by immersion
in boiling oil, by disemboweling—these were but
a few of the simpler methods. The death pen-
alty was in former times inflicted for all manner
of crimes. It was once the ordinary punishment
for all felonies ; in England it was the certain
doom of all who could not avail themselves of
benefit of clergy—z.e., it was inflicted on all
who could not write. Moreover, numerous acts
of Parliament created felonies without benefit
of clergy. Things grew worse rather than bet-
ter. Llorente estimates the number that were
buried alive under the Inquisition alone at
31,912. Rowe divides this by 10. Protestant
England has her shame. Blackstone mentions
160 offenses as punishable by death. Four fifths
of these had been added during the reign of the
first three Georges. Among these offenses were
stealing in dwelling-houses to the amount of
40s. ; stealing in a shop to the value of 5s. ,
Death Penalty.
counterfeiting stamps used in the sale of hair
powder and perfumery. In the latter part of
the reign of George III., due to the efforts of
Sir Samuel Romilly, much of this was abol-
ished. Yet has capital punishment been defend-
ed in all times and by the greatest philoso-
phers, The Mosaic and the Germanic law al-
lowed retaliation—a life for alife. Plato argued
only for its limitation to incorrigible culprits,
to whom life was not the most advantageous
state, and whose death would serve the public
good. Grotius treats the question from a relig-
ious point of view, basing his argument on the
laws of Moses. Montesquieu defends it as a
sort of retaliation by society, based on the na-
ture of things. Rousseau, following Hobbes,
defends it on the ground that the criminal isa
rebel to the social contract. Kant says that in
the social contract man consents to the penal
Jaw, and so can be put to death. Beccaria
(q7.v.), in his Essay on Crimes and Punishments
(1775), was the first to argue for its total disuse.
He did so on the ground that society had no
tight to take away life, since it did not give life,
and that it was not the punishment most deter-
rent tocrime. Bentham argued that it was the
most deterrent. Romilly argued that if itis not
the supreme penalty, and society has the right
to inflict worse penalty, it surely has that right.
The main arguments for capital punishment
have been based on the absolute justice of de-
manding life for life, on Scripture warrants,
and, above all, on the asserted teaching of ex-
perience that the death penalty is actually the
most deterrent punishment, and therefore the
most effective. Men have striven to show that
where the death penalty has been abolished
murder has decreased. This, on the other hand,
is strenuously denied ; and the argument against
the death penalty is based on the denial of the
right of the State to take life, on Christian char-
ity, and, above all, on the claim that it works
evil, brutalizes the community, making it think
life cheap, even adding a horrible fascination to
murder, and delivering juries from convicting
murderers, etc.
In the United States the death penalty may
be given in most States for treason, murder,
arson, rape, piracy, robbery of the mails with
jeopardy to life, rescue of a convict going to
execution, burning a vessel of war, and corrupt-
ly destroying a private vessel. It has been abol-
ished in Michigan (1846), Wisconsin (1852),
Rhode Island (1852), Iowa (1877), Maine (1887),
and New York; but has been restored in
Iowa and New York. In 1888 the latter State
substituted death by electricity for hang-
ing.
In Europe it seems going outof use. In Hol-
land there have been no executions since 1860,
and the penalty was abolished in 1870. In
Roumania it was abolished in 1864; Portugal has
done the same. Switzerland did so in 1874, but
murders increasing, in 1879 the cantons re-
established it where the canton so votes. It re-
mains abolished in 15 cantons. From 1870-79,
of 805 persons sentenced to death in Austria,
only 16 were executed ; in Sweden, only 3 out
of 32; in Norway, 3 out of 14; in Denmark, 1
out of 94; in Bavaria, out of 249 committed for
murder, only 7 were executed. In North Ger-
464
Death-Rate.
many, from 1869-78, 1301 were convicted of
homicide, 484 sentenced, but only 1 executed—
Hidel, who. attempted the assassination of the
Emperor. The death penalty for political crimes
is all but universally abolished. ‘The French.
Revolution of 1830 declared for this, and it was
abolished in France by the Constitution of No-
vember 4, 1848, and the law of June 8, 1850. In
Russia it has been retained. only for treason and
military insubordination. For the principles in-
volved, see PENOLOGY.
References: A. J. Palm’s The Death Penalty (Ques-
tions of the Day Series, 1891); Basil Montagu’s On
the Punishment of Death (1809-13) ; Memoirs of Sir S.
Romilly (1840); Jeremy Bentham’s Rationale of Pun-
ishment (1830); Report of Select Committee on Capital
Punishment, New_York State Assembly (1851); Bec-
caria’s Essays on Crimes and Punishments (1775).
DEATH-RATE.—For the subject of death-
rate and of birth-rate compared together, see
the article Birr AND DeatTH-RaTEs, prepared
for this cyclopedia by Dr. S. W. Abbott, of the
Massachusetts State Board of Health. We give
in this article some supplementary information
gathered from various sources. ‘The report of
the Registrar-General of England for 1893 gives
the following table of the death-rate of different
countries per 1000 of the population (excluding
the still-born) :
AVERAGE,
1871-90. z
1893
1891. 1892.
Hungary (15 years)....] 33-7 33-1 350 gir
AUStTrid,.... cece rece eens 30-6 27-9 28.8 Sta
is 26.2 26.3 25-3
. 23-4 24.0 24.4
25.6. 22.9 23-4 24.2
22.8 22.6 22.6 ates
22.6 20.7 21.0 19.2
Switzerland.. ae| 22.2 20,8 19-3 20.5
Belgium ...........- veeep 200g 21.0 21.8 20.3
Scotland .... .. s...eee 20.4 20.7 18.5 19.4
England and Wales....| 20.3 20.2 19.0 19.2
United Kingdom....... 19-6 20.0 19.0 19.1
Denmark «| 19-0 20.0 19.4 18.9
Ireland.. 18.0 18.4 19-4 17-9
Sweden.. 17.6 16.8 17-9 sisahe
Norway. 16.9 17-5 17.8 16.4
Concerning the death-rate of the United
States, Professor Mayo-Smith (Statistics and
Sociology, pp. 148, 133,) Says :
‘The death-rate in the United States is very
difficult to estimate, owing to the absence in
most of the States on any adequate registration.
The total number of deaths reported as having
occurred in 1890 was 875,521, giving a death-
rate of only 13.98 per 1000. In some States and
cities the registration returns were used, and
there we have a death-rate of 20.27 per 1000;
while in those States where the returns of the
enumerators of the Eleventh Census were alone
used, the death-rate was only 10.79 per 1000.
Estimating the returns as deficient by 30 per
cent., we have a death-rate for the whole coun-
try of about 18 per 1000. . .
‘The census of 1890 gives a death-rate of
Death-Rate.
17 for native-born whites of native parentage ;
24.42 for native-born whites of foreign par-
ents ; 19.85 for foreign-born whites ;
and 19.57 for the colored. The ex-
cessive rate among the native-born
whites of foreign parentage is due
to the large number of children in
that class. The death-rate of the
colored is a trifle less than that of all the whites ;
put in the cities the death-rate of the colored is
34.52, while that of the whites is 23.22.
‘Jews show everywhere a small death-rate.
Thus in Bavaria in 1876 the death-rate for Prot-
United
States.
465
Death-Rate.
estants was 25.5 ; for Catholics, 32.2 ; for Jews,
18.8; average for the whole country, 30.3. The
low rate for Jews is due partly to their lower
birth-rate. In Prussia it was shown that while
they were 13.25 per mille of the population, they
were only 7.28 per mille of those dying over the
average of 15, This shows the preponderance
of the Jews in the upper age class.”’
The mortality in various American States and
cities can be seen by the following table of
deaths in the census year 1889-90, based on
the returns prepared for the World Almanac,
1892 (p. 167), by the Census Office :
UNDER FIVE YEARS OF
WHITE. * er
T
STATES AND TERRITORIES. D ee Colored. |—
Native Foreign ;
Born. Born. White. Colored.
Alabama .. 20,898 9,215 320 10,591 3880 31847
Arizona.. 573 301 169 30 130 3
Arkansas. . 14,391 10,089 274 3,627 3874 1,168
California. 17703, 10,605 5)286 1,281 45234 119
Colorado .. 59453 39929 g2t 86 1,875 32
Connecticut. 14,470 10,733 35182 309 4,188 106
Delaware sdabenbatecvesaet i 3,107 2,066 241 695 805 282
District of Columbia 5955 25512 522 2,893 31054 15437
Florida.........++ 45145 2,108 176 1,806 726 642
Georgia.. 21,174 9.356 269 10,971 3,667 4,320
Idaho.. qIL 522 105 34 246 2
Illinois... 539123 391336 11,650 1,031 20,795 340
Indiana.. 24,180 20,505 2,185 862 74317 298
Towa... 17,52 13382 3,221 162 5,187 54
Kansas... 12,018 95593 31,321 7OL 41278 248
Kentucky. 23,877 17,446 1,177 4479 6,789 1,572
Louisiana. 16,354 6,953 35494 716 31094 2,592
Maine..... 10,044 8,590 1,164 “34 1,835 8
Maryland....... 18,000 11,279 2,012 4,421 5,346 1,981
Massachusetts.. 45,112 325747 11,327 630 15,109 237
Michigan acaTasoes tice 25,016 18,117 5974! 412 8,267 127
Minnesota 15488 10,389 49775 98 - 6,375 35
Mississippi 14,899 51834 177 8,560 2,095 2,896
Missouri .. 321435 24499 4,005 25794 11,390 1,105
Montana... 1,012 625 272 26 258
Nebraska, .. 8,445 6,591 Ty450 gt 3570 33
Nevada.......... 434 217 181 20 69 3
New Hampshire.. 7,074 5y704. 849 17 1,809 3
New Jersey....... 301344 22,227 6,330 15344 11,829 642
New Mexico... ,.. 24522 2,234 167 29 1,014 4
New York......... 123,117 85,592 331148 1,903 431580 715
North Carolina. 18,420 10,886 69 75234 4,021 2,680
1,716 1,067 593 4 763 x
49,844 38,494 8,151 2,000 155395 655
Fs 352 302 15 20 133 6
Oregon........ 2,575 1,959 386 38 636 5
Pennsylvania. 73530 56,401 12,648 2,383 24,824 932
Rhode Island... 75559 51344 15939 24 2,627 23
South Carolina, 15,495 45732 178 10,448 1,767 39786
South Dakota.. 2,705 1,869 "733 It 1,001 3
Tennessee .. 239854 15,229 428 7573 51363 25754
Texas..... 26,47 18,096 1,841 51190 71942 1,938
Utah.. 2,118 1,488 574 Ir 837 2
Vermont.. 51425 44556 575 13 )154 3
Virginia reusy 235232 11,600 400 10,819 39937 3999
Washin on 2,695 1,750 512 65 834 14
West Virgin: 8,275 75223 328 519 2,724 178
Wisconsin .... .. i 18,662 11,508 6,493 ror 6,014 24
WYOMING. i cis stsstecayicierncasastrsiesinws 4i4 8 95 7 127 sees
Totals. aves exces sidiete eh aee. we $872,044 596,055 140,075 1145313 2645784 40,911
_ The death-rate of each State and of each por-
tion of the community can be ascertained by
comparing the number of deaths with the popu-
lation, (See PoruLation.) But before compari-
sons are made, see the caution suggested on
page 469 ; see also Sratistics. For the causes
of death in the United States, see the next
page.
* Including birthplace unknown ; total number, 22,501.
+ Exclusive of Indians on reservations,
Death-Rate. 466 $ Death-Rate.
DEATHS IN TWENTY-FIVE PRINCIPAL CITIES IN THE CENSUS YEAR 1889-99.
WHITE. WHITE.
a4 * ad *
$3 1-| 3 $3 Col- | 2
CITIES. z @| Na- | For- oe 4 CITIES. 28 | Na- | For- jored.| 3
Q | tive | eign 4 Q | tive | eign
Born. | Born. Born. | Born.
New York, N. Y..... 431378] 27,141] 14,747 a62| 28.6 Washington, D.C... 5,955} 2:52 522| 2,893) 25.8
Chicago, Ill...... 23,162| 15,923] 6,567 346] 21.1 Detroit, Mich......+-] 4,203 2,871| 15135 81] 20.4
Philadelphia, Pa. 23,738| 10,837| 5:360] 1,309] 22-6 Milwaukee, Wis.....| 3,942] 2,576] 11286 12} 19.3
Brooklyn, N. Y. +] 20,593] 24,146) 5,990 383] 25.5 ‘Newark, N. J.. «| 5,280] 35737] 49376 Igo] 29.2
St. Louis, Mo.. 8,645} 50,300] 2,356 935| 19-1 Minneapolis, Minn 2,440, 1,765 598 26} 14.8
Boston, Mass .. 11,117] 75299] 31462 286, 24.8||Jersey City, N.J 4484] 3y1E7| 11264 66) wee
Baltimore, Md....... 10,752) 6,616] 1,609] 2,450] 24-7 ouisville, Ky. . 39514) 1,962 606 OTT] aeae
San Francisco, Cal..} 7,060] 3,677] 2,573 681| 23.6||Omaha, Neb. .... 1,397| 1,002 269 44) eeee
Cincinnati, O 6,640] 4,437| 1,807 386| 22.3||Rochester, N. Y.. 25323| 1,526 715 4 a
Cleveland, O.. 4,140] 14444 96] 2r.9||St. Paul, Minn... 2,240| 1,641 526 36!
Buffalo, N.Y. 3,502) 1,503 4o| 19.9||Kansas City, Mo..... 24553} 1,643 323 469
New Orleans, 3,198| 1,294] 2,367] 28-4 Providence, R.I.... 2)955| 2,032 778 141 ‘
Pittsburg, Pa. . 39549| 14376 232 aa
* According to Census Bulletin on Statistics of Cities.
Professor Mayo-Smith quotes from News-
holme’s Vital Statistics, p. 143, the death-rate
in 1887 for all England and Wales as 19.1, but
for 28 large towns, 20.8, while for
Manchester it was 28.7; Preston,
27.9; Newcastle, 25.3; Brighton,
16.9; Derby, 17.1; Nottingham,
18.7; London, 19.6; Glasgow, 24.7.
For Germany, he quotes the A//ge-
meine Statistische Archiv, 1890, p. 164, with a
’ death-rate in 1880-85 for all the empire of 27.2,
with a high rate from 31.6 to 33.2 for such cities
as Munich, Kénigsberg, and Breslau, while in
Frankfort it was only 19.7; Hanover, 21.9;
Bremen, 21.8 ; Stuttgart, 23.5 ; Leipsic, 24.1 ; Ber-
European
Cities.
In Bavaria............ 30-6 | In France.... 16.6
European Russia.. 29.6 Great Brita 14.5
West Austria...... 25.6 Denmark. . 13.8
Italy ......0+. vue 2E04 Sweden fb otisaiocain 13.0
Prussia.. « 20.2 Norway ... 2 ..04 10.4
Holland. ..seseeeee 20.3 Treland.....scessers 7
Concerning the causes of death, the World
Almanac gives the following tables, based upon
the Eleventh Census for the United States, and
upon Mulhall for European countries ;
DEATHS IN THE UNITED STATES
CAUSES OF
IN THE CENSUS YEAR 1889-90.
5,969
lin, 27.8. Mr. A. R. Conkling, however, in City Figssles nee
Government in the United States, says that Whooping-cough...... 8,432:
Berlin has reduced her death-rate to about 20. eee ay croup . anor
Mulhall puts the death-rate of Paris at 28.6. Malarial fever. aot
In regard-to infant mortality, the Statéste des Diarrhoeal fever .. 747i
Deutschen Reichs, No. 44, p. 71, gives the fol- Cancer and tumor.. a
lowing table (as quoted by Professor Mayo- Pneumonia. sc sssescccsirniese: 76.498
Smith) of the proportion who die in the first year Child-birth and puerperal diseases... 115257
out of each 100 born living : ‘
CAUSES OF DEATHS IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES.
APPROXIMATE RATIOS OF VARIOUS DISEASES IN 10,000 DEATHS.
Eng- Ger- ‘ Switzer-| Bel- Nether- | Scandi-
DISEASES. jand, | Prance.| many. Russia. | Italy. land. gium. | lands, | navia.
Apoplexy 270 400 390 370 310 280 350
Bronchiti 1,150 310 400 600 480 220 620
Cancer...... B35 lnnwee cms 260 140 180 33°
Consumption 1,100 1,120 1,270 1,820 95° 1,020
Diphtheria 55 360 270 "380 130 230
Erysipelas... 36 48 35 o Si wees
Heart disease.. 620 290 230 a ne
Measles ..... 184 180 100
Pneumonia...... 510 720 400
Puerperal fever .. 49 200; || rsrarisereccsnece
Rheumatism...... .-. 41 35 25
Scarlet fever........ ....- 402 20 160
SCTOL WMA cccasie yy siesnaniares e's 62 130)" |e scwiianans
Small-pox reteiesnekciteat 130 80 8 eg
yphoid fever ....... 210 720 450 184 60 60
= 4 4
Whooping-cough 250 tg |...... Hebi natinwsneiee 50 112 280 180 185
Cancer.—Mental worry, says Dr. Herbert Snow, of the Cance i i i iti
: : Tt Hospital, is th of can-
cer. In 1888 in England the number of deaths from cancer was iee6 of which cae Ue uere anaes and
11,222 females.
Phthists or
miners, 1.
Consumption.—Among roo people of each trad i i
s ie e, the ratios of those i : Needl
ae eee a 63 i aoe pacts: 48 ; tobacconists, 373 watchmakers, 37 vcecottic sein at
7 S 323 'S, 25; painters, 25; printers, 22; shoemakers, 3 glazi . A 3 ca
penters, 14; masons, 13; millers, 11; brewers, 113 tanners, 9; bakers, i buchanan be tenia: q
Jassworker
Death-Rate.
Concerning the terrible relation between over-
crowded cities, low industrial conditions, and
high mortality, we have abundant testimony.
Mr. J. A. Hobson (The Evolution of Modern
Capitalism, p. 334) gives the following table of
the death-rate in town and country districts of
England, 1851-90 :*
ANNUAL DEATHS PER 1,000. |Deaths in Town
ee to
1oo Deaths in
YEARS. | England Country in
and Town. {Country.| equal Num-
Wales. bers Living.
1851-60... 22.2 24.7 19.9 124
1861-70... 22.5 24.8 19.7 126
1871-80.. 20.4 23.1 19.0 122
1881 18.9 20.1 16.9 119g
1882. 19.6 20.9 17-3 120
1883. 19-5 20.5 17-9 IIS
1884. 19.5 20.6 T9737 117
1885. 19.0 19-7 17.8 IIL
1886. 19-3 20.0 18.0 1It
1887.. 18.8 19.7 17.2 115
1888.. 17-8 20.9 17-4 114
1889...... 17.9 19.3 16.4 118
1890. vcsna [eee vie sie 20.9 - 17-4 120
Of this he says: ‘‘As matters stand at present, the
. Statisticsabove quoted do not mark the full extent of
the difference of healthfulness in town and country.
When allowance is made for age and sex distribution
in town and country population, the difference in
death-rate appears much greater. For in the towns
are found (a) a much larger proportion of females ; (4)
a larger proportion of adults of both sexes in the
prime of life; (c) a much smaller proportion of very
aged persons ;t hence if conditions of health were
equal in town and country, the town death-rate would
be lower instead of higher than that of the country.
The Report of the Census of 1881¢ calls special atten-
tion to this point, which is commonly ignored in com-
paring death-rates of town and country. ‘If we take
the mean (1871-80) death-rates in England and Wales
at each age-period as a standard, the death-rate in an
urban population would be 20.40 per 1000, while the
death-rate in the rural population would be 22.83.
Such would be their respective death-rates on the
hypothesis that the urban districts and the rural dis-
tricts were equally healthy. We know, however, as a
matter of fact that urban death-rates, instead of being
lower than rural death-rates, are much higher. The
' difference of healthiness, therefore, between the two
is much greater than the difference between their
death-rates.’
“The same facts come out in comparing Paris with
the rest of France. At each age the death-rate for
Paris is higher than for France.
° Paris, France,
AGE. § 1886. 1877-80.
oto 1year.. 230? 170?
Tto 5 years 58.2 28
15 tO 20 years... 9-1 6
30 to 4o years... 13-6 10
60 to 70 years 51.2 4
“The English statistics indicate a slight and by no
means constant tendency toward a diminution of the
difference between town and rural mortality, due, no
doubt, to improvements in city sanitation and to some
general elevation of the physical environment and
standard of living among a large section of the work-
ing classes. The same slight tendency is visible in
France. During the period 1861-65 the urban death-
* Report of Commissioners, etc., VOl. XXX., P. 65. |
t ewehe m, Vital Statistics, p. 137. (Sonnenschein.)
Ol. iv., p. 23.
Levasseur, vol. ii., p. 402.
467
Death-Rate.
rate was 26.1, as compared with 21.5, the rural death-
rate; during the period 1878-82 the rates were respec-
tively 24.3 and 20.9,”"*
The real meaning, however, of the high mor-
tality of towns comes out, not in general statis-
tics, but in definite comparisons between crowd-
ed and less crowded quarters, between districts
of the poor and districts of the well-to-do. Says
Dr. C. R. Drysdale (Report of Industrial Re-
muneration Conference, Pp. 130):
“At present the average age at death among the
nobility, gentry, and professional classes in England
and Wales was 55 years; but among the artisan classes
of Lambeth it only amounted to 29
years; and while the infantile death-
rate among the well-to-do classes was Death-rates
such that only eight children died in the of Rich and
first year of life out of 100 born, as many
as 30 per cent. succumbed at that age Poor.
among the children of the poor in some
districts of our large cities. The only As
real cause of this enormous difference in the position
of the rich and poor with respect to their chances of
existence lay in the fact that at the bottom of society
wages were so low that food and other requisites of
health were obtained with too great difficulty.”
Dr. Playfair says that 18 per cent. of the chil-
dren of the upper class, 36 per cent. of those of
the tradesman class, and 55 per cent. of those of
the workmen die before they reach five years of
age (quoted at p. 133 of Dzctzonary of Statzs-
tics, by Mr. Mulhall, who, however, thinks it
‘‘too high an estimate’’).
The infantile death-rate at Bethnal Green is
twice that of Belgravia. Holborn (151,835) and
St. George’s, Hanover Square (149,748), have al-
most equal populations ; yet in the former 1614,
in the latter only 1007 children under five died
in 1884 (Regestrar-General’s Report, 1886,
pp. 32, 126, C—4722).
Some of this high death-rate is due to trade
conditions, but mostly to town conditions. Says
Mr. Hobson (zdem, p. 337):
“The statistics of infant mortality are conclusive
upon this point. In comparing the death-rates for
town and country, the difference is far wider for
children below the industrial age than for adults en-
gaged in industrial work. Mr. Galton has calculated
that ina typical industrial town the number of chil-
dren of artisan townsfolk that grow up are little more
than half as many as in the case of the children of
laboring people in a healthy country district.”
A high death-rate is largely, however, the re-
sult of poverty in city or town. In Paris, the
rich quarters of the Elysée and the Opéra had
a death-rate of 13.4 and 16.2 when Ménilmon-
tant, a poor quarter, had a death-rate of 31.3
(Levasseur, Pop. Francaztse, vol. ii., p. 403).
The comparative mortality in different trades
has been tabulated by Newsholme (Vztal Sta-
tstics, pp. 156, 157) in the following way :
(The comparative mortality figure in the last
column indicates how many deaths occur out of
the same number in the given occupation as in
the number of the average population in which
1000 deaths occur. Thus, in the average popu-
lation, 1000 annual deaths occur per 64,641
males, ages 25 to 65, of whom 41,920 were under
and 22,721 were over 45 years of age. The fig-
ure for clergymen, 556, represents the mean
mortality of the clergy between 25 and 65, as
compared with the mortality of all males of sim-
ilar ages in England and Wales.)
* Levasseur, vol. ii., p. 155.
Death-Rate. 468 Death-Rate.
DEATH-RATES OF MALES, 25-65 YEARS OF AGE, IN DIFFERENT OCCUPATIONS IN 1860-61-1871
AND IN 1880-82, AND THEIR COMPARATIVE MORTALITY FIGURES IN 1880-82. ,
MEAN ANNUAL DEATH-RATES PER 1,000 ee
LIVING.
FIGURE.
1860-61-1871. . 1880-81-82. 1880-82.
OCCUPATION.
YEARS OF AGE. YEARS OF AGE. AGE.
25-45. 45-65. 25-45- 45-65. 25-65.
All males..... ies 11.27 23.98 10.16 25.27 1,000
Occupied males... 9-71 24.63 967
Unoccupied males...........+. anes: s Va OTS : 32.43 36.20 2,182
Males in selected healthy districts...........+.-6- 8.47 19-74 804
Clergyman, priest, minister? c..ccsiee » vexvescenne 5.96 17.31 4.64 15.93 556
Gardener, nurseryman...... eK ‘ 6.74 17-54 5.52 16.19 599
Farmer, graziefr ......seceeeseeeee 7.66 17.32 6.09 16.53 631
Laborer in agricultural counties. aiagaiajese'e lanier aieis'| fo eebieveia wa sees 7-313 17.68 Jor
Schoolmaster, teacher.. _ 9.82 23.56 6.41 19.98 719
Grocer..,...... a . 9:49 17.05 8.00 19-16 771
Fisherman........ c o 11.26 15.84 8.32 19 74 707
Carpenter, joiner...... is 9-44 21.36 7-77 21.74 820
Bookseller, stationer.. 10.84 21.36 8.53 20.57 825
Barvistet, salicitor.. sass. < sceeas vs semen vx 9.87 22.97 7-54 23.13 842
Draper and Manchester warehouseman . 14.34 26.33 9-70 20.96 88:
Groom, domestic, coachman.............2. 6. eeeelecccuseaces ofalts 8.53 23.28 BB
Coal-miners (six districts)... 3 |himoiscnwcs iia oueameas cee 7-64 25.11 89x
Plasterer, whitewasher...... 9-50 27.90 7-79 25.07 896
Watch and clockmaker, 10.78 24.90 9.26 22.64 903
Tanner, fellmonger... 10.43 26.57 7:97 25-37 OIE
Shoemaker...... .... 10.39 22.30 9.3% 23.36 g2r
Artist, engraver, sculptor, arc 11.73 22.91 8.39 25.07 g2z
Commercial traveler,.......... 12.28 29.00 9.04. 25-03 948
Coth MMO veers xxvenss 9-32 26.65 8.40 26.62 957
Baker, confectioner.......... 10.72 26.39 8.70 26.12 958
Builder, mason, bricklayer.. 11.43 27.16 9-25 25.59 - 969
BUMOESONCN cutis casen: ¢ cmeney como ves . 10.07 23.88 9-29 25.67 673
Commercial clerk, insurance service.. ie 14.28 28,88 10.48 24.49 996
TODACCONISE: c.diesesee wieiare ¥anisiases poatetaia aren 28 . 13-19 21.76 11.14 23.46 1,000
Chemist, druggist. 13.92 23-56 10.58 25.16 1,015
TAllOr vice sic se sisters 12.92 24.79 10.73 26.47 1,051
Printer... ‘Rene aranasa 13.02 - 29.38 11.12 26.60 1,071
Wool, worsted manufacture (West Riding).. achievers. wewisrsiats [lal isha oie alo 9-71 27.50 1,032
Cotton, linen manufacture (Lancashire).... Sitstanapa Wrayaisvaigin we ffnibiacara tate else ai 9-99 20-44 1,088
Physician, surgeon, general practitioner... is 13.81 24.55 11.57 28.03 1,122
TARE GEEK vsrcancnied-in 4 base nRRmuAd J01 weber is 18.75 37.05 10.77 30-79 TIS
Butcher voc see veecdeos Sa vauecedine aie 13-19 28.37 12.16 29.08 1,170
Glass manufacturer...... f 13.19 29.32 11.22 31-71 1,90
Plumber, painter, glazier..............04 ‘ 12.48 34.66 11.07 32-49 1,202
Cutler, scissors, needle, saw, toolmaker... oe 11.88 32.74 11.71 34-42 11273
Carter, Oarrier, HaWletivce.ss vaveuse Bie baigere ‘ al Genobasjmesoae eibipraNeles aa/ace 12.52 33-00 1,275
Bargeman, lighterman, waterman. . 14.99 30.78 14-25 31.13 14305
Musician, music master ........... ch 18.94 34-76 13.78 32-39 x
Hairdresser.............. 15.11 30.10 13.6, a aan
BRO WP ss iasivis ears a one's 19.26 36.86 ee é ae rate
ake omnibus service. 15.94 35.28 neg a 1382
imney-sweep ..... hed : , 7 ,
Innkeeper, publican............ ec a ther fe thos ace et
Messenger, porter, w tel Maes on po os
Pilomaker’ s6.2s6éc6se.comeee saves is 16.27 ~ gage. shay aA re 2
Earthenware manufacturer.. 12.59 ae pee fort 1,067
Miner (Cornwall)..........000.. see ee 11.94 - oe ed 53-39 eee
Costermonger, hawker, street seller 20.09 Be Bal 53-69 539
Gebera! laborer (London).......... si ve 38.35 aoe, een ae oo
E ‘ z
I, BOLE] SERVARE os verseibanmees casdas vanes 21.91 42.19 22.63 55.30 2,205
. ieee on the statistics in his Amer-
zcan aritzes . I11, Professor W.:
vB ’ arner OUT OF 100,000 BORN End | ageof | Age of
says: i
‘ye — ; ALIVE THERE WILL BE | First
The mortality in a given occupation may be high, LiviInG Year. 25 :
not because the occupation is unhealthful, but because
persons of poor health are likely to resort to it.
But the entire story regarding the degenerative
influences brought to bear upon the weaker clas: Peerage families......... "i 038 8 66
2 community is not brought cs by the stedy Of oe ‘ Upper class experi- eae ae a ;
1ortality. e must turn to the matter of *Childeenn eee ee 8
class mortality in order to obtain this. In his work «Glergy children”....... gr.087 Teese oe.
on The Rate of Mortality, etc., in the Upper and Pro. nglish life tables”....| 85,051 68,456 36,983
ioe ae Mr. Charles Ansell, Jr., gives the fol- “Carlisle table”......02.. 84,610 63,000 36,430
Death-Rate.
“That is, out of 100,000 children born in the upper
classes, nearly 10,000 more will reach the age of 15 than
in the population at large. The influences which in-
duce a higher rate of mortality among the lower
classes are given es Ansell as follows:
“ PHYSICAL.—(1) Food insufficient in quantity and
improper as to kind; (2) deficiency of warm clothing ;
(3) want or delay of medical attendance in illness ; G
crowded and unhealthy dwellings; (5) neglect on the
part - parents (especially when the mother is at
work).
“ MORAL.—(z) Illegitimacy ; (2) children being a bur-
den upon or considered as such by their parents; (3)
parents having a direct pecuniary interest in the
death of their children.”
Dr. Grimshaw, Registrar-General of Ireland,
gives the experience as to class mortality in Dub-
lin for the four years 1883 to 1886, and says:
“Referring to children under five years of age, the
Tates per rooo are found to be in the professional class,
20.52; middle, 58.25; artisan class, 69.05; general ser-
BURDENS AND BURDEN- BEARING POWER OF
469
Death-Rate.
vice and pauper class, 108.73. The death-rates are
such as to give a specially high percentage of persons
under 15 in the second and third classes. The death-
rate of children under five years of age is so excessive
in Class IV. that the percentage of persons under 15 is
there not up to the average.”
Commenting on this, Professor Warner says :
“ Now let us notice how heavy a burden the condi-
tion of things here indicated imposes upon Classes
IIL, 1V., and V., as compared with Classes I. and II.
Pressure is brought to bear upon the
oor, and especially upon Class II].,ina
ourfold way. First, the number under Class
1s years of age, and therefore of non- Mortalit
producers, is relatively high; second, y:
the expense of a disproportionately
large number of deaths is imposed upon
the poor; third, the amount of sickness is dispropor-
tionately large; and, fourth, the number of births is
larger than in the upper classes. Let us see what ef-
fects these influences will have upon a population of
zooo in each class:
1,000 PERSONS IN VARIOUS CLASSES, POPULA-
TION OF DUBLIN.
No. of r eo Vs epee of
& Persons Years o ealth for ickness to
CLASS. i over 15. Deaths. Sickness. Persons Effective
ners: over 15. Health.
229 771 15.20 30.40 746.5 1224.5
300 700 26.21 52-42 663.3 I 112.6
322 678 23.00 46.00 645.6 Iii
277 723 37°79 75-58 665.5 zr: 08.8
“ By ‘effective health, ’ as used in the table, ismeant
the health of persons 15 years of age or over—that is,
of persons capable of doing something for their own
support, and possibly for the care of relatives. It will
seem from the table regarding burdens and burden-
bearing power, that in Class I. there will be one year
of sickness to 24.5 of effective health; in Class II, one
to 12.6; in Class in. one to1q4; and in Classes IV. and
V. one to 8.8. Thus we have some explanation of how
the high death-rate among the unfortunate classes
operates to impose burdens that crush them.
“There are too many assumptions involved in the
derivative tables given to make it possible to consider
the results reached entirely accurate, but in their gen-
eral outline the figures doubtless reflect the actual
situation.”
Thus far we have been noticing statistics and
facts almost exclusively. Concerning their inter-
pee caution must be exercised. Says Prof.
ayo-Smith (Statzstecs and Sociology, p. 149):
“The ordinary basis for comparison of mortality isto
take the number of deaths per 1000 of the population.
As the death-rate, however, is greater among males
than among females, and at certain age periods than at
others, it is obvious that comparison would only be fair
between two populations where the sex and age distri-
bution was exactly the same. This never happens, and
even in the same population, in course of time, the sex
and age distribution may vary. The use of the crude
death-rate has givenrise, therefore, to many criticisms.
In 1881 the general rate in England and Wales was 18.9
Per 1000 of all ages, while in France it was 22.0—7Z.¢., 3.1
higher. But had the age distribution of the French
population been identical with that of England, the
general death-rate would have been 20.9 and not 22.0.
Thus, of the 3.1 difference between the two rates, 2.0
was due to difference of health condition and 1.1 to
difference of age distribution.”
Various plans have. been, therefore, proposed
for correcting the death-rate by reducing the
Population to a common standard.
Professor Edgeworth, of Oxford, in Pal-
gtave’s Dictionary of Political Economy, thus
sums up the generally received conclusions as
to death-rates :
One cause of variations in death-rate--namely, “‘ dif-
ference of age, may be placed in acategory of causes
which are of practical importance, largely on the
ground that it is necessary to allow for their action in
order to estimate the effect of another class of causes
which it is more within the scope of human art to
alleviate. This distinction is nearly identical with Dr.
Farr’s of ‘causes inherent in the population, and
causes outside the population’ (Vital Statistics, p. 159
et seg.). Another cause belonging to the first category
issex. The full effect of this cause may be seen on in-
spection of a life-table. At the early ages the differ-
ence between the mortality of the two sexes ismarked.
At the zero point of age it appears that the proportion
cf male to female still-born chiidren is 139:100. For
the period o-5 the proportion of mortality Is 72 : 62 (ac-
carding to Dr. Farr’s life-table for England and
Wales). At the age of adolescence female mortality
gains upon male, but again lags behind at later ages.
The disturbing effect which this cause exercises on
inferences drawn from the general death-rate is not so
considerable as the effect of age. Mr. Humphreys, in
his paper Ox the Value of Death-Rates (Journal of
Stat. Soc., xxxvii., p. 444), contrasting, the Englis.
towns which have the greatest and the least propor-
tion of male to female inhabitants, argues that the ex-
treme perturbation of the general death-rates which
may be expected from this cause is not more than two
per mille.
“ Here may be mentioned the effect on mortality of
the variations of the seasons. Of the four quarters of
the year, the first is the most fatal; next comes the
fourth ; the mortality of the second quarter is for this
country on an average in excess, but occasionally be-
low, that of the third quarter (Reports of the Regis-
trar-General, tables showing death-rates in each
quarter of the years since 1838). A very elegant graphi-
cal representation of such vicissitudes is given by M.
Levasseur (after M. Janssens) for Belgian infants, in
the Jubilee Volume of the Statistical Society, 1885, p.
232, Quetelet’s investigations of seasonable mortality
in Belgium are particularly instructive (Phys¢gue So-
ctale, liv. ii., ch. v., §8). He shows that the curve of
death-rate at different seasons varies for different
ages, and that very generally it presents two max-
ima, one in winter, the other in summer. Besides the
obvious importance attaching to such observations,
they are valuable as enabling us to avoid perplexit
in investigating other causes. The Registrar-Genera
in the investigation which will be presently noticed
Death-Rate.
concerning the death-rate in different occupations,
has very properly selected the samples (of deaths) on
which his conclusion is based from all
seasons indifferently (Supplement to the
Forty-jifth Report of the Registrar-Gen-
eral, p. 29). A sophist by taking the
samples for one occupation from a
healthy season, and for another occu-
pation from an unhealthy season, might have brought
out aimost any conclusion which he wanted.
“Other causes, not admitting of such exact measure-
ment, are race and climate (including properties of
soil, water, etc.).
“ Also it may be expected that the mortality of un-
married persons will, cefer¢s paribus, be particularly
large. The married have the advantage at almost all
ages, as is shown by Dr. Farr (Vital Statistics, p. 441,
and references there given). But itis a nice question
whether celibacy can be regarded as a cause of high
death-rate. The high death-rate attending celibacy
may bea case of gost hoc not propter hoc ; the finest
individuals being selected for marriage; while ‘men
with a weak constitution, ill health, or any great in-
firmity of body or mind will not often wish to marry,
or will be rejected’ (Darwin, Descent of Man, part i.,
Season,
ch. v.).
‘(6) The causes which have been mentioned require
to be taken account of by those who would avoid per-
plexity in investigating another set of causes which
are perhaps of more direct practical interest, as being
capable of remedy by humean effort. This second
category of causes may be divided under four heads:
£3 vice, (2) unhealthy occupations, (3) indigence, and
4) insanitary residences—agencies which are apt to be
entangled with each other as well as with the first set
of causes.
“(1) There is much truth as well as exaggeration in
Siissmilch’s dictum ascribing the chief differences in
mortality to ‘the manner of life, the moral circum-
stances, virtue and vice, indolence and industry.’
One ae is the great mortality of illegitimate
children. r. Farr cites instances in which the death-
rate of illegitimate infants is double that of the legiti-
mate (Vital Statistics, p. 198). A similar excess of
mortality among illegitimate children is shown by
Quetelet (Physigue Soctale, book ii., ch. vii., §2), Wap-
paeus (Bevilkerungs Statisttk, parti., p. 214), and other
continental statisticians, The vice of drunkenness is
also conspicuously fatal.
most recent observations, together with a reference to
the best authorities, will be found in the Report on the
Connection of Disease with Habits of Intemperance by
the collective investigation of the British Medical As-
sociation, edited by Isambard Owen. Among the ear-
lier authorities may be mentioned Neison, who in his
Contributions to Vital Statistics fully proves the con-
nection between deep drinking and high death-rate;
bringing out the remarkable fact that spirits are more
fatal than malt liquors (Contributions to Vital Statis-
tics, p. 218), Another authority particularly free from
suspicion is the Registrar-General, whose statistics
with respect to occupations (Supplements to Reports
Jor 1805, 1875, and 1885) point unmistakably to a con-
nection between drink and death. The
mortality of hotel-keepers and their
servants is appalling —about three
times as great as that of the most
healthy classes. Among the diseases to
‘which the classes mentioned and sey-
eral others succumb, ‘alcoholism’ plays a large part
(Supplement to Report for 1885, p. XXX. ef seq.).
“At this point, however, the action of the cause
which has been considered is intermixed with that
which we have distinguished as cause (2), unhealthy
occupations. It is difficult to pronounce with respect
to the mortality in some occupations how much there-
of is occasioned by unresisted temptation to drink, how
much is due to other circumstances. Thus inthe case
of drivers (Cab, Omnibus, Service, loc. cét.), the bill of
mortality due to ‘alcoholism’ is particularly large ;
but the sameclass also succumb innumbers to phthisis
and diseases of the respiratory system, which may
no doubt be connected with the exposure incident to
the ced pations in question.
(2) The observations referred to prove the influence
of occupation on health in many cases to be real and
considerable. The number of deaths observed in 1881-
82—more than 400,000; the scrupulosity above noticed
with which these samples have been selected impartial-
ly from healthy and unhealthy seasons; the allowance
for the effect of age (expressed in the last column of
Table J, Supplement to the Forty-fifth Report, 1885, Pp.
xxvi.), are very convincing. The suspicion of acci-
dent is precluded by the general agreement between
Intemperance.
470
On this subject some of the -
Death-Rate.
the statistics for 1861-62, 1871, and 1880-82. The same
occupations constantly come out low or high in the
scale of mortality. At one end of the scale are clergy-
men with a coefficient of death-rate or ‘comparative
mortality figure’ 556; gardeners and farmers with
coefficients respectively 599 and 681, with at the other
end of the scale Bote) Peepers and their servants, for
whom the corresponding figures are respectively rs21
and 2205, also chimney-sweeps, workers in earthen-
ware (1742), and the residual class of general laborer
(2020). (See J. T. Arlidge, M.D., The Hygiene, Diseases,
and Mortality of Occupations, 1892.)
(3) In the last case, and probably some others, a
further cause—indigence—comes into play. The term
indigence must be construed strictly as want of neces-
saries, ‘inadequate warmth and food’ (Farr). Mere
absence of riches is not fatal to life, as Neison’s statis-
tics with respect to members of friendly societies show
(Contributions to Vital Statistics; cf. Wappaeus,
Bevilkerungs Statisttk, part i., p.201). The very differ-
ent consequences of actual indigence may be traced
in certain statistics of class mortality among the popu-
lation of Dublin compiled by Dr. Grimshaw, and dis-
cussed by Mr. Humphreys in a paper already referred
to (Journal of the Stattstical Society, 1887, vol. 50).
In the same paper reference is made to the observa-
tions made by Mr. Ansell and Hodgson and others,
proving that the more favored classes enjoy greater
vitality. Especially with respect to infant mortality
is the poverty of the poor his curse. The death-rate
for infants under five, in the ‘general service’ class of
the Dublin population, was 110 per mille; in the ‘ pro-
fessional’ class, 22 per mille (zdzd., p. 282). So the mor-
tality of peers’ and clergymen’s children is three times
less than the mortality of infants of the
same age in large towns (Farr, Vital_
Statistics, p.159). These conclusionsare
confirmed by numerous observations on
the comparative death-rate in the poor-
er and more flourishing parts of towns ;
some of which are cited by Wappaeus
(Bevilkerungs Statistik, oe i., P. 200).
“(G) Here, and indeed generally, mere indigence,
the want of necessaries, is aggravated by a fourth
cause, insanitary conditions of residence, or, in Dr.
Farr’s more exact language, ‘exposure to poisonous
effluvia and destructive agencies.’ The interaction of
these two causes is strikingly exhibited in a recent ar-
ticle in the Grornale degli Economistt, ‘Nuova Politica
Sanitaria, in Italia’ (March, 1891); where it is con-
tended that the sanitary measures carried out in Italy
defeated their own end. For the taxpayer, deprived
by the burden of taxation of the necessaries Of life,
becomes thereby more exposed to the shafts of disease.
In our eerie) ey cause (4) ENE DS reduced, and yet
the effect would be more fatal if concurrently cause (3)
were aggravated. .
“The nature and variety of insanitary conditions
are ably discussed by Dr. Farr (Vital Statistics). A
vast mass of experience as to the evil effect of crowd-
ing is summed up by him in the simple formula that
the mortality of districts is as the twelfth root of ©
their densities (Vital Statistics, p. 175). In symbols
m D)\ «12.
ae (=) The fact that inan earlier paper the
m
Economic
Causes,
stxth root was proposed, and that in the formula the
index .12 does not signify the twelfth, but rather the
eighth or ninth root, is not suggestive of extreme pre-
cision. Atany rate, the law makes noclaim to be more
than empirical. It is not fulfilled by the experience
of the crowded Peabody Buildings, where the mor-
tality is less than for London generally (Newholme,
Journal of the Statistical Society, 1891). “It is interest-
ing to inquire whether the causes of death which ad-
mit of reduction are being reduced by science, or:
“III, More generally, and without reference to cau-
sation, whether a decline of death-rate attends the
progress of civilization. The most extended series of
observations is that which the Swedish census presents
iguotea in the twenty-fifth volume of the Journal of
the Statistical Society, and by Wappaeus, of. ct. P-
229). Looking at these we may now say with even more
truth than Malthus said: ‘The gradual diminution of
mortality since the middle of last century is very
striking.’ According to Dr. Farr, ‘the mortality of
the city of London was at the rate of 80 per rooo in the
latter half of the seventeenth centur soin the eigh-
teenth, against 24 in the present day’ df Vital Statistics,
Pp. 131).
“On the other hand, the returns for France and
Russia, extending over along period of years, which
Wappaeus adduces (doc. ae do not show a marked
decline. And it is remarkable that the death-rate for
Death-Rate.
England and Wales has remained virtually unaltered
for the greater part of the time over which the record
extends, from 1841 to 1871. Since that period, indeed, a
sec tine Hes set in, ascribed by some to improved sani-
ation.
References: Dr. Arlidge’s The Hygienic Diseases
and Mortality of Occupations (1892); Newsholme’s
Elements of Vital Statistics (34 edition, 1892); Pro-
fessor Mayo-Smith’s Statistics and Soctology (1895) ;
Professor Warner’s American Charities (1894)
DEBS, EUGENE V., was born in Terre
Haute, Ind., in 1855, the son of a respected
grocer, originally an Alsatian. Educated in
the public schools, including the high school,
and later attending a commercial college in the
evenings, he, in 1870, commenced working in
the Vandalia paint shop in Terre Haute, but in
1871 got a position as fireman on a Vandalia
locomotive. In 1874 he got a better place in a
wholesale grocery, and retained this five years,
till he was triumphantly elected city clerk on
the Democratic ticket, and re-elected in 1881.
His future, however, was to lie in railway labor
organizations. As a member of the Brother-
hood of Locomotive Firemen, he was early °
elected to office, and for twelve years served
that organization as grand secretary and treas-
urer, editing also the Locomotive Firemen's
Magazine ; but he believed that all railway
employees should be united in one organiza-
tion, and so, June 20, 1893, he established, with
the aid of others, the American Railway Union.
(For an account of this, see RatLwAy EMPLOYEES’
Orcanizations.) As its president, Mr. Debs
made the American Railway Union one of the
strongest labor unions of the country, and was
successful in a strike on the ‘‘ Great Northern.”
May 11, 1894, the operatives at Pullmanville
struck, and after futile efforts to gain a settle-
ment by arbitration, they joined the American
Railway Union, and this organization took up
their cause. In June Mr. Debs ordered a boy-
cott of Pullman cars. (For the details of this
strike, see PULLMAN STRIKE.) The strike grad-
ually spread. On July 2 Judges Wood and
Grosscup, at Chicago, ordered a sweeping ‘‘om-
nibus’”’ injunction, On the basis of telegrams
and advice sent by Debs after this, he and his
colleagues were arrested on two indictments
for contempt of court, and were tried in Sep-
tember in the Federal Circuit Court sitting at
Chicago. Judge Wood did not render a ver-
dict till December, but then condemned Mr.
Debs to six months’ imprisonment, and his com-
panions to three. Appeal was taken to the Su-
preme Court for release on habeas corpus, the
ground being that an equity court had no right
to issue such an injunction, and thus deprive
men of trial byjury. The Supreme Court, how-
ever, sustained the Circuit Court, and Mr. Debs
and his companions suffered imprisonment in
Woodstock Jail, beginning in May, 1895. Mr.
Debs was liberated in November, and was given
an ovation in Chicago. He is to-day one of
the ablest and most popular labor leaders in
America, and constantly in demand as a speaker
in the movement. He desires to further labor
organization till labor men can all unite in one
great strike for their rights at the polls. His
imprisonment without jury trial many believe
to be one of the most dangerous breaches of
471
Debt.
constitutional liberty yet perpetrated. (See
PULLMAN STRIKE.)
DEBT.—For a discussion of debt in its eco-
nomic relations, see Crepir. We give here the
main facts as to national, State, and municipal
indebtedness, with particular reference to con-
ditions in the United States. National debts
of long duration are of comparatively modern
date. Ancient governments usually met their
ordinary expenses by extortionate taxation,
by plunder, and by warfare on foreign cities
and countries. Even Napoleon supported his
armies when abroad largely in this way.
The first permanent national debt was creat-
ed by the papal government. Only asmall por-
tion of the money raised for the Pope was put
into his treasury. All the nations of Europe
were obedient to Pius II., yet he was so greatly
in need of money that he is said to have been
able to afford only one meal a day for a consid-
erable time, and was obliged to borrow 200,000
ducats to prepare for the war with Turkey
which he meditated. Another mode of raising
money was to create and sell offices. A certain
sum was immediately paid for the office, and
the official received at stated times thereafter a
fixed sum or interest during his life. These ar-
rangements were essentially annuities. The in-
terest was raised by increasing the imposts of
the Church.
Sixtus IV., under the guidance of his protho-
notary Sinolfo, established whole colleges by a
single act, and sold the places for 200 or 300
ducats each. Leo X. carried this system farther
still, encouraged in it by the prosperity which
for a time at least came to Rome because of the
large sums of money which poured into the
city. Under Clement VII. a new system be-
came necessary. Hitherto the money raised
had been returned in the way of interest, the
interest ceasing at the lender's death. The first
real national loan was one received by Clement,
amounting to 200,000 scudi. Clement agreed
to pay Io per cent. to the lender, and to con-
tinue payment to his heirs. The interest was
charged to the custom-house revenues, and the
lender had his claims secured by giving hima
share in the management of the custom-house.
No capitalist would lend his money except where
he was given a certain amount of control in the
government affairs. In modern days lenders
are not allowed, directly at least, to have a share
in governmental management ; but they still
are pledged certain revenues in payment of the
debt. Pitt, in England, and Alexander Hamil-
ton, in America, have both strongly advised this
latter course. Venice and Genoa were the next
States to follow the lead of the Pope, and after
them Florence, Spain, and Holland.
In England William III. was obliged, by the
expensiveness of his wars, to borrow money and
pledge the credit of the State. This was the first
English loan of this kind. The item ‘‘ Interest
and Management of the Public Debt’ appears
in 1694 for the first time in English accounts.
The first funded debt was $6,000,000, borrowed
at this date from the Bank of England. The
term ‘‘ fund’’ meant then the special tax which
was set apart for interest on the money bor-
rowed ; whereas now the word is understood to
Debt.
mean the money itself. After this another loan
of $10,000,000 soon followed, and Charles II.
had his private debts added to the national
debt.
The national debt of France began in 1375 ;
but in 1597 Sully, the chief minister of Henry
IV., reformed the financial system and paid the
public debt, which amounted to 332,000,000
472
Debt.
which succeeding French kings soon wasted. |
During this early period the Low Countries were
most heavily freighted with debt. At Amster-
dam it was a common saying that every dish
of fish was paid for once to the fisherman and
six times to the money-lender. The following
table, compiled from the Eleventh United States
Census Reports (Bulletin 64), gives the national
livres. Besides this he remitted 20,000,000 of indebtedness of the world in 1890 :
taxes and collected a surplus of 17,000,000 livres,
Debt Less | Debt Debt Less | Debt
COUNTRIES. Sinking per COUNTRIES. Sinking per
Fund, 1890. |Capita. Fund, 1890. /Capita.
Argentine Republic...........00 $284,867,069| $70.40||Hayti .. cs .- essen er ceee eee e anes te $13,500,000] $14.06
Austria-Hungary... ++] 2,866,330,539| 70-84]/ Hawaii ... .......- ec eect eee eee: a 2y302,235| 26.57
BelPiwM sc secnceveeeennes 380,504,099] 63.10|/Honduras..... SRSer acalg Fa 63,394,267] 146.977
BoOliviaiesccsies cowanvaas 14,763,307] 12.38 ||Italy ...... 1 ceseeeeeeasveeesees sia 2,324,826,329| 76.06
Brazilisicassicces ces, wes 585,345,927] 41.80 japan ies wraleieparpe tpiereneians e qustareiaie’ eg 305,727,816 7.83
CHIVG co. se cee seadraem sate 85,192,339] 31-96||Liberia .... aesaiess 972,000 0.91
Colombia... 63,451,583 16.36||Me@XiCO.... see e reece cee e eee ene nes 113,606,675 9.98
Denmark.... .. ajo 33,004,722| 15.66//Montenegro... Bees 740,200] 3.14
FRANCE acc ajewmaisie yi euissie +4,446,793,398] 116.35||Netherlands....... ....se.s. vee 430,589,858] 95.56
German Empire......... ... 7795775719 1.57||Nicaragua.... einai 1,711,206 4.28
Great Britain and Ireland 3135719563) 87.79||Norway..... aietona. 1349739752 7-13
Ceylon civics iscissais vita asaisiee 11,184,400 3.86|'Paraguay. Sralsiwiita 19,633,013 59.56
India ........ Wi escheiee $881,003, 592 B27 Pert. nage einige 382 175,655] 145.77
Cape of Good Hope... 110,817,720] 77.56|/Roumania, 180,145,800] 32.75
Mauritivsss one ceva veces 8,464,662] 22.92|/Russia .. 3:491,018,074] 30.79
Natal... 22,028,424] 45.76||Salvador nies 013,300 9.05,
Bermud: 41,864 2.69||Santo Domingo 9,865,256] 16.17
Canada... 237)533.212| 47.51||Servia.. aubbe 60,811,330] 30.20
Pijlica. siccuase iene 678,800 5.41|/Spain.... ae 1,251,453,096| 73.85
New South Wales 233,289,245, 214.87||Sweden....... eckeartl 64,220,807] 13.53
New Zealand .. 184,898 305} 298.or|/|Switzerland . ...........-222.00 10,912,925 3-72
ueensland.............. 129,204,750| 333-46|/Turkey......... wa 821,000,000} §37.20
outh Australia......... 102,177,500| 321.00/| Egypt................ 0 seeeee o 517,278,200] 75.88
Tasmania..... vets 22y335,345| 147-46|| United States.............00 cece ee 915,962,112] 14.63
Victoria csioencecnas io 179,614,005] 161.63]|Venezuela...... Van gisineies Hees Se 22,517,437| If 00
Western Australia.. ee 6,509,736] 150.23
GtCOCE rs ccexssavecduy wyrnes Aru 107,306,518] 49.06 SDC 55.9 Hide pawn cemienewaun «+| $27)306,055,389
Gua terial a osu execs cee ahs 10,825,836 7+59 ‘
*In these amounts there is included debt of Hungary for 1880, $536,051,184 ; for 1890, $837,928,836. Florin
reckoned at 50 cents.
t Inclusive of floating debt, but exclusive of annuities whose capitalized value is estimated by good author-
ity to be not less than $2,000,000,000.
The rupee is reckoned at 50 cents.
Its exchange value in 1890 was about 35 cents, making the actual face
value of the debt about 30 per cent. less than the amount stated. .
§ Reckoning the population of European and Asiatic Turkey and Tripoli in Africa.
The following table gives the outline of the
history of Great Britain’s national debt :
Principal. Chesca:
Debt at Rocseclon or ykees| A0bH86S | SaoiBas
Dotted oceign eae | eae) sate, fee
Debrat Accession of Georeti.| 2P7M2 | Basne6e
Bega Rag Gisss is ge) SRE |
Dept at coucidalan ce Ravcweeal ee | arnt
Dene at Aeceeulea ad” Babess RPE |) Gases
Devi’ at Accession’ oF “Guseal 28s | 2786s
Debt Marth 33 1899. occ] Pea | ethsaae
An exceedingly large proportion of national
debts have been caused by wars. The four
debts of the United States were incurred by war
* This is now a fixed charge.— Whitaker.
expenditure, as were also the debts of England,
France, the Netherlands, Russia, Austria, and
Italy. Italy, France, and Germany, -and espe-
cially the latter, contracted part of their debt by
building railroads and canals.
But with many nations, and especially the
weaker ones, loans are usually negotiated abroad,
This has led many of them to. repudiate their
debts. France, perhaps, did this first, but other
nations have followed her example. Spain has
repeatedly compounded with her creditors ; and
Portugal, Greece, and the South American
States have repudiated their debts. These dis-
honest nations have been enabled to continue
their borrowing only through the aid of cunning
bankers, who on receipt of large bribes have
undertaken to negotiate loans. Tables have
been constructed and arguments put forward in
defense of the policy of a gradual payment of
national debts; but there is a great deal of _
sophistry in these calculations.
, Undoubtedly the great reasons why debt-pay-
ing 1s So unpopular are that in weak countries it
Tequires too much taxation, and in wealthy
countries whose credit is good, bankers like to
continue the loan as a favorable investment for
ah
Debt.
themselves. This is particularly the case in
Great Britain and the United States. It is
claimed by some radicals that ‘‘the money
power’ even invents war scares and secures
legislation to lower the receipts of the Govern-
ment in order to make an excuse for fresh
loans. (See CuRRENCY.)
NATIONAL DEBT OF THE UNITED STATES.
The debt of the United States, as reported to
the first Congress at its second session, 1790-91,
by Alexander Hamilton, Secretary of the Treas-
ury, consisted of the foreign debt, domestic
473
Debt.
debt, and State debts. The secretary recom-
mended that these latter be assumed by the
general Government ; and after considerable
discussion this was agreed to. The debt then
stood :
Domestic debt... ......... Se eisteatease doe $42,414,085
Foreign, debt, sss sas, 63 43-6, wing ener 12,710,478
State debts (as finally assumed).. 18,271,786.
Total........ SreGte eRe tainsione ASladcanene $72, 396,24
The foreign debt consisted of money due im
France, Holland, and Spain for loans made to
us during the Revolution. Since 1791 the debt
has varied as follows :
Statement of outstanding Principal of the Public Debt of the Untted States on January x of each Year Srom 1791
to 1842, znclusive ; on Jaty. 1 of eae.
Year from 1843 £0 1886, txclusive ; on December: of each Year from 1887
1895.
to 1892, 2nclustve, and on November 1, 1893, 1894, and
179% Jan. TD asiseces aia peste $75,463,476.52 | 1826 Jan. Besa
1792 «++ 77)217,924.66 1827 - os
17993 +++ 80,352,634.04 | 1828 i Se
1794 se 78,427,404.77 ! 1829 ae
1795 + 80,747,587.39 | 1830 (hve
1796 . + 83,762,172.07 | 1831 3
97 + 82,064,479-33 | 1832
1798 NC - 79,228, 529.12 | 1833 ft
799 ++ 78,408, 669.77 | 18341
1800 * +++ 82,976,294.35 | 1835
or «+ 83,038,050.80 | 1836 ‘*
1802 £ ‘ - 86,712,632.25 | 1837 a ee
1803‘ +++ 77,054, 686.30 | 1838 or
woe 88 as 86,427,120.88 | 1839 ‘S ,
1805 ‘* » 82,312,150.50| 7840 “* .. 2.
1806 . +6 759723,270-06 | 1841 i
1807 i +. + 69,218, 398.64 | 1842 aie
1808 i + 65,196,317-97 | 1843 July ii
1809 a + 571023,192.09 | 1844 i ataia
1810 ie see 53:173,217-52 | 1845 Met
1811 2 +++ 48,005,587.76 | 1846 con
18120 ~ 455209)737-90 | 1847 7
1813 a Tenet eee sees 55,962,827.57 | 1848 = ies
1814 be ats «+e 87,487,846.24 | 1849 eee
1815 aoe +++ 99,833,660.15 | 1850 i *
1816 ee + + ©127)334,933-74 | 1851 ‘a wi
1817 3 ‘ ++ +123,491,965.16 | 1852 ?
18:8 eo + «+103, 466, 633.83 | 1853 ote
1819 ee + 951529,648.28 | 1854
1820 i + 91,015,566.15 | 1855 3 .
1821 e + 89,987,427-66 | 1856 ae
1822 e +++ 931546,676.98 | 1857 7 wists
1823 a «++ 90)875,877-28 | 1858 nee
1824 + 90,269,777-77 | 1859
1825S 83,788,432.71 | 1860“
$90, 580,873.72
524,176,412.13
+ ree 0 6$81,054,059.99
serene 739987)357-20
71475)043-87 | 1863 “So... ++ 1,119,772,138.63
+.» 58)421,413.67 | 1864 ar ++ 1,815, 784,370.57
+ 48,565,406.50 | 1865 + 2,080, 647,869.74.
+ 39)123,191.68 | 1866 25773)236,173.69
+ 24)322,235.18 | 1867 2,678, 126,103.87
7,001, 698.83 | 1868 ++ 2,611, 687,851.19
+ 4,760,082.08 | 1869 ++ 2,588, 452,213.94
oe 37)513-05 | 1870 + 2,480,672,427.84
. 336)957-83 TE : 2135312111332. 32
++ 3)308,124.07 | 1872 + 2)253,2515328.7
+» 10,434,221.14 | 1873 + 25234,482,993.20
3:5731343-82 1874 “ 212515 690,408.43
51250,875.54 | 1875 ++ 2,232, 284,531.95
131594,480.73 | 1876 + 2,180, 395,067.15
- 26,601,226.28 1877 21205) 301 392.10
32,742,922.00 | 187 2,256, 205,892.53
. 23y401,652.50 1879 i 2,340, 567,232.04
see 15,925,303.01 | 1880 ++ 2,128,791,054.63
++ 15,550,202.97 | 1881 ++ 25077) 389)253-53
vee 38,826, 534.77 | 1882 + 1,926,688,678.03
: 471044,802.23 188s : 11892)5471412.07
+++ 63,061,858.69 | 1884 ++ 1,838,904,607.57
eee 634452.773.55 1885 a 1872) 3401557.14
+ 68,304,796.02 | 1886 ++ 1,783,438,697.78
«+ 66,199,341-71 | 1887 Dec 71064,4611536.38
+ 59,803,117.70 | 1888 «+ 1,680,917,706.23
| 42,242,222.42 | 1889 1) 1,617)372,419-53
35,586,858.56 | 1890 1,549,206, 126.48
+ 315972,537-90 | 1891 1,546,961,695.64
«ee 28,699,831.85 | 1892 « 1,563,612,455-63
+++ 44)911,881.03 | 1893 14549) 556) 353-63
++» 58,496,837.88 | 1894 » 1,626,154,037-68
tevees 64)842,287.88 | 1895 3)717)481)779-9O
It will be seen that the debt was considerably
teduced by the year 1812 ; the increase between
1812 and 1816 was due to the War of 1812; in
1836 the treasury had on hand a surplus of over
$40,000,000, all but $5,000,000 of which was or-
dered by Congress to be distributed among the
States, on certain conditions and in four in-
stalments. Three of these were paid, but not
the fourth. The increase between 1847 and
1849 was due to the Mexican War. After the
panic of 1857 the debt began to increase. The
sudden increase in 1862 was caused by the
Civil War. During that struggle in 1866 the
debt reached the highest point in the history of
the country. (See Finance.) The total amount
of loans issued by the Government up to the
outbreak of the Civil War was $505,353,591.95 ;
between that time and July 1, 1880, there was
issued $10,144,589,408.69; and later 34 per
cent. bonds to the amount of $460,461.050, ma-
tured 5 and 6 per cent. bonds extended being at
that rate, and 3 per cent. bonds to the amount
of $304,204,350, for the purpose of extending the
above-mentioned 34 per cent. bonds.
At its highest point (1866) the debt of the
United States exceeded $2,700,000,000. This
was composed of a great variety of different ob-
ligations, some bearing as high as 78, per cent.
interest. Of this debt, $830,000,000, bearing
interest at 7%, per cent., matured in 1867 and
1868, and about $300,000,000 other debt matured.
in the same period. To meet this there were
issued in 1865, $332,998,950, 15 years, 6 per cent.
bonds ; in 1867, $379,616,050, 15 years, 6 per
cent. bonds ; in 1868, $42,539.350,15 years, 6 per
cent. bonds; in 1867 and 1868, $85,150,000 de-
mands, 3 per cent. certificates. The refunding
act of 1870 authorized the issue of not more than
$200,000,000, Io years, 5 per cent. bonds ; of not
more than $300,000,000, 15 years, 44 per cent.
bonds; of not more than $1,000,000,000, 30
years, 4 per cent. bonds. In 1871 this was
amended, increasing the amount of 5 per cent.
bonds to $500,000,000, the total issue, however,
Debt. -
not to be increased thereby. Under this act
there were issued a total of $412,806,4500f 5 per
cent. bonds, and after 1876, $250,000,000 44 per
cent. bonds. In 1879 a bill was passed author-
izing the issue of $10 certificates, bearing 4 per
cent. interest and exchangeable into the 4 per
cent. bonds of the acts of 1870 and 1871. The
net result of all these changes was that the na-
tional debt, considerably more than one half of
which was in 1865 outstanding at 6 percent. and
over, was in 1879 costing but 4 and 44 per cent.
for more than one half ofits then principal. In
1881 over $670,000,000 of the public debt run-
ning at 5 and 6 per cent. matured. Congress
failed to provide the means for meeting it, and
there was at the disposal of the secretary for
this purpose only the surplus revenue and some-
what over $100,000,000 of 4 per cent. bonds
under the acts of 1870 and 1871. Under these
474
Debt.
circumstances the secretary (Windom) made a
general offer to the holders of these bonds to
extend the bonds of such as might desire it at
34 per cent., redeemable at the pleasure of the
Government. This measure was a complete
success, over $460,000,000 bonds being extend-
ed at 34 percent. The next Congress (in 1882)
authorized 3 per cent. bonds, redeemable at the
pleasure of the Government, to be issued in-
stead of the bonds extended at 3} per cent., and
more than $300,000,000 were so issued. Mean-
while, the reduction of the debt proceeded so
rapidly that the last of the 3} per cents. were
called for payment November 1, 1883, and the
last of the 3 per cents. July 1, 1887, leaving out-
standing only the 44 and 4 per cent. bonds, (For
further information regarding the debt and re-
cent loans, see CURRENCY.)
OFFICIAL STATEMENT OF NOVEMBER 1, 1895.
INTEREST-BEARING DEBT.
Funded loan of 1891...0.... 00025 cece eeee $25,364,500.00
Funded loan of 1907.............. ogi levee 559 030,700.00
Refunding certificates. 50,960.00
Loan of 1904.......5.
++ 100,000,000,00
Loa Of :1925):; x satessecrsesceasces secmaaes
62,315,400.00
Aggregate of interest-bearing debt, ex-
clusive of United States bonds issued
to Pacific railroads, as stated below.... $747,361,560.00
DEBT ON WHICH INTEREST HAS CEASED SINCE
MATURITY,
Aggregate debt on which interest has
ceased since maturity......cc.seeeceeeee $1,681,670.26
DEBT BEARING NO INTEREST,
United States notes..
Old demand notes..
National bank notes:
Redemption account............ aides
Fractional currency :
Less $8,375,934 estimated as lost or de-
stroyed, act of June 21, 1879...........
+ $346,681,016.00
: 54:847-50
23,706,619.00
6,893,394-14
Aggregate of debt bearing no interest.. $377,335,876.64
CERTIFICATES AND NOTES ISSUED ON DEPOSITS OF
COIN AND LEGAL-TENDER NOTES AND - PURCHASES
OF SILVER BULLION,
Gold certificates......cccccec cece eee e es seve $50,585,889.00
Silver certificates...... 3.42)409,504.00
Certificates of deposit .. 57,015,000.00
Treasury notes of 1890 ........ 141,092,280.00
Aggregate of certificates and Treasury
notes, offset by cash in the Treasury... $591,102,673.00
CLASSIFICATION OF DEBT NOVEMBER 1, 1895.
Interest-bearing debt.. ...............08 + $747,361,560.00
Debt on which tnlerest has ceased since aa
maturity........ vstbosratarereseasia Stasleowaaaa ciel 1,681,670.26
3771335876.64
Aggregate of interest and non-interest
Dearing debt.....cccceeeccceeceees canes $1,126,379,106.90
Certificates and Treasury notes offset by
an equal amount of cash in the Trea-
UAT Yi sseiias sia a essverecsiacave sealers Fe eeeeeeeseeeeenes 5Q1,102,673.00
Aggregate of debt, including certificates
and Treasury motes........ sseseeeeeae $1,717,481,779.90
CASH IN THE TREASURY,
Gold certificates... $50,585,889.00
Silver certificates.. .... .... 342,409,504.00
Certificates of deposit, act
JUNE 8, 1872 sc ccineeseccisceiens 57;015,000.00
Treasury notes of 1890..... + 141,092,280,00
$591,102,673.00
Fund for redemption of un- oe
current National bank
TOES is 2 aie cress sins syancepveib aragecnyana $8,250,722.82
Outstanding checks and :
drafts,........... a couayeveantdjniete 25323,028.84
Disbursing officers’ bal-
ANCES wis sc)c0006.00 on Siiieiotes arava 26,690,586. 34
Agency accounts, etc..... 3,822,601.39
Gold reserve... $92,943,179.00 —
Net cash bal- peers
41,086,939-39
ance. ....... 87,004,819.48
A te seeeeeeees 17999475998-48
Aggregate... .......1.s. Sidiacetarataactianaites nas lice $812,137,610.87
Cash balance in the Treasury, October
BE TEOS i eevinww asim nemistees: Aihomee ate $179,947,998-93
STATE, COUNTY, AND MUNICIPAL DEBTS.
The origin of State debts in the United States
dates from the Revolutionary War. The differ-
ent States contracted debts for war purposes,
very various in amount, but all toa considerable
degree ; and the Congress of the Confederation
promised to meet every claim with justice.
After the war, it was disputed as to whether the
Government should assume the debt of any
State. It was urged that as the Government
had taken over the customs duties, which previ-
ously had belonged to the States, it should with
this chief source of revenue take over also the
debts of the States. But the motion to assume
was carried by only two votes ; and while $21,-
500,000 was assumed, a balance of $4,000,000
was left unprovided for. In spite of this com-
promise, the States continued their borrowing
careers until $170,000,000 were scored against
them in 20 years. This money was declared to
have been spent as follows: 31 per cent., or
$52,640,000, were expended in aiding State
banks ; $60,201,551 were expended for canals;
nearly 25 per cent., or $42,871,084, were fur-
nished to railroads, and $6,618,958 for turnpikes
and macadamized roads, and the balance was
expended for several objects. Over $100,000,
ooo, therefore, were spent for internal improve-
ments.
The greater amount of this money had been
borrowed from British creditors. Before very
Debt.
long the States became uneasy under their bur-
den, and at last turned to the Federal Govern-
ment for relief,
In 1836 there was, as we have seen, a surplus
of over $40,000,000 in the Federal treasury, and
$37,468,859 of this Congress voted to divide
among the States in proportion to their popula-
tion, provided that the States would agree to
accept it, but authorize their treasurers to return
it on demand. It was to be paid in four
payments during 1837, three only of which were
actually made, the fourth being prevented by
the panic of 1837. For several years there was
an annual deficit, and the States could get noth-
ing. They werein great distress. In 1842 they
owed $198,818,736. A plan was presented for
assumption of the State debts by the Government.
This plan is said to have emanated from the other
side of the Atlantic. Benton says that ‘‘ these
British capitalists, connected with capitalists in
the United States, possessed a weight on this
point which was felt in the halls of Congress.
The disguised attempts at this assumption were
in the various modes of conveying Federal money
to the States in the shape of distributing surplus
revenue, of dividing the public land money, and
of bestowing money on the States under the
fallacious title of a deposit. But a more direct
provision in their behalf was wanted by these
capitalists, and in the course of the year 1839 a
movement to that effect was openly made
through the columns of their regular organ, Te
London Banker’s Circular, emanating from
the most respectable and opulent house of the
Messrs. Baring Brothers & Co.”
The British capitalists were willing to reduce
the interest one half if the Government would
assume the obligation. It was not done, how-
ever, and the indebtedness increased. The in-
debtedness of the Southern section was in-
creased far more after the war. Under the
guise of being needed for internal improve-
ments, many loans were negotiated under sus-
picious circumstances. In 1870 and in 1880 the
debts of the States stood thus :
1870. 1880.
New England States ....... $50,348,550 $49,969,514
Middle States........ 7 79,834,481 45,672,575
Southern States 174,486,452 113,967,243
Western States. 5 44,018,911 36,565,360
Pacific States... 2... 0.4... 45178)504 415479389
Total icsicissjeice sed siaistgia te 352,866,898 | $250,722,081
The reductions shown for 1880 were made by
the Middle and Western States by actual pay-
ments ; but this was not the case with the South-
ern States. Their $60,000,000 of reduction were
siecle by the much easier mode of repudia-
ion.
It is claimed, however, that the ‘“‘carpet-bag” debts
of the Southern States, under which some of them are
still suffering, were created during the reconstruction
period, when the south was at the mercy of adventur-
ers from the North and the ranks of the negro popula-
tion supported and protected by the Federal Govern-
ment. These burdens aggregated in 1871 some $291,-
626,015, distributed among the reconstructed States as
follows: Alabama, $52,761,917; Arkansas, $19,398,000 ;
Florida, $15,797,587; Georgia, $42,560,500; Louisiana,
$40,021,734; North Carolina, $34,887,464 } South Carolina,
475
Debt..
$22,480,516 ; Texas, $14,930,000; Virginia, $47,090,866. It
is claimed also that the debts of the Southern States
contracted from 1861 to 1865 were repudiated by order
of the Federal Government, so that the indebtedness
was due almost wholly to ‘‘carpet-bag”’ financiering.
The diminution in the total indebtedness of 1880,
which stood at the sum of $250,722,081, and is the in-
debtedness of 38 States, is partly due to this repudia-
tion. Recent years, however, have seen a very large
aren ee increase of municipal debts. Mr. Bryce,
in his 7he American Commonwealth (1st edition, vol. x
chap. 43), gives the following account of the growth of
these Gebts : “Municipal indebtedness has advanced,
especially in the larger cities, at a dangerously swift
rate. Of the State and county debt much the larwest
part had been incurred for, or in connection with, so-
called ‘internal improvements’; but of the city debt,
tho a part was due to the bounties given to volun-
teers in the Civil War, much must be
set down to extremely lax and wasteful
administration, and much more to mere
stealing, practised by methods to be
hereafter explained, but facilitated by
the habit of subsidizing, or taking
shares in, corporate enterprises which
had excited the hopes of the citizens.
“The disease spread till it terrified the patient, and
a remedy was found in the insertion in the constitu-
tions of the States of provisions limiting the borrowing
powers of State legislatures. Fortunately the evil had
been perceived in time to enable the newest States
(Minnesota, Wisconsin, Oregon, Kansas, Nevada, Ne-
braska, West Virginia, Colorado) to profit by the ex-
perience of their predecessors. For the last 30 years,
whenever a State has enacted a constitution, it has in-
serted sections restricting the borrowing powers of
States and local bodies, and often also providing for
the discharge of existing liabilities. Not only is the
passing of bills for raising a State loan surrounded with
special safeguards, such as the requirement of atwo-
thirds majority in each house of the legislature; not
only is there a prohibition ever to borrow money for,
or éven to undertake, internal improvements (a fertile
source of jobbery and waste, as the experience of Con-
gress shows); not only is there almost invariably a
provision that whenever a debt is contracted the same
act shall create a sinking fund for paying it off within
a few years, but in most constitutions the total amount
of the debt is limited, and limited to a sum beautifully
small in proportion to the population and resources of
the State. Thus Wisconsin fixes its maximum at $200,-
000 (£40,000); Minnesota and Iowa at $250,000; Ohio at
$750,000 ; Nebraska at $100,000; prudent Oregon at $50,-
000 5 and the great and wealthy State of Pennsylvania,
with a population now exceeding 5,000,000 (Constitution
of 1873, Art. ix. § 4), at $1,000,000. New York (Consti-
tution of 1846, Art. vii. §§ 10-12) also names a million of
dollars as the maximum, but permits laws to be passed
raising loans for ‘some single work or object,’ pro-
vided that a tax is at the same time enacted sufficient
to pay off this debt in 18 years; and that any such law
has been directly submitted tothe people and approved
by them at an election.
“(In 31 States, including all those with recent consti-
tutions, the legislature is forbidden to ‘give or lend
the credit of the State in aid of any person, association,
or corporation, whether municipal or other, or to pledge
the credit of the State in any manner whatsoever for
the payment of the liabilities present or prospective of
any individual association, municipal, or other corpo-
ration’ (Constitution of Missouri of 1875, Art. iv. § 45,
a constitution whose provisions on financial matters
and restrictions on the legislature are copious and in-
structive. Similar words occur in nearly all Western
and Southern, as well as in some of the more recent
Eastern constitutions), as also to take stock in a corpo-
ration, or otherwise embark in any gainful enterprise.
Many constitutions also forbid the assumption by the
State of the debts of any individual or municipal corpo-
ration.
“The care of the people for their financial freedom
and safety extends even to local bodies. Many of the
recent constitutions limit, or direct the legislature to
limit, the borrowing powers of counties, cities, or
towns, sometimes even of incorporated school districts,
to a sum not exceeding a certain percentage on the
assessed value of the taxable property within the area
in question. This percentage is usually 5 percent.
(e.g. Hlinois, Constitution of 1870, Art. ix. § 12), some-
times (e.g. Pennsylvania, Constitution of 1873, Art. ix.
§ 8) 7 per cent ; New York (amendment of 1884), 10 per
cent. Sometimes also the amount of the tax leviable
by a local authority in any year is restricted to a defi-
nite sum—for instance, to % per cent. on the valuation,
Municipal
Debt.
Debt.
(See, for elaborate provisions under this head, the Con-
stitution of Missouri of 1875.) And in all the States but
seven, cities, counties, or other local incorporated
authorities are forbidden to pledge their credit for, or
undertake the liabilities of or take stock in, or other-
wise give aid to, any undertaking orcompany. Some-
times this prohibition is absolute, sometimes it is made
subject to certain conditions, and may be avoided by
their observance. For instance, there are States in
which the people of a city can, by special vote, carried
by atwo-thirds majority, or a three-fifths majority, or
(in Colorado) by a bare majority of the taxpayers,
authorize the contracting of a debt which the munici-
pality could not incur by its ordinary organs of govern-
ment. Sometimes there is a direction that any munici-
ality creating a debt must at the same time provide
or its extinction by a sinking fund. Sometimes the
restrictions imposed apply only to a particular class of
476
Debt.
undertakings—e.g., banks orrailroads. The difference
between State and State are endless ; but everywhere
the tendency is to make the protection against local in-
debtedness and municipal extravagance more and
more strict; nor will any one who knows these local
authorities, and the temptations, both good and bad,
to which they are exposed, complain of the strictness.
“ Cases, of course, occur in which a restriction on the
taxing power or borrowing power of a municipality is
found inconvenient, because a costly public improve-
ment is rendered more costly if it has to be done piece-
meal.”
The following statement of the indebtedness
of the States and Territories in 1890 is compiled
from the abstract of the Eleventh United States
Census :
TOTAL Com- SCHOOL
BINED DEBT| PER CAPITA OF STATE County | MunictpaL} yrerprer
GEOGRAPHICAL DIVvI- Less SINK- | COMBINED DEBT. DEBT. DEBT. DEBT. DEBT.
SIONS. ING FUND. .
1890. 1890. 1880. 1890. 1890. 1890. 1890.
North Atlantic..........+..! $467,968,615| $26.89 $37.28 $25,140,357} $27,585,070] $405,572,083 $9,671,105
Maine .......... Saimees $15,600,777] $23.60 $35.81 $3,470,908 $434,346 $11,695,523 Bh, selalorelews
New Hampshire 8,148,362| 21.64 31-10 2,091,019 556,987 4)718,025 $182,337
Vermont...... 397851373] 1.39 13-54 148,416 5,108 3352Q,014 102,835
Massachusetts. 81,550,027} 36.42 51-55 7,267,349 4,051,830 70,230,848 sap wr aes
Rhode Island . 13,042,117] 37.75 46.91 422,983 a askes fs 33 125499,254 119,880
Connecticut..... 23,703,478) 31-76 35-33 31740,200 301547 18,322,371 1,610,360
New York........ 201,763,217| 33.64 43-06 2,308,230 10,936,638 187,348,163 1,170,186
New Jersey... : 491333589} 34-74 43-66 1,022,642 3s728,130 42,990,338 1,592,479
Pennsylvania............. 71,041,675 13.52 25.03 4,068,610 738415484) 54,238,547| / 41893,034
South Atlantic............. 165,107,113 18.64 22.10 89,652,873 7,825,561 67,610,380 18,299
elawats Seine wa Ys wel $2,919,084] $17.32 $16.17 $887,573 $618, 400 $1,413,111
Maryland .......... Serres 42,175,408} 40.46 44.31 8,434,368 893,776 32,847,264
District of Columbia ... 19,781,050] 85.86 126.66 19)78j;050| sgeesvaees| ~seeeeece ve
Wee it pinta 5018371315 30.70 30-09 3412271234 157741535 7418351546
ao 2. 2. 1 +32 2. I at ai 2 1,132,1
North Carolina . reeds 8.87 12.83 .7o5;8s Tide Bea pas
South Carolina . 13)295,037| 11-55 14.25 6,953,582 1,062,750 5279305
Gecrei= . . 2012724095 11104 1274 10,449,542 420380 993931173
seen cccensceesennce 2,176,619 5-5) 9-89 1,031,913 334,05) 10,04
North Central.............. 320,238,281 14.32 14-17 41,656,112 69,110,453 184,219,923 25,253,793
ee tiene teres vee $71,085,386 $19.35 $16.59 $79135,806 $7,797,005 $52,888,263 $3,244,372
diar 241442,631| 11.15 9-2 538,059 406,239 9-498)333] ees ee ee
ee a 41,841,649 10.94 15.07 1,184,907 11,016, 380 26,456,965 35183397
Wie pean 16,941,928 8 09 7-36 51308, 294 1,257,698 8,510,439 1,865,497
Yi sco . ve 10,440,580 6.19 9-19 25295391 1,529,681 6,303,605 311,903
Tp ameset ae : - 26,050,929} 20.01 14.51 24239)482 313275657 18,427,368 2,066,422
WA... . 3115275)319 5-90 5-01 2451435 31416,889 6,391,772 1,221,223
oe ieee 51,557,508} 19.24 27.79 1157591832 10,240,082 28,092,103 1,465)55t
Ss oe Dakoie’ 31842,790] 21.03 3-57 703,769 1)372,261 711,665 1,055,095
ou akota. 6,613,707| 20.11 8.82 871,600 254414334 1,197,520 2,103,253
Hebracks . 159539s772| 14.67 16.56 253,879 51510,175 71124,506 2,648,212
ansas.... 40,629,022} 28.47 15-97 1,119,658 14,805,052 18,617,384 6,086,928
South Central.......... Sea 138,255,311] 12.60 16.14 66,281,194 19:177,151 52,576,623 220,343
Kentucky ......... 2. $19,432,885] $10.46 $ 5
see a 9-09 $1,671,133 $5,712,463| $11,880,417 $168,872
Tennessee. 295543,843} 16.71 26.42 19,695,974 2,172,059 7,675,810 Ms
Alabama... 18,930,86 6
1aDama.. 930,867 12.51 14.2 12,413,196 1,433,321 5.084.350
ee : 6,011,347 4.66 4.38 31503,009 1,230,209 1,278,039
Texas... sare Ge | tee toca! eee “eas
Oklahoru: ee en DEY % 3 93175515 x89, 714 1920, 052
Arkansas......... 10,828,8 9.60 13-37 8,671,782 1,559,497 “ 580,042
Western 43,641, 122 14.41 13.85 6,266,853 21,349,810 14,484,052 1,540,408
Montana..... .
Wyoming *rerse| Sace | SEBS | SSRs] Seopa] Sécasial — Siasus
olorado, ie ’ 9983, 43,501 aiapeaceler ase
New Mexico oe $8.04 78.67 | 599,851 4,601,588 259551902 2531626
A 193153 44 0.71 70,000) 1,815,08 127,08 19370
Arizona 259371971 28 3 75085 | 9137!
Utah..... Veet 49. é 233 7575159] 19541414 200,165, 26,233.
Nevada i aay coe 3-09 On 8 Pe eeeeeees 49,859 997,042|. veneer oo
Idaho..... |"; aeoqaas| abee | pe 5091525 812,676]... veeee 15,300
Washington. 331457038 "9.08 Li: 238,403 15234)987 29,211 111,642»
regon 3175 Boo OF 5 3ae 300,000] 1,507,786 1,046,510 291,362:
California... 15,569,459 oes Pre 1,685] == go5,711 1,386,444 186,020
ae : . 2,522,325, 51379»403 71162,922 5041809):
otal...... adrineerjas weitere g ;
$1.135,210,442| $18.13 $22.40 $28,997,389] $145,048,045| $724,463,060 $36,701,948
Debt. 477 Debt.
The World Almanac gives the following cities of the United States as reported by their
statistics of the debts of some of the principal mayors for January 1, 1896:
‘ z Assessed Val-
CITIES. aoe Ee uated _| Net Public uation of all Fer Cent. Tax
: peetlony Debt Taxable Prop-| f Act Rate.
Miles. Jan. 1, 1896. . erty P-lal Value. .
IBOStOn MASS) 2. Gicisis ncaserne or eeemaiireniant 7 494,20 1§89,716 1,362,512 100 1.28
Brooklyn, N.Y... @ ae Bexg deostece ee Fo52362519 jo a: “74
Buffalo, N.Y... 42 350,000 12,024,608 234,651,400 Oo 1.62
Chicago, Ill... 189 I 750,000 17,188,950 2444476,825 a3
Cincinnati, O. 35 "365,000 26,560, 267 188,129,540 59 2.83
Cleveland, O.. 31% 345,000 5 950, 104 135,700,000 o- 2.87
Denver, Col..... 44% 150,000 2,032,000 66,903,380 33% I.12
Des Moines, Ia.. 54 75,000 "83,985 16,515,240 33% oe
Detroit, Mich... 28g 300,000 3,601,796 209,586,330 7o 1.57
Dubuque, Ia.. 15, 40,354 701,549 20,441 000 80 1.10
Duluth, Minn. 66 60,000 1)945)250 41/013,263 45 2.79
Indianapolis, Ind. 17% 155,632 1,877,500 106, 3731345 jo 1.65
acksonville, Fla. 83 30,000 1,000,000 13,000,000 80 1.18
ersey City, N. J.. 13 182,000 41596514 85,000,000 jo 2.75
45 4,684 2,306 25378 aes Sant
san Tancisco .... 859 65 794 42,926 22,673 20,033 108 rz
t. Louis..... see T)154 54 1,004 58,316 25,960 275334 24449 2,573
its PAW lis vasowevteczaasescee aeneie 454 40 406 16,442 8,116 1201 58 62
REPORTED FINANCES OF SCHOOL DISTRICTS, CENSUS OF 1890.
ORDINARY RECEIPTS.
STATES AND TERRITORIES,
Total Ordi- : Funds. :
nary Receipts. Taxation. and Rents. Miscellaneous.
The United States....... .c.cceeeeee Kenny oaadioly $39,619,440 $102, 164,796 $25,694,449 $11,760,195
North Atlantic division..... .......... .
ee ailentic GiVISION cine ncciasctons Sean Snes eee ee vee ad
ort t ivisi * 7 99799, 93°75 H
See oe “| sero || anette | Bish, | seinsst
Western division 3 10)294,621 51698, 562 317204158 875,901
tad Ane aaa Tied Bias HEIN alas e bepecenstan ee 10,330,117 6,134,832 2,961,500 14233) 785
ORDINARY EXPENDITURES.
Value of _
STATES AND TERRITORIES. Total Construe- | ,. : Buildings | Debt Less
Ordinary || Teachers’| tion and | Libraries . and oth Sinking
Expendi- || Wages. Care of | and Ap- quaecel: Property Fund.
tures, Buildings.| Patatus. eee ms
The United States $138
ct tebe eee 38,786,393|| $88,705,992! $24,224,793| $1,667,787] $24.18
7 16675787) $24,187,82r/|.......0 | $37,503,854
North Atlantic division .. Pipers alee
South Adlentic div on te Sap ease Sebeerites $10,687,174 $455,077] $8,475,536] 2. $0,6 y
North Central division... sere sz een £84277 88,721/ —1,257,650||._. eee 95 7105 Al
South Central. division. 9,860,0 8,209, oa eiaeg 7695134] 12)310,077]|. .- Pee
Western division........ Beavis SOO} | 770257 96,00r - 784,292 26,743;609
+ rt awie 918545544 6,161,768} 2,013,656 258,854 1,420,266 2205343
1,540,408
Education. 531 Education.
APPROXIMATE RELATIVE SECONDARY ENROLMENT AND POPULATION, 1840-90.
YEARS. Population. Approximate Secondary Enrolment.
17,069,453 Academies and grammar schools 164,159
23,191,876 Academies and other schools. + 261,362
315443y321 Academies and other schools. .... A 465,023
385558371 Academies, day and boarding schools -. speed te . *726,688,
50,155,783 ae published. '
HET VBE S ns sila safe Sues spas ib seTE a gwiaings. Ses wha eantiousteay Hhepetoesoteis 296,245
{ RUDI Cis io catecceis asihgeanare cueiem Sanjaata arti eels nse Blois vs ee3T,098 607,340
62,622,250
APPROXIMATE NUMBER OF PUBLIC SeHOOt HOUSES IN THE UNITED STATES FOR THE
ENSUS YEAR.
The United States..........c. cece eee e eee 219,992 South Atlantic division ............ cece eee eee 32,142
bee North Central division . @ 97,166
ee ee et South Central division.. ‘ 38,962
North Atlantic division ... ...... ec ee eee eee 42,949 Western division........ ........ eee we paves sa 8,773
nA The World Almanac for 1896 reports the following statistics as prepared by the United States Bureau of
ucation :
UNIVERSITIES AND COLLEGES OF LIBERAL ARTS IN THE UNITED STATES.
PROFESSORS AND
INSTRUCTORS. STUDENTS:
w
3 eee TOTAL NUMBER IN
z MENTS. ALL DEPARTMENTS.
STATES AND TERRITORIES, de M
1893-94. . g z 2 “ a P
o Po Aa go a po © 5 s 8
8 |sé&]| 2 | ssh| € | SB] 28 . 3 | &8
eo | #2 6s 5 25/25 s s os
3 eH & mH z, wh Se a Q aay ;
a aS to | os us | a ® o ae @
Bi da ga] 4 | da] Pal & | $a ; a a
= ao) £ |uao) ws ao |] So} 3 a [ao 2 5 38
2 | fA] 3 2a o | 2A | SA » So | eA 3 o 3
a fa Oo | & ao |e ° a a a a
North Atlantic division........ 76| 347] 1,799] 987] 3,073] 5,859] 18,945! 1,496] 397] 6,434] 30,821| 2,830] 33,655
South Atlantic UTE Oey oy 65| 280! 669] 246] 1,094] 5,226] 5,798} 405 29| 2,169| 11,507| 2,821 14,328
South Central division.. 85} 355) 679} 259] 3,204] 7,775] 8,041 92 45| 2,446] 15,036] 5,741] 20,777
North Central division. 208] 1,467| 2,600] 1,061] 4,609] 22,723| 23,914] 879] 501] 9,302] 45,083} 20,261] 65,344
Western division....... 42| 260; 516; 318] 977| 3,605] 3,717| 154 2I] gis 6,058] 3,474 91532
United States ceencesescaes eaves 476| 2,709] 6,263} 2,871] 10,897] 45,188] 60,415] 3,026] 993] 21,265) 108,505' 31,527| 143,632
INCOMES OF UNIVERSITIES AND COLLEGES OF LIBERAL ARTS IN THE UNITED STATES.
INCOME IN 1893-94.
From
United Libra- | Value of | Value of
STATES AND States Reneta ries, Scientific | Grounds | Produc-
TERRITORIES, Fem From (| Govern- ye ees Bound | Appara- Jand Build- tive
1893-94. Multi |Produc-|_ ment, Total ions. Vol- |tusand Li-| ings. Funds.
Fees tive State, or| Income. umes. braries.
ees. | Funds. | Munici-
pal Ap-
propria-
tions.
N. Atlantic div... .| $2,575,005] $2,861,588] $319,546] $6,447,531| $2,302,843] 2,463,650] $6,284,131] $38,905,076] $54,8
tic div.... . 7 545894,53
S. Atlantic div....] 475,646] 386,956) 247,856) 1,308,318} 196,505| 620,389 1,098,884 10,834,200 7,647,215
S. Central div.....) 532,872] 458,852 939476 3,203,350] 302,446] 372,641 5931295 8,599,828} 6,860,512
N. Central div.....} 2,009,011] 1,389,945] 114571926 514291270] 35370249] 1,806,240 3:659,577| 34,237,829] 25,628,695
Western division.} 263,972] 179,711) 492,052 9775143} 258531197] 234,037 944,000] 8,487,080] 3,496,099
United States..... $5,856,505] $5,277,052) $2,610,856] $15,365,612) $9,025,240] 5,496,957| $12,590,487] $101,064,013| $98,527,052
*The 100,000 evidently in public high schools offset more or less fully the elementary pupils in this line.
Education.
SPECIAL INSTITUT
532
Education.
IONS OF EDUCATION.
Value of Value of
No. of mee a No. of volumes Scientific Gronnée
1893-94. Institu- | Instruct- ils. 7 Appa- an
4 tions. ors. Pupils. | Library.|. dius. Buildings,
Commercial schools and business colleges ....... 335 1,999 99,654 vee | eee ee [ween eee
SCHOOLS FOR DEFECTIVE CLASSES. ;
Public boarding schools for the deaf.............- 49 626 8,275 | 711963 $13,899 | $10,160,160
Public day schools for the deaf.... % 12 46 418 1,050 175 223,500
Private schools for the deaf ..... 19 85 orr 3,085 25425 185,177
Public institutions for the blind...... sag: tata 35 348 31489 775045 21,810 6,189,436
Public institutions for the feeble-minded... 17 16x 636 tee . 4,062,520
Private institutions for the feeble-minded. 10 46 387 :
Theological schools ‘ 147 963 71658 sees .
Law schools....... ... 54 621 731t tees “
Dental schools .........- 35 794 4152 tere see ne
Pharmacy schools..... ... 35 283 3,658 rere icra gbres
Medical schools (Regular) .... 109 31977 14,538 waa -areatens
Medical schools (Homeceopathic),.... 19 478 41,666 wae | Seeger decane
THE COMMON SCHOOLS OF THE UNITED STATES.
Estimated 5
REPORTED BY THE STATISTICAL ABSTRACT OF : Pupils Average
THE UNITED STATES, 1895. See Enrolled. Attendance. ‘Teachers.
North Atlantic division 1... 0. .cseseseeseseseeeeee eens 45730,072 392939714 2,233,288 951464
South Atlantic division ., 3209,400 1,981,330 1,231,432 455338
South Central division... 4,185,34¢ 2,652,795 1,699,672 55;624
North Central division. 7,088,250 5) 382,263 3,601,503 172,401
Western division.......cceceesecceseceeeeterneeees at 886,321 650,180 443,001 19,704
‘United States. esasss cox iy aislevaexe aicinedis ) Bajos ae Baia _ 20,099,383 13,960,288 9,208,896 388,531
The average length of school term in the United
States was 139 days. The whole number of male
teachers was 125,317; female teachers, 263,214; paid
for salaries of superintendents and teachers, $108,-
476,638 ; total expenditures, $170,639,081.
(4) OTHER COUNTRIES,
In Great Britain the highest education is fur-
nished by the universities and detached col-
leges. Oxford, Cambridge, Durham, Owens
College (Manchester), the Scotch universities,
and Trinity and Queen’s in Ireland, are of
various dates ; the rest are quite new. In 1894
Oxford had 23 colleges ; Cambridge, 19; there
were 16 other colleges in England
and Wales ; 6 in Scotland, and 4 in
Ireland. There were in these 68
colleges 1361 teachers, of whom Ox-
ford and Cambridge had 93 each ;
Kings College, London, 140; Lon-
don University (which is only an examining
body, with power to grant degrees), 105 ; Glas-
gow, 89; and Dublin University, 64. There
were 21,167 students, of which Oxford had 3256
(undergraduates) ; Cambridge, 2839; Newcas-
tle, 2164 (in 1892, including evening students) ;
London University, 1093 (exclusive of its
schools) ; Kings College, London, 480 (and even-
ing schools of about 4000); Edinburgh, 2949 ;
Glasgow, 1878 ; Dublin, 1124. There are four
university colleges for women : Newnham (Cam-
bridge) and Girton College and Lady Margaret
and Somerville Halls (Oxford), and a college in
London and one in Edinburgh, with about 600
students in all. _There are also various techni-
cal, medical, agricultural, and other institutions,
Great
Britain.
but which, like the middle-class schools, are en-
tirely unorganized and of which no reliable
statistics are available. Middle-class education
in England is almost entirely in private hands.
Of elementary education the Statesman’s Year
Book for 1895, from which the above statistics
are taken, says:
,
“Up to the beginning of this century elementary
education in England was left almost entirely to the
care of the clergy of the Established Church. In 1808
the British and Foreign School Society was founded,
and in 1811 the National School Society, the latter being
under the authority of the Church. In 1833 Parliament
for the first time voted money to aid in the building of
schools. In 1839 a Committee of Council on education
was appointed to watch over the distribution of these
subventions. In the same year normal schools began
to be built and received aid from the Committee of
Council. In 1846 subventions were first given to in-
crease the salaries of teachers, and in 1847 Catholic
schools were admitted to these benefits, In 1853 grants
began to be given to schools according to the number
of pupils in attendance, and in 1862 the grants were
made to depend on examination results.
The Elementary Education Act of 1870 and subse-
quent amending Acts now regulate elementary educa-
tionin Englandand Wales. The central administrative
authority resides in the Education Department or Com-
mittee of Council on Education, consisting of Lords of
the Privy Council, with the President of the Privy Coun-
cil as President, and a member of the Privy.Council a8
Vice-President, who represents the department in the
ouse of Commons. Sufficient school accommodation
must be provided in every district for all the resident
children between the ages of 5 and 14._ ‘The boroughs
and parishes are, unless the educational requirements
are otherwise supplied, formed or ronped inte school
districts, each with its elected schoo board, which may
compel parents to send their children to school. In
boroughs and parishes where sch :
zequired scroul attendance commi P
o enforce the attendance of children. 7
there were in England and Wales diye catnet oe
embracing a population of 18,764,565, and 781 school ate
Education.
tendance committees embracing a population of 10,277,-
g6t. The obligatory subjects are reading, writing,
arithmetic, and (for boys) drawing, or (for girls) needle-
work. Optional subjects are singing, geography,
science, algebra, modern languages, cookery, etc. In
board schools unsectarian religious instruction is
iven ; in voluntary schools sectarian doctrines may be
inculeated. There are seven standards, and each pupil
should pass one standardevery year. When the fourth
standard is passed, the child, if r2 years of age, may
leave school. A ‘code’ providing in detail for the reg-
ulation of schools is annually prepared by the depart-
ment and submitted to Parliament. In 1891, by a fee
grant of 10s. for each child between 3 and 1s years of
age in average attendance, to be paid on certain con-
ditions to managers of public elementary schools, edu-
cation was rendered practically free in England and
Wales. On June 1, 1893, there were 19,534 Schools re-
ceiving the fee grant, and only 142 aehools had refused
it. .
As to compulsory education, says a Fabian
tract :
“The provisions of the Act of 1870 were very lax as
to compulsory attendance. Six years later a law
stated distinctly that the parent should be bound under
penalties to cause his child to receive elementary edu-
cation, and empowered School Boards and School At-
tendance Committees to make by-laws and to enforce
the compulsory clauses ; but not until 1880 were these
bodies left without choice, and compelled to make and
to profess to administer local rules for getting the
youngsters to school. As it stands the law is very
complicated, and varies from district to district. A
child may work half-time either inside or outside a
factory at 11 years of age. In both cases he must pass
the Standard for partial exemption (usually the third)
fixed by the local by-laws. In 1200 districts a profi-
ciency qualification is practically not enforced, ‘the
hole is so big that it will admit almost everybody ex-
cept an idiot.’ In a few places full-time employment
outside a factory or workshop may also commence
at 11.
On August 31, 1894, there were in England
and Wales 5151 Board schools, 11,897 National
Society schools, 503 Wesleyan, 985 Roman Cath-
olic, 1229 others. There were 50,689 certified
teachers, 26,067 assistant, and 28,379 pupil
teachers,
The question of Board schools vs. Church
schools in England is ‘‘a burning question.’’
Tho there is an active minority among them
that favor Board schools, the majority of the
Anglican clergy are bitterly opposed to them.
They strive to keep education just so far as pos-
sible in the hands of the Church. They advo-
cate and largely obtain the giving of school
funds to the support of Church schools, divided
among the various religious bodies in propor-
tion to their strength. They consider Board
schools atheistic and immoral. The intensity
of feeling on this point enters into and turns
many local elections. Complaints against this
system are incessant. Says a Fabian tract:
“Fourteen thousand six hundred and eighty-four
day schools, attended by 2,300,000 children, are yet un-
der private management. Tn many towns and districts
not a single school under public control exists; and
even in big towns, where school boards are energeti-
‘cally at work, their denominational rivals stubbornly
survive. If these privately managed institutions were
entirely supported by their pious patrons there would
be little ground foragitation. But the British taxpayer
iscompelled to find nearly four fifths of their funds,
tho, like the stupid, easy-going fellow he is, he permits
the so-called ‘ voluntary’ subscribers of the one fifth to
control the schools,
“In the majority of instances the clergyman of the
parish is practically the manager of the State-sup-
ported voluntary school. He appoints the teachers
and fixes their salaries, regulates the supply of school
materials, superintends the religious instruction, and
Kindly superee the teachers’ manners. .
e
“The chief blot on English education is the chaos
533
- certificate, or proof of aptitude is required.
Education.
which prevails above the primary schools. On each of
the three occasions when Matthew Arnold examined
and reported upon Continental systems of education,
he implored the English Government to organize Sec-
ondary and Higher Education. That was always the
burden of his educational song. His case could not be
refuted. ... Secondary education is the Arcadia of
private unregulated enterprise. Men who have been
driven out of other callings imagine that Heaven in-
tended them to manage a private school. Their en-
trance to the trade (it is not recognized as a profession)
is charmingly easy. No apprenticeship, experience,
a hey put
mysterious letters after their names to which no edu-
cational body can attach a meaning; they issue delu-
sive prospectuses ; they lure shabby-genteel people
into their parlors; and the thing is done.” :
The Board schools, however, are gaining be-
cause they are usually better, and the progress
toward popular education is marked. Says
the Labor Annual for 1895:
“The National Union of Teachers, numbering 25,000,
met in Annual Conference this year for the first time
at Oxford, and resolved that the granting of teachers’
certificates should be placed in the hands of an Educa-
cational Council on which primary teachers should be
adequately represented, ‘urther resolutions urging
the registration of teachers, formation of a Ministry of
Education, and the appointment of practical men as
inspectors were also passed. The National Union of
Teachers is destined to be the future Educational De-
partment under Collectivism, superseding the present
objectionable ‘ patchwork system.’
“The President advocated the formation of District
Boards of Education throughout the country, to con-
trol all primary and secondary work. The grant from
Imperial sources to such boards should be a fixed
amount per head of the school population—z.e., of the
number that ought to be in the school—paid quarterly,
and of sufficient amount, when added to the receipts
from local rates, to secure efficiency in every school,
whateverits difficulties or needs. Strict annual audits
of pre-estimated costs, termination of the school year
at the same date, a real inspector and adviser, anda
qualifying instead of an annual pass from class to class
would bring about the desired popular control, His
‘local control’ proposals were reaffirmed by the Con-
ference.
“Popular anticipations with regard to the Assisted
Elementary Education Act of 189: have been fulfilled,
and the years-long Socialist agitation for Free Educa-
tion more than justified. The number of scholars on
the registers rose from 4,824,623 in 1891 to 5,126,373 in
1893, an increase of nearly 214 per cent., the average at-
tendance increased by nearly 6 a cent., the cost per
head was reduced by 34¢@., and the Government grant,
which spells Seemed proportionately increased.
Only 132 schools refused the Government grant in 1893,
while of the 19,445 assisted ones, 15,914 were free schools.
Thus there were 4,236,867 free scholars and only 889,506
free-paying children.”
‘In Scotland from 1595 to 1872 elementary edu-
cation was regulated by the Act of James VI.,
which ordained that every parish should have
a school supported by revenues derived from
the land, the teachers being appointed on the
recommendation of the Presbyterian ministers.
By the Elementary Education Act of 1872, the
Scotch Education Department was instituted,
and each burgh and parish or group of parishes
was required to have a school board to admin-
ister both elementary and middle-class schools,
and to enforce the attendance of children from
5 to 14 years of age. In 1889, by a capitation
grant, education was made free for the compul-
sory standards; in 1891 an age limit, 5 to 14,
was introduced” (Statesman's Year Book).
There were 3105 inspected schools in 1893, of
which 2679 were public, free for the compulsory
standards. The average attendance was 542,-
851. In Ireland there were, in 1893. 8459
schools, with an average attendance of 527,060.
They were under the superintendence of a body
-Education.
of ‘‘Commissioners of National Education in
Ireland.’’ Of 8418 schools inspected, 3833 were
Roman Catholic and Protestant, 3485 non-Ro-
man Catholic, and 1110 Protestant. (For the
colonies, see AusTRALIA ; NEw ZEALAND.)
In France public education is entirely under
the supervision of the government., The high-
est schools are called facultés de Z’ Etat. There
are 15 facultés des lettres, 15 fac-
ultés des sciences, 15 facultés de
drott (law), 7 facultés de médicine,
2 facultés of Protestant theology.
In 1885 the Roman Catholic theo-
logical facultés were suppressed, but the Ro-
man Catholic universities exist still on condi-
tions. In 1896 there were 8782 students of law,
8685 of medicine, and 3076 of pharmacy. The
budget of 1895 devoted $2,546,463 to these fac-
ultés. There were also various special schools.
Elementary schools were little developed till
the middle of the century. In 1881 primary in-
struction was made free, and in 1882 obligatory
for children from 6 to 13. In 1886 all schools
were put under charge of laymen. In 1893-94
there were in France (and Algeria) 88,632 pri-
mary schools with 6,262,067 pupils ; 70,037 of
these schools were public. There were also 400
secondary public schools, with 95,877 pupils.
The money spent obligatory and voluntary for
elementary education in 1892 was $37,260,000.
The number of untaught children was 75,000.
The attendance law of France enacts that
‘primary instruction is obligatory for children
of both sexes between the ages of 6 years com-
plete and 13 years complete.’’ The parent is
summoned if the child is absent four half-days
inamonth. For repeated absences he may be
fined 15 frs. or sent to jail for five days. How-
ever, the local authorities have power to grant
individual children long holidays, and in prac-
tice the law is softened. No man may teach a
primary school under the age of 18.
Education in Germany is practically homo-
geneous, under a national system beginning
with the Volksschulen, or elementary schools.
Then come the Burgerschulen
and the Héhere Burgerschulen,
Germany. which fit the pupils for business
life. Children go to different
grades of schools according to what
the parents can pay. There are also Fortbzi-
dungsschulen, or continuation evening schools
for children of the working classes. The Gym-
nasta are the fully developed classical schools
preparing the pupil in nine years for the uni-
versity. The Progymnasza do not have the
highest classes. he Real gymnasita teach
Latin, but not Greek, and devote more time to
‘‘modern subjects.’’ Inthe Realschulen Latin
is wholly displaced in favor of modern lan-
guages. There are also numerous Gewerdbe-
schulen, or technical schools, polytechnica, nor-
mal schools, seminaries, etc. There were,
in 1895, 434 Gymnasta, 86 Progymnasia, 130
Real gymnasta, 109 Real progymnasia, 33
Oberrealschulen, 171 Realschulen, and 93
other schools. The number of elementary
schools was estimated at 56,560, with 7,925,-
ooo pupils. The immediate expenditure on
elementary schools was $60,600,000, of which
$15,823,000 came from State funds. School at-
France,
534
Education.
tendance is compulsory. Details vary in the
empire, but usually the school age is from 6
to14. There were, in 1894, 21 universities with
27,719 students, Of these 4979 were in Berlin
(besides 3471 non-matriculated students), 3067
at Leipzig, 3408 at Munich, 1535 at Halle, 1383
at Bonn ; 4573 studied theglogy, 7506 law, 8410
medicine, and 7230 philosophy.
Austria had, in 1892, 18,874 elementary
schools, with 3,220,452 pupils, 176 Gymnasza,
76 Realschulen, and 8 universities with 13,383
students, 4919 being at Vienna.
Hungary had 16,942 elementary
schools, with 2,232,315 pupils, 153 Austria.
Gymnasia, 33 Realschulen, and
3 universities, with 4661 students,
3604 at Budapest. There were also seven.gov-
ernment technical high schools and 2121 special
technical institutes in Austria with 449 in
Hungary.
In Switzerland there is no centralization of
schools, but in all the cantons elementary edu- .
cation is compulsory and primary instruction
free. Compulsory education is not,
however, enforced in all the Roman
Catholic cantons. There were 5 uni- Switzerland.
versities, 174 professional and in-
dustrial schools, 38 normal schools,
485 secondary, 8391 primary and 679 infant
schoolsin 1894. There were, in 1894, 2982 stu-
dents in the 5 universities and the academies of
Fribourg and Neufchatel. Of these 1278 were
foreigners.
In Neufchatel attendance is compulsory up to
16 years of age; but after 13 only 10 hours a
week are enforced. Berne demands five sixths
of the possible attendances to be made between
6 and 15. At Zurich, the paradise of educa-
tion, the law is equally stringent. Children
must attend the primary school between 6
and 13, and the secondary school between 13
and 16, unless exempted for special reasons.
But out of a population of 105,000 only 200 chil-
dren who are less than 16 years old have left
school, Attendance is required every day, and
penalties are inflicted for 10 absences.
In Berne no one can teach under the age of
19, and in Zurich no one under 20. In all Swit-
zerland the maximum number of pupils in a
room is 50, and it is usually less. Definite in-
struction in the religion of the majority is given
in the popular schools. An article in the Swiss
Constitution commands that ‘‘ the public schools
shall be capable of being attended by adherents
of all confessions without injury to their free-
dom of faith and conscience.’’ No difficulty
has arisen. Catholic instruction is given in
Catholic cantons like Lucerne; Protestant in
cantons like Zurich,
Sweden has 2 universities with 2084 students,
and in 1893 had 75 public high schools, 25 peo-
ple’s high schools. “In 1893 there were 10,889
elementary schools with 705,905
pupils. The expenditure for eéle-
mentary schools was $5,000,000, of Other
which about one quarter came from Countries.
the State. Norway in 1891 had
6144 public elementary schools
with 232,356 pupils, and 1749 classes with 555371
pupils. There were 82 public secondary schools
with 11,044 pupils, and 86 private schools, There
Education.
were 6 normal schools and 1 university. Edu-
cation is compulsory.
Denmark has 2940 elementary schools with
231,940 pupils, 22 agricultural or horticultural
schools, 67 high schools, 31 Latin schools, 99
commercial or technical schools, and several
colleges. Elementary education has been com-
pulsory since 1814. Russia had, in 1893, about 9
universities with 13,470 students, 22 higher
schools, 618 middle class schools for boys, 373
for girls. In 1887 there were 46,880 elementary
schools with 408,721 pupils. The total contri-
bution for schools in 1894 was about $30,000,-
ooo. These statistics, however, cannot be con-
sidered as complete.
In‘Holland education is not compulsory nor
necessarily free. Education is, however, largely
regulated and supported by the State. There
are 4 universities, 152 intermediate schools, 2993
public elementary schools, 1331 private and 991
infant schools. Belgium has 4 universities,
various special schools, 34 royal athenzeums and
colleges, 132 middle-class schools, 5777 private
535
Education.
schools, 1321 infant and 1796 adult schools,
These are public, but there are many private
schools and colleges, mainly under ecclesiastical
care.
In Italy there were, in 1893-94, 21 universities
with 19,441 students, 1698 special, superior, com-
mercial, normal, and technical schools and col-
leges, 5946 evening schools, 46,569 public pri-
mary schools, 11,708 irregular or private pri-
mary schools, 2572 infant schools. Only the
lower grade education is compulsory. Relig-
ious instruction is given when parents wish it.
The instruction in all schools, public and pri-
vate, isregulated by the State. The elementary
schools are mainly supported by the communes.
The universities are maintained by the State,
other schools are aided.
The following table, from the Report of the
United States Commissioner of Education for
1889-90, gives a comparative view of education
in Europe and America between Kindergarten
and university, arranged according to ratio of
children in school :
ofan of
Date of ; : Se Tae
Census | Popu- | Date of peearer t a oo es Pay Tuition
COUNTRIES. or lay lation. Report. | in School.| lation. per capita or not.
AUBLE: of Popu-
lation.
United States (entire)........+.... 1890 62,622,250 1890 1453779536 23-3 2.24 Free,
Bavaria...... seteeeeeees aiascarcetbie's, 1890 5)589,382 1890 1,187,792 21.2 . Pay and free
ite aes
ANAGA.. 02225 ce weet eee ee ene wee 1891 4,829,411 1889 998,823 20.8 1.85 ree.
Baden. .cccccssceccsccscccevesces 1896 1,656,817 1889 342,764 20.6 sees Pay and free
schools.
Saxony ceeerccecceee oe eematies a 1890 3,500,513 1889 706,946 20 2 2.28 Free.
PLUSSIA... sees eee renee eee eee: ig 1890 29,959)388| *1890 51874,390) 19.6 1.86 Pay and free
‘ hat oo
WIPETIANE cceepew cemguuewdssmsias 1888 2,917,740 1890 570, 19.5 2.03 ree.
Western States (United States). 1890 seater i856 ee 19.0 3.34 Do.
Wiirtemberg .........-.--.6- sina 1890 250355443 1889 388,262 19.0 ° 1.67 Pay and free
schools.
Germany (Empire)....sess.eeeeeee 1890 49)421,064 1890 91300,000 18.8 fees
TWD oc scnenietie aac 1890 76,485] *1890 14,403 18.7 2.17 Free.
Bremen bee eeeenee 1890 180,443 1890 32,191 18.0 1.94 Do.
Finland ..... 1889 2)305,916 18g0 406,966) 17.6 t.50 Pay and free
i schools.
England and Wales........ aeiaatielass 1891 29,001,018 1890 4,825,560 16.6 1.30 Do.
Scotland : 1891 41033)103 1890 664,466 16.4 1.40 Free.
Great Britain and Ireland........ 1891 37)888,153 1890 6,184,858 16.3 eee Fay ries free
schools.
Hamburg........ 1890 622,530 1889 96,356 15.6 packs Free.
Norway ... . . 1891 1,199,176 1888 308,507 15.4 -80 Pay and free
schools.
1890 45784675 1890 736790 15-4 +70 Do.
1891 38,343,192 1889 538075157 t6r 1.34 Free.
oe 1891 4,706,162 1890 694,832 14-7 1.05 Do.
Netherlands, The............+6 1890 4,564,565 1890 657,611 14.2 1.42 Pay and free
‘ schools,
Belgium.......cssccsceseesees scenes 1890 6,147,041 1890 827,958 13.5 1.60 oO.
Austria 18g0 23,8955413 1889 3)132,088 13.0 t.22 Do.
Austria-Hungary 1890 41,231,342 1889 5,312,656 12.9 aa
Hungary......... 1890 1753359929 1889 2,180,568 12.6 +42 Do.
Denmark. 1890 2,185,159 1885 239,940 11.0 1.54 Do.
Spain. 1887 17,550,246 1885 1,859,183 10.6 +.2r Do.
Italy... 1890 30,158,408 1889 25733)859 9-6 t.79 Do.
Greece .... . 1889 2,187,208 1884 140,155 ae ere
Portugal ...... wiaipiald areiouvemuaetaiies : 1881 4,708,178 1887 276,688 5-9 +25 Pay and free
schools.
Bulgaria ..cccccssccescoeece sens oes 1890 391545375 1890 371,983 5.5 t.12 Free.
RUSS 1a ssc, ss srecciereares 2 ‘euseen Geer ane 1889 95,870,810 1890 *3,000,000) 3.1 ae Pay and free
schools.
SCrVidwan eas ves a hepienas.5Ge cores asian 1891 2,162,759 1889 58,575 2.7 t.23 Free.
Turkey . ¥1885 45786545 1882 126,471 2.6 casise Small fee.
RoumMania..ies svsesaseccscies voensece #1887 5)500,000 1890 138,800 2.5 t.20 Free.
* Estimated.
+ From State only.
Education. Education.
536
students. The attendance stated for the for-
The following table of the world’s larger uni- ‘he a ‘
eign universities is that of winter 1890-91 :
versities is arranged according to number of
UNIVERSITIES, 2a UNIVERSITIES. ae
esew Duitinn Seatotaty Hone ipaiasbipiala aie ote 95215 Northwestern (Evanston, IIl.)..........006+ 2,413
6,220 Yale (New Haven).........-.+ 2,400
5)527 Minnesota...... ish 2,400
5)527 Prague (Bohemian).. 2,361
5,013 St. Petersburg..... 2,200
p 4,328 Glasgow........ 2,180
Edinburgh 3,623 Lake Forest (I 25136
Munich........ 33551 Ean nas wie 2,052
udapest.. 95) alifornia....... Steines 2,000
lene a ee Columbia (New York). 14943
Moscow. 39473 Lowen (Louvain) .... 1,891
LSIPZ Sie swienae spvavemnns ioipaie 39458 Chicago see caves ie 1,850
Harvard (Cambridge, Mass). 3,290 Copenhagen .. 1,820
Pratt Institute (Brooklyn).... 33195 Nottingham 1,805
Madrid.... ie ae 3,182 Brussels..... 15795
Michigan .. 3,000 Dorpat... 1,784.
Pennsylvani sents 24500 Oxford... 1,782
IV. NEED oF REFORM.
In the United States the most striking need
of reform is in the largest cities. Says Professor
Waetzoldt, of Berlin (quoted in the Report of
the Commissioner of Education for 1892~—93) :
“ It is almost ludicrous to say that compulsory edu-
cation is generally adopted in the United States. To
understand that neglected children are not disposed to
go to school, we must visit the labor quarters of cities
ike New York, Chicago, etc., and see the children
come out of the factories... .
“According to authentic reports from New York,
not more than 72 per cent. of all children who should
go to school can be induced to do so; 28 per cent.—the
street Arabs—never attend school. The greater num-
ber of these 72 per cent. attend only during three to
four months of the year, and only about 30 percent. go
for four consecutive years. Statistics referring to
these conditions, however, are always very imperfect.
We naturally ask, ‘What reason have children for
staying away from school?’ I have at hand the last
school report from Chicago, The school year extends
from one summer vacation to the other, froma Septem-
ber till June, and the committee of investigation found
that during the year 1891-92, 12,900 children missed
school from insufficient causes; 9275 were notorious
loafers and idlers, who could not be forced into school.
Among these youths crime finds its recruits. The
other 3130 cases are thus accounted for: 504 children
did not goto school because they worked away from
home; 362 were obliged to work at home; 571 were
kept at home by parents disapproving of education; 25
because of physical deformities ; 390 victims of poverty
stayed at home for want of clothing. In all Chicago 32
only had private lessons at home; 879 were always
sick ; 395 were absent for unknown reasons; 65 were
ou the required age, tho still deficient in Enowl-
edge.
“ As many as 1336 children never attended school on
account of the indifference of their parents, the de-
pravity of the father, or the incorrigibility of the chil-
dren themselves. The reasons given for the latter
were intemperance of parents, the father being away
from home, or entire abandonment by both father and
mother. Seventy-four boys, children between 13 and
14 years of age, declared that their fathers drank
smoked, and never came home at night ; 500 boys were
said to_be in the house of correction ; too in prison,
These figures certainly show a very bad state of af-
fairs; but we must remember that a city like Chicago
grows by the influx of people from ail parts of the
earth, who are not always the worthiest. The follow-
ing statements are much worse. In spite of all labor
legislation and supervision of factories in the United
States, certificates for permission to work are given to
children who should be going to school. In Chicago.
during one year, such certificates were given to 1077
children, 484 of whom were girls 3.98 of these children
were ro years old ; 115, rr years old ; 342, 12 years; and
522,13 years old. The reasons why certificates for per-
mission to work were given in these cases were because
the children were poor, or orphans, or had been aban-
doned by parents, and, most frequently, that the boy
might not become addicted to intemperance.”
Of New York the Outlook of August 17, 1895,
says: ;
““The recent conference of Good Government Clubs
in the metropolis regarding the public schools brought
out some astonishing and disgracefulfacts. The aver-
age salary of teachers and supervisors in the public
schools in New York is onl 677, as against $762 in
Brooklyn, $780 ‘n Chicago, $808 in Cincinnati, $883 in
San Francisco, and $1000 in Boston. The expense per
head of the school population, from five to 21 years of
age, isin the metropolis only $6.08, as against $6.74 in
Cleveland, $7 in Chicago, $7.07 in Cincinnati, $8.81 in
San Francisco, and $11.70 in Boston. The value of the
school property per head of school population, from
five to 21 years of age, is in New York only $42.60, as
against $54.80 in San Francisco and $81.18 in Boston.
In New York City the number of children not in any
school amounts to 38 per cent. of the school population,
as against 30 per cent. in Boston .”’
Of Brooklyn, Mr. Maxwell, Superintendent
of the Schools in that city, says:
“Tn order to ascertain the efficiency of the city school
system, a test was recently made of the proficiency of
upils in the first, second, and third grammar grades.
he subject of the examination was geometry, at-
tention being paid also to the use of language made in
the written papers. It was supposed that no subjects
could have been chosen that would more thoroughly
and justly reveal the worth of the instruction the pu-
pils were receiving. The result of the examination is
not one upon which the schools can be congratylated.
‘““The examination pepe came from 172 classes.
Of these the papers of only four were found ‘very
good,’ 26 ‘good,’ and 46 ‘fair,’ while 55 were ‘ poor,’ 16
i beat poor,’ and 25 ‘failures.’ A majority of the
pupils apparently did not know what an obtuse angle
or an isosceles triangle is; their methods of demonstra-
tion were clumsy and indirect; they evidently de-
pended more upon parrot-like memory than upon their
‘Teasoning powers; and their use of the English lan-
guage was inaccurate, slovenly, and incoherent to a
deplorable degree. These facts indicate unmistakably
that both in quantity and in quality the instruction
given is seriously at fault. The children are not
taught many things which they should be taught, and
they are taught few if any things in the right man-
ner.
“The people of Brooklyn pay about $2,000,000 a year
for the education of about 100,000 children in the pub-
lic schools, or $20a year for each child.”
The fact is that neither in Brooklyn, New
Education.
York, Boston, nor Chicago is there seating capac-
ity for all the children if they did attend. It is
generally admitted that one teacher
cannot instruct with the best results
more than 35 or go pupils. Yet in
Brooklyn, in 1893, of 377 classes,
231 had between 60 and 70 pupils ;
65 between 7o and 80; 22 between
80 and 90; 18 between go and 100; 2 between
Ioo and 110; 16 between 120 and 130; 4 be-
tween 130 and 140; 2 between 140 and 150;
1 had 158 pupils. In 1894 only 1800 additional
sittings were offered to meet an annual increase
of 5000. The Report of the Committee on
School Houses in Boston in December, 1894,
describes the situation there as of ‘‘ great pub-
lic exigency.’’ High schools built to accommo-
date 150 suffice for 272 pupils. In Minneapolis,
of 16,000 children enrolled in the first three
grades, one third can receive only half-day ses-
sions. In Philadelphia 8000 are similarly un-
cared for. In Milwaukee 2478 children. In1893,
it was estimated that there were 35,000 persons
of school age who did not attend school, some
of them refused admission, and over 3000 pu-
pils were in unfit rented rooms.
Inthe Forum for 1892-93 is a series of studies
of the schools in the larger cities of the United
States by Mr. J. M. Rice. Summing up his
findings, he says (Forum, vol. xv., p. 506):
“In quite a number of cities the schools have ad-
vanced so little that they may be regarded as repre-
senting a stage of civilization before the age of steam
and electricity. In other cities we find schools that are
just awakening to the fact that progress has been
made in the spiritual as well as in the physical world,
and in still others we find schools that have already
advanced considerably along the line of progress... .
My classification, however, applies more fully to the
primary than it does to the grammar
grades, as in the different cities the for-
City Schools, mer vary much more markedly than
the latter. ... The general educational
spirit of the country is progressive, the
schools of large numbers of our cities now laboring in
the right direction. But we must never forget that in
the United States each community conducts its schools
independently, so that the favorable condition of the
schools in one locality reflects absolutely no credit on
those who manage the schools of another locality.”” In
New York he finds schools ‘‘so unsanitary as to be unfit
for the habitation of human beings.” ‘There is abso-
lutely noincentive toteach well. ... Ateacher scarce-
ly imperils her position by doing exceedingly poor
work. ... Teachers are very rarely discharged even
for the grossest negligence and incompetency....
Nearly all appointments are made by ‘pulls,’ merit
being a side issue.” In Boston, he finds not these evils,
but others. The system is not mechanical. Teachers
are carefully selected, usually for merit, and allowed
liberty, under competent superintendents. The fer
capita cost of instruction is particularly high. Some
of the grammar schools are among the best in the
Lack of
Sittings.
country, but in the primary grades they fall “far -
short of what they ought to be.”” They are “purely
mechanical drudgery schools.’’ Boston schools were
once, Mr. Rice believes, among the best in the country.
Now “it would appear as if the Boston schools had
during this time been resting, meanwhile allowing
the progressive schools to run ahead.” The schools of
Philadelphia are ‘‘a striking example of the difficulties
involved in advancing schools, when those in authority
use their offices for selfish purposes, ... and... the
evilsconsequent upon a school system conducted with-
out a responsible head.” The public schools of
Chicago are“ not in advance of those of New York or
Philadelphia,” and even ‘‘the least progressive of the
three.”’ Phe principal cause of this is ‘‘ the marked lack
of professional strength on the part of the teachers.”
The schools of St. Paul, Minneapolis, and Indianapo-
lis, Mr. Rice finds much better. In St. Louis, he says,
“we have an example of how sad the lot of the child
may become when the superintendents not only do
practically nothing toward raising the standard of
537
Education.
the teachers, by instructing them in the science of
education, but when they do much to depress them
by examining their classes, and judging them by re-
sults alone.” Of Baltimore he says: * Until a national
change is effected, those attending the schools of that.
city will be doomed to a miserable childhood.”
But it is not only the cities where many chil-
dren are growing up without schooling. Says
Professor Waetzoldt (see above) :
“Consider the number of school daysin a year in the
United States. The annual average is only 134.3. IL
believe in Berlin we have no less than 240. Saturdays.
are holidays throughout America. The 134 school
days are an average of terms varying greatly in dif-
ferent States. Inthe North Atlantic States, for in-
stance Massachusetts and New York, there are 166
days in a school year; inthe South Atlantic States,
for instance Maryland and Virginia, 97; in the South
Central States, for instance Tennessee and Kentucky,
88; and in the Western States, 135 days; New Jersey
averages the greatest number of school days, 192: and
North Carolina the least, 59; Illinois has 148.
“The obligatory course ostensibly requires an at-
tendance of eight years, from the sixth to the four-
teenth year. The course of the so-called primary
school covers the first four years; the primary school
prepares for the grammar school, the course of which
likewise requires four years. In round numbers, 12,-
697,000 pupils out of the 62,500,c0o inhabitants of the
Union attended these elementary schools during 1890.
Of these 12,697,000 only 8,144,000 children attended every
day of the average 88 to 135 school days; that is to say,
only 64 percent. attendedregularly. Every day of the
average 135 days, 36 out of every 100 pupils, or one of
every three, a very large proportion, missed school.
The best attendance is found in Massachusetts. In
that State it is 73.7; in South Carolina, 73.4; and in
New Mexico, 80 per cent. But this happy Slate has
only 63 days in a school year. To forma just estimate
of the general statistics referring to attendance at
school, proper allowances must be made for the greater
or fewer number of school days inthe year....
“ According to available statistics, the schools of
Minnesota are the ones in which attendance is poorest,
the number of school days during the year are 120, and
only 45 pupils out of every 100 attend. This is prob-
ably too small an average, for Minnesota, I believe,
ossesses excellent schools. Evenin a State as old as
aryland, in which Baltimore is situat-
ed, only 55 out of every roo pupils at-
tended school regularly. Inthe United
States the average number of days with
a full attendance were 86 out of the 134—
namely, a proportion of 4o days non-at-
tendance to every pupil. In North Car-
olina the number of days of full attendance averaged
37 out of 59; in Massachusetts, 135 0ut of 177 ; in the Dis-
trict of Columbia (the city of Washington with its sub-
urbs), 135 out of 178; in New York, 115 out of 186, and in
Illinois, 107 out of 148.
“The average attendance at school throughout the
United States covers four of the eight years ; in large
cities five to six years; in the South sometimes only
one year, occasionally a few months only. This cir-
cumstance easily explains the policy of many cities in
omitting all studies not absolutely necessary, eventu-
ally limiting the course to the three R’s—‘reading,
’riting, and ’rithmetic.’”
Another evil that Professor Waetzoldt points
out is the low pay of teachers, and conse-
quently the number of inferior teachers. He
says (2dent) :
Country
Schools,
‘The entire school expenditure of the city of Chicago,
with a population in 1892 approximating 1,614,000,
amounted to $4,015,000, OF 16,800,000 marks. Two and
a half million dollars, considerably more than one half,
was appropriated for salaries. Salaries of principals
of grammar schools are divided into
groups proportionate to the number of
classes and pupils in their schools and
the amount of work to be done. The
first group of principals of grammar
schools receive $1oso the first year, and the salary in-
creases every year until it amounts to $1200. The
second group ranges from $1200 to $r4oo, the third
oe from $1400 to $1600, and the highest group front
$2300 to $2500.
Principals of primary schools begin with $1050, and.
never receive more than $1600. Inacity like Chicago,
Politics.
Education.
where a working man receives onan average of $2a
day, men and women teachers in primary schools be-
gin with $400, or 1620 marks, for the first year. The
second year they receive $475; the third, $575; the
fourth, $650; the fifth, $700; the sixth and the follow-
ing years, $775; 7. e., teachers can receive as high as
3250 marks—a proportionately small sum considering
the necessity of the position, with no pension, no pro-
vision for widows, etc., attached.. Teachers in gram-
mar schools are somewhat better situated; they re-
ceive $450 the first year, then $525, increasing in eight
ears to $800, or about 3350 marks, Substitutes receive
go a day, after they have been tried six months.
The so-called school cadets—pupil teachers, in fact,
whose employment was a necessity in years past in
Prussia—also receive 73 cents a day for their work,
which they perform under the supervision and guid-
ance of aregular teacher. When we compare the pur-
chasing power of a mark anda dollar, we understand
that small salaries are the reason the teacher’s pro-
fession receives so few accessions. ...To merely
touch the question of the normal training of teachers
ina word, Americans themselves best know that on
the average it is still inadequate. The minority of
teachers are educated at normal schools. The ever-
changing board, the superintendent, or occasionally a
lower official, often influenced by politics, decides upon
ateacher’s capacity. A definite educational policy
is not prescribed, and there is no uniform examina-
tion. ...
“‘T very well know that America has excellent insti-
tutions and brilliant teachers, but we must not look
only at the flower so willingly held outto us. We must
not limit ourselves to cities renowned for their schools ;
we must ask how matters are in general. According
to the judgment of a very competent American school-
teacher, the work donein normal schools does not com-
pare with that of aGerman seminary. Pedagogically
and scientifically restricted, the teacher naturally be-
comes dependent. The principal and inspector instruct
him weekly and even daily, prescribing the daily les-
sons in every detail. Thus the opinion gains credence
that the achievements of a school are attributable to
the board and inspectors, and not to the teachers.
Teachers must first be prepared.
“There is no professional body of teachers with de-
terminative poves no faculty meetings that have de-
cisive disciplinary and other powers. In many cities
the teacher is a poor day-laborer, who earns his bread
in sorrow and fear of the Damocles sword of loss of
position which hangs over his head. Inthe whole coun-
try there is no profession of teaching which rests onan
average uniform education, the consciousness of pro-
fessional work and its magnitude ; the nation, as such,
does not recognize it. Teachers have no representa-
tive corporation ; what we hear of the national associa-
tion of teachers and the great congresses are, with very
few exceptions, all efforts emanating from secondary
and higher schools, in which only principals, inspec-
tors, etc., participate. This deficient professional
preparation of the public-school teacher is, next to
political influence, the most vulnerable point of the
whole American school system. It is evident that the
achievements of even a highly gifted people must fall
below a high standard under such a régime.”
Of politics in the public-school system Pro-
fessor Waetzoldt says :
“In many cities the administration and superintend-
ence of schools, the appointment of teachers, and pro-
motions are purely political questions. Change of party
rule often brings about a change of the whole person-
nel of schools, from commissioners and superintendents
down tothe ranks of the teachers. This, together with
other things, creates a want of stability in American
schools ; there are no traditions of pedagogic experi-
ences, neither ina school norinacity. How different
in Germany! What an abundance of traditions and
pedagogical experiences are collected in a normal
School 100 years old! In America hasty experiments
replace the slow growth in Germany. The new prin-
cipal, the new member of the school board, and the
new administration are too impatient to carry out
their political and moral views and ideas during their
term of service. Noone has time to finish his work.
for he does not know how long he may be engaged in
it; but everybody experiments. On the other hand
this constant enanging is an advantage to education :
nowhere outside of America are new ideas more easily
brought to light and put into practice.”
But perhaps the deepest evil in our schools is
538
Education.
the lack of moral teaching. Until this century
moral teaching has gone principally with relig-
iousteaching. The modern divorce
of Church and State, the opposition
of secularists to all religious teach- Immorality,
ing, and, above all, the opposing
views of Protestant, Roman Catho-
lic, and other religious bodies, having led to the
disuse of religious teaching in public schools, a
lowering of the tone and the time given to moral
teaching has almost inevitably tho not necessa-
rily followed. The coming of the children of
ignorant emigrants into the public schools has
increased the difficulty, while many of our native
children have developed immorality equal to that
of the foreign element. Many parents fear to
send their children to public schools, and yet it
is not proven that the moral tone of most pri-
vate schoolsis better. ‘‘ In the month of Decem-
ber, 1881, a California State Teachers’ Institute
was held in San Francisco. With scarcely a.
dissentient voice it was declared that the chil-
dren of our public schools were addicted to lying
and dishonesty. ... A committee of Massa-
chusetts ladies made a report declaring that the
‘teachers almost universally complain of the
prevalence of lying, stealing, profanity, and
impurity among their scholars.’ (The School.
Question, pp. 97, 115.) A writer in the A?-
lantic for May, 1894, argues that more atten-
tion is being given to the teaching of moral
purity, but says that in a large class of young
women graduates of pubiic schools, in one of
our older States, all but two confessed to hear-
ing in their early life in the public schools
what they could never forget, tho no words
could express the longing they felt to blot it
from their memory,
This statement of the immorality of the pub-
lic schools is not to be confused with the Roman
Catholic assertion that they are ‘‘ godless,” tho
Roman Catholics and some others connect the
two propositions. For a discussion of religion
in the public schools see article under that head-
ing. All believe, however, that in some better
way than at present morals and ethics need to
be taught in public and private educational in-
stitutions, and all agree that the lack of this is
among the most serious evils of the present
time.
In regard to universities, the main need is in-
creased provision for research and ampler en-
dowments, with a vastly increased system of
scholarship for promising stu-
dents. Mr. Charles F. Thwing
(Forum, vol. xviii., p. 630) states Universities,
that the average cost of a student :
per year at the better colleges is
larger than the total income of the average
American family. He says that every element
in the cost of an education has increased in the
last 60 years three or fourfold. To-day ahigher
education for most people is impossible. Says
Kidd, in his Seiad Evolution: ‘‘Even from
that large and growing class of positions for
which high acquirement or superior education
is the only qualification, and of which we con-
sequently (with strange inaccuracy) speak as if
they were open to all comers, it may be per-
ceived that large proportions of the people are
excluded—almost as tigorously and as abso-
Education.
lutely as in any past condition of society—by
the simple fact that the ability to acquire such
education or qualification is at present the ex-
clusive privilege of wealth.’’
V. Prorosep REFORMS.
The more radical proposals of the extreme in-
dividualists who would abolish all State schools,
and of the socialists who would carry State com-
pulsory education, we consider later. Special
reforms as to the teaching of Temperance, and
as to Industrial Education, Evening Schools,
Normal Schools, University Extension, are con-
sidered under these special heads.
As to insufficient school accommodation, the
only remedy is the granting of enough appro-
priation to provide adequate accommodations.
Of New York City The Outlook of August 17,
1895, Says :
“The city has already invested $25,000,000 in school
property, but it is not too much to say that during the
next decade an equal sum will be needed to provide
properly for its needs in both teachers
and buildings. At present the latter
are not large enough, are overcrowded,
have too little ventilation, with insuffi-
cient air and light, and are often un-
healthfully located and have few good playgrounds.
The enormous population in the congested districts of
the metropolis makes these deficiencies specially piti-
able. Mr. Augustus Johnson makes a good suggestion
in respect to these districts. He asks:
““Tsit better to have five schools containing 1000
children each within gunshot of each other, surrounded
by overtowering and contagion-breeding tenement-
houses, saloons, and nuisances of every kind, or one
large school-house for 5000 children, covering an entire
central block, which shall not be suffocated by its sur-
roundings and crowded by nuisances? Fronting on
four streets, with an inner court for playgrounds,
such a school building will be accessible to the children
living on four or five blocks from each front, and, be-
cause covering so much eran, need not be so high as
to endanger the health of children now obliged toclimb
many times daily to the fourth or fifth story. Sucha
school building might be made a model of school archi-
tecture for beauty and convenience, an object-lesson
not for the East Side only, but for the continent and
for the world. New York may well afford to offer
rizes for the best architectural designs for such a
uilding.’”’
In Cities,
As to taking the schools out of politics, some
propose absolute State or national control, as in
Germany. Thisis opposed by most. Mr. J. M.
Rice (Forum, vol. xvi., p 500) favors a perma-
nent State Board of Education composed of five
or six educational experts, with an adequate
number of superintendents. He favors also
laws as to the appointment of teachers, so that
their positions may not be used for purposes of
patronage, laws limiting the amount of mere
memorizing of text-books, laws compelling a
certain amount of objective work, laws com-
pelling the employment of phonics in teaching
children to read. The three main laws for a
good school system he believes to be (1) divorce
rom politics in every sense of the word, (2) thor-
ough supervision, (3) development of profes-
sional and general intellectual strength in the
teachers.
In regard to secondary schools, there has re-
cently been concerted action.
“Tt has come to be distinctly recognized that any
far-reaching educational reform in this country must
begin with the secondary schools. The elementary
school is helpless if the secondary school refuses to
cooperate with it in raising the standard of scholar-
ship and improving the methods of instruction.
539
Education.
“Except in those Western States where a State Uni-
versity stands at the head of the State school system—
as in Michigan, Minnesota, and Nebraska--there is
great uncertainty and diversity in the
relations of the secondary schools to
the colleges, and in the work of the
secondary schools themselves. To reme-
dy this condition of things there was
begun bya few members ot the National
Educational Association, in the summer
of 1892, a movement which culminated in the appoint-
ment by the Association of a committee of 10, of Which
President Eliot of Harvard waschairman. Thereport
of the committee was printed by the Bureau of Edu-
cation as a public document.
“The investigation brought to light the fact that
more than 40 separate subjects of instruction were to
be found on the programs of prominent secondary
schools. On all points, except the time allotment, the
committee was unanimous in recommending what
progressive teachers agree in considering wisest and
best.
“The committee provides in tabular form the mate-
rial of which a thousand programs may be made,
and then gives four sample programs of their own.
The four are called, respectively, the classical, the
Latin-scientific, the modern language, and the English.
The first makes provision for three foreign languages,
one of whichis modern. The second finds room for
Latin and one modern language. The third embraces
both French and German, but no ancient language;
while the fourth provides for one foreign language,
which may be either Latin, French, or German. No
one of the programs excludes the study of the nat-
ural sciences, history, or geography. The time-allot-
ment among the several subjects affords opportunity
to get from each the kind of mental training it is
specially fitted to supply. The different principal sub-
jects are put on an approximately equal footing. All
short information courses are omitted, and the in-
struction in each of the main lines--vzz., language,
science, history, and mathematics—is substantially
continuous.
“The committee are of the opinion that, under exist-
ing conditions in the United States as to the training of
teachers and the provision of necessary means of in-
struction, the classical and Latin-scientific programs
mustin practice be distinctly superior to the other
two. In other words, we have not yet reduced the
teaching of natural science and the modern languages
to the same precision that is found in the case of the
classics and mathematics.”
Secondary
Schools.
Coming now to more radical views, we have
two opposing extremes: the socialist view that
would carry compulsory State education to the
farthest degree, and the extreme
individualist view that would do
away with all State schools. So-
cialists of all types favor the fullest
development of State education.
Says Mr. Graham Wallas, in the
Fabian Essays: ~
Socialist
View.
“Tf this generation were wise it would spend onedu-
cation not only more than any other generation has
ever spent before, but more than any generation would
ever need to spend again. It would fill the school
buildings with the means not only of comfort, buteven
of the higher luxury; it would serve the associated
meals on tables spread with flowers, in halls surround-
ed with beautiful pictures, or even, as John Milton pro-
posed, filled with the sound of music; it would seri-
ously propose to itself the ideal of Ibsen, that every
child nowld be brought up as a nobleman.”
Says Sidney Olivier (zdez2) :
“The ideal of the school implies, in the first place,
leisure to learn ; that is to say, the release of children
from all non-educational labor until mind and phe
sique have had a fair start and training, and the aboli-
tion of compulsion on the adult to work any more than
the socially necessary stint. The actual expenditure
on public education must also be considerably in-
creased, at any rate, until parents are more generally
in a position to instruct their own children. But as
soon as the mind has been trained to appreciate the in-
exhaustible interest and beauty of the world, and to
distinguish good literature from bad, the remainder of
education, granted leisure, is a comparatively inexpen-
Education.
sive matter. Literature is become dirt-cheap: and all
the other educational artscan be communally enjoyed.
The schools of the adult are the journal and the library,
social intercourse, fresh air, clean and beautiful cities,
the joy of the fields, the museum, the art gallery, the
lecture hall, the drama, and the opera ; and only when
these schools are free and accessible to all will the re-
proach of proletarian coarseness be done away."
Mr. Sidney Webb,in giving in the Fabian
Essays a statement of the current socialist de-
mands for further legislation, gives under the
head of educational reform the following state-
ment : *
“ Object.—To enable all, even the poorest, children to
obtain not merely some, but the best education they
are capable of.
“ Means.—1. The immediate abolition of all fees in
public elementary schools, Board or voluntary, witha
corresponding increase in the Government grant. 2.
Creation of a minister for education, with control over
the whole educational system, from the elementary
school to the university, and over all educational en-
dowments. 3. Provision of public technical and second-
ary schools wherever needed, and creation of abun-
dant public secondary scholarships. 4. Continuation,
in all cases, of elementary education at evening
schools. 5. Registration and inspection of all private
educational establishments.”
In America, the Socialist Labor party includes
among its social demands ‘‘ the school education
of all children under 14 years of age to be com-
pulsory, gratuitous, and accessible to all by pub-
lic assistance in meals, clothing, books, etc.,
where necessary.’’.
Mr. Lawrence Gronlund, in his Cooperative
Commonwealth, advocates compulsory educa-
tion, with support of the children and youth up
to the twenty-first year, and this is the ideal of
most socialists in Germany and elsewhere.
Opposed to the socialist program is the ex-
treme individualist proposition to do away with
all public schools. Even Mr. Spencer talks of
the ‘‘tyranny’’ of compulsory education, and
“the cases in which men let themselves be
coerced into sending their children to receive
lessons in grammar and gossip about kings,
often at the cost of underfeeding and weak
bodies.”” (/ustzce, p. 178, American edition.)
He says:
“On the day when £30,000 a year in aid of education
was voted as an experiment, the name of an idiot would
have been given to an opponent who prophesied that
in 50 years the sum spent through im-
perial taxes and local rates would
Extreme See nt te ge Tosanieer or ar oe that
: sae * e aid to education wou e followed
Individualist by aidsto feeding and clothing, or who
Views, said that aoc and children alike, de-
prived of all opinion, would, even if
: starving, be compelled by fine or im-
prisonment to conform and receive that which, with
papal assumption, the State calls education. No one,
I say, would have dreamt that out of so innocent-look-
ing a germ would have so quickly evolved atyrannical
system tamely submitted to by people who fancy them-
selves free” (4 Plea for Liberty, p. 16). He considers
that it leads to pauperization, and says:
_ ‘Legislators who in 1833 voted £20,000 a year to aid
in building school-houses never supposed that the step
they then took would lead to forced contributions,
local and general, now amounting to £6,000,000 ; they
did not intend to establish the principle that A should be
made responsible for educating B’s offspring ; they did
not dream of a compulsion which would deprive poor
widows of the help of their elder children; and still
Jess did they dream that their successors, by requiring
impoverished parents to apply to Boards of Guardians
to pay the fees which school boards would not remit
would eee a habit of applying to Boards of Guard-
jians, and so cause pauperization” (Zhe Comin =
very in Man vs. The State). ‘ eae
540
Elberfeld System.
Mr. Mackay, in A Plea for Liberty, sum-
ming up the individualist argument, says.
“Tf men will grant for a moment, and for the sake of
argument, that, as some insist, our compulsory, rate-
supported system of education is wrong; that it is in-
jurious to the life orthe poor; that it reduces the
teacher to the position of an automaton; that it pro-
videsa quality of teaching utterly unsuited to the
wants of a laboring population, which certainly re-
quires some form of technical training ; that here it
is brought face to face with its own incompetence, for
some of the highest practical authorities‘declare that
the technical education given in the schools is a farce;
that therefore it bars the way to all free arrangements
between parents and employees, and to the only sys.
tem of technical education which deserves the name;
if this or even a part of it is true, if at best our educa-
tional system is a makeshift, not altogether intoler-
able, how terrible are the difficulties to be overcome
before we can retrace our steps and foster into vigor-
ous life a new system |” .
These individualists, doing away with all compul-
sory or Stateeducation, would have only voluntary
schools for those who can pay for them, believing that.
men will get better education if they pay for it, and
that those who can pay but little would value that
little, and get what they did more suited to their needs,
if it cost them effort. They believe that here, as every-
where, a free competition or education means the de-
velopment of the best schools and the best school sys-
tem.
Revised by THomas DAvipDson,
References: Reports of the Commissioners of Ediuca-
tion; Sonnenschein’s Cyclopedia of Education (edited
by Fletcher, 1889; this gives a bibliography); Horace
Mada's Letters and Reports on Education (1867); Her-
bert Spencer’s Education, Intellectual, Moral, an€
Philosophical (1886); Rousseau’s Emile, with notes by
Jules Steeg (1885); Froebel’s Education of Man ; Pesta-
lozzi’s How Gertrude Teaches her Children ; Richter’s
Levana; Alexander Bain's Education as a Science (1886);
Rosenkranz’s /hzlosophy of Education (translated
by A. C. Brackett, 2d ed., 1886); W. J. Shoup’s Azstory
and Science of Education (1891). See also the maga-
zines—Education (Boston), Educational Review (New
York), Educational Times (London), Journal of Edu-
cation (London), ditto (Boston), (See also AGRICUL-
TURAL SCHOOLS; CHAUTAUQUA}; COOKING SCHOOLS }3
ILLITERACY ; INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION; KINDERGAR-
TEN; UNIVERSITY EXTENSION, etc.; also article
RELIGION IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS.)
EIGHT-HOUR MOVEMENT AND
PHILOSOPHY. See SHort-Hour Movement.
ELBERFELD SYSTEM.—Attention has
been widely attracted to the methods of poor re-
lief adopted in Elberfeld, and copied in many
German cities. In 1823 the Prussian Govern-
ment authorized each commune in the Diissel-
dorf circle to take charge of its own poor relief,
but until 1850 the old system, founded upon that
of the French empire, remained in vogue. A
system in the charge of wealthy individuals, es-
pecially Lutherans, was then tried. The cost
of the relief in 1852 was £ 8932, while in the
Lutheran community it was 30 per cent. higher
than in the rest of the city. At the instigation |
of Daniel von der Heydt, a banker of Elberfeld,
the existing scheme was authorized.
Here is the system in brief : Elberfeld is one
of the largest manufacturing towns of thé em-
pire, and contains many poor. For poor-law
purposes it is divided into 364 sections, each sec-
tion therefore consisting of about 300 people
more or less. Every 14 sections constitute a
district. Over each section of 300 inhabitants is
placed an almoner ; and over each district, which
has 14 almoners, is appointed an overseer. All
these officers are under the control of a central
committee of nine, of which the mayor is e+x-
oficco president, four members are town council-
Elberfeld System.
ors, and the other four are ordinary citizens.
The 364 almoners and 26 overseers are unpaid,
but all is under city control.
The duties of the almoners are extensive and pre-
cise. Every person needing relief makes application
to the almoner of his own district. It is then the duty
of the almoner to institute full and particular inquiries
into all the circumstances of the case. He is also re-
uired to keep himself constantly informed so long as
the applicant may continue to need relief. Every fort-
night the 14 almoners of each district meet under the
presidency of the district overseer ; the reports of each
are then considered, and the minute book prepared for
the Central Committee. That committee also meets
fortnightly on the day following the meetings of the
almoners and overseers. The small size of the sec-
tions enables each almoner, without difficulty, to make
himself thoroughly familiar with all the distress of his
district, and with every exaggerating or favorably
modifying circumstance connected with it. Being a
citizen and not a paid official, he has no interest but to
State the facts as plainly as may be, and to secure that
the relief shall be such as is best suited to the necessi-
ties of eachcase. Relief is granted according toa fixed
and uniform scale, which is so framed as to secure that
only the minimum necessary for bare subsistence is
supplied to the applicant and his family. Any small
sums he may earn are considered and deducted so as
to bring his rate of relief to the standard minimum.
In addition to money help, tools may be lent—such as
‘ssewing-machines ; and furniture also may be provided.
‘One of the instructions of the almoner is that he is
bound to use every possible effort to secure employ-
ment for those who may be in receipt of relief.
The result of this system has been that while
from 1852-69 population increased from 50,000
to 71,000, the number of paupers declined from
8 to 1.5 per cent., or from 4ooo to 1062, and the
expenditures from £8932 to £3860. Yet the
poor have been better provided for than former-
ly under individual management. (See CuHar-
ITY ORGANIZATION.)
ELECTION LAWS. See Corruption 1n
Pouitics.
ELECTIONS.—We briefly consider in this
article the working of elections in the United
States, Great Britain, and France.
THE UNITED STATES.
Qualifications for voting in the United States
vary somewhat with the States, but are largely
the same. Except in four Western States, only
males can vote on general elections,
and in most States on school elec-
tions. (See Woman’s SUFFRAGE.)
In all States voters must be citizens,
except that in many States declared
intention to become a citizen quali-
fies for voting under certain restrictions of time
and place. A residence in the State is required
in all States, varying from three months in
Maine to two years in Missouri—one year being
the rule, tho it is six months in many States.
Residence usually of from one month to two
months is required in county, town, and precinct.
Connecticut, Massachusetts, and Mississippi re-
quire that the voter can read or understand the
Constitution. Arkansas, Delaware, Georgia,
Mississippi, and Pennsylvania require the pay-
ment of a tax. In all the States, with slight
variations as to details, convicts, idiots, and the
insane are not qualified for voting. In several
States, paupers, United States soldiers, and
marines are disqualified. In most Western
States the Chinese are disqualified.
Qualifi-
cations,
541
Elections,
Elections in the United States are numerous
and frequent, and here is one of the main
sources of their evil. Federal elections come
every four years; State elections
come usually every year; muni-
cipal elections come also yearly,
sometimes on the same day and
sometimes on different days*from
the other elections. In the case of each election
(federal, State, and municipal), the voter has
numerous candidates to vote for. In federal
elections he votes for electors for President and
Vice-President ; in State elections he votes for
governor, lieutenant-governor, congressmen,
representatives to the State legislatures, secre-
tary of State, attorney-general, sometimes
judges, and several other officers. In city elec-
tions he usually votes for mayor, aldermen, com-
mon councilors, school board, commissioners of
various departments. Besides this he is usually
called upon to vote yea or nay on various ques-
tions of granting license or no, For each office
three or four parties each nominate different
candidates. The result is that frequently the
voter has to have before him several hundred
names. The ballot upon which the average city
voter has to record his choice is often a blanket
sheet covered with confusing names. Under
the present system, then, the first characteristic
of American elections is that even the voter who
desires to be honest cannot go by his own per-
sonal knowledge of the candidates. It is im-
possible for him to know personally and to judge
between the claims of the different men. He
therefore is compelled to be guided in his choice
by his party, by hearsay, or by the press. Here
comes in the opportunity of the professional poli-
tician,
If a man will give all his time to the pulling
of small political ropes, he has his busy neigh-
bors at enormous advantage. Hecan go around
and drum up votes for a particular candidate :
he can work through the press ; if he can run
the party machine, he has the ward vote in his
grasp, and the average busy citizen is helpless.
He can do this even without recourse to corrup-
tion. But he has to live while he is doing this
work. Hence the temptation to get his living
by politics. They give abundant opportunity.
To most political positions a salary
isattached. If amancan get elect-
ed, it will pay him to give a portion Professional
to the man who elects hin. Hence Politicians.
candidates can afford to give some-
times large sums to professional
politicians who can secure their election. Again,
and perhaps quite as frequently, the professional
politician is appointed himself to a small office
by the party or clique he has helped to elect,
and thus maintained to do the same work in an-
other election. Often the duties of the office
are small and the holder can give almost all his
time ‘‘to running ward politics.’’ Sometimes
offices are created with only nominal duties, sim-
ply to create a living for these professional poli-
ticians. Sometimes they are appointed to large
offices and depute their duties to some one else,
while they attend to “‘ politics.”’ Against such
professional politicians the ordinary citizen is
well-nigh helpless. The ward politician knows
every voter in his precinct, He checks all who
Frequency.
Elections.
are sure Republicans and all whoare sure Dem-
ocrats. Then he studies the doubtful or inde-
pendent whose vote will really decide the elec-
tion. Some of these can be directly bought,
some influenced, some fooled, some frightened.
He treats each one in his own way. He prom-
ises some men appointments as policemen or as
street cleaners, etc.; he induces some to vote for
his party, because if they do they will enable
some cousin to become a policeman and receive
a sorely needed income. The ramifications of
interested votes go very far, and the profes-
sional politician knows all the twists. He stands
in with the saloon-keeper, and sometimes with
the dive-keeper, and thus swings the liquor vote
and the dive vote. He knows and flatters the
leading Italian and Polish politicians of the ward,
and so swings the large foreign vote. Against
such machinations the non-professional voter
can do little.
But thus far we have considered the profes-
sional politician alone, and with his power sim- -
ply based upon the frequency and complexity
of elections and the impossibility that the citizen
who does not giveall his time to politics can de-
feat such machinations.
When, however, the professional politicians
band together, they become inconceivably more
irresistible. And the system almost compels
such banding. In the complexity of elections,
each party has to appoint various committees to
run the campaign. There are, first of all, the
national committee, then State committees, city
committees, county committees,
ward committees, district commit-
The tees. Someof these remain always.
Machine. active ; others are, appointed for
campaigns. The committees that
are best banded together and give
most time and thought and money to politics
usually win. Thus, a machine is almost in-
evitably developed. Under the present system
of election by State electoral votes, certain
States become ‘‘ pivotal.” The vote of these
States often turns upon the vote of great cities.
A party that can carry New York City and Chi-
cago and Philadelphia, and other large cities,
has an enormous advantage. Hence city ma-
chines are developed, organized through profes-
sional politicians in all the wards. When a na-
tional election comes they can deliver the city
vote, and to a less extent similar committees de-
liver the county vote.
It is not, however, in national politics so much
as in municipal politics that the machines find
their main power. City offices are often more
lucrative than national offices. Hence holders
of city offices can afford to pay more to the ma-
chine that electsthem. Again, city offices often
have far more appointing power. The machine
that captures the city government can appoint
to hundreds of petty clerkships and positions, as
policemen, street-cleaners, etc- Hence the ma-
chine often prefers to rule the city than the
State. Once more and mainly the members of
the city government continually have enormous-
ly valuable franchises and jobs to bestow or to
control. A change in the mere wording ofa
bill will make a difference often of hundreds of
thousands of dollars. It is obvious that here
corrupt legislators can gain large sums from in-
542
Elections. |
terested parties. To control such legislation is
a prize, often in value beyond all others to the
city machine. Hence the ring (¢.v.), a large
share of the city corruption, and the motives for
dishonest elections,
Nor are these conditions which we have de-
scribed the only elements in the situation. There
is the great fact that a large proportion of the
city vote comes from people in part ignorant
and in part with little permanent interest in the
community. In the city, too, few know more
than a few of their neighbors. In this igno-
rance is the wire-puller’s opportunity. Another
element is in the rush of American life that
makes it still more impossible for all except the
professionals to follow the details and the dry
work of political machinery. In the United
States, there are as yet but few who, living on
income, give their time unpaid to the public
weal. Such aclass is developing, but we shall
see ina moment why they are particularly un-
fitted to cope with the situation.
Meanwhile we pass to notice the methods by
which the machine controls elections. Its strong-
hold is in the primary. The primary is deter-
mined by its roll of ward voters en-
titled to vote in it. This roll is
prepared by the ward committee. Primaries.
It knows its own men. Others are
admitted to the primaries on the 3
votes of those already admitted. To gain ad-
mission, one often has to give a pledge to sup-
port the committee. Independent men are got-
ten rid of or refused admission. Subservient
primaries are thus easily gotten. Honest men
object to such measures, and either stay away or
give up in disgust after fruitless efforts to cap-
ture the primary.
“At the last Republican. primaries in New
York City only 8 per cent. of the Republican
electors took part. In only 8 out of 24 districts
did the percentage exceed 10, in some it was as
low as2 percent. In the Twenty-first Assem-
bly District Tammany Primary, 116 delegates,
to choose an Assembly candidate, were elected
by less than 50 voters. In the Sixth Assembly
District County Democracy Primary, less than
7 per cent. of the Democratic voters took part,
and of those who did, 69 in number, nearly one
fourth were election officers. The primary was
held in a careless way in a saloon while card-
playing was going on”’ (A. C. Bernheim in Po-
litical Science Quarterly for March, 1888).
Bogus lists of voters are often made. Men
are brought in from other districts to vote for
the machine.
When the primary meetsa ‘‘slate’”’ is brought
in, and usually the names on it receive the nomi-
nation from the subservient primary. If a few
opponents are present, they are usually allowed
to make opposing but fruitless nominations, the
committee being sure of the result. The chair-
man appointed by the meeting is almost always
the tool of the committee. If there should be a
split or division, sometimes a disturbance is
purposely created, and in the confusion the
chairman can declare the nominations carried.
Often shouters and roughs are brought in to
shout down all opposition. Usually when there
is a division, it is merely a fight within the party,
‘between two ward or city cliques, for offices,
Elections.
both of which are subservient to the machine.
Honest battles in the primaries are almost un-
known, and ‘‘ reformers’’ have almost given up
in despair attempting to capture the primaries
of the old parties under the present system.
Their only hope seems to be to make indepen-
dent nominations of their own. They some-
times win, in cases of the uprisings of indignant
citizens, but the indignation does not last, and
pretty soon the regular work of the old party
machine wins again. Nor is there usually
much hope in playing corrupt Republican pri-
mary against corrupt Democratic primary, es-
pecially in city politics, because the machine
which once gets hold of a city usually gets such
complete hold of it that in that city there is lit-
tle rivalry between the two parties. With the
rarest of exceptions, New York City is always
Democratic and Philadelphia always Republi-
can. So even with many smaller cities. Even
where the cities are uncertain, certain wards in
each city can always be counted on for a cer-
tain party. Sometimes, too, the same munici-
pal ring controls the primaries of both parties.
Such are some of the difficulties of reaching the
primaries. -
Above the primary is the convention. The
convention is usually safe for the machine, be-
cause the machine has already captured the pri-
maries that send the delegates. The machine
nominates a temporary chairman, and he is
elected usually by subservient delegates ; if
not, roughs and shouters are brought in. He
names the committee on contested seats, which
committee, passing on the titles of delegates,
can admit the friends and refuse admission to
the opponents of the machine. “In all doubtful
cases the machine favors itself. It then gets
the chairman of the convention, and has practi-
cally all power in itshands. Such are some of
the methods of American electioneering.
When it comes to the voting, the ward and
county committees are instructed to see that the
full party vote is polled and that all the doubt-
ful are canvassed. Money is sent
to the different committees to buy
Campaigns. those who can be bought. Men are
hired to go among the trade-unions
and secure the labor vote. Papers
are bought up or filled with paid editorials and
paid ‘‘news.” The papers of the foreign popu-
lations are subsidized. Campaign circulars are
prepared suited for special classes and addressed
to clergymen, to merchants, to ‘‘ the American
working men.’’ ‘‘ Orators’’ are put upon the
stump and sent to every district. National ora-
tors are carried in special trains from city to
city. Carefully prepared reports of extempore
speeches by the rival candidates are put in the
aily press. Mud, if necessary, is slyly thrown.
Sometimes lies are circulated at the last minute
when it is too late for the opposing party to re-
fute them. ‘‘Claims’’ are made showing that
all the country is going one way. Processions
and monster parades are formed. Those away
from home get their railway fare paid if they
will go home and vote for acertain party. The
railroads grant free passage to those who will
vote in their interest. ‘Taxesare paid for votes.
Minor forms of corruption are resorted to. Such
are some of the elements of American elections.
543
Elections.
The Australian ballot system has in the main
done away with direct intimidation at the polls,
but indirect influences still remain. Inthe elec-
tion of 1896 many manufacturers are reported
to have said to their employees (and perhaps in
perfect honesty), ‘‘ This is a free country ; you
can vote exactly as you please. If so and so is
elected we will raise your wages; if so and so
is elected we will shut down the shop. This is
a free country ; you can vote exactly as you
please.’’
The reforms proposed for election evils in the
United States are very various, Many of these
we discuss in particular articles. They vary
with the various conceptions of the
cause of the evil. Professor Com-
mons finds a main cause of the evil Causes,
in the fact that American repre-
sentatives must be elected almost
universally from the district in which they live.
This limits the possible candidates and gives the
machine the chance to pull its local wires and
appeal exclusively to local interests. He would,
therefore, in part reform elections by doing away
with this proviso. In company with many others,
he would also introduce proportional representa-
tion, for a discussion of which see that article.
To others the Referendum and the Initiative are
the one way of escape. (See° REFERENDUM.)
Under the present system, independence seems
a sham.
Professor Giddings (Political Science Quar-
terly, vol. vii., p. 124) asserts that ‘‘the total
possible gain or loss to a political party through
strictly independent voting does not exceed,
under the most favorable circumstances, 5 per
cent. of the maximum total vote of a presiden-
tial year.”’ , This statement is sustained by even
the unprecedented ‘‘ landslides’ of the past six
years.
It is in the exaggerated weight of small fac-
tions holding the balance of power between the
two parties that is to be found the secret of the
corrupt influences already described. The great
majority of the voters are conservative, and do
not readily change their party. Especially in
close districts, therefore, interested elements
can dictate terms to both parties. This, too,
gives the bribable vote an influence far in ex-
cess of its proportions.
Mr. Albert Stickney, in his A True Republic,
finds the cause of the dominance of party in the
term system. He says:
‘““When we said (as we did in effect in our constitu-
tion) all public servants shall depend for keeping their
offices, not on whether they do their work well or ill,
put on carrying the next election, then, instead of
giving them each a separate interest to do his own
work well, we gave them all one common interest to
carry the next election. We made it certain that they
would combine and form parties for the purpose of
carrying elections. .
“But there is another point. The knowledge which
all men had that at the end of a fixed time there would
be a large number of vacancies, made it certain that
other men who were not in office would
combine for the purpose of getting out
the men who were in office, and getting
in themselves. The term system was
certain then to create two great parties
for the purpose of carrying elections.
The men who were in formed a party to
keep office. The men who were out formed a party to
get office.”
Term Sys-
tem,
For other conceptions of the cause of the evil
Elections.
other cures are proposed. It is proposed that
elections be made more rare and men be elect-
ed for longer terms. It is advocated that fewer
offices should be made elective, and that more
should be by appointment, and, above all, by
civil service (g.v.). It is proposed by not a few
to limit the suffrage under one form or another.
It is said that national and municipal elections
‘should be put on different days. It is increas-
ingly felt that the methods of controlling the pri-
‘maries should be changed by law. Many ways
of attempting to control primaries have been
proposed. Most of the States have laws on the
subject, but none are effective. The best are
those of Kentucky and Missouri. In 1879-80
Kentucky passed a law calling for direct nomi-
nations at the primaries without a delegate con-
vention. This simplifies machinery, but has
not reformed it.
The Missouri law—applicable: to St. Louis—
provides for holding primaries under the super-
vision of the regular election machinery, with
regular judges and clerks under the law of the
State. But the law is not mandatory, and as
the expenses are to be met by the parties hold-
ing the caucus, parties are not anxious to be at
an expense to secure their own reform. A bill
has been proposed in Illinois compelling cau-
cuses to be held*’under State control. For a re-
view of these and other proposals, see an article
by Edward Insley in the Avena for June, 1897.
Others believe that the primaries can only be
reformed by requiring the use in them of the
secret ballot.
Radicals, however, usually argue that none of
these proposals really go to the bottom of the
‘question, If elections were less frequent and
terms of office longer, the machine would still
tule, and having got its men into office, could
‘better entrench themselves in their long stay.
Making offices, too, subject to appointment in-
stead of election can do little good if those who
make the appointments can be dishonestly elect-
ed. Limiting the suffrage will do little good.
It is the rich and educated who buy votes who
are at least as dangerous as the poor who sell
their votes. (See Prurocracy ; Democracy.)
The separation of national and municipal pol-
itics can avail nothing if a machine rules both.
‘The primaries undoubtedly should be con-
trolled, but even were nominations as well
as elections by secret ballot, interested pro-
fessional politicians could always defeat unin-
terested desultory secret voting. ‘The one way
‘to secure electoral reform, says the radical, is to
interest the average voter, and the one way to
interest the voter is to give him a program that
=ppeals at once to his loyalty and his inter-
ests,
The tespectable and wealthy ‘‘ reformers”
who are trying to reform American politics do
‘not succeed because they are investors them-
selves in the various gas companies, car com-
panies, etc., that rule our cities and debauch our
politics. Expand the function of the city, raise
its ideal, and it shall lead to purer politics,
Such is the radical view. (See Crry ; CoRRup-
TION.)
GREAT BRITAIN,
The conduct and conditions of elections in
Great Britain are quite different from those in
544
Elections.
the United States. The qualifications for the
franchise are more complicated in Great Brit-
ain, but the elections are less frequent and for
a smaller number of offices, so that they do not
give the same opportunity to professional politi-
cians, while the very strict Corrupt Practices Act
(g.v) makes illegitimate campaigns too dan-
gerous to be profitable. Again, the fact that
parliamentary elections do not come at stated
times, and that the methods of nominating can-
didates are very simple, give comparatively little
opportunity for the development of a machine,
tho there are some indications that the multiply-
ing of officers to be elected is developing more of
amachine. .
Qualifications for the suffrage differ in Eng-
land and Scotland, etc., and differ for parlia-
mentary, municipal, and school board elections,
In Scotland rates are levied on all
householders, and for the parlia-
mentary elections all men who have
paid their rates or lodgers who oc-
cupy quarters worth £10 a year, or
all occupiers of non-residence prop-
erty worth £10 a year, or owners of town proper-
ty worth £104 year, provided the men live within
seven miles of the town, can vote. This allows
some to have more than one vote and disenfran-
chises very many of the poorer householders,
who dodge their rate and lose their vote. It is
really arate-payer’s enfranchisement. Says Al-
bert Shaw (AZuniczpal Government in Great
Britain, p. 42): ‘‘ The whole body of men, who
are ignorant, vicious, and irresponsible, is prac-
tically outside the pale of politics in Glasgow and
Edinburgh, Dundee and Aberdeen.’’ The muni-
cipal franchise is the same, except that women
who are occupiers or rate-payers may vote, and
that no man may vote in more than one ward.
The school board franchise is practically the
broadest of all, because it is not dependent on
the payment of rates, and because the ownership
or occupancy of property worth £4 a year is the
limit, and not £10, as above. In 1891 the Glas-
gow parliamentary voting list numbered 78,738
names ; the municipal list added the names of
15,448 women ; the school board list numbered
I4I,152.
In England, the legal qualifications are prac-
tically the same, but they work differently, be-
cause while in Scotland the rates are collected
directly and separately from owners and oc-
cupiers, in England the rates for the tenements
of less value are collected from the landlords at a
30 per cent. discount, the landlord charging it
to histenant. There is, therefore, for the poorer
tenants less chance of dodging the rates, and so
they more frequently vote. In Birmingham,
for 95,500 inhabited houses, Mr. Shaw finds
81,100 parliamentary voters. This system of
tate-paying largely disenfranchises the unmar-
tiedmen. In the parliamentary borough of Bir-
mingham, out of a registration of 72,000, there
were only 4oo lodgers on the list. ‘The list of
voters being drawn from the rate-payers’ list,
very many lose their franchise because they
have moved since the list was made, especiall
when the election comes late in the year.
an election is said to favor the Conservative
arty.
Such limitations on the franchise as this make
The
Suffrage.
Elections. j
elections in Great Britain very different from
those in America. ‘The fact, too, that elections
do not all come at the same time attracts gen-
eral attention to each separate election, and
makes dishonesty more difficult, while extend-
ing the interest of all classes. ‘The English sys-
tem of ‘‘ heckling,’ or of having the candidate
appear before his constituents with any one free
to question him, is often only a farce, but some
consider that it interests and educates the sepa-
rate voters. The main reason, however, for
purer elections is the important Corrupt Prac-
tices Act (g.v.), which limits the amount of cam-_
paign expenses that may be incurred, and com-
pels the candidate to have his expenditures all
go through the hands of one man, who must
make a rigid report, to be scrutinized by mem-
bers of the other party. This and the ease of
nominations, with the irregularity and compara-
tive infrequency of elections, presents the devel-
opment of the party machine system.
Mr. Albert Shaw (dem, p. 47) thus describes
the nominating and polling machinery after the
election writs have been made out :
‘“The names of candidates must be left at the
‘clerk’s office, inscribed upon official blanks, a
week before the election. Accompanying each
name must be the signature ofa
‘ proposer,’ a ‘ seconder,’ and eight
Nominations, other citizens. Only such persons
as have been nominated in this way
may be voted for. Nominations
being all in, the list is at once printed and con-
spicuously bulletined. The announcement con-
tains the full names, residences (street and num-
ber), and occupations of the nominees, and the
names of the proposer and seconder in each
‘case. If only one nomination has been made
in any ward, the nomination is itself the elec-
tion, and the polls will not be opened in that
ward.
This is a good and sensible system upon
its face ; but experience alone can tell us how
any piece of political machinery will actually
work. Ought this system to be productive of
many nominations, or of few? The most natu-
tal inference would seem to be that its adoption
would increase the number of candidates, since
any ten men may secure for an eleventh man,
without expense, the official announcement of
candidacy, and the placing of the candidate’s
name upon the ballot papers.
‘‘But this inference is not justified by the
facts. In recent municipal elections, altho party
issues have been introduced to a quite unprece-
dented extent and the number of ward contests
has been materially increased by the unwonted
employment of the occasion for a testing of
strength on the Home Rule question, itis never-
theless true that contests have been confined to
a minority of the wards, taking all the towns
together. This must seem to the American ob-
server a remarkable state of things. It means
that, in a majority of the wards, public opinion
' had in advance agreed so decisively upon a par-
ticular man that nobody was nominated against
him, and the entire expense and distraction of
a contest at the polls was thus obviated. Closer
inquiry will reveal the fact that by far the
greater number of these cases have to do with
‘the reelection of men already in the council.
35
545
Elections.
There is every year a considerable list of towns
which, in spite of the exceptionally acute condi-
tion of party feeling throughout the country,
renew one third of their councilors without a
single ward contest, all the new members ob-
taining their seats by virtue of unopposed nomi-
nations. ‘There were not less than 50 such for-
tunate towns in November, 1893. These are
not often the large towns. . . .
“The preliminary selection of party candi-
dates usually rests with ward committees, candi-
dature being accepted and ratified by the voters
in open ward meetings, where municipal ques-
tions are discussed. The American primary
election or party caucus system is quite un-
known, and in ordinary cases the distinctions of
party are not strenuously emphasized. The
councilor from a decidedly Liberal ward is likely
to be a Liberal; but he is in most cases as en-
tirely acceptable, so far as municipal matters
are concerned, to the Conservatives as to the
Liberals, and he will never in any case be op-
posed by a nominee of the other party who is
brought forward for the sole purpose of main-
taining party organization in the ward. An
Englishman is not often willing to be put up for
a place merely to be sacrificed. The extension
of the franchise is resulting in more elaborate
and more democratic forms of party organiza-
tion in England ; and it is not unlikely that the
future may see party lines more closely drawn
in municipal elections than they have been up
to the present time—a prospect not by any
means welcome.
‘“‘ Meanwhile, however, the freedom of nomi-
nationisa greatsafeguard. So long as ten citi-
zens of a ward can place a candidate on the offi-
cial voting paper, there is no great danger from
party machinery.’’
The method of balloting need not be described
here. It is secret balloting. (See AUSTRALIAN
BaLLot SYSTEM.)
FRANCE,
The French electoral system is quite different
from either that of the United States or Great
Britain. Here, again, we do not have the ap-
pearance of the party machine, as in the United
States, tho the Government often plays an un-
fortunate part through its use of secret service
money in sag hms me favorable to the ad-
ministration. There isnot much direct bribery,
on account of the strictness of the law ; but the
candidate who can spend for campaign posters,
meetings, or sometimes for bodies of supporters,
who will keep his meetings in order and disturb
or break up the meetings of his rival, has an
undue advantage. One reason, perhaps, that
the party machine has not developed is that the
French governments have been so unstable and
parties broken into so many groups that there
has been small chance for strong parties to de-
velop. A more effectual reason,
however, is the use of the second
ballot. According tothe law, there Second
is no election unlesssome candidate Ballot.
has secured at least one quarter of
the registered voters, or at least a
half plus one of the votes cast. If no candidate
has received this another polling must be held
Elections.
a fortnight later, when a simple majority of the
ballots cast suffice for a choice. The result of
this is that on the first election day votes may
be scattered among different candidates with-
out risk, for they all tell against the common
enemy, and on the second election they can all
be rallied for that candidate of a party who has
received the highest vote. The first ballot thus
serves as a democratic way of nominating can-
didates, with little need of conventions, cam-
paign committees, etc. Elections were former-
ly by the scrutin de liste, or the voting for all
the deputies allotted to a department by all in
the department. Now, however, some elections
are universal, or the election of one candidate
by each district.
References: See the books quoted in this article.
ELECTORAL COLLEGE, THE.—The
Constitution of the United States (see Przsi-
DENT) calls for the election of the President by
electors chosen by the people of each State.
This body of electors is called the Electoral Col-
lege. Each State chooses a number of Presi-
dential electors equal to the number of its rep-
resentatives in both Houses of Congress. These
electors meet in each State on a day fixed by
law and give their votes in writing for President
and Vice-President. The votes are transmitted,
sealed, to the Capitol, and there opened by the
President of the Senate in the presence of both
Houses and counted. The electors cannot be
members of Congress nor holders of any fed-
eral office.
The aim of this law was to secure the election
of the President in a quiet, deliberate way by
trusted representatives of the people. It was
feared that the masses might not elect the best
546
Electricity.
men if left wholly to themselves, and that pop-
ular direct elections might lead to disturbances.
It was thought, too, that as the electors’ votes
are counted promiscuously, and not by States,
each elector’s voice would have its weight.
He might be in a minority in his own State,
but his vote would, nevertheless, tell, because it
would be added to those given by electors in
other States for the same candidate.
No part of their scheme seems to have been
regarded by the constitution-makers of 1787
with more complacency than this, altho no part
had caused them so much perplexity. No part
has so utterly belied their expectations. The
Presidential electors have become a mere cog-
wheel in the machine. They have no discre-
tion, but are chosen under a pledge to vote for
certain men—a pledge of honor merely, buta
pledge which has never (since 1796) been vio-
lated. The plan, too, has done positive harm.
It has made the election virtually an election
by States, for the present system of choosing
electors by ‘‘ general ticket’’ over the whole
State causes the whole weight of a State to be
thrown into the scale of one candidate and party.
Hence in a Presidential election the struggle
concentrates itself in the doubtful States, where
the parties are nearly equally divided, and is
languid in States where a distinct majority
either way may be anticipated, because, since it
makes no difference whether a minority be large
or small, it is not worth while to struggle hard
to increase a minority which cannot be turned
into a majority. Hence also a man may be, and
has been, elected President by a minority of
popular votes. (See PRESIDENT.)
he following is the electoral vote of the
States as based upon the Apportionment Act of
February 7, 1891: j
Electoral Electoral Electoral
STATES. Votes, STATES. Votes. STATES. Votes.
Alabama.......c ee cee eee Ir Maryland. ...........506- 8 Pennsylvania............ 32
ATkansas.....+000e serves 8 Massachusetts...... 15 Rhode Island............ 4
California................. 9 Michigan............ 14 South Carolina.......... 9
Colorad . esses cases nnne 4 Minnesota.......... 9 South Dakota............ 4
Connecticut. 6 Mississippi... ...... 9 Temnessee..... 2.2 ceeeee 12
Delaware 3 Missouri . 7 Texas ..... 15
Florida. 4 Montana 3 Utah (now 3
Georgia. 13 Nebrask 8 Vermont 4
Idaho. 3 Nevada ma 3 Virginia. 12
Illinois . 24 New Hampsh 4 Washingt 4
Tndiana.....csssis0% cetiszeren 15 New Jersey... Io West Virgini: 6
Iowa.......- 13 New York 36 Wisconsin.... 12
Kamsas....ccesccccseeresee 0 North Carolina Ir Wyoming... ............. 3
Kentucky......-..eeeeeeee 13 North Dakota. 3 —_—_—_—
LOUISIANA sere cussscceesens 8 Ohio........... 23 DPotaliesccaniesan caanens 447
Maines: ons. sca asionanccs be 6 ORC LON vesscsinss avwavedcuace 4
ELECTRICITY.—It is a common thought
that we are passing out of the age of steam into
the age of electricity. Not a few believe that
this will change the whole industrial situation.
Some believe that it will make unnecessary the
great factory with its attendant evils, etc. Says
David A. Wells (Recent Economic Changes,
P. 400):
_ ‘Dr. Werner Siemens, the celebrated German scien-
tist and inventor, in a recent address at Berlin on
Science and the Labor Question, claimed that the
necessity for extensive factories and workshops—in-
volving large capital and an almost ‘slavish’ discipline
for labor—to secure the maximum cheapness in pro-
duction, ‘was due, to a great extent, to the yet imper-
fect development of the art of practical mechanics;’
and that mechanical skill will ultimately effect ‘a re-
turn to the system (now almost extinct) of independent,
self-sustaining domiciliary labor’ by the introduction
of cheap, compact, easily set up and operated labor-
saving machinery into the smaller workshops and the
homes of the working men. Should the difficulties now
attendant upon the transmission of electricity from
Electricity.
points where it can be cheney generated, and its safe
and effective subdivision and distribution as a motive
force, be overcome (as it not improbable they ulti-
mately will be), thus doing away with the necessity of
multiplying expensive and cumbersome machinery—
steam-engines, boilers, dams, reservoirs, and water-
wheels—for the local generation and application of
mechanical power, there can be no doubt that most
radical changes in the use of power for manufactur-
ing purposes will speedily follow, and that the. antici-
pations of Dr. Siemens, as to the change in the rela-
tions of machinery to its operatives, may at no dis-
tant day be realized.”
This is not, however,so sure. Itis more than
the use of steam or water power that produces
the large factory. (See Division oF Lasor.)
When one realizes the large plants that elec-
tricity has already of itself necessitated, and the
Teappearance in electric works of most of the
old industrial problems, one cannot be so san-
guine of electricity’s solving the factory ques-
tion. Electricity, however, may lead to healthier
and more roomy factories, with its easily trans-
mitted power.
Another way in which electricity may affect
society is by rendering possible cooperative
housekeeping. When the telephone can enter
every home and electric motors can be in every
house, many domestic operations, like sewing,
etc., can be managed by electricity, and meals
can be ordered at cooperative ovens by telephonic
order. It is in such ways that many believe
that our ‘‘domestic problem’’ is to be largely
worked out. In any case, it cannot be doubted
that electricity will immensely affect, as it has
already very far affected, the social problem.
When one realizes how far the weather signal
service has affected and may affect agriculture
and navigation, how commerce to-day is de-
pendent upon the telegraph, one can see how
wide already are its results. It has well-nigh
displaced the horse-car. In lighting it is still
more operative, rendering possible many in-
dustrial operations otherwise impossible. Yet
the applications of electricity are still in their
infancy. Says Charles D. Lanier in the Re-
view of Reviews (July, 1893), in an article on
Edison (p. 50) :
“Those who are greatest in the march of mechan-
ical progress confidently predict that future discoveries
will be as incredible to us as the present science would
be to our forbears of two centuries back. One single
further secret won from nature will open a practicall
limitless field for electrical introduction, and will
probably be more decided in its quantitative results,
as the technicians say, than any invention the world
has seen. It isthe direct production of
electricity from oxygen and coal (car-
Future of bon). At present we burn coal to ob-
Electric tain steam, which is transmuted into
mechanical energy and thence into elec-
Power. tricity. Before the energy of the coal
reaches the dynamo, six sevenths of its
lake power are lost, even under the very best
conditions, and afterward one tenth of the remainder.
Find a way to dispense with the steam engine in this
making of electricity, and we have multiplied several
times the available mechanical energy of the world.
Thousands of the brightest and most earnest engineers
and chemists are now striving, generally in secret, to
obtain this gigantic result—beside which the philoso-
Ppher’s stone was but a bauble. Edison has worked on
it, and confidently predicts that the discovery will
come.
“When we shall have made this eternal saving in our
fuel supply, the Atlantic steamships will need only a
snug little coal bin for 250 tons of coal instead of one
for 2500 tons, There will be no more forced draughts,
and grimy, consumptive stokers, and the five-day
record will be an uninteresting reminiscence. The
great English shipbuilders can already construct a
547
Electricity.
vessel to go 40 knots an hour, if only she could burn
2000 tons of coal a day ; then she will only have te burn
200. Then it will take only one twentieth of an ounce
of coal to carry aton one mile! . .
“Tasked Mr. Edison what, in his opinion, was the
practical speed limit on the horizon of electrical loco-
motion, and he answered, ‘Perhaps 150 miles an hour.’
He made at Menlo Park one of the first important ex-
periments in electrical railways, exhibiting one in 1882
that carried cars 4o miles per hour. But before we
come to moving heavy trains by electricity, to which
there are serious, though not insuperable obstacles,
he believes that we shall shoot our mail through the
country by some electrical device, of telpherage con-
struction Base ar tac Ye
“The terrible danger of collision with icebergs will
be lessened through an application of that same small
carbon button which registered a millionth of a degree
of heat. An apparatus has already been arranged to
effect this—the nearing bergs announcing their pres-
ence through the increasing cold, which the tasimeter
records. Collisions and other dangers of navigation
are rendered much less formidable, too, by the power-
ful electric search lights, equalto many thousand can-
dle power, that disclose objects for miles about in
their mighty glare.
“ Ahundred years hence we shall almost certainly
be flying. The greatest difficulty at present in the
way of that pleasing performance is the weight of the
motor and fuel relative to the power necessary. The
chemical production of electricity will sweep away
that obstacle by making possible the construction of
motors weighing but a small fraction of the lightest
now constructed, and by effecting an even more de-
cided saving in fuel. :
“As one result of the flying machine among the many
which it will affect even revolutionary in character,
a writer has pointed out that we shall probably be
delivered from the institution of war, since such ter-
rible destruction will be possible with a corps of fight-
ing aeroplanes that no nation will dare to risk it.
“Parming by electricity has been successfully tried
in the Southern States, and it is not improbable that
we shall see the agriculturist of the future sawing his
wood, cutting his ensilage, shelling his corn, threshing
his wheat and running his creamery with power from
a small electric plant owned in cooperation with a half
dozen of his neighbors.
‘* We should be whisking our heavy baggage, too un-
wieldy for the aeroplanes, through the country by
electricity applied to some telpherage or other system.
We shall be cooking by electricity, and heating and
lighting our houses, ourcars and our ships. We shall
not only cook our meals; we shall probably serve
them, too, to judge from an experiment made not long
ago in Baltimore with much éclat. ies
“Tf we hear by electricity—through the telephone—
why, do these undismayed men ask, can we not. see at
adistance by the same agency? The vibrations of
light are, to be sure, many times more rapid than those
of sound; but it is merely a question of obtaining a
diaphragm which will respond to those vibrations.
May we not look forward to seeing, from our easy
arm-chair in New York, the latest drama at the
Théatre Frangais?
“ And since hearing is but a tickling of the brain by
vibrations, may we not, if our apparatus for introduc-
ing these vibrations to the brain-centers gets out of
order—if, in short we are deaf—lead the impulses to
the brain through the bones of the head, by electrical
means?” e
To show how rapidly progress is being made
in electrical science we quote one paragraph
from an account in the World Almanac for
1896 of the progress in this science made in
1895:
“Power transmission by electricity experienced a
veritable boom during 1895. The cheapest method of
generating electric current to-day is by means of
water-power, which is made to drive water-wheels,
these in turn operating dynamos. Companies are be-
ing organized all over the country to develop the power
of every available waterfall. The great advances made
in the last few months in the perfection of what
is known as the ‘multiphase’ or ‘polyphase’ sys-
tem, has rendered it possible to transmit current to
laces many miles distant from the water-power. The
ongest distance over which current is transmitted is
30 miles, at Bodie, Cal. At Sacramento, Cal., 3000 horse-
power is transmitted 20 miles. During the year about
Electricity.
o plants were installed to transmit from 100 to 10,000
horse-power over distances varying from one quarter
of a mile tors miles. All these employ the alternating:
current in one of its many forms. The completion of
the great plant of the Niagara Falls Power Company,
which utilizes the immense power of Niagara Falls
for the generation of current, was fittingly celebrated
early inthe year. The ultimate capacity of this plant
as now built is. 100,000 horse-power. The Company is
already supplying over 10,000 horse-power to manu-
facturing plants which have been established at the
Falls, and it is expected that Buffalo, and perhaps even
New York City, may receive electricity from the same
source.
Thus realizing the immense part that elec-
tricity has to play in the future, it becomes of
infinite moment to ask who shall own these im-
portant powers. Is electrical invention to add
but another instance of the truth of John Stuart
Mill’s assertion (Polztical Economy, Book IV.,
chap. vi.) that ‘‘ hitherto it is questionable if all
the mechanical inventions yet made have light-
ened the day’s toil of any human being”? Is
the motor man on an electric car better off
than the driver of a horse car? He has more
responsibility and care. Is he at all proportion-
ally better remunerated? It is. worth noting
that there have developed in the United States
electric trusts and combinations with vast capi-
tals and extended monopolies.
ELECTRIC LIGHTING, MUNICIPALI.
ZATION OF.—(For the general principles in-
volved, see Natura, Monopo.iss ; MunIcIPAL-
IsM ; SOCIALISM.) We present in this article a
study of the facts from standpoints favorable
and unfavorable tomunicipalization. From.the
favorable standpoint we quote some tables and
portions of an article by Robert J. Finley in
the Review of Reviews for February, 1893.
Says Mr. Finley :
‘““Altho it has been less than six years since the
field of electric lighting was first entered by the mu-
nicipality, more than 125 cities in the United States
now own and operate plants. The movement has not
been a local one. It has extended across the countr
from Bangor, Me., to Galveston, Tex. So far this
movement has been confined chiefly to the smaller
cities, but the larger cities are beginning to discover
that the element of size isnot necessarily a bar to.their
entrance upon the same course. ... :
“ Thenumber of cities owning electric lighting works
would be even greater than at present were it not that
in many States municipal corporations are prohibited
by constitutional provisions from incurring debt be-
yond a small per cent. of the taxable basis of the com-
munity. Inability to issue bonds prevented Milwaukee
in 1889 from establishing a city plant. Almost invari-
ably when cities thus restricted in their debt-creating
power have applied to the legislature for privilege to
borrow money with which to construct works, repre-
sentatives of private corporations have been on hand
to oppose and, if possible, to defeat the bills. . . .
‘The statistics and. information relating to munici-
pal ownership, given in this article, have been obtained
by direct inquiry and are based upon official and au-
thoritative statements coming from the
various cities owning electric-lighting
Cost of Mu- Plante ae are raken as the result of
ae . many facts secured—as to cost and full
nicipal Elec capacity of city plant, value of property
tric Lighting.occupiced, number and ean -power
of are lights, and number of lights
os burned, and cost of each to the city.
Of 75 cities from which data were gathered only 23
furnish facts from which the cost of operation and
the value of the plants and buildings can be de-
termined, and for these it has been found necessary,
for purposes of completeness and accuracy, totabulate
the operations of the plants for the fiscal year 1889-90.
The returns for the succeeding years show, so far as
they are conclusive, that the cities have been able to
es the cost much below the average given in
‘able I,
548
Electric Lighting.
“From this table it is seen that the average cost of
each arc light owned and directly operated by a5
cities is $53.04 a year. In the case of only three or
four of the cities does it appear that interest on the
‘investment has been. included. Obviously, account
should be taken of both interest and depreciation of
property, which items, computed at 12 per cent. of
the total value of the 23 plants and buildings, would
add $33.60 to the first cost, making the average final
cost to the 23 cities operating electric lighting plants
$86.64 per arc light per year.
ce There is one important factor that has not been
considered in this cost—namely, the profits which -
many of the cities receive from light supplied to pri-
vate and commercial houses. Staunton, Va., for in-
stance, in addition to lighting its streets, derives a
revenue from this source almost equal to the cost of
operating its plant. Hannibal, Mo., draws an income
oF $4000 a year from rented lamps, and Chariton, Ta., it
is said, earns $15,000 a year inthe same way. Eighty
dollars per light per year will be found to be much
nearer the real cost of municipal electric lighting in
the United States, if the receipts from commercial
lamps are deducted.
“Table IL. gives the contract prices paid by 29.cities
to private electric lighting companies during the same
period covered by Table I. It is compiled from a Gov-
ernment pepe on gas and electric lighting, pe ee.
as Senate Miscellaneous Document, No. 56, Fifty-jirst
Congress, Second Session, and the aim in its preparation
has been to select from the parts of the country in
which the 23 municipal works are situated private
plants having the same arc light ee ‘or in-
stance, Peoria, Ill., with a capacity of 233 arc lights, is set
over against Bloomington, Ill., with 240 arcs. Twenty-
nine cities rather than 23 have been taken, for the rea-
son that in six of the cities most nearly fulfilling the
conditions. upon which the: selections were based, the
cost appears to be abnormally high. ‘The average
yearly price charged for each of the arc lights by the
29 private companies is shown to be $106.01, or- nearly
$20 a lamp. more than it costs the 23 cities to supply
themselves with this service. This price is only $2.79
greater than the average charged by all the private
companies, large and small, in the 12 States covered by
the tables, and cannot be regarded as due to excep-
tional conditions.* Most of the contract prices given
for the private lamps still obtain, and therefore the two
tables fairly represent the present relative costs under
municipal and private control. The number of hours
each pant was operated is given in the tables for the
benefit of those who care to make a more detailed com-
parison.
“This comparison of city and private plants of equal
arc light capacity, and subject to the same territorial
conditions, 1s the fairest that can be mate, excepting,
perhaps, that between the cost of the same light under
the two systems. Fortunately even this
test can be applied, as several of the
cities now owning works were previ- Comparison
ously to assuming control furnished f Prices
with light by private corporations. Un-
til March, 188, the city of Elgin, Til, Charged,
paid local companies at the rate of $266.-
66 per arc light per year for service with
which it now supplies itself for less than one quarter
ofthissum. Municipal electric lighting costs Lewis-
ton, Me., only one third, and Galveston, Tex., one
half the contract prices these cities formerly gave to
private companies. Bangor, Me., saves $100 per light
oF the, change, and soon. If the reports of the mayors
of various cities having had such an experience are to
be believed, the change has, in every instance, brought
more efficient service, with one-or two exceptions, due
to special and temporary causes.
“Many of the municipal electric lighting plants are
operated in connection. with municipal water works,
and this is one of the chief reasons why cities furnish
themselves. with light more cheaply than. private com-
panies. perform. this service. By uniting these two
services the running expenses. of the plant are made
comparatively light. One building often suffices for
both water and lighting plants, and the same power is
utilized. Several cities have found it necessary to.add
guly two or three employees to the water works
orce.
“Then, too, the municipal plant is not operated for
profit, while the prices of the private companies are
regulated to yield a return on the investment. Often
* The list given in the Government report o:
ne Electric Lighting was taken as the basis of ies
ation.
Electric Lighting.
Electric Lighting. 549
operate in the same territory at one time, free and
natural competition is made impossible. Rival com-
panies occupying the same field may induce a tempo-
rary lowering of the price, but the causes which render
competition inoperative make easily possible a combi-
nation of the one, two or three companies; and no one
needs to be told that in the end, if not at the time, the
consumer pays for the multiplication of engines, dy-
namos, lines and linemen.
the item of profits represents the only difference be-
tween the cost of municipal and of private electric
lighting.
“But even if companies could do the lighting as
cheaply as municipalities, it is a doubtful question
whether or not they would. Electric lighting is one of
theservices the rates of which are practically precluded
from the regulating influence of competition. On ac-
count of the limited number of companies that can
TABLE I.
Cities OPERATING ELectric Licur-|Number of Arc} period of IMumina- | Total Cest of | Cost per arc
ING PLANTS. Lights, 2,000 tion Plant, includ- Light ee
" Candle-power. . ing Buildings. | bight per Year.
Little Rock, At Koes seacs voenseces cr eases IIL 8 hours. 000 00
Aurora, Ill...... .. : is 8x 7 hours, 36 minutes. oo bi
Bloomington, Ill.... sad 240 All night. 80,000 50.00
Decatur, Ill....... si ane 6r Dark nights. 21,000 49.18
Elgin, Ill... : : 80 io hours. 23,000 43.00
Moline, Ill... 80 All night. 21,000 53-00
Paris, Ill... ..... 60 hours. 9,600 40 00
Madison, Ind.. 85 {toon, all night. 25,000 58.50
Topeka, Kan.... 184 All night. 50,000 97-50
Bowling Green, kK 60 Moon, all night. 15,000 30.00
Bangor, Me........ 140 All night. 35,000 45.00
Lewiston, Me. . . 100 Moon, all night. 15,000 54:75
Bay City,. Michiacacoass gemitaares seiatiets ion 143 Moon, all night. 30,000 58.00
Ypsilanti, Mich........,..0.ces00e. seees 80 Moon, to 1 A.M. 24,000 23.60
Sta Joseph, Mos neanaacs ancinainst’s coaiginnrs ve « 208 8 hours. 55,000 72.00
Galion, O... 73 Moon, all night. 23,000 35.00 (est.)
Marietta, O.......... 65 Darkto midnight. 13,000 36.00
Chambersburg, Pa. 62 6 hours. 34,500 45.00
Easton, Pa......... 82 All dark nights. 20,000 87.00
Meadville, Pa... 74 7 hours. 20,000 47-43
- Titusville, Pa... 60 10 hours. 9,000 40.00 (est.)
Galveston, Tex sicasmccssgauidss sa2edesene 175 7 hours. 40,000 87.60
Staunton, Va...........22 see eee Denise deus SO ' oo F 10 hours. 17,000 24.00
Average cost per light per year of ares operated by 25 Cities. .p6 cco, oven pannag esd eneee BS awa 38 $53.04
Interest and depreciation at x12 per cent. total cost of plant and buildings of 23 city-owned electric
lighting works, per light..... eididnese dierunwe. celnsaid isajord ca SiSyei leunhess aia ene ranaed a sraansroye idea, Wak aahagen BEG Slae esi ie SIE 33-60
Totalaverage cost per: HEhe vas ciecwsce sects oc viscmavaeenenrs ox mained ond vines Saale Saree apie es $86.64
TABLE II.
Number of Arc Contract Price
CITIES SUPPLIED BY PRIVATE COMPANIES. | Lights, 2,000 Period of Illumination. per Arc Light
Candle-power. per Year.
Texarkana, Atkrnswvcsos va socnees meee is acts 31 All night. $160.00
Danville, Ill...... 80 As ordered. 80.00
Jacksonville, Ill.. 71 Moon, all night. 96.00
Joliet, Ill........ 121 All night. 124.00
Peoria, Ill..... 233 Moon, all night. 145.00
Springfield, I11 130 Moon, all night. 137.00
Streator, Ill... 60 All night. 96.00
Kokomo, Ind.... 56 All night. 100.00
Logansport, Ind.... 85 Moon, all night. 100.00
Arkansas City, Kan 35 To 12 P.M. 72.00
- Fort Scott, Kan.... 75 Moon schedule to 1 A.M. 80.00
Owensborough, Ky.. 32- Moon schedule to 1 A.M. I10,00
Augusta, Me.......... 68 g hours. 76.33
Bath, Me.............. 31 Tor A.M. 125.c0
Grand Rapids, Mich. 120 All night. 109.50
Lansing, Mich ....... 100 Moon, all night. 100.00
Kansas City, Mo.. 128 All night. 200.75
Sedalia, Mo....... 92 Moon, all night. 87.00
Springfield, Mo. 54 -'(Moon, all night. 136.00
Bellaire, O.. 52 Moon, all night. 90.00
Tremont, O.... 7o All night. g0.00
Hillsborough, 63 Moon, all night. 70.00
Allentown, Pa.. 98 All dark nights. 100.00
Lebanon, Pa..... 60 To 12 P.M. 80.00
Newcastle, Pa .. .....- 5° All night. 80.00
South Bethlehem, Pa... 55 Moon to 12 P.M. 81.82
Dallas, Tex.....-..6-+65 165 All night. 95-85
Houston, Tex.. . a 92 All night. 150.00
Parkersburg, Va.......00-0+095 § waibeoeieeiae 58 All night. 102.00
Average cost per light per year of arcs operated by 29 private companies................05 $106.01
Nore.—All night, 104% hours,
Moon, all night, 6 hours.
Till 12 o’clock, 5% hours.
Electric Lighting.
The argument against municipal lighting is
usually based on the corruption of city govern-
ments and the undesirability of extending offi-
cialism and bureaucracy. (For this general
argument, fro and con, see INDIVIDUALISM ; So-
CIALIsM.) We quote here an article on Cost Sta-
tistics of Public Electric Lighting, by Victor
Rosewater (Publications of the American Statis-
tical Association, vol. iii ) showing what can be
said against statistics which prove the desirabil-
ity of municipal ownership. Mr. Rosewater
says:
‘Among the. various papers published upon the
subject of municipal control of public electric light-
ing the showing made by the statistics of cost is
always an important factor. Whatever be the point
of view of the writers, they seem to present their own
figures and yet to arrive at essentially inconsistent re-
sults. What I propose to do here, then, is simply to
touch upon a few of the limitations which must be
borne in mind by any one who wishes to give these
statistics their due scientific weight.
‘““What is the cost of an electric street lamp to a
city? The answer naturally suggesting itself would
be that it is the contract price paid to the lighting cor-
poration. This is evidently the idea that controlled
the officials of the Eleventh Census when they com-
piled the materials for Census Bulletin No. 100. No
extended consideration is needed to learn that these
figures are absolutely without significance. The
fatal defect lies in the fact that they do not show the
amount of lighting service. In one place the antaPe
may burn but 5 hours nightly for only 20 nights in the
month; in another they may be operated all of every
night. Even overlooking minor omissions, which wiil
be pointed out in a moment, any comparison of abso-
lute contract prices is fallacious at the outset. ...
“Leaving aside the census bulletin, we may, never-
theless, still find an authoritative presentation of con-
tract prices of public electric lighting that does not
have its chief merit in es. too little information. I
refer to a report of the Engineer Commissioner of the
District of Columbia.
“Here, notwithstanding the fact that only those
cities have been selected in which the lamps burna
period popularly known as ‘all of every night,’ the
actual period of illumination is given in each instance.
We also have data upon several collateral points. But
to compare the cost of an electric lamp supplied
under a 1o-year contract with that of one supplied
under monthly agreements cannot be strictly accurate.
“ Again, the location of the wires may be a factor
influencing the cost of street illumination to a city, in
which the municipal authorities compel the franchised
corporations to place their wires under ground.
What they in fact do is to compel an increased capi-
talization of the private company in order to meet the
extraordinary expenditure. ...
“ Analogous to the distinction just noted are the dif-
ferences founded in the location of the lamps. These
differences take on three distinct forms with reference
to the system of hanging, with reference to the num-
ber of lamps, and with reference to the relative profit-
ableness of the district... .
“Tf we turn now to the cost statistics of electric
lighting under municipal ownership of the plant, we
strike a set of complications no less serious. At the
very beginning of every such investigation we find
ourselves in the chaos of American municipal book-
keeping. When no two cities employ the same system
of accounts, when in the same city the reports of dif-
ferent departments furnish irreconcilable data, the
statistician must seek to extricate himself as best he
can. It would scarcely be stating the case too strong-
ly if we should say that out of the probable 150 muni-
cipalities owning their own electric lighting plants not
5 could present an intelligble showing of their opera-
tions for the period of one year The blame for this
does not attach entirely to the city officials, for condi-
tions exist in many localities which render a clear
financial account a thing next to impossibility. ...
“The special difficulties arising in this connection
are of atwofold character—those relating to the cost
of the installation, and those relating to the annual
operating expenses. In most instances the bonded
indebtedness incurred for the particular purpose does
not cover the entire capital outlay. To add in the
proper amount of interest charges requires, then, an
assumed capitalization. Where the plant isconducted
55°
Electric Lighting:
in conjunction with other monopolies of service, wit
the water-works, for example, we have a Bee nein,
joint production which defies a statistical sepalenoe
of expenditures. The same obstacle presents itself in
relation to the operating expenses. ...
“It has sometimes been attempted to compare the
cost of electric lighting in the same city under con-
tract with private companies and under municipal
ownership. Figures of this kind are valid so far as
they go. But even where the city changes from one
régime to another, by buying out the private corpora-
tion or by constructing its own plant, we can never be
certain that the conditions remain unchanged, that we
are comparing similar services. Mr. R. J. Finley has,
in a recent magazine article, adopted still a different
procedure. He has compiled two tables representing
the two systems, each table showing the cost of light-
ing in a number of cities specially chosen with refer-
ence to geographical situation and industrial condi-
tions, in order to counterbalance the one against the
other. The plan is ingenious. Sufficient data are
given to convey a comprehensive idea of the situation,
but Mr. Finley also gives way to the irresistible im-
ulse to generalize with an average. His average,
Tike the others, is misleading and meaningless, |
“Tf this review of the cost statistics of public elec-
tric lighting can serve any useful purpose, it must be
to emphasize the fact that in such matters simplicity is
deception. It is useless to seek to represent a compli-
cated process by a single numerical figure. The sta-
tistics themselves are valuable, but must be employed
as bases of comparison only with the utmost care, and
with due allowance for the many limitations which
affect their accuracy.”
It will be seen that Mr. Rosewater ‘does not
question the correctness of Mr. Finley’s facts
which we have given above, only warning us
against general averages and broad statements.
Perhaps the best means of arriving at the truth,
however, is comparing the experiences of the
same cities under private and municipal opera-
tion. Care must be taken, as Mr. Rosewater
says, in instituting this and all comparisons ;
but with due care it is instructive. Professor
Frank Parsons, in a series of articles in the
Arena for 1895, gives the following table as to
the cost per lamp before and after public owner-
ship, the ‘‘ after’’ service being the same as or
better than the service it replaced :
Before. |After.
Ban Gor; Me i. sais Sawadie-ed paiite oi sais $150 $48
Lewiston, Me... é 182 55
Peabody, Mass.. 185 62
Bay City, Mich . 110 58
Huntington, Ind. 146 50
Goshen, [nds sic. csc satin wewme os cee x 156 77
Bloomington, Ill. IIL 5t
Chicago, Ill...... 250 96
Elgin, Ill... 266 43
Aurora, Ill. 326 70
Fairfield, Ia...... 378 70
Marshalltown, Ia.. ae, 125 27
Jacksonville, Fla.................. Sears 24 5
Of this table he says :
“The statements rest upon official reports and re-
turns of municipal officers. The figures of the ‘ after’
column represent the cost per lamp per year as ascer-
tained in the first two or three years after public owner-
ship began, except where subsequent years show a
higher cost than the early years, in which case the said
higher yearly cost has been taken. Asa rule the cost
in later years is less than the cost in the first years of
public ownership; for example, the present cost per
lamp per year in Bangor is only $34, in Lewiston, $43,
in Bay City, $46, etc. The case of Chicago is peculiar.
The public plant was started in 1887. Census bulletin
100 P aces the cost in Chicago at $68 per lamp, but this
is the average rate for all the electric lamps, rented as
well as public, and of all candle powers, Professor
Ely’s Problems of To-day, third edition, in an appendix
Electric Lighting.
written in 1890, puts the cost in Chicago at $55. In
1893 and 1894, the department reports make the cost
QO. «ww
“The public-owned Chicago electric-light plant
works under a great disadvantage from not being able
to secure from the legislature a permit to sell commer-
cial light. Therefore it has only one lamp for each 500
feet of wire. A mile of wire dissipatesas much energy
as a 2000 candle-power light. The menare only worked
eight hours, are paid $2 a day, and two shifts are em-
ployed, while the private piant works one shift and
pays less—$35 to $50 a month. The private company
lights 56 lamps for $137 each, in the district where wires
have to be buried, and by a new contract 230 lamps at
$105 a year each in other parts of the city. The cost of
the city-owned lights, nearly all of which are in the
district where wires have to be buried, is about $96, and
wou: be much less if the plant could be fully util-
ized. ...
“All the plants of this table confine themselves to
street lighting, except the Peabody and Jacksonville
plants. In Peabody the superintendent is able to sep-
arate with satisfactory accuracy the cost of the street
lamps from the cost of commercial lighting. In Jack-
sonville, the lamps are incandescent. The private
company has been charging $24 a year for all-night
service. The public plant, which has just been built,
551
Electric Lighting.
offers to supply the same service at $9, and the cost of
operation is estimated &at less than $5a year. Thecom-
missioners have carefully studied the workings of
municipal plants, and are confident of a good profit at
the prices they advertise. The plant does not aimto
be entirely cooperative—it is cooperative in respect to
the street lamps, but expects a pron from commercial
lighting. This expectation of the commissioners is
fully confirmed Oy the tables in the next section of
this report. All the plants of the table except that of
Jacksonville have been a considerable time in opera-
tion, and the figures given are the results of actual ex-
perience on the spot. Most places that possess munic-
ipal plants did not have any electric light until the public
plant was built. If it had not been for this circum-
stance, the table would be much longer than it is.”
The lighting of streets in many cities costs the
public nothing, for the municipally owned plants
allows them to sell light and meet the expense
of street lighting from the profits. Professor
Parsons gives the following table of public
plants in three groups, whose profits partly meet
the cost, wholly meet the cost, and more than
meet the cost :
GROUP A.
| Profit |
St. Clairsville, O........... Faahagcnense $28 2,000 candle-power average g hours a night.
Swanton, Vt..... 10 2,000 candle-power all night, moon. _
Chehalis, Wash... . 8 2,000 candle-power all night, every night.
Indianola, Ja...... 7 1,200 candle-power average 6 hours.
Wellston, O...... ... 7 1,200 candle-power average 6 hours.
Grand Ledge, Mich.* 6%
Madison, N. J. I2 Incandescent 30 candle-power.
4 Incandescent.
Newark, Del..
* Grand Ledge is taken from Professor Ely’s figures, and Chehalis from Director Beitler’s report to the
Philadelphia Councils; the rest are from returns made directly to me.
GROUP B.
' Profit.
Albany, Mo.... .....005 piste slesaietely gan “Commercial eee Pay all expenses” (30 street lamps 1,200 can-
dle-power burned all night). : :
Batavia; Tl. ss spinee oon swine casnewnis “Costs nothing—all expenses paid by commercial light” (120
street arcs all night). :
Crete; NED: ssnoeme yen Guaydeanas oe ‘“‘Commercial lamps more than pay expenses” (so street arcs 1,200
candle-power till midnight). : : Ke
Council Grove, Kan........ Biadiesnsee 8 geste “Commercial lamps pay all expenses—operation and interest.
Middleton, Pa........ aes “soo incandescent pay all expenses.”
Oxford, O.......... an ‘*t,300 incandescent pay for the street lamps.” a
St. Peter’s, Minn....... ‘Lights cost nothing—1,oo00 incandescent pay all expenses.
GROUP C. 2
Profit.
Batmiville; Vacs eejeiie 6 secins aguneewaiae $340 Above all expenses, fixed charges, and operating, and giving the
city free 25 full arcs averaging 6 hours per night.
Ltiverné, Minn. 9.0.50. -sscesesiesdinses 520 Above all operating and fixed charges, and 12 street arcs, free,
of 2,000 candle-power.
Falls City, Neb..... 650 Above all Suekatae and fixed charges, and 150 street lamps free.
Rockport, Mo..... : goo Above all operating and tixed charges, and 65 street lamps free.
Alexandria, Minn ue Blends the light and water accounts. The report for the year
ending March 1, 1895, puts interest and operaung expenses at
$5,896 for the combined departments. The income of the de-
partments, aside from taxes, was $6,052.
Professor Parsons says :
“We are only on the threshold yet. Our towns and
cities are just beginning to see the virtues of combin-
ing commercial lighting with their street work. The
‘business is developing rapidly, and in a few years a
city that levies taxes to pay for its street lamps will be
regarded as a lingering relic of an embryonic age. In
time we may even do as well as Berlin and Paris, which
make the city franchises pay 18 and 22 per cent., re-
epecrvolys of all municipal expenditures. I hope we
shall do better; I hope to see the day when public
business will pay the whole volume of public exe
penses,
Electric Lighting.
‘One more point the committee must make in this
section. The transfer of business from private to pub-
lic plants is a benefit to consumers as well as to those
who pay taxes. To a large extent the two classes are
one, and a man who buys light for his store or his
house, and helps with the street-lighting tax, is doubly
benefited by the public plant, once by the diminution
oe exes and once by the cheapening of commercial
ight.
“Braintree, Mass., sells incandescents at_six mills
per meter hour and 34 to $5 a year. St. Clairsville
sells incandescents, 16 candle-power, at two-fifths of
a cent a meter hour, or 4o cents a month. Farmville
charges so cents a month. Swanton, Vt., sells incan-
descents, 16 candle-power, at one to three dollars a
year, or one-third of a cent an hour by meter, and 2000
candle-power arcs at $50a year. In Boston the citizens
have to pay 50 to 90 cents a night, or $182 to $328 a year
for an arc, and one cent per hour by meter, or $10 a
year, for an incandescent 16 candle-power.
“Public lighting not only reduces the cost of street
lamps one half, two halves, or even three halves, but it
lowers the cost of commercial light also about one
half on the average, and, in some cases, a great deal
more than that.
“* How is it that public plants are able to make such
tremendous savings?’ The reasons are many ; here
are some of them:
“1, A public plant does not have to pay dividends on
watered stock.
**2, It does not have to pay dividends even on the
actual investment. .
“3. It does not have to retain lawyers or lobbyists, or
provide for the entertainment of councilmen, or sub-
scribe to campaign funds, or bear the expenses of
pushing the nomination and election of men to protect
its interests or give it new privileges, or pay blackmail
to ward off the raids of cunning legislators and offi-
cials, or buy up its rivals, etc.
“4. It does not have to advertise nor solicit business.
“:, It is able to save a great deal by combination with
other departments of public service. The mayor of
Dunkirk says: ‘Our city owns its water plant, and the
great saving comes from the city’s owning and operat-
ing both plants. No extra labor is required but a line-
man, The same engineers, firemen, and superinten-
dent operate both plants, and the same boiler power is
used.’ Soin Bangor, Marshalltown, and a number of
other places, the municipal lighting system is run in
connection with the public water plant. In LaSalle the
fire, water, and light departments areconsolidated. A
great saving in the cost of labor and superintendence
results. The larger the cooperation under a single
skilful management, the greater the economy and effi-
ciency, other things being equal. The plants in Al-
legheny, Easton, West Troy, South Norwalk, Peabody,
Danvers, and Braintree do not have this advantage of
combination.
“6, Public ownership has no interestto pay. Evenif
the people do nct own the capital, but borrow it, they
can get the money at much lower rates of interest than
private companies have to pay. Boston, New York,
and Philadelphia can borrow at 3 per cent—have bor-
rowed many millions at that rate. Dunkirk borrows
at the same rate; Allegheny pays 3% percent. when
she borrows; Easton, West Troy, South Norwalk, Pea-
body, Braintree, etc., 4 per cent. Few places have to
pay over s5percent. There is no debt on the Dunkirk,
Allegheny, or West Troy plants, but these are therates
those cities pay when they borrow. Asarule private
companies are obliged to pay from 2 to 4 percent. more
than the pact erpen ty in which they are located. The
Boston Electric Light Company reportsitsinterest pay-
ments at 6 per cent—3 per cent higher than the rate at
which the city can borrow. The average interest paid
on borrowed money by the private companies in Massa-
chusetts is between 7 and 8 percent., while the average
at which the towns and cities of the State are able to
borrow is between 4 and 5 per cent.
“It is not to be expected that private companies will
sell as cheaply as public; with equal efficiency of man-
agement it costs them more to produce light, and they
must have interest and profits. A private company is
run, not for the benefit of the people, but for the profit
of the owners. It is perfectly natural for an electric-
light company to make all the money it can; that is no
more than is done by the majority of business men and
corporations in every line of trade.” as
(For references, see MUNICIPALISM.)
ELLIOT, EBENEZER, the Corn Law
Rhymer, was born at Masborough, near Shef-
552
Elmira Reformatory:
field, in 1781. Theson of a manufacturer of the
somewhat rough early type, he received little
education, but read widely and early wrote
verse. Entering business himself, he met with
some success, but also with losses, which he laid
to the Corn Laws. He developed a fierce indig-
nation against the law that had kept him poor as.
an employer, and that pressed so hardly on the
workers whom he wished to benefit. In The
Splendid Village, The Village Patriarch,
and, above all, in The Ranter, the reader feels
the depth of his feeling for the poor and his
hatred of the landlord class. In the Corn-law
Rhymes (1831) the whole of his bitter anger
breaks out, and made the famous rhymes play
no small part in the agitation which finally abol-
ished the Corn Laws. He died soon after see-
ing their abolition in 1849.
ELLIS, HAVELOCK, was born at Croydon
in 1859. He spent some years of his early life
in the Australian bush. Tho prepared for the
medical profession, he has given his attention
mainly to scientific and literary studies. He
was one of the founders of the Fabian Society
and the New Fellowship. He is general editor
of the Contemporary Science Series. His main
writings are The New Spirit, The Crimznal,
Nationalization of Health, and Man and
Woman. Mrs. Ellis (zée Edith Lees) is secre-
tary of the New Here a lecturer on social
subjects, and author of A Novztiate for Mar-
riage, Democracy in the Kitchen, and The
Masses and the Classes.
ELMIRA REFORMATORY, NEW
YORK.—The sociological experiments and re-
stilts arrived at in Elmira Reformatory, New
York, are of such importance as to entitle it to
an article apart from the general consideration
of penal reform. (See PENOLOGY.)
The initial official step taken toward the estab-
lishment of the Reformatory -was the creation
in 1869 by the Legislature of a Commission ‘‘ to
locate a State penitentiary or industrial reforma-
tory in the Sixth Judicial District.’’
The first inmates were received on July 24,
1876, being transferred from Auburn prison.
Thereafter most of the work of construction was
carried on by prisoners. The institution did
not take its distinctive position in the prison sys-
tem of the State, however, until April 24, 1877,
when the bill providing for the ‘‘ indeterminate”’
sentence was incorporated in the statutes.
According to this bill, convicts sent tu Elmira
cannot be sentenced for any definite term, altho
a maximum term can be given. The length of
residence of the convict is left
wholly to the decision of the man-
agement, and this gives the key to
the whole institution. On his ar-
rival the convict is carefully exam-
ined as to his history, mental and physical char-
acteristics, and all circumstances of his case, and
is then treated as a moral patient, built up into
self-supporting character as rapidly as possible,
and only allowed to go out (unless the maximum
term intervenes) when in the opinion of the
management he is capable of self-supporting
citizenship. He is, however, even then only al-
lowed to go out for the first six months on parole,
System.
Elmira Reformatory. 553
being kept in close correspondence with the
management until he has proved himself worthy
‘of absolute freedom.
Such is, in brief, the thought of the Reforma-
tory. But the way the convicts are built up into
character zs éy teaching the convicts to work.
In 1888 the New York Legislature passed the
Yates Bill, practically prohibiting the industries
then being carried on at Elmira by the convicts,
and absolutely forbidding the application of
power machinery to such prison labor in order
to prevent its competition with outside labor. It
forced the prisoners into immediate idleness,
and the management scarcely knew what to do.
But in a few hours the whole industrial life of
the institution was revolutionized. Hitherto the
idea had been to carry on industries partly for
the good of the convicts, but largely to pay ex-
penses. Now all thought of making profit was
given up and industrial classes were commenced
simply for the good of the men. The whole
mass of convicts, too, for sake of exercise, were
brought out and drilled in military exercise.
The result of both measures has been good be-
yond all expectation. The military exercise
gives the convicts a carriage and bearing, both
mental and physical, that makes them wholly
different. To-day they form a notable regiment
of men, organized, officered, and commanded by
those convicts proving themselves the most
worthy, and with their own band, and all ap-
pointments of a regiment.
The following account of the Elmira method
we abridge from the Reformatory Year Book,
mainly written and printed by the convicts»:
All individuals committed to the Reforma-
tory, except those sentenced by federal courts
within the State of New York, are brought to
the institution by its transfer officer.
The neophyte usually has an opportunity for
several hours’ calm contemplation before he is
called from his cell for his first conference with
the General Superintendent. At this meeting
he is subjected to a searching examination of
his whole history, being called upon to furnish
for the records all the facts within his ken relat-
ing to his parentage, early environment, per-
sonal habits, and present ambitions. The infor-
mation adduced as to progenitors often has an
influence in deciding the trade to be taught to
the novice, who is usually unaccustomed to and
unskilled at labor, and who seldom evinces any
choice. The class of manufacturing mostly car-
tied on in the vicinity to which the man is likely
to go upon his release is also an important fac-
tor in the arrangement of trades instruction.
The prisoners are divided into three classes
or grades, determined by the character of the
men, their conduct, industry, and studiousness
being factors in securing promotion or retro-
gradation.
The grades are styled the Upper First, the Lower
First and the Second. Tyros are inducted tothe Lower
First grade. They take their meals in their rooms.
By maintaining a good record for six successive
months they may advance to the Upper First grade,
from which alone they may secure release prior to the
expiration of the maximum term for which they can
be imprisoned. Their cells are more commodious,
they are provided with spring beds, and they eat at
tables in a large dining-room. From their ranks are
chosen the officers and most of the non-commissioned
officers of the regiment, as well as the monitors in the
shops and the turnkeys on the cell blocks. If their
Elmira Reformatory.
records continue perfect another six months they be-
come candidates for conditional release, the wd¢7ma-
tum being a vote of confidence by the Board of Man-
agers and the securing of satisfactory employment.
The downward step from the Lower First grade
leads to the Second, or convict, grade. Into this drop
the Lower First grade men whose conduct, school, or
labor records are imperfect for two or three months
in succession, and men of both divisions who are guilty
ofinsubordination or any serious infraction of rules,
or who are detected in the commission of an act evi-
dencing a spirit hostile to law and government. Those
who are reduced to this class forfeit all credit marks
and may only secure readmission to the next higher
grade to take a fresh start for the parole goal by earn-
ing a perfect marking for three successive months.
Those who fall to the Second grade a second time may
not emerge from it for six months, and the third
degradation is not followed by advancement for a
year. Its wearers are quartered in the smallest cells,
are deprived of all room furniture not essential to
health and cleanliness, have no sheets on their beds,
receive no tea and coffee with their rations, lose the
privilege of drawing literature of any kind from the
library, and lose their right to receive trades instruc-
tion as such.
The engagements of each inmate are intended to
absorb his thoughts completely during most of his
waking moments, and they are sufficiently varied,
tho systematized. The program is varied for in-
dividuals. There are those who are employed at pro-
ductive labor or in domestic service. A majority of
the trades-school pupils spend a portion
of two days a week inthe drawing-class
room. Wednesday and Saturday after-
noons work is suspended in the shops
and trades-class rooms and the four
hours are devoted to drilling and military ceremonies.
There are evening class meetings for every man as
often as twice a week, and for those most nearly illit-
erate and those taking special courses as often as four
times a week. On Sundays there are classes in ethics.
There are kindergarten classes for the underwitted,
classes for the othersin all branches of study, from
elementary subjects to the higher sciences and phi-
losophy. The elementary classes are usually taught
by advanced convicts. The main classes are, however,
industrial. There are classes in bricklaying and
plastering, blacksmithing, horseshoeing, bookbinding,
barbering, baking, brass finishing and molding, boat-
building, carpentry and cabinet-imaking, electricity,
fireman’s work, fresco-painting, wood-finishing, ma-
chinery, molding, plumbing, printing, pattern-mak-
ing, photography, stone-cutting, stenography, shoe-
making, steam-fitting, stained-glass setting, tailoring,
tinsmithing, typewriting, upholstering, wood-carving,
etc.
Classes,
” Careful instructicn is given in every depart-
ment, mainly by the convicts themselves. In
many workshops containing scores or even hun-
dreds of workers, convicts are the only teachers
and convicts the only watch on guard. Much
attention is given to physical training. Every
convict, on coming in, is physically examined,
and then the endeavor is made to develop to
the norm that which is abnormal. .
The system of physical training, with its ac-
companiment of massage-bathing, is accom-
plishing what was expected of it.
Since its opening there has been confined
within the Reformatory precinct a limited num-
ber of men of a type so abnormal as not to be
susceptible of betterment through the applica-
tion of methods resorted to in the cases of the
majority. Morbid minds and undeveloped,
poorly nourished and diseased bodies—results
of bad environment and vicious habits or the
legacy of unhealthy progenitors—had made
them stupid, slow, disinclined, if able, to apply
their minds to the acquirement of useful knowl-
edge, and generally unprogressive. Many of
them are illiterate, and some have so far lost
control over themselves as to be ranked not
much above idiots. They are utterly incapable
Elmira Reformatory.
of receiving and retaining impressions with .
sufficient regularity to make headway in the
simplest of trades taught in the technological
department, and they are fitted only for incon-
sequential work in the shops. In conduct they
rank with the incorrigibles, often because they
have not appreciation of the distinction between
right and wrong. They are not to be stimulat-
ed by the same motives and ambitions that
affect most of those undergoing the rehabilitat-
ing course. Lossof privilege by way of penalty
is regarded with stolid indifference. For men
answering this déscription and for those suffer-
ing from physical defects which may be reme-
died by systematic muscular effort, the physical
training department accomplishes an amount of
good that cannot be satisfactorily expressed in
words.
One of the more recent steps is the adoption
of a wage-earning plan. Each man is credited
with his earnings in labor for every full day’s
work of eight hours at the rate of
35 cents per day in the Second, 45
cents per day in the Lower First,
and 55 cents per day in the Upper
First grade. This rate is not fixed
with reference to an estimate placed
upon the value of the labor, but is governed by
the legal provision restricting the amount that
may be disbursed to inmates to 10 per cent. of
the gross earnings of the Reformatory. Fines
are imposed for bad conduct.
In study, a demerit of $1 is incurred for fail-
ure in any subject where the marking is not
below 50 per cent. ; below 50 per cent. and not
below 25 per cent., $2 ; below 25 per cent., $3.
From his earnings each man is required to
pay for what he receives : in board and lodging
at the rate of 25 cents per day in the Second, 32
‘cents per day in the Lower First, and 4o cents
per day in the Upper First grade ; in clothing,
at an established schedule of prices; and in
medical attendance, at the rate of 15 cents per
visit. While for the present the prices of board
are inflexible, a plan is under consideration by
which his expenditure in this direction will be
placed in the control of each inmate.
It is intended that any total credit balance
obtained under this system shall be placed at
the disposal of the inmate earning it as a fund
to be paid him on his release. This
can take place (unless the maximum
term of imprisonment be reached
first) only by perfect records for a
certain period, and the confidence
of the management that the candidate is ‘‘ mor-
ally, intellectually, and physically capable of
earning a livelihood.’ In the event of the con-
ditional release being authorized there is still
another step prior to its realization : satisfac-
tory employment must be secured.
Wage
Earning,
Parole.
The principal regulations governing paroled
men, which are printed on the certificates is-
sued to each, are these :
x. The graduate shall proceed directly to the place
of employment provided for him and there remain, if
practicable, for at least six months from date.
z. In case he finds it desirable to change his em-
ployment or residence, he shal! first get the consent of
the managers through the General Superintendent.
3..He shall on the first of every month, for the
period of six months or more, and until absolutely re-
554
Elmira Reformatory:
ard to the General Su-
seas olen’ a repert of himecit certified ‘by his em.
ployer or an agent of the managers, which report shall
state whether he has been constantly under pay during
the month and if not, why not, and how much money
he has expended and saved, together with a general
and full statement of himself and surroundings.
4. He shallin all respects conduct himself honestly,
avoid low and evil associations, and shall abstain from
intoxicating drinks.
Each man is advised, prior to his departure,
that he need not fear to communicate with the
management in case he loses his situation or
becomes unable to labor by reason of sickness.
He is assured that he may at all times rely upon
the aid and counsel of the managers and super-
intendent, and that, in case of disaster, he may
find the Reformatory a desirable retreat. If the
terms of the conditional release are faithfully
complied with for a period of six months, the
Board of Managers, by vote at one of their
monthly meetings, grant absolute release, which
operates the same as a pardon by the Governor.
The results of the plan are the most favor-
able. According to the report for 1895, there had
been received on the indeterminate term up to
September 30, 1894, 6641 convicts.
Of these 4369 were paroled, the re-
maining 2272 being either still in Results,
the Reformatory, or, having been
released by expiration of the maxi-
mum term, pardoned out, transferred to other
State prisons or having died. Of the 4369 who
had been paroled, 3628, or 83 per cent., are re-
ported to have probably reformed ; 2616 of these
served their complete time of parole and earned
their absolute release ; 322 were still on parole,
while the remaining one half had been lost sight
of, but who are counted as having ‘‘ probably”
reformed ; 686, or 15.7 per cent., are reported as
having probably returned to criminal practices ;
303 have been returned to the Reformatory ;
140 have been paroled twice ; 26 have returned
twice ; 12 have been paroled three times ; and
4 have returned three times.
Beyond this remarkable showing the follow-
ing statistics are instructive. Of those indefi-
nitely sentenced—
32.3 per cent. inherited insanity or epilepsy.
38.3 drunkenness clearly traced.
13.1 &§ ey doubtful.
48.6 He a temperate habits.
or ) se were of pauperized ancestry.
76.9 a ‘“ “ancestry of no accumulations,
18.5 Ae Sano ae forehanded.
54.0 “ “ “homes positively bad.
385 eB TE enky fain,
7.6 ry we “ good.
53.1 a “at home up to time of crime.
41.9 ss ‘* homeless at eee oe $
m9:3, tS “illiterate,
48.8 se could read and write with difficulty.
28.6 ‘a had common school education.
33 ‘ i high school or more education.
42.8 Protestant training or faith.
45.6 * ‘© R, Catholic a ee
6.3 iz “ Hebrew as i ee
43 i "none.
88.3 a were if ood health.
a4 eficient in natural ca i
18.1 #6 “of only fair te sapecitys
80.5 ee “ good or excellent natural capace
ity.
33-8 es seemed of absolutely no moral sense.
qe S a ‘possibly some ‘ “
20.9 o ° “ ordinary “ “
3.2 ‘ “specially susceptible moral
_ sense,
936 “ had committed offenses against prop-
erty.
Elmira Reformatory.
6.6 per cent. had committed offenses against the per-
son.
4 eS had committed offenses against the
x peace. E
56.9 ee were between 16-20 when admitted.
330 aS cate BOUIN Sue
10.1 25-30
The cost of maintenance for 1892 was $108,-
454.34. Of this $7208.63 was tor prisoners’
transportation ; $3801 for cost of schools;
$7596.63 for physical and other training. The
incidental and other income was $40,019.72.
The operation of the farm during the year yield-
ed $5452.28. The per diem maintenance cost
was 38.9 cents. The number of inmates Sep-
tember 30, 1892, was 1396. The Year Book of
the Reformatory, bound, printed, and, in fact,
written by the convicts, can be had ordinarily
on application. The closing sentence of one
Year Book says: ‘‘ The time will come when
every punitive institution in the civilized world
will be destroyed, and all places for the treat-
ment of crime be hospitals, schools, workshops,
and reformatories.’’ (See also PENOLOGY ;
CRIME. )
ELY, RICHARD THEODORE, Ph.D.,
LL.D., Director of the School of Economics,
Political Science, and History of the University
of Wisconsin, and one of the best-known and
popular American writers on social and eco-
nomic questions, was born in Ripley, N. Y.,
April 13, 1854. Until 18 he lived in the coun-
try, working on a farm of which, for a time,
he had entire control. His father was a civil
engineer, and for some time he was employed
on his engineering corps in laying out a rail-
road. After completing the course of the State
Normal School he entered Dartmouth College,
going from there to Columbia College, where
e was graduated in 1876. As holder of fellow-
ship of that institution he continued his studies
in German universities, receiving the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy from Heidelberg in 1879.
A year after his return to America he was
called to Johns Hopkins University, where he
was Professor of Political Economy until 1892.
In 1892 he resigned from the Johns Hopkins
University to take the position he now holds at
the University of Wisconsin.
Professor Ely has made a record of incessant
activity as university professor and lecturer.
But the pressure of academic duties has not pre-
vented Dr. Ely from engaging in fields of prac-
tical activity. More than any other man he was
identified with the formation of the American
Economic Association.
In Baltimore ne was for one year (1885-86) a
member of the city tax commission and for two
years (1886-88) a member of the State Tax Com-
mission. . ,
Professor Ely has taken an active part in the
Chautauqua movement, and has lectured for
several years at the annual summer assemblies.
Among other institutes and societies to
which he belongs may be mentioned the Inter-
national Statistical Institute, the Christian So-
cial Union, of which he was the first and a most
active and earnest secretary. : ;
Dr. Ely has, moreover, found time to write
numerous works and to contribute largely to
the leading periodicals and papers, and has
555
Emerson, Ralph Waldo.
grown into the recognized position of a leader
of American public opinion in matters of eco-
nomics and applied ethics.
He has devoted particular attention to the
study of taxation, socialism, the labor question,
and municipal government. Tasratzon in Amer-
zcan States and Cuitzes and the Labor Move-
ment tn America represent pioneer work in
their respective fields. Others of his works
have attained a wide circulation and _ gone
through several editions. These are: French
and German Soctalism in Modern Times
(1883); Zhe Past and Present of Politecal
Economy (1884); Problems of To-day (1888) ;
Soctal Aspects of Christianity and An Intro-
duction to Political Economy (1889), Outlines
of Economics (College edition, 1894); Soczal-
zsm and Social Reports (1894).
Professor Ely has been criticised as a senti-
mentalist, but has never flinched from his posi-
tion that political economy ought to be made
useful for promoting practical reform and the
elevation of the masses. He has been branded
as a socialist, which he has steadfastly denied,
tho he has continued none the less earnestly to
write and speak against monopolies and in favor
of every reasonable forward step which could
benefit working men.
EMBARGO.—A prohibition affecting com-
merce by national authority, which has been
laid in various forms and at various times by
various nations. Formerly ships belonging to
a foreign power were placed under embargo in
contemplation of war, but in modern times this
practice has been discontinued, and the only oc-
casion on which an embargo of ships is now re-
sorted to is when it is sought to use reprisals in
the case of any specific wrong committed by
any foreign State.
EMERSON, RALPH WALDO, the great-
est of American philosophers, was born in Bos-
ton, May 25, 1803. He entered Harvard Uni-
versity in 1817, graduating in 1821, and became
astor of a Unitarian Church in Boston in 1829.
He resigned in 1832, owing to differences in
thought and opinion. After that he lived a
retired life, chiefly in Concord, writing many
books, lectures, etc., and becoming eminent not
only as an author, but also as a lecturer. In the
midst of his literary labors he found time to
manifest his interest in great public questions
as they arose. He was deeply interested in
Brook Farm (g.v.), tho he never resided there.
He was earnest and outspoken in his views
against slavery. At Waltham, in 1845, Emer-
son attacked slavery with no feeble weapon :
“Tt is certain that, if it should come to question, all
just men, all intelligent agents, must take the part of
the black against the white man. Then, I say, ‘Never
isthe planter safe; his house is a den; a just man
cannot go there except to tell him so.’ Nature fights
on the other side; and as power is always stealing
from the idle to the busy hand, it seems inevitable
that a revolution is preparing, at no distant day, to set
these disjointed matters right.”
In 1844 he had touched upon another crying
evil, the seizure of colored sailors of Massachu-
ae when they went into the ports of Caro-
ina: .
Emerson, Ralph Waldo.
‘Gentlemen, I thought the deck of a Massachusetts
ship was as much the territory of Massachusetts as the
floor on which we stand. It should be assacred as the
temple of God. If such a damnable outrage can be
committed on the person of a citizen with impunity,
let the Governor break the broad seal of the State ; he
bears the sword in vain. The great-hearted Puritans
have left no posterity. The rich men may walk in
State Street, but they walk without honor; and the
farmers may brag their democracy in the country,
put they are disgraced men.”
As early as 1838 he addressed a letter to Presi-
dent Van Buren protesting against the wrongs
then endured by the Cherokee Indians at the
hands of the Government. His anti-slavery
speeches, his remarks on the attack made upon
Charles Sumner in 1856, his speech in behalf of
the Kansas farmers in the same year, his eulo-
gies of John Brown in 1859, his speech of wel-
come to Kossuth at Concord Bridge in 1852, his
speech at the centennial celebration of Concord
Fight in 1875, and many other brief addresses,
are the fearless utterances of the reformer. He
was an active citizen in practical ways, and was
punctual in his attendance at the town meetings,
where he often took part in debates; yet he
sympathized to some extent in the no-govern-
ment theories of his friends Alcott and Thoreau,
influenced by his partly socialistic, partly indi-
vidualistic philosophy. He died at Concord in
1882.
ENGINEERS. See Ramway EMPLoyEss’
ORGANIZATION.
EMIGRATION (see also Immicration) may
be defined as the moving of families or indi-
viduals from one country or oné portion of a
‘country to permanently reside in another land
or portion of country. In the form of coloniza-
tion especially itis as old as civilization. The
ancient cities of Troy, Sidon, as well as the bet-
ter known instances of the Greek cities, repeat-
edly adopted the expedient of assisted coloniza-
tion to develop commerce and relieve the over-
crowding of the parent city. Back of this and
connected with this are the repeated instances of
tribes and clans sending out branches and off-
shoots to settle in some new place. Much of
this was connected with military conquest, but
such was not always the case. The so-called
migration of the nations was in a measure emi-
gration and colonization. In modern times the
discovery of the New World led to a renewed
outbreak of emigration. The economic and in-
dustrial pressure of our own times has led, par-
ticularly in the United Kingdom, not only to
emigration, but to its preaching by some asa
cure for industrial ills.
In England various schemes of State-aided
emigration to the colonies were much debated
throughout the second quarter of the century,
both in and out of Parliament. Such-were those
to facilitate emigration from the south of Ire-
land to Canada (1823) .and to relieve distress in
the Highlands of Scotland (1841). Atthis time,
indeed, the idea of emigration became merged
in the more complex idea of colonization.
“ Of colonization,” writes Wakefield, “the principal
elements are emigration, and the permanent settle-
ment of the emigrants on unoccupied land... .
fancy pictures a sort and amount of colonization
that would amply repay its cost by providing happily
for our redundant Peers’ by improving the state of
those who remained at home; by supplying us largely
with food and the raw materials of manufacture ; and
by gratifying our best feelings of national pride,
556
Emigration.
through the extension over the unoccupied parts of
the earth of a nationality truly British in language,
religion, laws, institutions, and attachment to the em-
pire.”
Mill wrote :
“The exportation of laborers and capital from old
to new countries, from a place where their productive
power is less to a place where it is greater, increases
by so much the aggregate produce of the labor and
capital of the world. It adds to the joint wealth of
the old and the new country what amounts in a short
period to many times the mere cost of effecting ‘the
transport. There needs be no hesitation in affirming
that colonization, in the present state of the world, is
the best affair of business in which the capital of an
old and wealthy country can engage.”
Asaresult, there has been not only great emi-
gration, but all sorts of plans and legislative acts
to aid emigration. Says Palgrave’s Dictionary
of Polztical Economy :
‘In r8r5 the number of emigrants from the United
Kingdom was 2081, in 1820 it was 25,729, in 1830, 56,907 ;.
in that year the Colonization Society was formed; in
the next year the first effort was made
to regulate emigration ; an agent gen-
eral for emigration and certain ‘South Nature of
Australian’ commissioners were the Emigrants.
chief centers of authority for some § a
alana and in 1840 the Colonial Landand
migration Board was established in
Downing Street. It had become clear that the matter
was one of great interest both to the mother country
and the colonies. On the one hand was the theory de-
scribed as ‘shoveling out the paupers,’ on the other
was the demand that no emigrant should be sent to.
the colonies except under proper safeguards, and with
some guarantee of his fitness. Andon the lines which
were settled 50 years ago the attitude of the State tow-
ard emigration has remained ever since. The.activ-
ity of societies and other quasi-public influences has,
however, been growing, till we are confronted at the
puscent day with the efforts of Mr. Arnold White,
aron Hirsch, and the projects of the Salvation Army.
“ We can now examine in-more detail, in the case of:
our own country, the answers to the questions pro-
pounded above.
“1, As regards the stamp of the emigrants from.
England it is specially noted in 1845 that one half-were-
unskilled laborers, and four fifths of the remainder
agricultural laborers and farmers, the great bulk be-
ing exceedingly poor and depending on immediate-
employment for subsistence. And a study of the.
Board of Trade returns for the last few years con-
firms the same opinion.
says Mr. Giffen in a recent report, ‘of the broad facts.
‘that the majority of the adult male emigrants are
laborers, and of single adult female emigrants, do-
mestic servants.’ In 1891 (a good sample of the years),.
out of 189,756 adults of British origin, sigs were-
males and 77,500 females, and the adult males were
classified as follows:
Agricultural laborers........ ...--eeeeeee 145797
Unskilled laborers and miners, etc....... 36,521
Occupation not stated .......... ... 26,663
‘Mechanics and skilled laborers....
2 91717
Farmers and graziers..........-.. 35704
Clerks, shopkeepers, etc.. a 45773
Professional men ..............- 11,467
Miscellaneous ..............05. erste ats arte 4,014
“Tt may reasonably be assumed that the majority:
of those whose occupations are not stated were also:
unskilled laborers; hence it is probable that some
70,000 out of 112,256, about 63 per cent., were of ‘this.
description.”
But it is not clear that emigration has accom--
plished what was hoped from it. The pauper
cannot go, despite the theory that emigration
was to relieve the weakest portion of the com-
munity ; the receiving country rejects him, and
the regulations which agents of government
here and abroad have sought to enforce con-
Stantly tend to encourage the better class of
emigrant. Macintyre, writing 50 years ago,
insisted on this: ‘‘ Emigration, as it is carried
on from this country, does not afford any relief
to the masses of the people reduced to the verge:
‘There seems no doubt,” -
Emigration.
of starvation.” ‘The conditions required of
the persons selected for emigration show that
they are picked individuals.’’ Emigration has
done little or nothing toward elevating the low-
est classes of the people. i
The most skilled artisans, on the other hand,
do not generally go; and itis doubtful, then, if
the productive power of England has been de-
creased, while the productive power of the Eng-
lish colonies and other countries has been in-
creased, Whether this aids the country from
which the emigration occurs is a debated point.
(For the effect on the countries into which the
emigration flows, and for statistics, see Imm1-
GRATION.) Of other countries than England Pal-
grave’s Dictionary says:
“Scotland has sent out a steady stream of emi-
grants whose departure has only strengthened those
who were left behind. Ireland, partly from poverty
partly from political causes, has been rapidly depleted
of the stronger part of her population. In examining
the emigration from other countries, we also find
special phases to arrest us. Norway and Sweden
have both been centers of a large emigration, which
now appears to be losing strength. In Norway the
causes and effects have been akin.to the case of Scot-
land. In Sweden the parallel is rather with Ireland.
In Italy the large annual emigration is becoming a
serious drain, and the face of the country is already
showing this. The loss of the more enterprising
ay is making more helpless those who are left
hind. Germany, on political grounds, is struggling
with the tendency to emigrate ; she does not wish to
lose her soldiers.at.the best period of their lives.”
(For references, see IMMIGRATION.)
EMINENT DOMAIN.—The right of emi-
nent domain is the right to take private prop-
erty for public uses. It is a common phrase in
America, tho until recently little used in Eng-
land, and seems to be derived trom a phrase of
Grotius (De Jure Bellé ac Paczs, 1. i. chap. iii.
vi.sec. 2), The Fifth Amendment to the United
States Constitution provides that it must always
be used with just compensation to the owners
of the property taken. (For a.discussion of this,
see COMPENSATION.)
EMPLOYMENT.
UNEMPLOYMENT.
EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS. See Unem-
PLOYMEN’.
See OccupaTIon and
EMPLOYERS. See Prorirs; WacGEs oF
MANAGEMENT.
EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY LAWS.—
These are laws holding employers liable for ac-
cidents to their employees. when legitimately
engaged in doing the employer’s work. The
agitation for such laws has played and still plays
no small part in the labor movement. Of the
situation in America, Mr. Carroll D. Wright
says.(7he Industrial Evolution of the United
States, pp. 278-281) : :
“Under the common law as it exists in England and
America and in the greater part of the continent of
Europe, where the Roman law is the precedent, it is
the rule that the principal is responsible
for the acts of the agent, the same as if
he performed the acts himself. There
are, of course, many modifications of
this rule under special circumstances,
put the general rule isasstated. It is
curious, however, to note that this rule
does not apply, generally and in broad terms, where
the person injured by the agent or employee of an-
Common
Law.
587
Employers’ Liability Laws.
other is also an agent or employee of the same prin-
cipal; that is, in simple terms, if A is the proprietor of
a factory, a works, or a railroad, and B and C are em-
ployees of A,and Bis injured through the careless-
ness or negligence of C, he cannot recover of the
proprietor A, because B and C are what are known
under the common law as coemployees, and the de-
fense of coemployment would be set up in the courts
of the common law, under which it would be claimed
that A was not liable to B for any damages resulting
from injuries received through the negligence of C.
This doctrine, too, is subject to modifications and re-
strictions, but the broad principle is as stated. Of
course, if it could be proved by B, who was injured
through the carelessness or negligence of C, that the
carelessness or negligence was really that of the pro-
prietor A, then he could recover, but not otherwise.
“It is usually assumed, under the common-law rule,
thatthe employee engages in the services of a com-
pany or of an individual employer with a full knowl-
edge of all the risks, dangers, and responsibilities of
the peculiar employment, and, therefore, assumes
those risks, responsibilities, and liabilities under any
dangers which exist; but such risks which the em-
loyee takes are considered only the ordinary risks.
he rule doesnot apply where the risk is not of sucha
nature as to be reasonably known and assumed, nor
does it apply under circumstances where the risk is
known to the employer, but not to the employee, nor
where the employer is under a positive duty ‘and ‘the
injury results from neglect of that positive duty, nor,
as already remarked, when the injury is incurred
through the negligence of the employer himself, ex-
cept, in the latter case, where the employee may have
contributed to the negligence.”
Of the coemployment principle Mr. Wright says in
part: ‘To apply this rule when a brakeman on a rail-
road line, it may be hundreds of miles in length, by
the negligence of a switchman whom the brakeman
never saw, whose character he did not know when he
entered the service, and to whose negligence the
brakeman could not possibly have contributed, re-
ceives serious personal ani nEy, appears, to the ordi-
nary mind, the very height of absurdity. Under the
old rule-'the brakeman cannot, under the circumstances
just described, recover any damages from the railroad
corporation, because the brakeman and the switchman
are considered as coemployees of the same principal.
So in a factory, the attendant of a loom may be
quietly and industriously attending to her business as
a weaver, and through the negligence or carelessness
or drunkenness of one who attends the engine in the
engine-house 1000 feet away, loses an arm; under
these circumstances the weaver cannot recover dam-
ages from the proprietor or owners of the factory
under the common-law rule.
“These illustrations show how thoroughly absurd
that rule appears to many men and to many most ex-
cellent lawyers and judges. In order to remedy the
difficulty recourse has been had to
statutory provisions, by which the rule
is abropeted or its application limited. Recent
The first attempt at such limitation was . 2
by the Parliament of Great Britain. Legislation.
After long agitation, investigations by
parliamentary committees, and discus-
sions in Parliament, alaw in great measure abrogat-
ing the common-law rule was enacted in 1880; and that
act called the attention of employers and employees
everywhere to the inconsistencies of the common law.
Many corporations resisted the enactment of laws
which would tend, as they claimed, to the great in-
crease of expenses of running their works or roads,
and much fear was expressed on the passage of the
bill through Parliament that the results would be dis-
astrous. to industry and prevent dividends on the
stock of railroads. The experience of the English law,
however, has not substantiated such fears, while one
of the very best effects of the law has been to induce
greater care in the selection of agents. It may be that
thisisthe very greatest benefit that can be derived from
such a statute, for the careful administration of the
railroad service is one of the most vital features of
railroad management, so far as the public is. con-
cerned ; and if the statutory limitation of the common
law stimulates the selection of the very best skill in
the employment of men, it certainly justifies its en-
actment. It is true that the financial disasters pre-
dicted have not occurred.
‘“ All the agitation in England relative to the subject
has reappeared in the United States. Labor organi-
zations demand it in their platforms and declarations
of principles, learned writers have insisted upon
the justice of it, and judges have indorsed it. he
Employers’ Liability Laws.
first law, however, following in any great degree the
English legislation was quietly passed by the Alabama
legislature February 12, 1885. The Massachusetts
legislature, after several years of consideration and 2
very careful investigation of the law and facts by the
Bureau of Statistics of Labor, passed an act to extend
and regulate the liability of employers to make com-
pensation for personal injuries suffered by employees
in their service. This act was passed in 1887. These
two Statesjare the only States that have practically re-
enacted the English law of 1880. Many other States
have, in some way and to some extent, weakened the
force of the common-law rule. California, Colorado,
Dakota, Florida, Georgia, Iowa, Kansas, Minnesota,
Montana, Wisconsin, Wyoming, Illinois, Indiana, Ken-
tucky, Texas, and it may be others, have in some way
limited the old common-law rule.”
The whole question of employers’ liability is fully
discussed in the report of the Massachusetts Bureau
of Statistics of Labor for 1883; in the Eleventh An-
nual Report of the Bureau of Statistics of Labor and
Industries of New Jersey, 1888; in the Fzfth Annual
Report of the United States Commissionér of Labor,
1889.
The English law provides that :
“In five specified cases the workman who has sus-
tained injury through the action of a fellow-workman
may bring an action for redress as tho he were not in
the same employment. Where the injury happens by
reason of (z)any defect in the works, plant, or machi-
nery ; (2) the neglect of any person engaged in super-
intendence; (3) the neglect of any person to whose
orders the workman was bound to conform when the
injury took place; (4) the act of any fellow-servant
done in obedience to the rules, by-laws, or instruc-
tions (if improper or oe of the employer or his
delegate; (5) the negligence of any signalman, points-
man, or person having charge of a locomotive on a
railway, the workman is put on the same footing with
the public. But for the purpose of the act‘ workman’
is so defined as to exclude seamen, domestic servants,
and any servant not employed in manual labor.
When an injury has been sustained notice must be
given, and the action must be brought within a lim-
ited time, and the amount of the compensation must
not exceed three years’ earnings of a workman in that
employment. If the injury prove fatal, the right of
action passes to the dead man’s representative.”
The act was originally passed for seven years
only, and since 1887 has been renewed from
Phe to year. Parliament has not placed the
aw on a permanent footing, and changes and
additions are constantly being agitated for, and
will doubtless be made.
ENFANTIN, PROSPER, was born in Paris
in 1796. Coming under the influence of St.
Simon (¢.v.), he acted with Bazard (¢g.v.) as
leader of the movement after St. Simon’s death
in 1825. The two leaders delivered lectures
and attracted considerable of a following. In
1831 the school attempted communism on some
property of Enfantin’s at Menilmontant. But
commencing as a devotee of mysticism, Enfan-
tin finally adopted the doctrine of ‘‘ free love ;’”’
this brought him into trouble with most of his
fellow-religionists. Bazard differed from En-
fantin, who became, after Bazard retired, the
sole chief of the St. Simonians, called ‘‘ the
supreme father’ in their somewhat fantastic
religious forms. But their practices produced
troubles. Enfantin was condemned on August
28, 1832, in company with Charles Duveyrier
and Michel Chevalier, to a year’s imprisonment
and a fine of roo francs for having assisted,
without previously obtaining permission, in the
formation of an association consisting of more
than 20 members, and in the promulgation of
articles injurious to public morality.
The penalty was before long commuted, and
Entantin made his way to Egypt, where he
558
England and_Social Reform.
studied the question of piercing the Isthmus of
Suez.
Subsequently he returned to Paris, and was
appointed, in 1845, a director of the first com-
pany for constructing a railway from Paris to
Lyons.
Aer the Revolution of 1848 he founded, in
conjunction with Charles Duveyrier, the jour-
nal Le Crédit, which continued to appear till
1850. Finally Enfantin became the adminis-
trator of the second Paris, Lyons and Mediter-
ranean Railway Company, a post which he
continued to hold till his death, at Paris, in
1864.
Betoré the fall of the St. Simonian school, En-
fantin published, in conjunction with others,
Doctrine de St. Simon, Exposition, 2 nols.,
1830-32 ; afterward, in his own name, £cono-
mie politique et Politzgue ; Morale, etc.
ENGEL, ERNST, was born in Dresden in
1821, and after completing his studies and trav-
eling extensively, he became, in 1848, manager
of the recently founded Royal Saxon Statistical
Bureau. In 1858, on account of attacks from
the Saxon Chamber, which his official activity
had called out, he resigned this position and
founded a Mortgage Insurance Company at
Dresden, but in 1860 was called to the head of
the Prussian Statistical Bureau at Berlin, where
he remained 22 years, earning the position of
one of the leading statisticians of Europe, and
issuing many private as well as official works.
(See ExpenpiTures.) In 1882 he resigned his
position, and has since resided near Dresden.
ENGELS, FRIEDRICH, was born at Bar-
men in 1820. A clerk from 1837-41, he dis-
charged his military duties and then entered
his father’s cotton business at Manchester, Eng-
land. Visiting Paris in 1844, he met Karl Marx
(g.v.) there, and he became his lifelong friend.
In 1847 he went with Marx to Brussels. Ban-
ished from Paris and Brussels, Marx and Engels
published the famous communist manifesto,
(See Soctatism.) From 1848 to May, 1849, he
was with Marx on the Neuen Rheinische Zet-
zung, published at Cologne. He took part in
the South German uprising of 1849. n the
suppression of the revolution he returned to
England and reentered his father’s business,
remaining in it till 1869; after this he resided
in London. He wrote numerous German works,
but is best known as the editor of the second
and third volumes of Karl Marx’s works, pub-
lished after Marx’s death. Engels spoke 10
languages, and wrote in English the Condztzon
of the Working Classes in England in 1848.
Among his German works are ‘Die Entwicke-
lung des Soztalismus von der Utopie zur.
Wissenschaft and Der Ursprung der Fam-
ele, des Privateigenthums, und des Staats.
He died in London in 1895.
ENGLAND AND SOCIAL REFORM.—
In this article, to gain continuity of develop-
ment, and for convenience of reference, we out-
line the general development of English social
reform, referring the reader to separate articles
for all details.
England and Social Reform.
I. Sraristics.
_ The supreme legislative power in the British Empire
is by its constitution given to Parliament (g.v.). The
present form of Parliament, with its two houses, dates
trom the fourteenth century. The union of the Eng-
lish and Scotch parliaments was effected in 1707, and of
the British and Irish in 1801. By the Reform Bill of 1832,
the constituencies were materially increased in num-
ber and much more equitably arranged.
The Reform Bills of 1867-68, 1884 and 1885
Constitution, extended the suffrage, till to-day there
is practically complete household suf-
_. frage, and to a less extent of lodgers,
tho many still lose their vote by change of residence
and the registration system. The electors are 4,862,758
in England, 619,091 in Scotland, and 747,271 in Ireland—
about one sixth of the total population ; 135,605 voted
in 1892 asilliterates. All elections are secret votes
by ballot. The executive government is vested nom-
inally in the crown, really in the cabinet of ministers.
The unit of civil government is the civil parish, of
which there are 14,684. The Local Government Acts
of 1888 and 1894 created respectively county councils
and parish councils elected by the voters, thus giving
complete democratic local government. Until 1894 the
vestries had been almost wholly in the power of
wealthy parish churchmen. The population of Great
Britain and Ireland in 1891 was 38,104,211, for an area of
120,979 Sq. miles. (See POPULATION.) Neatly one seventh
of the total population is concentrated in the metrop-
olis. The population per square mile in 1891 was, for
England and Wales, 498; Scotland, 135; Ireland, 144.
The established church of England is Protestant
Episcopal, with two archbishops and 32 bishops in
England. Private persons possess the right of presen-
tation to about 8500 benefices ; the other
benefices belong to the Queen, the
bishops, and universities. The church
income from ancient endowments is esti-
mated at £5,469,417, and from benefac-
tions since 1703 at £284,386. p e total annual income of
the church is about £7,250,000, The number of clergy
is about 27,000 (24,232 doing duty in the church). Other
religious bodies in England have about 15,000 chapels
and 800,000 members. The Church of Scotland, estab-
lished in 1560, is Presbyterian, with 1353 parishes and
1800 clergy. The Free Church, established after the
Disruption, has 1os0 churches and 1260 ministers.
The Episcopal Church has 266 clergy and 268 churches
or missions. The “Church of Ireland” (Protestant
Episcopal) was disestablished in 1869. It has 1500 cler-
y, 1480 Churches, and 600,000 members. The Roman
atholic population of Ireland in 189: was 3,547,307.
The income of the Church of Ireland previous to the
disestablishment was £600,000, and by the act of dis-
establishment, £7,500,000 were allotted to it.
For EDUCATION; JUDICIARY ; CRIME; PAUPERISM;
FINANCE ; DEBT; ARMY AND NAVY, See those articles.
The proportion of the population engaged in 1891
in agriculture was 1,311,720; in textiles, 1,128,589 ; dress,
1,099,833; in transport, 935,866; in mining, 561,637.
From 1851 to 1891 the proportion of the population en-
gaged in agriculture decreased from 20.9 to 9.9 per
cent.; those in manufacturing, from 32.7 to 30.7. Those
engaged in transport and industrial service increased
from 15.1 to 20.1.
The value of the mineral produce in 1893 was
470,767,651 (coal, £55,809,808 ; iron, 42,827,947). Those em-
Bloyed in or about mines were 718,747 (underground,
570,978). In the textile industries the capital employed
is now about £200,000,000, and about 5,000,000 of people
are dependent upon it. More than one half of the
exports of England consist of textiles. The principal
exports in 1894 were cotton (£66,586,198), woolens
(418,757,418), iron and steel (418,731,140), coal (417,375,-
140), Machinery (14,265,122), chemicals, apparel and
haberdas ery, linen, hardware and cut-
lery. The principal imports were grain
and flour Cnoerccdh raw cotton (432,-
000,000); wool—sheep and lambs’ (424,-
000,000), meat (422,000,000), sugar (419,000,000), butter
16,000,000), WO0d (417,000,000), silk '£2,,000,000). ‘he
exports of British produce in 1894 were £216,194,239 ;
the total imports, 4408,505,718. The sailing vessels in
1893 numbered 8211, with 34,659 men; steam vessels,
2446, with 27,809 men. 3 : :
There were in 1894, 20,908 miles of railway open in
Great Britain, with a capital of £800,000,000in England,
131,000,000 in Scotland, and £39,000 in Ireland. The
expenses were 447,000,000, or 56 per cent. of the total
receipts. There were 3813 miles of canals and 214,804
miles of telegraph wire. There were in 1894, 20,016
post-offices. Post, telegraph and postal savings banks
Religion.
Tadustrial.
559
England and Social Reform.
are in Government hands. (See TELEGRAPH; also POS-
TAL SAVINGS BANKS.) There was issued in 1893 from
the Royal Mint £9,266,251 in gold, £1,008,971 in silver,
and £46,664 in bronze.
II. History.
The story of social reform in England begins
in the earliest times—begins with Alfred’s
efforts at establishing justice and promoting
learning, if not with Augustine and with Aidan.
The early English Church and some of her
kings struggled to put down slavery. Anselm
and Theobald withstood Norman oppression.
In 1215 the knights at Runnymede, led by Ste-
phen Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury, won
from King John the “Great Charter, with its
fundamental rights of freedom, freedom from
imprisonment without trial, and from taxation
_ without the consent of the council of the nation.
In 1265 did Earl Simon of Montfort, for Henry
III., summon the burgesses to Parliament, and
under Edward I. they came, reasserting the old
rights of the Anglo-Saxon Witenagemot.
As early as 1360 did John Ball (¢.v.), ‘‘ the
mad priest of Kent,’’ preach a medieval Chris-
tian socialism, asking in the name of the com-
mon folk by what right men called lords were
greater folk than they, and declaring that only
by the toil of the villeins these lords held their
estates. Hanged at St. Alban’s for his bold
words as well as for the large part he played in
the Peasants’ Revolt, his spirit has never wholly
died away, and continually reappears in the
most unexpected quarters. One finds it alike in
the rough poetry of Langland’s Pzers Plow-
man (1377) and in the courtly words of More’s
Utopia (1516). It enters in milder form into
Erasmus’ Chr¢stzan Prince, and again in Har-
rington’s Oceana (1656). It is voiced in Beller’s
proposed College of Industry (1695), and in
Spence’s land nationalization of 1775. (See
these names.) The Peasants’ Re-
volt (g.v.) itself marks an epoch in
the development of English free- Development.
dom. Remorselessly put down, it
yet freed England from serfdom,
and led to what some call the ‘‘ Golden Age”’ of
Merrie England. But after the Golden Age
came the Iron. In the sixteenth century the
nobles, impoverished by the long French wars
and the wars of the Roses, drove out many of
their humble folk, and turned their fields into
sheep walks for the raising of wool for the
Flemish market, and at the same time fenced
in many of the commons, calling forth the noble
protest of Latimer’s sermons. This robbery of
the land by those who were its rulers but not
its owners, together with the confiscation of the
monasteries and other causes, produced the
landless class and made necessary the Poor
Laws (g.v.). These laws, altho turned by re-
morseless magistrates into a means of the degra-
dation of England’s poor, contained, neverthe-
less, the socialistic claim of the right of every
man to receive opportunity for life and work
from the State.
The contest with Charles, the Puritan Com.
monwealth, the English Revolution, were not
movements of the industrial classes, but they laid
the foundation of England’s political democracy,
and contain many noble lessons of equality and
democratic spirit.
England and Social Reform.
When, in the eighteenth century, the discov-
ery of steam-power and machine production de-
veloped modern industrial England, it caused
an economic revolution. Under the J/azssez
faire teachings of Adam Smith, trade threw off
restraint ; manufacturers robbed cottages of
their women and cradles of their children to
employ them in factories utterly without sanita-
tion, coining their blood into profits. Em-
ployees were worked like slaves and housed
more poorly than the beasts, the whispers of
Malthusianism quieting any stirrings of the con-
science. It was necessary that men be killed,
it was said ; there was not room forall. It was
these conditions that led to modern industrial
legislation.
In 1795, Dr. Aikin, a Manchester physician,
published a statement concerning the evil con-
dition of the children working in the mills.
1796 a committee was formed in
Manchester to inquire into the
Early health of the poor. In 1802 the
Factory elder Peel brought in and passed
Legislation, the first bill for the preservation of
the health and morals of apprentices
and of others employed in cotton
and other factories. It immediately, accom-
plished nothing, being fatally defective ; but it
established the principle. Other bills intro-
duced did little more. In 1824 a bill was passed,
mainly owing to the efforts of Francis Place,
outside of Parliament, and Joseph Hume within,
giving trade-unions, which had secretly existed
since about 1700, the right to partially organize.
In 1830 Richard Oastler, speaking for the anti-
slavery movement, discovered that there was
“white slavery’ in England, and from that
date gave his time and strength in poverty, and
even when imprisoned for debt, to exposing the
facts of factory evils, and agitating for legisla-
tion. Heaccomplished little, however, till Lord
Ashley, afterward the Earl of Shaftesbury, took
up his cause. T. Sadler, in 1831, had moved a
Ten Hours’ Bill, but tonoeffect. A select com-
mittee was appointed in the matter in 1832, but
only to gain time and prevent action. Lord
Ashley, however, now taking hold, brought ina
Ten Hours’ Bill for Women and Children, which
was read a second time in 1833. It was vio-
lently opposed, even by such individualists as
Richard Cobden and John Bright. Finally
Lord Althorp brought in for the Government
and carried a Compromise Bill, which was bet-
ter than nothing. Oastler, however, continued.
his agitation. Children’s Employment Com-
missions of 1842 and 1843 published terrible
revelations. A Factory Act was passed in 1844,
and finally the Ten Hours’ Bill in 1847.
Meanwhile Robert Owen, at his mills in New
Lanark, had been putting in practice various
reforms, and in the year 1817 laid a scheme of
a socialistic community before the House of
Commons. ‘This act is sometimes considered.
the beginning of socialism in England ; but it
was not socialism as we understand the word
to-day. Owen’s utopianism and evolutionary
social democracy in industry have little in com-
mon. In 1825 Owen purchased New Harmony
in the United States and started his short-lived
community. In 1835 he founded an association
of all classes of all nations ; and during the dis-
560
In -
England and Social Reform.
cussions which arose over this the words “‘ social-
ism’ and ‘‘ socialist’? seemed first to have been
used and thence to have been borrowed by the
French writer Reybaud in his Réformateurs
Modernes (1839).
The passage of the Reform Bill in 1832 had
abolished the ‘‘ pocket boroughs’’ and given
England a taste of democracy, Slavery (.v.)
was abolished in the British colonies in 1834..
The Poor Laws were reformed. The middle
classes were now but enfranchised, but these re-
forms did little for the workmen. ‘These Owen
reached. The Owenite press, the Crzszs, the
Puoneer, the Herald of the Rights
of Industry, and other papers,
created. a widespread movement.
Within a few weeks half a million
members are said to have joined
Owen’s Grand National Consoli-
dated Trade-Union, including tens of thousands
of farm laborers and women. The object’ was
to put an end toall competition. ‘The wealthier
classes. were alarmed. In 1834 six Dorchester
laborers were convicted to seven years’ trans-
portation for the mere act of administering an
oath. (See Conspiracy Laws.) Monster labor
congresses were held ; 30,000 persons took part
in a procession in London protesting against the
judgment; over 250,000 signed a_ petition.
Strikes were numerous. They generally failed,
however. A levy of 18d. per member hurt the
Grand National. It was too hurriedly organ-
ized, and did not endure. ‘The trade-unions all
suffered. Led by William Cobbett and Will-
iam Lovett and others, working men began to
turn to political methods. =
In 1838 a representative meeting of workmen
drew up a program of political reforms which
they held to be necessary. Speaking to the
representatives, the Irish orator O’Connell called
it their charter, for which they must strive.
The name was a happy one ; and in all the sub-
sequent agitation this program was called the
‘‘ People’s Charter,’ and its supporters ‘* Chart-
ists.”” The charter called for the famous.‘ six
points’’—manhood suffrage, equal electoral dis-
tricts, vote by ballot, annual parliaments, aboli-
tion of property qualification for members of the
House of Commons, and payment of members
of Parliament for their services. Everywhere
the charter was received enthu-
siastically by the workers, Enor-
mous meetings were held in sup-
port of it. Orators, writers, editors,
and poets were developed—O’Con-
nor, Lovett, Cleave, Hetherington, and O’Brien
being among the leaders. Every center had
its Chartist journals. But there soon developed.
a division as to the means tothe end. Some
were in favor of an appeal to force, while many
—probably most—were advocates of constitu-
tional methods. In June, 1839, a petition signed
by nearly 1,300,000 persons was presented to the’
House of Commons, ‘‘ bound in iron hoops, four
men bearing it,” asking that the charter might
be considered. By alarge majority the House
of Commons refused to take it into considera-
tion. As might be expected, the relations be-
tween the Government and the people became
very much strained ; public meetings were for-
bidden ; riots were of frequent occurrence ;
Robert
Owen.
Chartism.
England and Social Reform.
while in secret meetings men were organizing
and drilling. At Newport, Wales, there was an
attempt made to rescue from prison one of the
leaders. For taking part in this outbreak three
of the local leaders were condemned to death,
one of whom was Frost, a magistrate, who had
been deprived of his office for his advocacy of
Chartism. The sentence was afterward com-
muted to transportation. The agitation con-
tinued more or less vigorously until 1848, the
year of revolutions. Risings were expected in
all the great industrial centers, while London
was the center of uneasiness. A meeting was
called on Kennington Common for April 1o, at
which it was expected that half a million work-
ers would be present. A procession was to be
formed from there to carry the petition in favor
of the charter, wilh 6,000,000 signatures, to the
House of Commons. Great alarm prevailed ;
the procession was prohibited; the military
under the Duke of Wellington was called out ;
cannon were planted to cover the meeting-place
and the exits, and nearly 200,000 civilians were
enrolled as special constables. After all these
threatenings the gathering on the Common was
not as large as had been anticipated, a heavy
storm interfering. Not 100,000 were present,
and as any other course would have been sui-
cidal, the procession was given up. This was
the end of Chartism. Strange as it may seem,
a movement which was truly national sud-
denly collapsed when apparently at its highest.
During all the ten years of the agitation it had
been largely an economic change that was de-
sired. Political change was only sought in
order to secure economic changes. Every con-
stitutional means had been tried and had failed,
and now the Government had shown that if an
appeal were to be made to force, it would use
all its strength to crush the appeal,and would
yield no quarter. Just while men were pon-
dering the alternatives,a new door of escape
was opened—gold was discovered in America,
and New Zealand and Australia were calling
for colonists.
The repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846, after
the long free-trade agitation of Cobden and
Bright, and the passage of the Ten Hours’ Bill
in 1847, gave hope of relief.
The close of the Chartist agitation witnessed
the birth of organized Christian socialism (g.v.).
Stirred by the events of the Chartist uprising
and moved by the sufferings particularly of the
sweated tailors in London, and of the agricul-
tural laborers in the country, Charles Kingsley
and Frederick Denison Maurice,
clergymen of the Church of Eng-
Christian land, with E. Vansittart Neale,
Socialism, Thomas Hughes, J. M. Ludlow (see
these names), organized a society
under the avowed name of Chris-
tian Socialism. ‘They published pamphlets and
two papers, and started some cooperative stores.
Their papers were soon discontinued ; their
stores either failed or were swallowed up in the
larger Rochdale cooperative movement; but
their thought lived. Kingsley’s bold denun-
ciation of the soulless Manchester school of
political economy, his brilliant pictures of the
sufferings and efforts of the poor, sketched in
Yeast (1848) and in A/ton Locke (1850), and
306
561
England and Social Reform.
the deeper philosophy of Maurice, are still po-
tent to-day.
From 1850-80 English trade-unionism was
taking form and growing, with many ups and
downs, into its present strength. The Roch-
dale cooperative movement, beginning in 1844,
during this period made its phenomenal ad-
vance. The writings of Carlyle and of Ruskin
struck strong blows against the orthodox politi-
cal economy. In 1848 Mill published his Po-
litical Economy. Henceforth political economy
was no longer to be a dismal science of theo-
ries, but a discussion of how to meet practi-
calindustrial problems. Mill himself, in his
Autobograpry, came to announce himself a
socialist. There were other radical forces at
work. From 1849 to his death in 1883 Marx re-
sided in London. In London, also, was Maz-
zini. Opposed to socialism, as it was presented
to him, he really preached the deepest and most .
ethical socialism. As early as 1847 Marx and
Engels, corresponding with a London society,
turned this society into a communist league ;
and the following year published from Brussels
the manifesto of the communist party. In 1862
a party of French working men visited the In-
ternational Exhibition in London and got into
communication with English trade-unionists ;
and on September 28, 1864, the famous /zZer-
national was founded at St. Martin’s Hall, Lon-
don. Professor Beesly presided, and Karl Marx
madean address. It was not at first a socialistic
organization. Its simple aim was to unite the
working men of all countries. Naturally it took
a different coloring with different nations. In
England it meant little more than an attempt
at international trade-unionism, and took no
deep root. The day of socialism was not yet.
Little as he intended it, the lectures in Eng-
land of Henry George (g.v.), individualist as he
proclaims himself, seem to have been the occa-
sion for the first crystallization
in England of modern socialist
thought. His sharp words on the
land question, and the enormous
circulation of Progress and Pov-
erty, aroused general interest ; yet, when or-
ganization came, the forces we have seen already
at work produced socialism. According to Sid-
ney Webb (Soczalism in England), the coercive
measures introduced by Mr. Gladstone’s minis-
try against the Irish Land League had alienated
many of the earnest Radicals from the Liberal
Party. It became evident that Liberalism was
not inconsistent with shameless international
aggression in the interests of the officers and
the bondholders. The neglect of English social
questions became more and more pressingly
felt. The ‘‘ Democratic Federation’’ was found-
ed in March, 1881, by the efforts of Mr. H. M.
Hyndman, Mr. Herbert Burrows, Miss Helen
Taylor (stepdaughter of John Stuart Mill), and
some others. The only distinctively socialist
proposal explicitly set forth in the first program
of this organization was ‘‘ nationalization of the
land,” placed ninth in the list ; but it was from
the first essentially a socialist body, and it
changed its name in August, 1884, to the ‘‘ So-
cial Democratic Federation” (g.v.)._ Men joined
like William Morris, Tom Mann, John Burns,
and others.
Socialism,
England and Social Reform.
This federation has been the largest, and in
many ways the most active, of all English so-
cialist societies. At the end of 1884, however,
William Morris (7.v.) withdrew from the federa-
tion, and with others formed the Socialist
League. The grounds of secession were main-
ly personal, but the new society soon developed
a policy of its own, standing fora more commu-
nistic and less governmental conception of so-
cialism. Publishing the Commonweal (1885),
to which Mr. Morris gave many of his brilliant
contributions, it exerted no small influence.
About 1892, however, the organization and the
Commonweal came under anarchist control ;
Mr. Morris withdrew, and the organization has
virtually died.
A far more potent and unique organization of
English socialists is the Fabian Society (g.v.),
founded in 1883, and to-day still adding to its
strength. Commenced mainly as an educational
and propagandist center, it includes members
of other societies, and has met with great suc-
cess. In one year its members have given
thousands of lectures and distributed still more
thousands of socialist essays and tracts. It has
influenced political parties, economic literature,
and trade-union thought. It may be said to
have created the London County Council (g.v.),
and to have changed the thought of the work-
ing men’s clubs of London.
These various societies, taking advantage of
industrial depressions and discontent, have large-
ly captured the English trade-unions for social-
ism. ‘This ‘‘ New Trade-Unionism” (g.v.) has
grown steadily till 1895. The agitation in be-
half of the unemployed in 1886, resulting in the
prosecution at the Old Bailey of Messrs. Hynd-
man, Burns, Champion, and Williams, led,
altho they were acquitted, to making socialism
known and somewhat popular among the Lon-
don masses, The great dock strike of 1889 saw
the turning of the tide. Messrs. Ben Tillett,
Tom Mann, and John Burns, all socialists, or-
ganized the dock laborers and won. It led to
the organization of other trades thus far unor-
ganized. These new unions fol-
lowed the new leaders, and the
New movement began to grow in the
Trade- rank and file of even the old unions.
Unionism, By 1890 the new unionism was in
the majority in the trade congresses,
and in 1894 voted to support only
collectivist candidates. The defeat of the Lib-
eral Party in 1894, however, to which many of
the old trade-unionists were allied, led to the
older trade-unions securing a change in repre-
sentation, giving the newer trade-unions less
power, and thus defeating the new trade-union-
ism at the Congress of 1895. Some of the new
trade-unions, too, have not endured. Some
claim that there is a reaction against socialism
and a return to agitation on older lines.
Labor representatives. have indeed been in
Parliament for some time. In the general elec-
tion of 1873-74 no fewer than 13 “‘ labor candi-
dates’’ went to the polls ; and Alexander Mac-
donald and Thomas Burt (g.v.), the two lead-
ing officials of the miners’ national unions, were
elected the first ‘‘ labor members”’ of the House.
But this does not mean any general political
movement.
562
England and Social Reform.
Altho largely enfranchised by the, Reform
Bill of 1867, English workmen in their trades
congresses even rejected amendments in favor
of manhood suffrage as late as 1882 and 1883.
In order to win legal recognition at all for their
trade-unions, the leaders had had to plant them-
selves wholly on the middle-class ground of the
individual freedom of each man to sell his labor
as he pleased, collectively or not. Even after
trade-unions were themselves in 1871 fully legal-
ized, even when ‘‘in restraint of trade," their
members were still so liable to prosecution under
vague combination laws, that the unions were
engaged in a battle for mere existence down to
1875. At this date, however, the Liberal Party
having been defeated largely by the division of
the labor vote, a Conservative government wiped
away the last vestige of the combination laws,
But this long struggle for life had so indoc-
trinated their members with the individualist
economy, that save for a few leaders like Allan
of the Engineers and Applegarth of the Carpen-
ters, the average trade-unionist cared nothing
for parliamentary action. Even when free to
act, their very successes made the trade-unions
conservative. Men of ability, like Mr. Broad-
hurst, actually opposed eight-hour legislation ;
a motion in support of it was defeated by a
large majority at a trade-union congress as late
as 1889. Theold trade-union policy favors gain-
ing shorter hours and higher wages on pure
trade-union lines, developing, too, the unions
in benefit societies, with high dues and strong
trade organizations.
Trade-unions in England in 1891 had a mem-
bership of 925,232, with an income of £1,175,346.
The collectivist policy has, however, become
among many so popular that, weary of the vast
promises and slight fulfilment of both the Lib-
eral and Conservative parties, they have organ-
ized (January, 1893), mainly under the lead of
Mr. Keir Hardie, elected MP. an independent
labor party, its object being, as stated in the
constitution as amended in February, 1894,
“‘the collective ownership and control of the
means of production, distribution, and ex-
change.’’ This Independent Labor Party is
growing rapidly in almost all parts of England,
butespecially inthe north. Robert Blatchford’s
Merrie England, emphasizing the principles
of the party, is estimated to have reached
2,000,000 readers.
Municipalism, however, is perhaps the main
practical form that English socialism is at pres-
ent taking. The formation of the county coun-
cils, and particularly of the London County
Council, to bring together under one control the
numberless boards and vestries that had power
in various ways in London, was itself a ste
toward socialism. Says Professor Ely (Soczad-
zsm and Soctal Reform, P. 60);
“The drift is unmistakable. Two
illustrations will suffice. The Lon- Mnunici-
don County Council has recently palism,
acquired some 21 miles of street
railways (tramways), and proposes
to operate these lines. While the ownership
and operation of municipal monopolies does not,
of necessity, mean socialism—while, indeed,
an anti-socialist may favor such ownership and
operation—the significant point is that in Lon-
England and Social Reform. 563
don the change was brought about by socialist
intent, and as part of asocialist program. The
second illustration is found in the abolition of
the contract system in the construction of arti-
sans’ dwellings by the municipality. More and
more is the policy being forced of making the
county council do its own work and be the model
employer.’’
The municipalism of cities like Birmingham
and Glasgow is well known. (See MuNICIPAL-
IsM ;, also these cities.) Based on such facts as
these, the friends and the foes of socialism alike
declare that socialism is coming in England. Bit-
terly does Mr. Herbert Spencer, for example,
complain that the ‘‘ numerous socialistic changes
made by act of Parliament, joined with numer-
ous others presently to be made, will by and by
be all merged in State socialism—swallowed in
the vast wave which they have little by little
taised.’’ Of this the passage of the Parish
Councils Act, in 1894, is a noteworthy instance.
Some, however, claim that there is a reaction.
(See INDIVIDUALISM; ANARCHISM; SPENCER;
Trape-Unions.) ‘The Liberty and Property
Defense League (g.v.) and writers like Spen-
cer, Donisthorpe, Herbert (see these names),
conduct a continuous campaign against so-
cialistic ideas. Yet the general drift is toward
socialism.
Says Mr. Sidney Webb,in his Soczalism in
England; ‘‘ The scientific difference between
the ‘orthodox’ economists and the economic
socialists has now become mainly one of termi-
nology and relative stress, with the result that
one competent economist, not himself a socialist,
publishes regretfully to the world that all the
younger men are now socialists, with many of
the professors.’’
In the Church, the Guild of St. Matthew and
the Christian Social Union exert no little influ-
ence fora general socialism. The Rev. Stewart
- Headlam and Mr. Bruce Wallace,
with his Brotherhood Church and
Other Trust, are among the most active
Movements, socialist workers in London. In
Manchester and elsewhere, the La-
bor Church, led by Mr. John Tre-
vor, is a religious movement wholly outside of
the organized churches, but voicing the deep
religious side of a part of the English socialist
movement.
There are many other movements. The Land
Nationalization Society (g.v.) has for its princi-
pe exponent the eminent naturalist, Mr. Alfred
ussel Wallace. The English Land Restora-
tion League (g.v.), a very vigorous organization
of widespread influence, adheres more closely
to the principles of Mr. Henry George. The
cooperative movement is verystrong. It hasin
Great Britain and Ireland 1589 societies, with
1,207,511 members and a capital of £ 17,000,000.
(For movements for Woman’s SurFracE ; THE
TEMPERANCE MovEMENT; SociaL Purity, see
those subjects. See also CooPERATION ; Factory
Laws; SatvaTIoN ARMY; TRADE-UNIONISM ;
UNEMPLOYMENT ; UNIVERSITY EXTENSION.)
Among the best books on social reform in
England are: Freeman’s Growth of the Eng-
lish Constitution ; Green’s Short History of
the English People ; Thorold Rogers's Stx Cen-
turies of Work and Wages, Ashley's Eng-
Essenes.
lish Economic Hyrstory and Theory (2 vols.) ;
Hyndman’s Azstorzcal Baszs of Socialism in
England; Gibbin’s Soczal Reformers ; Jones’s
Te of Owen , Wood’s English Social Move-
ments ; Mr. and Mrs. Webb’s Hzstory yo Trade-
Unionism ; Webb’s Socialism in England ;
Toynbee’s /udustrial Revolution ; Holyoke’s
fistory of Cooperation , Schulze Garvernitz’s
Soctal Peace; Bliss’s Handbook of Soctalism.
ENTAIL in law means ‘‘ the limitation of
land to certain members of a particular family
or line of descent’’ (Century Dectzonary) or ‘‘ an
estate settled with regard to the rule of its de-
scent’’ (Wharton’s Law Lexicon). The origin
of entail is to be looked for in feudalism (¢.v.),
under which system each man’s rights, duties,
and social consideration depended on his rela-
tion to the land, and therefore it seemed well
to try and fix the tenure of land and permit its
disposition. Entails were thus a political and
social institution, and were found in all countries
where feudalism existed. They have disap-
peared, however, in most countries in the polht-
ical changes of the last of the eighteenth cen-
tury. In England they have survived, tho
greatly changed by many and complicated
laws.
ENTREPRENEUR.—This is a French
word, to-day frequently used in English to desig-
nate the person who organizes and directs the
productive factors. The English words former-
ly used for this, undertaker and adventurer,
are now used in other senses. (See WAGES OF
MANAGEMENT.)
ESSENES.—A Jewish sect of mystic ascetics,
who combined Jewish, Greek, and Oriental doc-
trines with communistic and ritualistic modes
of life. They are not spoken of in the Bible,
very probably because they dwelt in retired
communities. They represented the mystic and
ascetic forms of Judaism, as opposed to the or-
thodox Pharisees and rationalistic Sadducees.
Neither their name nor origin have been satis-
factorily explained. They left us no writings
of themselves, and Philo and Josephus are our
only authorities as to their habits and beliefs.
They appear to have separated themselves from
the commercial and political life of the cities and
towns, and to have dwelt in small and isolated
villages. Most of them were not far from the
Dead Sea. Their most distinctive characteristic
was ascetic communism, They literally had all
things in common. Philo says:
“There is no one who has a house so absolutely his
own private property that it does not in some sense
also belong to every one; for besides that they all
dwell together in companies, the house is open to all
those of the same notions who come to them from
other quarters. There is one storehouse among them
all; their expenses are all in common, as are their
garments and food. They do not retain their wages
as their own, but bring it into the common stock.
They take care of their sick and honor their elders.”
Every Essene rose before sunrise, and with
his face turned toward the east, repeated his
morning prayer. As soon as the light per-
mitted they commenced their daily labors, farm-
ing, bee-keeping, cattle-raising, and such-like
humble occupations. Each little colony had in
Essenes.
its midst a room or hall where the members met
together at regular hours daily. They kept.
apart from commerce, war, and trade. Their
dress was as plain and simple as possible—a
light, sleeveless garment in summer, and in
winter a warm hairy mantle. They cared only
for decency and a moderate degree of comfort ;
all luxury and show were unknown among
them. Both during winter and summer they
wore leathern aprons. At 11 A.M. they ceased
work, bathed, dressed themselves in spotless
white linen, and assembled for their simple
meal. A blessing was asked before the meal,
and thanks returned after by a priest. They
were both vegetarians and total abstainers. At
the close of the meal they sung a hymn, and
then worked again until sunset. The seventh
day was one of perfect rest. On it they read
“and expounded the Law and their own peculiar
writings. As their asceticism prohibited them
trom partaking of the feasts held at Jerusalem,
and their mode of worship interfered with their
-entering the Temple, they broke the Lawin one
important point—they did not attend the regu-
dar feasts at Jerusalem. They forwarded their
gifts instead. The majority of them were celi-
bates, and they kept up their numbers by adopt-
ing children, whom they taught with great care
and patience. If aman wished to join them, he
was obliged to submit to a three years’ noviti-
ate, being rigidly excluded from their gather-
ings. Ai the end of each year he was advanced
by ceremonies and privileges, and after three
years became a full member. The only time
oaths or vows were allowed was during the
initiation into full membership. The candidate
was bound by tremendous oaths to be worthy
of the order and obedient to its rules. The
Essenes were never very numerous. Philo gives
their number as 4ooo. After the destruction of
Jerusalem they disappear from history.
They believed in the immortality of the soul,
in a fixed Providence, in the future rewards of
the righteous, and punishment of the wicked.
They did not believe in the resurrection of the
body. They were said to practise magic, and
were believed by all Jews to have prophets
among their members. It is probable that they
derived from the Zoroastrian religion their celi-
bacy, sun homage, abstinence from sacrifice,
magical rites, and intense striving after purity.
They were everywhere known for their kind-
ness to the sick and poor. Their knowledge of
roots and herbs enabled them to perform many
acts of healing that to the spectators seemed
miraculous. They were greatly averse to sla-
very, and always opposed it. With few excep-
tions they abstained from all public affairs, being
invariably modest and retiring. Philo gives the
three chief rules of their conduct as follows:
““The love of God, the love of virtue, and the
love of man.’’ It has been the theory of some ra-
tionalists that Jesus spent some time among the
Essenes, and sought to widen and propagate
their theology and communism. (See De Quin-
cey’s Essays on the Essenes.)
ESTATES (from Lat. sfatus, stand or
status) is used in political history for classes or
orders in society. Since the earliest civiliza-
tions the tendency to make distinctions in the
564
Estates.
relative position of one set of people toward
others hee appeared, Plato, in his Republic,
divides men into three classes : philosophers or
magistrates, warriors or gymnasts, and laborers
or artisans. The first are the wise thinkers,
whoare fittorule ; the second the fighters—men
of force and action ; the third are the bulk of
the common people, whose first care is the sup-
plying of every-day necessities ; and as the one
or other element predominated in the nature of
the individual, so he became either philoso-
pher, warrior, or artisan. What was first, how-
ever, the natural selection of ability soon be-
comes a matter of inheritance ; and after a time
the distinction was looked upon as a direct act'
of Deity. The castes of India, tho part and
parcel of the Brahman religion, are unmistak-
ably of such origin. According to Brahman
theology, Brahma created three different men :
one, the Brahman, emanated from his head,
and was endowed with all knowledge of science
and art; he has all wisdom and is king and
head of all the earth. ‘The second, the Kohatriya,
came from Brahma’s arms, and it was his right
and duty, under the control of the Brahman, to
make war and peace, to make laws and execute
them, and to maintain social order and the di-
vision of the castes. The Vaisyas sprang from
Brahma’s feet, and were the tillers of the soil,
the artisans, upon whom devolved the supply-:
ing of all the physical needs of humanity.
The development of the modern “‘ estates of
the realm’’ was brought about originally by
the same natural selection of the fittest leaders
of thought and the strongest protectors, In
France, before the Revolution of 1789, the
three estates were king, nobles, and clergy ;
while the three estates in England were king,
lords, and commons. ‘The substitution of com-
mons for clergy in England was the direct re-
sult of the Reformation, and of the more inde-
pendent thought of the English people. The
conditions which M. Taine speaks of as being
the reason of the power of the clergy undoubt-
edly still held good to some extent in England
till Henry VIII. confiscated all their property.
The English clergy, like their brethren in other
new civilizations, were not only the most learned
men, but also by their tact became powerful ~~
in the affairs of the nation. When, however,
the Reformation swept away their monopoly of
power over men’s consciences, and when they
lost their enormous estates, a new element be-
gan to arise. From early times the system of
guilds had developed a certain amount of local
self-government among the commoners, who
had thereby gained confidence in their own
judgment ; and now a wish to act for them-
selves in matters concerning the whole nation
rew up, which finally led to the execution of
harles I. and founding the Commonwealth.
From that time the clergy ceased to have an
independent standing of their own ; and tho to-
day the bishops have seats in the House of
Lords by right of their office, they are practi-
cally no more than a section of the privileged
class. Their place as rulers was taken by the
wealthy commoners,
In France the ‘‘ three estates’ continued to
hold sway long after their beneficial effects had
ceased ; until, indeed, the load of oppression
Estates.
had become more than could be borne. As
there was not even a nominal representation of
the people, the evils continued until the volcanic
wrath of the people swept away all three es-
tates, and put the management entirely into the
hands of the bourgeois commoners. They,
however, were not yet equal to the task, and the
warrior had again to be looked up to. The
bourgeois were called the fourth estate ; but the
great mass of the people—the working people—
are not of any estate as yet, tho the lesson of
history goes to show that in due season there
will be no distinctions of estates or classes.
Modern socialism is sometimes considered the
rising of the fourth estate, which shall abolish
all estate and introduce equality. (See Democ-
RACY ; SOCIALISM.)
ETHICS AND SOCIAL REFORM. See
Mora ELEMENT IN SociaL REFORM.
EVANGELICAL ALLIANCE, THE, or-
ganized in London in 1846, through the efforts
of the Rev. William Patton, D.D., and to-day
with branches in all portions of the world, has
in its meetings, conventions, etc., given increas-
ing attention to social reforms. Many of the
most important recent utterances on the fela-
tion of Christianity to social reform (g.v.) have
been made at its meetings. The Evangelical
Alliance in the United States is now organizing
local branches ‘‘ to bring conscience to bear on
the life of the nation; to close the chasm be-
tween the churches and working men ; to gain
the strength which comes from organization.”
It suggests committees on the following lines
of work :
1. Comity.—Through this committee the various
church extension societies of the city should be
brought into touch, so as to prevent overlapping in
some neighborhoods and neglect in others.
2. Social Conditions.—This committee should inves-
tigate the religious and social conditions of the com-
munity and of the surrounding country. They may
appropriately form neighborhood or Church Reading
Circles, Home-culture Clubs, and Maternal Associa-
tions, By enlisting the cooperation of a large number
of judicious women, and assigning to each a small
district, the churches can come into friendly and help-
ful personal relations with all of the needy homes of
the community, and bring to them blessings, sanitary,
economic, domestic, and spiritual.
3. Bvangelization.—Through this committee the Al-
liance should care for the religious needs of prisons,
workhouseg, and neglected neighborhoods.
4. Relief.—To this committee will be referred cases
of sickness and want not otherwise provided for.
. LTemperance.—This committee may profitably un-
dertake, through subcommittees, work along various
lines—e.g., public meetings, the organization of church
temperance societies, the systematic distribution of
wisely selected temperance literature, the study of
the local problem, with a view to finding the best so-
lution, etc. “
6. Sunday Observance.—Much can be done to improve
Sabbath observance by showng the people the basis
on which our Sabbath laws rest, which is very com-
monly unknown, especially b foreigners. Members
of Endeavor Societies, Epworth Leagues, and the like
might render great service by systematically distribut-
ing Sunday and temperance literature. ;
7. Law and Order.—Under this general head special
attention will be paid to salons, disorderly houses,
gambling, and Sabbath desecration. The town should
be districted and each member of the committee as-
signed a district, in which he will keep vigilant watch
of all law-breakers. ‘
8. Legal Advice.—Good legal advisers will be neces-
sary. x Fa dese
9 Publication.—An important service is rendered
by preparing a digest of the liquor, tobacco, gaming,
and Sunday laws of the State; also of the laws speci-
565
Evans, Frederick William.
fying the duties of public officials, such as Mayor,
Prosecuting Attorney, the Board of Excise, Excise In-
spector, the Police, etc. Knowledge of the fact that
the public is well acquainted with the law will often
bring Officials up to duty, and also prevent the viola-
tion of law. Furthermore, knowledge of the law serves
to strengthen public opinion in regard to its enforce-
ment. This digest should be widely scattered.
Further service is rendered by first carefully verify-
ing facts concerning the characters and records of un-
worthy candidates and of unfaithful officials, and then
giving them pupuslty in a non-partisan way. An
association of citizens in Boston so exposed an un-
worthy candidate for the mayoralty as to force him to
leave the city.
10. fee Reform.—instead of “going into poli-
tics,” the Alliance will aim through this committee to
separate municipal elections from State and National
politics. It will insist on the official fitness of candi-
dates, oppose incompetent and corrupt men, and sus-
tain the constituted authorities in a faithful adminis-
tration of the public service.
it. Civic Improvements.—Most cities in the United
States are in need of public baths and lavatories.
Many pes and growing cities neglect
to make adequate provision for parks
until it is too late. City Re-
To this committee many suggestions forms
for the public good will come, also com-
laints of abuses and nuisances. These
atter, after first being investigated,
should be referred to the proper authorities. Care
aoe be taken not to antagonize officials unneces-
sarily.
12. Labor.—Through this committee the Alliance
will seek to aid labor reforms, to encourage the arbi-
tration of labor difficulties, to establish labor bureaus,
form working girls’ clubs, encourage cooperative
housekeeping for self-supporting ers, oppose the
sweating evil and child-labor, and demonstrate to
working men the desire of the churches to serve them
in every legitimate way.
13. Education and Recreation.—This committee will
seek to create an intelligent interest in the public
schools, to take the schools out of politics, to see that
buildings are sanitary and that they provide adequate
accommodations, that school laws, like that requiring
instruction as to the effects of alcohol and narcotics on
the human body, are enforced, and that the schools
enjoy the best facilities for attaining the highest effi-
ciency. This committee might appropriately consider
the introduction of university extension, the kinder-
garten, manual training, cooking, and sewing classes,
the English continuation and recreation schools, play-
grounds, summer excursions for poor children and
sickly mothers, outing clubs, fresh air funds, holiday
houses, and the like.
14. Legislation.—This committee, by means of peti-
tions and protests, will bring to bear the Christian
‘conscience of the community on the legislature of the
State with a view to encouraging good and defeat-
ing bad legislation touching social, moral and religious
interests. Before the legislature convenes, this com-
mittee should district the community. and assign to
each district a competent person, who, on short notice,
will circulate such petitions or aa as the Alliance
may decide to send to the legislature,
Further information can be had from the gen-
eral secretary of the Evangelical Alliance,
United Charities Building, Fourth Avenue and
Twenty-second Street, New York.
EVANS, FREDERICK WILLIAM, was
born in Bromyard, England, in 1808. Spend-
ing his boyhood on a farm, he came to America
with his father and brother, George Henry
Evans (¢.v), in 1820. Apprenticed to a hatter,
he managed to educate himself, and later trav-
eled as far as New Orleans, also paying a visit
to England, In 1830 he joined the Shakers at
Mount Lebanon, N. Y., and in 1838 became
assistant elder in the ‘“‘ North Family,” and in
1858 elder of three families. From 1873-75 he
edited a little paper, The Shaker and Shaker-
ess. He has written Compendium of Princt-
ples, Rules, Doctrines, and Government of
Shakers, with biographies of Ann Lee and
Evans, Frederick William.
others (1859); Autobiography of a Shaker
(1869); Zests of a Divine Revelation (1869) ;
Shaker Communism (1871); Religzous Com-
munisut, a lecture delivered in St. George's
Hall, London (1872); Zhe Second Appearing
of Christ (1873).
EVANS, GEORGE HENRY (brother of
the above), was born in Bromyard, England, in
1805. He came with his father and brother to
America in 1820. He edited and published the
first labor papers in America: The Man, at
Ithaca, N. Y., about 1822; The Working Man's
Advocate, New York, a part of the time
1825-30; The Dadly Sentenel in 1837 in’ New
York, and Young America in New York and
Rahway, N. J., 1853. The demands advocated
by Evans and printed at the head of Youn,
America were: 1. The right of man to the soil.
“‘Vote yourself a farm.’’ 2. Down with mo-
nopolies, especially the United States Bank. 3.
Freedom of publiclands. 4. Homesteads made
inalienable. 5. Abolition of all laws for the col-
lection of debts. 6. A general bankrupt law.
7. A lien of the laborer upon his own work for
his wages. 8. Abolition of imprisonment for
debt. 9. Equal rights for women with men in
all respects. 10. Abolition of chattel slavery
and of wages slavery. 11. Land limitation to
I6o acres. 12. Mailsinthe United States torun
on the Sabbath. Later G. H. Evans became a
friend of Horace Greeley, and followed the poli-
tical movements of the time with interest. He
died in Granville, N. J., in 1855.
EVENING SCHOOLS.—The first evening
school for boys and girls who had to work all
day was founded in Bristol, England, in 1806,
by the Benevolent Evening Schools Society.
In 1811 the Rev. T. Charles established an even-
ing school for: adults at Bala, Merionethshire.
In the course of a few years 30 towns possessed.
such schools. Bishop Hinds first pudlicly sug-
gested the state establishment of evening schools
in a letter to Mr. Senior, printed in 1839, In
1875 there were 73 such schools. At present
Kings College, the University of London, the col-
leges at Nottingham, Cardiff, Newcastle, Bris-
tol, report evening classes, with students vary-
ing from 700 to 2000 or more, while in London
various technical and popular institutes do their
main work in evening classes. These of course
are mainly for working men and women.
Some of the trade-unions have taken a lead-
ing part in establishing ‘‘recreative evening
schools”’ in England.
In France, Italy, and Germany evening
schools exist for children employed in factories,
In Germany, Sunday-schools long alone met
this need ; but the evening schools are replac-
ing these for adults.
In the United States the last census says :
_“ The available reports for public night schools jus-
tify the following statement, as approximately indi-
cating the enrolment in the States named:
Enrol-
ment,
The United States..... ws Eten widiiySeie fers 163,509
North Atlantic division............. Be aTersiate tra siered "1274399
566
Evolution and Social Reform.
Enrol-
ment.
Maine.....sseee Sevens aieiaacels Sista a weg nw arnati ae 1,000
New Hampshire.. 1,200
Vermont... .... . 200
Massachusetts 24,820
Rhode Island. 71623
Connecticut . 2,883
New York.... 553000
New Jersey ...- sees eeseeeenes . 6,673
Pennsylvania.......ceseee rece eeee cece oonwese es. 28,000
South Atlantic division........c.seeeeeee ee ones 39510
Delaware.........cseeeeeeteeeeeesseceeerene recs 250
District of Columbia 2,510
Virginiasccepse cae eoneree 550
South Carolina .....c-ccsevenees cocnee crosses 200
North Central division...........+6 dalegeuids vate 26,800
Ohio 2,700
10,000
Michigan. 1,100
Wisconsin 3,000
Minnesota 53500
Towa.......+ 1,000
MiSSOULI..... eee eee cee eee eect ener nee econ. rene 2,200
NGDraskaiscistass ciiessa v5 iewesrqunaences cetans 1,300
South Central division . .........seeeceecceeeces 1,400
Kentu ch y sisi se ciiccis siaaaisicneaenes vewnes edhe 1,400
Western GIVISION Ceierien ates ein seicceniis sated simeigeras 4,400
Colorado.. 200
Oregon. 200
Californ 4,000
Says the census :
“Many cities maintain schools from 7 to 9 o’clock
P.M. for from_30 to 90 or more sessions between No-
vember and May, presumably for those deprived cf
the benefit of ordinary schools by age or occupation.
“The tone of reports on these evening or night
schools is more of faith in their future possibilities
than of confidence in their present usefulness. Meagre
numbers, irregular attendance, difficulty of discipline,
exhaustion of both pupils and teachers by the employ-
ments of the day, damage to day schools by a loss of
power in those who teach in night schools as well as
day schools, are general comments relieved by some
statements of excellent results.
“A somewhat common experience is a zealous fall
opening, a good degree of interest to the Christmas
halidays, then a break in the attendance and interest,
followed by a more or less protracted struggle against
Serle ay it is decided that the schools had better
e closed.
Reference: See EDUCATION,
EVOLUTION AND SOCIAL REFORM.
—That biological principles and the teachings
of the evolutionary philosophy have an impor-
tant bearing on social reform is to-day all but
universally admitted ; yet, strange to say, even
the best writers and authorities are utterly dis-
agreed as to the reform position to which these
principles lead. Mr. Herbert Spencer and some
other writers use the theory of evolution as an
argument against state interference with private
property and the necessity of industrial compe-
tition to human progress. Mr. Benjamin Kidd
is equally clear that evolution teaches the neces-
sity of a great expansion of state interference,
tho it must be an interference which shall pre-
serve and not destroy competition. Professor
Huxley uses biology to ridicule Spencer's posi-
tion, while Professor Ritchie and most social-
ists make biology prove the necessity and prac-
ticability of an organic social life, where indus-
trial competition shall disappear, Finally Pro.
Evolution and Social Reform.
fessor S. N. Patton, in his Theory of Soczal
forces, a work published in January, 1896, says
(p. 5): ‘‘ Even the theory of evolution has had
as yet but little influence on the social concepts
and ideals of the race ;”” and he argues that
economics are psychological quite as truly as
biological. To understand this confusion it is
necessary to ask what evolution is.
“Evolution,” says Professor Huxley (Evolution in
Biolo, “is at pressor employed in biology asa gen-
eral name for the history of the steps by which any
living being has acquired the morphological and the
physiological characters which distinguish it.” He
says again (American Addresses, p. 10): ‘*The hypo-
thesis of evolution supposes that in all
this vast progression there is no breach
Definitions of continuity, ... but that the whole
of Evolution might be compared to that wonderful
* process of development which may be
seen going on every day under our eyes,
in virtue of which there arises out of
the semifluid, comparatively homogeneous substance,
which we call an egg, the complicated organization of
one of the higher animals.”
But we can be more definite than this. Says
Spencer (First Principles, § 145):
“Evolution is an integration of matter and concom-
itant dissipation of motion, during which the matter
passes from an indefinite, incoherent homogeneity to
a definite, coherent heterogeneity, and during which
the retained motion undergoes a parallel transforma-
tion.” But the word is often used ina still narrower
sense than this, a sense which identifies it with some
form of what is often also called Darwinism, and
which makes it the theory of ‘tthe derivation or de-
scent, with modification, of all existing species,
enera, orders, classes, etc., of animals and plants
rom a few simple forms of life, if not from one’”’ (Cez-
tury Dictionary).
Thus far all authorities are practically agreed.
But when we come to ask how this evolution
has taken place we find more disagreement.
We do not here refer to the fundamental ques-
tions of how evolution started ; whether it is
teleological; what it teaches concerning the
existing of a divine power in or above nature.
With these questions we are not here concerned.
But the authorities differ even as to the ways in
which evolution works wholly apart from the
question of its origination or any divine element
init. There may be more agreement than first
appears, but it is necessary to refer to the differ-
ent views of evolution in order to understand
.their bearing on social reform.
The evolutionary hypothesis did not originate with
Charles Darwin. ‘The general thought of evolution is
as old indeed as the Indian mystics and the Greek
physicists. It finds a comparatively clear expression
in Leibnitz’s principle of continuity, and plays no
small part in all German philosophy. Even in its
Darwinian form it appears quite explicitly in the writ-
ings of Lamarck (Paris, 1809-22), of Dr. W. C. Wells, of
Charleston, S. C. (1813), and of Sir Charles Lyell (1850).
Lamarck taught, among other things, that the produc-
tion of a new organ in an animal body results from
the supervention of a new want (desoz7) continuing to
make itself felt, and a new movement which this want
gives birth to and encourages. Geis
It is this law which has been peiselpally associated
with Lamarck’s name, and is often referred to as his
hypothesis of the evolution of organs
in animals by appetence or longing, al-
Various thohe did not teach that the animal’s
Ff f th desires affect its conformation directly,
orms of thé 414+ that altered wants lead to altered
Theory. habits, which result in the formation of
new organs, as well as in modification,
growth, or dwindling of those previ-
ously existing.
Mr. Alfred Wallace, as early as 1855 (Ann. and Mag.
Nat, Hist., 1855), formally announced his belief in the
567
Evolution and Social Reform.
theory of descent of species, and intimated that the
manifest adaptation of certain varieties to their sur-
roundings secured them the best chances of perpetua-
tion. Later records show that Mr, Wallace did not
stop at this stage of development.
But_it was Charles Darwin who, in his great book
The Origin of Specres, first placed the idea of evolu-
tion clearly before the world and gained the gradual
assent of almost the whole thinking world to his ar-
gument in general, if not in detail. Darwin’s theo-
ry has asits special points the inherent susceptibility
and tendency to variation according to conditions of en-
environment ; the preservation and perfection of organs
best suited to the individual in its struggle for exist-
ence ; the perpetuation of the more favorably organ-
ized beings, and the destruction, of those less fitted to
service; the operation of natural selection, in which
sexual selection is an important factor; and the gen-
eral proposition that at any given time any given or-
ganism represents the result of the foregoing factors,
acting in opposition to the hereditary tendency to ad-
here to the type or ‘breed true.’ Since Darwin’s day
two main schools have arisen. One school, sometimes
called the Lamarckian, holds to the distinguishing prin-
ciple of Lamarck, that acquired variations can be trans-
mitted, and that since these variations are and must
be adapted to external agencies and surroundings,
and hence of greater value to the individual and the
race, such variations are most important-in the differ-
entiation of new forms of life. The other school, follow-
ing Weismann in Germany, has in the name of pure
Darwinism or neo-Darwinism claimed that there is
no satisfactory evidence that those variations which
are the result of mechanical causes (acquired varia-
tions) can be inherited, that every instance in which
the effects of use and disuse, of mutilations and pre-
natal influences and the like are supposed to be shown
are capable of another explanation.
Most embryologists to-day probably incline to
the school of Weismann ; but the other side is
ably supported, nor must it be forgotten that
both sides admit that some variations at least
can be transmitted. :
Nor must the agreement of the two schools
and the general acceptance by all biologists of
the principle of evolution by the struggle for life
and the survival of the fittest be forgotten.
Says Mr. Benjamin Kidd (Soczal ‘Bootuiin.
p- 34):
“Progress everywhere from the beginning of life
has been effected in the same way, and it is possible in
no other way. It is the result of selection and rejec-
tion. In the human species, as in every other species
which has ever existed, no two individuals of a gen-
eration are alike in all respects. There is infinite
variation within certain limits. Some are slightly
above the average in a particular direction as others
are below it, and it is only when conditions prevail
which are favorable to a preponderating reproduction
of the former that advance in any direction becomes
possible. To formulate this as the immutable law of
progress since the beginning of life has been one of the
principal results of the biological science of the cen-
tury, and recent work, including the remarkable con-
tributions of Professor Weismann in Germany, has
all tended to establish it on foundations which are not
now likely to be shaken.”
With such a succinct statement as to the views
of various schools of biologists as to evolution,
we are now able to better understand the bear-
ings of their views on social reform. That such
a view must have deep bearing on social reform
is obvious. That man’s development is sub-
ject, in part at least, to the same laws which
govern the development of plants and brute
animal life no thinking man to-day denies, tho,
as we shall see, good authority questions whether
these are the only laws which control human
progress. We pass, therefore, to consider the
different applications of evolutionary thought to
social reform.
The leadership in the application of the doc-
Evolution and Social Reform.
trine of evolution to social science belongs un-
doubtedly to Herbert Spencer (g.v.), tho by no
means all scientists follow his con-
clusions. Comte had already pre-
Herbert pared the way by treating of human
Spencer, history as a natural process of con-
tinuous development, and much
German philosophy tends the same
way. But Herbert Spencer's First Principles
(1862) first developed this thought into a con-
nected system (Synthetic Philosophy), while his
other works apply the thought to psychologic
religion, ethics, sociology, education, etc. Bage-
hot’s Physics and Polztics Boeke the thought
to politics. John Fiske’s Cosmic Philosophy
applies it still more to man’s origin and develop-
ment.
Herbert Spencer makes biology teach the folly
of state intervention and the necessity of indus-
trial competition. He argues that it is abso-
lutely necessary to human progress that each
individual should stand on his own legs, and
that the ‘‘ fittest’? should survive. The strug-
gle, he says, should go on ‘‘ without violence’’
(The Sins of Legislators in The Man versus
The State), but government should not interfere.
He believes this process to be really benevolent,
and says, ‘‘the poverty of the incapable, the
distresses that come upon the imprudent, the
starvation of the idle, and those shoulderings
aside of the weak by the strong, which leave so
many in shallows and in miseries, are decrees of
a large, far-seeing benevolence’’ (quoted by Mr.
William M. Salter in Anarchy or Government
from Soctal Statics, and said by Mr. Salter to
be reaffirmed with approval [save as regards its
teleological implication] in Lhe Szns of Legis-
lators, The Man versus The State).
Mr. Spencer also believes this competition to
be just. Each one should gain ‘‘ neither more
nor less of benefit than his activities normally
bring’ (Soczology, vol. ii, § 575). ‘‘ The su-
perior,’”’ he says, should ‘‘ have the good of his
superiority, and the evil of his inferiority,’
and he would put a ‘‘ veto on all public action
which abstracts from some men part of the ad-
vantages they have earned, and awards to other
men advantages they have not earned” (zézd.,
vol. ii., § 567).
Mr. Spencer gives particular instances of
what he means—he condemns public libraries,
public museums, and public schools, since these
mean the taxation of the more well-to-do for the
benefit of the less well-to-do, and every one, he
maintains, should have all the benefits of his
exertions to himself, and none should have more
benefits than his own exertions entitle him to
(The Sins of Legislators and the Great Polztz-
cal Superstition,in The Man versus The State,
Cf. Soczology, vol. ii., § 569).
This gives Mr. Spencer’s general position,
which he has developed at length in his Socza/
Statics, Man versus The State, etc. (For a
fuller statement of his view, see SPENCER.)
On questions of the method in evolution, Mr.
Spencer follows the Lamarckian view. Mr.
Benjamin Kidd, however (in his Soczal Evolu-
tion) takes Weismann’s theory. Of the bearing
of this difference on social reform, Mr. Kidd
says (p. 191): :
568
Evolution and Social Reform.
“If the old view is correct and the effects of use and
education are transmitted by inheritance, then the Uto-
pian dreams of philosophy in the past are undoubtedly
possible of realization. If we tend to inherit in ourown
persons the result of the education and mental and
moral culture of past generations, then we may ven-
ture to anticipate a future society which will not de-
teriorate, but which may continue to make progress,
even tho the struggle for existence be suspended, the
population regulated exactly to the means of subsist-
ence, and the antagonism between the individual and
the social organism extinguished, even as Mr. Her-
bert Spencer has anticipated” (Data of Ethics, chap.
xiv.). But if, as the writer believes, the views of the
Weismann party are in the main correct; if there can
be no preress except by the accumula-
tion of congenital variations above the Rs
average to the exclusion of others be- Benjamin
low; if without the constant stress of Kidd.
selection which this involves, the ten-
dency of every higher form of life is
actually retrograde; then is the whole
human race caught in the toils of that struggle and
rivalry of life which has been in progress from the be-
ginning. Then must the rivalry of existence continue,
humanized as to conditions, it may be, but immutable
and inevitable to the end. ;
Mr. Kidd argues that this is the law of all
progress. He says (pp. 35-37) :
“ Looking back through the history of life anterior to
man, we find it to be a record of ceaseless progress, on
the one hand, and ceaseless stress and competition, on
the other. This orderly and beautiful world which
we see around us is now and always has been the
scene of incessant rivalry between all the forms of life
inhabiting it—rivalry, too, not chiefly conducted be-
tween different species, but between members of the
same species. The plantsin the greensward beneath
our feet are engaged in silent rivalry with each other,
a rivalry which if allowed to proceed without outside
interference would know no pause until the weaker
wereexterminated.... The trees ofthe forest which
clothe and beautify the landscape are in a state of
nature eugaged in the same rivalry with each other.
Left to themselves, they fight out, as unmistakable
records have shown, a stubborn struggle extending
over centuries, in which at last only those forms most.
sue to the conditions of the locality retain their
places.
_‘‘But so far we view the rivalry under simple condi-
tions ; it is among the forms of animal life as we begin
to watch the gradual progress upward to higher types.
that it becomes many-sided and complex. It is at this.
point that we encounter a feature of the struggle
which recent developments of biological science tend
to bring into ever-increasing prominence. The first
necessity for every successful form engaged in this
struggle is the capacity for reproduction beyond the
limits which the conditions of life for the time being:
comfortably provide for.... Recent
biological researches, and more par-
ticularly the investigations and conclu-
sions of Professor Weismann, have
tended to greatly develop Darwin’s
* original Pypotiesis as to the conditions
under which progress has been made in
the various forms of life. It is now coming to be rec--
eenined. as a necessarily inherent part of the doctrine:
of evolution, that if the continual selection which is.
always going on among the higher forms of life were
to be suspended, these forms would not only possess.
no tendency to make progress forward, but must
actually gobackward. ‘hat isto say, if all the individ-
uals of every generation in any species were al-
lowed to actually propagate their kind, the average:
of each generation would continually tend to fall be-
low the average of each generation which preceded it,.
anda process of slow but steady degeneration would.
ensue.’’
Mr, Kidd applies this principle to man, and
says (pp. 31-34): 5
“These laws, the observer soon convin i
have not been suspended in human society. On bumaelt,
trary, he sees that they must have their most impor-
tant seat of action there. To recognize this truth, one
has only to remember that the discovery which in our:
time has raised biology from a mere record of isolated
facts to a majestic story of orderly progress was not.
Natural
Selection.
Evolution and Social Reform.
suggested by the study of life among the lower ani-
mals, The law, by the enunciation of which Darwin
most advanced the science of the nineteenth century,
took shape in the mind of the great
biologist, after observation of human
society—that society in particular which
we see around us at the present day.
Speaking of the workings of his mind
before the Origin of Species was begun,
Darwin says: ‘In October, 1838—that is
15 months after I had begun my systematic inquiry, I
happened to read for amusement Malthus on popula-
tion; and being well prepared to appreciate the strug-
gle for existence which every where goes on, from long-
continued observation of the habits of animals and
plants, it at once struck me that under these circum-
stances favorable variations would tend to be pre-
served and unfavorable ones to be destroyed. The re-
sult of this would be the foundation of a new species.
Here, then, I had at last got atheory by which to work’
(The Life and Letters of Darwin, by his son, autobio-
graphical chapter, vol.i.).... Looking around at the
lowest existing types of humanity, and comparing them
with the highest, qne feels immediately constrained to
ask, Do we ever fully realize how this advance of
which weare so proud, and whichisrepresented by the
intellectual social distance between these two ex-
tremes, has been brought about? We talk vaguely
about it, and take for granted many things in connec-
tion with it; but the number of those who have
grasped certain elementary biological laws of which
it is the result, and which have controlled and directed
it as rigidly as the law of gravity controls and di-
Toe a body falling to the earth, is surprisingly
small... . :
“ At the outset we find man to be in one respect ex-
actly like all the creatures which have come before
him. He reproduces his kind from generation to gen-
eration. In doing so, he is subject to a law which
must never be lost sight of. Left to himself, this high-
born creature, whose progress we seem to take for
granted, has not the slightest innate tendency to make
any onward progress whatever. It may appear
strange, but it is strictly true, that if each of us were
allowed by the conditions of life to follow his own in-
clinations, the average of one generation would have
no tendency whatever to rise beyond the average of the
preceding one, but distinctly the reverse. This is not
a peculiarity of man; it has been a law of life fromthe
beginning, and it continues to bea universal law, which
we have no power to alter.”
As a result of this view, Mr. Kidd believes
that to insure progress society must insure the
perpetuation of competition. This, he says, is
against the immediate interests of the indus-
trially weaker classes, and therefore they are
advocating socialism, the essence of which Mr.
Kidd finds to consist in the elimination of com-
petition. But Mr. Kidd says this cannot prevail,
because it would mean biological deterioration
and death, Through all our Western civiliza-
tion Mr. Kidd finds a process going on born of
the superrational sanctions of Christianity, tend-
ing to altruism, lifting up the lower classes, by
an ever-widening democracy not toward social-
ism, but toward a condition where all classes
can compete on planes of more perfect equality.
He says (pp. 154-65) :
“The Reformation liberated, as it were, into the
practical life of the peoples affected by it that immense
body of altruistic feeling which had been from the be-
ginning the distinctive social product of the Christian
Teligion ” (p. 154). The clue to modern history, he says,
lies “in the fact that it hasconsisted essentially in the
gradual breaking down of that ad organization of
society which had previously prevailed and in the eman-
cipation and enfranchisement of the great body of the
people hitherto universally excluded under that consti-
tution of society from all participation on equal terms
in the rivalry of existence. ... And it tends to culmi-
nate in a condition of society in which there shall be
no privileged classes, and in which all the excluded
people shall be last brought into the rivalry of life
on a footing of equality, of opportunity, the signifi-
cance of the whole process consisting in its tendency
to raise the rivalry of existence to the highest degree
of efficiency as a cause of progress, to which it has ever
attained in the history of life.”
Applied to
Man,
569
Evolution and Social Reform.
Mr. Kidd thus formulates his conclusions as
to social reform (pp. 237, 238) :
“In the era upon which we are entering, the long,
uphill effort to secure equality of opportunity, as well
as equality of political rights, will ot neoessite involve
not the restriction of the interference of the State, but
the progressive extension of its sphere of action to al-
most every department of our social life. The move-
ment in the direction of the regulation, control, and re-
striction of the rights of wealth and capital must be
expected to continue, even to the extent of the State
itself assuming these rights in cases where it is clearly
proved that their retention in private hands must un-
duly interfere with the rights and op-
ortunities of the body of the people.
ut the continuity of principle may be Not
expected to remain evident under the Sociali
new appearances. Even in such cases, lasism,
the State will, in reality, assume such
functions 2% order to preserve or secure
free competition rather than to suspend it. Hence, the
general tendency must be expected to be toward
State interference and State control, on a greatly ex-
tended scale, rather than toward State management.
It may, perhaps, be inferred from this that the de-
velopment of society in the direction indicated will it-
self be a movement toward socialism. This is not so.
The gulf between the state of society—toward which
it is the tendency of the process of evolution now in
progress to carry us—and socialism is wide and deep.
The avowed aim of socialism is to suspend that per-
sonal rivalry and competition of life, which not only
is now, but has been from the beginning of life, the
fundamental impetus behind all progress. The in-
herent tendency of the process of social development
now taking place among'us is (as it has been from
the beginning of our civilization) to raise this rivalry
to the very highest degree of efficiency as a condition
of progress, by bringing all the people into it ona
footing of equality, and by allowing the freest possible
play of forces within the community, and the widest
possible opportunities for the development of every in-
dividual’s faculties and personality. This is the mean-
ing of that evolutional pees whichihas been slowly
proceeding through the history ofthe Western peoples.”
Contrary both to Mr. Spencer and to Mr. Kidd
are the views of Professor Huxley. Of Mr.
Spencer’s view, Professor Huxley says (A dmzn-
zstrative Nrhilism, an address delivered to the
Midland Institute, October 9, 1871) : :
“One of the profoundest of living English philoso-
phers, who is at the same time the most thoroughgo-
ing and consistent of the champions of astynomoc-
racy, has devoted avery able and ingenious essay to
the drawing out of a comparison between the process
by which men have advanced from the savage state to
the highest civilization, and that by which an animal
passes from the condition of an almost shapeless and
structureless germ to that in which it exhibits a high-
ly camiplieated structure and a corresponding diversi-
ty of powers. .... All this appears to be very just.
But if the resemblance between the body physiologi-
cal and the body politic is any indication not only of
what the latter is, and how it has become what it is,
but of what it ought to be, and what it is tending to
become, I cannot but think that the real force of the
analogy is totally opposed to the negative view of
State function. Ae eT oad
‘“Suppose that, in accordance with this view, each
muscle were to maintain thatthe nervous system had no
right to interfere with its contraction, except to pre-
vent it from hindering the contraction of another mus-
cle; or each gland, that it had a right to secrete, so
long as its secretion interfered with no other ; suppose
every separate cell Icft free to follow its own ‘inter-
ests,’ and /azssez fazre lord of all, what would be-
come of the body physiological?
“The fact is, that the sovereign power of the body
thinks for the physiological organism, acts for it, and
rules the individual components with a rod of iron....
Hence, if the analog of the body
politic with the body physiological
counts for anything, it seems tome to Huxley Op-
be in favor ofa much larger amount of poseq to Spen-
governmental interference than exists at P i s P
present, or than I, for one, at all desire cer’s View.
tosee. But, tempting asthe opportunity
is, I am not disposed to bui y up any
argument in favor of my own case upon this analogy
curious, interesting, and in many respects close as it
Evolution and Social Reform.
is, for it takes no cognizance of certain profound and
essential differences between the physiological and the
political bodies.”
Professor Huxley then goes on to state his
own views, and says :
‘“When men Bvine in society have once become
aware that their welfare depends upon two opposing
tendencies of equal importance—the one restraining,
the other encouraging, individual freedom—the ques-
tion, ‘ What are the functions of government?’ is trans-
Jated into another—namely, What ought we men, in
our corporate capacity, to do, not only in the way of
restraining that free individuality which is inconsis-
tent with the existence of society, but in encouraging
that free individuality which is essential to the evolu-
tion of the social organization? The formula which
truly defines the function of government must contain
the solution of both the problems involved, and not
merely of one of them.
“Locke has furnished us with such a formula, in the
noblest, and at the same time briefest, statement of
the purpose of government known to me:
“THE END OF GOVERNMENT IS THE GOOD OF MANKIND’
(Of Civel Government, § 229).
“But the good of mankind isnot asomething which is
absolute and fixed for all men, whatever their capaci-
ties or state of civilization. Doubtless it is possible to
imagine a true ‘Civitas Dei,’ in which every man’s
moral faculty shall be such as leads him to control all
those desires which run counter to the good of man-
kind, and to cherish only those which conduce to the
welfare of society ; and in which every man’s native
intellect shall be sufficiently strong, and his culture
sufficiently extensive, to enable him to know what he
ought to do and to seek after. And in that blessed
state pe will be as much a superfluity as every
other kind of government.
“But the eye of man has not beheld that state, and
is not likely to behold it for some time tocome. What
we do see, in fact, is that states are made up of a con-
siderable number of the ignorant and foolish, a small
proportion of genuine knaves, and a sprinkling of
capable and honest men, by whose efforts the former
are kept in a reasonable state of guidance, and _the
latter of repression. And such being the case, I do
not see how any limit whatever can be laid down as to
the extent to which, under some circumstances, the
action of government may be rightfully carried.....
The question when to draw the line between those
things with which the state ought, and those with
which it ought not, tointerfere, then, is one which must
be left to be decided separately for each individual
case. The difficulty which meets the statesman is the
same as that which meets us all in individual life, in
which our abstract rights are generally clear enough,
tho it is frequently extremely hard to say at what
point it is wise to cease our attempts to enforce them.”
Professor Huxley wrote before Mr. Kidd’s
Soctal Evolution appeared; but among his
’ latest utterances he showed that there wasa
deep division to be drawn between the biologi-
cal laws which govern the development of the
lower forms of creation and those which govern
man. He says(7he Struggle for Existence
in the Nineteenth Century, February, 1888,
pp. 165, 166):
“Society, like art, isa part of nature. But it iscon-
venient to distinguish those parts of nature in which
man plays the part of immediate cause as something
apart; and, therefore, society, like art, is usefully to
be considered as distinct from nature. It is the more
desirable, and even necessary, to make this distinc-
tion, since society differs from nature in having a
definite moral object ; whence it comes about that the
course shaped by the ethical man—the member of soci-
ety or citizen—necessarily runs counter to that which
the non-ethical man—the primitive savage, or man as
a mere member of the animal kingdom—tends to
adopt. The latter fights out the struggle for existence
to the bitter end, like any other animal; the former
devotes his best energies to the object of setting limits
to the struggle.
“The history of civilization—that is, of society, is
the record of the attempts which the human race has
made to escape from this position (z.e., the struggle for
existence in which those who were best fitted to cope
with their circumstances, but not the best in any other
57°
Evolution and Social Reform.
sense, survived). The first men who substituted the
state of mutual peace for that of mutual war, what-
ever the motive which impelled them to take that
step, created society. Butin oe peace, they
obviously put a limit upon the struggle for existence.
Between the members of that society, at any rate, it
was not to be pursued @ outrance. And of all the suc-
cessive shapes which society has taken, that most
nearly approaches perfection in which war. of indi-
vidual against individual is most strictly limited.”
Professor D. G. Ritchie, in his Darwénzsm
and Polztecs, carries the argument still further,
and shows, in the first place, that ‘‘ the survival
of the fittest’? does not necessarily mean the
survival of the best. He says:
“The phrase ‘survival of the fittest’ is very apt to
mislead, for it suggests the fittest or best in every
sense or in the highest sense, whereas it only means,
as Professor Huxley has pointed out, ‘those best fit-
ted to cope with their circumstances’ (article in The
Struggle for Existence, in Nineteenth Century for
February, 1888, p. 165), in order to survive and transmit
offspring. Now when we come to consider society, we
have to deal with a very complex set of phenomena,
and what is fittest in one aspect may not be fittest in
another. But natural selection implies no further
morality than ‘nothing succeeds like success.’ If the
struggle for food and mates be carried on on its lowest
terms, the strongest and the strongest only would be
selected. But cunning can do a great
deal against strength. Now we cannot
be sure that a good combination of
strength and cunning will be selected:
strength in some cases, cunning in oth-
ers, is what we find by comparing dif-
ferent species of animals and different
races of men. Again, the strongest and
largest and in many ways finest animals 5
are not necessarily those most capable of adapting
themselves to changed circumstances. The insignifi-
cant may more easily find food and escape enemies.
We cannot be sure that evolution will always lead to
what we should regard as the greatest perfection of
any species, Degeneration enters in as well as prog-
ress. The latest theory about the Aryan race makes
the Aryans come from the north of Europe, conquer
the feebler races of the south, and, having proved its
fitness in this way, prove its unfitness in another by
being less capable of surviving in a warm climate
than they; so that an Aryan language may be spoken
where there remains little or no Aryan blood. Are we
entitled to maintain, with regard to human races and
human individuals, that the fittest always survive, ex-
cept in the sense in which the proposition is a truism
that those survive who are most capable of surviving ?
“Further, we must emphasize the fact that the
struggle goes on not merely between individual and
individual, but between race and race. The struggle
among plants and the lower animals is mainly be-
tween members of the same species ; and the individu-
al competition between human beings, which is so
much admired by Mr. Herbert Spencer, is of this
primitive kind. When we come to the struggle be-
tween kinds, it isto be noticed that it is fiercest be-
tween allied kinds; and s0, as has been pointed out,
the economic struggle between Great Britain and
the United States is fiercer than elsewhere between
nations. But so soon as we pass to the struggle be-
tween race and race, we find new elements coming in.
The race which is fittest to survive, z.¢., most capable
of surviving, will survive; but it does not therefore
follow that the individuals thereby preserved will be
the fittest, either in the sense of being those who in
struggle between individual and individual qpcnia
have survived, or in the sense of being those whom we
should regard as the finest specimens of their kind... .
Admirable, doubtless—this scheme of salvation for
the elect by the damnation of the vast majority ; but,
pray, do not let us hear anything more about its ‘ be-
neficence.’
“Iam not speaking at random about these ethical
applications of the conception of struggle for exist-
ence. Darwin himself, as always, is most cautious
and Pha in his reference to anything that lies
outside his own special sphere of observation. He
looks forward to the elimination of the lower races b
the higher civilized races throughout the world (Lzfe
and Letters, 1., p. 316). He points out how ‘a struggle
for existence, consequent on his rapid multiplication,’
has advanced man to his present high condition ; ‘and
if he is to advance still higher, it is to be feared that
“Survival
of the Fit-
test” Not
the Best.
~
Evolution and Social Reform.
he must remain subject to a severe struggle. Other-
wise he would sink into indolence, and the more gifted
men would not be more successful in the battle of life
than the less gifted’ (Descent of Man, p. 319). This,
doubtless, includes the old objection which Aristotle
brought against Plato’s communism, that man needs a
stimulus to exertion and industry. But there is no
jubilation, no exaltation of a natural law into an ethi-
calideal. And let us know how Darwin modifies this
very statement in the words that follow: ¥
“Important as the struggle for existence has been
and even still is, yet as far as the highest part of man's
nature is concerned there are other agencies more im-
portant. For the moral qualities are advanced, either
directly or indirectly, much more through the effects
of habit, the reasoning powers, instruction, religion,
etc., than through natural selection ; tho to this latter
agency may be safely attributed the social instincts
which afforded the basis for the development of the
moral sense.’ ” ;
Socialists, however, usually go farther than
any of the above writers, and argue from evo-
lution not only that the struggle for existence
is not the only law of human progress, but that
it teaches the development and survival of com-
bination overcompetition. Saysarecent writer
(anonymously) :
“This law of organic evolution does not stop with
the development of the physical. It is the same
throughout the entire realm of phenomena. It passes
over into the immaterial and builds up
political, social, and moral institutions in
almost precisely the same manner as
pest organisms are formed. Inthe
political. aspect of the world the start is
also had with the individual or unit.
Then follows a community of units, the
town, for instance. The same law of development or
community of vital interests results in the organiza-
tion of counties, States and nations, each a political
organism, with functions pe toitss ecitie plane
of being or place in the body politic; but all, when per-
fected, working harmoniously together for the com-
mon good and equal rights of the units, the individual
men and women that form the organism or political
body. This same law of progressive development also
foreshadows the time when there will bea confederacy
of nations, a political world organism, a race unity,
the highest functions of which will be to secure to the
race—unit—man the freedom of a fair chance in the
exercise of his inalienable right to preserve and en-
hance his inherent individuality.”
Society an
Organism.
Socialists believe in the evolution of compe-
tition. Says W. D. P. Bliss (Handbook of So-
cialism, p. 21) :
“Competition was once mainly physical; this pro-
duced the survival of the fittest to survive in pe
strife. ‘There were giants in those days,’ the Nim-
rods, the Goliaths, the Agamemnons, ‘kings of men.’
Organized society gradually restrained that physical
strife, and competition became chiefly military be-
tween States. This was the distinguishing feature of
the Greek State and of the Roman civilization. It
produced an Alexander, a Hannibal, a Cesar, and
continued to the time of Napoleon, and is not yet dead.
But gradually advancing fraternalism has replaced
military by industrial competition. To-day men strive
neither with guns nor with poisoned arrows, so much
as with cornerings of the market and with poisoned
groceries. It has produced the survival of the fittest
to survive in such a strife—the Rothschilds, the Jay
Goulds, the Vanderbilts, the Pullmans, the Napoleons
of finance. Therefore, socialists do not urge the abo-
lition of competition. They simply say that it is time
to lift competition to a higher level, and make it intel-
lectual, not industrial. As organized fraternalism has
to a large measure put down physical strife, and is
putting down militarism, so socialists would have it
gradually supplant industrial competition by indus-
trial cooperation.”
A recent work, however, on social evolution
is Professor S. N. Patton’s Theory of the Social
Forces (January, 1896). He says (p. 7): ‘‘ Evo-
‘ution has thus far been studied as a problem of
biology. This has been due more to what I
yi:
Exchange.
would call a happy accident than to any neces-
sity of the situation. Darwin, admits that he
obtained the clue to his theory through reading
Malthus’s Essay on Population, and in many
respects the attitude of the author of the Orégzz
of Speczes is that of aneconomist. Itis only by
later writers that the economic elements in the
problem are neglected, and that the theory is
based solely upon biologic evidence, The happy
accident to which I have referred is the fact
that the history of past organic life is so plainly
recorded in the various organisms of the present
and in the fossil remains of earlier forms.,”’
Professor Patton then goes on to argue that
evolution is the result of the action of environ-
ment upon organism ; that biology has studied
organism (because of the ‘‘ happy accident’ that
this is what could be best historically studied),
but has neglected environment. He quotes
Spencer as saying (Psychology, vol. i., p. 134):
““Throughout biology proper the environment
and its correlated phenomenaare either but tacit-
ly recognized, or overtly and definitely recog-
nized, are so but occasionally, while the organism
and its correlated phenomena practically monopo-
lize the attention.’’ Here Professor Patton finds
the weak point in current economic discussions.
They have overlooked environment, and, says
Professor Patton (p. 5), ‘‘the present environ-
ment of the race is so different from its prede-
cessors that a new social philosophy is de-
manded to explain its effects.’? Hence Profes-
sor Patton’s essay is ‘‘an attempt to recast cur-
rent social philosophy and to introduce into it
elements which thus far have been overlooked.”’
These elements are largely psychologic, and,
according to Professor Patton, deserve to rank
equally with the biologic factors. By such an
analysis of man’s present environment Profes-
sor Patton forecasts ‘‘ a social commonwealth,’’
based upon a pure pleasure economy, even as
state socialism, according to him, is the ideal of
those suffering from the evils of afair economy.
This social commonwealth, however, he says,
must not be assumed to be the highest or final
state. ‘‘Ifa progressive evolution continues,”’
he tells us (p. 6), ‘ ‘ other societies will be possi-
ble, each of which will differ from its predeces-
sor as radically as the society I describe differs
from our present society.’’
References: See the books quoted in this article.
See also BIOLOGY.
EXCHANGE, in economic science, may be
defined as the giving of one commodity or ser-
vice for another commodity or service. It lies
at the basis of almost all modern production and
distribution. Little is produced to-day by one’s
self for one’s self. Without exchange of services
and of commodities there could scarcely be
production or distribution on any large scale.
This is so much so that some have identified all
political economy as the science of exchange or
catallactics. (See PotiticaL Economy, also Cat-
ALLACTIcs.) Others have proposed to do away
with exchange as a separate title or subject,
considering it under production and distribution.
Most economists make it, however, a distinct
and important part of political economy. Adam
Smith attributes exchange to the division of
labor, and treats it before he considers wages,
Exchange.
profits, or rents (Wealth of Natzons, book i.,
chap. iv.). BothJames and John Stuart Mill treat
it after treating of production and distribution
and slight exchange. The latter says: ‘‘ Ex-
change and money make no difference in the
law of wages, in the law of rent, nor in the law
of profit’ (Prznceples, book iii., chap. xxvi.).
On the other hand, most economists believe
wages, rent, and profit are not possible without
exchange, and cannot be studied till we under-
stand exchange. Professor Walker puts ex-
change at least before distribution ; and Profes-
sors Sedgwick and Marshall treat distribution
and exchange as too intimate to be separated.
Under the section ‘“‘ Exchange” (Podztzcal
Economy, Part III., revised edition), Professor
Walker says :
“Under the title ‘ Exchange’ in a systematic
treatise on political economy, I would consider
the ratios of exchange, the terms on which
goods, commodities, articles possessing value,
items in the sum of wealth exchange for one
another. Why does so much of this commodity
_ exchange for so much of that?’ It is obvious
that this raises the whole question to-day so
much mooted of value. It will, therefore, in
this encyclopedia best be treated under the head
VALUE (9.¥.).
EXCHANGE, FOREIGN. See Foreicn
EXCHANGE.
EXCHANGE, STOCK.
CHANGE, ©
EXCHANGE VALUE. See Value.
EXCISE (from Lat. ex-czde, cut off) isa duty
laid upon any commodity produced within a
country in distinction from those custom duties
(see TariFF) which are levied upon imports.
The derivation implies that the excise is some-
thing cut off from the price for the benefit of
the state. It is an indirect tax, because, tho
levied on the product, it falls on the consumer.
Excise duties are an old form of duty, begun in
England under this name as early as 1643, being
laid on ale and all forms of intoxicating drinks,
and later on a long list of articles of food and
clothing. The necessities of life were later ex-
cepted. Excise duties were at first duties on
commodities produced in or out of a country.
Robert Walpole, in 1733, introduced a famous
excise scheme, whereby tobacco and, later,
See Stock Ex-
572
Expenditures (Family).
wine paid no duty, but was warehoused under
the control of excise officers, and paid excise
duties only as sold within the country. It pro-
duced a great excitement, and was abandoned,
To-day excise duties are paid in England on
beer, wine, spirits, tobacco, dogs, gun and
game licenses, carriages, male servants, armorial
bearings, railway tickets, by auctioneers, ped-
dlers, farm brokers, tavern-keepers, etc.
In the United States, excise duties were dis-
liked as inheritances from the English Govern- ,
ment, and an effort was early made to enact a
constitutional amendment forbidding excise
duties ; but in 1790 Hamilton proposed and got
passed an excise duty on spirits. In 1792 it was
lowered, and under Jefferson abolished. The
War of 1812 led to an excise duty on distilled
spirits, domestic refined sugar, salt, carriages,
etc. But in 1817 these were abolished, and no
excise duty was levied till the internal tax of 1862.
(See InTERNAL REVENUE.) The excise duties in
Great Britain for the fiscal year ending March
31, 1895, were $129,378,130. The internal reve-
nue of the United States in 1895 was $143,421,-
672. (For a discussion of excise duties, see
TAXATION.)
EXECUTIVE. See PresIDENT ; SOVEREIGN,
etc.
EXPENDITURES (FAMILY).—Accord-
ing to the well-known laws formulated by Dr.
Engels, head of the Prussian Royal Bureau of
the Statistics of Labor, expenditures in different
families conform to the following principles :
1, That the greater the income, the smaller
the relative percentage of outlay for subsistence.
2. That the percentage of outlay for clothing
is approximately the same, whatever the income.
3. That the percentage of the outlay for lodg-
ing or rent, and for fuel and light, is invariably
the same, whatever the income.
4. That. as the income increases in amount
the percentage of outlay for sundries becomes
greater.
These principles seem in the main substan-
tiated by the most careful investigation.* The
most extensive investigation thus far made is
probably that reported by the United States.
Commissioner of Labor for 1891, the result of
which we condense here. It is based on inves-
tigations in the iron, coal, glass, cotton and wool-
en industries. The following tables are abridged
from the report (vol. ii., pp. 864, 865) :
PERCENTAGE OF EXPENDITURES IN NORMAL FAMILIES,
INCOME UNDER INCOME, INCOME, INCOME, INCOME ALL
200. $200-$300. $500-$600, $ 900-$1,000. SIZES.
OBJECTS OF EXPENDI-
TURE,
United United United United United
Europe. States, [EUTOPe-| States. |E“TOPe:| States, |EUTOPe-| States. /EFOPe- | States.
9-38 15-48 12.05 14.65 10.26 15-15 10.49 14.96 T1.29 15.05,
5-38 7-07 5-62 59 3-32 5-63 5-19 4.00 4-88 5-01
1.66 I.01 1.68 -96 1.37 97 1.53 74 1.54 «go
1308 12 ee 14:16 14-33 15.21 15.27 14.15, 16.84 15.00 15.3%
o wmaee 48.32 49.64 49.62 44.2 50.06 43-84 40.24 34.34 48.78 1.0
Other Purposes.......... 16.18 13-98 16.87 19.21 19.78 19.14 22.40 29.12 Bsr ve
* Dr. Engels is now publishing a series of studies on the family budgets of all countries.
Expenditures (Family). 573 Expenditures (Family).
The following gives comparisons for different countries for the above industries :
AVERAGE EXPENDITURES.
COUNTRIES. Income.
Rent. Fuel. Food. Other.
. United States........ $657.39 $76.03 $26.67 $250.6:
- tate tee e eee eee Davee eceeeeee . . : 50.62 $30
Great Britain.. y 502.76 47-20 20.47 232.61 dee
PRANCE. «0500. + 413.80 2.99 13-44 182.21 185
Belgium 433-27 29-93 15.99 200.64 187
Germany atte 320.02 27.07 10.59 168 .82 123
Switzerland ........ aie aah sacssachi hn sseemeie Ric eisiees 358.56 25.44 23.48 179.28 130
CLOTHING. ; \ SocieTies.
COUNTRIES. SS SS S| axes, |nsurances|——— >
Husband. Wife. Children. Labor. Other.
United Statessiecicccvycc veanacesine $33.68 $23.72 $54.83 $7.37 $24.84 | $7.33 $8.64
‘Great Britain 2 22.15 20.50 37-94 8.44 15.60 7234 7-93
France.... =9.49 14-76 38.35 2.47 4-34 3-79 3-78
Belgium .. 23.98 12.38 48.25 4.69 275 3-23 5-08
‘Germany ... ae esas 20.04 11.29 25.88 3-54 10 34 1.36 3-15
AQWITZerla a? 2. ai0d% disewue ass canst s 22.68 11.78 30.92 2.07 8.89 +39 3-35
Amuse- Intoxicat- Books and
COUNTRIES. ments and ing Tobacco. News- Religion. Charity.
Vacations. Liquors. papers.
United States seccicas arcce vease $13.38 $22.82 $10.66 $6.41 $7.99
‘Great Britain... : 23-55 23.22 11.43 4:95 6.74
France... 13.38 31.84 6.60 3-35 3-00
Belgium.. . 17-43 25-77 6.29 2.33 0.96
Germany izicass é 7-97 12.50 3.87 2.11 1.17
HOWIUZErland 3 saseced nha cacweee oe 20.57 15-97 3.25 1.97 1.76
These statistics for the United States are based on inthe glass. For France: 4o in the bar iron, 61 in the
the expenditures of 487 families in the pig ironindus- cotton, 128 in the wool. For Belgium: 7 in the pig iron,
try, 293 in the bariron, 7oin the steel, 309 inthe bitumin- 45 in the bar iron, 9 in the bituminous coal, 4 in the
ous coal, 104 in the coke, 66 in the iron ore, 639 in the coke, 24in the glass. For Germany : 22 in the bar iron,
- cotton, 323 in the woolen, 773in the glass. Eachindus- 35 in the steel, 16 in the bituminous coal, ro in the coke,
try was averaged separately, and the above averages 17 inthe iron ore, 7o inthe cotton, 23 in the woolen.
are the average of the industry averages. For Switzerland: 46 in the cotton industry.
For Great Britain, the statistics are based on the ex- The following tables, taken from various earlier in-
penditures of 39 families in the pig iron industry, 73 in vestigations in Massachusetts, Illinois, and Great Bri-
-the bar iron, 72 in the steel, 137 in the bituminous coal, tain, and quoted in the above-mentioned United States
1zin the coke, 164 in the cotton, 59 in the wool, and 22 report, confirm the same general results.
MASSACHUSETTS.—PERCENTAGES OF EXPENDITURES.—AMOUNT, $754.42.
Massachusetts Engel’s Massachusetts
ITEMS OF EXPENDITURE. Budgets, Prussian Bureau Table, Average.
1883. Law. 1875.
WUDSISUENCE was dents weeqiaewesun siesaie atest $49.28 $50.00 $56.00 $51.76
Clothing... 3 sists 15.95 18.00 15.00 16.32
Rent. 19-74 12.00 17.00 16.25
RAIC Ls) saciid ahaa decors ‘ 4.30 5.00 6.00 5.10
Sundry ExPenses ....cseeeeeeec cee ceeeeccenees 10.73 15.00 6.00 10.57
TOtals wissialsisaw ray asin dans dene Seeceaihelndew ae $100.00 $100.00 $100.00 $100.00
\
-COMPARATIVE PERCENTAGES OF EXPENDITURES BY THE FAMILIES OF WORKING MEN IN
ILLINOIS, MASSACHUSETTS, GREAT BRITAIN, AND PRUSSIA.
ITEMS. Tilinois. Massachusetts.|Great Britain.| Prussia.* Average.
:Subsistence....------+++ oe $41.38 $49.28 $51.36 $55.00 $49.25
-Ctothing ... 21.00 15-95 18.12 18.00 18.27
Rent.....- 17.42 19-74 13-48 12.00 15.66
Fuei.....- 5-63 4.30 3.50 5.00 4.61
Sundries .....--e cece eeet eee e eee et eet es 14.57 10.73 13.54 10:60: ees
TotalS..cccerececeeeee aja ntsconavauaaeate # $100.00 $100.00 $100.00 $100.00 $100.00
4 * It is to be noted that for Prussia a family of the intermediate class is taken.
Exports and Imports. 574 Exports and Imports.
EXPORTS AND IMPORTS.—We devote
this article exclusively to statistics of the ex- YEAR EXPORTS, eee
ports and imports of the United States and Great UNE S Imports. | Syer'Ex-
Britain. (For a discussion of the principles in- 30 | Domestic. | Foreign. ports.
volved, see CoMMERCE ; FREE TRADE; PROTEC-
TION ; VALUE, etc.)
| $3379518, 102] $12,341,420] $434,812,066] $85,952,544
279,786,809] 457191332] 395,761,096] 101,254,955
269,389,900] 125562,999] 357,436,440 751483954
275,166,697] 10,951,000] 417,506,379] 131,388,682
376,616,473] 16)155;295| 435:958,408] 43,186,640
428,398,908] 14,421,270] 520,223,684} 77,403,506
428,487,131| 15,690,455] 626,595,077] 182,417,491
50550331439| 171446,483] 642,136,210) 119,656,288
569)433:421| 16,849,619] 567,406,342] — 18,876,698:
4991284,T00] 14,158,612] 533,005,436 19,562,725
THE UNITED STATES.
According to the Statistical Abstract of the United
States for 1895, p. 83, the merchandise imported and
exported, and the annual excess of imports or of
exports from 1845 to 1895 in specie values were as
follows:
YEAR EXPports, Excess
5253582)247| 14,802,424] 460,741,190] — 79,643,481
ENDING, Imports. | of AMBOES 589,670,224] 12,804,996] 451,323,126|— 151,152,004
JUNE: overt 680,709,268] 14,156,498] 437,0511532|— 25718145234
30% Domestic. | Foreign. ports. 698,340,790] 12,098,651] 4457771775|— 264,661,666
823,946,353] 11,692,305] 667,954,746|— 167,683,912
883,9251947| 18)451,399| 642,664,628|— 259,712,718
733)2391732| 271302,525| 724,639,574] — 25,902,083
804,223,632| 19)615,770| 723180,914|— 100,658,488
724,964,852] 15548)757| 667,697,693] — 72,815,916:
726,682,946] 15,506,809] 577527)329|— 164,662,426
665,964,529 13,560,301] 635,436,136] — 44,088,604
703,022,923| 13,160,288] 692,319,768] — 23,863,443
683,862,104] 12,092,403! | 723,957,114 28,002,607
730,282,609] 12,118,766) 745,131,652 25730277
845,293,828] 12,534,856] 789,310,409] — 68,518,275
.+.| 872,270,283] 12,210,527] 844,916,196 — 30,564,614
.|1,015,732,011| 14,546,137| 827,402,462|-— 202,875,686
831,030,785] 16,634,409] 866,400,922 18,737,728
869,204,937| 22,935:035| 6541994,622|— 237,145,950
79393921599] 14)145)506| 731,969,695] — 75,568,200
$98,455,330] $7,584,781/$113,184,322/ $7,144,277
101,718,042| 7,865,206] 117,914,065 8,330,817
150,574,844] 6,166,754] 122,424,349| —- 3493171249
130,203,709] 7,986,806] 148,638,644 10,448,129
131,710,081| 8,641,091] 141,206,199 855,027
1345900,233] 94751493] 173)509,526] 29,733,800
178,620,138] 10,295,121] 210,771,429 21,856,170
1545931)147| 12)053,084] 207)440,398] 40,456,167
189,869,162| 13,620,120] 263,777,265 60,287,983
215,328,300] 21,715,464] 297,803,794] 60,760,030
1625751,135| 26,158,368] 257,808,708} 38,899,205
266,438,051| 14,781,372) 310,432,310] 29,212,887
278,906,713] 14,917;047| 348,428,342 54,604,552
251,351,033| 20,660,241] 263,338,054| — 8,672,620
278,392,080] 24,509,971] 3311333341 38,431,290
316,2425423| 17,333,034] 353,016,119] 20,040,662 The minus sign (—) before the amount indicates ex-
204,899,616] 14,654,217] 289,310,542 69,756,709 cess of exports over imports,
179,644,024| 11,026,477] 189,356,077| — 15313,824 #
186,003,912] 17,960,535] 2431335)815 301371368 According to the same authority, the values of
74315043027 7513330961 3201447)283 157,609,295 domestic merchandise, grouped according to sources.
136,940,248] 29,089,055] 238,745,580 72,716,277 of production, exported during 1860, 1870, and from
1875 to 1895, were as follows:
EXPORTS OF DOMESTIC MERCHANDISE OTHER THAN MANUFACTURES.*
: EXPORTS OF
DOMESTIC
YEAR ENDING AGRICULTURE. MINING. FOREST. FisHeries. | ,MISCEL- MANUFACTURES.
TONE 30. LANEOUS.
Values. aot Values. Values, Values, Values, Values. a.
$256,560,972 | 81.13 $999,465 | $10,299,959 $4,156,480 $3,879,655 | $40,345,892 | 12.76
361,188,483 | 79.35 5,026, 11r 143897,963 2,835,508 2,980,512 68,279,764 | 15.00
430,306,570 | 76.95 6,469,181 19,165,907 4,874,660 51742,506 92,678,814 | 16.57
456,113,515 | 76.67" 7,122,989 18,076,668 5 806,445, 6,160,550 101,637,548 | 17.08
4590734148 | 72-63 8,770,769 1919431290 517371879 4,861,219 | 133,933,549 | 21-76
530,192,873 | 77-07 6,732,119. 175750396 6,434,182 4,833,164 123,807,196 | 17-79
546,476,703 | 78.12 6,405,813 16,336,943 6,282,368 7,021,186 117,015,729 16.72
685,961,091 83.25 59863232 17,321,268 51255,402 6,689,345 102,856,015 12.48
73394943 | 82.63 71401, 282 19,486,051 595501439 6,854,013 114,233,219 | 12.92
552,219,819 | 75-32 8,175,692 25,580,264 6,197,752 6,271,859 134)794,346 | 18.38
619,269,449 | 77.00 10,446,719 28,636,199 6,276,375 5,366,807 134,228,083 16.69
536,315,318 73-98 15,022,255 26,222,959 5s614, 111 594175322 136,372,887 18.81
530,172,966 | 72-96 15)797,885, 22,014,839 599559122 515541607 147,187,527 | 20.25
484,954,505 | 72-82 13,654,286 20,961,708 55138,806 457135756 136,541,978 | 20.50
523,0731798 | 74-41 11,758,662 21,126,273 551553775 51173)310 336,735,105 | 19-45
500,840,086 | 73.23 175993895 23,991,092 5) 518,552 5,218,392 130,300,087 | 19.05
532,141,490 | 72.87 19,947;518 26,997;127 71106, 388 594145579 138,675,507 | 18.99
629,820,808 | 74.51 2252971755 29)473,084 71458,385 5y141,420 151,102,376 | 17.87
64257515344 | 73.69 22,054,970 28,715,713 6,208,577 3,612,364 168,927,315 | 10.37
799328,232 | 78.69 20,692,885 2759573423 5403, 587 3»838,947 158,510,937 | 15.61
615,382,986 74.05 20,020,026 28,127,113 595415378 33936, 164 158,023,118 19.02
628,363,038 | 72.28 20,449,598 28,010,953 4,261,920 414005944 183,718,484 | 21.14
553)210,026 | 69.73 18,509,814 28,576,235 51328,807 45191,974 183,5951743 | 23.74
* The group ‘Other than uw 2 i i i 3
value BE ae manufactures” embraces substantially all articles crude or slightly enhanced in
ote x. For the kinds of articles embraced in ther i i
Commerce and Navigation, 1s ce e respective groups, see Appendix to the Annual Report on
ote 2. 1e values of exports of products of domestic agriculture from the United States f i
fiscal years prior to 1860 were as follows: 1820, $41,657,673, OF 81 per cent.; 1830, $48,005,184, OT &2 per eae
$92,548,067, or 83 per cent.; 1850, $108,605,713, or 81 per cent. of all exports of merchandise. 3 1840,
Exports and Imports.
575
Exports and Imports.
The value of some main exports for the different years ending June 30 was:
1889. | 1890. 1891. | 1892. | 1893. | 1894. | 1895.
Raw cotton........ .. 4 bales....} 4,872,060 5,020,913 5820,779 | 5,891,411 4:431,220 | 5,397,509 | 6,965,358
dolls.. ..| 237,775,270 | 250,968,792 | 290,712,898 | 258,461,241 | 188,771,445 | 210,869,289 goueoc aes
WHiSeiti cca xerecxie genes bush. ..] 46,414,129 | 543875767 | 55y131,948 | 157,280,351 | 117,121,109 | 88,415,230 | 76,102,704
dolls....] 41,652,701 | 45,275,906 | 51,420,272 | 161,399,132 | 93)534:970 | 591407,041 | 43,805,663
Wheat flour........ oe, ; bbls... 91374803 | 12,231,711 | 11344,304 | 15,196,769 | 16,620,339 | 16,850,533 | 15,268,892
dolls....] 45,296,485 | 57,036,138 | 54,705,616 | 75,362,283 | 75,494,347 | 69,271,770 | 51,651,928
The values of imports of merchandise, grouped according to degree of manufacture and uses, from 1886 to
1894, were as follows:
ARTICLES—
IN A CRUDE con-|WHOLLY OR PAR-
DITION, WHIcH| TIALLY MANU-
4 FACTURED FOR
OF FOOD AND ENTER INTO THE) Gop as MATE-|MANUFACTURED, OF VOLUNTARY
YEAR ENDING LIVE ANIMALS VARIOUS PROC- RIALS IN THE READY FOR CON-; USE, LUXURIES,
JUNE 30. cree ee ESSES OF DoO- SUMPTION, ETC.
MESTIC INDUs.| MANUFACTURES
TRY. AND MECHANIC
ARTS,
Per Per Per Per Per
Values. Cent. Values. Cent. Values. Cent. Values. Cent. Values. Cent.
$199,176,405| 31-35 | $r48,146,022| 23.31 | $78,843,160] 12.41 | $127,975)118) 20.14 | $81,295,431] 12.79
213,9731334| 30-92 | ,168,199,431] 24.30 | 80,328,760) 11.60 | 139,969,453] 20.21 89,848,790] 12.97
220,786,451 30-50 | 174,270,070] 24.07 84,932,085] 11-73 | 147,988,782] 20.44 | 95,979,726) 13.26
239)140,245| 32.10 | 178,646,235] 23.96 83,979,997 12-27 | 140,080,553| 19.61 97,284,622| 13.06
251,944,708] 31.92 | 180,846,654] 22.91 84,746,767] 10.74 | 157:943:573} 20-01 | 113,828,707| 14.42
284,715)737| 33-72 | 196,393,669] 23-27 | 107,024,423| 12.91 | 138,469,966] 16.21 | 118,312,401] 13.89
303,158,928] 36.64 | 204,093,996] 24.67 83,206,471] 10.06 | 132,178,815] 15.97 | 104,764,252] 12.66
271,585,993] 31-34 | 226,711,989] 26.17 98,753,902] 11 40 | 143,493-447) 16.56 | 125,855,591] 14-53
278,338,429] 42.49 | 137,027,024) 20.92 67,510,926] 310.3% | 92)719,494] 14-15 7913985749] 12.13
According to tables prepared by the Bureau of Statistics of the Treasury Department, the Foreign Trade of
the United States during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1895, was as follows:
EXPORTS.
ARTICLES. Quantities.| Values. ARTICLES.} Quantities.| Values.
MERCHANDISE. MERCHANDISE.
Agricultural Huplements be Alglonal|ivieteietea saiaew: $5,413,075 Oil cake, oil cake meal.... 7331652,495 $7,165,587
Animals: :....cjc2eene. aeswew seve Bein gainanieeo 3597541045 Oils: Animal .........6. “1,467,156 578,445
Books, maps, engravings, and «Mineral, crude....galls.) 111,285,264 5)161,710
other printed matter........ deEReQenes 2,316,217 “Mineral, refined or
Breadstufts : Corn. bush 27,691,137 14,650,767 manufactured . 41,498,372
Wheat.....bush. 76,102,704 43»805,663 “ Vegetable........ 75342,11B
ee Wheat Flour, Paper, and manufactures of..]..-...0+6 + 2,185,257
bbls. 15,268,892 51,651,928 Paraffine, Paraffine wax..lbs. 95,076,165, 37569,614
re AILOCH GF ices cis.450 deg cmenes aie 4,496,412 Provisions: Beef products.lbs.} 344,600,048 27,478,651
Cee IEPs HORSE: and railroad Hog products.1bs.| 1,092,024,847 89,757,425
agieiniajesia Satie) cada wise Kolaween sera 2,382,714 nS Oleomargarine,
Chemicals drugs, ayes and lbs. 88,199,775 8,099,482
medicines ... . 2 8,189,142 ee omer ee prod-
Clocks and watches.« 2 1,204,005 UWCtSscscicaciacacs) seesieresieres 1,665,961
Coal: Anthracite .. 153975204 5,918,229 st Dairy prodmels. ere haya 6,632,857
“Bituminous... 253745988 5,180,398 Seeds: Clover. .... Ibs. SHO 25124,997
Copper OPS sisisns setscsesiete ts 10,281 1,104,515 “All other Syeisfciiayaiancyacoseis 724,148
©" Manufactures of......)e...002 see 14,468,703 || Spirits, Distilled..proof galls. "5,2711764 2,991,686
Cotton, Unmanufactured, lbs.| 3,517,433,109| 204,900,990 Sugar, molasses, syrup..galls. 9,148,711 850,400
anufactures of..... 13,789,810 Refined ............ lbs 8,833,522" 406,924
FISH ictsia Qertamareeg esiesieiciny OE 4)501,830 || Tobacco, ‘Unuianufastured,
Flax, hemp, “and jute, manu- Tbs.| 300,991,930] _251798,968
factures Of ........cce eee eeee [ee semanas 1,722,559 eg Manufactures of....|....-+-- e000 31953,165
Fruits, apples, green or ripe, Veretables oc ise csss canaseass 14543458
bbls. 818,711 1,954,318 Wood, and SRS NEAGLE of 27,115,997
Fruits and nuts, all other.....]...+--.seeees 3,017,473 || All other articles... ...ssses, [eves assaculeisions 36,465,283
unre and fur skins 33923)130 ;
is Secu diaesayeyine tates 1,872,597 Total exports, domestic
Tnstruients for scientific pur- merchandise..........6....)e.0 cece teens $793)392:599
iaialeicitaeta atapn Sew ueusnm rec Meblestzes: rspeaes« vneeeae 1,912,771 ee eee
Ir 1, manufactures a
oa rand en pie ausgnwniied [NORE REEMPELS 32,000,989 Specie: Gold........ceeeeee fees sense ones $66,131,183
Leather, and manufactures of]. 15,614,407 m Silver.... 47)227-317
Musical instruments.......--- : : 11155727 :
Naval stores...--.--- 5 ati avaseeeacell oiete SEERSYE wees 794199773 Total domestic exports.....]......-.0.065 $906,751,009
Exports and Imports. 576 Exports and Imports.
IMPORTS,
MERCHANDISE AND SPECIE IMPORTED INTO THE UNITED STATES DURING THE FISCAL YEAR ENDED
JUNE 30, 1895.
ARTICLES. Quantities.) Values. ARTICLES. Quantities.| Values.
MERCHANDISE, MERCHANDISE,
Animals. .......... $2,737,078 Molasses... ....-.e cece eens galls. 15,075,879] $1,295,146
Art works. ‘ : 398431097 Musical instruments wigs 918,253
Books, maps, : 39331,637 Paints and colors........ 1,246,924
Bristles......... : 1,301,494 1,244,151 Paper, and manufactures 0 tisiets 2,863,533
Breadstulis ess iicscsve x23 cel eserieecne sa5 2,859,813 Paper Stock...........ee eee eeee [eee 39786,026
Chemicals, drugs, ayes, and Precious stones, and imita-
medicineS........ cc cccee cece] eeeetereeeee 43)567,609 tions of, not set, including
Clocks and.watches aiaica | gas ssbagiOe's siernass 1y319,52E diamonds, rough or uncut. .|.+-.--.-seeee 79426,178
Coal, Bituminous... -tons 1,260,109 31848,365 Salb. osc cieia’e vi ciaara ete Sing eee Ibs.| 496,810,510 680,802
COMES sia cisutehisie asinutetes = lbs.| 652,208,975 96,130,717 Seeds .. es 6,535,580
Cotton, and manutaccures. ea sglsiemwinsitn ae 38,011,008 Silk, manufactures of . 31,206,002
Earthenware and china.. 8,956,106 ‘ Unmanufactured . 22,626,056
PGi sis avsiacaistsiarerdin tts Sec = Sa ees 45756, 164 Spices. 3 ail eadente atte 2,640,235
Flax, hemp, jute, etc., and Sugar. | 3157415105454 76,462,836
Manufactures Of... ..cccseee [sees ee eeteees 3915731075 MGA acragrsidizeanaaciegiema af hieeita Ibs. 9732531458 13)171)379
Fruits and nuts................ 5 : 175239,923 Tin, in bars, biocks, pigs, or
Furs, and manufactures of . 10,322,157 STAIN, SSCs oissere: case iopeiationn avers lbs. 47,631,783 6,787,424
Glass and glassware a 6,627,473 Tobacco, and manufactures of]. abe 16,888,612
Hats and bonnets, materials eet 7 1,889,628
2,766,563 “ nidfaiecdtercre 75183,537
26,122,942 Wood, and manufactures of..|... 17,814,119
ops i 3)133)664 599:744 || Wool, *and manufactures of...|... 64,096,311
India-rubber and gutta- All other articles.............. 55 68,418,208
percha, and manufacturesof] ............ 18,925,595 :
Iron and steel, and manu- Total merchandise....... ...[.s-e0e+ «| $732, 969,965
factures OF .2200.5.c0ger ses de eeeeiey ete Sasso 23)048,515, % peek faa
Jewelry, and manufactures al ea
of gold and silver.......... cc [cee eee ee eee 648,610 Specie: GOld ssc. sisa cesses, aa hssieaeacees veve] $35)746,734
Lead, and manufactures of.. 4 2,488,584 DIV OL sasisiiseietemwieys ie ietarausragarstetereroaarel 91552520
Leather, and manufactures of. 13,819,038 4
Liquors, spirituous and malt.. 45245,586 Total imports.....ccccee eeselecceveceneeee| $776,669,219
The value of United States exports of merchandise to and imports of merchandise from different foreign
countries for the year ended June 30, 1895, was as follows :
EXPorTs, EXPORTS.
COUNTRIES. —________| Imports. COUNTRIES. ————] Imports.
Domestic. } Foreign. Domestic. | Foreign.
Austria- ‘and Slade! $2,059,742 $66,030] $6,510,319} West Indies......... $30,724,823 $839,007] $67,860,152
Azores and Madeira Argentine Republic. 41399)216) 56,947] 7,675,270
Islands... 256,195 2,589 23,963) (BOUVIAsinees cacanis sees 10;388) rade siesi|! -citsasan- $6
Belgium .. 24,880,835 361,745] 10,141,485]|Brazil. ss] 15)1359125 29,954| 78,831,476
Denmark. 3)430,202 45,124 324,827||Chile.. . 2,789,286 4,813 4,405,501
France... 44,009,786 ,139,351| 61,380,509||Colompbia. 2,498,856 971446] 35773682
Germany . 90,615,551 1,438,202| 81,014,065||Ecuador.. 7345426 91s 821,666
Gibraltar . : 379,917 1,958 7,807/|Guianas.. 2,100,534 28,679 39402,277
MTEC ECE ios iicis tos ctncavsnes 152,544] eee cceces 327,201 Paraguay. Bist Secon sdene4 eae 105274
Greenland eru..*... 626,897 35488 4730315
LCR cremains icmaSainel , lat aes avellt nanameniietis 127,329|| Uruguay .. I4240,025 21,976 2,699,648
Tally’ sescispsie i 16,241,595 121,530| 20,851,761 Venezuela.. 33706,978 331486] 10,073,951
Be eens 30,256,108, 755,077| 15,182,581||China.. 3,602,741 1,099] 20,545,289
Portugal... 2,960,526 10,870] — 1,690,668}/Hast Indies... 33967990) 2,402] 28,993,295
Roumania. seas 291330 teeters || seat : fee Kong 41244,895 8,145 778,476
n ’ wees 5,104,847 I1,44) 1,890. apan..... 2. 5)
Russia, Black Sea .. 781,420] 14 rela aee karen Vee ae aaibO8957
SOVidwansies, wesc 4) aciakewwad) San wee 10,558||Russia, Asiatic. 202,852 441,013
MDAIN S seswises. —aeas 10,916,632 10,437} 3,574,126||Turkey in Asia. 130,236 “34089,951
Sweden and Norway. 4,048,086 4,515] 2,531,327||All other Asia.. 427,805 83,743
Switzerland ......... T7579) aieaacseaw 34,988,954||British’ Australasia. 8,938,760 4,620,828
Turkey in Europe.. 41,390 343] 2,097,702|/|French Oceanica...... 233,161 200,771
Great Britain and Ire- Hawaiian Islands.. 3,648,472 71888,961
«| 384,132,970 24992488] 159,083,243 Eni pping Islands . 119,255 49731366
7971788) 23:77 465,707|| British Africa, etc.. 5,196,877 770114
sh. 394,238 8,695 181,809||Canary Islands... 221,827 48,304
Dominion of Canada: French Africa.. 328,250) 282,790
Nova Scotia, New Liberia....... 18,159 0775
Brunswick, etc... 3,706,132 335,643] 5,851,615)|Madagascar....... 167,920 68,675
Quebes, Ontario, Portuguese Africa....] - 105,898 6,629
Bone 42,070,389 49642,327 26,919413 fe in Africa: ‘i
olumbia, 2,010,980 0: a. Hie aeaieuahas Beate
Newfoundland and pn a Cy Tripoli. Ke Bias 31628462
Labrador . a's 1,121,133 5,866 431,836|/All other Africa aie - 183,189 Bieta
Central American All other British...... 636,887 1 Hare
a States iachisrenw ceattenie's 6,372,827 256,542 12)580,761 AL other Islands and eae
ORICO sexiciareae atarme,sieisis L 2. 23,422| 1 88 TOTES... cceceners voce
Miguctom, * Lanciay, 41582)484 42314 5163547! t 58,578; ws 72,218
etG Secon sdisaanieeicGis 167,496. 2,728) 185,302 MOAN de Led aes $793392,699| $14,145,566]$731,969,965
Exports and Imports.
GREAT BrirTAin.
According to the Sta¢tesman’s Year Book for
various years, the declared value of the imports
and exports of merchandise of the United King-
dom was as follows, together with the imports
and exports to and from the most important
countries, and the values of the most important
577
\
\
Exports and Imports.
YEAR.
Exports of
Exports of |); .
ae Brien, |Fensen pad
Produce. Produce:
390,018,569
4233)025,242
462,942,341
articles. One half the value of the British and ee || ae
Irish products exported consists of textiles. 362,227,504 | 221,913,910 | 59,348,075
The imports consist mainly of articles of food 387,6351743 | 234,534,912 64,042,629
and raw cotton, and are almost twice the ex- eee oe a
eye 691, 9530 9721,
ports of British produce. 435144%j264 | 247,235,150 61,878,568
It is interesting to note the large amount of 423,892,178 | 227,077,053 645563,113
imports from the United States, altho the value ce ee ees
seems to have decreased during the past few 416,687,630 | 226,169,174 | 5q.970,703
years,
IMPORTS. EXPORTS.
1891. 1892. 1893- 1894. 1891. 1892. 1893. 1894.
India i 432,000,000] 430,000,000] £26,000,000] £27,000, $31,000,000] £27,000,000] £28,000,000] £29,000,
Australasia. .. "ata 31,000,000 30,000,000 29,000,000 31,000,000} 25,000,000 19,000,000 15,000,000 16,000,000
British N. America.} 12,000,000] 14,000,000] 13,000,000] + 12,000,000 7,000,000 7,000,000 7;000,000 6,000,000
Total British Pos-
sessions .. 99,000,000] 97,000,000] + 91,000,000] 93,000, 85,000,000] 74,000,000] 72,000,000] 72,000,
United States. 104,000,000] 108,000,000] 91,000,000] — 89,000,000 27,000,000] 26,000,000] 23,000,000] 18,000,000
France....... 44,000,000} 43,000,000] = 43,000,000] 43,000,000) 16,000,000 14,000,000 13,000,000} 13,000,000
Germany.... 27,000,000] 25,000,000] 26,000,000 000,000 18,000,000 17,000,000 17,000,000] 17,000,000
Holland. 27,000,000] 28,000,000] 28,000,000] + 27,000,000 9,000,000} 8,000,000} 9,000,000] 8,000,000
Belgium 17,000,000] 17,000,000] 16,000,000] 17,000,000) 7,000,000] 6,000,000 7,000,000 7,000,000
Russia .. 24,000,000 15,000,000) 18,000,000 23,000,000 5,000,000, 5,000,000 OOO, 000 | 6,000,000
Spain.. 10,000,000] 10,000,000] 10,000,000} + 10,000,000 4,000,000] 4,000,000 3)000,000 3)000,000
Egypt a 10,000,000 10,000,000 yOOO,000 Q,000,000 3,000,000: 31,000,000 3,000,000 3,000,000
Sweden... 900,000 8,000,000 8,000,000 000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000
Denmark.. ......... 7,000,000 8,000,000 8,000,000 9,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000
Argentine Republic 3)000,000 4,000,000 4,090,000 6,000,000 4,000,000 5}000,000 51000,000 4,000,000
Turkey sieves: Weed 5,000,000 5,000,000 4,000,000 4,000,000] 5,000,000 6,000,000 5,000,000 6,000,000
China, : 4,000,000 3y000,000 3y000,000 3,000,000 6,000,000 5,000,000 4,000,000 4,000,000
Brazil +] 4,000,000] 3,000,000] 4,000,000] 3,000,000) 8,000,000] 7,000,000} 7,000,000] 7,000,000
Atalys.s.. he 3)000,000 3000,000 2,000,000 3,000,000 6,000,000 5)000,000 51000,000 51000)
‘Total Foreign Coun-
tries. .... .........] 335,000,000] 326,000,000] 312,000,000] 314,000,000|| 161,000,000] 152,000,000] 146,000,000] 143,000,000
THE PRINCIPAL ARTICLES OF IMPORT.
PRINCIPAL ARTICLES IMPORTED. 1891. 1892. 1893. 1894. 1893.
Grain and flour. r $61,000,000 | £58,000,000 | $51,000,000 | £48,000, 49,000,000
‘COtton, TAWs «..cesatevisirstiens 46,000,000 37,000,000 30,000,000 32,000,000 30,000,000
Wool, sheep, and lambs..... sia 27,000,000 26,000,000 24,000,000 24,000, 26,000,000
Dead meat .......+2+....... 20,000,000 22,000,000 22,000,000 22,000, 23,000,000
Sugar, raw and refined 19,000,000 19,000,000 22,000,000 19,000, 17,000,000
Butter and margarine. 15,000,000 15,000,000 16,000,000 16,000,000 16,000,000
Wood and timber ... 14,000,000 17,000,000 15,000,000 17,000, 15,000,
Silk manufactures. : 11,000,000 11,000,000 11,000,000 12,000,; 15,000,000
Flax, hemp, and jute. 7 10,000,000 9,000,000 8,000,000 9,000,000 9,000,000
SEGA wieisissactisic sionaisterse sins 10,000,000 10,000,000 10,000,000 9,000, 10,000,
Woolen manufactures. 9,000,000 9000.00 9,000,000 9,000, 10,000,
Animals... wi akerarase. ee 9,000,000 9,000,000 000,000 9,000, 8,000,000
S 7,000,000 73900,000 7,000,000 7,000, 8,000,000
6,000,000 6,000,000 6,000,000 6,000, 6,000,
7,000,000 7,900,000 7,000,000 7000, 6,000,
6,000,000 7,000,000 5,000,000 7,000,000 6,000,000
6,000,000 6,000,000 6,000,000 7000, 8,000,
51000,000 6,000,000 51000,000 5,000, 5»000,000
PONCE cismcasy wen een aed nits einickwise MR RRA NRK ainda 4,000,000 5)000,000 5,000,000
Metals : 5,000,000 4,000,
Copper OTE) CCCs sis sinsicare aaiee acaaneeaiets wei iesaeonis 4,000,000 3,000,000 3,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000
S part wrought, etc.. 2,000,000 1,000,000 1,000,000 2,000,000 1,600,000
APO! OFS 52's, s:o(a sye-ese)si0's' seein 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000
SAN, DATSeicss3.0 790,000 600,000 500,000 500,000 500,000
“manufactures. 3,000,000 3,000,000 3,000,000 3)000,000 3.000,000
Lead..... 2,000,000 1,000,000 1,000,000 1,000,000 1,000,000
PD Tice ease vivcvaiasiein 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000
Zinc and its manufactures. 1,000,000 1,000,000 1,000,000 1,000,000 1,000,000
EIS levinncearemaesns eaeGenes 3,000,000 3,000,000 31000,000 3,000,000 4,000,000
Coffee.. 3000,000 3,000, 4,000,000 3,000,000 3:000,000
"TOD@COO rsa ween 8 oe 3,000,000 31900,000 3)000,000 3,000,000 3,000,000
37
Exports and Imports.
578
Fabian Society.
THE PRINCIPAL ARTICLES OF EXPORT (HOME PRODUCE).*
PRINCIPAL ARTICLES EXPORTED, 1891. 1892. 1893. 1894. 1895.
Cotton manufactures..........cseeeeeeeeee sees .| 60,000,000 | £56,000,000 | £54,000,000 | £57,000,000 | £54,000,000
MATT sccscn tlt Me PaeASES se: Feopszelojsd al lshederardia Mececevers 11,000,000 9,000,000 9,000,000 9,000,000 91000,000
Total of COttonis..sccceceaccesseecvee ainneeatatele 71,000,000 65,000,000 63,000,000 66,000,000 63,000,000
Woolen manufactures. ..... private lave uia ienmianadsceleanvaia oi 18,000,000 17,000,000 16,060,000 14,000,000 19,000,000
and worsted yarn...... ae “elavaveisiena's eiaiais ; 3,000,000 4,000,000 4,000,000 4,000,000 53900,000
Total of woolen and worsted.../....... 0... 22,000,000 21,000,000 20,000,000 18,000,000 25,000,000
Linen manufactures 5,000,000 5;000,000 4;000,000 4,000,000 5,000,000
“ VATD i coiee cviviee }00,000 800,000 1,000,000 go0,000 900,000
Jute manufactures.. ........ fn 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000
Apparel and haberdashery................- ete 7,000,000 6,000,000 . 5y000,000 5,000,000 51000,000
Metals:
Tron, Pit seaedascrosne wisteiaraiay arate cinta oe etamte fae 2,000,000 1,900,000 1,900,000 1,900,000 2,000,000
ae bar, anges bolt and rod.. ies 1,000,000 1,000,000 900,000 800,000 800,000
58 railroad, of allsorts...... ease 3,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 1,800,000 14900,000
bis wire....... aiSied he i aie 1,000,000 700,000 5000 600,000 700,000
a tin plates..... ‘ipieinieswuce a ie 7000,000 5:000,000 4,900,000 4,000,000 41,000,000
ff hoops, sheets, and plates..... 3,000,000 300,000 33000,000 2,000,000 3,000,000
Re cast and wrought, of all sorts. 4)000,000 4,000,000 3y000,000 3,000,000 31000,000
“e old, for remanufacture....... 3 aes 300,000 300,000 300,000 200,000 200,000
Steel, wrought and unwrought ............0006 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000
Total of iron and steel...... Sic dleate ue eats 26,000,000 21,000,000 20,000,000 18,000,000 19,000,000
Hardwares and cutlery......... bate gece geeaaa ihe 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 1,000,000 1,000,000
COpPPe® 4:65 sieeis ceitiaies Hoye 3000,000 _ 3:000,000 3y000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000.
Machinery.........0se.eee 15,000,000 13,000,000 13,000,000 14,000,000 | ~ 15,000,000
Coals, cinders, fuel, etc.. «| 18,000,000 16,000,000 14,000,000 17,000,000 15,000,000
Chennicallsy scciciicas sisicgnein coaisins vs ens eagle 300,000 8,000,000 8,000,000 8,000,000 8,000,000
* The disagreement in the totals is because of omission of the smaller figures.
For the exports and imports of other countries, see those countries.
He ;
FABIAN SOCIETY, THE (AMERI-
CAN).—A movement to establish in America a
Fabian Society and carry on a work like that of
the Fabian Society in England (see the next
article) was commenced in Boston in February,
1895, under the lead of the Rev. W. D. P. Bliss.
Similar beginnings were made almost simulta-
neously in California and Washington under
the influence of Mr. Lawrence Gronlund. A
monthly has been established in Boston, The
American Fabian (now published in New
York) ; a few tracts have been published, and
branches started in Boston, New York, Phila-
delphia, Madison, Wis., San Francisco, Seattle,
Wash., and a few other places. As yet, how-
ever, little definite organization has been
reached.
FABIAN SOCIETY, THE (ENGLISH).—
The Fabian Society is an organization of Eng-
lish socialists, formed in London in 1883, and
to-day one of the most influential economic and
political societies in England. Its basis of or-
ganization is as follows :
“The Fabian Society consists of socialists,
“Tt therefore aims at the reorganization of society
by the emancipation of land and industrial capital
from individual and class ownership, and the vesting
of them in the community for the general benefit, In
7.
this way only can the natural and acquired advantages
of the country be equitably shared by the whole people.
“The society accordingly works for the extinction of
private property in land and of the consequent indi-
vidual appropriation, in the form of rent, of the price
paid for permission to use the earth, as well as for the
advantages of superior soils and sites. Ki
“The society, further, works for the transfer to th
community of the administration of such industrial
capital as can conveniently be managed socially. For,
owing to the monopoly of the means of production in
the past, industrial inventions and the transformation
of surplus income into capital have mainly enriched
the proprietary class, the worker being now dependent
on that class for leave to earn a living.
“If these measures be carried out, without compen-
sation (though not without such relief to expropriated
individuals as may seem fit to the community), rent
and interest will be added to the reward of labor, the
idle class now living on the labor of others will neces-
sarily disappear, and practical equality of opportunity
will be maintained by the spontaneous action of eco-
nomic forces with much less interference with personal
liberty than the present system entails. :
“For the attainment of these ends the Fabian Society
looks to the spread of socialist opinions, and the social
and political changes consequent thereon. It seeks to.
promote these by the ,general dissemination of knowl-
edge as to the relation between the individual and
see in ifs Siete ee and political aspects.
© Work 0 e Fabian Soci
the following forms : Sty tales, at present
1. Meetings for the discussi i 2
ed with socistise. on of questions connect
“2. The further investigation of economic
h L 10n of ec nic problems,
and ae collection of facts contributing to their eluci-
Fabian Society.
‘3. The issue of publications containing information
on social questions, and arguments relating to social-
ism.
“4. The promotion of socialist lectures and debates
in other societies and clubs.
“s, The representation of the society in public con-
ferences and discussions on social questions.
“The members are divided into local groups, are
pledged to take part according to their abilities and
opportunities in the general work of the society, espe-
cially as regards their own localities, and altho there
isno compulsory subscription, are expected to contrib-
ute annually to the society’s funds. The amount of
each member’s subscription is known only to the Exec-
utive Committee.
“The society seeks recruits from all ranks, believing
that not only those who suffer from the present sys-
tem, but also many who are themselves enriched by
it, recognise its evils and would welcome a remedy.
“The society meets for lectures and discussions on
two Fridays in the month, at 8 P.M.”
The society attaches small importance to mere
numerical growth. Its rules of membership are
quite strict.
Candidates resident within the area of the London
groups must sign a declaration that they accept the
basis of the society, must attend two meetings as
visitors, and must be proposed and seconded by mem-
bers from personal knowledge. The names of all candi-
dates must be printedin the Fabzan News every month,
and they shall not be elected before the second meet-
ing of the Executive Committee after such publication.
The proposer and seconder must sign the nomination
paper, and must each forward a letter to the Secretary
stating that the candidate is a socialist, and likely to
be a useful member of the society, Candidates shall
be elected by an unanimous vote of the Executive
Committee. If a candidate be rejected his proposer
shall have aright of appeal to the society, in which
case a ballot shall be taken at a private meeting, with
cn notice given, when one black ball in five shall ex-
clude.
Candidates who cannot qualify by attending the
public meetings of the society may attend meetings of
the group in whose area they reside, and on the rec-
ommendation of the Secretary of the group, two such
attendances shall be deemed to qualify.
Every candidate for election shall make a contribu-
tion to the funds of the society prior to his election,
the amount being returned to him if he is not elected.
The Executive Committee may by an unanimous
vote, for special reasons, suspend such parts of this
rule as specify qualifications for membership, except
that part which requires acceptance of the basis.
Nevertheless, the growth in membership has
been steady. Its present membership is as fol-
lows :
Number of members in London groups............+ 374
Number of members elsewhere....... . & siphelstis dxtepe| san 365
Total nmin Ber icswis.ss antes anscesas teavews gi racewer 73D
Fabian societies exist outside of England in
South Australia, Victoria, Ireland, Scotland,
Canada, and the United States.
(See previous article.) The secret
of success has been its steady work,
led by a half dozen of its original
members, men of unusual ability,
who are now becoming known
throughout England, and who have steadily
worked together from the first. Saysits efficient
secretary, Mr. Edward R. Pease:
Fabian
Societies,
“The society has never attempted to form itself into
apolitical party. It has never soughta large member-
ship, or contemplated running candidates of its own.
It has adopted the general rule that it is cheaper and
more effective to write for the public press than to
publish an organ of its own; to lecture to Radical
clubs rather than to Fabian branch meetings; to
write programs for Liberal associations rather than to
create a new organization for itself. In one recent
year r19 members reported over 3300 lectures delivered
almost entirely to outside bodies.”
579
Fabian Society.
Its educational work, however, has by no means
been confined to writings. It has published
over 60 tracts, many of them having a very large
sale. The society sold in 1894-95 80,376 tracts
at a penny or over, and literature amount-
ing in all to $1400. The great literary success
of the society, however, has been its Fadzan Es-
says. In 1889 a course of seven lectures, which
had been previously delivered before the society
by members of the society (George Bernard Shaw,
Sidney Webb, William Clarke, S. Olivier, Gra-
ham Wallas, Annie Besant, and Hubert Bland)
was published under the name of Fadzan Es-
says in Soctalism,and met with most marked
success. Over 30,000 copies have
been sold in England, and two
American editions have appeared. Method of
The tracts are accurate and con- Propaganda.
cise statements of industrial facts
or explanations of the application
of the principles of socialism to actual and
existing political and social problems. They
have treated such subjects as Facts for Soczal-
sts » Why are the Many Poor ? Facts for Lon-
doners ; The Worker's Political Program ;
What Socialism Is; An ight-Hour Bill;
Lnglish Progress toward Social Democracy ;
Land Nationalization ; A Labor Policy a
Public Authorities , Christian Socialism. One
of the most valuable is What to Read: a List
of Books for Social Reformers. It includes all
the best books on economics, socialism, labor
movements, poverty, etc., with suggested courses
of reading.
The society publishes a little monthly record
entitled The fabtan News, confined mainly to
news.of the society itself.
Its political work has been as important as its
educational.
In 1888 the Star evening newspaper was start-
ed, and, adopting Fabian ideas, became at once
an enormous success. In 1889 the people of
London elected their first County Council, and,
to the surprise of everybody, the Progressive
majority proved to be socialist in all its leading
ideas.
In 1890 an active lecturing campaign was
started in the country districts by Sidney Webb,
Bernard Shaw, Graham Wallas, William Clarke,
Hubert Bland, and others, and in a short time
nearly every large town in the country had
formed a local Fabian Society affiliated with the
London body.
In 1892 the second London County Council
election was fought on the London Progranime,
written by Sidney Webb, and again the Pro-
gressives secured an overwhelming victory, in
which every Fabian who ran as a Progressive
was elected. In national politics the society has
not yet accomplished much. ‘The efforts of Fa-
bians and others to ‘‘ permeate’’ the Liberal lead-
ers with collectivism have been more successful
in name than in reality. A recent move of the
Fabians was a manifesto published in the /or¢-
nightly Review for November, 1893, pointing
out the failure of the Liberal ministry to re-
deem its pledges, especially in matters of admin-
istration, and calling on the great trade-unions
to run their own candidates at the next election.
In the recent election of the County Council
in 1894, in spite of the Conservative reaction,
Fabian Society.
all the Fabian Progressive candidates were
still successful. Speaking generally, it is prob-
ably not too much to say that the phenomenal
spread of socialism in England is largely due,
as far as propaganda goes, to the work of the
Fabian Society. Its lectures have been given
wherever an opportunity appeared before all
classes, but very largely before London’s work-
ing men’s clubs. Ten years ago these clubs
stood mainly for radical, unthinking individual-
ism. Boasting of their individual freedom, even
when they were really slaves, the members were
more busy with denouncing Christianity than
in working for reform. To-day both radicalism
and orthodoxy in religion are little talked of,
and the clubs are largely political clubs, work-
ing on socialist lines. This change has been
brought about mainly by the Fabian Society.
It may be of interest to Americans to know that
the society took its impetus from an interest in
social problems occasioned by the lectures of
Henry George in England, and the reading of
Progress and Poverty, and that its founders
were first brought together by Professor Thomas
Davidson, of New York. The company gath-
ered by Professor Davidson divided into two
groups, one founding the ethical movement of
the New Fellowship, the other the political and
economic Fabian Society.
The name of the society originated in the
motto, ‘‘ For the right moment you must wait,
as Fabius did, most patiently, when warring
against Hannibal, though many censured his
delays ; but when the time comes you must
strike hard, as Fabius did, or your waiting will
be in vain and fruitless.”’
‘Fabian Socialism’ does not differ from any
other socialism in its aims, but in its economic
analysis follows the theory of value (g.v.) held
by Jevons rather than that inherited by Karl
-Marx and the German socialists from Adam
Smith and Ricardo. In propaganda, Fabians
usually follow a progressive policy of advanc-
ing their principles through any party where an
opening may be found. The address of the
Secretary is Edward R. Pease, 276 Strand, Lon-
don, W. C.
FACTORY LEGISLATION.—The body
of laws which has come into existence since
the opening of the present century relating to
the regulation of factories, workshops, and all
places where industry is carried on, comes under
the general title of ‘‘ factory legislation,” and
it has stamped itself most emphatically upon
the written law of all countries where the fac-
tory system has taken root, and also upon the
social and moral laws which lie at the bottom
of the forces which make written law what it
is. The establishment of the factory system of
labor, resulting in the congregation of large
bodies of people working in the same branches
of labor, called attention to industrial condi-
tions, and while prior to the establishment of
the factory system industrial conditions were
apparently much worse than after its establish-
ment, the workers under the old system were
so distributed that their surroundings did not
attract public attention, or, at least, the atten-
tion of legislators ; but when great bodies were
brought under one roof or into one community,
580
Factory Legislation.
whatever evils existed became noticeable, and
the attention of the legislator was called to
them. ‘he factory system was first instituted
in England. At the time there were few laws
relating to master and man upon
the statute-books of England, and
those which did exist bore mostly In England,
upon criminal matters. There was
one law, however, in force which
had been considered by many as an obstruc-
tion to advancement in the mechanic arts, but
which, with the establishment of the factory
system, was to become the only point upon
which labor legislation could turn. This old
law was known as ‘‘ The Apprenticeship Act,”
and was passed in 1562, during the reign of
Elizabeth. Itis to be found in 5 Elizabeth, c.
4. It provided that no one should work in cer-
tain trades as journeyman until after an ap-
prenticeship of seven years. It was under this
act that the custom of apprenticing pauper chil-
dren by parish officers grew up, and under it
there grew also the very worst practices, for
the act allowed apprentices to be worked from
5 A.M. until between 7 and 8 p.m., from March
to September, and, as the law expresses it, from
September to March, from the ‘‘ spring of the
day until the night closed in.’’ When the first
cotton factories were erected in England, neces-
sarily where water-courses were found sufficient
to supply power, they became so numerous in
such localities that the supply of children from
the immediate neighborhoods was found to fall
far short of the demand. ‘The reverse of this
condition prevailed in the agricultural counties,
where general misery existed on every hand.
The unprincipled poor-law guardians in the
latter counties, being anxious to rid their par-
ishes as speedily as possible of pauper children,
were very eager to meet the requirements of
the industrial communities where the factory
system had been established for cheap labor.
Children were, therefore, transferred in large
numbers to the North, where they were housed
in pent-up buildings adjoining the factories,
and were kept to long hours of labor. These
primary facts soon drew attention to the evils
of the factory system as they appeared at its in-
ception, and for the first time the consequences
of congregated labor were made clearly ap-
parent. A generation of operatives was grow-
ing up under conditions of comparative physi-
cal degeneracy, of mental ignorance, and of
moral corruption ; and it was then that the great
questions began to be asked, Has the nation
any right to interfere? Shall society suffer that
individuals may profit? Shall the next and
succeeding generations be weakened morally
and intellectually that estates may be enlarged ?
These great questions forced themselves upon
the public mind, and the fact that pauper ap-
prentices might be better off under such ap-
prenticeship than in the workhouse
had no great weight under the in-
fluence of the religious and moral The
waves which affected England in Nineteenth
the last quarter of the last century. Century.
The first man to ask such power-
ful questions of Parliament was
Sir Robert Peel, in the year 1802, Sir Rob-
ert was a master manufacturer, to whom
Factory Legislation.
4
the new system of labor had brought wealth
and power and station, but he sought to remedy
the evils which he knew, from his own personal
experience, had grown with the factory sys-
tem ; so in 1802 he introduced a bill, the object
of which was to interfere by law with the natu-
tal tendencies of unrestricted competition in the
labor of human beings ; but he could not, under
the sentiment of the English legislature that
precedent must be sacred, go very far beyond
the regulation of the labor of parish appren-
tices. His bill was therefore entitled ‘‘ An act
for the preservation of the health and morals of
apprentices and others employed in the cotton
and other mills and in cotton and other facto-
ties.’ The whole notion of Peel’s measure was
that as apprentices were already under statu-
tory provisions, and were subjects of a legal
contract, it was permissible that their hours_of
labor should be regulated by positive enact-
ment ; but Parliament, which was familiar with
restrictions on the products of labor, and with
restrictions of monopoly on labor itself, would
not listen to any proposal to regulate what was
called ‘‘ free’ labor for the purpose of avoiding
even the most frightful moral evils. In the
case of apprentices, however, it was conceded
that restriction might be tolerated. Such acon-
cession came under the power of precedent, and
the act of 1562, which had theretofore been an
obstacle, became the very legal precedent the
law-makers of England must have before they
could consent to protect human rights, and as
that law had regulated the hours of labor of
apprentices, Parliament crept through this nar-
row door, and allowed Sir Robert Peel’s bill to
restrict the hours of labor of parish apprentices
at work in the factories ; and so the first factory
act known in legislation was passed. This act
is known as 42 and 43, George III., cap. 73, and
while it was of no great value to the operatives
themselves, it has been of the greatest value to
- the world, for it made the assertion, which has
never yet been retracted, that the nation did
have the right to check not only open evils, but
those which grow individually through the na-
ture of employment. It dealt simply with the
unregulated employment of apprentices. By
the provisions of the law the employer was com-
pelled to clothe his apprentices, whose work was
limited then to twelve hours a day, night work
being prohibited. Every apprentice was to re-
ceive daily instruction during the first four
years of his time, school attendance to be reck-
oned as working time. There were many other
regulations embodied in the act, stimulated by
Sir Robert Peel. The law was substantially
repealed in 1814, but in 1815 Sir Robert Peel
came back to Parliament, told it that the act of
1802 ‘‘had become useless, that apprentices had
been given up, but that the same exhausting
conditions, from which Parliament had intend-
ed to relieve apprentices, was the lot of thou-
sands and thousands of the children of the free
poor,”? and in the following year
(1816) Parliament instituted a great
Progress, inquiry into the condition of the
factory population, tho it did not
enact a new law until 1819. Under
this act the right of the nation to limit the age
at which children might be admitted to the
581
Factory Legislation.
factories was established. From 1816 to the
present time there has been no cessation in the
attempts to regulate by law some of the condi-
tions of labor ; and in all countries where the
factory system has taken any hold, as already
stated, factory acts are to befound. Such legis-
lation has had for its chief object the regulation
of the labor of women and children, but its
scope has been constantly enlarged by succes-
sive and progressive amendments until law has
attempted to secure the physical and moral well-
being of the working man in all trades and to
give him every condition of salubrity and of per-
sonal safety in the workshops.
The most elaborate code of factory laws is
that of Great Britain, the present act being a
consolidation of all the acts since Sir Robert
Peel's law of 1802. In that coun-
try the law makes provision for
sanitary conditions, for safety from Present ,
accidents occurring from machin- English
ery, regulating employment and Law.
meal hours and the employment of
young persons and women and chil-
dren, providing for holidays, for the education
of children, for certificates of fitness for employ-
ment, regulating overtime and night work, and
embodying a great many minor provisions, all
looking to the well-being of the operative.
In France, the factory laws relate to the hours
of labor and regulate some of the conditions.
Female labor under ground is forbidden, and
boys below the age of 16 are not allowed in such
work,
Germany has a fair factory code, and is now
in the experimental years of a great system of
legal and compulsory insurance of work _peo-
ple, the results of which the empire and the
governments of other continental countries are
watching with great interest. : :
In this country nearly every State in which
textile factories are found has factory laws of
some kind, and many of them provide, as does:
Great Britain, a body of factory in-
spectors for the enforcement of leg-
islation. Several of our States have The
regulated the age at which children United
can be employed in any manufac- States.
turing, mechanical or mercantile
establishment, for the attendance
upon schools, and such matters ; and they are
following rapidly in the footsteps of Great Brit-
ain in providing that proprietors of factories
shall make specific provision against accidents
from dangerous machinery, providing penalties
for the cleaning of machinery while running,
etc. ; and also providing that factories shall be
well ventilated and kept clean ; that hoistways,
hatchways, elevators, and well-holes shall be
protected by good and sufficient trap-doors or
other appliances ; that establishments of certain
height shall be provided with sufficient fire-es-
capes, practically constructed, and that they
shall be kept in good repair and free from ob-
struction. Factory acts, varying in their provi-
sions, have been placed upon the statute-books
of nearly every State of the Union. To sum-
marize these into a digest would require a vol-
ume by itself, but the principles involved in the
factory legislation are those indicated, and they
relate to the personal well-being and the safety
Factory Legislation.
of the operatives employed. The effect of the
laws everywhere has been to elevate the stand-
ard of employment, to improve the health and
increase the longevity of operatives, to reduce
their hours of labor from 13 or 14 per day to 9
or 10, and to surround them with good sanitary,
healthful conditions. Very many factory and
workshop people in different countries find
themselves in better surroundings, as to air and
general sanitary conditions, while at work than
in their homes. The improvement in the moral
tone has been sufficient to warrant the existence
of factory legislation, but the constant elimina-
tion of children from factory labor is one of its
most beneficent results.
The student of factory legislation should ex-
amine History of the Factory System, by R.
Whateley Cooke Taylor ; a Report on the Fac-
tory System, in Vol. II. of the Reports of the
Tenth Census, and Lator Laws of the United
States and Territories, United States Depart-
ment of Labor, 1892. The Reign of Law, by
the Duke of Argyle, is also a work dealing with
the subject from a philosophical point of view,
and should be carefully studied,
Carro_u D. WRIGHT.
For further consideration of factories, see
MacuHinery ; Facrory System: Lazor LeEcits-
LATION. The Polztzcal Sczence Quarterly
publishes annual summaries. of the industrial
legislation of each year. The laws are, how-
ever, So continually modified and added to, and
in the United States are so various in various
582
Factory Legislation.
States that it is impossible to give any accurate
detailed statements eee either the whole
country or any general period. The questions
of the short-hour movement (g.v.) and of arbitra-
tion are, perhaps, the factory questions most
mooted to day in the United States, In Eng-
land, the question of a living wage is added.
Some believe that the industrial question of the
day is rather one of a market than of factory
legislation—at least the capability of the fac-
tories to produce seeins to exceed the capability
of the people to ‘‘ consume,”’ z.¢., to buy. As the
people unquestionably want more goods, their
inability to consume means a lack of money or
faulty distribution. The factories may not be
the main places of ar distribution, but, so
far as they are concerned, higher wages are the
main need in order to produce better distribu-
tion. It is questionable, however, if this can
be effected or even materially influenced by
legislation, at least by factory legislation. What-
ever will improve the general market will un-
doubtedly be the best aid to-day to factory em-
ployersand employees. In many factories to-day
the tendency is not to short hours, but to short
time. Factories run at rapid speed and durin.
long hours per day, are often shut half the wee
or for weeks together. But this is rather a gen-
eral industrial problem than a factory question.
See OVERPRODUCTION,
Mr. Hobson, in his Evolution of Modern
Capztalism, pp. 322, 323, gives the following con-
venient summary of the leading points in the
development of factory legislation in England :
Industries Class of Workers Ba Mode of Ad- :
DATE. ‘Affected. Chiefly Protected. Nature of Regulations. ministration. Effectiveness.
1802 |Cotton and‘ other/Apprenticed pau- 12 hours day. Night-work|Local justices to|Virtually inopera-
mills’ (applied| per children. regulated. Education,| appoint visitors.| tive.
exclusively to sanitation,
cotton).
1819 | Do. Children (not pau- Prohibition of work under Do. Do.
3820 § Do. pers). years. Young persons
(under 16) a 12-hour day.
Regulation for meal-
yee Amendment of 1802
. Act.
1825 Do. Do Shortened Saturday labor. Do. Generally evaded.
Penalties provided forj/(Millowners and
breach of factory regu-} relatives pre-
lations. vented from act-
ing onthe Bench
in reference to].
ow : factory acts.)
1833 ; All textile indus-|Children and|48 hours week for children|Government in-|1 out of every rr
3824 tries. young persons. (9-13), 69 hours for young] spectors (4). millowners con-
persons (13-18). Prohibits! victed in 1834, in
night-work for young spite of defa t
persons. Children in silk) attitude of mag-
7 . mills, ro hours day. istrates.
1842 |Mines. Children and wo-|/No underground work. Mine inspectors.
men.
1844 7 Children, young/Factory acts applied.|Government in-/Improved admin-
to Printworks. persons, women.} ‘ False relay” system for) spectors. istration, but
1846 children checked. 6% “false relay”
hours day for children. system reesta-
Female oung persons blished. Fines
age raised to 21. 12 hours inadequate.
day for women. No .
- night-work for women.
rag Textile factories, Da, to hours day, afterward|Increased staff of |Largely defied or
ee printworks, etc. 10% hours day for young] Government in-| evaded for some
1650 persons 7 a a women,} spectors. time.
: practica ‘or men.
1860 |Bleaching and Do. Do., with epectal Tegula- -
dyeing. , tions for overtime.
1860 {Coal and _iron|All workers. Restriction on male labor|Mine inspectors.
mines, under 12. Safety, ven-
tilation, etc.
Factory Legislation. 583 Factory System.
Industries Class of Workers : Mode of Ad- %
DATE. ‘Affected. Chiefly Protected. Nature of Regulations. ministration: Effectiveness.
1863 |Finishing proc-/Children, young
esses in bleach-| persons, women.
ing and dyeing,
bakehouses, al- |
kali works, !
1864 |Non-textile fac- Do. Factory acts generally
tories (earthen- applied.
ware, fustian
cutting, car-
tridges, lucifer
matches, paper-
staining), J
1867 |All factories and Do. Factory Acts. Extension}/Workshops Act|Workshops Act
workshops. Act. Workshops Regu-| left at first to} dead letter in
lation Act, applying to| localauthorities,| 1868-69. _ Later,
workshops. Factoryrules| brought under| fines inade-
affecting hours, educa-| factory inspect-| quate. Inspect-
ae etc., in modified] ors, 1871. ors inadequate.
orm.
1867. |Agriculture. Children, women.|Act for Suppression of
Agricultural Gangs fix-
ing minimum age at 8,
regulating employment
of women.
1870 |Printworks,'Children, young|Application of chief pro-
bleaching, dye-| persons, women. oe of 1867 Factory
ing. ct.
31871 |Brickworks and/Children and|Forbids employment. Im-
elds. young female} proved conditions for
persons. women.
1873 |Agriculture. Children. Minimum age raised to ro.
1878 |Factories, work-|Children, young/Consolidation of Factories Increased staff of ;
shops, agricul- ersons, women,| and Workshops Act (ex-| inspectors.
ture. Eneidentally tending some provisions
men). to agriculture).
1891 Do. Do. Amendment of Factories Board of Trade
and Workshops Act. Age| power to sched-
for children raised to 11.} ule dangerous
Protection in dangerous| trades.
trades. °
1892 Shops. Children, young/Limits working-day.
persons.
1893 Various trades. |All workers. Restrictions on dangerous/Appointment of
trades. workingmen
1893 Railways. Adult males. Restrictions on hours of| and women in-
labor. spectors. In-
creased number
of inspectors.
(For the details of American factory laws, see
Lasor LEGISLATION. )
FACTORY SYSTEM, THE.—Altho what
is called ‘‘the factory system’ is a product
mainly of the close of the eighteenth century,
and of the application of machinery and steam
power to industry, factories existed in Greece
and Rome and in the older civilizations of
Egypt, Assyria, India, and China. In the later
Middle Ages they developed in all the indus-
trial cities in connection with the guilds (g.v.).
In the Elizabethan age they are said to have
multiplied in England. But these establish-
ments were not factories in the modern sense.
In ancient civilizations they were slave shops,
where the slaves worked under a taskmaster ;
in medieval days they were shops where the
master workman labored with his apprentices
and his journeymen.
The first factory in the modern sense seems
to have been a silk factory, built by Sir Thomas
Lombe, in Derbyshire, in 1719. Through all
the eighteenth century factories multiplied in
England as industries became localized in cer-
tain localities or sections. The main cause,
however, of the development of the present
factory system was, of course, the invention of
machines and the application of steam power in
production, necessitating the carrying on of in-
dustry in buildings especially adapted to the
purpose and in connection with an ever-increas-
ing plant. A realization of what a change this
meant in production can be seen by the follow-
ing picture of the woolen trade before the de-
velopment of the factory system,
“The work was entirely domestic, and its different
branches widely scattered over the country. First,
the manufacturer had to travel on horseback to pur-
chase his raw material among the farmers, or at the
great fairs held in those old towns that had formerl
Deen the exclusive markets, or, as they were called,
‘staples’ of wool. ‘The wool, safely received, was
handed over to the sorters, who rigorously applied
their gauge of required length of staple and merci-
lessly chopped off by shears or hatchet what did not
reach the standard as wool fit for the clothing trade.
The long wool thus passed into the hands of the comb-
ers, and, having been brought back to them into the
combed state, was again carefully packed and strapped
on the back of the sturdy horse, to be taken into the
country to bespun.... Here, in each village, he had
his agents, who received the wool, distributed it
among the peasantry and received it back as yarn.
The machine employed was still the old one-thread
wheel, and in summer weather on many a village
green might be seen the housewives plying their busy
trade, and furnishing to the poet the vision of content-
ment spinning at the cottage-door. Returning in
safety with his yarn, the manufacturer had now to
seek out his weavers, who ultimately delivered to him
Factory System.
his camblets or russels, or serges, or tammies or cali-
mancoes (such were the leading names of the fibers)
ready for sale to the merchant or delivery to the dyer”
(James, History of the Worsted Manufacture, p. 323
ieee by R. Whately Cooke Taylor], Zhe Modern
actory System, pp. 61, 62).
With the use of machinery this was all
changed. All the processes were gradually
brought together in factories, and men, women,
and very soon children were gathered together
to tend the machines. The first factories were
of the rudest description, and the employees
were worked the longest hours and without the
least regard to health or morality. It was the
day of absolute /azssez faire. There were no
factory laws (g.v.), and experience had not
taught that it pays the employer to consider the
needs and health of his employees. Men and
women were worked like cattle and housed
worse than the cattle. Women, since they
would work cheaper, displaced men, and chil-
dren soon displaced women. The horrors of
the early factory system to-day can scarcely be
credited. Yet the facts are proven by the un-
questioned evidence of parliamentary commis-
sions and English Blue Books,
The demand for children commenced and
kept pace with the growth of the whirling spin-
dles. When the adjacent supply was found
insufficient, pens were established on the banks
of the canals, into which hundreds of boys and
girls were collected, from scattered cottages and
villages, the poorhouse and street, and shipped
by barge to feed the merciless mills.
. Infants five years old were allowed to work in
the cotton factories from five in the morning
until eight at night, and in the bleaching works
uncomplaining little ones of 11 and under were
kept continuously at labor during the same
hours in a temperature of 120°. In the un-
healthy occupation of pin-making similar con-
ditions prevailed. Children often walked 20
miles a day in the performance of their tasks.
Mothers who lived near the cotton factories might
be seen taking their crying innocents to work
at dead of night. Half the infants of Manches-
ter died before three years of age, and in some
districts the death-rate under 20 was larger than
in other parts of England under 4o. In portions
of factory counties, the youthful population was
physically worn out before manhood ; a notable
decrease took place in the height of adults, and
the effect began to be nationally apparent in the
physique of the recruits who offered themselves
for the army and navy. The following description
shows the atrocity of these early factory days :
“Traffickers contracted with the overseers for re-
moving their juvenile victims to Manchester or other
towns. On their arrival, if not previously assigned,
they were deposited in dark cellars, where the mer-
chant dealingin them brought his customersand where
the mill-owners, by the light of lanterns, being enabled
toexamine the children, their limbs and stature having
undergone the necessary scrutiny, the bargain was
struck and these poor innocents were conveyed to the
mills.... In very many instances their labor was
limited only by exhaustion, after many modes of tor-
ture had been unavailingly applied to force continued
action. ... Discrimination of sexes was not regard-
ed; vice, disease and death luxuriated in these re-
ceptacles of human woe” (Astory of the Factory
Movement, by Alfred (pseud.), vol. i. chap. ii., p. 17).
It was such conditions as these that led to the
factory laws (7.v.) of England.
584
Factory System.
In the United States the factory system was
not developed till the present century. It was
the policy of England to prevent her American
colonies from having machinery, in order to
keep them dependent upon the trade of the
mother country. The first spinning-jenny seen
in America was exhibited in Philadelphia in
177s. Efforts at a factory were made at Wor-
cester, Mass., in 1780. Parliament, however,
enacted strict laws, forbidding, under severe pen-
alties, the export of machinery from England.
After the War of Independence machinery was
rapidly developed. The first textile factory was
erected at Beverly, Mass., in 1787. Samuel
Slater, whom President Jackson called ‘‘ the
father of American manufactures,’’ erected the
first factory with power machinery at all ade-
quate in Pawtucket, R.I., in 1790. In 1794 Eli
Whitney, of Massachusetts, invented in Geor-
gia the cotton-gin. Only gradually, however,
did the factory system replace home industries.
Women preferred to work in their homes, and
reluctantly entered the factories. The early
factory employees were drawn from the Ameri-
can families and homes in the neighborhood,
and from the most intelligent homes.
The spirit and intelligence of the factory girls
of Lowell and other New England towns are
well known. But gradually conditions changed.
Factories grew larger and larger. The duties
of the employees grew more and more merely
technical. Immigration setin. Factory popu-
lations developed. The moral tone of the fac-
tory was lowered. Uneducated girls and fami-
lies, being able to do the merely manual work
of tending the machines, wereemployed. Grad-
ually the factory system, as we know it to-day,
was developed.
In his report of the Bureau of Statistics of
Labor of Massachusetts for 1881, Mr. Carroll D.
Wright said (p. 466) :
“In our cotton mills especially, the women and chil-
dren largely exceed the men, being often from two-
thirds to five-sixths of the whole, and the proportion is
steadily increasing. And what are these women and:
children but the very weakest and most dependent of
all the people?”
Elsewhere an operative testifies :
“Mill life has a most demoralizing effect upon
women and children, especially on girls who have no
parents in the mills to watch over them. I will not
eee my girls to work in any other mill than the one
am in, and where I can keep my eye on them. Not
that I am afraid they will do anything wrong, but the
influences of a mill are very bad. If a child of a ten-
der age goes to work in the mill, constantly breathing
a temperature of 90 degrees both winter and summer,
itis sure to grow up puny and die early. I get so ex-.
hausted that I can scarcely drag myseif home when
night comes.”
Another operative testifies :
“Young girls from 14 and upward learn more wick-|
eanicee int one year than they would in five years out of
a mill.
Mr. Connolly, Factory Inspector of New York.
says (Report for 1887, pp. 31, 45, 46):
‘Many children overestimate their strength and
endurance, and take hold of work for which they are
unfitted by nature, and thus work themselves into
consumption or sustain ruptures or other bodily dam-
age. ... The water-closets for males and females
adjoin each other in 95 per cent. of the workshops and
Factory System.
factories throughout the State of New York, where
females are employed, and in hundreds of cases the
sexes both use the same retiring-rooms. ... The venti-
lation of the average water-closet in manufactories is
very poor, the science of hygiene not being well under-
stood or considered when the structures were erected.
The odors very often have no other escape but into the
work-rooms, and the smell is very perceptible to the
nostrils of the visitor. Disease must of necessity bur-
den the air of these institutions, and the health of the
operatives be gradually but surely undermined.”
The reader, however, must not consider
these descriptions as true of existing condi-
tions.
There has been in most States considerable
improvement, Yet many condemn even the
most carefully built and regulated factory, and
believe the factory system itself hurtful and
unnecessary. Says the socialistic author of Mer-
rye Englande:
“What are the invariable accompaniments of the
factory system? :
“Foul air, foul water, adulterated foods, dirt, long
hours of sedentary labor, and continual anxiety as to
wages and employment in the present, added to a ter-
rible uncertainty as to existence in the future.
“Look through any great industrial town in the col-
liery, the iron, the silk, the cotton, or the woolen in-
dustries, and you will find hard work, unhealthy
work, vile air, overcrowding, disease, ugliness, drunk-
enness, and a high death rate.”
This is all but invariably the view of the fac-
tory system held by laborreformers. Even Mr.
Hobson (Lvolution of Modern Capttalzsm)
argues that the factory system breaks up family
life. He says (pp. 319, 320):
“Before the industrial revolution women were quite
as busily and numerously engaged in industry as now,
and the children employed in textile and other work
were often worked in their own homes with more
cruel disregard to health and happiness than is now
the case. Even new the longest hours, the worst sani-
tary conditions, the lowest pay, are in the domestic
industries of towns which still survive under modern
industry. But tho the regular factory women and the
half-timers are generally better off in all the terms of
their industry than the uninspected women and chil-
dren who still slave in such domestic
industries as the trimmings and match-
box trades, the growing tendency of
modern industry to engage women and
children away from their homes is
fraught with certain indirect important
consequences. When industry was chief-
ly confined, to domestic handicrafts, the claims of
home life constantly pressed in and tempered the in-
dustrial life. The growth of factory work among
women has brought with it inevitably a weakening of
home interests and a neglect of home duties. The
home has suffered what the factory has gained. Even
the shortening of the factory day, accompanied as it
has been by an intensification of labor during the
shorter hours, does not leave the women competent
and free for the proper ordering of home life. ome
work is consciously slighted as secondary in impor-
tance and inferior because it brings no wages, and if
not neglected, is performed in a perfunctory manner,
which robs it of its grace and value. This narrowing
of the home into a place of hurried meals and sleep is,
on the whole, the worst injury modern industry has
inflicted on our lives, and it is difficult to see how it
can be compensated by any increase of material prod-
ucts. Factory life for women, save in extremely rare
cases, saps the physical and moral health of the fam-
ily. The exigencies of factory life are inconsistent
with the position of a good mother, a good wife, or the
maker ofahome. Save in extreme circumstances, no
increase of the family wage can balance these losses,
whose values stand upon a higher qualitative level.
“The direct economic tendency of machine-industry
to take women and children away from the home to
work must be looked upon as a tendency antagonistic
to civilization.”
There is. however, another view, the contrary
of this. Mr. Carroll D. Wright argues in the
Evils of
the System.
585
Factory System.
American supplement to the Excyclopedia Bri-
tannica (article ‘‘ Factory’’) that the system,
tho by no means perfect, is far in advance ot
previous methods of production. He says;
“As tothe assumption that the factory tends to de-
stroy domestic ties and habits, it may be said that this
charge against the factory grows out of another as-
sumption: that the cottage of the domestic worker was
the idealhome. Itis poetry which calls such home a
cottage ; history rather calls it a hut. The home of
the worker of old was the workshop also, and the
wheels or looms disputed with the inmates for the
room. Small, close, crowded, with bad air and bad
surroundings, the hut was occupied day and night by
a class which cannot find its kin under the factory sys-
tem, for the operative of to-day, as a rule, cccupies a
home, even in the factory, tenement or boarding-house,
superior in every sense to the home of the domestic
worker. The morals in all respects under the individ-
ual system were greatly below those of the factory op-
eratives of to-day. The evils which became apparent
during the early days of the factory system were sim-
ply the results of bringing together the labor which
had become pauperized under the domestic system,
and in agricultural districts. The employment of
young children is now forbidden by law wherever the
factory has gained astrong foothold. The factory has
not so much destroyed the home as it has enabled
members of broken families to earn a livelihood. If it
has at times taken the mother from the care of her
young children—the worst feature of the employment
of married women—it has enabled more who had no
home to become self-supporting. ...
“We are deceived because the factory, by and
through the perfection of machinery and the develop-
ment of the division of labor, is constantly employing
a less and less cultivated class of operatives;... are
too apt to conclude that the factory degrades, when
the fact is it has enabled the lower order to step up in
the scale of employment, in living, and consequently
in civilization. This process is constantly narrowing
the limits of the class which occupies the lowest step
in the progress of society. This mission alone stamps
the factory system as an active element
in the moral elevation of the race. Of
course we speak of the factory under
men who realize that they have some
responsibility beyond declaring divi-
dends. A narrow-minded, close-fisted
employer, who regards his people as his machines,
taking no pains relative to their moral well-being,
never recognizing that by congregating labor for his
own profit he owes it something besides wages, such
an employer will have a factory which will convince
any community thatit is not an element in civilization.
The man should be condemned, not the system.
“Tf it could be shown that the factory leads to intem-
perate habits, it would follow conclusively that it is
productive of unthrift and poverty—the sure condi-
tions resulting from intemperance. It is true that a
great deal of drunkenness exists in factory towns and
among factory operatives ; itis not true that the fac-
tory is the creator of this.
“The charge that the factory feeds prostitution and
swells the criminal lists is absolutely unfounded. This
impression first grew from the condition of Manches-
ter, England, where a large cellarage population,
which has entirely disappeared, was attributed to the
factory. It has been shown by the returns from the
penitentiary of Manchester that the ranks of prostitu-
tion were not fed from the factory, eight only out of 50
coming from the factory, and 29 out of so from domes-
tic service. An extensive examination of the crimi-
nal records of a large number of British factory towns
discloses the fact that neither the ranks of prostitution
nor the criminal lists are increased to such extent from
the factory population of these towns as from other
classes. Thisisequally true in thiscountry. Itshould
be borne in mind that regular employment is condu-
cive to regular living, and that regular employment
does not harmonize with a iife of prostitution, intem-
perance, andcrime. The virtue of the factory women
of this country and of Europe will compare favorably
with that of any other class, and much better than
with many departments of social life. Certainly there
is nothing in factory employment conducive to vicious
lives. (See PROSTITUTION.)
‘The impression that the factory tends to intellect-
ual degeneracy is a greater fallacy than the preceding.
Through the simplification of mechanical processes.
ignorant labor is congregated in factory centres, but,
as we have said, it is not created nor induced by the
The Favor-
able View.
Factory System.
factory. The fact that ignorant masses are enabled by
the factory to engage in what it once took skilled labor
to perform has given the widespread impression that
the factory has degraded the skilled, when the truth
is, it has lifted the unskilled ; and this is the inevitable
result of the factory everywhere. Certainly it is bet-
ter for the persons engaged than the filthy little shop,
occupied by a few foul-talking people, which charac-
terized the domestic system. Instead of dwarfing the
minds and the skill of the skilful, asis often alleged,
the factory enlarges the minds and increases the power
of the unskilful.
“That some factory employments are injurious to
health is true, but it is not true that factory employ-
ment as such, in comparison with any other mechani-
cal employment, is unhealthy. The first requisites of
a watch-factory are neatness and abundance of light.
It is now recognized that no man can do his best work
unless he is physically comfortable. Before the sys-
tem can be condemned inits entirety, it must be shown
that it is worse than that which is displaced. We need
not apologize for the weaknesses of the present, for
they come mostly from ignorance, not from the system.
(See also WAGES; LABOR; CHILD LABOR ; WOMAN’S
WORK AND WAGES ; UNEMPLOYMENT ; PRODUCTIVITY ;
MANUFACTURING ; MacHINERY).
References: The Modern Factory System, by _R.
Whately Cooke Taylor (1891); Evolution of Modern Cap-
- ttalism, b d A. Hobson (1894) ; Report on the Factory
System of the United States, by Carroll D. Wright, in
vol. ii. of the Tenth Census (1882); Zhe Judustrial
Revolution, by Arnold Toynbee (1887).
FAIR TRADE.—During the period of in-
dustrial and commercial depression that pre-
vailed in England as well as the United States
from 1873-79, the idea became somewhat popu-
lar in England that the cause in the case of
that country was the wxfazr condition which
characterized British international exchanges ;
Great Britain admitting into her own ports with-
out duty nearly all the products of foreign na-
tions, while these same nations at the same time
not only imposed heavy and often prohibitory
duties on the importation into their territory of
British products, but also in some instances, as
in the case of the beet-root sugar of France,
subsidized competition to make it possible to
undersell British products in England’s own
market by the granting of bounties on exports.
It was therefore proposed to institute a system
of fazr trade by having England affix to each
country a tariff as nearly as possible correspond-
ing to the tariff which such country enforced
against English products. The proposition
gained some passing favor, but has made no
serious impression on England's settled policy
and conviction that free trade is best. (See
FREE TRADE.) The same idea has to some ex-
tent been agitated in this country under the
name of reciprocity (¢.v.).
FALKNER, ROLAND POST, was born
in 1860 at Bridgeport, Conn. He was graduat-
ed with the title of A.B. at the Philadelphia
Central High School in 1879; entering the
Wharton School of Finance and Economy of
the University of Pennsylvania, he received the
degree of Ph.B. in 1885. Studying at Paris,
Berlin, Leipzig, and Halle, he received, in
1888, the degree of Ph.D. at Halle. Becoming
an instructor in the Wharton School of Finance
and Economy, he was elected to the associate
professorship of statistics in the same institu-
tion in 1891. The same year he was chosen
Statistician of the Senate Sub-committee on the
Tariff—a position he has since held. He was the
first Corresponding Secretary, and is now Vice-
President of the American Academy of Political
5386
Family.
and Social Science. He has been from the be-
ginniog an associate editor, and is now editor
of the Azzads of the Academy. He is a mem-
ber of various learned societies, among them the
American Economic Association and the Ameri-
can Statistical Association. Since 1890 he has
been Assistant Secretary of the National Prison
Association. His writings are, among numerous
monographs: Preson Statistics of the United
States (1889); Statestics of Prisoners (1890,
1892); a translation of Meitzen’s Geschichte,
Theorte und Technique der Statestik (1891);
The Theory and Practice of Price Statéstzs
(1892), etc. .
FAMILY.—By the word /amzly, in sociol-
ogy, is usually meant the small community
formed by the permanent union of one man and
one woman, or of one or more men with one or
more women, together with the children born
to such unions, either living in one house or
forming one domestic group. This word is
sometimes, however, used to include the ser-
vants or slaves belonging to the family proper
and living immediately with the family proper.
Again, going to the opposite extreme, and put-
ting the oe not upon the living together,
but upon the legal or the blood relation, the
word is used to denote the unity of those relat-
ed by legal blood relation, primarily parents
and their children alone, no matter where they
reside, but sometimes made to include parents,
children, uncles, aunts, cousins, sons-in-law,
daughters-in-law, and even still more remote
connections. \
Etymologically, the word, by most authori-
ties, is derived through the Latin famz?za, from
the Oscan fame/ (servus), originally signifying
the servile property, the thrall of a master, and
later used for all domestic property, things as
well as persons, bearing only too plain impress
of what we shall find to be the Roman concep-
tion of the family relation.
We shall consider the subject under the fol-
lowing heads :
I. The Origin of the Family. II. The Pre-
historic Family. III. The Classic Family. IV.
The Early Christian Family. V. The Medieval
Family. VI. The Modern Family. VII. The
Sociologic Function of the Family. VIII. Vari-
ous Theories of the Family : (a) Theory of Per-
manent Monogamy ; (4) Theory of Ready Di-
vorce ; (c) Theory: of Free Love. IX. The
Family Threatened and How to Detend it.
I. Tue ORIGIN OF THE FaAMILy,
All sociologists find the origin of the family
in general in the sexual relation, but as to the
more exact form. of its origination there is still
diversity of opinion, and we must trace.a devel-
opment of view. Before the discussion of the
question in the scientific spirit in the study of
comparative biology, ethnology, etc., it was gen-
erally held by orthodox tradition that- the fam-
ily arose by the ordering of God in the union of
the first man and the first woman. When sci-
ence began to study the question, and the hy-
pothesis of evolution became prevalent, the ear-
lier writers—McLennan, L. H. Morgan, Bacho-
fen, Lubbock—generally taught that the sexual
Family.
relation of men and women was at first one of
promiscuous union, from whence the family was
a comparatively late evolution in the process of
civilization, through the survival of the fittest—
that is,in this case the institution or custom
best fitted to preserve life. Later and more
careful study by such men as Sir Henry Maine,
Herbert Spencer, Charles Darwin, Peschel,
Starcke, Letourneau, Westermarck, finds that
the theory of promiscuous union is, to say the
least, not proven, tho these writers disagree as
to what to put inits place. Sir Henry Maine
holds that the original communities of men may
have taken ‘‘all sorts of forms’’ (Dzssertations
on Early Law and Custom, p. 281). Darwin
says:
“If we look far enough back on the stream of time
it is exceedingly improbable that primeval men and
women lived promiscuously together. Judging from
the social habits of man as he now exists, and from
most savages being polygamists, the most probable
view is that primeval man aboriginally lived in com-
munities, each with as many wives as he could sup-
port and obtain, whom he would have jealously
guarded against all other men” (Descent of Man, ii.,
P. 346).
Spencer holds that the family relation evolved
itself thro being the relation best fitted to pro-
duce and rear children (Prznczples of Sociology,
vol. i., part 3, chap. 9). Starcke
finds the evolution of the family
‘Various the best means of enjoying proper-
Views. ty. De Coulanges finds the family,
at least in Aryan races, forming
around the religious worship of an-
cestors. The theories of Westermarck and
Letourneau we shall consider later. Yet how-
ever the authorities differ, in much they are
agreed. They all hold that out of very various be-
ginnings, more or less loose, the monogamic fam-
ily has been evolved as, for one rea-
son or another, the best (altho that
thisisa finality they are not agreed).
They all hold that monogamy was
not, asarule, the first form. Among
: animals different forms of the fam-
ily exist, yet the family has certainly been
evolved on the plane of evolution that they have
reached ; why not, then, among even the earli-
est and lowest men? Among only a few wild
animals does promiscuity prevail. A strict pair-
ing is the rule among some monkeys, ruminants,
ungulates, and predatory animals ; other mon-
keys are polygamous, but still in families.
Moreover, the male animals are jealous of the
possession of females. It is also well known
that promiscuity tends to infecundity. Yet a
study of all the facts will warn one from dog-
matism as to the origin of the family, and show
the variety of forms which the family relation
has taken among men. We therefore condense
some of the arguments for an origin in promis-
cuity as well as the arguments against it.
Of the arguments for the origin of the family
in promiscuous union, Mr. Andrew Lang has
made, perhaps, the best summary in his article
in the Lucyclopedia Britannica. He says:
General
Conclusion,
“ The following facts are to be noticed :
“1, At whatever epoch civilized travelers have
visited peoples of less cultivation, they have noted,
with unconcealed surprise, not the family, but promis-
cuity and polyandry. They have found men and
women living together in what seemed unregulated
587
Family.
community, or they have found that the woman had
several husbands, and often that these husbands were
brothers. ... Thus Herodotus says of the Agathyrsi,
a Scythian people (iv. 104): ‘They have their women
in common, that they may all be brothers of each
other.’ The Nasamones (iv. 172) have similar cus-
toms; of the Massagetz (i. 216) it is said that each
marries a wife, tavrnot 6€ émixowa xpéwvtar. Aristotle
alludes to similar promiscuity among the Libyans
(Pol. ii., 3, 9); they have their women in common, and
distribute the children by their likeness to the men.
Diodorus Siculus reports the same manners among
the Troglodytes and the Ichthyophagi on the coast of
the Red Sea.... Turning to modern savages, we
find the custom of lending wives, as an ©
act of friendliness and hospitality, very
common. Auk may be no more than Evidences of
mere profligacy in a society where * *
male aa is recugnized; but the mar- Promiscuity.
riage custom of Thibet, which assigns
to a woman several brothers as joint
husbands, cannot be thus explained. This amazing
practice is the rule of life ‘among 30,000,000 of re-
spectable people’ (Wilson, Abode of Snow). As tothe
area over which some form of polyandry extends, the
reader may consult Mr, M’Lennan’s Primztzve Mar-
riage (Edinburgh, 1865, pp. 178, 183), where it is traced
‘to points half round the globe.’
“2, If we can trust the traditions of Indo-European
and other polite peoples, they too once lived in a stage
which can hardly be discerned from promiscuity, and
they too allotted many husbands to one wife. Bonin o
ning with Greece, we find the legend in Suidas (p.
3102), that the women of Attica abandoned themselves
to unchecked vice, and that the male parentage of
children could not be ascertained. According to the
story of Varro (Augustine, De Czv. Det, 1. xviii., c. 9), it
was Cecrops, the serpent king, who first instituted
marriage, just as the Australian natives credit the liz-
ard with the discovery. The Hindus give it to
Svetaketu, before whose date, ‘women were uncon-
fined, and roamed at their pleasure. ... This ancient
custom is even now the rule for creatures born as
brutes, .. . and it is still practised among the north-
ern Kurus’ (Muir, Sazscr?t Texts, part ii., p. 336).
The Egyptians attributed the origin of marriage to
the rule of Menes; the Chinese to Fohi. As to poly-
andry among Aryans of India, a famous passage in the
Mahabharata tells how the five brothers Pandava
‘married the fair Draaupadi with eyes of lotus blue.’
The whole legend of these princes is so marked with
the stamp of poly anatous institutions, that the very
terminology of polyandry, the system of nomenclature
called ‘classificatory,’ is retained. Granduncles, in
this episode of the Mahabharata, as among the Red
Indians, are called grandfathers, and uncles, fathers.
“3. If the practices which make kindred through
males difficult or impossible to recognize were ever
universally prevalent, they will have left vestiges of
their existence in the custom of tracing descent through
females. Again, where that custom is met with, tho
marriage has become fixed, and where women are mis-
tresses of the household and heads of the family, it is
not easy to give any other explanation of these facts
than this, that they are survivals from atime when the
union of the sexes was vague andtemporary. Where,
then, do we meet with examples of kindred traced
through the female line? Kindred through women is
recognized in Australia (with exceptions
among certain tribes), in the Marianne
Islands, in Fiji, Tonga, and some other Descent
isles of the Pacific, and in the Caroline Traced
Islands. Among the Kars of the Golden
Chersonese, the tribes are divided into through Fe-
Sgans, who recognize male descent,and males,
Pwos, who reckon by the mother’s side.
The natives of the province of Keang-se
‘are celebrated among the natives of the other Chinese
provinces for the mode or form used by them in ad-
dress, which is Laon peaon,’ paraphrastically trans-
lated (Morgan, Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of
the Human Family, p. 452), ‘Oh, you old fellow, brother
mine by some of the ramifications of female relation-
ship!’ To select some more modern instances from
M. Giraud Teulon’s collections (Origine de la Famille,
Geneva, 1874, - 15), the Singhalese, the Nairs of Mala-
bar, the Kocchs, an Indian tribe, and the Zaporogue
Cossacks, with the red men of North America asarule,
and the Indians of British Guinea, to whom we ma
add many African tribes (Bowditch, Mission to Ash-
uae a 185, London, 1873; Munzinger, Ost-Afrzkan-
wsche Studven, z864)s count kindred by the mother’s
side. Another collection of examples will be found in
Mr. M’Lennan’s Premttive Marriage. ...
Family.
“4. It has been shown that the actual practices of
many barbarous races make the existence of the patri-
archal, and still more of the monogamous family im-
possible, and that the traditions of the races called
Aryan, with many fragments of their customs, testify
to a similar state of things in the past experiences of
nations now organized on the basis of the family. We
must now ask—(z) Of what nature are the wider tribal
associations of savages? (2) How did they come into
existence? (3) Are there any vestiges of similar and
similarly formed associations among peoples which.
now possess strict marriage and kinship through males?
We find that the Australian black fellows and the red
men of North Americaare grouped in local trives which
generally are named from the lands they occupy.
Thus, the Onondaga are people of the hills, the Mo-
hawks people of the flint, the Senecas people of the great
hills, the Oneidas people of the granite, and so forth
(Morgan, League of the [roqguots, 1831). In Australia
the tribes take the names of districts, as Ballarat, Wan-
dyalloch, and Moreton Bay. Within these local tribes
there are sma‘ler associations, variously called ‘clans,’
‘families,’ ‘septs,’ ‘tribes,’ by travelers. They are,asa
rule, governed on this principle in Australia—t All the
children take after the clan of their mother, and no
man can marry a woman of the same clan, altho the
arties be born of parents in no way related, accord-
ing toour ideas’ (G. 8S. Lang, Aboriginals of Australia,
Melbourne, r186<, p. 10; Gray’s Journals, etc., ii. 227).
These smaller associations which may not intermarry
, are named after some animal, vegetable, or other nat-
ural object. A member of the Kangaroo associations
may not slay or eat the kangaroo, which
he holds in honor, and a Paddymelon
must abstain from paddymelon. The
obvious result of this scheme of prohib-
ited marriage isto make every local tribe
contain much the same assortment of smaller commu-
nities. Looking at North America, we find the local
tribe of Senecas to be composed of sets of persons
called by the name of Wolf, Bear, Turtle, Beaver, Deer,
Snipe, Heron, Hawk, and many of the same names
prevail among Cayugas, Oneidas, Mohawks, and the
rest. Just as in Australia no man-may marry a
woman of the same name, tho she may have been
born hundreds of miles away, and may be no sort of
relation in our sense of the word. Asin Australia, the
animal or plant from which each association takes its
name is sacred; in America it is called the totem. ...
“The essential features of these associations and
Frou of kindred are, for our present pernes
heir indubitable growth out of female kinship, and
the rule which prohibits marriage between persons
who are of the same name, and own descent from the
same plant, animal, or thing; (2) their existence as
stocks of different blood in the same local tribe ; and
&) their acknowledgment of kinship with, and of the
uty to support in war, or to revenge, other members
of the same name... .
“s. The question now rises, Do we meet similar as-
sociations among civilized peoples who now possess
the family? First we find Mr. Hart, of Canton, saying
(Ancient Society, pp. 364, 365): ‘In some parts of the
country large villages are to be met with, in each of
which there exists but one family name; thus in one
district will be found, say, three villages, each con-
taining two or three thousand people, the one of the
Horse, the second of the Shéep, and the third of the Ox
family name. ... Just as among the North American
Indians husband and wife are always of different
families—that is, of different surnames. Custom and
law alike prohibit marriage on the part of people hav-
ing the same family surname. The children are of the
father’s family—that is, they take his surname.’ (Com-
pare Narrative of Two Mahometan Travelers, Pink-
erton, vol. vii.). The Arabian travelers had the same
law at home, prohibiting marriage between people of
the same family name. #
_‘‘Looking at India, we find in the /us¢ctutes of Menu
(iii. 5) that a man of the twice-born classes may not
marry ‘a woman descended from his paternal or ma-
ternal ancestors within the sixth degree,
Semi-Civi- 7°° [in words believed to be a comment
7 on the original] one who is known by
lized Races, her family name to be of the same prim-
itive stock with his father.’ No one,
: that is to say, may marry within the
rhotra, just as no Red Indian may marry within the
imits fixed by the totem, Ifthe ghotra was counted
or if the Chinese family name Tan, on the female side,
Chinese and Brahmans would be exactly in the posi-
tion of Australian blacks, as far as prohibited degrees
are concerned. Mr. Cunningham (Digest of Hindu
Law, Madras, 1877) says that the old rule about the
Tribes.
588
Family.
a is falling into disuse, and that local custom in
aoe places Comite it to be disobeyed. Now, just as
observers in India note this change of practice, so ob-
servers among the Red Indians and Australians note
another change of practice. Kindred among these
peoples is very gradually beginning to be reckoned by
the male line; children are being counted among some
tribes in the clan of the father oe p. 86).
“Leaving India, and turning to Greece and Rome,
we find the local tribe, and, subordinate to the tribe,
two forms of associations called the yévos and gens,
which are prominent in early history and gradually
die out. Thus, tho in the Twelve Tables, as we have
seen, the members of the gens succeed to the property
of an intestate, yet in the second century Gaius de-
clares (/ns¢., iii. 17) that all Gentile law had fallen into
desuetude. The gens, then, was, as its very name im-
plies, a form of kindred, but old and hastening to de-
cay.
ia the example of the Greek yévos we again find the
common namea patronymic, generally thought to be
derived from a hero, We find that all
who bore the name shared certain re-
ligious rights, and before Solon’s date
were co-heirs to property, and took up
the blood feud if one of the yévos were
slain. Yet the yervyta: are often defined
as zof akin in blood, so entirely did_the old sense of
relationship dwindle, in Greece as in Rome. ...
“It has been usual, almost universal, to explain the
Greek yévos and Roman gens by simply saying, like
Mr. Freeman (Comparative Politics, Macmillan, 1873, p.
z11), ‘The family grew into the clan, the clan grew
into the tribe.’ Mr. Freeman says we can trace this
process best ‘among men of our own blood.’ But
when we examine the early associations of the English
(Kemble’s Saxons tn England, vol. i. p. 458), we find,
just asin America, just asin Australia, groups of kin-
dred of the same name—take Billing, by way of ex-
ample—scattered from north to south through all the
local tribes. We have seen how this happens in Amer-
ica and Australia, we have seen that there the family,
in Mr. Freeman’s sense, does not grow into the clan.
Did it do so in Attica and Italy, and, if so, how dida
tribe, which was ex hypothes? but a swollen clan, con-
tain so many stocks which claimed distinct origin and
distinct mythical ancestors? How did these stocks
come to be scattered through local tribes, not grouped
inone? The growth of savage tribes is not a develop-
ment of the family; tribes singularly like those of
savages are found in early civilizations. Had the two
kinds of kindred different origins?
“There remains a point to notice. The thoroughly
savage totem-kindreds revere the animal, plant, or
other object from which they take their name and claim
descent, and they use it as a badge. For Greek and
Rome survivals of this usage see Plutarch, 7heseus ;
M'Lennan, ‘ The worship of plants and animals,’ in the
fy Review, 1869-70; and the Antiquities of
Heraldry, by W.S. Ellis, 1869. If the ordinary theory,
that the tribe and clan are overgrown families, be re-
jected, the converse theory may be stated thus: The
totem-kindreds of savages grow up through exogamy
and female kin. The change to male kinship (a change
which is demonstrably taking place in America and
Australia) produced something like the Chinese circle
of relationship. The substitution of the name of a fic-
titious ancestor for that of the sacred plant, animal, or
natural object produced a circle of affinity like the
Hindu ghotra of customary religion. The decay of
the prohibition to marry within the kin united by the
family name, like the growing laxity of rule in the
ghotra, produced something like the Greek yévos and
the Roman gens. Nothing remained but joint relig-
ious rites, acommon place of burial, a common name,
a vague feeling of connection, traditions of the prohibi-
tion to marry within the gens, the duty of taking up
the blood-feud, and vestiges of the joint-heirship. In
process of time the intenser affections of the family
caused the old gentile ties to disappear, and gentile
law became an empty memory. ...
“There are next certain customs to be examined,
which tend, as far as they go, to show that civilized
society passed through savage stages. The chief of
these customs are the ceremony of capture and bridal
etiquette. Asto the ceremony of capture it is super-
fluous to say much, as the subject has been handled,
with complete originality and copious illustrations, in
M oes Marrtage. The classic example
of the ceremony of capture is thus stated by C. O.
Miller (story and_ Antiquities of the Doric Race,
English translation, Oxford, 1830, vol. ii. Pp. 298): ‘Two
things were requisite as an introduction ‘and prepara-
tion to marriage at Sparta: first, betrothing on the
Classic Cus-
toms,
Family.
part of the father; secondly, the se’zure of the bride.
The latter was clearly an ancient national custom.’
Miiller then describes the clandestine intercourse,
which lasted for some time, before the man ‘ brought
his bride, and frequently her mother,
into his house.’ The intercourse o
bride and groom among the Iroquois of
Lafitau’s time was likewise clandestine.
For the practice in Crete, Miller quotes
Strabo, x. 482, D. A similar custom prevailed in Rome
(Apuleius, De As. dur. iv.; Festus, s. v, “Rapi’’), and
was supposed to be derived from the time of the Sa-
pines. Mr. M’Lennan finds the practice necessary to
the constitution of the relations of husband and wife
among the Calmucks, the Tunguzians, the Khonds, the
Fuegians, the Welsh, the Arabs, the Irish, and various.
other races. He explains its existence by the in-
stitutions of exogamy (z.e., the rule prohibiting mar-
riage between pecpte of the same blood), and by the
prevalence of hostility between the tribes of rude
times. .
“A strange piece of barbarous etiquette may hint
that the kindred of the bride and groom were once
hostile groups. The daughter-in-law, among many
races, is forbidden to speak to her father-in-law; the
mother-in-law must hide when she sees her son-in-law.
The wives treat their husbands with what may bea
survival of hostility, and never name them by their
names. Examples are collected in Sir John Lubbock’s
Origin of Civilization (pp. 11,12). (The practices are
found among races on the border of the Polar Sea, in
Capture.
the Rocky Mountains, in Southern Africa, among the.
Caribs, Mongols, and Calmucks, in China, in Siberia,
andin Australia. To these instances adduced by Sir
John Lubbock we may add Bulgaria (Dozon, Chan¢s
Populaires Bulgares).
“ Herodotus says (i. 146) that the wives of the early
Ionians would not call their husbands by their names
nor sit at meat with them, and instructed their daugh-
ters to practise the same reserve. The reason assigned
is that the women were originally Carians, whose
parents the Ionians had slain. It may be allowed that
this world-wide practice, too, testifies to a time when
men married out of their own group, and all groups
were hostile each to the other. Perhaps the English
local custom, which forbids the parents of bride and
bridegroom to be present at the marriage ceremony,
holds the same antiquity.
““We have now to note the widespread existence of a
system of nomenclature, which can hardly have arisen
in times when the monogamous family was the unit of
society. Mr. Lewis Morgan, of New York, was the
discoverer of a custom very important in its bearing
on the history of society. In about two thirds of the
globe persons in addressing a kinsman do not discrim-
inate between grades of relationship. All these grades
are merged in large categories. Thus, in what Mr.
Morgan ‘calls the ‘Malayan system,’ ‘all consan-
guinei, near or far, fall within one of these relation-
ships—grandparent, parent, brother, sister, child, and
grandchild.” No other blood-relationships are recog-
nized (Anctent Soctety, p. 385). This at once reminds
us of the Platonic Republic. ‘‘ We devised means that
no one should ever be able to know his own child, but
that all should imagine themselves to be of one family,
and should regard as brothers and sis-
ters those who were within a certain
limit of age ; and those who were of an
elder generation they were to regard as
parents and grandparents, and those
who were of a younger generation as children and
grandchildren (7¢meus, 18, Jowett’s translation, first
edition, vol. ii., 1871). Thissystem prevails in the Poly-
nesian groups, and in New Zealand. Next comes what
Mr. Morgan chooses to call the Turanian system. ‘It
was universal among the North American aborigines,’
whom Mr. Morganstyles Ganowanians. ‘ Traces of it
have been found in parts of Africa’ (Anczent Soczety,
B; 386), and ‘it still prevails in South India among the
indus, who speak the Dravidian language,’ and also
in North India, among other Hindus. The system, as
Mr. Morgan says, ‘is simply stupendous.’ It is not
exactly the same among all his miscellaneous ‘ Tura-
nians,’ but, on the whole, assumes the following shapes.
Suppose the speaker to be a male, he will style his
nephew and niece in the male line, his brother’s chil-
dren, ‘son’ and ‘ daughter,’ and his grandnephews and
grandnieces in the male line, ‘grandson’ and ‘grand-
daughter.’ Here the Turanian and the Malayan sys-
tems agree. But change the sex ; let the male speaker
address his nephews and nieces in the female line—the
children of his sister—he salutes them as ‘nephew
and ‘niece’, and they hail him as‘ uncle.’ The reader
is referred for particulars to Mr. Morgan’s great work,
Kinship,
589
Family.
Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human
ace (Washington, 1871).””
For the argument for the origin of the family
in other than promiscuous union we may turn
to many authors, but best to Westermarck,
who, in his Azstory of Human Marriage, has
treated this portion of the subject the most fully.
He argues that the family has probably existed
from the beginning of the human race, because (1), ac-
cepting the evolutionary hypothesis of the ascent of
man from the lower animals, the family is found
among many of the higher animals. Itis here evidently
an evolution ; among the lower animals it has not been
found. Among the zzvertebyvata the young owe their
preservation mainly to chance. Even the mothers are
exempted from nearly all care for their progeny. To
the male’s share falls nothing but the function of
prepaee oot The mother usually does nothing but
nd a place to lay her eggs, perhaps an object to which
she may fasten them; or sometimes something with
which they may be covered. The eggs of insects, the
highest order, are hatched by the heat of the sun.
Among mammals the mother has great
anxiety for her young, tho the father
still has little, and is sometimes even
the foe of his young. There are some
mammals, however, where the father
does care forthe young, such as whales, seals, hippo-
potami, gazelles, antelopes, reindeer, squirrels, moles;
and some carnivorous animals, as a few cats and mar-
tins, and possibly the wolf. Among the guadrumana
what was before the exception is now the rule. The
male and female live in pairs during the rearing of the
young, and sometimes Fevond, the father being the
protector. This is especially true of the gorillas and
man-like apes. The father usually sleeps at the foot
of the tree on guard, while the mother and young are
above. Among the Siamangs the father carries about
the male young and the mother the female young.
Among the gorillas the father sometimes buildsa rude
nest for the mother until after delivery. Among all
animals there seems to be a rut season, yet among the
higher animals the male and female keep together
through the year. The evidence seems to be that such
family life is evolved through natural selection. When
the father protects the young they are more likely to
live. Among the lower animals other means insure
the existence of the species. Among most, enough
eggs are laid to allow an enormous number to perish.
Fish spawn enough roe to more than fill the sea, if it
were all fecundated and hatched. The eggs ofreptiles
need no help from the father. Birds and mammals
need paternal care, and thus get it. Among walruses,
elephants, and bats, the females seem to herd to-
gether with their young, and thus seek protection
rather than from the males. Among the Primates,
marriage (defined as ‘a more or less durable connec-
tion between male and female, lasting beyond the
mere act of propagation, till after the birth of the off-
spring,” p. 19) Westermarck thinks due to the small
number of the young, the long period of infancy, and
the danger involved, incurred by the young. Mar-
riage, he says, is thus rooted in family, and not the
family in marriage (p. 22).
Coming now to man, he finds the family existing
from the start, as among the higher animals, tho
more developed. He says that the asserted promis-
cuity of certain tribes is a mistake, and does not exist,
while among the lowest tribes we find abundant proof
of rude family life. If the father does nothing else, he
builds the hut. Among the North American Indians
it is considered disgraceful for a man to have more
wives than he can support. Among the Fuegians, a
youth can marry as soon as by fish or.bird catching he
can support a wife. Among the Australian Kurnai, a
man, as a Kurnai once said, “ hunts, fishes, fights, and
sits about.”” Among the cannibals of New Britain, the
chiefs see that their warriors maintain their wives, or
the warriors are punished like school-
Animals.
boys. The South American Guaranies
will not risk their lives in hunting while Early Fam-
their wives are pregnant; some tribes ily Life
will not fight. Among the Bechuana
and Kafirs, the youth is not allowed to
marry till he has killed a rhinoceros.
Family life is thus always connected with the support
of the family. Among many tribes marriage is not
thought to be completed, and sometimes 1s not recog-
nized, unless a child is born ; among the Shawanese and
Abipones and other tribes the wife remains at her
father’s house till she has a child. Among the African
a
Family.
Baele, the childless woman is not considered married.
Among the Bedouins of Mount Sinai, a wife does not en-
ter her husband's tent till far advanced in pregnancy.
In Siam a wife does not receive her dowry, nor among
the Aleuts does the husband pay for his wife, till a
child is born, The Igorrotes of Luzon consider no en-
gagement binding till the woman has become preg-
nant. Among many of the wild tribes of Borneo there
is almost unrestrained intercourse between the youth
of both sexes ; but if pregnancy occur, marriage is held
necessary. Westermarck thinks that among men there
was once a rutting season. Beaumarchais says: ‘' That
which distinguishes man from the beast is drinking
without being thirsty, and making love at all seasons.”
Westermarck says this was not alwaysso. Every ani-
mal has its eel rutting season, often in spring, but
not always. The same is said to be true of the wild
Indians of California, the Watch-an-dies of Australia,
the Tasmanians, the Hos, an Indian hill tribe, and
many others. They have great religious feasts for
procreation, sometimes regular saturnalia, as among
the last named, when men become like animals, and
women lose all modesty. In Rome a feast of Venus
took place in April, and curious customs looking in
this direction can be traced in Germany, England, and
other countries. Westermarck finds the origin of the
rutting season in the fact that at certain seasons the
young are more likely to live, and that this season dis-
appears among men, because they are more and more
able to preserve their young at all periods. The de-
velopment of separate families among man and the
higher animals is said to be due in part tothe difficulty
in getting food. They must separate to range and get
food, just as later Hey ome together in
tribes for defense. estermarck be-
lieves that the theory of promiscuity
has arisen from mistakes of travelers
not understanding family customs, and
says that sometimes unchastity has
been increased by contact with civiliza-
tion, as the aborigines of Australia brought into con-
tact with the lower class of the whites, and the women
of the South Sea Islands, the Sandwich Islands, and Pat-
agonia corrupted by licentious sailors and adventurers.
esays: “The immorality of many savages is certainly
very great, but we must not believe that it is char-
acteristic of uncivilized races in general. There are nu-
merous savage and barbarous people—peoples among
whom sexual intercourse out of wedlock is of rare oc-
currence, unchastity, at least on the per of the woman,
being looked upon asa disgrace and even acrime” (p.
61). @ mentions the Kafirs, the equatorial Africans,
Dahomey, the Kabyles, the Central Asian Turks
(among whom he says a fallen girl is reported as
unknown). Among the Nias of the Indian Archipelago
a pregnant unmarried girl and her seducer are both
killed; among the Hill Dyaks licentiousness is pro-
hibited ; and thus in many tribes we have chastity
side by side with tribes of great licentiousness. He
mentions among the chaste, besides the above, tribes
of the Philippine Islands, New Guinea, Tasmania, Loy-
alty Islands, Western Victoria, the Aleuts, Greenland,
the Northern Indians, the Nez Percés, Apaches, the
South Slavonians, the Finns, the primitive Turko-
Tartars. He quotes. Drury as saying that in Mada-
gascar there are more modest women in proportion to
the population than in England (Adventures auring
Fifteen Years Captivity on the Island of Madagascar,
Pp. 323). Westermarck says: “ We may perhaps say that
irregular connections between the sexes have, on the
whole, exhibited a tendency to increase along with
the progress of civilization” (p. 69). Among many
savage tribes intercourse is very free among the
young but after pregnancy there is great strictness.
iven in Scotland, before the Reformation, the prac-
tice of “‘hand-fastening ” was common, whereby at the
public fairs men selected female companions with
whom to cohabit for a year, at the end of which peri-
od they could either leave or marry. The very ex-
tended if not almost universal custom of lending
wives and sometimes children and servants among
savages, Westermarck refers not to primitive promis-
cuous customs, but to conceptions of hospitality, the
father looking upon his wife and children as property
at his disposal. So too with the jus prime noctes,
which has so generally existed in fact if not in law; it
was held asa property right belonging to the strong.
The weaker families felt honored if their kings, priests,
or rulers made use of their wives. This custom is
very common, and has existed very recently in Russia.
As for the fact that relationship is usually traced
through the females, Westermarck gives a long list
of tribes where it is traced through the males, and
says that even where it is traced through the fe-
Separate
Families,
59°
Family.
males, there are a good many other reasons that
may be given for it other than that of uncertainty
of the paternity. He says, for one reason, that in
polygamous families, tho ere be certain, the re-
jation is naturally traced through the mother, to
distinguish the one wife’s offspring from another’s.
The tie of the child to the mother is also naturally
much closer than that to the father, so that in tho
“classificatory system” of blood ties, traced through
the mother, Westermarck finds no evi-
dence of a time when paternity was un-
certain, because promiscuous union
was the rule. He shows, too, that pro- Descent
miscuous union as among prostitutes Traced
tends toinfecundity, and therefore isnot through
probable as the origin of the race ; also Males,
that the natural jealousy of men and
animals is contrary to it. vole
he shows to be not rare, as in Thibet,
but that is usually in pastoral peoples, where only
one husband is at home at a time. He gives many
instances of the jealousy of men over their wives.
The Fuegians will let no one, especially young men,
enter their huts. The Moquis allow their wives only
to work indoors. Licentiousness and jealousy often
go together. The jealous guard of Mohammedans
over their harems is well known. A Tartar may
repudiate a wife who shakes hands with a man.
Among the nomadic Koriaks and other tribes, the
women refrain from dressing their hair and from
washing, and dressin rags to prevent their husbands
rowing jealous of them and killing them. Some
ndians are said to cut off the hair and even noses of
their wives, to render them safe against solicitation.
Among many tribes husbands demand virgins for
wives, or at least, as with the negroes of Togolend,
pay a higher price for one. The Jewish “tokens of
the damsel’s virginity” are well known. Among
many tribes the woman belongs to her husband eyen
after his death. Among the Comanches, in Darien,
Panama, and India, and many other countries, a man's
wives are killed at his death, usually burned. Among
re other tribes the. wife must long worship his
dead body. Second marriages are frequently con-
demned. All these are indications of the theory
among such tribes of the woman as the oe erty of
the man. Such isalso the fact that often the daughter
is not consulted when given or sold in marriage. The
fact that in many tribes she seems to
have been more consulted and to have
had greater liberty in earlier times than Woman the
in later may be explained by the fact Property of
that at first marriage and the family P'
were mainly matters of safety for the Man.
young, into which relation the mother
entered more freely, and only gradually :
did the man come to consider himself the owner of his
wife and children, and_so buy his wife and sell his
children. Among the Eskimos, and the same often
occurs even now among the Turks, parents will ar-
range marriages for their children as soon as they are
born. Early betrothals exist among many tribes. In
Australasia girls are sometimes promised even before
they are born, and the same is true in New Guinea,
New Zealand, and Tahiti. Among the North Ameri-
can Indians the woman has more liberty. Among the
Kurnai the girl often elopes with her husband and
then returns and elopes two or three times till she is
forgiven. In Radack marriages depended on a free
convention, as seemed to be the rule in Micronesia.
Among still more tribes the bride is stolen, and in
most marriage ceremonies the capture of the bride by
force is symbolized. Over the children, almost ail
tribes give full power to thé parents. Even sons may
be married against their will. ‘In Japan,’ says Mr.
Griffis, “the Japanese maiden, as pure as the purest
Christian virgin, will at the command of her father
enter the brothel to-morrow, and prostitute herself for
life. Nota murmur ee her lips as she thus filialiy
obeys” Ao he Mikado's Empire, p. 555). The power
over children, even adult, is almost universal even in
semi-civilized races, and in Judea, Greece, and Rome.
According to Wallace, the father, in early Russia, was
rather the administrator of a labor association than
anything else. Even now French law gives great
power over children until of age.
Among all tribes and nations of men incest has al-
ways awakened horror, but there have been various
degrees of prohibited marriages. Many tribes have
very, involved and far-reaching systems of kinship,
within which marriage is forbidden. Ina few tribes
men will marry their sisters, and among the Veddahs
of Ceylon these are considered the proper marriages.
But among most tribes it occasions great horror.
Family.
Many tribes practise exogamy ee marriage outside
the tribe); and some much prefer endogamy, but a/-
most all seem to have some rule or practice. The
reason for the horror of incest and the
. practice of exogamy has been very va-
Marriage riously stated. By some it has been
Restrictions thought due to an observation of the
*‘ better results of cross-breeding than of
inbreeding ; by others, to the fact that
tribes killed their own female children,
as being expensive to rear; by others, to the fact that
all women were private property, and it was cheaper
and more glorious to capture a wife from a hostile
tribe. These explanations, however, while with some
truth, do not explain all the facts. There seems to be
aninnate aversion to marriage with those with whom
onehas long lived. Even horses and dogs are said to
prefer those of other stalls. Marriage, however, by
capture has usually passed into marriage by purchase.
The price is often one of service, as with Jacob. Some
times a kinswoman is given in exchange. The most
common compensation is property. Among the Cali-
fornian Karoks a wife was bought, unless unusually
pretty and aristocratic, for half a string of dentalium
shell. In British Columbia and Vancouver Island the
prices range from £20 to £40; among the Kafirs, from
5to 30 cows. The Damaras will give a girl for one
cow. In Uganda, a wife can be bought for three bul-
locks, or six sewing needles, or a pair of shoes.
Among the Fijians the usual priceis a whale’s tooth or
amusket. In Japan and China the bridegroom gives
resents to the bride, and this is sometimes stipulated
Tor. Among early Aryan races the bride was usually
bought. In the Homeric age a maid was called
adpeoiBora, one ‘‘ who yields her parents many oxen.”
Aristotle says that the ancient Greeks bought their
wives. In Germany, the expression ‘‘to buy a wife”
was in use till the end of the Middle Ages. The giving
of the ring in the English wedding service is said to be
arelic of the same custom. In Servia, in the begin-
ning of the present century, Black George limited the
price of a girl to one ducat. Presents to the bride
during courtship are said to come from the same cus-
tom. In many tribes the adulterer simply pays the
husband a fine for stolen property. Women are bought
for what they can do. The Fuegians buy as many
wives as possible to row their canoes. The purchase
by marriage, however, anions all peoples
has more or less disappeared. In many
the price paid for the bride came to be
given by the father, after he had receiv-
ed it, to the bride, and hence rose the
custom of the dower, or settling of a
“portion” by the father upon the bride.
With this conception of marriage as a purchase of the
wife, it is easy to see how those who could afford it
should buy many wives, and polygamy become com-
mon tho not universal among savage tribes. Many
North American tribes are strictly monogamic.
Many Asiatic and African tribes are the same, includ-
ing some of the lowest, as the Veddahs of Ceylon.
But in almost all tribes it seems to be mainly a matter
of oy and power, since most princes have many
wives. In China and most Mohammedan countries,
while there may be only one wife, the law allows con-
cubines. Polyandry is much rarer, but exists among
the Aleuts, sometimes among, the Esquimos. Poly-
andry is not unknown tothe Aig Vedas. It seems to
have existed among the Picts, and to have developed
mainly in mountainous or rude climates, where
women were few, and men would combine to own a
wife, the one staying with her, while others would be
away on excursions of chase or war. In almost all
cases woman is owned for service. An Arab shiek
said of his four wives: ‘This one carries water ; this
grinds the corn ; this makes the bread ; the last does not
do much, as she is the youngest and my favorite.”
Polygamy thus meansa division of labor, and is some-
times therefore favored among savage women. Mo-
a seems usually to have gone before polygamy,
and then to have returned. Divorce seems almost
tho not quite universal. A wife that is bought can be
sold, exchanged, or discarded. Such, then, according
to one of the best modern authorities, is the origin of
the family : fivs¢, the union of male and female, animal
or man, tocare for and defend the young—a union easily
broken, where the woman, however, has considerable
freedom; second, a union where the man rules the
wife, and she is considered his prepenty. with her chil-
dren, he having obtained her, at first by capture, and
later by service, exchange, or purehase, and where she
is his servant, he going on to ee as many wives as he
can afford to maintain; and, ¢/zrdly, a union rising
from this into monogany, and with more liberty for
Wives by
Purchase.
sgt
a
Family.
woman. M. Letourneau, in his Evolution of Mars
riage, takes substantially the same ground as West-
ermarck in his view of the origin of the family. Inthe
system of Zotems found in Australia, and essentially,
tho under other forms, in most uncivilized communi-
ties, he sees no remnant of a time of promiscuous
intercourse, or trace of descent through the mother,
but rather a property institution, which
in general he believes marriage to be,
marrying together in general, a large
number of men and women connected
by one fotem. M. Letourneau believes
that evolution has proven the enduring
monogamic marriage to have been thus far the most
fitted to survive, but holds all evidence to-day to indi-
cate that the marital relation is now evolving still
further into one of monogamic marriage, but not of
enduring monogamy, but rather of easy divorce and
“free-love.”
Totems,
II. Tue Preuisroric FAmity.
Passing, then, from the question of the origin
of the family, we come next upon the question
of its form in civilized society as it exists when
fully developed, tho not yet in the clear light of
certain history. Here we are met with two
clear types, the Semitic and the Aryan. The
Semitic family is patriarchal and polygamous.
Semitic races know little of individual liberty.
They have found no medium be-
tween the anarchy of nomadic
tribes and the hard tyranny of the The
despot. They have giventhe world Semitic
its religion ; above all, its concep- Family.
tion of a one supreme and all-pow-
erful Ruler. The family has par-
taken of this conception. It is founded upon
obedience to one head. The wivesand children
are slaves ; their duty is to serve and obey.
Love has not been wanting, yet obedience is the
fundamental relation. The Bible picture of
oe with his wives and slaves and concu-
ines and flocks and herds is a typical in-
stance. Women were objects of sale, purchase,
and ownership. The fathers of the bride and
groom really contract the marriage. Marriage
within the tribe and sometimes within the kin
is the rule. Female captives are taken as wives
(see the Bible stories), marriage is universal,
and childlessness is a disgrace. Divorce is at
the pleasure of the husband, and barrenness is
a sufficient cause. Divorce is, however, less
common than the introduction of a second wife.
The son is the heir instead of the wife or daugh-
ter. The son may sometimes inherit even the
father’s wife. (See Absalom, in the Bible, when
he seizes his father’s throne.) Yet the family
is strongly developed. It is the social unit.
Family relationship and descent is carefully
maintained. When a man dies childless it is
his brother’s duty to raise children for him.
(See the Levirate in Bible customs.) Land is
held by families. :
The Aryan family is monogamic. It is also
the social unit. The family livesseparately. It
possesses rights and never dies. The principle
and purpose for which the family is
founded is the performance of the
Sacra or worship of ancestry. Per- The
sonal immortality is the common Aryan
faith. The dead, save afew great Family,
souls who, some believed, might
inhabit heaven, are thought to de-
scend into the earth. Hades is there, the place
not only of the wicked, but of all, or, at least,
well-nigh all.
Family.
“For Hades underneath the ground,
Astrict examiner isfound.” |
—LEumenides, 273-275.
4Uschylus in another place makes a son address
his dead father : ‘‘ Oh, thou who art a god under
the ground.’’ Isaiah says: ‘‘ The grave can-
not praise thee, death cannot celebrate thee ;
they that go down into the pit cannot hope for
thy truth” (Isa. xxxviii. 18). They connected
the dead with the tomb, perhaps as living there
or hovering there.
fruit, wine, milk, fire, ete., and laid them
by or in the tomb. Ancestor worship they
put first. In India Agni, in Italy Vesta
meant the sacred fire burned to ancestors.
Prayers to Agni and to Vesta came always
jirst. There was in every home the sacred
fire, never allowed to go out, always kept pure,
and burning only certain woods. If in Rome
there was one day in the year when all ances-
tral fires were allowed to go out, they were relit
with special forms. Near the home of the liv-
ing was the home of theancestral dead. It was
one home; in one part lived the living, and in
one part lived the dead. On certain days the
living ate solemn feasts by the dead. The first
thing in the morning and the last at night they
said prayers and chanted ancestral hymns be-
fore the sacred fire. Around this center grew
the family. Only relatives could be buried in
the ancestral home. When a woman married,
she left her home and her gods and joined the
home and gods of her husband. ‘The fire was
their protectress. Hecubasaysto Priam: ‘‘ Thy
arms will not defend thee ; this altar will pro-
‘tect us.’’ Generation was not the center of the
family, but the fire. The daugh-
ter was not equal tothe son. ‘The
The object of marriage was to beara
Family son who could keep up the family
Fire. fire. If sterile, a man could di-
vorce his wife and marry again ;
or in Sparta and other places, in-
troduce some one else to give conception to the
wife. The bridegroom, according to some,
“must marry a daughter of hisown people ; he
must not marry a woman of hisownkin. The
race on the one side and his own name on the
other side marked the limits of his selection’’
(Hearn’s The Aryan Household, p. 156). Not
every son could receive and transmit the ances-
tral obligations. He must be born of legitimate
union. In neither Greek, Roman, nor German
law did the bastard receive recognition. The
legitimate son was at birth received into the
household with ceremoniesand joy. Nowoman
could perform the sacra. She was a part of
the household, but not of the State. Thwing
(The Family, p. 22) suggests that perhaps she
was not allowed to celebrate the sacra because
not belonging to the family permanently, as she
might marry and belong to some other family.
Chosen for a religious purpose, the wife, how-
ever, could not be put away except for sterility or
sufficient cause. Such is the Aryan conception
of the family, perhaps best given in Fustel de
Coulanges’ Anczent City. This ancestral wor-
ship seems to have existed with more or less
distinctness among the Hindus, Iranians, Slavo-
nians, Greeks, and Romans. Even Menu, at
the time he wrote his laws, calls it the earliest
592
Hence they brought cakes, .
Family.
religion known to man, ‘‘ The Semitic family,”
says Thwing, ‘‘is the germ of monarchy, the
Aryan of the commonwealth.”
III. Tue Famity 1n_Cuiassic TIMEs.
It is still a religious institution, but this is not
made so prominent. Inthe Homeric type there
-is great delicacy, dignity, tenderness, simplic-
ity, love. Notrace of polygamy appears. Con-
cubinage is practised only bya few. Of domes-
tic concubinage there is no trace. The essence
of marriage lies in cohabitation,
with a solemn public acknowledg-
ment. Death alone dissolves the
conjugal relation. The love of
Penelope for Ulysses has rarely
been surpassed. The tenderness of Hector and
Andromache, the heroic love of Alcester, volun-
tarily dying that her husband may live, the filial
piety of Antigone, the majestic grandeur of
Polyxena, the saintly resignation of Iphigenia,
the joyous, modest and loving Nausicaa—these,
says Lecky, are ‘‘ pictures of perennial beauty,
which Rome’ and Christendom, chivalry and
modern civilization have neither eclipsed nor
surpassed” (story of Huropean Morats, Am.
ed., IL, p. 296). Women, however, are servants.
They perform indoor work, fetch water, and
grind flour. Telemachus bids his mother mind
her spindle and loom and not interfere in the
debates of men.
The family of the classical period proper of
Greece is more religious in form and less pure
in fact. Concubinage and intercourse with
hetatraz are not only allowed by the State, but
publicly favored. The wife is kept well at
home. She is married by her parents. Sopho-
cles makes a woman describe the lot of her sex
by saying: ‘‘ When we are grown up we are
driven away from our parents and paternal
gods” (Frag. Terms). Athenians marry Athe-
nians. The wife cares for the house and does
not share the intellectual life of her husband.
For this the husband goes to Zefazraz. Demos-
thenes says frankly: ‘‘ We have hetazraz for
our pleasure, wives to bear us children and to
care for our households’’ (kara Neazpac). Soc-
rates asks: ‘‘ Isthere a human being with whom
you talk less than with your wife ?’’ (Xenophon,
Economics, IIl., 12). The higher hetazraz, like
Aspasia, were queens; the lower
lived a wretched life. The wife
superintends the servants, cares for
the sick, educates the children.
Fidelity is required of the wife.
Laxity is allowed the husband. Adultery on
the part of the wife results in divorce ; the
sadulteress, taken in the act, the husband can
kill. The wife has somerights. Shecan bring
action against her husband. The Spartan wife
is more like the Homeric. She receives a large
dower. In the time of Aristotle two fifths of
the territory of Sparta had come into the pos-
session of women. Their morals were purer.
The Spartan husband was accused of being
ruled by his wife. The ideal of Plato was far
from the actual. He would instruct boys and
girls alike in music, gymnastics, and even in
war. He would make the woman and man
equal, and minimize their differences. But he
Homer.
Greece.
Family.
advocates practically sexual communism, yet
the reverse of licentiousness. No indulgence is
allowed the passions. ‘‘ In acity of the blessed,
licentiousness is an unholy thing which the
rulers will forbid’’ (Republic, Book V.). He
would have as great care in breeding men as
cattle. The State should put an end to the ex-
istence of the offspring of inferior parents.
Men between 25 and 55 should alone marry
women of 20 to 4o. Precautions should be
taken that neither father nor mother recognize
their offspring ; the State should assume the
care of the children (Republic, Book V.).
The Roman family was at first like the Ho-
meric. Phryne nor Aspasia could hold sway
there. Marriage was of three kinds: Confar-
reatzo, the religious ; coemptzo, the
civil ; “sus, effected by a man and
Rome. woman living together for one year.
The husband is the priest of the
domestic altar. He is responsible
for the perpetuity of the family. If his wife is
sterile he can divorce her. He has the right to
Teject or accept the child at birth. He has the
tight to join his daughter in wedlock and to
compel the wedlock of his son. He has the
tight to exclude the son from the family hearth
and to introduce a stranger. He is the judicial
authority in the household, the judge of his
wife. If she commit adultery he can put her to
death. Over his children his power is the same.
In the laws of Menu we read :
“Woman during her infancy depends upon her
father ; during her youth upon her husband; when
her husband is dead, upon her sons; if she has no son,
on the nearest relative of her husband, fora woman
ought never to govern herself according to her own
will” (Laws of Menu, v. 147, 148).
This was true in Rome as well as India. A
mother need not be asked to consent to the
marriage of her only daughter. This position
was true only of marriage by confarreatzo. In
usus and coemptzo she had more rights ; it was
more of a bargain. The Roman matron, how-
ever, had dignity if not power. She was ad-
dressed as materfamilias, as her husband
paterfamilias. She pronounced to her hus-
band on entering his household * Voz tu Cazus,
ego Caza,” implying equality in dignity. She
was the object of veneration. She had her place
near the sacred fire. On her death her husband
lost his place as priest. Her position was often
happy. Cato thought it better ‘‘to be a good
husband than a great senator’? (Mommsen’s
History, III., chap. 13). It was said to be 500
years after the foundation of the city before the
first divorce occurred. This was the divorce of
his wife by Carvilius Ruga, B.c. 234, on account
of sterility, and for his oath’s sake, tho ‘‘ he
loved her tenderly” (4ulus Gellzus, IV., 3).
After the Punic wars a change setin. Sylla,
Cesar, Antony, and Augustus repudiated their
wives. Divorce wasa religious form, not a civil
one. The disintegration and immorality that
set in under the empire are well known. (See
CHRISTIANITY AND SoctiAL REForM.) Men and
women outdid each other in wanton indul-
gences. Seneca says that marriage was con-
tracted to give piquancy to adultery (De Bene. ‘
III., 16, 2,3). Friends exchanged wives. Yet
there were brilliant exceptions—Cornelia, the
38
593
Family.
devoted wife of Pompey ; Marcia, the friend,
and Helvia, the mother of Seneca. Augustus
tried to encourage marriage by offering rewards
for the married, and decrees against the unmar-
ried, but it availed not. Rome was rotten to the
core.
IV. Tue FamMILy In EArty CHRISTIANITY.
The conception of marriage as a lifelong
union of one: man with one woman, and that
outside of this any sexual relation is sinful,
came in with Christianity. The Hebrew family
was Semitic and had tolerated polygamy, tho
after the captivity it was little practised; and
woman had much influence. (Cf. Miriam, Deb-
orah, Jael, Jezebel, Athaliah.) The Greeks hon-
ored the hefazraz. The Romans allowed many
forms of marriage. The Germans allowed their
princes many wives. Christianity knows but
one wife for one husband, and that while life
lasts, save for the one cause of fornication. So
Christ taught (Matt. xix. 9). For man and wom-
an there is but one standard. Purity is to be
of the heart. He ‘‘ who looketh on a woman
to lust after her hath committed adultery with
her already in his heart’ (Matt. v. 28), Chris-
tianity does not give detailed enactment. It
elevates the whole conception of woman and of
marriage to a spiritual plane. Christ gives
the same authority and power to the mother as
the father. The two are equal and the two are
one. St. Paul seems to have had a lower idea
of woman. He says more than once, ‘‘ For the
husband is the head of the wife,
even as Christ is the head of the
Church’’ (Eph. v. 23). He com-
mands wives to be subject ‘‘to their
own husbands in everything’
(Eph. v. 24). Celibacy is held to
be better than marriage, tho marriage may
be allowed to prevent fornication (1 Cor. vii. 2).
Yet he and all the writers of the Epistles and
Revelation elevate marriage by making it the
symbol of the relation of Christ to the Church.
The Church is continually spoken of as the
bride of the Lamb. Chastity is held very high
through all the early Christian centuries. (See
CHURCH AND SociAL Rerorm.) ‘‘ The chaste
woman,’’ says the Clementine homilies (Clark's
Ante-Nicene Christian Library, pp. 220,221),
‘‘is adorned with the Son of God as with a
bridegroom. She is clothed with holy light.
Her beauty lies in a well-regulated soul, and
she is fragrant with ointment, even with a good
reputation. Sheis arrayed in beautiful vesture.
even in modesty. She wears about her precious
pearls, even chaste words. And she is radiant,
for her mind has been brilliantly lighted up.
Into a beautiful mirror does she look, for she
looks into God.’’ The husband is not forgot-
ten: ‘‘He who wishes to have a chaste wife is
also himself chaste—gives her what is due toa
wife, takes his meals with her, keeps company
with her, goes with her to the word that makes
chaste, does not grieve her, does not rashly
quarrel with her, does not make himself hateful
to her, furnishes her with all the good things he
can, and when he has them not he makes up the
deficiency by caresses’’ (zbzd@. 221, 222). In the
apostolical constitutions the tendency to celibacy
The New
Testament.
Family.
‘is beginning. Bishops, presbyters, and deacons
are forbidden marriage. They need not repu-
diate wives, but they must not marry. Deacon-
esses are to be virgins or widows. The rea-
son for this is plain—licentiousness was the pre-
vailing sin of the times. Christianity in this
corrupt age produced the home. Says Origen :
“There is nota Christian community which has
not been exempted from a thousand vices and
a thousand passions. . . . Compared with con-
temporary pagans, the disciples of Christ shine
like stars in the firmament” (Contra Celsum,
L. 7, iii. 29). ‘‘ Concubina’”’ or ‘‘ concubinalis’’
is never found on the grave of the Christian
wife. In one respect only was woman’s liberty
narrowed by early Christianity. Under Rome
woman had gained some freedom by relinquish-
ing religious marriage and bargaining for free-
dom in the civil marriage. Christianity, by
making marriage again religious and not civil,
brought her legal position back to being under
her husband again. The old law proclaimed
liberty of divorce ; the Christian declared mar-
riage indissoluble. The Christian idea of the
family pervaded later legislation. (See Curis-
TIANITY AND SociaL REForM.) It restrained the
power of the parent, putting love in place of
law. The freedom of the Roman matron was
bought by her disgrace. If Christianity took
away some of this freedom, it was by taking
away her disgrace. It is for Christianity to-day
to give her freedom without weakening family
love. The early and medieval Church made a
fearful mistake in the overpraise of celibacy,
yet almost all the Fathers do com-
mit this error. Tertullian says ce-
Asceticism. libacy must be chosen even if man-
kind perish. Origen thought mar-
riage profane and impure. St.
erome says, tho marriage may fill the earth, it
is virginity that replenishes heaven (Wester-
marck’s History of Marriage, pp. 154, 155).
The same feeling is found in other religious
writings. The Buddhistic Dhammika Sutta
say that ‘“‘a wise man should avoid married life
as if it were a burning pit of live coals’’ (Monier
Williams’ Buddhisi, p. 99). Almost all sav-
age religions, too, require celibacy of their
priests and holy men and women. A. Munda Kol,
when asked, ‘‘ May adog sin ?’’ answered: ‘‘ If
the dog did not sin how could he breed?’ In
all religions a veil of modesty, however trans-
parent, is drawn over all the relation of the
sexes. The need is for a true spirituality that
shall not draw away from life, but shall spiritu-
alize all of life’s relations.
V. THe MEDIEVAL FaMiLy.
The barbarians who invaded the empire hon-
ored woman. The family was pure. Domestic
virtues prevailed. Salvian wrote in the fifth
century (De Gubernatione Dez) of ‘the Romans
and the Christians, at this time largely infected
by Roman impurity :
“You, Romans and Christians and Catholics, are
defrauding your brethren, are grinding the faces of
the poor, are frittering away your lives over the im-
pure and heathenish spgctacies of the amphitheater;
you are wallowing in licentiousness and inebriety.
The barbarians, meanwhile, heathens and heretics
tho they may be, and however fierce toward us, are
594
Family:
, cas : + : ne another. The
just an fat nny Seana Tggine. the samme, ng
love one another with true affection. ‘The impurities
of the theater are unknown among them. any of
their tribes are free from the taint of drunkenness,
and among all, except the Slavs and the Huns, chastity
is the rule.”
Monogamy. was universal save among the
princes. Divorce was uncommon. Adultery
was punished with great severity. Women ac-
companied their husbands on campaigns. ‘The
great invasions were migrations of families.
The German family was a republic. Legally
the position of woman, in the Germanic States,
as they began to crystallize, was a mass of con-
tradictions. One code grants her the right of
inheritance ; another denies it. One causes the
wife practically to be sold to the husband ; an-
other causes her to come to him bringing a
dowry. But however it was legally, morally
woman was ever regarded as man’s equal or
superior. She was not confined to household
cares. In battle she stood in the rear to inspire
the warriors. In worship she stood near the
priest, examined the entrails, and pronounced
the verdict. In Iceland, which was never
touched by Roman influence, a kiss forced upon
woman was, in the twelfth century, punished
with exile. Yet in other Germanic races wom-
an was virtually a slave. In some she was im-
molated on the pyre of her husband.
As royal power arose and civilization became
a war between robber barons, more and more
honor was almost of necessity given to the
physical power of man. Woman needed a pro-
tector. She was more and more
placed under tutelage. Yet as feu-
dalism became settled it tended to Feudalism,
develop the family. The lord,
marked off from his dependents,
was more forced to seek equal comradeship with
the few who were his feudal equals—his family.
It tended to develop the individual family. It
tended, too, to put the family on terms of equal-
ity. The children, and especially the eldest son,
were more honored. This developed the aris-
tocratic pride of family. But this lowered the
condition of the dependent family. The lord
often lorded it over the family of his serf. The
legal recognition of the jus prime noctzs has
been denied ; but in practice the lord undoubt-
edly, by might if not by right, claimed the body
of the female serf. His serfs could not marry
without his will.
When feudalism gradually disappeared the
tutelage of woman was continued by habit and
legal custom. Chivalry, however, honored the
woman as a jewel to be guarded, and a queen
to be served and almost worshiped. Knights
swore ‘‘to fear, revere, and serve God relig-
iously ; to forward the faith with all their
strength, and to die a thousand deaths rather
than renounce Christianity ; to maintain the
just cause of the weak, such as of widows, or-
phans, and maidens, in a good quar-
rel ; to expose themselves for them
according as necessity required,
provided it was not against their
own honor, or against their king
or natural prince; that avarice, recompense,
gain, or profit should never oblige them to do
any action, but only glory and virtue ; that they
Chivalry,
Family.
would hold themselves bound to conduct a lady
or maiden ; that they would serve her, protect
her, and save her from all danger and all insult,
or die in the attempt ; that they would never do
violence to ladies or maidens, altho they had
gained them by arms, without their will or con-
sent ; that, above all things, they would be faith-
ful, humble, and would never fail in their word,
for any ill or loss that might thence happen to
them” (Guizot’s A/zstory of Crvzlzzation, 1V.,
22-24). In Southern Europe the vices of the
Roman Empire had more endurance. The
home was degraded ; woman an inferior. This
was encouraged and woman corrupted by the
growing corruption of the priests with their en-
forced celibacy. Beginning first as a protest
against the licentiousness of the Roman Empire,
the Church praised first purity, then virginity,
then celibacy. Marriage was allowed to pre-
vent fornication and as aconcession to the flesh.
This degraded it. The Manichean doctrine
spread, that the body was evil and must be cru-
cified with its desires. Eustathius, Bishop of
Sebastia, before the close of the fourth century,
asserted that the married cannot be saved, and
prayers must not be offered in their houses (Lea’s
flistorical Sketch of Sacerdotal Celibacy, p. 61).
About the year 385 the first definite rule was
issued commanding perpetual celibacy for the
clergy. The rise of monachism hurt the fam-
ily. Down to the Protestant Reformation the
monk and the nun were held up as “‘ the relig-
ious.’’ Every kind of concubinage was practised,
tho the councils thundered against it. Occa-
sionally the Church in despair seemed to surren-
der and allow concubinage. Convents became
brothels. ‘The love of Abelard and Heloise is
indicative :
“In awordly point of view, it was better for him,
as a churchman, to have the reputation of shameless
immorality than that of a loving and
pious husband; and this was so evi-
Profligacy of dently a matter of course, that she
the Clergy. willingly sacrificed everything, and
practised every deceit, that he might
be considered a reckless libertine, who
had refused her the only reparation in
his power” (Lea’s Atstorical Sketch of Sacerdotal Celi-
bacy, p. 283).
The Church, with exceptions, yet too few, be-
came grossly corrupt. Cardinal Hugo said to
the people of Lyons, on the occasion of the de-
parture of Innocent IV. (1251), after a residence
of eight years :
“Friends, since our arrival here we have done much
for your city. When we came, we found here three or
four brothels. We leave behind us butone. We must
own, however, that it extends without interruption
from the eastern to the western gate” (Lea, p. 356).
Asceticism was as a rule only apparent. Says
Cesarius of Heisterbach (Dzal. Mirac. Dist.
XII., chap. xix.): :
‘Since the priesthood mostly lead evil and incon-
tinent lives, they soothe rather than excite the con-
sciences of the worldly.”
A bull of Alexander IV. (1259) declares that
the people, instead of being reformed, are actu-
ally corrupted by their ministers. Marriage, it
is true, was regarded as a sacrament, but the
degradation of marriage as a carnal indulgence
was more potent. The Church degradation of
marriage led to its degraded sense of woman.
%
595
Family.
This was voiced in the canon law. Woman
was regarded as the means of man's fall. Man
is above her, between her and God. In all re-
spects relative to the condition of woman, the
canon law copied Roman law.
VI. Tue Famity in MopErRN TIMEs.
It has been a favorite charge of Roman Cath-
olics that the Protestant Church was founded
upon lust: in England, upon the unholy pas-
sion of the king ; on the Continent, upon the
broken vows of amonk and nun. The truth
simply is that one of the first blows struck by
the Reformers was against the enforced celibacy
of the clergy ; arule which Luther character-
ized as angelic in appearance, but devilish in
reality. The importance of this step was enor-
mous. The enthusiasm with which the com-
mon people greeted this step was a proof of the
evil of an unmarried clergy. The Romish
Church, while not allowing divorce,
reserved for itself the right of pro-
nouncing marriages between rela- _Prot-
tives, within a marvelously ingen- estantism.
ious and complicated system of pro-
hibited decrees, as null and void
from the beginning. Dispensations, too, were
allowed princes and nobles. The mass of the
people were left to endure the burden of evils
growing out of the sacramental theory of mar-
riage. In demanding impossible virtues, the
Church opened wide the doors for all possible
vices. Luther allowed divorce on the ground
of adultery only ; Zwingli and the Zurich or-
dinances for other grave reasons. Calvin took
substantially the same position as Luther. Lu-
ther even allowed Philip the Magnanimous, of
Hesse, tor political reason, to marry two wom-
en. The English Church, as she had never
been wholly under the control of Rome, was less
changed, there being less to change. Enforced
celibacy, however, was voted down in convoca-
tion by a vote of 53 to 22 in 1547, and marriage
as a sacrament was rejected. The Puritans,
revolting against the Established Church, de-
nounced the right of the priest to marry, and
declared marriage a civil contract. This was
confirmed by the New England Puritans. John
Robinson says: ‘‘ We cannot assent to the re-
ceived opinion and practice answerable in the re-
formed churches by which the pastors thereof do
celebrate marriage publicly and by virtue of their
office’ (Apology, 45). A law of Plymouth
Colony (1633) required ie aati to legalize
marriages. It was doubtful, however, how far
the people approved of this. In 1692 the Massa-
chusetts Province laws provided that marriage
ceremonies might be performed by ministers,
and this has become the rule in New England ;
but the minister performs the marriage, as far
as the State is concerned, not in his capacity as
a minister, but as a civil officer, duly authorized
by the State. The Church of England, as well
as of Rome, is averse to this theory—that mar-
riage is a civil contract—and has thus far suc-
cessfully resisted the tendency to the complete
secularization of marriage in England ; but on
the Continent it has grown rapidly with the
waning power of Rome. All Protestant sects
tend to look upon adultery as the only cause for |
Family.
divorce, while Rome, still holding marriage to
be a.sacrament, allows separation, but holds that
the bond, once formed, is. dissoluble only by
death.
Other influences have been at work in mod.
ern times upon the family. The
Protestant Reformation, with its
emphasis upon individualism, has
steadily tended to exalt the indi-
vidual above the family. Says Sir
Henry Maine (Anczent Law, pp..163, 165):
“The movement of the progressive societies has
been uniform in one respect. Through all its course
it has been distinguished by the gradual dissolution
of family dependency and the growth of individual
obligation in its place. The individual is steadily
substituted for the family, as the unit of which civil
laws take account... . Wemay say that the move-
ment of the progressive societies has hitherto been a
movement from status to contract.”
Such has been the legal effect of the Reforma-
tion upon thefamily. The family is less the social
unit, and less and less so as liberalism prevails.
In England the Conservative Party is said to
be made up of those who have strong ‘‘ family’’
affiliations. In regard to property, the old com-
Indi-
vidualism,
mon law gave all property to the husband, and.
tho this has been steadily modified, great in-
justices are yet done to woman in ‘the name of
law. (See Woman’s Ricuts.) Protestantism,
however, while it has tended to exalt the indi-
vidual over the family, and to give the woman
astanding at least more equal with the man,
cannot. as yet be accused of having hurt the
family life. Nowhere in the world has there
been purer family life than in Protestant Ger-
many, England, Scotland, and America. The
Protestant home has been its proudest gem.
Many Protestant countries can say of its homes
what Burns says of Scotland’s :
“From scenes like these old Scotia’s grandeur springs.
That makes her loved at home, revered abroad.”
Yet equally undoubtedly a change has come.
(For the full discussion of the facts of the mod-
ern weakening of the marriage tie, see Divorce.)
But the increase of divorce is one of the best
recognized, because most apparent, of modern
facts. It is shown by the National
Department of Labor (Report on
Marriage and Dévorce, p. 140)
that divorces have increased in the
United States within the twenty
years before the report more than twice as fast
as the population. And this is perhaps quite as
much a symptom as the cause of the decay of
the family. A publication -of the National Di-
vorce Reform League for 1893 says :
Divorce.
“ We might spend much of our time on the evils that
beset the family, for they are many and serious. But
brief mention of a fewis enough. Some destroy the
very constitution of the family; others impair its en-
vironment. We name the enormous number and in-
crease of divorces ; the apparent decrease of Marriages
and the haste and ignorance that mark many unions;
the prevalence of sexual vice, with the low ideals of
sex that lead to it; and insensibility to the sacred ob-
ligations of paternity. Then there are the open or
more subtle influences that make our civilization al-
most the direct foe of the home. We point to the
methods of business involving absence from home,
the system of commercial travelers and the operation
of the industrial system as a whole, which tends to
Separate the household in both business and labor into
its constituent individuals. These have greatly dis-
turbed the relation of the centripetal and centrifugal
596
Family.
iety. Then, again, the
solidarity of domestic aatereat % weakened by other
competitions. There are the fascinations of shopping,
the waste of time over mere social ‘fads,’ and the in-
creasing resort on the part of women to clubs and
Social frivolities among themselves, for which the
neglect and absence of men are in great degree: re-
sponsible ; and even the noble desire for honest. intel-
lectual. improvement and. for charitable work have
made inroads upon the home.”
More open evidences of social corruption exist.
(For details as to the extent of prostitution in
this and other countries, see PRosriruTion.)
Evidence is not wanting of the increase of im-
purity in the sexual relation among factory
populations. The development.of the tenement
population is itself an indication of the decay
of the family. In New York City 80 per cent.
of the population are said to live in tenements.
According to the Report of the Massachu-
setts Bureau of Statistics of Labor for 1892,
67 per cent. of the population of Boston live in
rented houses. Only 33.per cent. live in their
own homes, and even this is too hopeful a show-
ing, because of these 33 per cent., certainly
some live in mortgaged homes that they can
scarcely be said to own.
There is a. more threatening fact than this.
67 per cent. occupy rented houses, but only 15
per cent. live in single tenements ; 52 per cent.
crowd together in tenements occupied by two
or more families (Report of 1892). This is
for the whole city. In certain wards the sta-
tistics are still more appalling. They may be
said to be ‘‘ wards without a home.’’ Of the
distinctively so-called ‘‘ working class’’ we have
no recent separate statistics, but in 1876, of
55,515 male wage employees in Massachusetts,
being the number which made reliable returns,
during the extraordinary census of the preced-
ing year, concerning their owning or hiring the
houses in which they lived, only 23 per cent.
owned their residence, and 444 per cent. of
these were encumbered with mortgages, leaving
only about 12 percent. of the whole number who
made returns in the full possession of a home.
What this means there is no need of describ-
ing. (For its significance to the family, see
‘TENEMENT Lire.) The evidences exist on every
hand that the preservation of the family isa
most pressing, if not the most pressing, prob-
lem in modern practical sociology. We there-
fore pass to consider
VII. THE SoctioLocic FuncTION oF THE FAmIty,
Save for a few extreme radicals, who would
abolish the family, and whose position we shall .
consider later, all sociologists find in the family
the social unit, the keystone of society. Says
Professor H. B. Adams, as quoted by Dr. Dike
in his address before the Evangelical Alliance,
Washington, D. C., December 8, 1887:
“The family, oldest of institutions, perpetually re-
produces. the ethical history of man. aed Eautineelly
reconstructs the constitution of society. All students
of sociology should grasp this radical truth, and
should also remember that the school and college,
town and city, State and nation are, after all, but
modified types of family institutions, and that a study
of the individual elements of social and political life
is.a true method of advancing sociology and politics
in general.”
5 Says Dr. S. W. Dike himself in the same ad-
Tess:
e
Family.
“I do not fear contradiction from any competent
scholar in political science when I say that the study
of the single family on its homestead would yield
richer scientific knowledge and more practical results
in the great social sciences than almost any other sin-
gle object in the social world. Pursued historically,
the student would find himself at the roots of prop-
erty, separate ownership of land, inheritance, rent,
taxation, free trade, and tariff, and discoverthe germs
of international law and the State. The great ques-
tions of the day, as we call them, are little more than
incidents to the working of the great social institu-
tions ; and these, we have already seen, are the expan-
sions and modified forms of the family, amid its un-
ceasing support and activity. ‘Sociology,’ the late
Dr. Mulford used to say, ‘is the coming science, and
the family holds the key to it.' ‘The family,’ he also
wrote, ‘is the most important question that has come
before the American people since the war.’
Mr. Gladstone wrote in the Wzneteenth Cen-
tury for February, 1889 :
“The greatest and deepest of all human controver-
sies is the marriage controversy. It appears to be
surging up on all sides around us.... It isin Amer-
ica that, from whatever cause, this controversy has
reached a stage of development more advanced than
elsewhere.”
‘What, then, is definitely the ‘sociologic func-
tion of the family which gives it such extreme
importance ?
I. It furnishes the two elements which un-
doubtedly contribute more than any other to the
development of all human life in the world—
vez., heredity and environment during the
formative period of life. Biologists may dis-
cuss which of these most affects character—he-
redity or early environment ; butall are agreed,
whichever of these is the more powerful, that to-
gether these form the two most potent influences,
and that the family controls or may control
both. ‘'The best way to become good,”’ it has
been well said, ‘‘is to be born good.”’ Out of 5511
convicts at Elmira Reformatory (g.v.) 38 per
cent. had parents known to be intemperate, and
13 per cent. more of doubtful habits ; 81 per
cent. had parents not possessing property ; 44
per cent. had parents of little or no education.
The power of home in childhood is equally evi-
dent. Of these same 5511 convicts, 54 per cent.
came from bad homes, 38 per cent. more from
homes ‘‘ only fair ;’’ not more than 6 per cent.
came from homes that were good ; 42 per cent.
were homeless when committed ; 97 per cent.
came from bad associations. ‘‘ As
the twig is bent the tree grows.”
‘A child’s first teacher is the one
who first loves it ;’’ and usually
this is the mother. It is, then, the
first duty of the family to see that the child is
well born, and, secondly, well nurtured. These
conditions are largely,personal and individual,
moral and physiological, rather than sociologi-
cal, and so do not fall within our province in
this article. Who does not know that pure par-
ents, pure generation, pure conception, pure
pregnancy are of infinite importance to pure
birth? So with mental, moral, and physical
healthineveryform. To see that the child that
is born has this is, then, the first sociological
function of the family. This implies, however,
and necessitates pure marriage; so that the
marriage of those mentally, morally, or physi-
cally incapacitated to beget healthy children is
a sociologic sin. Says Professor Jowett, in his
‘introduction to Plato’s Repudlec (1st ed., vol.
ii., 130-132) :
“The late Dr. Combe is said by his biographer to
The Home.
59% x
Family.
have resisted the temptation to marriage, because he
knew that he was subject to hereditary consumption.
This little fact suggests the reflection that one person
in a thousand did from a sense of duty what the other
nine hundred and ninety-nine ought to have done.”
II. But purely and healthfully born, it is, sec-
ond, the function of the family to see that the child
is rightly reared. Its first duty in this line is
undoubtedly to see that it is reared in an atmos-
phere of love. The first duty of parents is to
love each other and their offspring. Theology
would teach that this love must be love of God
and man; but sociology at least
says that they must love each
other. Here most literally love is Training.
life. Who can deny or doubt the
infinite and irreparable loss of a
childhood reared in an atmosphere without:
love? It is this loss which as we shall say is
sociologically the unanswerable argument for
all social schemes, that would take away the
child from the mother or father. Of the nur-
ture of the child in health and in education,
ethical and moral, as well as intellectual and
physical, we cannot here speak, but it suggests
itself. The truest education a child receives is
in its home, whether that home bea palace or a
city alley. Therefore, as for other reasons, the
frightful significance of the disappearance of
the real home in large sections of our cities and
growing portions of our population. (See Dr-
VORCE ; TENEMENT LIFE; SLums, etc.)
III. But thisis by no means the only function
of the family. It is, thirdly, the function of the
family to furnish all through life the necessary
atmosphere of love and peace to the individual.
It is not necessary that every one should be mar-
tied. It is necessary to the highest life that
every one should have at some portion at least
of adult life, as well as in child-
hood, the joy and peace of life in
the family. ‘‘It is not good that Law of Sex.
the man should be alone’’ is the
voice of sociology as well as of God.
Man is born sexed. Man is created male and
female. This is the fact, whoever and what-
ever is the Creator. And the law of sex runs
through all the universe, mental and moral, as
well as physical. For the development of this,
see MARRIAGE; we simply state it here. It is
the function of the family to furnish men and
women with the opportunity for the carrying
out of this sex life, mental and moral, even
more than physical. Man without woman, or
woman without man, is a biological and socio-
logical abnormity. It indicates an abnormal
condition in society when it is found that 20 per
cent. of the women of England and 44 per cent.
of the population of Belgium, with about 33 per
cent. in Europe, in 1875, are unwedded ; and
when we read the startling statistics of the de-
crease of marriages in modern civilization. (See
Drvorce.) It is to the shame of modern science
that thus far this subject has been left almost
completely untreated from the standpoint of
science, and that the careful literature of the
subject issomeager. Only latterly are we mak-
ing a beginning of the proper development of
sociology in studying the family by the collec-
tion of statistics. Says Dr. Dike, who is among
the foremost students of this question in this
country, in a pamphlet issued in 1890:
Family.
’
“Tt is becoming more clear that the divorce ques-
tion is inseparable from the general problem of the
family, and that the latter, including the former, is the
real hig pe demanding our attention as a nation, and
in ever larger ways. ntil within ro years, and it is
still too true, there has been scanty recognition of the
family in any of the ethical or political discussions of
divorce, and comparatively little, except in the law
pooks, of the intimate relations between the problems
of marriage and divorce; while writers of neither
class studied their topies as parts of the inclusive sub-
ject of the family. Indeed, the reader can go through
the State constitutions, law books and ethical discus-
sions of the past with small risk of stumbling upon any
direct reference to the family. Tho the gain of recent
years is marked, there is still too little apprehension
of the way in which problems of divorce, marriage,
polygamy, charity, children, and those of education,
economics, politics and religion merge in those of the
tamily.”
It may be said, as an illustration, that the Ax-
cyclopedia Britannica, from which we have
quoted above, while it gives 47 pages to the
subject of fortifications and 101 pages to hydro-
mechanics, devotes less than 10 pages to the
family, and discusses absolutely nothing in those
pages but the origin of the family, asif that
were the sole important matter. Having, then,
discovered somewhat the function of the fam-
ily, we pass to ask what science teaches to be
the best form of the family ; and we shall con-
sider this portion of our subject under three
heads: (a) Permanent Monogamy ; (4) Easy
Divorce ; (c) Free Love (including under this
last division all forms of the family other than
that based on the marriage of one woman to
one man). :
VIII. Various THEORIES OF THE FamILy.
(@) THEORY OF PERMANENT MONOGAMY.
The form of the family where marriage is be-
tween one man and one woman, and indissolu-
ble until death, save for cause of adultery or
similar aggravated causes, is by many consid-
ered the only form of the family really worthy
of the name. Itisdeclared to be the best form,
for the following, among other reasons :
1. That history proves it to be that form of
the family best productive of the highest char-
acter, individual and national. The supporters
of this argument point to the Aryan civiliza-
tion ; to Greece in her pure days; to Rome
when she had the monogamic family and rare
divorce ; to the early Christian centuries, before
false theories of celibacy and vir-
ginity broke up the married life ; to
Advantages Germany, England, Scotland, Ire-
of land, and America, and to the indi-
Monogamy. viduals produced by such civiliza-
tions as compared with the poly-
gamic civilizations of Asia and
Africa, as compared’ with Greece and Rome
when divorce became easy, as compared even
with France, Germany, England, and especially
America, where divorce has been becoming more
and more easy. They argue that, theory aside,
facts give the palm to monogamicmarriage with
rare recourse to divorce.
2. It is argued that monogamic marriage
without easy divorce is far better for child nur-
ture. Easy divorce, they say, leads to broken
homes and changing, shifting relations that
598
Family.
break up the peace and quiet and love neces-
sary to child nurture. eas ai
3. It is argued that the possibility of easy di-
vorce suggests its adoption ; that the men or
women who know they can easily obtain divorce
and marry again are led to think of it, and then
to lightly want it and seek it on any occasion
when passing fancy for some other person
prompts it, or when passing displeasure with
their married partner causes a desire to change.
In nine cases out of ten it is claimed that the
trouble lies at least in part with both parties,
and that to make a change in the marital rela-
tion would not afford relief, since one cannot
obtain divorce from one’s self, and that often at
least one would thus seek change without find-
ing relief; thus, to say the least, needlessly
causing the breaking up of homes and perhaps
the breaking of many hearts.
4. It is claimed that easy divorce makes mar-
riage a light affair, hence lowering the sense of
both its solemn responsibilities and its possibili-
ties of unchanging and unequaled mutual con-
fidence and joy and love. This, itis said, would
make men and women enter the state of matri-
mony more carelessly than they do now, instead
of ‘“reverently, discreetly, advisedly, soberly,
and in the fear of God.”
5. It is claimed that, since sensual desire is
more liable to change its object than is love, a
system allowing of easy divorce and change
would tend to elevate the lower elements in
marriage and the family, making them mat-
ters of the bodily sexual relations rather than
of the moral and spiritual relations.
6. It is claimed that easy divorce and change
are repugnant and contrary to the highest ethi-
cal and moral sentiment, which demands love
that does not end nor change, and that recog-
nizes one supreme object of its love, a love
which can brook no rival.
4. Lastly, but for Christians first, it is argued
that any relation other than that of the union
of one man with one woman, indissoluble until
death save for cause of fornication,
is directly contrary to the revealed
will and law of God in Christ, who
declared positively of the sexual
relation that ‘‘for this cause shall
a man leave father and mother and
shall cleave to his wife, and they twain shall be
one flesh ;’’ and again, ‘‘ Whosoever shall put
away his wife, except it be for fornication, and
shall marry another, committeth adultery, and
whoso marrieth her which is put away doth
commit adultery.’’
Such are some, tho by no means all, of the
main arguments for enduring, monogamic mar-
riage. It is summed up for Christians in the
appeal to the Christian ideal and the stern testi-
mony of fact ; and to non-Christians in the tes-
timony of fact alone, that easy divorce has al-
ways resulted in a corrupt, sensualized society ;
while enduring monogamy has given the world
the highest civilization, the happiest home, the
purest family the world has known. Buttressed
on this strong ground, the believer in enduring
monogamy considers his position impregnable,
and every step in the direction of easy divorce
an assault upon the very foundation of true so-
ciety.
Orthodox
View.
Family.
(2) THEORY OF, EASY DIVORCE.
The argument for easy divorce claims that it
‘meets the above contention at every point. It
‘says, admitting that thus far enduring monog-
amy has been best for the race, and has thus
far produced the highest civilization on account
of the lower elements in man’s nature, which
marriage laws and difficult divorce have done
something to restrain, does it follow that it must
always be so? Is love never to be trusted ex-
cept under lock and key? Have we such rea-
‘son to be satisfied with our present system ?
Defenders of easy divorce are never weary of
calling attention to the heart-burnings, and
quarrels, and dissensions of those who find them-
selves tied together for life, altho love may have
turned to hate. They say that what they argue
against is not enduring monogamic love, but
against an enduring monogamic /aw compelling
men and women to live together
after love has fled. They argue
that in the very name of love this
is an outrage upon love. They say
that all marriage, except marriage
for love, is an acted farce, and that
when love ends, the pretense of love should
Unhappy
Love.
end. Enforced pretense of love, they say,
when love is really gone, is the fruitful parent
of innumerable ills, quarrels, hatred, cruelty,
refinements of mental and moral torture, deser-
tion, unfaithfulness, adultery, prostitution, mur-
der. They say that, instead of being good for
childhood, enforced monogamy, compelling
children to live where only the pretense of love
exists, with a reality of hatred—a condition of
affairs discovered by children only too easily—
is really the worst atmosphere in which child-
hood can be reared. They argue that, in fact,
if love be left free it would be much more likely
to endure than when attempted to be enforced
‘by law, so that easy divorce would really give
us more enduring true love, and only break up
those sham relations, which do more harm than
good. They argue that it is absurd that the
most solemn relations of life should be irretriev-
ably fixed, too often and perhaps usually, by the
uneducated, and too often at least the partially
impure fancy of a young man for a young
woman, sometimes of an irresponsible boy for
an inexperienced girl. As for reference to facts,
they argue that if corruption in Greece and
Rome did accompany the development of di-
vorce, it is not proven that divorce was the
‘cause, They say that it is far more likely that
the breaking up faith in false gods, with no
higher faith taking its place, at least till Chris-
tianity came, did, in a society resting on a mate-
tial and slave basis, cause the outbreak of cor-
Tuption, which to an extent made use of divorce,
but which marriage was equally powerless to
restrain. The evidence they claim is that cor-
Ttupt marriage is worse than corrupt divorce,
They say that in our own times the cause of
growing profligacy is not growing divorce, but
growing materialism and omnipresent commer-
cialism. They point to such women as George
Eliot and such men as Goethe to show that to
break away from legalized relations to freer love
does not weaken or debase character. Such is
the main argument for easy divorce. We shall
599
_tinguish between theories.
Family.
see in a moment how it is met, but pass now to
the arguments of those who carry easy divorce to
the extreme of
(¢) FREE LOVE.
This, it must be stated at the outset, is by no
means of necessity material and animal in its
motives or its character. Free love has been
defended by some of the most spiritual and
noble of mankind. Plato and Campanella, St.
Simon and Fourier, Shelley and William Morris
cannot be set aside as in their ideals ‘‘ mate-
rial,’’ ‘‘ animal,’’ or “‘low.’’ Professor Jowett,
of Oxford, says of Plato, in his introduction to
Plato’s Republic (1st ed., vol. ii., pp. 145-147) :
“First, we may observe that the relations of the
sexes supposed by him are the reverse of licentious ;
they seem rather to aim at an impossible strictness.
... We may allow that his conception of the rela-
tion of the sexes takes rank among the great original
thoughts of mankind.”
The ethical standing of free love depends on
what you mean by free love. When the anar-
chist Spies, lecturing on anarchism before the
Chicago ministers, was asked if he believed in
free love, he answered, ‘‘ As opposed to bought
love, I do.’’ We must therefore understand
what is meant by free love before we can really
discuss it, and, as a matter of fact, very differ-
ent and even opposing theories
of the family relation have been
classed indiscriminately under this Various
phrase. Some of these are indeed Forms
ignoble and base; others may be of this
mistaken, but are not intentionally Theory.
ignoble. We class them together
in this article, altho distinguishing
between them; frst, because they are con-
founded in the public mind, and therefore will
be looked for under this head, and the article
will therefore be misleading if free love is called
éither unqualifiedly pure or unqualifiedly im-
pure ; secondly, for matter of convenience, since
it would confuse to have too many heads ; ¢hzra-
ly and mainly, because all these theories, good
and bad alike, do have the distinguishing char-
acteristic which passes by the name of free love ;
they all are opposed to the limiting dy law of
individuals to the sexual relation of one man
and one woman. All that is opposed to such
limitation is rightly characterized under the
name of free love ; altho it is equally necessary
to protest against the indiscriminate condemna-
tion of what aims to be pure with what aims at
what isimpure. The first duty, then, is to dis-
Let us do this.
Plato, Campanella, and some extreme state so-
cialists (tho by no means the majority of social-
ists) have argued that the whole matter of the
begetting and rearing of children should be left
in the hands of the State. Socialism, it must be
remembered, is by no means committed to this,
as Dr. Schiffle, who is not a socialist, and who
is also of the highest authority, has testified in
his Quentessence of Soctalism. The large ma-
jority of socialists do not, as we say, accept this
form of free love, but itis proposed by a few ex-
treme worshipers of the State ; and, as we have
said, by Plato first and foremost. In a sense it
is not free love, but, as Dr. Jowett has pointed
Family.
out, is its opposite. Still it may be character-
ized under this head because it would not limit
the individual to the sexual rela-
tion of one man and one woman.
Its advocates, following Plato,
would have the State or community
allow or control the sexual inter-
course of men and women, only
within certain limits of age and certain mental,
physical, and moral qualifications. They would
have children thus generated, and reared by the
State, no father or mother being allowed to
know their own children, that thus children
may be educated equally and wisely to live for
‘the State and not for the disrupting ties of
family. Horrible as this may seem to many,
itis well at least to notice that grave thinkers
have found some good in it ; we should at least
see the weak point of modern methods and ask
if we may not improve upon these without tak-
ing the dire alternative proposed by Plato and
his followers. We therefore quote once more
from Professor Jowett (see above), where he
says :
“No one can have observed the first rising flood of
the passions of youth, the difficulty of regulating them,
and the effects of the whole mind and nature which
follow them, the stimulus which the mere imagination
gives to them, without feeling that there is something
unsatisfactory in our method of treating them. That
the most important influences on human life should be
wholly left to chance or shrouded in mystery, and in-
stead of being disciplined or understood, should be
required to conform only to an external standard of
propriety, cannot be regarded by the philosopher as a
safe or satisfactory condition of human things. Nor is
Plato wrong in asserting that family attachments may
interfere with higher aims. If there have been those
who ‘to party gave up what was meant for mankind,’
there have been those who to family gave up what
was meant for mankind, or for their country. The
cares of children, the necessity of procuring money
for their support, the flatteries of the rich by the poor,
the exelusiveness of caste, the pride of birth or wealth,
the tendency of family life to divert men from the
pursuit of the ideal or the heroic, are as lowering in
our own age as in thatof Plato. Andif-we-prefer to
look at the gentle influences of home, the devotion of
one member of a family for the good of others, which
form one side of the picture, we must not quarrel with
him, or perhaps ought rather to be grateful to him, for
having presented to us the reverse.”
Professor Jowett also shows Plato’s aim :
Plato's
View.
“Phe arrangements of marriage in the Republic of
Plato aimed at one object only—the improvement of
the race. In successive generationsa great develop-
‘ment, both of bodily and mental qualities, might be
possible. The experience of animals, showed that
mankind could, within certain limits, receive a change
of nature. And, asin animals, we should commonly
select the best for breeding and destroy the others, so
there must be a selection made of the human beings
whose lives are worthy to be preserved.”
Such was Plato’s argument. Ifthe oxin Eng-
land has been bred trom 4oo lbs. or less to 1200
lbs. and over, and men are of more value than
oxen, why not give a little attention to the
breeding of men? The question is indeed per-
tinent, but to answer it in the affirmative it is
not necessary to say that the State or law should
do this. May not, nay, should not, free indi-
viduals be educated to give more thought to the
responsibilities of generation? Continues Pro-
‘fessor Jowett :
“We start back horrified from this Platonic ideal in
the belief, first, that the instincts of human nature are
far too strong to be crushed out in this way; secondly,
that if the plan could be carried out, we should be
poorly recompensed by improvements in the breed
600
. Sponsible than it is in marriage” (fitstory o
Family.
for the loss of the best things in life... . That which
existed on the lower level of customs Plato imagined
he was raising to the higher level of nature and rea-
son; while, from the modern and Christian point of
view, we regard him as sanctioning murder and de-
stroying the first principles of morality. . - ; There is
no sentiment or imagination in the connections which
they [Plato’s men and women] are supposed to form ;
human nature is reduced as nearly as possible to the
level of the animals, neither exalting to heaven nor
yet abusing and over-indulging the natural instincts,
All that world of poetry and fancy which the passion
of Iove has called forth in modern literature and ro-
mance would have been banished by Plato.”
It is thus not hard to see the obvious defects
and the outrageous ethics of Plato’s proposition.
The only question is whether we cannot get
some of the ends he aimed at—the begetting
and rearing of better men without adopting his
revolting methods, As Dr. Jowett says:
“We cannot deny that Christianity or any other
form of religion and society has not been able to cope
with this greatest and most difficult of social prob-
lems.” We need not, therefore, say that the present
method cannot be improved, because we decline to call
an improvement the proposition of Plato and his mod-
ern successors in Campanella, and such rigid State
socialists as Babeuf and his fellow-worshipers of
mechanical and material equality.
Another form of free love, adopted not by so-
cialists, but by some sects of so-called Christian
communism, in place of the monogamic family,
would have a family more or less polygamic,
and with the sexual relations not left to promis-
cuous and thoughtless desire, but
restrained, guided, and sanctified
by Sea a precepts, instincts, and
lite. uch have been the pro-
posals and attempts of some of the
older Anabaptists in Germany, the
Perfectionists of Noyes’ Oneida Community,
and the Mormons, with other kindred religious
and semi-communistic sects. (For the details of
these, see ANABAPTISTS ; ONEIDA COMMUNITY ;
Mormonism.) However opposed these may be
in the moral sense, and however we may dis-
sent from them, itis to be said that they are not
at least outwardly moved by licentious notions.
The Anabaptists of Germany certainly com-
menced with most religious feelings. The
Oneida Community claimed ‘to be one of spir-
itual Perfectionists. They declared again and
again that neither their notions nor their prac-
tices were licentious. Noyes, their leader, said :
“Free love with us does zo¢ mean freedom to love
to-day and leave to-morrow. Onur communities are
families as distinctly founded and separated from
promiscuous society as ordinary households. The tie
that binds us together is as permanent and sacred, to
say the least, as that of marriage, for it is our religion.
... Every man’s care and every man’s dollar of the
common property is pledged for the maintenance and
protection of the women and the education of the
children of the community. ... Whoever will take
the trouble to follow our track from the beginning
will find no forsaken women or children by the way.
In this respect we claim to be in advance of ‘marriage
and common civilization. ... We are not free-lov-
ers in any sense that makes love less oe or re-
“ Perfec-
tionists.”
can Soctalisms, pp. 639, 640). ar
Their practice was to religiously marry all the
men in their ‘‘ families’’ or communitiés to all
the women, and then to allow sexual intercourse
between any, dut not without due considera-
tion and consultation as to the wisdom and
ethical character oe the relation. Ordinary
marriage and the family led, they argued, to
Family.
family selfishness, family quarrels, and hypoc-
risy. ‘It provokes,’’ Noyes wrote, ‘‘ to secret
adultery, actual or of the heart. It ties together
unmatched natures. It sunders matched na-
tures’ (2dem, p. 628). The Mormons use sim-
ilar arguments and base their faith on the relig--
ious ‘‘revelations’’ to Joseph Smith and the
polygamy allowed and recorded in the pages of
the ld Testament. The heart can love, they
claim, more than one person at one time. The
more one loves, they say, the more one can
love. Love for one wife no more interferes,
according to their argument, with love of an-
other wife than love for one sister interferes
with love of another.
To these religious forms of free love, perhaps,
should be added the forms proposed by St.
Simon and Fourier and other doctrinaires,
which, altho especially with Fourier, opposed to
religion in the ordinary sense, and designed to
be simply humanitarian, were advocated with a
spirit virtually religious. Their theories will be
found under the respective articles St. Simon and
Fourikr ; but they must be at least mentioned
here. They would have society in
some form regulate marriage, and
within these restrictions have wives
in common, and children reared
together in the most approved way.
The modern religious sense, when
once it begins to wander into new ways, seems
to be easily led, as among many spiritualists, to
conceiving new marital relations of ‘‘ elective
affinities,’”’ ‘‘ spiritual wives,’’ ‘‘ heavenly mar-
riages,’’ etc. How far their theories are put
into practice cannot be said, but undoubtedly
they are penetrating society very fast. Mor-
monism is not the only zs in America that has
given up belief in strict monogamic marriage.
Yet many claim that the result is good. A
daughter of Brigham Young has recently, in a
leading magazine, described the happy homes
and happy childhood of polygamous Mormons.
But this is exactly where the strongest argu-
ment arises against all forms of polygamous
marriage. In spite of the above article by the
daughter of Brigham Young, and admitting
possible exceptions, the notorious fact remains
that no polygamous country or polygamous sect
has begun to develop the character produced in
monogamic homes. Itis to England and not
to Turkey, to America and not to Asia, to Kan-
sas and not to Utah, to Brook Farm and not to
Oneida, to Christianity and not to Mormonism,
that one looks for the leaders of the world. The
fruit of the tree of polygamy is not a justifier of
the tree. Early and true Christian communism
had all things in common ‘‘ except our wives”
(Tertullian). Of all such forms of free love Pres-
ident Thwing says (The Famzly, pp. 144, 145) :
“The prominence that either system (sexual com-
munism or polygamy) tends to give to the sexual na-
ture, which should confessedly be held in subordina-
tion; the degradation in shame which it imposes on
woman; the physical, intellectual, as well as moral
corruption which it works in man; the misery and
woe which it is obliged to place on the head of child-
hood ; the destruction of love which is the strongest
simply because its scope is the narrowest ; the outrage
of instincts which by natural inheritance have become
the most sacred, suggest arguments against both sex-
ual communism and polygamy. Furthermore, the
equality of the number of the two sexes shows that
one man was designed in marriage for one woman.”
Elective
Affinities.
601
Family.
We then come to the ¢hzrd form of free love,
the free love theory par excellence, which is
held to-day by many socialists (not Christian),
by more individualists, and by all
anarchists, and an increasing num-
ber of radical men and women of
various schools of thought. Ac-
cording to these, neither the State
nor organized religion should have
aught to do with control of the family or of the
sexual relation. They would make love su-
preme. They would have it unfettered by any
tie whatsoever. They argue that compulsory
love is not love; thatall marriage save from
love is sin; that when love ends marriage
ends. They would have (socialists by collec-
tivism, and anarchists by free competition or
cooperation) each man and each woman free to
support himself or herself without any depend-
ence upon any other individual. Then, they
say, when a woman gave herself in love, it
would not be for reason of family, or position,
or custom, or support, or help in any way, but
simply because she loved. They
hold that this would produce the
purest, and highest, and perhaps Children.
the most enduring love. Some of
these free lovers would have the
State guarantee to every woman during preg-
nancy an income to keep her independent, so
that she should never have to sell herself in any
form or be unable to care in the most hygienic
way for her child. Others would have the State
care for any children that might be intrusted to
it, without compelling any mother to intrust her
child to its care, and without depriving either
father or mother of the pleasure of knowing
and often seeing the child. In this way they
claim that every child would have at least the
opportunity of careful nurture without the loss
of parental love. Most parents, it is thought,
when economic difficulties were out of the way,
would prefer to rear their own children ; only
they would not be compelled to. Thus, without
losing pure parental love, we should be rid of that
monstrosity, compulsory love. Marriage, they
claim, thus freed from control of either priest or
town clerk, would be pure, and noble, and abid-
ing. Prostitution would disappear.
‘That this system would work for the majority
of the population under the present industrial
system, the more thoughtful supporters of this
view do not claim. They would have it only
in connection with economic reforms that would
give financial independence to every man and
woman, They would also urge along with it
such physical, mental, moral, and ethical edu-
cation as would prevent humanity from sinking
into material and animal misuse of its liber-
ties. But they believe that humanity, once free
from dependence upon priest and policeman,
would rapidly prove itself capable of pure free
love. At least this is the ideal toward which
they believe that law and practice should tend ;
and for themselves and those sufficiently ‘‘ ad-
vanced” they think it perfectly safe to try
free love now. Whatever be their theory, the
practice is certainly on the increase. The last
law that they would take from love would be
the law forbidding marriage below a proper age.
Only when society can be trusted to prevent
Modern
Free Love.
Family.
this without law would they remove this law.
Such is the theory of free love that is to-day
most rapidly spreading. Before we answer it
let us simply add that a fourth
form of free love should be possi-
Animalism, bly also given which has nothing
ethical or pure about it, which is
simple libertinism and worse than
animalism, since no brutes would fall so low.
But this, tho too much in practice, has no de-
fenders to whom any honest mind need listen,
and therefore needs no discussion here. The
only thing is the question whether other forms
of free love, however differently they may mean
and may aim, would not lead to this form of
free love, a fear which is answered on the part
of defenders of pure free love by the question
whether our present monogamic system has not
already led to it, by requiring an impossible and
mistaken system, the parent of vice and se-
cret corruption. (See PRosTIruTION.)
We are now ready to see the answer that be-
lievers in enduring monogamic marriage give
to all arguments for easy divorce and free love.
This is that while humanity, if it
were perfect and not swayed by
Answers to evil lusts, might need no laws
Free Love. against impure love ; unfortunately
humanity does need them only too
/ much, and that in this matter we
do still need and shall for long centuries, as far
as we can now see, still need, the law to pre-
vent marriage becoming a farce, and prostitution
disappearing only because society itself has be-
come prostitution. The argument that mar-
riage without easy divorce tends to preserve
marriage after love has become hate, producing
homes of dissension and hate instead of love, is
an argument against the abuse of marriage, not
against marriage itself. When married people
find themselves or think themselves alienated,
they should try to improve their married life,
not try toendit. In nine cases out of ten, it is
urged, pes who cannot get along together in
married love could not get along with any one
in marriage, and therefore would make no gain
by seeking divorce and new marriage. The
true resource is not to change their condition,
but to change themselves. Theremedy against
family jars is not the divorce court, but family
love. It should, however, teach us to be more
cautious about forming marriage
alliances. In this direction there is
Careful vastroomforimprovement. It has
Marriage been suggested that the law should
Laws. go back tothe old custom of requir-
ing the publication of banns and
the lapse of a certain period be-
tween the publication of the banns and the per.
mission to marry. If, as in some countries, the
difficulty of contracting marriage or obtaining
divorce produces a higher rate of illegitimacy,
the cure is to be sought not by lowering the
laws to suit the desires, but by a spiritual and
moral raising of the desires to fulfil the law.
Even if the latter method should give us more
technical illegitimacy for awhile, the question is
whether it would not quickest give us the great-
est purity. There is said to be less illegitimacy
in Turkey than in England ; but isit not because
the Mohammedan law allows impurity? Our
602
Family.
aim isto be purity, not technical legitimacy. As
a matter of fact, moreover, it is shown that strict
marriage laws and difficult divorce do not in-
crease illegitimacy. Alone among the States,
South Carolina allows no divorce whatsoever,
and yet a South Carolina judge says: ‘‘ The
working of this stern policy has been to the good
of the people and the State in every respect”
(O’Neall in McCarty vs. McCarty, 2 Strob. 6,
11; see Bishop, Marriage and Divorce, vol. i.,
Pp. 33). The Roman Catholic Church allows no
divorce, and the chastity of Roman Catholic
Ireland is unexampled among civilized people.
In 1878 the percentage of illegitimacy was only
2.31. Germany has divorce laws much looser
than England, yet has much more immorality.
So, too, with the Continent generally, compared
with England, Scotland, and Ireland. All the
evidence seems to be that enduring monogamic
marriagé and strict laws, so that those who
know that they enter the marital relation know,
also, that they cannot readily escape, operates to
produce the purest society and the happiest
homes. If it does, not unfrequently, bind to-
gether ill-mated pairs, the cure lies in a higher
ethical and moral life, to endure till death do
part, and to learn to suffer, which often means
to bring love out of, or, rather, in place of, an
evil often temporary and often fancied.
IX. Tue Famity THREATENED AND How To
DEFEND IT.
Having arrived at this conclusion, it is neces-
sary to realize how severely family life is threat-
ened, and how, therefore, it may best be de-
fended.
First: It must be admitted that well-nigh
the whole tendency at present is toward easy
divorce, if not free love. This is mainly due
to the individualistic tendency, from which on
this point even modern socialism has not learned
to differ. It came in with the Protestant Refor-
mation, and the Puritan tendency to make
marriage a civil rather than a religious matter.
Says President Thwing, himself a Protestant,
speaking of the destruction of the family, in the
book above quoted :
“ The cause underlying and in a sense including all
other causes isthat growth of individualism which is
the direct product of the Reformation.”
And again :
“The conception of marriage as a relation purely
secular has been at the basis of our modern divorce
legislation. . This legislation recognizes the right of
the individual and the right of the State to an interest
in the dissolution of the marriage tie. It does not in
the least recognize any peculiarly sacred character in
the institution.... he Puritan protest against the
Church of England, no less than the protest against
the Church of Rome, has had its effect upon the pop-
ular conception of marriage.... Among the mem-
bers of the Anglican or Protestant Episcopal com-
munions the sacred altar is preferred as the place for
solemnizing a marriage; and in these churches the
religious idea of marriage is, no doubt, better pre-
served than in any other Protestant denomination”
(The Family, pp. 158-162).
It must also be admitted that the tendency to
raise the legal position of woman has been at
the expense of the indissolubility of the family.
Under the old law a married woman had no
legal existence. As she has been granted her
Family.
just right (and there are still many rights to be
granted), the law of the family has been weak-
ened. This makes the case very intricate. To
recognize the desirable absolute unity of the
family, and still to recognize the equally desira-
ble independence of both husband and wife, is
not easy, but it must be done. Under socialis-
tic forms of society, some claim it will be easier,
since the holding of property will be simpler,
and itis property, more than all else, that causes
the /ega/ troubles of husband and wife.
Secondly: A greater danger to the family
than the tendency to individualism is the eco-
nomic difficulty of maintaining the family.
Statistics given under MarriacE
will show that a fewer and steadily
Prostitution, fewer number of young men are
willing to undertake the economic
burden and responsibility of main-
taining a wife and children. The statistics of
ProstTiTuTION will show that this is taking the
place of the family. The article Waces will
show that a working man’s wages, even in such
States as Massachusetts and Illinois, are not
such as will maintain the average working
man’s family, and therefore his wife and chil-
dren are more and more being compelled to
labor, with the result of the breaking up of
family life, as the article Woman will show.
Once more, high rents and developing city life
are breaking up homes and substituting tene-
ments, as shown in Sec. 6 of this article. Such
is simply a reference to economic perils to the
perils that might fill volumes. Yet there are
others.
Thirdly ; Fashion and economic pressure are
tending to divert family life from giving true
care to child nurture. Births are rapidly de-
creasing in proportion tomarriage. (See Birtu-
rates.) Says Dr. Dike, in the address above
quoted :
“The declining fruitfulness of the family—to take
up the second test—especially among people of the so-
called native stock, has become a matter of serious
concern. In Massachusetts, the mother of foreign
birth has on the average 50 per cent. more children
than the mother born in this country.. It is true that
the death-rate among children of foreign parentage is
much greater than among the others, but after all al-
lowance for this, the parent of foreign birth rears a
much larger percentage of children than the other.
And notwithstanding the presence of the foreign ele-
ment, the birth-rate in some of the older States is
lower than in most European countries, and is steadily
declining. France is the only country in Europe
whose birth-rate is as low as that of Massachusetts,
and France is alarmed at her condition. Massachu-
setts is indifferent, for she can still recruit her popu-
lation from Ireland and Canada. But other States
are doubtless just as badly off. No well-informed
physician believes that this low birth-rate is to any
great degree due to loss in reproductive powers, tho
there is something in this—more, however, as effect
than as cause of a declining birth-rate. In three or
four sections, and these are large enough to be
seriously indicative, the physicians are of the opinion
that legitimate children would be 50 per cent. more
numerous but for criminal deeds. This refers to all
classes of people as a whole. In some of our cities,
and among intelligent and even Christian people, and
very widely too in rural communities, it looks as if
there is a prevalent and growing intention, even at
the cost, if need be, both of good morals and law, to
let the inferior classes rear most of the children.
Many of the families which are best fitted, so far as
pecuniary means and social opportunity are con-
cerned, are deliberately choosing to be unfruitful.
And it is the testimony of gynzecologists that more of
their patients come from this class than from those
women to whom maternity has brought its natural
ills.”
603
Family.
Even the children that are born are too often
neglected by their mothers ; with the rich be-
cause they can hire nurses, and with the poor
because the mothers have to go out to work.
In some factory towns it seems as if a créche
was needed beside every factory. It is becom-
ing true that motherhood, and therefore family
life, are disappearing. The rich will not and
the poor cannot afford to rear children. The
‘‘two children’’ system is on the increase in
America as in France.
Fourthly: The preaching of ‘‘ woman’s
rights’ is not sufficiently accompanied by a
preaching of woman’s duties. Women more
and more board instead of keeping homes, with
no duties save to miseducate themselves in
selfish, idle culture or charitable ‘‘ fads.’’ Wom-
en, too, in private counting-rooms are making
‘the typewriter girl’’ disreputable. Free love
is being brought down to ‘‘ freer’’ practice.
Such are some of the perils to the family.
They go so far that many radicals believe that
the family, whether we like it or not, cannot be
saved. They say that under the present eco-
nomic system the family cannot be supported
and is disappearing, and that if governments
become socialistic, or if radical individualism
prevail, free love will become the custom ; so
that in any case the family is doomed. What,
then, is proposed to save it ?
first: Economic changes that will make the
family possible. Every working man should
receive wages high enough to make
it possible for him, first, to support
his wife without her having to
work for wages ; second, to be able
to own his own home in comfort
and respectability. This will make the family
at least possible.
Secondly: Parenthood and wifehood and
husbandhood should be preached by platform,
pulpit, and be as truly as woman’s rights.
Especially should an equal standard for male
and female purity be required.
Thirdly : Whether, with the Roman Catho-
lics, we make marriage a sacrament or not,
marriage should be considered in its deepest
ethical and religious importance and not merely
as a civil and much less as simply a physical
contract. The radical and Protestant pulpits
must learn to speak as plainly on this matter,
if not in the same way, as do the Anglican and
Roman churches.
Fourthly : The marriage and divorce laws of
the United States must be made uniform by
amending the Constitution to give Congress
power to enact such laws, and then to prevail
upon our Congressmen to enact such wisely.
To-day our marriage laws differ most widely in
different States and lead to grossest evils. A
man can be married in one State, divorced in
another, marry again and again, and be di-
vorced every time. If he have issue, some of
his children will be illegitimate when they live
in one State, and not when they pass into an-
other. In some States they can inherit prop-
erty, and in others not. Says Dr. Dike:
“The present state of the law that regulates and
protectsthe family is a very great source of danger.
Our marriage laws are simply inadequate. Compare
the legal protection of the family with that given to real
estate. Every woman who owns real property finds
Economic
Reforms.
Family.
ample legal protection. She may have a bond for a
deed. The written deed duly made out, with the as-
surance of a perfect title, signed, sealed,
witnessed and fully recorded, with every
transfer properly noted, so that not only
those immediately concerned, but the
entire public, may know at any time the
exact legal condition ef every piece of
real estate in the land, with laws aimed
at protection against fraud, abuse of trust, theft,
incendiarism, and other injuries—and reasonably
well enforced too—these are the protections which
every woman has for her property. But her hold
on the family in marriage is a very different thing.
In more than one third of the States and Terri-
tories a marriage is legal without a scrap of writ-
ae or a witness, or even the intervention of an
official of any sort. No decent system of public rec-
ord exists in many States, while very few both
keep and publish these records. Where licenses are
required, the mere word or the oath of an interested
party is the basis of the permit, and no evidence is de-
manded to prove freedom from a former marriage.
We have to take the people who move into our com-
munities, and the immigrants from Europe, simply on
trust in respect to their domestic ties ; and this is fre-
quently shamefully abused. And our laws protecting
chastity are probably less frequently enforced than
those of any other class, unless we except those in de-
fense of the Sabbath. The legal protection of property
is infinitely superior to that of the family.
“Qur divorce laws are almost as various as the
number of legislatures that make them. Divorces
can be obtained for a dozen legal causes in some
States, and they are often made elastic enough to
cover every conceivable reason for divorce. They can
be obtained in 2700 courts inthe United States, and in
some legislatures besides. These courts sit frequent-
ly, and sometimes constantly, in open court or private
chambers. The procedure is often so easy that fraud
is frequent; and disregard of the rights of others,
haste and the eager hurry to marry another, can be
readily gratified, and in some States divorce can be
had by either husband or wife, almost for the asking.
The conflicting marriage and divorce laws of the
country have less to do with the increase of divorces
than most people think, but they are a great evil in
their opportunities for fraud, and in the uncertaint
they give to the legal status of the married or divorced,
as they pass from State to State, and of their children.
And not the least of the evils is their effect on the
‘popular ideas of what marriage and the family are.”
fifthly and lastly : If the position of those
who favor enduring monogamic marriage be
correct, that easy divorce results in the weak-
ening of the family, marriage laws should be
made much more strict, and divorce be granted
only on ground of adultery or the most serious
reason. A strong movement in this direction
has been made. (See Divorce.) A National
Divorce Reform League has been formed,
with Dr, S. W. Dike as its most efficient sec-
retary. The broadest foundation is now laid
for study and action in the report of Hon. Car-
roll D. Wright, United States Commissioner of
Labor, on Marriage and Divorce in. the
United States from 1867 to 1886. This report
contains a digest of the laws on these subjects,
with full tables and careful analyses of funda-
mental facts, together with an appendix show-
ing the similar facts for the greater part of
Europe. Congress is now asked to provide for
the completion of the work thus begun and for
its advance in certain other very important
directions.
According to Dr. Dike, legislation has been
improved. This improvement began in the re-
peal of the notorious ‘‘ omnibus clause’’ in Con-
necticut and, with some restrictive legislation,
in Vermont. Since 1878 many States have
made changes for the better in their marriage
and divorce laws, retaining nearly if not quite
everything secured. Meanwhile, nothing has
Marriage
Laws.
604
Family.
been done in the other direction. This mere
turn in the tide of legislation is of much value.
The positive gain in several States is still more
hopeful. : .
The problem of uniformity has come up
within these years. Much has been said about
it. The amendment of the Constitution of the
United States in the interests of uniformity has
been earnestly advocated and sometimes hotly
opposed. The special subjects of divorce, mar-
riage, and polygamy have been brought for-
ward in succession, each apparently calling for
national uniformity. At the present moment,
Dr. Dike tells us, several important steps are
being taken. Special committees of the Amert-
can Bar Association have prepared reports on
the subject to the annual ineeting of the Associa-
tion. The State Bar Association of New York,
and perhaps others, are also at work upon
this problem. The most important step toward
uniformity, however, is the establishment by
law of a commission of the State of New York
charged with the duty of engaging other States
in its plan of uniformity, if found practicable,
through concurrent State legislation. Legis-
lation on these subjects has had much attention
in some European countries and in Canada and
Australia.
The idea of the direct use of the home itself
as the true starting place and a powerful agent
in relief of the poor, in the removal of vice, in
the prevention of vice and crime, in conversion
from sin, and for the advance of knowledge,
virtue, and religion, is beginning to take root in
the popular mind. It finds some expression in
the homes for the poor, for young men and
working girls, in building associations, in the
increasing attention of prison and other charita-
ble reforms to bad home life as the source of
supply for prisons and saloons. Political econ-
omy has got on so far as to treat the home seri-
ously. The home department of the Sunday-
school is another expression of the growing
idea. Some pulpits have of late years taken
the home into a larger place among their
themes. Such is the view taken by the Nation-
al Divorce Reform League.
Such signs are hopeful, but many reformers
are asking if all this activity is not mainly re-
actionary ; if the true causes of the peril to the
family are not mainly economic, and that there-
fore if the attention of true friends of the family
should not be concentrated on gaining economic
changes. For such changes at present social-
ists, nationalists, and others are mainly work-
ing, and too frequently these are tinged with
theories of free love. The evil is too deep-
seated for cure by a mere purification of mar-
riage and divorce laws. In spiritual and ethi-
cal, national and individual character most men
place hope, and not in mere legislation. (See
also Socrat Purity, etc.)
References: Among the best books on the family
are E. Westermarck’s The Aistory of Human Mar-
riage; C.N. Starcke’s The Primitive Family ; Letour-
neau’s Zhe Evolution of Marriage; Fustel de Cou-
langes’s The Ancient City ; C. F. Thwing’s7he Family.
On the ethical questions involved, see Bowne’s, Lotze’s,
Martensen’s £¢hics; Mackenzie’s Social Philosophy ;
Milford’s Mation; Maurice’s Soctal Morality.” On
present conditions as to marriage and divorce, see the
report of Carroll D. Wright, Commissioner of Labor,
on Marriage and Divorce (obtainable free by writing
.
Farmers’ Alliance.
to the Labor Department at Washington); also the
reports and publications of the National Divorce Re-
form League (g. v.).
FARMERS’ ALLIANCE AND KIN-
DRED FARMERS’ ORDERS, THE.—Vari-
ous national orders of somewhat similar names
and almost absolutely similar character have
sprung up within the last ten years among the
farmers of the United States. A few of these
commenced as local organizations 16 or 17 years
ago. The largest, best known, and politically
the most active of these, tho often called The
Farmers’ Alliance, has as its exact title, not
that name, but another, The National Farm-
ers’ Alliance and Industrial Union. The or-
ganization that correctly bears the name the
Farmers’ Alliance is perhaps more general, but
smaller and of less political activity.
The origin of all these orders lies in the de-
pressed condition of the agricultural classes,
which has compelled them to agitate and organ-
ize for their own protection, if not for their sal-
vation. (Foran account of this, see FARMERS’
MovemEn?.) In a sense, the parent of all these
orders is the Grange, or Order of Patrons of
Husbandry, founded in 1867; but as this isa
much older organization, and has pursued a
wholly different policy, we consider it separate-
ly. (See GRANGE.)
The first organization bearing the name Farmers’
Alliance seems to have been organized by W. T. Bag-
gett in Lampasas County, Tex., in 1876, for the pur-
pose of opposing the spoliation of the public lands and
the bringing to justice of land andcattlethieves. It did
not endure, but the idea spread, and in 1879 Mr. Bag-
gett organized an alliance in Parker County, and the
same yeara State Farmers’ Alliance was effected. By
1886, 84 counties were represented, and the following
platform adopted :
“t. To labor for the education of the agricultural
classes, in the science of economical government, ina
strictly non-partisan spirit.
“oe, To endorse the motto, ‘In things essential, unity ;
and in all things, charity.’
“3. To develop a better state, mentally, morally,
socially, and financially.
‘“4. To create a better understanding for sustaining
civil officers in maintaining law and order.
‘‘s, To constantly strive to secure entire harmony
and good-will among all mankind, and brotherly love
among ourselves.
‘6, To suppress personal, local, sectional and na-
tional prejudices; all unhealthy rivalry and all self-
ish ambition.”
In January, 1887, a meeting was held at Waco for the
purpose of ee a union with the Iarmers’ Union,
an association of Louisiana farmers which had been
formed March 10, 1886, at Antioch Church. The union
was accomplished, and the new organization bore the
name of the Farmers’ Alliance and Cooperative Union
of America, with C. W. McCune at its head, This
new order spread agus in the States of Missouri,
Kentucky, Tennessee, North and South Carolina,
Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. i
At that time another famous organization was oper-
ating in the States of Arkansas, Missouri, Kentucky,
and Tennessee, known as the Agricultural Wheel,
which began under the leadership of W. W. Tedford,
at Des Arc, Prairie County, Ark., February 15, 1882.
At a meeting held at Shreveport, Li., October 12, 1887
a union of the Wheel and Alliance was effected
which was completed at Meridian, Miss., December 5,
1888, the organization being called the Farmers’ and
Laborers’ Union of America. :
Up to this time the Farmers’ Alliance was almost
exclusively a Southern institution, a secret order with
grips and passwords, but it had takey no action what-
ever in politics except to impress its tenets in the
minds of public men. In the spring of 1877 there had
been organized by Milton George, at Chicago, an or-
ganization called the National Farmers’ Alliance,
which in a little while had extended into the States
cof Illinois, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, Kan-
sas, and Dakota. This was not at first a secret order,
605
Farmers’ Alliance.
but held open meetings and transacted its business in
public. Later, however, this was changed, and the
order has now its ritualand secret work. The objects
of the National Farmers’ Alliance are
stated to be to unite the farmers for
the promotion of their interests social- National
ly, politically, and financially ; to secure FE ,
a just representation of the agricultural armers!
interests of the country in the national Alliance,
congress and State legislatures ; to de-
mand the prohibition of alien cattle and
land syndicates; to oppose all forms of monopoly as
being detrimental to the best interests of the public;
to demand of our representatives in Congress their
votes and active influence in favor of the prompt pass-
age of such laws as will protect live-stock interests
from contagious diseases; and to demand that agri-
cultural interests shall be represented by a cabinet
officer.”’
This organization is sometimes called the Northern
Alliance. Meanwhile, still another organization, the
Farmers’ Mutual Benefit Association, had been organ-
ized in southern Illinois in 1887, and had extended over
Illinois, Kentucky, Missouri, and Kansas. Its chief
object was to resist the encroachments of monopoly.
The problem now was to unite all these move-
ments. The first meeting of the Farmers’ and
Laborers’ Union of America was appointed for
December, 1889, at St. Louis. Meanwhile the
National Farmers’ Alliance appointed the same
time and place for its general session, and nego-
tiations were undertaken for the still further
strengthening of the movement by the blending
of the two great orders now remaining. The
Alliance made three demands upon the Union,
as conditions on which they would join it: (1)
The name should be changed to National Farm-
ers’ Alliance and Industrial Union; (2) the
word ‘‘ white’’ should be stricken out of the
qualifications for membership ; (3) the question
of secrecy in organization should be optional
with each State. The first of these demands
was granted, and the name proposed is now the
official name of the ‘‘ Southern’’ Alliance ; the
second was practically complied with by the
new constitution ; but the third was refused.
The net outcome of the conference was a fail-
ure of the attempt to unite, and for this failure
the question of secrecy was the sole cause.
Kansas, North Dakota, and South Dakota, how-
ever, deserted the ‘‘ Northern’’ Alliance and
went over to the secret order.
A union platform was, however, adopted, and
in this the order of the Knights of Labor (¢.v.)
also united. The platform was as follows :
“7, That we demand the abolition of national banks
and the substitution of legal-tender treasury notes in
lieu of national bank notes, issued in sufficient volume
to do the business of the country on a cash system;
regulating the amount needed on a per capita basis as
the business interests of the country expand; and that
all money issued by the Government shall be legal
tender in payment of all debts, both public and pri-
vate.
“2, That we demand that Congress shall pass such
laws as shall effectually prevent the dealing in futures
of all agricultural and mechanical productions ; pre-
serving a stringent system of procedure in trials as
shall secure prompt conviction, and imposing such
penalties as shall secure the most perfect compliance
with the law.
‘“3. That we demand the free and unlimited coinage
of silver. :
‘““4. That we demand the passage of laws prohibit-
ing the alien ownership of land, and that Congress
take early steps to devise some plan to obtain all lands
now owned by aliens and foreign syndicates ; and that
all lands now held by railroad and other corporation in
excess of such as is actually used and needed by them
be reclaimed by the Government and held to actual
settlers only.
“5. Believing inthe doctrine of ‘equal rights to all
and special privileges to none,’ we demand that taxa-
& .
Farmers’ Alliance.
tion, national or State, shall not be used to build up
one interest or class at the expense of another. We
believe that the money of the Comey should be kept
as much as possible in the hands of the people, and
hence we demand that all revenues, national, State or
county, shall be limited to the necessary expenses of
the ey entiieat economically and honestly adminis-
tered.
“6. That Congress Issue a sufficient amount of frac-
tional paper currency to facilitate exchange through
the medium of the United States mail.
‘7, We demand that the means of communication
and transportation shall be owned by and operated in
the interest of the people, as is the United States postal
system.
PLEDGE.
“We, the undersigned, do hereby pledge ourselves
on our sacred honor as men to work for the promotion
of the above principles, with the view that they may
be incorporated into the law of the land; and further
agree to support no man for office that will not pledge
himself, if elected, to carry out these principles. We
further agree to cooperate with any movement that
may be inaugurated in conference by the Farmers’
Alliance, Knights of Labor, and other industrial or-
ganizations looking toward these ends.
“We further agree to not divulge any of the secrets
or business of the organization to any one who is nota
member of the same.’
The convention also endorsed the so-called
sub-treasury scheme (¢.v.).
Organization, however, still went on. The
Southern Farmers’ Alliance was mainly made
up of the middle class, composed of small farm-
ers and mechanics. It claimed, in 1890, 3,000,-
000 members, men and women. The colored
farmers were now to organize under the name
of The Colored Farmers’ National Alliance
and Cooperative Union, The first Colored Al-
liance was founded in Houston County, Texas,
in December, 1886. In January, 1891, the es-
timated membership was 1,250,000, of which
number 700,000 were adult males, and 150,000
more were males between 18 and 21 years of
age. A national organization was effected in
1888, and as the organization owes its existence
largely to one man—R, M. Humphrey, a white
man, formerly a Baptist preacher—he was put
at the head of the Alliance.
All these various alliances met together at
Ocala, Fla., December, 1890, and adopted the
so-called Ocala Platform, not materially differ-
ent from the St. Louis platform. At this con-
vention a strong effort was made to get the Al-
liance to form a new political party. The Alli-
ance voted not to do so as an alliance, but to
allow its members who wished to do so as indi-
viduals. As the result a convention was called
at Cincinnati, May 20, 1891, the People’s Party
formed, and a platform drawn and nominations
made at St. Louis, July 4, 1892.
Since the Ocala convention, the Farmers’ Al-
liances have been virtually identified with the
People’s Party, but have kept up their separate
organizations, have held their various meetings,
and different organizations among them have
voted to favor various cooperative educational
and industrial. schemes, such as cooperative
railroads, etc. Little, however, has been ac-
complished in this line; but an enormous
amount of political agitation has been carried
on.
A national reform press has been organized,
including about 1000 newspapers pledged to
support the demands of the farmers’ movement.
There are a few dailies, but the most are week-
606
Farmers’ Movement.
lies. The circulation of many of these news-
papers is 10,000; some reach 50,ooo—one per-
haps 100,000. These are scattered over the
whole country, and their influence cannot but
be great. Besides these reform papers, there is
the agricultural press, an instrument of educa-
tional force not only in matters relating to agri-
culture, but also in subjects of political and eco-'
nomic science. :
The National Farmers’ Alliance and Indus-
trial Union still exists, but its main strength has.
passed into the political movement. (See Pro-
PLE’S Party ; SILVER.)
The National Farmers’ Alliance (separate.
from the above) represents State alliances in
Iowa, Nebraska, North Dakota, South Dakota,
Washington, Montana, Missouri, Minnesota,
Wisconsin, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Pennsyl-
vania, and New York.
The following resolutions were adopted by
the National Alliance at the fifteenth annual
meeting, held at Chicago, IIl., January 15, 1895 :
“Whereas, the farmers of the United States outnum-
ber any other class of citizens, furnish three-fourths of
the commerce of the country, and the largest propor-
tion of our export trade, and are compelled to pay the
lion’s share of the taxes of the country, and have al-
ways been loyal and faithful to the Government in
time of war as well as in peace ; and, a3
““Whereas, we recognize the supremacy of law, the
necessity of being subject to the same, and of having
Perens duly authorized to frame and enact them;
and, : .
“Whereas, we believe the people to be sovereign and.
the public officials are the servants of the people ; and,
“Whereas, that the evilsthat now confront the farm-
er are the result of unfriendly legislation to the inter-
est of agriculture ; therefore, be it
“Resolved, (1) We demand in our monetary system a
regular and equitable distribution independent of self-
ish and greedy combinations, free from private manip-
ulations, with stability as well as flexibility, and
value as well asvolume. (2) We demand that taxation,
State, National, or municipal, shall not be used _ to
build up one interest at the expense of another. (3) We
demand the nationalization of the means of transpor-~
tation and communication to the extent that the State
and Interstate,commerce laws shall be made mutually
cooperative and harmonious for the strict and abso-
lute control of the same in the interest of the people;
that the pooling clause of the Interstate commerce
law should be retained, as it eo that healthy
competition which tends to reduce freight charges to
a minimum, while pooling sustains them at the maxi-
mum. (4) That the National Farmers’ Alliance. will
adhere to the principles set forth in our declaration of
purposes, and maintain the order as the opponent of
unjust trusts and combines, and favor the education
of our membership in political sentiment, in harmony
with our principles, controlling no political party and
being controlled by none, but each individual may use
his own judgment in the exercise of his right of fran-
chise and in his choice of methods by which our de-
mands may be secured. (5) That we recommend tothe
Alliance the progressive reading course for farmers,
and the same be under full control of an advisory com-
mittee of the various organizations of the farmers,
agricultural colleges, and experimental stations. (6)
That arestricted franchise has ever been an instrument
of pp pleasing that the right of elective franchise
should be exercised without regard to sex, and there
should be equal pay for equal work. (7) That the anti-
option billnow pending in the United States Senate
should be enacted into law. (8) That we favor such
strict legislation, both State and National, as will pro-
hibit the adulteration of all food products.
References : See FARMERS’ MOVEMENT.
FARMERS’ MOVEMENT, THE.—The
farmers’ movement that has taken place in the
United States in recent years is due to the de-
pressed condition prevailing among the farming
population in all sections of the United States,
RP EAS
Farmers’ Movement.
but particularly in the West and South, the por-
tions of the country most purely dependent upon
agriculture. This depression has
taken the form of an increase of
farm mortgages coupled with a
very marked fall in agricultural
prices, making it increasingly diffi-
cult for the farmer to meet the payments on his
mortgage. (Forafull study of these, see Mort-
GAGES ; Prices.) It is sufficient to state here
that, according to Extra Bulletin 98, of the
4,767,179 farm families of the United States in
1890, 34 per cent. were tenant farmers, 19 per
cent. owned mortgaged farms, and 47 per cent.
owned farms unincumbered. On the owned
farms, the mortgage indebtedness is $1,085 ,995,-
g60, which is 35.55 per cent. of their value, and
bears interest at an average of 7.07 per cent.
The percentage of incumbered farms was, for
the United States, 47; Kansas, 30; Iowa, 32;
Causes,
607 Farmers’ Movement.
New Jersey and Mississippi, 34; Nebraska,
Delaware, and South Carolina, 35 ; South Da-
kota, 39 ; and at the other extreme, Oklahoma,
95; Utah and New Mexico, 85; Arizona and
‘Idaho, 74; Montana, 73; Maine, 71. Accord-
ing to the abstract of the eleventh census (p. 97),
farms cultivated by their owners increased 9.56
er cent.; rented farms, 41.04 per cent., and
arms rented for a share in the product, 19.65
percent. In the North Central division farms
cultivated by their owners increased less than
1 per cent., while rented farms increased nearly
66 per cent. In the North Atlantic division,
tented farms increased only about 6 per cent.,
while farms cultivated by their owners actually
diminished. The farmers thus complain that
they are losing possession of their farms and
becoming tenant farmers. The farms, too, are
depreciating in value in proportion to the wealth
of the country very rapidly.
VALUATION OF FARMS IN THOUSANDS OF DOLLARS.*
1850. 1860. 1870. 1880. 1890.
Land and Buildings.......... sills Dap eRe $3,271,000 $6,645,000 $9,262,000 $10,197,000 $13,279,000
Implements eh 151,000 246,000 336,000 406,000 494,000
Live: Stock sian iwciensanainn coca seeiieda daw veemisede 544,000 1,089,000 1,525,000 1,500,000 2,208,000
TOtal icin actdediaaemessatacecces a scenes $3,966,000 $7,980,000 | $11,123,000 | $12,103,000 $15,981,000
Wealth of United Statest........ seeiencet se $7,135,000 $16,159,000 | $30,068,000 $43,642,000 $65,037,000
* From abstract of the eleventh census, p. 99.
That is, in 1850 the farmers owned consider- -
ably over half the wealth of the United States ;
in 1860, nearly one half ; in 1870, little over one
third ; in 1880, over one quarter ; in 1890, con-
siderably less than one quarter.
+ From statistical abstract (1894), Pp. 373-
ever, has been in the fall of agricultural prices.
According to a table based upon quotations from
government reports and prepared by Mr. G. B.
Waldron for 7%e Vozce for April 11, 1895, the fol-
lowing has been the fall in agricultural prices by
The heaviest burden upon the farmers, how- decades. (For full tables of prices, see PricEs.)
7 AT INED
AVERAGE ANNUAL WHOLESALE PRICES IN NEW YORK CITY ee eee
MARKETS. NINE PRODUCTS IN—
a a a 7d 2 :
a Oo oO o - te eee bad
CALENDAR 2S a s q g 35 Z 9
YEAR. ma 4 3 5 2 3g as eZ
: be a 3 Aa | wa | #4
j o fQ fa oS as of ue :
a a u & Or tae me on on pn
= oO o vo uw we S Q a oO
eae a oe ae ae a ae eee
2 ¢ | 3 Bo} a hcg a ee ge | 3 £
= > 2 6 a o 0’ o 2 5 3 eS
z i) 5 Oo |p 4 wa | & o & G
1B50-5Qe eee wr eee 1.568 +Q12 +479 +764 +109 082 +092 5-365 5-552 101.8 ro1.8 99-0
1860-69. oe I.QOr 1.098 652 +QQI +439 +112 +145 7.634 7-675 184.4 130.6 | 126.2
1870-79 1.428 882 «511 +694 156 083 +103 6.583 6.096 109.0 98.9 | 102.3
1880-89. 1-050 +736 +407 +575 +108 063 +092 5-840 5-628 80.1 89.1 | 109.3
1890-94..--.-- : -867 +697 +369 +547 +086 039 +095 5-368 5-286 80.9 80.9 | 124.7
Says Mr. Waldron :
“The combined average price of all the products
quoted cannot be obtained by making a simple aver-
age of the nine percentages for each year, since this
would give to rye, sugar, and tobacco, each represent-
ing less than 2 per cent. of the total value of the crops,
the same importance as wheat, cotton, corn, and
meats, which represent from 11.5 to 37.5 per cent. of the
total value of the crops.
“In the small table which follows, the total farm
values of these crops are given for each of the four
census years 1860, 1870, 1880, 1890, and the percentage of
each crop to the total value of the crop for that year:
Farmers’ Movement.
608
Farmers’ Movement.
PERCENTAGE OF EACH CROP
TOTAL FARM VALUES. FOR CENSUS YEARS. TO THE TOTAL VALUE.
FARM
PRODUCTS. .
1860, 1879. 1880. 1890. 1860, 1870. 1880. 1890.
$124,635,545 $270,768,634 $436,968, 463 $342,491,707 zr.5. | 14.6 18.0 14.7
10,972,718 26,428,150 14,992,086 Be yar B69 Lo 0.9 0.6 7
43,160,796 134,283,007 146,829,240 171,781,008. 3-9 7-2 6.1 72
360,680,878 572,991,245 694,818,304. 5971918,829 33-2 30.9 28.7 24.9
211,516,625 *303,600,000 271,636,121 eet 19.5 16.4 Iz.3 12.9
414,000,000 10,500,000 +13,800,000 16,000,000 1.3 0.6 0.6. o.7
or 21,710,473 30,740,035 38,758,215 § 43,666,665 2.0 17 1.6 Leg
200,000,200 515,000,000 800,000,000 $900,000,000 27.6 27.7 33-1 37-5
\
Total..... $1,086,677,035 $1,854,322,075 $2,417,803,029 $2,397,004,349 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
* i icult from the movements of cotton for those years.
Helmeial be Pha Pate tie eerie oe ee partment of Agriculture and data furnished by Messrs.
+ Estimated by Zhe Voice from statistics of the De
Willett and Gray, of New York City.
t+ Estimated by the Department of Agriculture from the reports of farm animals.
§ Crop of the preceding year.
“ This indicates the weight that should be given to
each farm product to obtain a combined average
rice.
me The prices in gold and in currency coincide except
for the years from 1862-78, when gold was at a pre-
mium as measured incurrency. Following theaverage
annual premiums of gold for these years as given in _
the American Almanac for 1878, the average gold
prices of the table were obtained.
“The prices in silver are based upon the average
London price of silver for each year of the series as
given in the report of the director of the mint.”
The cause of this fall in prices we cannot
here discuss. (See SiLverR; MoNoMETALLISM.)
A large part of the Western and Southern farm-
ers, however, believe it is due to a contraction
of the currency (g.v.), and particularly to the
demonetization of silver in 1873, and a ‘‘ con-
spiracy”’ of the gold kings of the world. Be
this as it may, of the fact of the fall of agricul-
tural prices and its effect upon the farming
population there can beno question. The above
figures speak for themselves ; but we append a
few significant quotations. Saysthe Rev. Wash-
ington Gladden, D.D. (Forum, vol. x., p. 315) :
‘““The American farmer is steadily losing ground.
His burdens are heavier every year and his gains are
more meager; he is beginning to fear that he may
be sinking into a servile condition. He has waited
long for the redress of his grievances; he purposes to
wait no longer. Whatever he can do by social com-
binations, or by united political action, to remove the
disabilities under which he is suffering, he intends to
do at once and with all his might. Thereis no doubt
at all that the farmers of this country are tremen-
dously in earnest just now, and they have reason to
be. Beyond question they are suffering sorely. The
business of farming has become, for some reasons,
extremely unprofitable. With the hardest work and
with the sharpest economy, the average farmer is un-
able to make both ends meet ; every year closes with
debt, and the mortgage grows till it devours the land.
The labor bureau of Connecticut has shown, by an in-
vestigation of 693 representative farms, that the aver-
age annual reward of the farm proprietor of that
State, for his expenditure of muscle and brain, is
$181.31, while the average annual wages of the ordinary
hired man is $386.36. Evenif the price of board must
come out of the hired man’s stipend, it still leaves him
a long way ahead of hisemployer. In Massachusetts
the case is a little better; the average farmer makes
$326.49, while his hired man gets $345.""
Says Professor C. S. Walker, of the Massa-
chusetts Agricultural College (Andover Re-
view, August, 1890, pp. 129-33) :
“The farmer trades provisions and raw material
for manufacturesand for money. The manufactures
and the money, which are the stock in trade of thecity,
are commodities which are easily controlled by their
owners, who, readily combining among themselves,
can sell or hoard very much as they please; they sell
when they choose to Sell, and succeed to a greater or
less extent in fixing their prices. The provisions and
raw material, on the other hand, which are the stock
in trade of the country, are commodities which the
farmers are compelled to throw upon the market all
at‘once in the fall of the year, and sell at any price the
city chooses.to pay. The farmer must sell; he cannot
help himself. The cotton and tobacco of the Southern
farmer are already mortgaged, and the
money-lender takes the crop asa matter
of course. If there should be afew who
have not mortgaged the crop, they are
nevertheless in debt, and these debts
must be paid. The Western farmer cannot keep his
wheat, corn, and oats, his poultry, beef, and pork. .
He has no facilities for storage. As a Sade
Burdens,
‘every fall thousands of millions of dollars’ worth o
agricultural produce is thrown upon the market,
enough to supply all home demand and leave a sur-
plus of the value of $500,000,o00 for export. The Amer-
ican farmer, then, North, South, East, and West, is
forced hee after year to sell to the city his products
when the market is glutted and prices are lowest. He
sells at the greatest disadvantage. This, of course,
leads us to infer that, when he buys, he buys ata
great disadvantage. The farmer must have mone
to pay his taxes and his interest in the fall, but that is
the very time when money, being a commodity in
great demand, is very scarce and very high. With
his produce forced down to the lowest price he is
forced to buy money that is up to the very highest
price. Again, inthe spring the farmer is forced to
buy seed and fertilizers, and agricultural implements
and labor; he has no money with which to pay for
them, although then money is cheap. He pays for
them with his note, or gets trusted for them. nder
such circumstances the seller has the advantage, and
the farmer is forced to pay the highest price for all that
he gets. So it has come to pass that year after year,
spring time and autumn, the farmer sells cheap and
buys dear, and buys dear and sells cheap....
‘On the other hand, the inhabitant of the city sells
money and manufactured goods to the farmer in his
need, when manufactured goods and money are com-
pe scarce and at the highest price, inexchange
or provisions and raw material when these farm
products have glutted the market. With such condi-
tions, continued year after year, it is not strange that
the city should grow richer and richer and more popu-
lous and crowded, while the country grows poorer
and poorer and one farm-house after another is aban-
doned, that city tenements may be raised story after
story and sunk deeper and deeper in the earth. Es-
pecially are we not surprised at this movement when
we find that the city is the place where the burdens of
taxation diminish in proportion to the benefits en-
joyed, while in the country the Denefits enjoyed dimin-
ish as the burdens of taxation become more and more
crushing, It isan acknowledged fact that the ‘Treat
wealth of city fortunes easily evades taxation and con-
tributes only so much as the owners choose to appro-
Farmers’ Movement.
riate, with the expectation of collecting in the end
rom some one else.
‘““ As the American farmer has seen wealth and pop-
ulation concentrated in the city, he has at the same
time discovered that political power has been slipping
from his grasp. Before and during the war thenation
turned from the perusal of the election returns of
New York City to wait for the majorities that should
roll up from the counties west of the Hudson ; but now
the vote of the metropolis settles the election. Once
the public opinion of the farmer was a power in legis-
lature and in Congress, but now the city supports a
lobby at every State capitol and at Washington, which
says to the constituents from the rural districts, Thus
far and no farther! When every professional lobbyist
is the hired man of the city, and many lawyers of in-
fluence withiu or without the legislative body have a
retaining fee of hundreds or of thousands in their
pockets, the farmer has little chance of getting his bill
safely past the cordon of the opposition. The landed
aristocracy of Great Britain for a long time kept their
preeminence by seeing to it that the common People
should have no great leader. As soon as one of their
number became a power in the House of Commons,
he was at once ennobled and buried in the House of
Lords, where he was henceforth harmless. So during
the past generation, as soon as a farmer has risen to
power and influence among his fellows, he has been
courted and enriched, made a stockholder in the great
corporation, given a city residence, and so led at
length to forget the old homestead and his brothers and
sisters ee ne with fate in the back districts... .
The manufacturing, the professional, the trading
classes have, as a rule, concentrated in the cities;
their interests have forthe most part been in common ;
they have easily combined ; they have acquired the
wealth of the nation; they have the press in their
hands; they control the school, the college, and the
church; they are dominant in the caucus, the political
convention, the State and National legislature. When
theirinterests come inconflict with that of the farmers,
it requires little thought to discern which has of late
years prevailed. One might speak of the rapid in-
crease of tenant farming, of the numbers of alien land-
lords already counting their thousands of acres, of the
vast tracts of land voted to railroad and other corpo-
rations, of the multiplication of mortgages, of the
growth of the debtor class among agriculturists, of the
condition of the black farmers of the South, of the im-
pee of Bienes peasants to take the abandoned
arms of England, but it is hardly necessary. The
fact is already too manifest that the American farmer
at the close of the nineteenth century, after a hundred
years of republican government, is directly confronted
with the question whether or no he shall, like the
tillers of the soil in the Old World, degenerate from
his honorable station to the condition of the serf.”’
Nor does this tell the whole story. The
prices at which the staple agricultural products
are sold are fixed by the competition of the
world. Protection does not raise the farmer’s
price. Says Mr. G. T. Powell, an experienced
farmer of Columbia County, New York, in a
report on the promotion of agriculture in New
York State to the New York Association for Im-
proving the Condition of the Poor, published by
this Society, April, 1896.
“With the very great extension of railroad lines has
come a steadily decreased cost in freight rates, es-
ecially to the producers farthest removed from_mar-
ets. Tn 1870 freight on a bushel of wheat from Chica-
goto New York by rail was 30 cents, and on a bushel
of corn 28 cents. In 1890 the cost had been reduced on
wheat to 1414 cents, a decrease of 52 per cent., and on
corn to 1134 cents, a decrease of 59 per cent. :
“This has brought entirely new and changed condi-
tions to the farmers of pai wore ea of ne poe gen-
A dually the cattle and sheep fattened upon
chee ae the hillsides of well-fenced farms anit ed
in the sole - eee buildings
i have been displaced in our home mar-
International kets by those herded on these great,
Competition. cheap Western plains with no money
invested in land or improvements, and
the farmers of the East, as one of the
direct results of this rapid development in transporta-
tion, find their land, with the improvements of years
brought to it in money and toil, reduced to the level
39
609
Farmers’ Movement.
of the unimproved land of the new West, while at the
same time the market value of their land has been
equally seriously affected.
“Emerson once said: ‘A man thinks he owns his
farm, when the fact is the farm often owns him,’ and
this is particularly true at the present time of our
Eastern farmers, who, in many instances, and I may
safely say quite generally, cannot sell their property
for the cost of the buildings and fences that stand
upon the land. This is where the deep sea of trouble
comes in for those who have heretofore loaned money
so safely upon farm property, and especially to those
who are carrying indebtedness.
“Every civilized country true to the natural law of
desiring to provide food for its people has turned its
energies upon the building of railroads and canals,
and improvement of rivers and harbors, thus reach-
ing out and into all available land for production.
“England has put her strong hand to the plowin
the rich soil of Africa, and is bringing out wheat; by
the construction of the Suez Canal she reaches over to
India and does the same thing. Her ships are ever
busy bringing out the food and other products of
Australia, while her capital is working the rich soil
and cheap labor of South America to her greatest pos-
sible benefit.
“Russia has also kept fully apace in railroad build-
ing, and she will soon reach the completion of over
2000 miles of railway, with tributaries that will be in
readiness to handle wheat from the rich soil of Siberia,
where labor is so cheap as hardly to enter into the ex-
pense account.
“The extent to which wheat is being produced in
other countries, with exceedingly cheap labor, and its
effect upon the American wheat-grower, will be seen
in the following figures, in a single week’s shipment
from these points. In the second week of July, 1894,
there were shipped to the English market from India,
1,300,000 bushels of wheat; Russia, 1,520,000 bushels ;
Australia, 3,800,000 bushels; North America, 5,700,000
bushels ; South America, 9,900,000 bushels.
“The statement accompanies the South American
shipment that the wheat was grown and placed on
shipboard for 37 cents a bushel, with a profit of 30 per
cent. on the money invested.”
Says another witness :
“T have calculated that the produce of five acres of
wheat can be brought from Chicago to Liverpool at
less than the cost for manuring one acre for wheat in
England” (7est¢mony oF W. J. Harris, a leading farm-
ev in Devonshire, England, before the British Commts-
ston, 1886).
Of New York State the report says :
“While increased population and wealth must have
greatly increased the demand for agricultural prod-
ucts, the estimated value of farm products of the
State of New York, which, according to the United
States census, was figured for the year 1869 at $253,-
26,153, in 1889 fell to $161,593,009. Of course this was
faree y attributable to the general fallin prices, but
this fact will hardly account for so great a loss. It
may be noted here that the ‘deserted’ farm is a mis-
nomer. Itis quite true that a large number of farm-
ers have failed agriculturally and left their property
tothe mortgagee, and there are far too many deserted
farmhouses, barns, and other outbuildings, but the
land itself has been absorbed by some more prosper-
ous farmer or business man of the neighborhood.
The land, therefore, and its empty buildings are not
to be had for the mere asking. A large portion of
this absorbed land is lying idle, and its houses and
barns are untenanted, while others are occupied by
renters on the tenant system.”
In England, the depression of agriculture is
the same. A royal commission on the subject
has been appointed, but with little hope of more
than registering the disease. Says the Satur-
day Review for September 28, 1895 :
“It is not too much to say that not Ireland, not the
unemployed, not Local Veto, but the condition of
agriculture is the great and instant problem of the
day. During the last 20 years prices have fallen so
enormously as to leave scarcely a sufficient margin
for bare livelihood. As a result, the tendency has
been continuously to throw the land out of cultivation
and to convert it into grass land. In the 20 years be-
Farmers’ Movement.
tween 1873 and 1893 no less than 1,735,631 acres were
thrown out of cultivation in England alone.... The
rents of land have been reduced within these 20 years
by amounts varying in different districts from 10 to 4o
percent.... In fine, itis manifest that tenantsare too
pt to pay even the largely reduced rents, and that
and-owners Seen 8 cannot afford to make any fur-
ther concessions without practically giving the land
away.”
Various propositions are made in England to
meet the difficulty : (1) A reduction of rent ; (2)
fair trade, if not protection ; (3) cheaper railway
rates ; (4) the institution of light railways ; (5)
amendment of the Agricultural Holdings Act ;
(6) security of tenure and arbitration ; (7) divi-
sion of rates; (8) revision of the incidence of
taxation ; (9) cooperation ; (10) bimetallism ; (11)
a bounty ; (12) an alteration of the Tithe Com-
mutation Act of 1836; (13) agricultural educa-
tion ; (14) land restoration ; (15) socialism, (For
a further discussion of English agricultural con-
ditions, see Cooperative Farmine ; Lanp; Na-
TIONALIZATION Society; LanD RESTORATION
LEAGUE.) ‘
As for the causes of the depression in the
United States, we present, first, what may be
called the conservative view, and, second, the
radical view. The report of the
above-quoted New York society, in
answer to the questions sent out in
New York State, gives the follow-
ing percentage of the principal
causes assigned: Low-price farm products, 25
per cent. ; opening of Western new land, 15
per cent. ; price of labor higher in proportion
than prices, 10 per cent. ; loss of fertility in the
soil, 8 per cent. ; scarcity of good farm labor-
ers, 4 per cent. ; unjust and unequal taxation,
4 per cent. ; want of tariff protection in farm
products, 3 per cent.; overproduction, 3 per
cent. :
Mr. G. T. Powell mentions the following causes :
(2) Ignorance of unlocking farther fertility.
(4) Rapid development of wheat production
on cheap lands.
(¢) Poor roads,
(@) Lack of social advantages.
(e) Too many acres under inferior cultivation.
(7) International causes.
‘oo many farmers, he claimed, did not intel-
ligently cultivate their land, paid little attention
to fertilizing, were not wise in selecting and
managing their crops, live stock, etc. He in-
stanced cases where the presence of agricultural
schools, experiment stations, etc., or even lec-
tures on agriculture had changed the outlook of
whole communities, turning failure into suc-
cess. Too many farmers and farmers’ families,
according to this report, leave the farm for the
city because they think they can have more
pleasure, more advantages, more fun for less
work. Sons refuse to receive a farm as a gift, if
they must work it. Mr. Powell states that some
of the causes of the depression are avoidable,
others not. He proposes as palliatives :
“Greater knowledge on the part of the farmers to
unlock further fertility in the soil and supply most
economically the loss of fertility occasioned by pro-
duction.
“More knowledge of the developments of agricul-
ture that are going on in our own and other countries,
that we may avoid certain lines of competition where-
in no profit can be derived.
‘“ Less acres better cultivated, that maximum yields
ae obtained, thereby reducing the cost of preduc-
10n.
" Causes,
610
Farmers’ Movement.
“Encouragement of forestry, that many naked,
widespread acres now unprofitable for cultivation
may again be covered, growing trees adding perma:
nent value to the land, modifying temperature and
subserving moisture.
“ Planting again the standard of the advantages and
desirabilities of country living and building up of
country homes. Ca
“More of high schools inrural communities, through
consolidation of school districts where better, educa-
tional facilities may be had and some principles of
agriculture taught.
‘ Encouragement of small land-holdings, that more
people may have homes in rural communities, thus
making possible good schools, churches, and society,
“More of organization and of the extension of the
Grange and farmers’ clubs, to study business interests
closer and to develop greater socialadvantages for all,
especially for the young. Better highways, that prod-
ucts may be moved at least cost, and schools, churches,
and social gatherings reached with greater ease.
Free rural mail delivery, that farmers and their fami-
lies may be in closer touch with the world, and have
daily knowledge of markets and values. Encourage-
ment in every way of the largest possible consumption
of all products by producing the best, and getting
them before the consumers in the most attractive
manner. Removal of the eo saloon, as its exist-
ence isa menace to moral and business welfare, and is
without excuse ina rural community. The establish-
ment of labor exchanges in country and city, that the
wants of employers and employees may be better
known over a wide territory.
“As exhaustion of soil is occasioned by production
to supply the cities’ needs, the cities’ waste in sewer-
age, garbage, etc., should be collected, manufactured,
and returned to the country for restoring in this way
the productivity of the soil.
“The establishment in every county in the State in
time of agricultural schools on farms where instruc-
tion and intelligent practice may be combined, and
where not only the sons and daughters of farmers
may receive training and more skilful work, but those
also who are inclined to go from the city to the coun-
try might be taught intelligent management, which
would result in many seeking land investment, and
the establishment of homes in the country by city
dwellers.”
Such is the conservative view. The radical
view does not deny that farmers need more edu-
cation and wiser methods, but does not admit
that this goes at all to the root of the evil. It
points out that as long as afew farmers improve
their methods more than the average this ma
give those few success by giving them an ad-
vantage above their competitors ; but that if all
farmers, or even the majority of farmers, adopt-
ed these methods, they would sim-
ply be able to produce larger quan-
tities at cheaper cost, and so prices Low Prices.
simply go down, and the farmer be
left financially no better off than
before. There can be no general improvement
for the farmer, this radical view believes, until
he gets better prices—z.¢., a better, return for
his labor. Then, when he is prosperous, he will
be able to have happy homes, good schools,
social advantages, which will keep the boys on
the farm. Even Mr. Powell says, ‘‘ Much has
been said and written about ‘ How to keep the
boysand girlson the farm.’ Let them see some
money in it, and that will solve the question,’’
Now, the main thing that has lowered prices,
according to most of the farmers of the West
and South, as above stated, is the contraction
of currency, voted, the farmers assert, by the po-
litical dictation of the gold kings of the East.
Hence the People’s Party, the political uprising
of the Farmers’ Alliance, etc. (See Contrac.
TION OF CurRENCY ; PeopLe’s Party; FAargmers’
ALLIANCE, etc.)
Nor is this the only evil. The farmers believe
Farmers’ Movement.
that dishonest legislation and dishonest office-
holders, by iniquitous laws or iniquitous viola-
tions of just laws, have allowed great railroad
corporations, foreign syndicates, favored capi-
talists, to buy up at a song, or to get free under
abuse of the Homestead Law, Desert Land
Laws (see Pusric Domain), large tracts of the
best land, for which they have often paid noth-
ing, and on them to create bonanza farms worked
with machinery. Here producing on a large
scale, and with no mortgages to meet, they are
able to raise and sell grain at prices with which
ordinary farmers cannot compete. Railroads,
too, and grain speculatorsin New York and Chi-
cago, the farmers claim, create corners in the
market, and compel the farmers to sell to them
almost at aloss. These evils the farmers be-
lieve are allowed because the farmer has little
voice in Congress. Congress is made up, they
declare, of corporation lawyers and representa-
tives of the capitalists of the East. Hence in
every way, while all farmers admit the neces-
sity of education and improved methods, and
are organizing for education in their Granges and
Farmers’ Alliances, the distinctive aim of the
recent Farmers’ Movement is to increase the cir-
culation and rescue legislation from the domina-
’ tion of the railroads and mortgage-holders who
to-day are forcing prices down, and by mort-
gage foreclosures driving the farmers to ruin.
(See Peopte’s Party ; FREE SILVER ; FARMERS’
ALLIANCE ; CONTRACTION AND EXPANSION OF Cur-
RENCY.)
References: Articles—The Farmers’ Movement, by
C. S. Walker, in the Annals of the American Academy
x Political and Soctal Science (vol. iv., p. 790); The
mbattlead Farmers, by Rev. Washington Gladden,
D.D. (The Forum, vol. x. Beats). See also S. S. King’s
Bondholders and’ Bread-Winners and Hamlin Gar-
land’s Jason Edwards. Seealso SILVER.
FARM MORTGAGES. See MorrTcGaceEs.
FARM OWNERSHIP. See MortTcacEs,
also Lanp.
FARM WAGES. See Waces.
FAUCHET, CLAUDE, was born at Dornes,
France, in 1744. For awhile court preacher for
the Louis, he lost his position owing to his radi-
cal views. At the storming of the Bastile he
took an active part, and was requested to pre-
pare a eulogy over those who fell in the attack,
and as a result produced his Dzscourse upon
French Liberty, in which the central idea was
the union of the gospel of love with the program
of the Revolution. In 1790 he was instrumental
in establishing a society or circle of the Friends
of Truth, and as an organ of the club, the
Bouche de Fer (The Iron Mouth), a paper in
which he developed his religious ideas in union
with the theories of Rousseau’s social contract.
“Unite the Gospel of Christ with the spirit of
freedom,’’ was Fauchet’s pregnant utterance,
“and our joy shall be full.”” In 1791 Fauchet
was elected constitutional Bishop of Calvados,
and sent as a representative to the Legislative
Assembly of 1792. He voted against the guillo-
tining of the king, and on account of taking this
position, and because of his landed property, he
611
Federal Government.
was brought before the revolutionary tribunal
and guillotined with the Girondists, October 31,
1793. An account of his life and views can be
found in Stegmann and Hugo’s Handbuch des
Soctalismus, article ‘‘ Fauchet.”’
FAWCETT, HENRY, son of William Faw-
cett, a magistrate of Salisbury, was born in
1833. Educated at a local school near Salis-
bury, at Queenwood College, at King’s College
School, London, and at Trinity Hall, Cam-
bridge, he was graduated there in 1856, and
subsequently chosen afellow. ' He first practised
law in London, but soon left this for political
activity. In 1858 an accident, while shooting,
left him totally blind for life. He nevertheless
lectured on finance at Oxford and Glasgow, and
elicited general attention. In 1863 he published
his chief work, A Manual of Polztical Econ-
omy, which has been much used as a text-book
of economics of the orthodox school. He was
immediately elected to the chair of Political
Economy at Cambridge. In 1865 he was elect-
ed M.P. for Brighton, which he continued to
represent till 1874. He wasa Radical of the old
school, but made his mark standing for woman
suffrage, refusing on principle to pay any but
the merest official expenses of his election, ad-
vocating the abolition of university tests, inves-
tigating the miseries of the agricultural laborer,
etc. In 1867 he married Milicent Garrett (see
below). In 1874 he was defeated for Brighton,
but returned for Hackney, and again in 1880.
The same year he became Postmaster-General
in Mr. Gladstone’s second administration, and
would have been a member of the Cabinet but
for a conscientious scruple. He introduced
many reforms into the postal system. In 1883
he was elected Lord Rector of Glasgow Univer-
sity, and received the titles of D.C.L. and
LL.D. He died at Cambridge, November 6,
1884. A strong individualist, with little origi-
nality or genius, he influenced men by the force
of his personality. His best works, besides his
Manual, are The Economic Posttion of the Lon-
don Laborer (186s); Free Trade and Protec-
tion (1878); Essays and Lectures (1872). His
Life was written by Leslie Stephen (1885).
FAWCETT, MILICENT (zée GAR-
RETT), was born in 1847, and married to
Henry Fawcett in 1867. She assisted her hus-
band in all his studies, and in 1869 published a
Political Economy for Beginners. A leader
in the woman’s suffrage movement, she has also
written many economic essays and a series of
tales illustrative of political economy.
FEDERAL COURTS. See Jupicrary.
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.—‘ Stated
broadly, so as to acquire somewhat the force of
a universal proposition,’ says Dr. John Fiske
(American Political Ideas, p. 133), ‘ the prin-
ciple of federalism is just this: That the peo-
ple of a State shall have fuil and entire con-
trol of their own domestic affairs, which directly
concern them only, and which they will natu-
rally manage with more intelligence and with
more zeal than any distinct governing body
could possibly exercise; but that, as regards
Federal Government.
matters of common concern between a group of
States, a decision shall in every case be reached,
not by brutal warfare or by weary diplomacy,
but by the systematic legislation of a central
government which represents both States and
people, and whose decisions can always be en-
forced, if necessary, by the combined physical
forces of all the States.”’
Federalism has been practised from the ear-
liest times among certain savage races, as among
some of the North American Indians, in more
developed form among the ancient German
tribes, and for certain purposes among the
Greek States, the English heptarchy, and other
peoples. It reached a still fuller development
in the old German Empire, but has been prin-
cipally developed in modern republics.
Says Mr. E. V. Robinson (Auunals of the
American Academy, vol. iii., p. 786) :
“There can be no security against despotism but
limitations upon the Government; and no effective
limitations upon the Government but such as are im-
posed by a higher power, the State, and enforced by
separate and coordinate organs of government created
by the State and participating in the action of the
general government. But this is the Federal State, a
form long considered a transition stage between the
league of States and the simple State, but now recog-
nized—in other countries at least—as the most inter-
esting and significant product of institutional develop-
ment.
‘Its importance is proved by its success. Inacen-
tury the new form has overspread the earth. 1787 in
the United States ; 1848 and 1874 in Switzerland; 1866
to 1870 in Germany ; 1867 in Canada and
Mexico; 1889 in Brazil; 189: in Austral-
asia—these dates record a progress un-
checked by reverse, unparalleled in
rapidity and extent. Federalism has suc-
ceeded in conditions the most diverse;
here knitting scattered colonies of a
kindred race into a nation equally strong and free;
there forming hostile races, tongues, and creeds into
compact and vigorous States. It is strong and flexi-
ble. No shock has severed its well-knit meshes, and
nations the most unlike move with equal freedom in
_its enveloping folds. The whole drift of the political
world is toward federalism to-day, as it was toward
feudalism in-the tenth century, and centralism in the
fifteenth. The time may not be far distant when a
centralized simple State will be as great an anachro-
nism as a mail-clad knight in a modern army.”
Of the nature and development of the chief
modern federal governments, Mr. Robinson
says (¢dem, pp. 787-790) :
‘““The Canadian Union was the work of one external
sovereignty, A congress of delegates appointed by
the provincial legislatures framed the desired consti-
tution, which was then (1867) enacted en bloc, as an
ordinary statute, by the British Parliament.
_ “In Switzerland and the United States the ordain-
ing sovereignty was one and internal. Previous to
1848 the cantons are said to have been separately
sovereign. The only central authority was the Diet,
consisting of one instructed vote from each canton.
But unanimity was not required for decision, conse-
quently a canton could be bound against its will, and
coerced by arms if it resisted—as occurred in the
Sonderbund war in 1847. Thus Laband’s conception
of the German Empire exactly fits the Switzerland of
that date ; sovereignty rested in the cantons not in-
dividually, but collectively. There were not as many
sovereignties as cantons, but one sovereignty, of
which the cantons were cobearers (Mittrdger). To
the cantons collectively the cantons individually were
subject; just as each Roman senator was subject as
an individual to the Senate as a whole. Following the
Sonderbund war a committee of the Diet arated the
new constitution; the Diet itself then revised and
passed it. When submitted to the cantons for ap-
proval, 1544 cantons accepted, 644 rejected it. The
constitution thereupon went into effect for all alike.
The sovereignty in the old confederation, therefore,
decreed the new Federal organization. No absolute-
History of
Federalism,
612
Federal Government,
ly new State was created, but a rudimentary ex-
changed for a well-developed form. i
“The same was true in America, but is not So easily
seen. The traditional view regards the individual
States as separately sovereign under the Confedera-
tion. Article 2 declares: ‘Each State retains its sov-
ereignty, freedom, and independence. - - ; But
words cannot obliterate facts. The States could not
‘retain’ what they had never possessed.
They had always been subject to a po-
lira nipetiar First to England; sec- Modern
ondly to the Continental Congress, 4 i
revolutionary body; hence de facto Federalism,
sovereign; and thirdly, under the Con-
federation each State individually was .
subject to the States collectively. In the American,
as in the Swiss Confederation, sovereignty was one
and the States were its cobearers; each as an indi-
vidual was subject to the States collectively.” This,
however, is a disputed point. See STATE RIGHTS;
CENTRALIZATION ; CONSTITUTION, etc.
He continues: . .
“In Germany, the situation was different in that th
contracting States had been and still were separately
sovereign. August 18, 1866, the North German States
provided by treaty for the founding of a Federal State
within one year, the constitution to be drafted bya
Conference of Envoys at Berlin, and passed upon bya
Reichstag elected on the basis of the Frankfort elec-
tion law. These provisions of the treaty were then
enacted by the State legislatures as State law. State
law they would have been without special enactment,
since the August treaties rested upon State authority ;
State law they had to be, if law at all, since law re-
quires a law-giver, and only the States then legally
existed. Both Reichstag and Conference therefore
rested equally on State authority. The Conference
sat December 1s, 1866, to February 7, 1867. Its draft
was submitted to the Reichstag February 24 by the
King of Prussia, in the name of. the associated govern-
ments. The Reichstag proposed amendments ; these
were accepted by the Conference. Both then _dis-
solved and disappeared. The bodies created by State
authorities had done their work, but the States were
not legally bound by it, any more than the British
Parliament was legally bound by the recommenda-
tions of the Canadian Constitutional Congress. The
States did ratify the report of their agents, and
fixed July 1, 1867, as the day for it to go into operation.
But legally they could as well have rejected it. The
lapse of the specified year would then have restored
the status quo ante August 18, 1866. If, therefore, the
criterion of the existence of a new State be the exist-
ence of a new political authority, setting a limit to
older authorities, then no new State existed prior to
the ratification of the constitution by all the States.
“Tt is indeed unquestionable that the German na-
tion already existed, z.e., that the German people:
were conscious of common interests, feelings and
aspirations. It is equally unquestionable that such
feelings could not but result in new political relations,
and that in an historical and dynamical sense, the na-
tion did, as a matter of fact, employ the States as in-
struments in the creation of a new State. But it is
generally agreed that a nationis not a State politically
organized, and a State cannot be said to give its po-
litical organization, because such organization is pre-
requisite to its being a State.”
Mr. James Bryce (The American Common-
wealth, chaps. xxix., xxx.) sums up the faults
generally charged against federal forms of gov-
ernment as:
‘7, Weakness in the conduct of foreign affairs.
“9, Weakness in home government—that is to say,
deficient authority over the component States and the
individual citizens.
‘*3. Liability to dissolution by the secession or rebel-
lion of States.
“4. Liability to division into groups and factions by
the formation of separate combinations of the com-
PQREnE States 7 é
‘5, Want of uniformity among the States i isla-
tiom ae mr pape opm aa peerage
“6. Trouble, expense, and delay due to the i-
ty of a double system of legislation and eae
tion.
Few of these dangers, he thinks,
ho
have developed in the United States. sete
He says:
Coa
Federal Government. 613
“All that can fairly be concluded from the history
of the American Union is that Federalism is obliged
by the law of its nature to leave in the hands of States
powers whose exercise may give to political contro-
versy a peculiarly dangerous form, may impede the
assertion of national authority, may even, when long-
continued exasperation has suspended or destroyed
the feeling of a common patriotism, threaten national
unity itself. Against this danger isto be set the fact
that the looser structure of a Federal government and
the scope it gives for diversities of legislation in differ-
ent parts of a country may avert sources of discord, or
prevent local discord from growing into a contest of
national magnitude.”
The merits of the federal form of government
heconsiders to be : (1) That federalism can unite
States into one government without extinguish-
ing local governments, legislatures, and patriot-
ism ; (2) thatit supplies the best means of devel-
oping a vast country ; (3) it prevents the devel-
opment of overcentralization ; (4) it interests
people in local self-government ; (5) it secures
the good administration of local affairs ; (6) it
allows of experiments in legislation ; (7) it dimin-
ishes the risk which comes from size and diver-
sity in the structure of a nation ; (8) it relieves
the national legislature of burdens which might
prove too heavy. All these advantages Mr.
Bryce holds true of the United States. (But see
Democracy. For the details of the Federal
Constitution of the United States, see ConsrTI-
TuTion. For other countries, see those coun-
tries.) :
References: Besides the books quoted, see Woodrow
Wilson’s The State. See also POLITICAL SCIENCE.
FEDERALIST, THE.—A series of 85
papers written by Hamilton, Madison, and Jay
immediately after the adoption of the United
States Constitution, and published in the /zde-
pendent Journal of New York from October,
1787, to March, 1788 ; they were then collected in
book form and called Zhe Federalist. Ham-
ilton (7.v.) wrote some two thirds of them, and
they did much to advance the cause of the Fed-
eralist Party (7.v.).
FEDERAL PARTY, THE, was the name
given, at the time of the adoption of the Consti-
tution, to those who favored the Constitution
as framed by the convention at Philadelphia of
1787. The name was later adopted by the party
developed under the lead of Alexander Hamil-
_ ton (g.v.), which favored a strong central na-
tional government, friendly relations with Great
Britain rather than with France, the fostering
of commercial interests, the assumption of the
State debts, and the chartering of a national
bank, etc. It controlled the general govern-
ment till 1801. Says Schouler (Hzstory of the
Onited States, vol. i., p. 54): ‘‘To speak logi-
cally, it was the anti-federal party that sustained
a federal plan, while the Federalist contended
for one more nearly national.’’ (For a discus-
sion of the views of the party, see CENTRALIZA-
tion; State Ricuts; Constitution ; Demo-
CRATIC-REPUBLICAN Party ; HamILton.)
FERRARA, FRANCESCO, was born in
Palermo, Sicily, in 1810, and was Professor of
Political Economy in the University of Turin
from 1849-64. In 1867 he was Italian Minister
of Finance, and at another time elected Sena-
tor. He was editor of the Gzornale dz Statzs-
Zica, 1836-48. He introduced the ideas of Carey
Feudalism.
(g.v.) into Italy, and was an influential leader
in Italian economics. (See PotiricaL Economy,
“ Ttaly.’’)
FERRARIS, CARLO FRANCESCO,
was born in 1850 at Montcalvo. He took the
degree of LL.D. at Turin, and subsequently
studied in Germany and England. He has held
several professorial and political offices, and
since 1885 has been full professor of statistics
in Padua. In 1886 and 1887 he was alsoa mem-
ber of the Italian House of Deputies.
The recent spread of German thought and
methods in economics and statistics, and their
influence upon the social policy of Italy, may
be referred in no small measure to Ferraris, as
professor, statesman, and author. (See Potiri-
cAL Economy, “‘ Italy.’’) ;
FEUDALISM (from early middle English
Se, fee, fen, feoh, medieval Latin feodum, cat-
tle, property, tribute), a social system prevalent
in one form or another in Northern and West-
ern Europe, through all the Middle Ages, ac-
cording to which land was held by its owners
as feuds or fezfs on condition of paying service
to a superior lord.
The origin of the system is uncertain. It
seems, however, to have been first developed in
Germany. Some find its origin in the Roman
custom of making grants of land to tribes on
condition of paying certain tribute or military
service. It is certainly not very different from
certain Roman forms of land ownership. (See
Lanp.) Most authorities, however, trace it to
older and more fully Germanic and perhaps
Asiatic origin—a development, it may be, of the
early forms of land tenure. (See PRIMITIVE
Prorerty.) German chiefs had their comztatus
or retinue of ‘‘ freemen’’ surrounding and serv-
ing them in peace, and especially in war. Be-
neath these were the serfs or tillers of the soil,
dependent on the freeman. It was a system of
sogiety partly separate from and eventually
iateely replacing the relation of the individual
to the State. Under feudalism the individual
placed himself or was placed as a vassal (a
word probably of Celtic origin, at first meaning
servant) under a superior. He was said to be
under commendation to him, and for the pro-
tection given by the lord he owed him odse-
gutum, or willingness toserve. Feudalism was
connected with the older Roman system of
deneficea, or the giving of property for use, but
with responsibility to the donor or heirs. From
this system grew up the ecclesiastical benefices.
Feudalism changed the denxeficza into feuda—
property held under personal allegiance, a/o-
dia being property held in fee simple. The ser-
vice paid by the vassal was service in war (serv-
vice a’hoste), the obligation to appear at his
lord’s courts (jwstztza), money payments (aw+x-
ziza),andhomage. ‘‘ Homage,” says the 7rea-
tise of Tenures, ‘‘ is the most honorable service
and most humble service of reverence that
a frank tenant may do to his lord, for when the
tenant shall make homage to his lord, he shall
be ungirt and his head uncovered, and his lord
shall sit and the tenant shall kneel before him
on both his knees and hold his hands jointly to-
gether between the hands of his lord, and shall
Feudalism.
say this: ‘I become your man, from this day
forward, of life and limb, and of earthly wor-
ship, and unto you shall be true and faithful,
and bear you faith for the tenements that I claim
to hold of you, saving the faith that I owe to
our sovereign lord the king ;’ and then the lord,
so sitting, shall kiss him.’’ The tie of feudal-
ism was thus essentially a personal tie for the
use of land. /
In one way or another came feudalism. It
grew up from the fifth to the ninth century,
when it is found somewhat fully developed in
Germany, and developing in the
adjacent countries. In Germany,
however, the different chiefs were
so independent that a centralized
feudalism never appeared. It is
. among the Normans, in Gaul, in Aragon,
through large portions of Italy, and, after the
Conquest, in England, that we find its fully de-
veloped and centralized form.
Here all land is held as belonging tothe king,
representing the whole people. He divides the
realm among his barons, to rule over ‘and de-
fend. For this they pay tribute to
the king and receive tribute from
The Feudal their retainers or vassals—the trib-
Principle. utein time of war being military
service. They in turn divide their
baronies among the lesser nobility,
and they among the freemen, each paying trib-
ute to his superior. The serfs, finally, live on
the domain of the lord of the manor (the free-
man), cultivate it, and have certain rights of
domicile and pas urage, for receipt of which
they pay service to the lord. The serf pays no
-tribute to the king, only to his liege lord ; the
liege lord pays to his superior, and so on up to
the king. This is the feudal zdea modified in
history in a thousand ways and by a thousand
special grants and privileges. The basis of the
whole system is the land tenure, which is ‘‘ the
sacramental tie of all public relations.”
The system, however, once developed, imme-
diately began to change. When the English
kings began to fightin France it became more
convenient for the Northern barons to give pay-
ments of money instead of military service ; and
the king preferred this, since it enabled him to
hire troops who would serve him more unques-
tioningly. Gradually the system of paying
money instead of service developed into the
rule. Out of this came parliaments (¢.v), first
called together to vote supplies for the king.
But out. of this came also other institutions.
Under feudalism proper the serf paid nothing
to the king directly, but only to his superior
lord. When the king wanted money, it occurred
to his councilors that he might get money by tax-
ing the serf as well as the lords. The early poll
taxes were resisted (see Peasants’ REvoLtT), but
they were collected. It was forgotten or ignored
that the serf already paid the king through the
lord ; that the serf only paid the lord because
the lord paid the king. The lords
were quite willing to have the serfs
pay the king, because then they
could claim that the king was
paid, and keep what they received ~
as their own. This developed the
landlord systemof England. Hitherto the lords
had ruled their lands, not asowners, but as rep-
Origins,
Devel-
opments,
614
Fichte, Johann Gottlieb.
resentatives of the king, and what they received
from their vassals they paid over to the king, at
least in part. They now claimed to own the
land, and kept the tribute as rev¢. ‘The king,
they said, was paid through ¢axes. Out of this
has developed modern England.
It is not claimed that the development took
this simple and conscious form ; but it explains
a large portion of what actually occurred. Un-
der feudalism the vassal did not pay both tax
and rent. His rentor service was his tax. Says
Rogers (Szx Centuries of Work and Wages,
p. 56): ‘‘ There was in the thirteenth century
no rent paid in the ordinary sense of that word.”’
Such conditions have led to two extreme views
of feudalism: the one too favorable, the other
too severe. According to one view, to which
conservatives and some socialists are inclined,
the laborer under feudalism was better off than
to-day. Every man was entitled to the use of a
little land, with et. a cottage and the right
of pasturage and of getting fuel in the manorial
woods, all on the one condition of paying a lit-
tle service or work to his lord. Each man had
a place, a lowly place indeed—a cottage, rough
and dark, with few comforts. But then the
lord did not have modern comforts, and at least
the serf was sure of his living and related by
ties often of personal regard to the lord on whose
estate he lived, and whom he could occasionally
see and know. There was no landless class,
and there was not the modern impersonal ‘‘ cash
nexus’’ and freedom, which is often a freedom
to starve.
The other view, to which liberals and indi-
vidualists: are inclined, goes to the other ex-
treme. It dwells upon the rough home and food
of the medieval serf, above all upon his-oppres-
sion by his lord. He had a place, it is true, but
a dog’s place and a dog’s life. How vastly bet-
ter off, it is said, is the working man of to-day.
(For a fuller discussion of this, see MIDDLE
Acgs.) Feudalism has gone. Serfdom disap-
pears in England after the Peasants’ Revolt
(g.v.). Feudal tenures were abolished by act
of Parliament in England in 1660; in Scotland
in 1747. In France they disappeared in the
Revolution of 1789; in Germany and Austria, -
in the Revolution of 1848-50, In each country,
showever, the system had long been modified by
political and social changes. A feudal system is
said to have early developed in China and
Japan, but to have disappeared in the former
country as early as 220 B.c., on the conquest of
the country by Siang Wang, of Tsin, or Tsin-
shi-Hwang-ti. In Japan, it endured till 1871,
when the dazmzos or barons surrendered their
lands to the Mikado. (See Japan.)
References: see MIDDLE AGES.
FIAT MONEY. See Paper Money ; Money;
GREENBACK Party.
FICHTE, JOHANN GOTTLIEB.—This
great German philosopher we consider here sim-
ply from the standpoint of social reform, he
being, according to some, the real father, and
at least the first manifestation, of the great Ger-
man movement toward socialism.
He was born at Rammenau, in Lusatia, in
1762. Evenasachild he was noted for his con-
Fichte, Johann Gottlieb.
templative spirit. At18 years of age he entered
the University of Jena, studying theology at
first, but soon relinquishing it for philosophy.
On leaving college he earned a precarious sup-
port by becoming a tutor, wandering from place
to place. In 1791 he met Kant and became a
zealous follower. In the following year he wrote
his Crétégue of all Revelation, which Kant
Hed commended. Foratime he found it very
difficult to obtain even the means of subsist-
ence ; but in 1794 he was appointed to the chair
of philosophy at Jena. At once he commenced
to expound, or, rather, to preach his system of
transcendental idealism, with the utmost zeal
and enthusiasm. He soon broke loose from
Kant, whose phildsophy was not sufficiently
idealistic for him. As he said to a friend,
“ Kant has only zzdzcated the truth, but neither
unfolded nor proved it.””’ In 1799 a groundless
charge of atheism removed him from the col-
lege ; and he took up his residence in Berlin,
still lecturing on philosophy. Six years later
he was called to the chair of philosophy at Er-
langen. It was here that his famous lectures
on The Nature of the Scholar were delivered.
The victories of Napoleon stirred all his patriot-
ism, and brought forth his fervid Addresses to
the Germans. On the restoration of peace he
was elected rector of the University of Berlin,
where he labored with his accustomed zeal and
energy to check and abolish all customs that ap-
peared to him inconsistent with the true life of
scholarship. In 1813, on the outbreak of the
war of independence, his wife offered herself as
hospital nurse, and for five months waited upon
the sick soldiers with unremitting devotion and
tenderness. She was then taken with fever,
and after a long struggle recovered only to pass
on the infection to her husband. He rapidly
sank under it, and died January 27, 1814.
In Fichte were united the profundity of a phi-
losopher, the fire of a prophet, the self-sacrifice
of a patriot, and the purity and devotion of a
saint. The fundamental notion of his philoso-
phy is the reality of the ego, which posits both
itself and the non-ego. As to his socialism, the
following quotations speak for themselves.
In his Alaterals for the Justification of the
french Revolution, he writes: ‘‘ Property can
have no other origin than labor. Whosoever
does not work has no right to obtain the means
of existence from society.’’ In 1796 he pro-
claimed ‘‘the right to property.’’ He says in
his Principles of Natural Right, ‘‘ Whoso has
not the means of living is not bound to recog-
nize or respect the property of others, seeing
that, as regards him, the principles of the social
contract have been violated. Every one should
have some property; society owes to all the
means of work, and all should work in order to
live.” In his book on The State cn Accordance
with Right (Rechtstaat), he foreshadows a col-
lective organization which would realize what
he understands by right : ‘‘ Labor and distribu-
tion should be collectively organized ; every one
should receive for a fixed amount of labor a
fixed amount of capital which would constitute
his property, according to right. Property will
thus be made universal. No person should
enjoy superfluities as long as anybody lacks
necessaries ; for the right of property in objects
615
Finance:
of luxury can have no foundation until each citi-
zen has his share in the necessaries of life.
Farmers and laborers should form partnerships,
so as to produce the most with the least possible
exertion,’’ The essential ideas of the socialism
of to-day, as regards both the notion of right
and its realization, are contained in embryo in
the foregoing lines, which were manifestly oc-
casioned by Rousseau and the eighteenth-cen-
tury philosophers, tho modified by his deep and
pietistic Christianity.
His collective works have been published by
his son (1845-6). His popular works have been
translated into English by W. Smith (1848-9).
Their titles are: The Destination of Man,
The Vocation g, the Scholar ; The Nature of
the Scholar; The Way to the Blessed Life ;
and The Characteristics of the Present Age.
His Rechtstaat was translated by A. E. Kroeger
(1868-70).
FIELDEN. See Cuicaco ANARCHISTS, last
portion of the article.
FINANCE, THE SCIENCE OF (from
medieval Latin, fimzs, an end, or payment in
settlement), is correctly used in economics for
the science of the raising, administration, and
expenditure of the revenues of a nation, state,
or city. The word finance is popularly but in-
correctly used for the discussion of the subject
of money; perhaps because, in the United
States especially, questions of revenue have
been so intimately connected with ‘those of
money.
In classic times, while there was often wise
management of the public: finances, there was
little development of theory or principles of
finance. The work of Xenophon on the rev-
enues of Athens was simply a discussion as to
how the city might derive sufficient revenue
from its own territory. He recom-
mends a state monopoly of silver
mining. The Romans developed Development.
still less theory. The first modern
development of the science was by
the German cameralists (g.v.). These often
gave good, practical advice, but still with little
system or theory, From the seventeenth cen-
tury the school of the mercantilists (g.v.) began
to have weight, and in the eighteenth century
the school of the physiocrats (g.v.). The Ger-
man cameralists discussed finance largely as a
matter of the management of domains and mo-
nopolies. The mercantilists were more for
duties, customs, and bounties. Under the in-
fluence of the physiocrats we have the develop-
ment of the idea of the zmpdt unigue, the
single tax on land. Under Adam Smith and
his followers we have the development of the
ideas of free trade and the substitution of other
taxes for custom duties. In the development
of the modern science of finance the Germans
lead. They divide the science into three parts :
1. The organization of the financial
economy; 2. Public expenditure
and the purposes for which it may Content.
be made; 3. Public revenue and
the sources from which it may be
derived. The ordinary sources of revenues
are divided into three kinds: (1) from agricul-
Finance.
tural, industrial, or commercial enterprises
(see NaTIONALISM ; MuNICIPALISM ; RAILROADS;
PostaL System; TELEGRAPH); (2) from fees ;
(3) from taxation (¢.v).
In the conduct of a State’s financial system,
Professor E. J. James (article ‘‘ Finance,’’ La-
lor’s Cyclopedia of SPolttical Sczence) finds
four main systems: 1. The German, where
all public offices are filled from the ranks of
persons who have shown their fitness by pre-
scribed tests, and after a period of probation
are appointed with a right to the office and a
salary as long as its duties are properly per-
formed; 2. The French system, where the
salaried officer, tho professionally educated,
may be removed at pleasure; 3. The Ameri-
can system, in which the salaried officer may be
removed for political reasons without any ques-
tion of fitness; 4. The voluntary system, where
officers are filled by those able and willing to
act without salary. Professor James considers
the German system, tho nominally the most
expensive, in reality the cheapest and the best.
(See REVENUE ; TAXATION.)
References: Adolph ae Finanzwissenschaft
(1877-82); C. F. Bastable’s Pudiic Finance (892). See
also TAXATION.
FIRE DEPARTMENTS.—The earliest
fire companies were composed of volunteers,
tho sometimes inducements to join were held
out by exempting them from jury duty. They
were something like social and sometimes po-
litical clubs. In New York, the firemen be-
came a power in ward politics, The paid fire
department of New York City was organized
May 4, 1865. Since then the system has spread
to all the large cities and attained remarkable
efficiency, organized usually under fire commis-
sioners. Fires are much more frequent in
America than in Europe, because of poorly
constructed houses and lack of construction laws
in America. This, however, is being changed.
Partly as a result, the American fire depart-
ments are generally thought to be much more
efficiently developed. In London, the Fire
Brigade numbers about 900. The wages have
been recently raised by the County Council, and
the efficiency greatly increased, with improved
quarters and enormously multiplied fire hy-
drants. Thecost of the department is only one
half that of New York, but fires are less frequent
than in many small American cities. The Ber-
lin force is about goo, under State control. In
Paris the force is quasi-military.
The following figures are from Census Bulle-
tin No. 100:
roe of
orce
2 Costee |te#ach
CITIES Force. Depart- aes
ment, Popu-
lation.
|
New York, N. Y............ 1,027 $1,613,296] $1.06
Chicago, Ill......02: ry] 7936 "aon La
Philadelphia, Pa...... aie 52% 625,000] 0.60
Brooklyn, INN eres 5 527 562,944| 0.70
St. Louis, Mo........ 359 277,869] 0.62
Boston, Mass.......... 677 800,000] 1.78
616
Fisheries.
ANNUAL PROPERTY LOSSES IN THE UNITED
STATES BY FIRES—1886-95-
Aggregate | Aggregate
YEARS. Property | Insurance
Loss. Loss,
$104,924,750 | $60,506,567
120,283,055 69,659,508
110,885,605 63,965,724
123,046,833 731979465,
108,9931792 65,015,465
14317043907 90,576,918
151,510,098 931511936
167544370 | 105,904)577
140,006,464 89,574,699
70,000,000
115,000,000
* Estimated. :
The figures in the above table, from 1875 to 1894 in-
clusive, are taken from the Chronicle Fire Tables.
The average annual property loss by fire in
foreign countries, compiled from Mulhall, is as
follows :
Ratio of
Average |Cost per| Insured
“COUNTRIES, Annual | Inhabi- {Property
Loss. tant. per
Cent.
BUSH ia sects veers esas $27,500,000] $0.50 ate
Belgian. nsieesicee ciesarnsians 2,600,000! 0.47 43
CanaGaivesccersiss ow vess 10,500,000 2.30 44
France .... esses seve] E5y500,000) 0.42 75
Germany.........+06 ae 31,000,000 0.67 74
Gt. Britain and Ireland.) 45,000,000 1.37 46
AA Ye. cece: ca semeins. cat vee 5,000,000] 0.17 3
Netherlands....... Suaeine 2,000,000) 0.50 a
RUSSIA is:cie pds. ete sacaierae 70,000,000} 0.85 9
Scandinavia.. 6,500,000 0.80 i
SDAIN acasacevens sees. 2,500,000) 0.15
FISHERIES.—The value of the fisheries of
the United States, according to the census of
1890, was : Product of the year 1889, $44,277,-
518 ; capital invested, $43,602,123 ; the persons
employed, 136,665 fishermen and 26,683 shore-
men. A system of profit-sharing was intro-
duced into the cod and mackerel fisheries of the
United States about 1730.
When a ship was built the builders would
take shares in it—the painter, sail-maker, rig-
ger, captain, and all who were to manit. In
trading, the whole ship was divided into 64
shares. The builder would take a large part,
the captain and mate each one share or one half
share, and so on down through the entire crew.
The chief owner was known as “‘ the ship’s hus-
band.’’ He determined the plans of the voy-
age. In fisheries, a ship would be held in five
shares. The owner held two fifths and the
crew (captain, mates, and men) held three
fifths. Profits were divided among these con-
joint owners according to the shares held. The
owner kept the ship in repairs and the whole
company paid the expenses. This custom has
only in small part been kept up—longest in the
Maine fishing smacks. To-day the fishers are
poorly paid.
In Great Britain and Ireland the value of the
fisheries reported for 1895 was £7,147,665. The
number employed, including the Channel
Islands, was 124,187. In France, the number
feat
Fisheries. 617
enrolled in cod-fishing, January 1, 1894, was
10,503, and for coast-fishing, 74,129. The value
of the fish of both kinds taken in 1893 was
$25,537,400.
FLURSCHEIM, MICHAEL, was born at
Frankfort-on-the-Main, Germany, January 27,
1844, and educated there from 1850-60. From
1860-67 he worked in banksin Frankfort, Ber-
lin and Paris. In 1867 he went to the United
States, where he worked as an importer, manu-
facturer and inventor—first in New York, and
from 1870-72 in Virginia. In 1872 he returned
to Germany, first engaged in a journalistic en-
terprise (Te American News), and in 1873 pur-
chased the Gaggenau Iron Works, which he
conducted for 15 years with great success. In
1888 the works were turned into a limited com-
pany. He introduced new industries into Ger-
many, and at one time he had taken out over
one hundred patents. In 1883 he began to de-
vote apart of his time to social reform. The
writings of Dr. Theodor Stamm and Henry
George opened a new vista. In 1884 his first
book, Auf Friedlichem Wege (By Peaceful
Means), appeared. In 1887, with the aid of a
friend, he founded the monthly, Deutsch Land,
and edited it until 1889, when it was continued
by the German Land Nationalization League
(Deutscher Bund fiir Bodenbesitz Reform), which
he had founded in 1888. Besides this society, he
was the originator of two similar societies, in
Switzerland and Holland, and in 1890 or 1891 he
became one of the vice-presidents of the Eng-
lish Land Nationalization Society. In 1886 he
published Deutschland tn 100 Jahren (Ger-
many tn a Hundred Years), a precursor of Bel-
lamy’s Looking Backward and the flood of
similar writings following in its wake. In 1889
he completed and soon published Der Eznzige
Rettungsweg (The Only Way of Salvation),
and in 1890 he wrote in English, Rent, Interest
and Wages, which appeared in 1891 (Reeves,
London). In 1894 he published Baustezne fiir
Soctal Reform (Building Stones for Social
Reform). In 1893 he went to the United States
and to Mexico, to assist in the foundation of a
cooperative colony on land nationalization prin-
ciples, because he thought a model common-
wealth to be one of the most efficient means of
propaganda. Tho a follower of Henry George
in the general idea that common land owner-
ship is the foundation-stone of social reform,
Mr. Flirscheim entirely differs from him in
most other theories, and also in regard to
George’s proposal of the single tax, which he
calls confiscation. He prefers full land na-
tionalization, with compensation of land-owners.
He considers his most important discovery is
his crisis theory, which in fact is a solution of
the social problem. It was in 1888 that he com-
pleted this theory. To state it in a few words,
he holds that the cause of commercial depres-
sion, of scarcity of work—ia fact, of the modern
social problem, is that the very rich neither con-
sume the total of their incomes nor do they in-
vest a great part of their savings in products of
work (machines, houses, steamers, etc.). They
mostly invest in spurious capital, consisting of
nothing but tribute claims that give no oppor-
tunity for work, but, on the contrary, by in-
Food Supply.
creasing the debts of the people, keep back their
purchasing power, and thus prevent this power
from keeping pace with the increasing produc-
tive power of the world, without which it must
be impossible to keep at work all producers,
for we cannot produce if we do not consume.
This spurious capital, these tribute claims, have
their foundation mainly in private land owner-
ship ; for rent is the mother of interest and com-
pound interest. As long as capital can invest
in land and thus obtain rent, it will claim inter-
est, wherever otherwise invested. When capital
can no more purchase rent, it will be offered free
of interest (of interest proper—z.e., of interest
less risk premium) to labor, as the production of
capital, when unhampered by the effects of pri-
vate land ownership, will exceed the demand,
and all who save for a rainy day and for old
age will be glad to obtain the advantage of hav-
ing their savings preserved intact for the day
when they need them.
One other reform he proposed lately, which,
tho he does not think it a fundamental one, he
judges of greatimportance. This is the nation-
alization of commerce, the doing away with all
middlemen, and effecting direct exchange of
products through a State department, that mo-
nopolizes it just as letter-delivery is monopo-
lized by another department. He desires to
restrict individualism to production where com-
petition is a stimulating element, whereas it
only produces waste in distribution. This sys-
tem would allow the introduction of another
reform which is possible in this way—a
money reform. Exchange could take place
through warrants issued by the commercial de-
partment, or checks drawn on the same, which
warrants are redeemable only in goods or ser-
vices. Metal money would become unnecessary
or could be restricted to small coins.
He has introduced the above three reform
principles into the by-laws of the Mexican col-
ony, Freeland—z.e., common land ownership,
monopolization of commerce (distribution) by
the community, and warrant money.
FOOD SUPPLY.—The science of nutrition
is yet in its infancy. The chemical standards
of nutrition have been mainly investigated by
Professor Voit and others in Germany, by Sir
Lyon Playfair in England, by Professor W. O.
Atwater, Mrs. Ellen H. Richards, and Mr. Ed-
ward Atkinson in the United States. (See ref-
erences at the end of this article.) The statis-
tics of the nutritive values of food have been
clearly presented by Professor Atwater, while
Mr. Atkinson’s invention of the Aladdin lamp
has almost revolutionized the science of cook-
ery, and is slowly coming into general prac-
tice. The following tables and account are
abridged from the tables of Professor Atwater
and the writings of Mr. Atkinson :
The animal body is a living machine, and,
like any machine, needs fuel—z.¢., food—to en-
able it to work, and also, as a machine does not,
it needs fuel to keep it alive even without work.
About one third ot the food eaten goes to main-
tain life. The main nutriments of the body are
protein,* fats, and carbohydrates. What is
* Some chemists deny that there is a substance
Srotein, but merely various provezd substances.
y
Food Supply.
called protein forms tissue (muscles, tendon, fat,
etc ), and servesasfuel. Fats form fatty tissue,
and serve as fuel. Carbohydrates are trans-
formed into fat, and serve as fuel. Alcohol
serves as fuel, but does not form tissue. Tea
and coffee do neither. The standard of nutri-
tion for a man at active but not excessive work
is 700 grams of actual nutritive and digestible
material free of water, 450 of carbohydrates or
starch, 150 of fats, 150 of protein, with such
618
Food Supply:
mineral ingredients as will be found in any
miscellaneous dietary in sufficient measure,
These elements will yield 3.520 calories, the
calorie being the amount of heat necessary to
raise one kilo or 1000 grams of water 1° C. In
order to make allowances for inevitable waste,
we may safely adopt 4000 calories as the aver-
age units of nutrition fora man at active but
not excessive work for one day.
STANDARDS FOR DAILY DIETARIES.
: Carbo- Potential
Protein. Fats. hydrates. Total. Energy.
Grams. Grams. Grams. Grams. Calortes.*
Children to 114 VOAarS.cscecestseesseeceee seveteeeereneces 28 a7 75 180 765
“ 2 “ - 55 40 200 205 1,420
“ 6-15 75 43 325 443 2,040
Aged woman. 80 50 260 390 1,860
WO MMA airs csisispuaecegrernacebesie 100 68 350 518 25475
German woman at moderate wor 92 44 400 536 2,425
man at moderate: work, i visdssss wsdversceacvves 118 156 500 674 39055
“ “hard work .. 5 145 100 450 695 31370
English ‘* ‘* moderate exercise 119 51 531 7o1 3140
“active laborer... ...... 2. 156 7t 568 795 31630
" hard-worked laborer.... 185 7 568 824 39750
American woman at light exercise.............6. 0 ...0e 80 80 300 460 24300
BS man at light exercise ..........c cece eee e scene 100 100 360 560 2,815
a se“ moderate work. 3 eieha 125 125 450 ‘oO 20
ob ae “ z 313
hard Work yyiecccasssaemses execs stays Owe 150 140 500 800 4,060
* A calorie is nearly the amount of heat required to raise two quarts of water 1° F.
PERCENTAGES OF NUTRITIVE INGREDIENTS, WATER, ETC., AND ESTIMATED POTENTIAL
ENERGY IN FOOD MATERIALS.
ae i i Calories of
EDIBLE PORTIONS OF Foon. i ae jneral..|. Potential
I Water. | Protein. Hate hydrates. | Matters. Power
in x 1b.
Beef, SIG Gia tices Suiiyatenic cies aetna sais avordieié 547 45-3 27.1 1.0 1,465
a round.. . 66.7 33-3 9-0 1.3 805
sirloin . 60.0 40.0 19.0 1.0 1,175
Mutton, sa : 45-9 54.1 38.7 0.7 1,905
e 1.8 8 :
Codfish....... : 82.6 35.8 aa a2 ee
Mackerel, average. 71.6 18.8 8.2 1. 3
Oysters, average. 87.1 +2 1.2 5 23 ae
EG OSs. x25 seis ieee 73-1 be Il.7 i 1.0 760
Corn meal.. 87.4 364 3:7 < o.7 310
Batter. oo cas 10.0 1.0 85.0 . 5 6x
Oleomargarine 10.0 0.6 84.5 = » a
Wheat, bread.. 32-7 8.9 1.9 55.5 re os
He flour. 11.6 II,r Ich 75-6 0.6 1,650
oe ete 13.0 thf L.7 71.8 1.8 1,625
tee see 13. . a
Buckwheat flour al | aa ete es a oe ae
Beans.. 13.7 23-2 2.1 57-4 3-6 1,885
nner oped 77 15.1 7-0 68.1 2.0 1,848
ees i : 14.5 Q.1 3-8 | 71.0 1.6 \ 1,650
siespanhav Srey 3 E T2.4 74 Ong 79+4 0.4 1,630
Sugar..... v 2.2 O30 | weescances 96.7 0.8 38
Potatoes.. 75°5 2.0 0.2 ae 1 ee
Turnips QI.2 1.0 0.2 és os api
Carrots... 87.9 r.0 0.2 10.1 og 38
Cabbage.. go Lg 0.2 6.2 1.2 ‘ :
Melons.. 95-2 I. 0.6 2.5 0.6 oS
Apples.. 84 OG Needaowerns sinces 14.3 9, ae
Pears.... 83 Ong Spaces auin 16.3 oe Ee
Bananas...... pute, Aa istercis vay ete aieiane sp Slap 73-1 1g 0.6 23.3 I : ae
Alcohol.
Rarer beim ws asnse wie we scecuas-va aa wisionisies ses 93 2.0 5.8 0.2
Porter and ale. 88.1 I 6.8 i
Rhine wine (red). 86.9 i : aa
French wine. aie didessavage y Wegman niesecare e's) feiss #8 A 88.3 2 33 ae
Sherry! Asaiewewinveies. seeenwauve . 70K: Mesaceoe wee 17.0 3.2 0.3
. wheat, lean meats, peas and beans.
Food Supply. 619
COST OF 3:09 CALORIES OBTAINED FROM
( DIFFERENT FOOD MATERIALS.
Suctiat6 Cts. A Ww cacevesenensene Kawase + $4.40
Potatoes at 30 cts. a bush. :
Basta oa +00
Corn meal at 3 cts. a lb... a
Flour at4cts.alb 1... 7-26
Sugar at 6cts.alb.......... aiesintte oceans ee smmas 10.4
Beef from shin and flank at qcts.alb............. 12.00
Sausage, bacon, and ham at 12-12% cts. a lb..... 12.78
Beans and peas at ro cts. a quart
Rice at 8'¢tS..a Ubi ss ceseece cae ctw
Skimmed milk at 2 cts. a quart......
Apples at 4 cts. a quart we
Butter at 35 cts. alb.........
Milk at7cts.aquart ... a
Cheese at r4 cts. a1b.... 0... eee
Vegetables at 5cts.alb.. 160... cl cece cece eee 64.50
Beef, medium fat, with r5 per cent. bone, at 1534
OS, DEF Weneererenys is ca ieRieES SeeaaG weaemes 100.00
FUG SSIAL TS. Cts yercistansiets vipnvadiars sities wisi VaR ialanteine Soho 106.50
From the above table, it is clearly evident
that suet, corn meal, and flour are, at present
prices, the cheapest kinds of food; but it must
not be supposed that the above table teaches
that we could live on single articles of food—
suet alone, for example—notwithstanding it
would furnish the necessary energy, and is
cheap. With the exception of wheat, milk,
eggs, and possibly one or two other articles, no
single food contains all the elements in the right
proportion. We need what are called nitrog-
enous foods, among which may be mentioned
We also
need energy-producing foods, among which
may be mentioned suet, butter, flour, corn
meal, potatoes, sugar, etc. Besides these, we
still need mineral matter, usually obtained in
proper amount from the meats and vegetables,
water and air, as well as flavors which make
things taste good. (
With this knowledge of the elements of nutri-
tion necessary, and of their relative economic
value, it is possible in asomewhat scientific way
to provide for the food supply of
the population. In every city and
Scientific town much food material goes to
Supplying waste for lack of time, and still
of Food. more for lack of knowledge in pre-
paring wholesome dishes. The need
is, therefore, being felt of a central
station or kitchen to prepare food on scientific
principles, and distribute it daily by sale, as
bread and milk are distributed. In several for-
eign countries, notably Germany, people's
kitchens have been established. In 1890 there
were 14 Volkskiiche in Berlin, which served
2,187,807 meals at noon, or 6000 per day, 428
to each kitchen. Eighty per cent of the meals
cost 6} cents each ; 14 per cent. cost 1} cents,
and 6 per cent. cost 33 cents. The cost of run-
ning each kitchen was $6500 per year, but the
oversight was voluntary. The 64-cent meals
contained the right proportions, and consisted of
a pint and a half of soup, and three pieces of meat
or fish weighing 640z. The dishes prepared are
mainly beans, peas, and cabbage, with meats
of different kinds. In January, 18go, an at-
tempt at the wholesale preparation of food was
begun in Boston under the direction of Mrs.
Hinman Abel. ‘‘ The Story of the New Eng-
land Kitchen”’ has been interestingly told, and
branches have been opened in Providence,
New York, and elsewhere. (See also CookING
ScHooLs. :
This i of view leads to the question of
Food Supply.
the available food supply of nations. Mr. At-
kinson, in an address before the American As-
sociation for the Advancement of
Science, at Ann Arbor, August,
1885, argued tnat the available sup- Available
ply is all but unlimited. He said: Supply
‘“The so-called law of population, of Food.
that population tends to increase
faster than the means of subsistence
has no foundation historically, practically, nor
theoretically. The Ricardian theory of rent
will have no basis whatever.’’ To support this
statement, he argued for the United States as
follows :
“The area of the Unite States, omitting Alaska, isa
trifle less than 3,000,000 square miles. In abroad and
general way we may assume that one half this area is
good arable land, or quarter good pasture land, and
one quarter forest, mountain and mining territory. If
112,500 Square miles be used for Indian corn, at 25
bushels to an acre, it would produce 1,800,000,000 bush-
els. This is largely converted into pork at the rate of
five pounds of corn to one pound of pork. Assuming
100,000,000 bushels thus converted and the rest used for
huiman or cattle food, the product of pork would be
nearly equal to 18,500,000 casks or its equivalent in bacon;
60,000,000 square miles used for wheat, at 13 bushels per
acre, yields a little over 500,000,000 bushels. Setting
aside an ample portion for seed, this gives over 80,000,-
ooo persons one barrel of flour per year ; 20,000,c00 acres
of cotton, at the wretched average of half a bale toan
acre, would yield 6,400,000 bales in a year ; 40,000 Square
miles for sheep pasturage, when the cur dog is muzzled,
could easily sustain 102,400,000 sheep, or four sheep to
the acre, which at only four pounds each would yield
as much wool as we now consume of all kinds, both
domestic and foreign; with 60,000 square miles for
pasturage, at one cow to two acres (and if to the fodder
be added a meal from the cotton, until recently almost
wasted, a cow could be supported on one acre), we
could increase our rations of milk, eggs, butter and
cheese, and still sustain 19,200,000 cows. 1a
a > ee > A 3 m
1493-1520. 5)221,160| $107,931,000 42,309,400 $54,703,000] |$o.507| 8.10!| 11.30 1492. Discovery of Ameri-
ca.
1521-1540. 5)524,656 114,205,000, 69,598,320 89,986,000]] .788] 12.60|| 11.20 1521. Cortez completes the
conquest of Mexico.
1541-1560. 413779544 90,492,900]} 160,287,040 207,240,00c|} 2.290] 36.62)| 11.50
1501-1580.)| 4,398,120 90,917,000]| 192,578,500 248,990,000] 2.739] 43-79|| 11.50 :
1581-1600.]| 447451340) 98,095,000] 269,352,700 348,254,000] 3.550] 56.76)| 11.90
160r-1620.|| 5,478,360) 113,248,000]] 271,924,700 35%)579,000|| 3-105] 49-64]! 13.00] «
1621-1640. 51336,900 I10,324,000]} 253,084,800 327,221,000|| 2.966] 47.44|| 13.40 Hs
1641~1660. 539,110 116,571,000]| 235,530,900 304,525,000]] 2.601] 41.77|| 13.80
1661-1680. 51954180) 123,084,000]| 216,691,000 280,166,000]} 2.276] 36.39|| 14.70
1681-1700. 6,921,895 143,088,000]} 219,841,700 284,240,000]| 1.986) 31.76]! 14.97 93
1701-1720. 8,243,260! 170,403,000} 228,650,800 295,629,000]| 1.735] 27-74|| 15.21 48
1721-1740.|| 12,268,440) 253,611,000|| 277,261,600 358,480,000|| 1.414] 22.60)| 15.09 -60
1741 1760.]| 15,824,230 327,116,000)| 342,812,235 443)232,000|| 1.355] 21.66/| 14.75] 1.12
1761-1780.|{ 13,313,315 275)211,000|| 419,711,820 542,658,000]| 1.972] 31-53]| 14-73 +73 a i
1781-1800.|| 11,438,970 236,464,000]! 565,235,580 730,810,000] 3.091] 49-41|| 15.09] 1.32 |1792. United States Mint
7 established. Ratio1sto1
1801-1810. 51715,627 118,152,000|] 287,469,225 371,677,000]| 3.146] 50.30], 15.61 82
1811~1820.|/ 3,679,568 76,063,000] 173,857,555 224,786,000|| 2.955] 47-25]| 15-49] 1-14[]1816. England demone-
1821-1830. 45570444 94)479,000]] 148,070,040 191,444,000|| 2.026] 32.40}| 15.80 -25|| tizes silver.
1831-1840. 6,522,913 134,841,000]| 191,758,675 247;930,000|| 1.839] 29-40] 15.76 53||1834. United States Mint
tatio changed to 16 to 1.
1841-1848.|| 14,084,091 291,144,000|| 200,732,500 259)520,000]| .8gt} 14.25]] 15.85 +40 ate Gold discovered in
8 1,789,875 37,000,000 30,164,000} 39;000,000]| 1.054] 16.85/} 15.78 +20] alifornia. Panic.
2,150,269 441450,000|} 30,164,000 39;000,000]| 877] 14.03]/ 15.70 55 . .
35270,150 67,600,000, 30,937,500 40,000,000]} .592] 9-46)! 15.46 42||1851. Gold discovered in
6,421,781 132,750,000 31,402,000 40,600,000]} 306] 4.-89)| 15.59 -51|| Australia.
74519)894 1551450,000|| 31,402,000 40,600,000]| .261) 4.18) 15.33 42
6,165,378) 127,450,000]| 31,402,000 40,600,000]] .319] 5-09]] 15.33 24 ; :
6,534,253 135,075,000 31,402,000 40,600,000]} 301] 4.8r|| 15.38 45||1858. Gold discovered in
7y140,150 147,600,000 31,440,800 40,650,000]| .275] 4-40}! 15.38 44|| Queensland.
6,4475177| 133:275;000]] 31,440,800 40,650,000] .305] 4.88/| 15.27) .34
6,029,944 124,650,000 31,440,800 40,650,000 326] 5.21|} 15.38 28 a .
6,039,619 124,850,000 31,517,600 40y750,000]| .326] 5-22)| 15-19 -24||1859. Discovery of silver
597585719 119,250,000 31,556,250 40,800,000]} «342; 5-48}| 15.29 .28|| in Nevada. :
59505)075 113,800,000 34,572,700 44,700,000]} 393] 6-28]| 15.50 -41||1861. Opening of American
: Civil War. :
5,212,406 107,750,000 344959,400 45,200,000]| .419! 6.71]) 15.35 .28||1862. Gold and silver ata
511735706 106,950,000 38,053,000 49;200,000}| | .460} = 7.36]| 15.37 1g remium in the United
5,466,375 113,000,000 391986, 700! 51,700,000]} .458] 7.31]| 15.37 46 tates. .
5,814,075 120,200,000 40,180,000 51,950,000|} .432| 6.91|| 15.44 -35|/1865. End of American
5)858,213] 121y100,000]/ — 39,252,000 50)750,000]| 419} 6.70]] 15.43] «53 ivil War.
51043094] 04,025,000]! 41,939,600 54)225,000|| .521| 8.32]| 15.57 23 |
5130719471 ¥09)725;000]| 388453900 §0,225,000]| .458] 7.32|| 15.59] -25|]1868. Valuable silver
mines opened in Col-
5,138,634 106,225,000 36,738,200} 47,500,000]| .447| 7-15|| 15.60 .26|| orado. ae
5,168,860 106,850,000]| — 39;890,000 51575,000|| .483) 7-72|| 15-57] .44|/1870-71.. Franco-Prussian
ar.
5,176,125 107,000,000 47,183,600 61,050,000|} .571| 9.12]! 15.59 -211{1871-73. Germany demon-
: etizes silver.
Gold and Silver.
662
Gold and Silver.
WORLD'S PRODUCTION OF GOLD AND SILVER FOR 400 YEARS (Continued).
COMMER-
~ SILVER || CIAL ee
WORLD’S PRODUCTION||WORLD’S PRODUCTION|| PRODUCED UE OF SIL-
fa TO ONE OF VER TO
OF GOLD, OF SILVER. GOLD: ONE OF
GOLD.
CALEN- Se Significant Historical
DAR 6°83. vents.
YEARS. . SB |eoe
a a ao |2UG
oO oO. w Aad
8 Q Boy
a @ 3 ‘ o |S.
3 3 n n to la ae
° 3 ° 6 5 9 as |Beg
© = 2 3 = | 4 S lee
4 ‘3 4 3 ° s > |det
fe > es > A | oO || 4 j>s
5 i . Scandinavian Union
1872....0- 4,818,150) $99,600,000 50,466,800} $65,250,000 $o.665) 10.47)) 15-63 49||18 onmed én a gold basis.
_ . Silver_ demonetize'
1873.40.65: 4,6531675 96,200,000 63,267,000) 81,800,000|| 850} 13-59]| 15-92 56) 1873 Sue cuted ated
P aivet tized
. emonetizi
1874...0+- 45390,031 9,750,000]] — §5;300,000 71,500,000|| 788] 12.60]) 16.17 +62//18 the Latin Union, z
826] -17|| 16. -63]/1875.. Holland suspends the
1875.2006- 41726,563 971500,000) 62,262,000} 80, 500,000) 13-17 59 3 Binage of ilver. ia
87,600, 845] 13-51|| 17.88 .05||1876. Russia suspends the
1876.. 5,016,488] 103,700,000]| 67,753,000 71600,000] 45] 13-5 7 4 éoinage of silver. .
648. 8 .711| 11.36|| 17.22] 1-52||1877. Finland adopts the
TOT 7 aes 38 55145750 I14,000,000]| 62,648,000 1,000,000 7 3 7 5 Zoid standard, :
6, +798] 32-76]| 17. 1.98||1878. United States re-
1878...... 5757625 119,000,000]|* 73,476,000) 951000,000]| «79! 7 7-94 9 turns to limited remon-
etization of cena
tion of specie
592721875 109,000,000! 74250,000 96,000,000]} 881] 14.08]] 18.40] 1.76|/1879. Resump' e
5,341,938 106,800,000 74,791,000) 96,700,000]} .g08] 14.55|| 18.05 +41 Roe in the United
4,982,625 103,000,000 78,890,000) 102,000,000] .ggo} 15-83|| 18.16 69 tates. 7
419339250 102,000,000 86,470,000) 111,800,000|| 1.096] 17-53} 18.20] .86||1882, War with Egypt.
4,614,975 953400,000) BoE 7700 115)300,000]] 1.209 ae aut 042
10,738 101,700,000 T)597,000 105,500,000]| 1.037] 76.59/} 18.57 +70 7
ee eee 108 poo Bo 91,652,000] 118,300,000] 1.094] 17-48|| 19.41| 1-26|/x885. Single gold standard
5y1274750 106,000,000]] 93,276,000 120,600,000]| 1.138] 18.19]] 20.78! 2.39 introduced in Egypt.
5,116,866 105,775,000} 96,124,000} 124,281,000]| 1.175] 18.79]| 21-13] 1-79
51330,780| I10, 197,000 roti#a7,000 140,706,000]| 1.277| 20.41]| 21.99] 1.51
519731780 123,489,000|| 120,213 155,427,700|| 1.259] 20.12]| 22.10] 1.27 . Y
749,272 118,848,700 126,095,000 163,032,000]| 1.372| 21.93]| 19.76] 4.39,|18go. Silver pee
6,320,194 130,650,000]| 137,170,900 177352)300|| 1-357 ate 20.92| 2.33 an one at gard Sl
i 21. 23-72 -34|| 1892.
7:071,146| 146,297,600|| 152,940,T00 1975740;700|| 1.352 all 37H) 3-34) /3802, 2 iver standard
in Anetra Henge.
6: . 1.27|| 26. 6.58||1893. Suspension of silver
1893....+- 7,605,909) 157)228,100|| 161,776,100} 209,165,000|} 1.330] 21.27 49 5 oO cae a Piitand Te
peal of purchasing
clause of act of 1890 in
the United States,
1894 ....- 8,780,551 181,510,100|| 165,887,700 214)481,100]| 1.182] 18.89]/ 3259] 5.22
1493-1600.|| 24,266,820] $501,640,000|| 734,125,960 $949,173,000]|$r.892| 30.25]| 11.48 +7
1601-1700.|} 29,330,445| 606,315,000||1,197,073,100| —_14547)731000]| 2.554| 40.81]/ 13.97| 2.20
1701-1800.|| 61,088,215] 1,262,805,000]|1,833,672,035 2,370,809,000]| 1.885] 30.02]| 14.97] 1.60)
1801-1848.|| 34,572,643| $714,679,000]|1,001,887,995| $1,295,357,000]|$1.812| 28.98]/ 15.69] 1.14
1849-1873.|| 133,603,284] 2,761,825,000]} 919,628,850) 1,189,015,000]| .43z| 6.88]| 15.48] 1.26
1874-1894 .|| 117,596,989] 2430,945)500||2,060,581,400| 2,664,185,800|| 1.096] 17.52]] 20.22) 18.97
1806-1894.|| 285,772,915] $5)9071449,500)|3,982,098,245| $5,148,557;800|| $.872| 13.94}| 16.65) 19.88
1493-1894.|| 400,458,396] $8,278,209, 500]|7,746,969,340] $10,016,270,800||$r.210] 19.34|| 13-95] 23-72
The table is most important in its bearing on & Bereta; according to. Herodstus _
i i i i ‘ n Greece at same period.........
cee silver question. The uniformity of the tatio In Greece in the time of Plato......... .. rto 1
own to 1873 is very marked. The lowest point In Greece it is stated by Xenophon at........ , 1 to 10
in that period was touched in 1760, when it stood
at 14.14 tor of gold, and the highest point in
1813, during the war with England, when it
stood at 16.25. Since 1873 the ratio has rapidly
ee until in March, 1894, it stood at nearly 35
OI. ’
The commercial ratio of gold to silver, from
the time of Herodotus (born 484 B.C.) down to
the year 1717, is shown in the following from the
letter of Lord Liverpool to the King of England
(see oo Laws of the United States, 1894,
P. 435):
After the plunder of gold from the Temple ‘of
Apollo, according to Menander, it was.,.... 1 to010
In the reign of Alexander the Great it was.,.. 1t0 10
In Rome, according to Pliny the Elder........ 1 to 10}
In Rome, after the tribute from the Eto-
lians .... . Diaorwinil's anya abe’ 2 Siel nin eee oe ree 1 to 10
The plunder of gold from the Gauls by Julius
Cesar reduced the proportions to........ . 1t0 7%
In the reign of Claudius, Tacitus states it at. 1 to 12}
Until the reign of Alexander Servius it con-
TBINEE Ws siece we cmoeesss.s siete es a siidtaivsiauies's sae’ X LOGS
In the reign of Constantine the Great.......... 1 t0 019
The disorders in the Roman Empire under
Arcadus and Honorius raised it to..... wsseee 1 tO 148
From which it appears that gold, unless
when depressed by sudden and unusual
Gold and Silver.
occurrences, or enhanced by a dread of
public insecurity, may be stated to have
been for upward of goo years in the pro-
663
PORTION UE os esas vain ily, fate oly avaevcisea uars aca 1 to rc OT 12
In England, in the reign of Henry III., 1216
EOPTA 72s sia's ichsiaa waleraieibin nro) maetecdidiais te ome’ 1 to 94
In England, in the reign of Edward IIL. :
1330 CO 13770. sees cent eesccce tsetse seeversee EO 12h
In England, in the reign of Henry IV.,
T4OO LO, LATA va catbisv'evsccyers.ccos Aisaveca ws aiera tian. gcpoae 1 to 104
In England, in the reign of Edward IV.,
1461.00, TAZ Poowcarss saumas vemteoeavenie «tele eens 1 to 11g
In ‘England, in the reign of Henry VIIL.,
TSTO LOG AT: sceginssn suis gees ace ts Ahh erares 9 PE ipicn Sele 1 to 11.10
In England, in the reign of Queen Eliza-
beth, 1560....... a ehalecavacore 1 torr
In England, in the reign of King James L.,
LOOS ey wie asses eaniacnen in feavas so levcrev dS Staste Sign arcaya 1 to 123
In England, in the reign of King James I.,
WHIT eie See erjsasironias ois sousiiains a xineds Wie 1 to 134
In England, ‘in the reign of Charles IL.) 166s. I
to 144
Relative proportions in China, according
to Humboldt... secisiens 2gx 05h p Meteees ad cue»
Relative proportions in Japan, according
to Humboldt
to bullion report... ....... aawiicie asiuaysteinny
Relative proportions in Madras, according
to bullion. Tepotl: 26 vas vane aneuexk dracen =
Relative proportions in Bombay, according
$6 DINON TEDOTE 43 danas as denmuniacienss v4 oe
In the China Diaries it is stated at 16 taels
of silver tox tael of gold of 100 touch of
pure gold. If it is meant to be of pure
Silver also, the proportion would be 1 to
16; but it is believed to be the average
“aaa of silver in dollars, which would
Cosverecrstscnee tee
Gold and Silver.
1 to 12h
1 to 8}
1 to 14.86
1 to 133
1to15
1 to 14.296
The following is the London price of silver
per ounce sterling from 1833-95 (Statzstzcal Ab-
In England, in the reign of George I., 1717.. 1 to 15$ stract of the United States, 1895, p. 42):
Value Value
‘¢ a a oF a é
igh-| Aver-| Fine | Com- High- | Aver- ine om-
CALENDAR Co est age Ounce | mer- Calendar eons est age Ounce | mer-
YEAR. tion, |Quota-|Quota-Jat Ave-| cial Vear. tion, |Quota-/Quota-|at Ave-|_ cial
tion. | tion. rage | Ratio, tion, tion. rage | Ratio.
Quota- Quota-
tion. tion,
Pence. | Pence.| Pence.|Dollars. Pence.| Pence.| Pence. | Dollars.
58% 59% 59x68 1.297 15-93 60} 6154 617 1.338 15.44
59% 60% 5948 1.313 15-73 6036 6244 616 1.339 15-43
59% | 60 50g | 1-308 15.80 60% | 614 | 60% | 1.328 15-57
59% 603% 60 1.315 15-72 60% 61% 6ohg 1.326 15.59
59 60% | sos | 1.305 15.83 60 6x Gof | 1.325 15.60
59% 60% 59% 1.304 15.85 60 60% Gok, | 1.328 15.57
60 60% 6034 1.323 15.62 60%, 61 60f 1.326 15.57
6014 603% 603% ¥-923 15.62 59% 61% Go | 1-322 15.63
59% | 6096 | Goyg | 1.316 15.70 57% | sok8 | sot 1.298 15-92
59% | 60 s9vs | 2-303 15.87 574 | 50% | 585 | 1-278 16.17
59 50% 59¥5 1.297 15-93 5st 5756 56% | 1-246 16.59
59% 59% | 50% 1.304 15.85 40% 58% 5234 | 1.156 17.88
58% 59% 50% 1.298 15.92 5344 58% 5438 1,201 17.22
59 7% | Sfx | 1-30 15.90 4ot 554 | 52g, | 152 17-04
58% 60% 5048 1.308 15.80 48% 53% 51¢ 1.123 18.40
58% 60 59% 1.304 15.85 51% 52% 52 1.145 18.05,
59% 60 593% 1.309 15.78 50% 52% Sits 1.138 18.16
59% 61% Ory, 1.316 15.70 50 52% 5148 1.136 18.19
60 61% 6r 1.337 15-46 50 sissy 505% 1.11 18.64
50% 61% 60% 1.326 15-59 40+ 513% 5034 1.113 18.57
6c5% 61% 61% 1.348 15-33 464 50 48y% 1.0645 19.41
60% 61% 614 1.348 15-33 42 47 4594 9946 20.78
60 61% 6118 1.344 15.38 43 47% 4456 97823 21.13
Gog | 624 6rfgy | 1.344 15.38 41% | 44re | 42% -93897 | 21.99
61 62% 6134 1.353 15-27 42 44% ark 93512 22.10
60% | 61% | 6rfs | 1.344 15.38 43% | 5456 | 473q | 1-04633 | 19.76
613% 62% beta 1.36 15.19 436 48% 45¢3 -98782 | 20.92
61% 62% 6146 1,352 15.29 37% 43% 3034 87106 | 23.72
60% 61% 60r3 1.333 15.50 30% 3834 353% -78031 26 49
6r 6234 61x68 1.346 15.35 27 3134 28% -63479 | 32.56
6x 61% | 6198 | 1-345 | 15.37 27%5 | 31% | ao | -65406 | 31.60
605% 624% 61% 1.345 15.37
The following is the
1879, Pp. 249) :
currency price of goldin the New York market (American Almanac,”
MONTHS.| 1862. | 1863. | 1864. | 1865. | 1866. | 1867. | 1868. | 1869. | 1870. | 1877. | 1872. | 1873. | 1874. | 1875. | 1876. | 1877. | 1878.
anuary.| 102.5 | 145.1 | 155-5 | 216.2 | r40.1 | 134.6 | 138.5 | 135.6 | r2z.3 | r10.7 | 109.1 | 112.7 | 111-4 | 112.5 | 112.8 | 106.2 | ro2.r
Roe os ‘ae 16005 ee 205.5 | 138.4 | 137-4 | 141.4 | 134-4 ] 119.5 | 111.5 | I10.3 | TI4.1 | 112.3 | 114-5 | 113-4 mae loz.
March...} 101.8 | 154.5 | 162-9 | 173-8 | 130.5 | 135. | 139.5 | 131-3 | rx2-6 | rrr. | rz0.1 | 115.5 | 112.1 | 115.5 | 114.3 To: 1OI.4
April....] 101.5 | 151.5 | 172-7 | 148.5 | 127.3 | 135-6 | 138.7 | 132.9 | 113.1 | 110.6 | r1z.1 | 117.8 | 113.4 | 114.8 | 113.2 | 106.2 200
AY woes. 103.3 | 148.9 | 176.3 | 135-6 | 131-8 | 137. | 139-6 | 139.2 | 114.7 ) 113.5 | 113-7 | 117.7 | 112.4 | 115.8 | 112.7 | 106.5 Too
une.....] 106.5 | 144.5 | 210.7 | 140.1 | 148.7 | 137-5 | 140.1 | 138.1 | 112.9 | 112.4 | 113.9 | 116.5 | 111.3 ] 117. | T1T.9 | 105.5 oe
uly.... | 115.5 | 130.6 | 258.1 | 142.1 | 151.6 | 139.4 | 142.7 | 136.1 | 116.8 | r12.4 | 114.3 | 115-7 | 110. | 114.8] 111.8 | 105.6 10018
August..} rrq.5 | 125.8 | 254-1 | 143-5 | 148.7 | 140.8 | 145.5 | 134.2 | 1147.9 | 112.4 | 114.4 | 115.4 | 109.7 | 113.5 | 110.8 | 104.6 | 100.
Sept ....| 118.5 | 134.2 | 222.5 | 143-9 ) 145-5 | 143-4 | 143-6 | 136.8 | 114.8 | 114.5 | 113.5 | 112.7 | 109.7 | 115.8 | 109.7 | 103.5 | 100.3
‘October.| 128.5 | 147.7 | 207-2 | 145-5 | 148.3 | 143-5 | 137-1 | 130.2 | 112.8 | 113.2 | 113.2 | 108.9 | tro, | 116.5 | 110.7 | 102.9 | 100.3
Nov.. 131.1 | 148. | 233-5 | 147- 143-8 | 139-6 | 134.4 | 126.2 | r11.4 | 111.2 | 112.9 | 108.6 | 110.9 | 115.2 | 109.1 | 102.9 100.3
Dec...... 132.3 [151+ | 227-5 146.2 | 136.7 | 134.8 | 135.2 | 121.5 | 110.7 | 109.3 | rx2.2 | 110. | 112-7 | 113.9 | 108. | 102.7 | 109.3
Average : as
for year..| 113.3 | 145-2 | 203-3 | 157-3 | 140-9 138.2 | 139.7 | 133. | 114.9 | rx3.7 | 112.4 | 113.8 | Txr.2 | 115.1 | 111.5 | 104.7 “9
¢
Gold and Silver. 664 : Gold and Silver.
The following is the product of gold and silver from mines in the United States from 1845-94
(Statzstical Abstract, 1895, p. 40) : ‘
PRODUCT OF GOLD AND SILVER FROM MINES IN THE UNITED STATES, FROM 1845 TO 1894.
GOLD SILVER.
CALENDAR YEAR.
f mmercial Coinin:
Fine Ounces. Value. Fine Ounces. Co Value. an Valuc”
seiiemans te 48,778 $1,008,327 38,672 $50,196 $50,000
559116 351391357 38,672 59274 50,000
43,009 889,085 38,672 50,583 50,000
483,750 10,000,000 > 38,672 50.428 50,000
1,935,000 40,000,000 38,672 50,622 50,000
2,418,750 50,000,000 38,672 50,892 50,000
2,660,625, 55,000,000 38,672 515704 50,000
2,902,500 » 60,000,000 38,672 515279 50,000
39144375 65,000,000 38,672 52)13° 50,000
2,902,500 60,000,000 38,672 52,130 50,000
2,660,025 55y000,000 38,672 515985 50,000
2,660,625 553000,000 38,672 51,985 50,000
2,660,625 55)CO0,000 38,672 521333 50,000
2,419,000 50,000,000 386,720 519,752 500,000
2,419,000 50,000,000 77,344 105,188 100,000
2,225,250 ~ 46,000,000 116,016 156,832 150,000
2,080,125 43,000,000 1,547,000 2,062,151 2,000,000
1,896, 300 391200,000 31480,000 4,683,880 . 4500,000
1,935,000 40,000,000 6,574,220 8,842,326 8,500,000
2)230,100 46,100,000 8,510,000 11,445,950 11,000,000
215745759 531225,000 8,701,200 11,642,206 11,250,000
24588,062 531500,000 757341400 10,356,362 10,000,000
2,502,197 514725,000 10,441,000 13,865,648 131500,000
2,322,000 48,000,000 9,281,250 12,306,938 12,000,000
253704375 491500,000 9,281,250 12,297,656 12,000,000
2,418,750 50,000,000 13,000,000 17,264,000 16,000,000
2,104,300 431500,000 17,789,000 23,588,274 | Been oee
14741500 36,000,000 22,244,100 29,406,700 28,750,000
15741,500 36,000,000 27,650,000 35x750,000 351750,000
1,620,563 331500,000 28,849,000 36,869,000 371300,000
1,615,725 33)400,000 24,518,000 30,549,000 31,700,000
1,930,162 39,900,000 30,009,000 3416090,000 38,800,000
2,268,788 46,900,000 30,783,000 36,970,000 | 39,800,000
2,476,800 51,200,000 34,960,000 40,270,000 451,200,000
1,881,787 38,900,000 31,550,000 351430,000 40,800,000
1,741,500 36,000,000 30,320,000 34)720,000 391200,000
1,678,612 34,700,000 331260,000 371850,000 43,000,000
145725187 32,500,000 36,200,000 41,120,009 46,800,000
14451,250 30,000,000 351730;000 39)660,000 46,200,000
1,489,950 30,800,000 37,800,000 42,070,000 48,800,000
2,538,325 31,800,000 39,910,000 42,500,000 51,600,000
1,693,125 35;000,000 391440,000 39)230,000 51,000,000
15965375 331000,000 41,200,000 40,410,000 539350;000
1,604,841 339175000 45,780,000 43,020,000 59) 195,000
1,587,000 32,800,000 50,000,000 46,750,000 64,646,000
1,588,880 32,845,000 541500,000 575225,000 704465 ,000
1,604,840 331175)000 58,330,000 571630,000 751417000
1,596,375 331000,000 63,500,000 551563,000 82,101,000
s+] 147391323 3519551000 60,000,000 46,800,000 771576,000
ne 1,910,813 39,500,000 49,500,000 3%)422,000 | }4000,000
q
R. W. Raymond, United States Commissioner estimates for the first period as insignificant,
of Mining Statistics, estimates the gold mined and for the second period at $250,000.
from 1792 to July 31, 1834, at $14,000,000, and The following table shows the production of
from that date to 1845 at $7,500,000. Silverhe gold and silver by States and by counties :
SOURCES OF THE SILVER PRODUCT OF THE UNITED STATES IN 1893.
FINE OUNCES SILVER IN—
a
STATE OR TERRITORY. Total
UW: ill-
Q ane ag Mail) Lead Ores. Copper Ores. :
a
ATI ZONE cs siaiccaie ti eatnsinsuins wainauartareniietwels, . 8
California. ea Te ae a ‘ oe | mee ae
Colorado .. 11,627,400 12,660,900 1,550,300 25 838,600
tae Os ee 1,035,000 2,884,600 | eaee vee 31919,600
aie ag 9,016,900 2,427,200 51500,900 16,945,000
events ifs ee bee apiece ae 1,561,300
4 * ‘I 06, 300 we eweeee 459,400
Wea beias ate - 1,800,000 5,146,300 350,000 , 74196, 300
Ssdigia bn isteiet gnats Gb Gare nla race ave diate aysinits ciate. eid Series 300,000 300,000 74,000 7 4000
DU sc staancmaes 5 deinen fe arenginn's wee Gs 27,641,100 24,713,100 7:645,800 60,000,000
Gold and Silver. 665
From an examination of the above table it will be
seen that of the 60,000,000 ounces of silver produced in
the United States during the calendar year 1893, about
27,600,000 ounces were extracted from milling ores—
that is, silver ores proper—while 24,700,000 ounces came
from lead ores, and 7,600,000 ounces from copper ores.
It would appear, therefore, that less than one half of
Gold and Silver.
the silver product of the United States is derived from
mines producing silver ores proper, and that consider-
ably more than one half of the entire silver output of
the United States is an incidental product from the
smelting of lead and copper ores, altho this incidental
product is frequently more valuable than the other
metals contained.
STATEMENT OF DEPOSITS AT MINTS AND A
PRODUCED IN THE SEVERAL STATE
SSAY OFFICES OF THE GOLD AND SILVER
S FROM 1793 TO DECEMBER 31, 1894.
LocaLiry. Gold. Silver. Total.
Alabama...........665 66 Biel deieae a eialarnleyacan’ geawigg $246,356.98 $253.75 $246,610.73
Alaska .. 1.483,536.88 15,529.64 1,499,066. 52
Arizona.. 6,951,793-19 14,085,175 .88 21,036,969 .07
California 767,568,763.99 45241,156.90 771,809,920.89
Colorado. 68, 246,222.38 24,800,914.45 9310475136 .83
Georgia. Q1210,074.50 6,851.56 91216,926 .06
Idaho. aoe 35)201,629.69 1,960,383 .64 37)162,013.33
Maine.... 6,311.06 22.90 1333-90
Maryland 175578.38 40.91 17,619.29
Michigan... 418,294.12 4,063,354 04. 4,481,648. 16
Missouri ... 96.71 359-1 455.82
Montana.... 73490) 543-57 21,982,919 05 9514731462.62
Nebraska. . 1,921-79 273,226.13 275,147.92
Nevada....... o 33,678,267.56 104,191,259 .88 137,86G 527-44
New Hampshire 481.34 z.75 _ 483.09
New Mexico. eae 6,080,775.90 7959,250.52 13,140,026 .42
North Carolina. 11,773;222-35 66,441.54 11,839, 663.89
Oregon.......-.66 21,999,696.50 94,499-95 22,094,196.45
South Carolina 2,319,436-73 31969 .82 25323,406.55
South Dakota 50,923,627.71 1,051,824.45 51,975,452 -10
Tennessee.. 107,177.22 14-15 107,191.37
Texas....... 7,910.56 3)447-01 11,357+57
Utah ... 1,4775262.74 19,920,438.78 21y397)701.52
Vermont 78,647.87 84.65, 78,732+52
Virginia .. 1,760,135.87 438.02 1,760,573 .89
Washington 927,925.42 12,959.31 940,884.73
Wisconsin 325-73 7.02 332-75
Wyoming.. a 848,335.02 13,060.55 861,395.57
QOUDEM SOMTCES a. sis isscsare cisieia erste aisiedraienjon na see Salaried s 41,943,089.28 42,908,216.05 84,851, 303-33
Total unhe fined sence sk Peaswcadn weaewanwenuiiee $1,136,769,441.04 $246,756,101.41 $x,383,5251542-45
Refined! Dullion: se ccisivewe cs acaiaairrie aa.oe Hanis
450,641,481.96
526,943,607. 40 97715851089 . 36
$1,587,410,923.00
oe)
I $2,361,110,631.81
$773)699,708.
The following table shows the relative varia-
tions in wages and prices as measured in cur-
tency gold and silver from 1840-92. It is taken
from George B. Waldron’s Handbook on Cur-
rency and Wealth, pp. 82, 83. Mr. Waldron
says:
“The figures are compiled from the results of the
special Senate committee investigation, transmitted to
the Senate March 3, 1893. The investigation was made
by a sub-committee on tariff, with Nelson W. Aldrich
as chairman.
“The comparative percentages on prices are based
on quotations of wholesale prices of 223 articles, cover-
ing the period from 1860 to 1892, and of 85 articles cov-
ering the whole period from 1840. In most cases these
were actual prices paid during the month of January,
and not average prices for the year. In a few in-
stances, when the January price is not the typical
price for the year, the quotations for another month
are taken; potatoes, for example, being quoted for
October. All these quotations of the 223 articles were
reduced to relative percentages with 1860 as roo.
“Tt would be manifestly unfair to give equal weight
to all the quotations and strike a general average for
each year, so the attempt was made to give each quo-
tation the weight it would have in the expenditures of
the average family. The basis taken was the investi-
gations of the Commissioner of Labor, reported in the
seventh annual report (1891), in which the average ex-
porches of 2561 normal families are found to be as
ollows :
“Rent, 15.06 per cent.; food, 41.03; fuel, 5.00; cloth-
ing, 15.31 ; light, 0.90; all other purposes, 22.70; total,
100.00 per cent. i
“ Of the 84.94 per cent. (excluding rent) of the expen-
ditures of the average family, it was found that the
quotations of prices covered 68.60 per cent. Giving
to each article the exact weight that it would have in
the expenditures of the average normal family, the
committee obtained the results given in the first col-
umn of prices in the table.
“The method pursued is probably as accurate as
any that could be followed. Certain assumptions,
however, should be noted. It is assumed that family
expenses follow the same proportions in 1840 and 1860
that obtained in 1891. This assumption was necessary
from the fact that no earlier investigations of family
expenditures were made. Quotations of prices are
given always at wholesale, and the assumption is that
retail prices have varied in the sameratio. In general
this is probably true, but in particular articles and for
particular periods this would not be true. Butinspite
of these assumptions, the investigation is probably the
most reliable ever made.
“These prices and percentages are all on a cur-
rency basis. This would be the same asthe gold ba-
sis, except for the years from 1862 to 1878. The second
column of prices shows what the variations were
on a gold basis at the average price of currency for
January of each of these years as given on pages 69
and 70.
“For purposes of further comparison we have added
the relative prices in silver from quotations of the
January price of silver in London (which is always the
governing price), furnished us from the Treasury De-
partment at Washington. Prices measured in silver
were at 94.9 in 1860, as shown by the table, and did not
rise to par until after 1873, since which time they have
been steadily rising.
‘‘A similar plan was followed by the committee in
securing the relative wagesfor the period. Quotations
of day wages were obtained, of which 6: series begin
as early as 1840, and 543 cover the period from 1860.
These quotations, as in the investigation on prices,
were reduced to percentages with 1860 as 100, and the
Gold and Silver.
RELATIVE PRICES AND WAGES IN CURREN-
CY, GOLD, AND SILVER—1840 TO 1892.
(All figures are in ee with the year 1860 as
Ioo.
RELATIVE RELATIVE
PRICES IN— WAGES IN—
YEAR—JANUARY.
Car- iy. | Cur- il-
ren- |Gold. ae ren- |Gold. =
cy. “| ey. ,
95-4 82.5 80.6
95-8 799 78.6
89.1 84.1 83.2
83.7 83.0 82.5
84.5 83. 82.7
87.8 85.7 85.3
94-8 80.1 83.7
93-2 91-3 80.4
88.0 gt.6 91-3
82.5 90-5 89.4
88.1 92.9 80.8
a QL.I 87.2
91.8 87.9
93-2 89.6
95.8 91-7
97-5 93-4
98.0 94-7
99-2 94.0
97-9 93-9
99-7 95:0
100.0 94.9
100.7 96.9
103.7| 10.2] 97.4
118.8) 81.9] 78.3
134.0] 86.2) 82.
148.6] 68.7} 65.8
155-6] 111.1] 106.4
164.0] 121.8] "118.0
164.9] 119-1] 115.9
167.4] 123-5] 119.9
10 167.1] 136.9] 133.2
9 166.4] 150.3) 146.4
+4 167.1] 153-2] 148.4
“5 166.1] 147-4] 142.9
-6 162.5] 145.9] 146.5
6) 158.0] 140.4] 143.9
oF 151.4] 134-2| 142.6
+0 143.8] 135-4] 138.7
+2 140.9| 139.0] 152.5
139-4 163-4
143-0 160.7
150.7 173-3
3 152.9 173-5
125-0 159-2 186.8
I1g-0| 155-1 179.8
. 155-9 185.0
. 155.8 196.6
IIg.0 1566 197.2
127.9 157-9 209.9
136.6 162.9 225.8
. 124.2 168.2 222.9
9 “i . 168.6 207.
1891, October...... 92.8 122.8 168.4 aisG
1892, October...... OL-7 138.9 166.0 251-4
IB4O-4Qe eee receaees 90.6 89.5 86.1 85.2
1850-59... 104.7 100.6 95-5 91.7
1860-69. 151.4 | 110.0] 105.0] 135.8] ror.4] 97.5
1870-79. 123-7 | 112.3) 114.9] 156.3 | x42.2 145.9
1880-89. ie 100.8 122.3 155.0 188.9
1890-92..... 0000s eee 93-2 125.5 167.8 224.4
yearly percentages averaged for each of the 17 general
industries represented. The different census epaets
from 1840 to 1880 showed the number of persons em-
666
‘the whole, unprofitable; but every
Gold and Silver.
fa ne Giving
‘ach industry the weight indicated by the relative
panies of persona employed in that industry, the
committee secured the relative wages for each year
of the whole period, as given in the first column of
relative wages. The columns of wages in gold and
in silver were obtained as in the similar columns of
prices. . " :
“ One caution should be given in passing. The rela-
tive wages given are of persons actually employed,
and necessarily make no account of the varying num-
ber of the unemployed or of those partially employed
hi we
during the year. See WAGES.
“Gold and silver’’ are considered in the same
connection by Richard P. Rothwell in the vol-
ume on Mineral Industrzes of the census of
1890, beginning with page 33. According to
this article, ‘‘the number of gold and sil-
ver ‘claims,’ or ‘locations,’ commonly called
‘mines,’ in the United States is practically be-
yond computation. The names of nearly 100,-
ooo of such claims or mines were received by
the Census Office.’’ But of these only 6004
were finally tabulated as being of sufficient im-
portance to be classed as mines. The relative
aoe of these is shown by the following
table : .
ployed in each industry by periods of 10 years.
GOLD AND SILVER MINES—CENSUS OF 1890.
(Mineral Industrtes, p. 35.)
Per Cent. of
MINES. Number.| Producing
Mines.
Producing over $500,000 bul-
lion....... aisigia iota. bi sia-aie 28 0.75
Producing from $250,000 to
5SOO;OO0 a ne eee cece snecercceces 44 1.18
Producing from $100,000 to
250,000... 107 2.87
Producing from
O00. secre eee ee eeeeee eens 2 95 2.55
Producing from $10,000 to $50,-
O00. eres 437 | 1172
Producing
ee eee 1,408 37-76
Producing less than $1,000 1,610 43-17
Total producing mines....] 3,729 100.00
Mines reported working, but
not producing............ .. 1,009 aaron
Mines reported idle,.... 1,266 einai
Total number of mines
TEPOTte s hessaces ceweweses 6,004 oeonee
Speaking of the influences which affect the
production and relative values of gold and sil-
ver, the report says (p. 118) :
“The production of gold and silver.in the United
States is coming more and more from the treatment of
the gold-bearing ores of other metals, and-less from
strictly gold and silver ores. The industry is becom-
ing year by year more of a regular non-speculative
manufacturing business, in which ‘finds’ and bonan-
zas have less and less influence, and it is, therefore,
certain to increase with a steady and healthy growth.
Investments in precious metal mines still continue to
be made as ‘gambles,’ and consequently are still, on
€ year diminishes
this unhealthy characteristic of mining, and brings the
industry more into the category of legitimate indus-
trial enterprises, where investments are made with
the same precautions as in other classes of business.
and moderate profits are sought as the reward o
steady industry, while the class of ‘millionaires of a
day’ is disappearing. At the present time about 134,-
ooo tons, or 72 per cent. of the entire output of lead, is
silver-bearing or silver-and-gold bearing, and is ‘de-
silverized’ before marketing, while nearly all the cop-
per produced in Montana, amounting in 1889 to about
Gold and Silver.
109,000,000 Ibs., and nearly all that mined in Cali-
fornia, Colorado, Nevada, Utah, and other Western
States, except in some of the Arizona copper mines,
carries silver and gold. ...
“The progress in metallurgy is, however, adding still
more rapidly to the production of silver than that of
gold, so that while the output of gold will probably in-
crease in the future, that of silver, a much more abun-
dant metal in nature, will undoubtedly increase still
more rapidly.”
Of the capital and expenditures of these mines
the report says (AZzneral Industries, p. 34):
VALUE OF MINING PLANT.
Buildings........ i Wn euaiaiasniaiors, aibaTaie ¥ RaNce Galt oeeetie $7,565,918
Railroads on surface 1,475,074
Machinery........ diecleawiaien eer 14,985,215
Underground improvements. 951806, 648
Mine supplies.......... sisth ot 35919)48c
Cash.esereesees we 3 4,112,810
Value of Mines*...., see 338,094,827
Total... Sty sae: Gpteacsins ang ase bes aipste a $465,960, 566
MILLS AND REDUCING WORKS,
Buildings... $5,685, 562
Machinery. 13456,938
Supplies......... 1y220,272
Total sxe scautyawieneesannie cena reeiss sates eveeve $20,362,772
Mines and works..............08 sence ees $486, 323,338
EXPENDITURES,
Total wages Paid; i. cceccicsresecease sendaenees $40,412,022
Paid to contractors . see 1,421,303
Paid to office force............ 153479373
Total sess + $43,180,696
Value of supplies... 13,817,739
Other expenditures. ............. ccsseeseeoee 6,452,70%
Grand :tota lessen wieeieraisimewe viieasakeawealnes $63,451,136
PRODUCTION OF BULLION.
BON d csowiwvns ex egeeenaea 49 AareTasatess save er seeeee $32,886,744
DilvVertiasss vs eens ibtecosai shea Hak) HasieAess + 66,396,988
TOCA sicsisssceveraveinse wins ipeteieiete boka Mook discussie teieinete $99,283,744
Net production over expenditures........ +++ $35,832,608
Of the employees, wages, days employed, etc.,
it says (AZzneral Industries, p. 34) :
. ey Hw tu
og 2 Lo ®
be | So. lofa | Ha
ag Sng |MAg .| tu 2
EMPLOYEES. Ba | 328 Snot Boo
s > OPO] > yr
g 8 BO 3
4q /“E laa) <5
Grand total.......... 571307 $729
Above ground, total... 22,025] $2.77 192 | $53r
Foremen or over-
BOETS rencanh tae awica as 1,585} $4.04 216 $873
Mechanics. ee 3)273| 3-67 244 805
Laborers, ...........5 17,085] 2.51 195 489
Boys under 16 years
of age ..... 2... eee ee 82| 1.16 199 231
Below ground, total...] 34,409 $3.08 237 $730
1,352] $4.16 238 | $990
23,144| 3.12 236 736
39870] 2.46 244 600
Boys under 16 years
Of age.......... eee 43] 1.52 208 314
Office force......... -- 873 $14544
Males ... ... 848]... $1,575
Females.... 25) eres aan
* Exclusive of the otheritems. + Coinage value.
667
Gold and Silver.
As to the cost of producing gold and silver,
the report says (p. 119):
_ “When the enormous amounts of money actually
invested in unprofitable mines and mills are con-
sidered, some of which are strictly legitimate and
honest, while some have been ‘ salted’ or sold on false
representations, it is easy to recognize the heavy off-
set to the great profits of the few large producers and
to believe that the average cost of all the gold pro-
duced is more than $20.67 per ounce troy, and that of
silver is more than say $1 per troy ounce.”
Some idea of the immense profits from favor-
able mines may be obtained from the workings of
the famous Comstock Lode, in Storey Co., Nev.
‘(In a paper by Alfred Doten, of Virginia City, Nev.,
in the report of the Director of the Mint for 1892, be-
ginning ee 1so, it is shown that from the dis-
covery of the Comstock Lode, in February, 1859, down
to 1892, the total production of gold was $141,986,344.
and of silver $198,877,548, making an aggregate of
$340,863,892, of which 41.65 per cent. was gold and 58.35
per cent, silver. To this should be added $13,173,947,
extracted from the tailings or residue of the ore re-
duced in the mills, making a total of $354,037,830 pro-
duced from these mines in 34 years. The yield of tail-
pea about 66% per cent. ot silver to 3334 per cent. of
gold.
“For a number of years the companies have been
obliged to give sworn quarterly statements to the tax
collectors, giving the gross yield of metal less the cost
of extraction, reduction, etc. Mr. Doten gives figures
from these tax returns, showing that for the 10 years,
from 1871 to 1880, there was produced $192,174,307 in
gold and silver, or 56.4 per cent. of the total product of
these mines down to 1892. The total cost of mining and
reducing this was $99,579,955, leaving a prone of $92,-
594.352, OF 488 cents for every $1 produced.
eRe best six years were from 1873 to 1878, when the
mines produced $157,555,878, with a profit of $83,895,885,
or 53% cents on every $1 produced. The largest yield
for any one year was $36,301,537 in 1877, on which the
Bronte were $21,872,866, or 6044 cents on every $1 pro-
uced.
“Since 1880 the yield has averaged $3,326,100 per
year, and the average profits have been 6} cents per
dollar produced. .
“On all the mines of the lode, from the beginning of
work down to January 1, 1893, the total dividends de-
clared have been $134,066,780. Against this are $52,-
478,235 in assessments, leaving a net gain of $81,588,545.
The great bonanza represented by the Consolidated
Virginia, the California and the Consolidated Califor-
nia and Virginia has declared $85,170,000 in dividends,
against $2,667,900 in assessments. ‘
‘‘On the other hand, the Sierra Nevada mine shows
assessments of $6,476,920, against $102,500 in dividends.
The stockholders of the Bullion Mine have paid $2,-
957,000 in assessments, upon which the mine has been
worked for 30 years without producing an ounce of
bullion or a pound of pay ore.’
We close this article with some statistics bear-
ing on the amount of gold and silver in the
world. According to the report of the Director
of the Mint for 1894, the amount of gold in the
world used as money was $3,901,900,000 ; the
amount of silver, $3,931,100,000. Of the latter
amount, $854,000,000 was in countries using
silver only. Professor Taussig (Zhe Szlver
Situation tn the United States) shows that
the geologists think the amount of silver pro-
duction cannot increase much more ; the facts
show that it is steadily increasing. (See table
above.) President Andrews (‘‘ The Future of
Silver Production,’ in 42 Honest Dollar, ed.
of 1894) argues that the production has reached
its height. He says: ‘‘ The topographical con-
ditions of mining are becoming more adverse.”’
A résumé of the critical views of metallurgists
in United States Consular Report No. 87, Dec-
ember, 1887, strongly supports this view, as
does Suer’s Die Zukunft des Goldes and The
Future of Silver.
Gold and Silver.
668
Good Templars..
PRECIOUS METALS CONSUMED IN THE ARTS.
(Average annual consumption, estimated by the Director of the Mint, 1895.)
SILVER. GOLD,
OUNTRIES, fs Authority. 5
a Yee 2 Weight, Weight,
Kilo- Value. Kilo- | Value.
grams. grams.
United States. cissvusie veers grasere us 1894 232,480 $0,661,871 12.750 $8,473,658
France). sacs cascaee yess seeeanes et 1894 131,250 51454)750 145400 91570240
Sweden...... 1894 24500 103,900 272 180,771
Netherlands. 1894 5,600 232,736 336 223,306
Switzerland 1894 55,000 2,285,800 7,000 4,652,200-
Austria. .... 1894 40,000 1,662,400 Adee eer
Russia... 1893 75,000 3y117,000 59332 3)542,983
Portugal. 1893 23,000 955,880 -1yg60 1,302,616
England....... ......+-- 1890 80,000 33324,800 17,000 11,298,200
Germany ......--....... 1890 100,000 4,156,000 -15,000 9:969,000
Belgin 5. sess pyiete kaxeens 1885 Soetbeer .... 17,400 7235144 2,070 1,376,722
Other countries ................. 1885, te creme 40,000 1,662,400 25400 1,595,040
PRAT yscesic icra Geshe see! “siees ieis eV stas sos grsla Gene aisiais'| welaia eaves 4 fh 802,230 $33,340,682 78,519 ~—'| “$52,183,736
GOMPERS, SAMUEL, was born in Lon-
don. Apprenticed to a shoemaker at the age
of 10, his education was obtained after working
hours, Later he became a cigar-maker and
came tothe United States in his fourteenth year,
and has since resided in New York. Joining
the Cigar-makers’ Union immediately after his
arrival, he became prominent in its councils,
and served as President of Union No. 144 for
six years. He has been a delegate to every
convention of the Cigar-makers’ International
Union since 1877, and its constitution is largely
the result of his earnest efforts toward the up-
building of that powerful organization. He has
represented his international union at every
convention of the American Federation of
Labor, was its first president, and held that
position till 1895, when he was defeated on ac-
count of his opposition to the endeavors of the
Socialist Labor Party to capture the federation,
In 1895, however, he was reelected president.
Mr. Gompers has repeatedly declined election
to prominent and lucrative political positions,
and during the first six years of his official duty
he received no salary nor any other emolument.
In the great eight-hour struggle of 1886 he paid
his entire expenses and worked night and day
for many weeks.
GOOD GOVERNMENT CLUBS.—The
establishment of ‘‘ good government clubs,”
whose object is explained by their name, began
with the formation of the City Club, of New
York City, April 13, 1892.
The failure of the Municipal League to elect
its candidate to the mayoralty in 1891 occasioned
profound discouragement among those desirous
of obtaining good city government. It seemed
to indicate that mere popular indignation or en-
thusiasm could not be counted upon when pitted
against an organized political machine. It be-
came clear, therefore, that if the work of improv-
ing city government was to be undertaken at
all, it must be undertaken upon a permanent
plan—a fact which suggested the organization
of a social club which would serve to bring to-
gether and to keep together all those interested
in the organization of a municipal party built.
upon the principle that city government should.
be separated from national politics.
The City Club was therefore established,
largely owing to the efforts of Mr. Edward
Kelly. One of its chief activities was. to estab-
lish other local clubs, which were called good
government clubs, and have been very success-
ful, Their cardinal principle is the separation
of municipal government from national politics ;
and, with a view of securing this, it is proposed _
to direct their energies to securing (1) honest
and unbiased primaries ; (2) ballot reform ; (3)
separate elections ; (4) home rule.
Wherever a nucleus or group of citizens can
be found to adopt the views, a club can be or-
ganized, with headquarters or club house as cir-
cumstances appear to require. The first was or-
ganized in February, 1893, and some 23 others
in New York City within two years. In March,
1894, they were confederated and a council es-
tablished. Similar clubs have been started in
other cities as far as California. The clubs have
committees on municipal government, various
municipal undertakings (like street cleaning),
cooperation with other clubs, etc.
GOOD TEMPLARS.--The Independent
Order of Good Templars is a beneficial order,
based on total abstinence, founded in Central
New York in 1851, and now organized in nearly
every State of the Union, England, Ireland,
Scotland, Wales, Germany, Denmark, Sweden
and Norway, Canada, West Indies, East, West,
and South Africa, Australia, New Zealand, Brit-
ish India, Iceland, and other countries. All
persons becoming members of the order are re-
quired to subscribe to the following a x
“ That they will never make, buy, sell, use, fur-
nish, nor cause to be furnished to others, as a.
beverage, any spirituous or malt liquors, wine,
or cider, and will discountenance the manufac-
ture and sale thereof in all proper ways.”
The last report of the Right Worshipful Sec-
retary puts the number of grand lodges in the
world at 100, the membership at 403,849, with
169,804 in juvenile branches, :
.
‘Gough, John Bartholomew.
GOUGH, JOHN BARTHOLOMEW, was
born at Sandgate, Kent, England, in 1817; his
‘father a pensioner of the Peninsular War ; and
his mother a village schoolmistress. At the
-age of 12 he went to America as an apprentice,
and worked on a farm in Oneida County, N. Y.
In 1831 he went to New York City, where he
found employment in the binding department
of the Methodist book establishment ; but habits
of dissipation lost him this employment, and re-
duced him to that of giving recitations and sing-
ing comic songs at low grog shops. He was
married in 1839; but his drunken habits re-
duced him to poverty, and probably caused the
death of his wife and child. A benevolent
Quaker induced him to take the pledge ; and he
attended temperance meetings and related his
experience with such effect as to influence many
others,
He then became a prominent advocate of the
temperance cause ; but in 1842 some of his for-
mer companions led him to violate his pledge.
He subsequently confessed his fault and endeav-
-ored to make amends. After 10 years of great
success asa temperance lecturer he went to Eng-
land in 1853 and carried on a remarkable work
there. He returned tothe United States in Au-
gust, 1860, and soon began to lecture on Street
Life in London. Other subjects were added to
his list, and in all he retained his great popular-
ity. In 1873 he announced that he would retire
from the lecture field, but he was afterward
prevailed upon to appear on special occasions.
In 1878 he again visited England. He died at
Philadelphia, February 18, 1886. In 1869 he
issued his Autobiography and Personal Recol-
lecttons, and in 1880 Sunshine and Shadow,
being chiefly passages from his lectures.
GOULD, DR. ELGIN R. L., was born
August 15, 1860, at Oshawa, Ontario, Canada,
and received his early education at home. He
attended the Victoria University, Coburg (now
at Toronto), where, in 1881, he received the de-
gree of A.B. He then entered at Johns Hop-
kins University for graduate study, where, in
1886, he secured the degree of Ph.D., his studies
having been interrupted for a time by a serious
‘illness. During the years 1884-87 Dr. Gould
was instructor in charge of the Department of
’ History and Political Economy in the Washing-
ton (D. C. ) High School. In 1885 he conduct-
ed an official inquiry in Belgium and Germany
for the Department of Labor, and in 1887 be-
came permanently connected with the depart-
ment as a statistical expert. Hehas been espe-
cially identified with the work of the department
abroad, having spent four years there in prose-
cuting various inquiries, In 1887-88 Dr. Gould
was Reader in Social Statistics at the Johns
Hopkins University, and in 1892 Resident Lec-
turer on Social Economics and Statistics. He
has represented the United States Government
at various international congresses, and is a
member of economic and statistical societies at
home andabroad. In1894he became Professor
of Statistics in the University of Chicago. Pro-
fessor Gould believes thoroughly in the applica-
tion of the historical method and of statistics to
economics, but does not accept the opportunism
of some of the historical school. He believes in
669
Government.
the gradual reduction of the tariff and in inter-
national bimetallism ; he does not believe in the
nationalization of natural monopolies, but thinks
the municipalization of some of them might be
carefully tried. Among the most important of
his many publications are The Soctal Conditions
of Labor, The Gothenburg System of Liguor
rafic,and The Housing of Working People
—the last two being reports to the Department
of Labor.
GOURNAY, JEAN CLAUDE MARIE
VINCENT, SEIGNEUR DE, was born at
Saint Malo in 1712. Traveling as a merchant
in Spain, Holland, and England, he published
in France on his return areport on the economic
and financial condition of these countries. Ap-
pointed Intendant du Commerce in 1851, his
observation convinced him that the lack of de-
velopment in French manufacturing was due to
the various governmental restrictions, and he
came thus to largely tho not wholly embrace the
views of the Physiocrats (g.v.), and became the
author of the famous phrase, ‘' Lazssez fazre,
laissez passer.’ He died in 1759.
GOVERNMENT (from Latin gudernare,
to steer, direct, govern) is the power in the
State by which the affairs of State are conduct-
ed. Government may be of any form—monar-
chical, despotic, autocratic, aristocratic, pluto-
cratic, democratic ; it may be local, municipal,
State, or national. (For the principles involved
and the various forms of government, see STATE ;
FEDERATIONS ; REPUBLICAN Party ; DEMOCRATIC
Parry ; ANARCHISM; INDIVIDUALISM ; SOCIAL-
IsM ; VOLUNTARYISM, etc.)
‘Government means power to enforce a de-
cision—this is its essential nature. In an ideal
order of things, social action might be possible
without government; in the present order of
things social action and government are practi-
cally interconvertible terms.”’
Says Hamilton (Federalist, No. 15), ‘‘ Why
has government been instituted at all? Because
the passions of men will not conform to the dic-
tates of reason and justice without constraint.”’
(For a discussion of this, see ANARCHISM ; So-
CIALISM ; STATE.)
Of the cost of government, Mr. Edward Atkin-
son (Harper's Weekly, July, 1895) writes con-
cerning the United States and other countries :
“The true annual cost of supporting this Govern-
ment, including civil and military service, naval ser-
vice, the construction of public works and improve-
ments, miscellaneous expenditures, interest, pensions,
sugar bounties, and other charges, has been, from 1880
to 1894 inclusive, on the average, a fraction over $282,-
000,000; the average revenue during the same period,
a fraction over $365,000,000. The surplus, mainly ap-
plied to the reduction of deb., has averaged $83,000,000
ayear. The nearest approach to a billion-dollar ex-
penditure in any two years occurred in 1893 and 1894,
when the amount, aside from the postal service, not
including the postal deficiency, came to less than
$750,000,000 or three quarters of a billicn. Of, course
annual expenditures increase somewhwt with the
growth of population. During the last administration
expenditures were increased both in amount and in
proportion to numbers. They are now being dimin-
ished in the aggregate and yet more in the ratio per
head of population. The following table gives the
facts, omitting the postal service, also omitting pre-
mium on bonds purchased and other non-recurrent
items. Ifthese latter items were included, the average
per capita expenditure would show 1g cents per head
more:
Government.
Per Expendi- Per
YEAR. Revenue. Head fupes: Head.
TBB0...000+4+2| $333)526,401] $6.825 $258,902,180] $5.298
360,782,293] 7.103 25351375478| 5-047
403)525,250) 7.864 248,244,091] 4.837
398,287,581] 7.587 258,045,546] 4.916
348,519,870] 6.491 237,650,244] 4.426
323,690,706] 5.895 253,674,439| 4.620
336,439,727| 5-992 236,383,979] 4.210
3715403,278] 6.470 261,737,057| 4-560
1888.. 379,266,075] 6.463 253:494,650| 4.320
1889. 387,050,059] 6.454 275,104,407| 4-587
1890.. 403,080,983} 6.577 291,028,440] 4.749
1891.. 392,612,447| 6.270 346,845,214] 5.539
1892.. 35459375784! 5-548 333,872,752] 5-219
1893.. 385,819,629] 5.899 370 132,606] 5.659
1894.65 2975722,019| 4.455 3575231)790| 5-346
Total. ....| $5,476,664,102] .... | $4,235,486,082
Average.. $365,110,940 ae 282, 365,738
Difference in totals, $4,241,178,020; in averages, $82,-
7451200.
‘Even this table does not show all the factsas to the
actual cost of government. During the years 1891 to
1894 inclusive the direct-tax charge assessed during the
war was returned tothe amount of $15,218,665. Sugar
bounties which had been declared unlawful by the
district court of the District of Columbia were paid to
sugar-planters to the amount of $29,797,398.13.””
“From 1882 to 1888,’ continues Mr. Atkinson, ‘‘the
cost of our Government was only $4.58 per head, while
the revenue was $6.50a head. Since 1890 excessive ex-
penditure and diminished revenue have brought about
a temporary deficit, but if the future Congresses are
reasonably economical, ‘there can be little doubt that
the revenue at $5 per head will develop the surplus of
$1,200,000,000 in the next 15 years, which may be applied
to the final payment of the debt of the United States.’
In that event ‘the cost of the Government, interest,
and diminishing pensions will be $4 per head.’”
Turning next to the cost of government in
other countries, Mr. Atkinson finds that our
burden is very light indeed in comparison with
that of other nations. He writes:
“Even at $5 per head our rate of national taxation
is but a fraction over one half as much as that imposed
in Great Britain for the same national expenditures.
It is, as far as Ican ascertain, less than one half the
taxation of Cerna for imperial purposes; but that
comparison is rendered uncertain by the large ele-
ment of expenditures of the kingdoms forming the
empire, which are included in our national bill of cost.
At 35 per head our national taxation will be about one
third that of France. But here again the true btirden
upon France isrendered obscure by the constant de-
ficit and the obligations of the Government on the part
of railway service. It is also about one third the
burden upon poor Italy. If we take out the $: per
head which is to be applied to the final payment of the
debt, and deal only with the ratio of the cost of our
Government to that of their governments, our position
is correspondingly improved. But even this compari-
son does not show the true relative burden of national
taxation.
“If our cost of government shall be but $4 for the
next 15 years, it will come to less than 2 per cent. of
our average product. The imperial taxation upon
Great Britain on a much less product per capita must
be at least treble our own in ratio to product, while
that of France bearsa yet greater proportion to produc--
tion. That of Germany takes out from the product of
a poor soil so much that there is barely enough to sup-
port alarge proportion of the population, while it is
alleged that the imperial taxation of Italy absorbs at
least 30 per cent. of the product of the whole country.
The other side to this somewhat roseate view
is to ask what governments do for their citizens.
There are those who believe that, so measured,
the United States Government is not so cheap.
Other countries protect their citizens every-
where. Germany, with her insurance laws:
Belgium, with her cheap nationalized railroads,
670
Grangers.
all continental European countries, with their
cheap national telegraph systems ; England and
most European countries with their postal sav-
ings-banks, afford elements of a view very dif-
ferent from Mr. Atkinson’s. Some even urge
that there is more liberty and freedom of action
in Europe than in America. The curse of Eu-
ropean governments is their standing armies.
(See STATE.)
GRANGERS.—An association of American
agriculturists, commonly known by this name,
tho formerly called Patrons of Husbandry.
Soon after the close of the Civil War Presi-
dent Johnson sent O. H. Kelly, an employee of
the Department of Agriculture, as an agent in-
to the Southern States to investigate the condi-
tion of the farmers in that section of the country
and to report the result of his observations. He
was so seriously impressed with what he saw
that he proposed a national association of farm-
ers, with branches in all sections of the country.
On his return to Washington he held a con-
sultation with J. R. Thompson and W. M. Ire-
land, also of the Department of Agriculture,
who indorsed the views of Mr. Kelly. William
Saunders, Rev. John Trimble, Rev. N. B.
Grush, all in the employ of the Government,
and F. M. McDowell, of Wayne, N. Y., were
consulted, and these seven men met at the of-
fice of Mr. Saunders on December 4, 1867, and
organized the National Grange, with Saunders
as Master, Thompson’as Lecturer, Ireland as
Treasurer, and Kelly as Secretary. The object
was to organize the farmers not only of the
South, but of all parts of the country.
Under the scheme of the order it was to be di-
vided into national, State, and subordinate as-
semblies, or ‘‘ granges,’’ Women were to be
admitted to membership on equal standing with
men. The ritual embraced four degrees for
men, under the titles of ‘‘ laborer,’’ ‘‘ cultivator,’’
‘‘harvester,’’ and ‘‘husbandman,” and four
for women, entitled ‘‘ maid,’’ ‘‘ shepherdess,’”
‘‘gleaner,”’ and ‘‘matron.’’ The purposes of
the order were two—the industrial benefit and
the social improvement of its members. The
discussion of any political question was strictly
forbidden.
Tho the order is thus fundamentally non-po- .
litical, it has been extremely difficult to keep it
free from political influences. Its extent is a
standing temptation to politicians ; and its aim
to cheapen transportation has a constant ten-
dency to carry it into a quasi-political warfare
against railroad corporations. Its leaders have,
however, been successful in the main in keeping
it out of politics, and it is different in this re-
spect from the other farmers’ organizations.
(See Farmers’ ALLIANCE.)
Up to the close of 1871 there were but about.
200 granges organized, while the national
grange contained only its seven original mem-
bers. From this time forward its progress was
rapid. The farming population began to per-
ceive the advantages of the association, and
grew as enthusiastic as they had been lethargic.
In 1872 there were organized 1160 granges ; in
1873, 8669 ; and in 1874 and 1875 about 11,000 in
each year. Atthe close of 1875 there were about
30,000 granges in existence, said to average
'
Grangers.
about 40 members each, the order being strong-
est in the West and Northwest and well repre-
sented in the South. The reason for this ex-
traordinary growth is found largely in the dis-
contents arising from the causes which resulted
in the financial crisis of 1873, and from the in-
dustrial depression following. The inflation of
the currency and the increase tn credit through
each venture were instruments in building up
gigantic speculative operations, which finally
resulted in acrash. During the apparent pros-
perity of trade men were attracted from agricul-
ture to trade. Farm land declined, while city
teal estate rose. Speculation and ‘‘ corners”’ in
staple farm products caused great fluctuations
in prices, while the prices of farmers’ necessa-
ries rose. By this time its climax of prosperity
had been reached. In the succeeding years
jealousy arose between the subordinate and the
national granges, and parties with no interest
in agriculture beyond that of fleecing the farm-
ers made their way into the order. So far was
this carried that one grange was organized on
Broadway, New York City, with 45 members, rep-
resenting acapital of perhaps as many millions,
and composed of bank presidents, wholesale
dealers, sewing-machine manufacturers, and
speculators. Other instances of a similar char-
acter might be named. The result of all this
was a great depression of the order. Neverthe-
less, the order has endured, and has had no lit-
tle influence. At its twenty-fifth anniversary
in 1891 it claimed to have prevented the renewal
of patents on sewing-machines, thus saving to
the people millions annually ; to have taught
transportation companies that the creator is
greater than the creature ; to have passed and
enforced oleomargarine laws, laws restricting
alien landlords and corporations, the interstate
commerce law, ballot reform laws, the making
the Secretary of Agriculture a Cabinet officer.
It claimed to have led in establishing agricul-
tural colleges and stations, arbor days, public
schools, numerous local institutions.
Cooperation has been much favored by the
Grange, and numerous experiments have been
tried, but without great success. (See COOPERA-
- TION.)
, The method of cooperative buying most prevalent
in New England is that by trade discounts or trade
lists. The State granges make arrangements with
certain large manufacturers and wholesale firms for
discounts on cash payments. Each subordinate grange
chooses a purchasing agent, who receives the lists and
makes the purchases. The agents and members re-
ceiving the discount are bound to keep the discounts
secret. Another analogous method is to furnish mem-
bers with “trade cards,” on presentation of which to
the firms under contract with the State grange dis-
counts are allowed. This method is employed largely
in Vermont, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, while
Massachusetts has mere purchasing agents and Maine
has its grange store.
_ The strongest cooperative enterprises of the grange
in New England are the fire insurance companies.
Connecticut, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts each
have one. The Connecticut Patrons’ Mutual Fire In-
surance Company was organized in 1888. In 1892 there
were about 1ooo policies out, representing a risk of
about $1,600,000. In 1891 alone, policies to the amount
of $552,926 were taken out. The first assessments were
made in 1892, and this owing to the unusually heavy
losses from lightning. The Massachusetts Fire In-
surance Company began business in 1887. In_ 1890 it
.Teports roso policies in force, covering $1,187,586 worth
of property. The New Hampshire company is the
strongest. In 1892 it had 1600 policies, covering insur-
ance to the amount of $2,200,000, as against 1399 policies
671
Greek Social Polity,
in 1891, covering risks amounting to $1,872,677.17. No
assessments have been necessary.
At the St. Louis session of the national grange, in
1874, the following ‘Declaration of Purposes” was
issued:
‘“We shall endeavor to advance our cause by labor-
ing to accomplish the following objects:
“To develop a better and higher manhood and
womanhood among ourselves; to enhance the com-
forts and attractions of our homes and strengthen our
attachments to our pursuits; to foster mutual under-
standing and cooperation; to maintain inviolate our
laws and to emulate each other in labor to hasten the
good time coming ; to reduce our expenses, both indi-
vidual and corporate; to buy less and produce more,
in order to make our farms self-sustaining ; to diver-
sify our crops and crop no more than we can cultivate;
to condense the weight of our exports, selling less in
the bushel and more on hoof and in fleece, less in lint
and more in warp and woof; to systematize our work
and calculate intelligently on probabilities; to dis-
countenance the credit system, the mortgage system,
the fashion system, and every other system tending to
profligacy and bankruptcy.
“We propose meeting together, talking together,
working together, buying together, selling together,
and, in general, acting together for our mutual pro-
tection and advancement, as occasion may require.
We shall avoid litigation as much as possible by arbi-
tration in the grange. We shall constantly strive to
secure entire harmony, good-will, vital brotherhood
among ourselves, and to make our order perpetual.”
The war in the West against unjust discrimination
in railroad freights, which produced restrictive lawsin
Illinois and Wisconsin in 1873, has been charged upon
the granges, but falsely, asthey declare. It was or-
ganized and sustained by agricultural clubs outside
the order, whose constitution did not permit a partici-
pation in it, tho the members were undoubtedly in
strong sympathy with its objects. They succeeded in
1873 and 1874 in carrying the legislatures of Illinoisand
Wisconsin; these legislatures passed stringent laws
directed against “extortion and unjust discrimination
in the rates charged for the transportation of passen-
gers and freights.’”? These acts were subsequently re-
ealed, but while they were in force had a very un-
avorable effect on the railroads. In Congress their
efforts led to considerable discussion regarding the
regulation of interstate commerce, since consummated
by the act of February 4, 1887. Other questions which
the grange has taken in hand are such as the rapid in-
crease of insects through undue destruction of insectiv-
orous birds, the exposure of attempted swindles, to
which the isolation of the farmer renders him partic-
ularly liable, and of combinations to extort mone
for the use of articles falsely claimed to be patented,
such as the swing gate, the driven well, etc., and par-
ticularly the sale of oleomargarine passed off for butter.
Some of the public questions which the organization
at present is interested in agitating are:
Passage of measures to prevent adulteration of food.
Passage of the Washburn-Hatch bill. Free delivery
of mailto rural population. Non-irrigation of the arid
lands of the West by the Government, on the ground
that the lands are not yet needed. The securing of
laws to remedy unequal taxation. Promotion of inter-
est in agricultural colleges. Action for better roads,
etc.
Of late the Grange has been wholly eclipsed
in large sections of the country by the Farmers’
Alliance. Yet it still exists, and is particularly
strong in the East, where the Farmers’ Alliance
movement has taken small hold. In 1892 the
membership was about 50,000.
Reference: An article by Florence J. Foster in the
Annals of the American Academy of Political and So-
ctal Sctence, vol. iv., p. 798.
GREEK SOCIAL POLITY.—This was, in
a word, the exaltation of the State, ordinarily a
democratic city, based upon slave labor, over
all departments of life. (See the articles ATHENS ;
ARISTOTLE ; PLato.) We give here simply the
synopsis of the Greek economic and social idea,
as given in Professor Ingram's Hestory of Po-
litzcal Economy :
Greek Social Polity.
“1. The individual is conceived as subordinated to
the State, through which alone his nature can be devel-
oped and completed, and to the maintenance and ser-
vice of which all his efforts must be directed. The
great aim of all political thought is the formation of
good citizens; every social question is studied pri-
marily from the ethical and educational point of view.
The citizen is not regarded as a producer, but only as
a possessor of material wealth ; and this wealth is not
esteemed for its own sake or for the enjoyments it
procures, but for the higher moral and public aims to
which it may be made subservient.
“2, The State, therefore, claims and exercises a con-
trolling and regulating authority over every sphere of
social life, including the economic, in order to bring
individual action into harmony with the good of the
whole.
“3. With these fundamental notions is combined a
tendency to attribute to institutions and to legislation
an unlimited efficacy, as if society had no spontaneous
tendencies, but would obey any external impulse, if
impressed upon it with sufficient force and continuity.”
GREELEY, HORACE, was born in Am-
herst, N. H., February 3, 1811. Before he was
zo years old his father became bankrupt. The
family then moved to Vermont, where they made
a scanty living as day laborers. When 14 years
of age Greeley was apprenticed in the office of.
the Northern Spectator, East Poultney, Vt.
His wages were but $40 a year ; but by living
on almost nothing he was able to send money
home. He remained here six years, when the
paper was suspended. For a time he worked
with his father on a rough farm in Pennsylva-
nia, and then began to tramp the country in
search of employment. Traveling mostly on
foot, in 1831 he entered New York with $10 in
his pocket, and for a while had to accept the
hardest work and poorest pay. In 1833 he
formed a partnership with a fellow-workman,
Francis V. Story. Combining their capital,
which amounted to $150, they commenced by
printing the Morning Post, which failed in
three weeks. But Greeley went on writing as
well as printing. He was invited by James
Gordon Bennett to go into a partnership with
him in the Herald, but he declined, and issued
instead the Mew Yorker, a literary journal
which lived seven years.
the Log Cabzn, a weekly campaign paper, which
was a greatsuccess. On April ro, 1841, Greeley
commenced the New York 7rzbune, which was
to be his life-work.
He was now entirely without money. From
a personal friend, Mr. James Coggeshall, he
borrowed $1000, on which capital and the edi-
tor’s reputation the 77zbune was founded. It
began with 600 subscribers. The first week’s
expenses were $525 and the receipts $92. By
the end of the fourth week it had run up a cir-
culation of 6000, and by the seventh reached
11,000, which was then the full capacity of its
press.
Mr. Greeley opened its columns to well-nigh
every reform. He madeit the leading abolition
newspaper. He advocated in it dress reform,
vegetarianism, and Fourierism.
From 1850 until the end of the Civil War the
Trzbune did much to create and awaken the
anti-slavery sentiment of the North. Altho be-
fore the war he declared himself willing that
the slave States should secede, if they honestly
desired to leave the Union, yet when the rebei-
lion had begun he threw himself heartily on the
side of the Government. He urged in his paper
672
Later he published _
Greenback Party.
the vigorous prosecution of the war, but at its
close immediately advocated universal amnesty
and suffrage. He exhibited his impartiality and
moral courage by protesting against the pro-
longed imprisonment of Jefferson Davis, and,
in spite of Northern sentiment, was one of the
signers of Davis's bail bond. He held that to
make a martyr of a Southerner by unwarranted
imprisonment was an unnecessary hindrance to
a peaceful reconstruction, an infraction of the
Constitution, and a stain upon the character of
the republic.
From 1848-49 he was a Whig representative
in Congress, but gained hostility even in his
own party by advocating mileage reform, He
was one of the founders of the Republican Party,
and by opposing Seward did much to give the
nomination to Abraham Lincoln. In 1861 he
was candidate for United States Senator, but
was defeated by Ira Harris.
In 1867 he was appointed delegate to the con-
vention for the revision of the Constitution.
He antagonized General Grant’s administration,
and was one of the chief promoters of the Lib-
eral Republican Party, which held its national
convention at Cincinnati in 1872, and nominated
him for President. His lifelong opponents, the
Democrats, nominated him also at their national
convention—a move which greatly lessened his
chances of success by repelling many of his
Republican supporters. During the canvass
feeling ran high, and he took the field in person
and made one of the most brilliant, able, and
sustained series of campaign speeches on record.
In the election he received 2,834,079 votes as
against 3,597,070 for Grant. Greeley carried
Georgia, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, Ten-
nessee, and Texas.
He at once resumed the editorship of the
Tribune, but it was soon evident that he had
overtaxed his strength in the campaign. No
sooner was it ended than he was called to the
bedside of his dying wife, from which he went
only to be himself prostrated by a nervous dis-
order of the brain. His illness was short and
severe, and on November 29, 1872, he died.
His decease made a profound impression upon
the country, and showed how deeply and truly
he was esteemed by men of all sects and par-
ties. His published volumes are as follows:
flints Toward Reforms (1850); Glances at
Europe (1851); Hestory of the Struggle for
Slavery Extension (1856) ; Gusti) oaieney
to San Francisco (1860); The American Con-
Jiict (2 vols., 1864-66) ; Recollections of a Bus
Life (1868) ; Essays Designed to Elucidate he
Sczence of Political Economy (1870) ; and What
1 Know of Farming (1871). His life was writ-
ten by James Parton in 1855, and a new edition
appeared in 1868.
GREENBACK PARTY, THE, originat-
ed in 1873-74 in the opposition felt by many to
the asserted manipulation of the currency in
favor of the banking and bond-holding class.
(See Currency.) It was claimed that the bank-
ers of the country had conspired (1) to make the
issue of the war greenbacks a failure by induc-
ing Congress to prevent their being legal ten-
ders for customs and for payment of the national
debt, and so depreciating their value ; (2) to
Greenback Party.
buy up these greenbacks at their depreciated
value, and with them purchase bonds, paying
for the bonds with greenbacks at their face
value ; (3) to induce Congress to vote that these
bonds bought with greenbacks at 30 cents on
the dollar should be redeemed by Congress
under the pretence of national faith and of ‘‘ an
honest dollar’’ in gold, in interest as well as
capital, while the soldiers and sailors of the war
who had risked their lives and got no “ inter-
est’ had been paid in greenbacks. Intense ex-
citement was aroused, which the period of con-
traction of the currency greatly increased. As
early as 1868 the demand was broached called
“the Ohio idea,’’ that all bonds which did not
distinctly call for payment in coin should be re-
deemed in greenbacks. This ‘‘ idea’? seemed
to have dominated the Democratic convention
of 1868, but was distinctly disavowed by Mr.
Tilden and other leading Democrats. Many
local and State conventions in the West, how-
ever—chiefly Democratic—endorsed the idea.
Its advocates still hoped to bring the entire
party to their way of thinking.
Finally the financial crisis of 1873 caused the
masses of the people to seek legislative relief
for the evils from which they were suffering,
and produced a certain disintegration of the es-
tablished political parties. The pressing ques-
tions of the time appeared to require and justify
new political organizations. A greenback con-
vention was held at Indianapolis in 1874, and
demanded : (1) The withdrawal of the national
bank-note currency ; (2) that the only currency
should be of paper, and that such currency
should be made exchangeable for bonds bearing
interest at 3.65 per cent. ; and (3) that coin might
be used for the payment of the interest and prin-
cipal of such bonds, and such only, as expressly
called for coin payments. In 1876 a national
greenback convention was held at Indianapolis,
which nominated Peter Cooper, of New York,
and Samuel F. Cary, of Ohio, for President and
Vice-President of the United States. In the
election which followed they received 81,737
popular votes.
To these attempts to found a new party, based
on financial issues, a turn in another direction
was given by the labor troubles which had cul-
minated in the great railroad strikes of 1877.
In 1878 a ‘‘ national or greenback-labor conven-
tion’”’ was held at Toledo, O., as the result of a
coalition between the labor reformers and the
advocates of a greenback currency. In the fol-
lowing election the Greenback-Labor tickets
_ polled over 1,000,000 votes, and 14 representa-
tives of the party were sent to Congress. But
the party was made up of different elements ;
and altho the distress which gave it such a
sudden increase of strength was real, none of
the party leaders seem to have had definite ideas
as to what was to be done to effect acure. In
1880 the Greenback-Labor convention, at Chi-
cago, nominated for the offices of President and
Vice-President James B. Weaver, of Iowa, and
B. J. Chambers, of Texas. In that year the
popular Greenback-Labor vote was 300,867, and
eight of their representatives were elected to
Congress. The ticket in 1884 was headed by
General B. F. Butler, who was also the Anti-
Monopoly candidate, and received 175,380 votes.
43
673
ous and intermittent employment for the
Greenback Party.
In that year the Greenback ticket in Iowa, Michi-
gan, and Nebraska was fused with that of the
Democrats, and in Missouri and West Virginia
with the Republican ticket.
The Greenback Party proper has always had
its strongest support in the Western States. In
Maine, New York, Vermont, and Massachusetts
the Greenback element has been made up of
labor reformers, and its tickets have generally
been supported principally by laboring men.
But on several occasions the Green backers have
received much encouragement and support from
either one or the other of the two great parties
of the country, who have hoped to create a di-
version in their own favor by running a third
ticket, so made up as to draw votes from the
opposing party.
The following is the platform of the Greenback
Labor Party, adopted at the National Conven-
tion, held in Chicago, June g and 10, 1880:
“Civil Government should guarantee the divine
right of every laborer to the results of his toil, thus
enabling the producers of wealth to provide them-
selves with the means for physical comfort and the
facilities for mental, social, and moral culture ; and we
condemn as unworthy of our civilization the barbarism
which imposes upon the wealth producers a state of
perpetual drudgery asthe price of bare animal exist-
ence.
“ Notwithstanding the enormous increase of produc-
tive power, the universal introduction of labor-saving
machinery, and the discovery of new agents for the
increase of wealth, the task of the laborer is scarcely
lightened, the hours of toil are but little shortened, and
few producers are lifted from poverty into comfort
and pecuniary independence.
‘(The associated monopolies, the international syn-
dicates, and other income classes demand dear money
and cheap labor, a ‘strong Government,’ and hencea
weak people. :
‘‘Corporate control of the volume of money has been
the means of dividing society into hostile classes ; of
the unjust distribution of the products of labor, and of
building up ee of associated capital, endowed
with power to confiscate private property. It has kept
money scarce, and scarcity of money enforces debt-
trade, and public and corporate loans—debt engenders
usury, and usury ends in the bankruptcy of the bor-
rower.
“Other results are deranged markets, uncertainty
of manufacturing enterprise and agriculture, precari-
laborer, in-
dustrial war, increasing pauperism and crime, and the
consequent intimidation and disfranchisement of the
producer, and a rapid declension into corporate feu-
dalism.
‘“Therefore we declare:
““y. That the right to make and issue money is a
sovereign power to be maintained by the people for
the common benefit. The delegation of this right to
corporations is a surrender of the central attribute of
sovereignty, void of constitutional sanction, conferring
upon a subordinate irresponsible power, and absolute
dominion over industry and commerce. All money,
whether metallic or paper, should be issued and its
volume controlled by the Government, and not by
or through banking corporations, and when so issued
should be a full legal tender for all debts, public and
private. "
‘>, That the bonds of the United States should not
be refunded, but paid as rapidly as it is practicable,
according to contract. To enable the Government to
meet these obligations, legal tender currency should
be substituted for the notes of the national banks, the
national banking system abolished, and the unlimited
coinage of silver, as well as gold, established by law.
‘3. That labor should be so protected by national
and State authority as to equalize its burdens and in-
sure a just distribution of its results ; the eight-hour
law of Congress should be enforced ; the sanitary con-
dition of industrial establishments placed under rigid
control ; the competition of contract convict labor abol-
ished ; a bureau of labor statistics established ; facto-
ries, mines, and workshops inspected ; the employment
of children under 14 years of age forbidden, and wages
paid in cash.
Greenback Party.
‘4, Slavery being simply cheap labor, and cheap
labor being simply slavery, the importation and pres-
ence of Chinese serfs necessarily tends to brutalize and
degrade American labor; therefore, immediate steps
should be taken to abrogate the Burlingame treaty.
“., Railroad land grants forfeited by reason of non-
fulfilment of contract should be immediately reclaim-
ed by the Government ; and henceforth the public do-
main reserved exclusively as homes for actual settlers.
“6, Itis the duty of Congress to regulate interstate
commerce. All lines of communication and transpor-
tation should be brought under such legislative con-
trol as shall secure moderate, fair,and uniform rates
for Basseuger and freight traffic.
“>, We denounce, as destructive to prosperity and
dangerous to liberty, the action of the old parties in
fostering and sustaining gigantic land, railroad, and
money corporations and monopolies, invested with
and exercising powers belonging to the Government,
and yet not responsible to it for the manner of their
use.
“8. That the Constitution, in giving Congress the
power to borrow money, to declare war, to raise and
support armies, to provide and maintain a navy, never
intended that the men who loaned their money for an
interest consideration should be preferred to the soldier
and sailor who periled their lives and shed their blood
on land and sea in defense of their country, and we
condemn the cruel class legislation of the Republican
Party, which, while professing great gratitude to the
soldier, has most unjustly discriminated against him,
and in favor of the bondholder.
**9, All property should bear its just proportion of
taxation, and we demand a graduated income tax,
“to, We denounce as most dangerous the efforts
everywhere manifest to restrict the right of suffrage.
“11, We are opposed to an increase of the standing
army in time of peace, and the insidious scheme to
establish an enormous military power under the guise
of militia laws.
“12, We demand absolute democratic rules for the
government of Congress, placing all representatives
of the people upon an equal footing, and taking away
from committees a veto power greater than that of the
President.
“13. We demand a government of the people, by the
people, and for the people, instead of a government of
the bondholder, by the bondholder, and for the bond-
holder ; and we denounce every attempt to stir up
sectional strife as an effort to conceal monstrous crimes
against the people.
“14, Inthe furtherance of these ends we ask the co-
operation of all fair-minded people. We have no
quarrel with individuals, we wage no war upon
classes, but only against vicious institutions. We
are not content to endure further discipline from our
present actual rulers, who, having dominion over
money, over transportation, over land and labor, over
the machinery of Government, and largely over the
press, wield unwarrantable power*over our institu-
tions, and over life and property.”
For a discussion of these principles, see PAPER
MONEY ; MONEY; SILVER.
The literature of the movement is large, but
much of it was in only transient form. Among
the best books is B. S. Heath’s Labor and
finance Revolution, The papers of Henry C.
Baird and The Currency Questzon, a pamphlet
by G. M. Steele, contain more moderate state-
ments of the views of the Greenback Party.
GRONLUND, LAWRENCE, was born in
Denmark in 1848, Asa boy he was in the war
between Denmark and Germany. He later
graduated at the university and commenced the
study of law, but came to the United States in
1867, and taught German in a public school in
Milwaukee. In 1869 he was admitted to the
bar, and practised in Chicago. He then became
interested in socialism by reading Pascal’s Pen-
sées, which, he says, made him “‘a socialist be-
fore he knew it.’’ In 1880 he published a dia-
logue on The Coming Revolution, and in 1884
his Cooperative Commonwealth, which was the
first full statement of modern socialism published
in this country, and that has had a wide sale and
674
Guesde, Jules,
influence. Mr. Gronlund has since given all his
time to the propaganda of socialism. He has
written and lectured wherever he could get a
hearing—in Chicago, New York, Boston, and
more recently on the Pacific coast, where he has
organized several Fabian clubs. He held fora
while an office in the United States Labor De-
partment, but relinquished it for the lecture field,
In 1887 he published Danton, a study of the
French Revolution, from the standpoint of an
admirer of Danton, who believes him to have
been greatly misjudged. In 1890 he published
Our Destiny, a work religious as well as social-
istic, which has had a large sale, especially in
England, where 1000 copies were sold in the
first month. It has also had a favorable recep-
tion in France, where it was called by the Revue
a’ Economie Politique ‘‘the most elevated and
attractive conception of socialism yet published.”
Its central thought is that socialism is not'a
‘bread and butter question,’’ nor one of either
personal or even altruistic idealism, but a move-
ment toward the organic unity of national so-
ciety, without which true morality is impossible.
GROTIUS, HUGO, or DE GROOT, was
born at Delft in 1583 ; his father was the burgo-
master. He entered the University of Leyden
in 1594 and took his degree in 1598. Traveling
in France, he returned to practise as a lawyer,
and in 1607 was fiscal general, and in 1610 coun-
cil-pensionary at Rotterdam. For supporting
the Remonstrants he was condemned, in 16109,
to imprisonment for life, but escaped by the aid
of his wife, who took his place in the castle, tho
for her bravery she was set free. He wandered
through the Netherlands and France, and fora
while enjoyed a pension at the court of Louis
XIII. He was allowed to return to Holland,
but again exiled for life. A wanderer again,
he entered the service of Sweden, and from
1635-45 was Swedish ambassador at Paris. Re-
turning to Sweden, he passed through Amster-
dam, and was honored there as well as in Swe-
den. He received a pension, but while journey-
ing fell ill and died at Rostock in 1845. He was
a profound scholar, an eminent theologian, an
erudite historian, a Latin poet, an eminent ju-
rist. His De Jure Belle et Paczs (1625) has been
translated into all the languages of Europe, and
may be called the basis of international law.
(See PotiticaL SCIENCE.)
GRUN, KARL, was born at Liidenstheid,
in Westphalia, in 1817. A Hegelian, he became
editor of a Mannheim journal in 1842, and ad-
vocated socialistic views till expelled from the
duchy. After 1868 he lived in Vienna, writing
various literary and philosophical works till his
death in 1887.
GUESDE, JULES, was born at Paris in
1845. Entering political journalism at Paris,
Toulouse, and Montpellier, at the latter place
he published the Drozts de l’ homme, and was
imprisoned six months for a revolutionary arti-
cle against theempire. At the time of the Com-
mune he attempted to stir up a revolution in
Montpellier, and was condemned to five years’
imprisonment ; he fled to Geneva and joined the
Internationalists. Driven to Italy, he returned
Guesde, Jules.
to Paris in 1876 and edited the Cztoyen, the Crz
du Peuple, and then founded the £galité, the
first paper of modern Marxist socialism in
France. In 1879, with Marx, Engels, and La
Fargue, he drafted the program of the Marxist
Partt ouvrier francais, of which he has ever
been a foremost leader. (See France.) He
was imprisoned for six months in 1878, and
again in 1883 for his socialist activities. In 1893
he was elected deputy from Roubaix, and has
become perhaps the foremost leader of French
Marxist socialism. Among his numerous tho
brief writings are Collectivisme et Révolution
(1879); Soczalisme et services publics (1884);
Le Collectivisme au College de France (1884).
GUILDS.—In separate articles we consider
trade-unions, friendly societies, etc. In this
article we consider simply the ancient labor
unions and the medieval guilds.
I. Ancient Lazsor Unions.
That labor unions have existed all through
history has long been known, but only recently
have they been carefully studied. Particularly
in America has Mr. C. Osborne Ward investt-
gated the subject in his The Anczent Lowly,
reaching conclusions by no means always ac-
cepted by all scholars, yet at least collecting
valuable information. According to Mr. Ward,
in the beginnings of society the family consisted
of some strong man or bully and a few women,
attracted to him by hope of protection, by lust,
or perhaps captured, and beyond these their
children and perhaps a few slaves. There be-
ing no law, the strong man, or paterfamilias,
was a despot. When he died the oldest son
usually took his place ; but the shades of the
father and of his fathers were still regarded as
present and worshiped. (See Famiry.) But
some of the younger sons would rebel. These
were not slaves, but of the same blood as the
head of the family. Out of this division, ac-
cording to Mr. Ward, came classes—the aristo-
crats, or heads of families, and the dispossessed
freemen who were not slaves. These developed
the artisan classes, and when they united, the
first labor unions. ‘These unions were connect-
ed with a religious culte. As the aristocrats
worshiped the shades of their ancestors, and
made that worship the center of the family, so
the labor unions found their patron gods,
The date of the earliest labor organization
cannot be fixed; but it must have been very
early. As early as 1180 B.c., according to
Plutarch’s Theseus, one Menes-
theus rose against the aristocrats at
Athens to demand for the people
the right to be initiated into the
Eleusinian mysteries. There must
have been at least some understanding between
working men at this time, and one of their first
grievances was that they were excluded from
the aristocratic religious rites, the aristocrats
teaching that working men had nosouls. A
fragment from the age of Solon shows that in
his time (about 600 B.c.) trade-unions were com-
mon (Granier’s Azstozre des classes ouvrtéres,
pp. 283-287). The celebrated Roman Law of
the Twelve Tables specified the manner of or-
ganization of working men, and is declared by
History,
675
Guilds.
some (Gaius’ Dzgest,; Plutarch’s uma) to be
a translation from the Greek law of Solon ; and
the law of Solon is said to be a paraphrase of the
still more ancient law of Amasis, King of Egypt.
References are found by some to trade-unions
in the Bible, in the time of Joshua (1537-1427),
and certainly in the time of Solomon. Hiram
of Tyre, who is said to have been the architect
of the Temple at Jerusalem, brought with him
from Tyre 3200 foremen and 40,000 free artifi-
cers—not a large number, when it took the
immortal Phideas, Callicrates, the chief archi-
tect Ictinus, and probably 50,000 unionist crafts-
men io years to design and complete the Par-
thenon—the perfection of architectural art.
By the time of Numa Pompilius we find
unions fully developed and recognized by law.
(See Plutarch’s Vuma.) Mommsen (De Codd.
and Sodal Rom., p. 78) says: ‘‘ The relics of
innumerable communal associations of ancient
times are seen scattered all through Italy, as
found among the inscriptions of the Italian
towns.’’ Down to B.c. 58 of the times of the
emperors, the right of working men in Rome to
organize was unabridged. Numa divided the
unions into eight great classes, a clear witness
to their number.
Later, the unions became innumerable. Ward
describes a great number both Greek and Ro-
man. The source of our knowledge of these is
mainly from inscriptions, tablets, columns, and
mutilated manuscripts. Most of the historians
were too aristocratic to notice labor organiza-
tions, and, according to Ward, the references
they did make to uprisings of slaves and labor-
ers were mutilated by aristocrats. ,
The early Greek unions were called ¢héasotat (or
disciples of mutual love), szss¢Zoz (or those who eat at
acommon table), omotaphoz (or burial societies), Ac-
cording to Ward, the Ae¢taro¢ and hetaraz were male
and female associates of labor societies, and only later
was the word used for prostitutes, because laborers
were despised. Ward mentions especially the Greek
thiasot and eranoi as general names for Greek guilds.
Of the Roman organizations we have fuller informa-
tion. The Fadbr?¢ navilium, or ship car-
penters and boat-makers of the Tiber;
the collegium vasculartorum (metal ves-
sel makers); the collegium pistorum
(millers); the collegtum incendartum
(firemen); the collegtum vinartorum (wine dealers) ;
even the collegium lupanartorum (brothel keepers) ;
the collegium bisellartorum (makers of chairs for the
ods); the collegium centonariorum (rag-pickers or
junkmen); the collegdum saliartum baxtarum (shoe-
makers) ; the fullonum sodalicum (fullers) ; the corpus
nemestacorum (fortune-tellers); the colleg?um arma-
riorum (gladiators); the communionis minirum (actors);
the collegium castrénstaltorum (sutlers) ; the collegtum
vinatorum (planters); the collegium farnariorum
(mowers) ; the collegtum urinatorum (devils), and a
long list of others too numerous to mention.
Names,
These collegia seem to have been scattered
all over the Roman Empire, in Asia Minor, the
Greek islands, Spain and Gaul, as well as in
Greece and Rome. Mr. Ward says they were
established in England by the Romans, and
gave rise to the medieval guilds (g.v.), espe-
cially in Kent, whence ‘‘ the men of Kent’’ have
brought the labor movement to America.
All these unions were more or less combi-
nations of religious societies, burial societies,
convivial societies, and friendly societies, with
dues and benefits. Each organization took some
patron god and celebrated his worship. They
had banners and processions and days of wor-
Guilds.
ship. This was partly to cover their meeting
for other purposes. They had occasional or
regular convivial meetings, and suppers in com-
mon, and their dues were sometimes simply to
meet the expense of these. Almost invariably
they were burial societies with dues to meet the
expense of the burial, of which the ancients made
so much. Sometimes they were trade-unions
and friendly societies in the modern sense.
They had fixed prayers and aritual for the con-
duct of their meetings. Their officers were
usually presiding officers (of both sexes), a
““president of finance,’’ a stewardess or house-
wife, a manager or trustee, a recording secre-
tary or scribe, lawyers to defend the members,
priests to conduct the religious rites.
Some of the inscriptions give the best picture
of their organization, A Greek one, in plain
Attic Greek (translated in the Revue Archéo-
een) reads: ‘‘ Because of rulable and just
administration of the common fund of money
of the community of eranzstaz, and having
ever conducted himself with kindness and with
honesty ; and because he has righteously hus-
banded the funds successively paid by the evan-
zstaz themselves, as well as the annual subscrip-
tion, according to the law of the eranas, and in
view of the fact that in everything
2 else he still continues to show in-
Organi- tegrity to the oath which he swore
- zation, tothe evanzstaz, therefore hail Alc-
meon. The community of the
erantstaz rejoice to praise Alemeon,
son of Thon, a stranger who has been natural-
ized—their president of finance, and do crown
him with a chaplet of foliage because of his
faithfulness and good will tothem. They are,
moreover, rejoiced, and praise the trustees, and
also the priests (chaplains) of Jupiter the Sa-
vior, and of Hercules, and of the Savior of the
Gods. And they crown each of them with
the wreath of honor because of their virtue, and
their lively interest in the community of the era-
nistaz.”’
The stone is broken and the date is gone, but
it seems to be of the Aristotelian period.
That these unions were very much like mod-
ern trade-unions, and even in advance of many
present unions, is seen by the following inscrip-
tion, discovered at Pompeii, showing that they
endeavored to influence politics, and that they
honored women (Ward’s translation).
1. ‘‘The members of the Fishermen’s Union
nominate Popedius Rufus for member of the
Board of Public Works.’’
2. ‘The International Gold Workers’ Asso-
ciation of the City of Pompeii demand for Mem-
ber of the Board of Public Works Cuspis Pansa.”’
3. ‘‘ Verna, the home born, with her pupils in
all right, put Mrs. Capella to the front for a seat
on the Board of Magistrates.’
__ To these unions Ward ascribes great influence
in ancient times. Socrates, he says, was a mem-
ber of them ; and his last words as he lay dying
was to remind his disciples that they (the ¢Azaso-
faz or brethren) owed their cook for a chicken
on which they had banqueted. Southern Italy
was most full of these unions, where Plato found
a system of communisms supposed to have been
founded by Pythagoras. Jesus Christ, Ward
believes to have belonged to such a union, and
to simply have proclaimed successfully to the
676
Guilds.
world the brotherhood and equality which the
unions had long preached and striven for in pri-
vate. The early Christian churches, he says,
were first developed where these unions were
strong, as at Pergamus, Laodicea, Ephesus, and
Hierapolis (‘‘the seven churches’’), Antioch,
Rhodes, and elsewhere. Many of these unions
doubtless became corrupt ; their feasts became
feasts of revelry and dissipation ; but originally,
according to Ward, the Bacchic festivities, the
Bacchanalia and Saturnalia, were not licentious.
Ancient authors despised these workmen, even
Aristotle, and especially Plato (g.v.), and there-
fore have given the names of their organiza-
tions a bad repute, which they do not deserve.
These unions were almost exclusively of free
working men, tho occasionally slaves were ad-
mitted. But the condition of the slaves was ter-
rible in the extreme. At Sparta
Lycurgus instituted a communism,
but it rested on slavery of the
helots. There were common tables,
but they were waited upon by near-
ly naked slaves. The slaves were State slaves,
and were flogged .once a day. The young
ephor¢ were taught to hunt for the helots and
kill them as they toiled in the fields, in order to
keep the helot class in subjection. ‘Two thou-
sand helots are known to have been killed in
the fields at one time. At Athens slaves worked
the State mines at Laurium and elsewhere, both
sexes working naked in the mines under the
lash, and loaded with chains. In Rome they
were made to fight each other and wild beasts
in the arena. In Sicily they were housed in
dungeons, compelled to work naked in the fields,
beaten, tortured, crucified.
Hence arose great slave strikes. The earliest
in Greece was probably a rising of the Spartan
helots, which was put down in cold blood in the
time of Agis I. (about 1055 B.c.).
During the Peloponnesian wars
there was a great strike of the
20,000 Athenian slaves at Sunium,
who went over in a body to the ene-
my, Sparta (413B.c.). Another strike
seems to have occurred at the same place, B.c.
133, when 1000 slave miners killed their over-
seers and rushed into the town and temple for
security, but were finally overpowered. Ac-
cording to Livy (Azmnales, lib. IV., 45), the
slaves rose in Rome 407 B.c., and tried to fire
the city, but were betrayed and the ringleaders
crucified. B.C. 194, the slaves rose in Latium
and gained the city, but were again betrayed
to forces marching from Rome, and some 2000
were slaughtered (Livy, XXXII., £fztomy).
B.C. 196, another great strike seems to have
taken place in Etruria, and another in Apulia,
B.C. 185-184 (Livy, XXXIX.). In the island of
Chios the slaves rose at an uncertain date, and,
under Drimakos, a soothsayer, escaped to the
mountains and maintained independence there
under their slave king. But finally, according
to the story, the C/zo¢s, offering a great reward
for Drimakos’ head, the old man called a boy
friend to him and had him cut off his head to
get the reward, which. the youth did, a temple
afterward being built to Drimakos. In Sicily,
under Eunus, 143-133 B.c., the slaves rose and
conquered their masters and chose Eunus king,
and finally had a force of 200,000 men, defeat-
Slaves.
Slave
Revolts,
Guilds.
ing army after army sent against them from
Rome during a period of six years. In Perga-
mus, in Asia Minor (z.c. 130), King Attalus
willed his empire to Rome; but Aristonicus, a
natural brother, roused the slaves, and offered
them their freedom if they would support him.
He, with his evazoz, defied Rome and defeated
her consular armies, till finally overthrown by
M. Paperna (B.c. 104). Another great slave ris-
ing took place in Sicily under Athenion, who
united with the free workmen and defeated
Rome in six great battles. The rising of the
ladiators under Spartacus is better known.
Scartacus at Capua plotted his escape with 200
gladiators, 74 B.c. Gaining weapons, they at-
tracted slaves and working men to them till
they had ultimately an army of 300,000 men.
He defeated army after army of the Romans by
shrewd tactics and desperate valor, but finally
was conquered by Crassus, Spartacus himself
perishing in the battle ; 60,000 workmen fell in
the battle, and 6000 were crucified by the Ro-
mans along the road from Capua to Rome.
II. MEpIEVAL GuILDs.
The medieval guild in one sense doubtless
sprang from the ancient labor unions, but in
an important sense it did not. Medieval life
sprang from Germanic life, adapted to and
molded by the Roman civilization it overran.
Wherever the Germanic tribes went, in Ger-
many, England, France, Italy, or Spain, they
found labor unions, and, as it were, inherited
them. Yet is the medieval guild essentially
German and not Roman. The Roman guilds
were mainly of slaves or of the despised. The
medieval guilds were composed essentially of
freemen. They were not simply trade-unions.
Some have argued that the medieval guilds
sprang from the early common banquets of the
Gothic tribes. They more probably sprang from
a variety of causes. The name guild is proba-
bly derived from the Anglo-Saxon
gylden or gildan, ‘‘ to pay,’’ since
a distinctive feature of all the guilds
was the common contribution or
assessment. The word at first
seems to have been used for any association for
any purpose that had contributions to a common
fund. ‘‘ The early guilds,’’ says Professor Selig-
man, ‘‘had no connection with trade or indus-
try.’’ They were largely social, often protec-
tive, sometimes political, almost always with a
religious spirit. Says Gierke (Deutsches Ge-
nossenschafts-Recht, p. 227): ‘‘ The old Ger-
manic guild embraced the whole man and was
intended to satisfy all human purposes ; it was
a union such as exists to-day only in our towns or
States ; it answered at the same time religious,
moral,social,economical,and political purposes.’’
An important variety of these guilds were the
Srith, or peace guilds, sworn communities for
the protection oF: right and the preservation of
liberty. Many guilds were formed
by and often composed of the
clergy. A still larger class were
purely social and charitable. There
were said to have been as many as
909 guilds in the county of Norfolk
alone. Contributions to the common treasury,
masses for the living, and funeral rites for the
deceased brethren, observance of a mutual char-
Origin.
Religious
Guilds,
677
Guilds.
ity, and the bathing, feeding, and clothing of
100 poor men, are among the obligations of most
of the guilds whose members promised to con-
duct themselves as righteously as possible, and
be of ‘‘ one heart and of one soul.”
These guilds, of one kind or another, extend-
‘ed all over Germanic Europe and endured in
most countries till the time of the Reformation.
In England, Henry VIII. sequestered the prop-
erty of the religious guilds. In Denmark and
North Germany their property was devoted to
the public service.
The most important, however, of all medieval
guilds were the guz/ds-merchant and the craft
guilds, The former came first and grew to
great power, becoming often the real municipal
corporation of the towns. Gradually, however,
the craft guilds gained upon them, and finally
replaced them.
III. Gui_tps-MErcuHant.
The guilds-merchant in all European coun-
tries seem to have been developed about the
same time. In_England, they are mentioned
first in Doomsday Book, both knighton-guild
and guild-merchant existing at Nottingham.
Lincoln is said to have had one during the Dan-
ish supremacy, and soon after Doomsday they
are frequently mentioned in town
charters, The drapers’ company of
Hamburg dates from 1153, and that
of the shoemakers of Magdeburg
from 1157. Similar associations ex-
isted in Milan about the same time.
They were common in France in the reign of
Louis IX. By the close of the twelfth century
they were general throughout Europe. The
Hanseatic League, which was practically a
league of North German guilds-merchant, and
which came to have such power, dates from the
thirteenth century. Their charters were essen-
tially monopoly licenses to sell. With the license
also went certain privileges and exemptions.
Says Professor Seligman, from whose Z7we
Chapters on the Medieval Guilds of England
we derive much information :
“Tt was essential for the merchant traveling from
town to town, or even trading within the burgh, to be
freed from these burdens, and we find accordingly
immunities of this kind in almost every case....
“Another privilege that is often mentioned is the
hansa. Whatthis was isnot veryclear. The magnifi-
cence of the Hanseatic League and its branches in
medieval England are well known, and the Steelyard
of the hanse-merchants or Easterlings, who were al-
ready protected by Aithelstan, became a renowned in-
stitution of London. ... But the term is much older,
and occurs frequently in the English charters, probably
at first having reference to the privileges of merchants
when away from home. For the English had their
guilds in foreign ports also, Its meaning, however,
soon became equivalent to guild, or the rights of a
guild, and in this generic signification it is used all
through the later documents. The ‘hanse of the guild’
thus became a collective name, which included all the
usual attributes of a trading corporation.”
The constitution of the guilds shows their character.
Seligman tells us that ‘t at the head stood the alderman
or master, who probably paid something for his posi-
tion, and at his side were the wardens or stewards,
and occasionally other officers, such as seneschals,
ushers, clerks, deans, and chaplains. Membership was
obtained by heredity, purchase, or gift, and frequent
mention is made of the seats of the asso-
ciates, which probably referred to their Pe
position at the feasts orthe arrangement Constitution.
of the booths in fair-time. The aliena-
tion of the seats, whether by sale or
gift, was forbidden, and while the sons and sometimes
the nephews and daughters of members were admitted
Develop-
ment.
Guilds.
free of all charges, others were obliged to pay an en-
trance fee and produce two sureties. In the oath that
was administered on initiation, the new member
pledged himself to conform to the ordinances, to be
subject to the same burdens as his fellows, to inform
the officials and inhabitants if he discovered any mer-
chant in town who was not a member, and to obey the
command of the mayor as well as to maintain the good
usages of the city. Peace and good-will between the
members were enjoined ; provisions of a charitable
character, such as alms to the impoverished and visits
tothe imprisoned, are occasionally found ; the morning
speeches and periodical banquets were not omitted,
and the members were admonished not to forget to
drink their guild-merchant, on which festive occasions
the officers availed themselves of the opportunity to
collect the taxes.”.
The guild merchant was then at the outset a
mere company of traders; but the term mer-
chant, which by no means conveyed the same
ideas as at present, included not only those that
carried on foreign commerce, but petty traders
of all kinds, even artisans. The guild, how-
ever, in course of time lost its character asa
purely private society, and became closely coz:-
nected with the municipal organization, altho
never identical with it. When the towns and
boroughs obtained charters, they took care to
have it included that the men of the place should
also have their guild-nferchant. ‘‘ Guild law”
often became thelawof the town. Butin Eng-
land and the north of Europe the guilds-mer-
chant, having grown rich and tyrannical, ex-
cluded the landless men of the handicrafts ;
these then uniting among themselves, there arose
everywhere by the side of the guilds-merchant
the craft guilds, which gained the upper hand
on the continent in the struggle for liberty in
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In
England these companies usually existed side
by side with the old town or merchant-guild ;
until at length their increasing importance
caused the decay of the old guilds, and the
adoption of these crafts as part of the constitu-
ae of the towns (thirteenth to fifteenth cen-
ury). :
In the great cities like London and Florence
the guilds-merchant, if organized, never seem
to have taken deep hold. The craft guilds
seem to have been early organized.
IV. Crart Guitps.
The origin of these craft guilds is more dis-
puted than that of the guilds-merchant. There
are three main views. Brentano, in his Guz/ds
and Trade- Unions, argues that they were asso-
ciations of craftsmen to protect themselves from
““the abuse of power on the part of the lords of
the town, who tried to reduce the free to the
dependence of the unfree.’’ There seems, how-
ever, little to support this view. Dr. Cunning-
ham (History of Industry and Commerce, vol.
1, P, 310) says they were “‘ called into being not
out of antagonism to existing au-
thorities, but as new institutions,
to which special parts of their own
duties were delegated by the burgh
officers or the local guild-merchant.
Professor Ashley (/utroduction to Economic
History and Theory) takes the middle ground
that they were self-governing bodies of crafts.
men, more or less under municipal control.
They are, however, in no case to be identified
with modern trade-unions, and tho Brentano
Origin.
678
Guilds.
and Mr. George Howell following him have
held that modern trade-unions are descended
from them, there seems to be no proof of this.
The prototype of the modern trade-union is to
be sought rather in the journeymen associations
that sprang up later, as the craft guilds grow
aristocratic and wealthy. The craft guilds were
rather guilds of employers. As the guilds-mer-
chant were monopolies in traffic, so the craft
guilds were monopolies in preduction.
The early charters, says Professor Seligman, ~
all contain as a cardinal point the provision that
no one should venture to carry on the trade
either in the city or suburbs unless a member.
The crafts could thus not be initiated with-
out permission. The towns often assumed the
tight of recognizing the formation of guilds,
which was regarded as a perfectly legitimate.
exercise of municipal powers. The regulations
of the craft were subject to the periodical ap-
proval of the municipal officers, and the guilds
were formed and recognized as welcome aux-
iliaries to the means for the enforcement of the
market laws. Care, indeed, must be taken not
to exaggerate the involuntary character of the
unions, for the early rights of the craft guilds
were probably, in part at least, the growth of
self-assertion. But, above all, the ordinances
were the outgrowth of a general medieval policy.
Their constitution resembled that of the
guilds-merchant. The unions known by the
names of mystery, faculty, trade, fellowship,
or (from the fact of possessing par-
ticular costumes) livery company,
were divided into two or three cate- Constitution.
gories. At the side of the alderman
or master, the chief officer, stood
four or six wardens or searchers who possessed
the general authority to inspect work and rec-
tify abuses. As in all guilds, the social gather-
ings, processions, and annual feasts played a
great réle, and we find here and there provi-
sions for the common welfare, assistance to the
needy, and the maintenance of a chaplain. But
these few ordinances of a charitable character
played an exceedingly insignificant part in the
constitution of the craft guilds. The true sig-
nificance of the crafts was economic, not social.
Membership in the guild in the period of
their prosperity depended on full citizenship.
Non-citizens, whether aliens or simple strangers,
enjoyed but a precarious position in medieval
England. The qualification of freeman was
necessarily relaxed in the case of women, who
were also admitted as members, for certain oc-
aaa were almost exclusively conducted by
em.
But participation in the franchise was not
enough. A perfect acquaintance with the de-
tails of the trade and the ability to produce good
work were in all cases preliminary requisites.
In fact, the main provisions of the craft, the
very soul of its constitution, were the regula-
tions intended to ensure the excellence of the
products and the capacity of the workman. The
ordinances almost invariably commence with a
recital of the various subterfuges employed by
knavish artificers to deceive the public.
The whole character of the craft guild is seen
by these regulations to be due to the compul-
sion of the city authorities rather than to any
Guilds.
philanthropic anxiety on the part of the trades.
Carefully ascertained rules as to the exact pro-
portion and quality of the raw materials were
prescribed with great minuteness ; the mixing
of cl and bad wares was strictly prohibited,
and the greatest care was exercised in the selec-
tion of proper tools.
Similar considerations led to the prohibition
of night work or sales by candle-light. Said an
edict: ‘* The spurriers shall not work after cur-
few, ‘ by reason that no man can work so neat-
ly by night as by day,’ and especially because
many persons ‘ compass how to practise decep-
tion in their work,’ and introduce false and
cracked iron for tin and put gilt on false cop-
per.” '
It was imperative on the craftsman to furnish
an adequate guarantee of his fitness to join the
guild and produce good work. This guarantee
consisted in the fact of a previous apprentice-
ship and the evidence of a good moral charac-
ter. The apprenticeship continued asa rule for
seven years, but was, in itself, an insufficient
security. Defective workmanship indeed was
generally the effect of fraud, not of inability,
and the longest apprenticeship could give no
security against fraud.
These regulations were but a part of the whole
medieval system. The Middle Ages were a
period of customary, not of compctitive prices,
and the idea of permitting agree-
ments to be decided by the indi-
vidual preferences of vendor or pur-
chaser was absolutely foreign to the
jurisprudence of the times. The
“higgling of the market’’ was an
impossibility, simply because the laws of the
market were not left to the free arbitrament of
the contracting parties.
The remaining features of the guild manifest
the same dependence on the laws of the realm.
The severance of occupations was imposed upon
the trades, not spontaneously adopted by them,
and the medieval statutes teem with provisions
of this nature, as, for instance, that shoemakers
shall not be tanners, brewers not be coopers,
cordwainers not be curriers, butchers not be
cooks, drapers not be ‘‘litsters,’’ while a statute
of 1363 admonishes all artificers and handicraft
people to use only one mystery or occupation.
But the subordination of the guilds to the
general laws of the realm constitutes only one
half of the explanation. The other half must
be sought in the commanding influence of the
towns in economic life. All powers of market
and social police were from the first massed in
the hands of the urban authorities. The guilds
developed and were developed by this life. They
aided, too, in art (g.v.) and religion.
All medieval guilds, as has been said, were
largely religious; and Gierke says in his
Deutsches Genossenschafts-Recht (p. 227):
“As a religious community, as a union for
worship, which probably the name signifies,
every guild had a patron saint, whose name it
bore, and by whom its members swore, and an
altar of its own, which it maintained. The
erection of benevolent institutions, perpetual
masses, and similar gifts to the church, the giv-
ing of alms and the assistance of pilgrims, the
maintenance of altar lights, and other pious acts
Trade
System,
679
Guilds.
were matters of the union and among its pur-
poses.”’
Without the guilds the cathedrals would not
sale been built. As Lowell says in his Cathe-
ral:
“T gaze round on the windows, pride of France,
Each the bright gift of some mechanic guild
Who loved their city and thought gold well spent
To make her beautiful with piety.”
Says Mr. J. Bleecker Miller: ‘‘ That was a
time when the Cathedra/ system was the re-
ligious organization of a great city, with its
centralized government under one head, its
chapter of priests who attended to the religious
wants of the city as a whole, and with the citi-
zens divided according to their trades and pro-
fessions into smaller religious and political com
munities, called guilds.”’ :
The guilds did much for charity. A brother
of the craft would give house and lands to bet-
ter the annual feast, which the craft always
held ; or he might found a school, a hospital, or
an almshouse, and after defining the amount of
his benefaction, would leave the surplus, if any,
to the discretion of the guild. Or he would
make the guild the trustees of the fund, from
which the mass priest should receive his stipend
for spiritual offices, the residue being left to
the guild as remuneration for management.
Occasionally the corporations bargained for the
amount of the spiritual service, and refused to
agree to a proposal which might be too costly
for the fund to bear. They exacted fees for ap-
prenticeship, for taking up freedom by inheri-
tance or servitude, and more lately for admission
into the guild by purchase. Like prudent men,
who might be liable to occasional charges, they
saved and invested these funds, as also gifts
for lending without usury to poorer citizens, for
apprenticing poor boys or girls, or for marriage
portions, or for widows’ pensions, or for the re-
lief of the destitute members of the craft, the
first and the most enduring duty of the guild.
The guild estates, the chest of the company, its
revenues and rents, were, like the endowments
of an academical college, at once the support of
the fraternity and the means by which the dis-
cipline of the order or craft was maintained.
Of their life Seligman says :
‘“* But there was no monopoly or exaggerated exclu-
siveness. Any one could become apprentice, and the
number was limited only by the ability of the master
to support them or by considerations of a police na-
ture. The apprentice formed a member of the mas-
ter’s family. Forthe principles of the law of parent
and child were made applicable to a certain extent,
and all responsibility for purchases of the apprentices
as well as for their behavior were imposed on the mas-
ters by city ordinance. From one of the indentures
that have been preserved we can obtain a clear view
of his position, The apprentice is to keep his master’s
secrets, do him no injury, nor commit excessive waste
on his goods. He is not to frequent taverns, commit
fornication or adultery with the housemaids or in
town, nor betroth himself without his master’s per-
mission. Heis not to wear certain garments, play at
dice, checkers, or any other unlawful game, but is to
conduct himself soberly and piously as a good and
faithful servant, or in default to serve double time.
The master, on the other hand, agrees to find him in
all necessaries, food, clothing, bed, and so on, for four
years. In the fifth year he finds himself, but receives
zos. and the tools of the trade ; and in thesixth year he
gets gos., but finds his own tools. The master agrees
on his side to teach him the craft without any conceal-
ment: 5...
Guilds.
“The condition of the workmen proper was essen-
tially similar. They were known by the various
names of varlet, sergeant, yeoman, garson, bachelor,
allowe, and journeyman, and were taken for any stip-
ulated period, altho probably at first engaged by
the day, as the last term implies. Restrictions were
rarely placed on their number; but the necessities of
a small household would in general preclude the mas-
ter from employing more than a limited number... .
“All possible disputes were settled primarily by the
wardens, some of whom were in certain crafts chosen
from the ranks of the journeymen themselves. If the
master refused to give the stipulated wages, the war-
dens forbade him to work until the obligation should
be fulfilled. The journeyman was likewise protected
against other exactions on the part of unscrupulous
masters, such as attempts to compel him to serve be-
yond his time or against his will, while a stimulus was
given to loyal fidelity by prescribing assistance out of
the guild funds in case of illness or misfortune. ...
“ But a conflict of interests was in general unknown.
The journeyman always looked forward to the period
when he would be admitted to the freedom of the
trade. This was a rule not difficult for an expert
workman to attain. No insuperable obstacle was
thrown into his path. In fact, there was no supera-
bundance of skilled taborat thistime. It wasa period
of supremacy of labor over capital, and the master
worked beside.”
Naturally, however, there were sporadic cases
of disaffection on the part of individual work-
men against imagined or pernaps real maltreat-
ment by the master. These cases no doubt ex-
isted from the earliest period. Out of them
came the journeymen’s associations. Thus in
1303, in one of the earliest craft ordinances that
we possess, the journeymen cordwainers of Lon-
don are forbidden to assemble or make any pro-
visions prejudicial to their masters or to the pub-
lic. (See ComsBinaTion Laws.)
But altho this, as well as the similar case of
the journeymen weavers in 1362, resembles to a
certain degree our modern strike and boycott,
itis not indicative of any general banding to-
gether of the yeomen against the employers.
At first these associations were simple frater-
nities of a social character. As on the Conti-
nent, they were considered quite harmless and
in most cases freely permitted. Sometimes,
however, they were prohibited, as tending to
weaken the paternal authority of the craftsmen.
The ‘‘ congregations” of the journeymen cord-
wainers above mentioned were doubtless of this
class and continued, for over three quarters of a
century later they are again charged with mak-
ing an illegal fraternity, for which they sought
a confirmation from the Pope. The general
proclamation of 1383 was, however, not directed
especially against such associations, as has been
represented. For this forbade conspiracies and
combinations of all kinds, and did not mention
the workmen at all. Probably the regulation
was designed to prevent the recurrence of such
riots as had taken place during Wat Tyler's up-
rising, in 1381. The character of the early jour-
neymen’s guilds is shown by their fraternities
in Coventry, where the journeymen or young
people of various trades, ‘‘ observing what mer-
Ty meetings and feasts their masters had, them-
selves wanted the like pleasure, and did there-
fore of their own accord assemble together, and
for their better conjunction make choice of a
master with clerks and officers.” But as this
was found to be to ‘‘ the prejudice of the other
ee oie disturbance of the city,” the mayor
and citizens petitione i i
abolish them. . MRE REe 1 34265 40
680
Guilds.
The journeymen’s associations which seem to
have been quite common (for the statute of 1402
speaks of ‘' fraternities or guilds of servants’’ in
reneral) were thus mere social brotherhoods,
ormed by the young ‘’ desirous of merry meet-
ings and feasts.” Itis not permissible to cite
them as proving any conflict between labor and
capital at this period. The unions were every-
where confined to the youths, who in turn gradu-
ally became masters and were enrolled as full
members of the craft-guild proper. But gradu-
ally this changed. The guilds became too rich
and strong, and were hated. ;
Says Professor James,in a chapter written
for McNeill's Labor Movement:
“The complaints about the heartless policy of the
guilds began as early as the fifteenth century, and did
not die out until the guilds themselves died. During
the fifteenth centu-y the abolition of the guilds was de-
manded on this ground. When Henry III., of France,
in 1581, extended the provisions of the guilds to all
branches of mechanical industry in +
France, the parliament refused at first
to register the edict. In 1614, the third Downfall,
estate in France moved the abolition of
the guilds; in 1624,a party in the city
council of Bremen; in 1669, the Elector of Brandenburg,
in the German Parliament, made the same motion. In
Prussia, peas with 1688, a series of laws was adopt-
ed looking toward the reformation of the guilds in the
direction of greater freedom, and in the interest of a
growing industry. But the chief attack upon the old
ee system came on its theoretical side from Adam
mith and the French Physiocrats.
“God, said the physiocratic school of, economists,
made the right to labor the property of évery person
by giving tc every one wants and referring him to
Tabor as a means of satisfying them. This propery
is the first in order of time, the most Holy and the
most inalienable. Owing to the restrictions on labor
maintained by the guilds, the poor are condemned
to protract a precarious existence under the control
of the masters, to linger in poverty or to betake
themselves and their industry to foreign lands. Just
as the whole existing system of law had proceeded
from the selfish efforts of privileged classes, who re-
sisted every reform, so in making the regulations in
regard to organization of the system of apprentices
and journeymen the councilors of the government had
always been the employers. They served merely to
secure to the masters the labor of the apprentice fora
long time at a very low rate of wages or for no wages
at all; to keep down the wages of the journeyman and
to diminish competition by limiting the number of
masters. It is one of the first duties of justice to free
those whose only property consists in the skill and
strength of their hands from the limitations placed
upon them by the guilds.”
Justice and economic expediency thus united
in demanding the freedom of labor. The same
demand for freedom of industry and of con-
tract was made by those interested in the large
industry which was now beginning to rise in
England. The guild system was in the in-
terest of the small employer, but opposed to
the interest of the large employer. ‘The mere
requirement that a man should have passed
through an apprenticeship, and, on the conti-
nent, a journeymanship also, stood in the way
of those who wished to utilize their capital.
Thus theory and pecuniary interest united in
demanding the abolition of the old system. In
France, the old system was abolished in the
memorable night of August 4, 1789. (See
France.) In Germany, Prussia, in 1810, was the
first to do away with the old system complete-
ly. England, under the control of the large
capitalists, abolished the apprentice law of 1562
in 1814.
The prohibitions of coalitions of laborers were,
Guilds.
however, left on the statute books. The pro-
hibitions in England were abolished by the
law of 1824. In France they were not abolished
until 1864 ; for all Germany not until 1871 ; for
Austria in 1870. Nevertheless, many traces of
the medieval guilds still remain, especially in
England. (See Lonpon.)
‘ In Scotland, the companies of merchant free-
men still exercise great power, and the magis-
trate next in rank to the mayor (provost) is the
dean of the guild. But all these modern city
guilds are mainly mere inherited monopolies.
References: C. Osborn Ward’s J
(1886); L. Brentano, Ox ¢he History aa pire
Guilds (1870); G.R. A. Seligmann, Zen Ch.
Medieval Oi itis of England (1887). ERS
GUISE. See Gopin.
GUNTON, GEORGE, was born in England,
but when quite young came to this country,
and worked in the factories of Fall River, Mass.
681
Hamilton, Alexander.
Interested in social studies, he worked his way
up till he became a leading writer on economic
questions from the eight-hour standpoint. His
Wealth and Progress appeared in 1887, and
is the fullest statement of the eight-hour philos-
ophy, tho not endorsed by most of the eight-
hour trade-unionists, on account of Mr. Gunton’s
opposition to other trade-union demands, and
by some of them on account of his advocacy of
protection. (See SHort-Hour Movement.) His
Principles of Soctal Economics was issued in
1891. He is best known to-day for the Eco-
nomic School, situated at 34 Union Square,
New York City, and as the editor of Gunton's
Magazine (formerly The Soczal Economist),
in which he opposes most propositions looking
toward State ownership, or even control of in-
dustries. Advocating a gold monometallism,
he argues that the best way to aid the cause of
labor is through the reduction of the hours of
labor. (See SHorT-Hour Movement.)
el
HABEAS CORPUS is a writ issued by a
court of law or equity to produce before it the
body of a prisoner, that the court may inquire
into the cause of imprisonment or detention,
with a view to protect the right of personal lib-
erty. Properly speaking, this writ is known in
law as habeas corpus ad subjictendum. The
term habeas corpus is used for it, as its for-
mal commencement, as itis for several other sim-
ilar legal writs known to English and American
law. It rests upon the right wrested from
King John in the Magna Charta, that no one
may be imprisoned save by due process of legal
trial and sentence. It is inserted in Sec. 9 of
Art. I, of the United States Constitution, that
this right shall not be suspended ‘‘ unless when
in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety
may require it.’’
HADLEY, ARTHUR TWINING, was
born in New Haven, Conn., son of Professor
CS Hadley, in 1856. He was graduated at
ale in 1876. Studying at the University of
Berlin in 1879, he became tutor in 1883, and in
1886 Professor of Political Economy at Yale.
In 1885 he was appointed Commissioner of Labor
Statistics for Connecticut, and published the re-
ports of 1885 and 1886. Hehas published Raz/-
road Transportation, tts History and its Laws
(1885), and Economics (1896), besides many
articles and papers.
HALE, EDWARD EVERETT, was born
in Boston, April 3, 1822, son of Nathan Hale,
LL.D., and Sarah P. (Everett) Hale. Studying
in the Boston Latin School, he was graduated
at Harvard College in 1839. He studied theol-
ogy with Revs. S. K. Lothrop and John G. Pal-
frey, and was licensed to preach in 1842. Preach
ing in various churches, he was settled in 1846
as pastor of the Church of the Unity, in Wor-
cester. In 1856 he became pastor of the South
Congregational (Unitarian) Church, in Boston,
where hestillremains. Heiseven better known
as a leader and often the starter of a marvelous
number of philanthropic movements. His 7ez
Times One zs Ten led to the establishment of
clubs devoted to doing good scattered through-
out the world, with a membership of over 50,000.
They are called ‘‘ Harry Wadsworth clubs.’’
They have for their motto, ‘‘ Look up and not
down; look forward and not back ; look out
and not in; and lend a hand.’’ He has also
taken great interest in the Chautauqua and
other literary, educational, and reform move:
ments. When the Nationalist and Christian So-
cialist movements were commenced, Dr. Hale
interested himself inthem. In 1869 he founded,
in connection with the American Unitarian As-
sociation, the magazine O/d and New, which in
1875 was merged into Scrzbner’s Monthly. In
1886 he started Lexd a Hand. Hisshort stories
are among his best works, notably Aly Double
and how We Undid me (1859), The Man with-
out a Country (1863), and How they Lived in
Hamfpton—a nationalistic tale written before
the days of Nationalism.
HAMILTON, ALEXANDER, was born on
the island of Nevis, West Indies, in 1757, the
son of a Scotch merchant. Entering acounting
house at the age of 12, his abilities induced his
friends to secure for hima college education,
and he was graduated at Columbia College,
New York. At the age ot 18 he wrote a series
of papers on the relation of the colonies to Eng-
land, which were at first taken for the produc-
tion of the statesman Jay. On the outbreak of
the war he became a captain of artillery, but
soon gained the confidence of Washington and
became his aide-de-camp and confidant in 1777.
In 1780 he married a daughter of General Schuy-
ler, and became one of New York’s leading
lawyers,
He was a member of the Continental Con-
gress from 1782-83, and of the Convention of
1787, His perspicacity and power of thought
Hamilton, Alexander.
were remarkable. One of the most abused as
well as one of the most lauded of men, he
played a leading part in the early history of this
country.
In conjunction with Madison, he had the most
important share in drafting the Constitution.
He was a strong supporter of the federal policy
of developing a strong national government,
and, along with Jay and Madison, defended the
Constitution against all attacks by a series of
letters in the Dazly Advertiser of New York,
afterward collected and published under the
title of The Federalist (g v.). On the estab-
lishment of the new Government in 1789, with
Washington as President, Hamilton was ap-
pointed Secretary of the Treasury. The disor-
der of the public credit and the deficiency of
official accounts of the State treasury rendered
this office one of peculiar difficulty. In order to
reestablish public credit, he carried, in spite of
much opposition, a measure for the funding of
the domestic debt, founded a national bank, and
rearranged thesystem of duties. In 1795 he re-
signed his office and resumed the practice of
law in New York. When the war with France
broke out in 1798, he was, according to the wish
of Washington, made Major-General of the
United States Army; and, on the death of
Washington, he succeeded to the chief com-
mand. When peace was restored, he returned
to his civil duties, but became involved in a po-
litical quarrel with Aaron Burr. This difference
unhappily culminated in a duel, in which Ham-
ilton received a wound, of which he died the
following day (July 12, 1804). (See FEDERAL
Party ; CoNnstiTuTIoN.)
HARDIE, JAMES KEIR, M.P., was born
in Glasgow in 1856. Before he was eight years
old he went to work in the coal-pits, and worked
at the pick till he was 24, never having a day’s
schooling. As a boy he descended the pit at
5.45 A.M.,and did not ascend again until six
o'clock at night. Hetaught himself to write by
holding a white stone over the smoke of a lamp
and tracing characters upon the smoke-stained
surface with a pin. He eventually became sec-
retary of the Miners’ Union in Lanarkshire. It
was at this time that Mr. Hardie was first dis-
covered to be a ‘‘ monster in human form,” for
on the very day that his election became known
a benevolent mine-owner dismissed him and his
two young brothers trom his employ. Six
months after Keir Hardie’s dismissal he had
organized the Lanarkshire men, and 23,000
Miners were paying their levy into the union
war-chest.
In 1882 a new sphere of work was opened
out. Mr. Hardie took to journalism, and be-
came sub-editor of the Cumnock News. At the
end of four years the circulation of that journal
was quadrupled. During this four years, how-
ever, the miners’ wages had again fallen for
want of efficient organization, and Mr. Hardie
was once more asked to come over and help.
He did so, and in a very short time those wages
were doubled.
In 1888 he received an invitation to stand as
parliamentary candidate for Mid-Lanark, but
was defeated, gaining experience, however,
which led him to found the Scottish Labor Party.
682
Harmonists.
His next move was to favor the eight-hour move-
ment; but the Westham Radical Association
approached Mr. Hardie soon afterward with an
invitation to fight the next election in their dis-
trict. For two years and a half Mr. Hardie
spoke at street corners and everywhere he
could ; and when the figures of the poll were
published in 1892 he was elected, a crowd of
50,000 people in Stratford Highway watching
the returns. The new member was carried
shoulder-high to Canning Town—over two
miles. In 1893 he was the main leader in
founding the Independent Labor Party (¢.v.).
Mr. Hardie is a man of transparent honesty,
with a sincere hatred of all shams and petty,
unnecessary formulas. He is one of the most
lovable of men, and, in spite of his cloth cap,
can give points to many of the British peerage
in the matter of good manners. He is editor of
the Labor Leader, and a frequent contributor
to the monthly periodicals. :
In the last election Mr. Hardie was defeated,
but still holds his ground as a leader of his -
party. In the autumn of 1895 he paid a brief
visit to the United States, speaking in the prin-
cipal cities.
HARMONISTS, THE.—The name of a re-
ligious celibate German sect now established at
the communistic village of Economy, Pa. The
sect was founded at Wiirtemberg by George
and Frederick Rapp about 1787, and its adhe-
tents are therefore sometimes called Rappists.
According to their creed, Adam was created a
dual being, as is the Creator. If Adam had
been satisfied, he could have increased and
brought forth without the aid of woman ; but
he became discontented, and then the Creator
separated his twofold nature, of the female ele-
ment making woman, and therein consisted
the fall of man. They believe that the condi-
tion of celibacy is thus most pleasing to God ;
that in the renewed world man will be restored
to his dual condition ; that the coming of Christ
and the renovation of the world are near at
hand ; that Jesus was of a dual nature ; that
Christ taught a community of goods ; that ulti-
mately all mankind will find salvation ; but that
only those who are celibates, and otherwise con-
form to what they believe to be the command-
ments of Jesus, will be at once received into the
company of Christ and His companions, and
that offenders must undergo a probation for
purification. The early members were so much
harassed by petty persecutions that in 1803 ak
determined to emigrate, and came to Pennsyl-
vania and Maryland. In 1805 they were firmly
and prosperously established at Harmony, But-
ler County, Pa., where they remained 1o years.
Then they migrated to New Harmony, Ind.,
remaining there until 1824, when they sold their
land to Robert Owen, the socialist, and re-
turned to Pennsylvania, establishing themselves
at Economy, near Pittsburg. Here they have
grown in wealth and decreased in numbers, for
they have of late years sought few accessions.
There are probably not more than so in the
neat little village that are members of the com-
munity, tho there are besides several hundreds -
of employees. The German language is still
used, They have much property in real estate,
Harmonists.
‘
in coal mines, and they control at Beaver Falls
what is said to be the largest cutlery manufac-
tory in the country.
There are in the society a few more women
than men, but no families. Its employees have
wives and children, and livein neat houses with
well-kept gardens about them. The members
of the society live with and among their em-
ployees. They have no separate home life
apart from those who labor for them.
The amount of capital invested by the society
has been estimated from $5,000,000 to $25 ,000,-
ooo. There is no means of findiny out the act-
ual sum, for it is one of their tenets to keep no
accounts for inspection. Everything is in com-
mon, and is controlled by trustees, John S. Duss
being now the central power, since the recent
death of Father Henrici, for long years the head
of the community. The original holding of the
community consisted of 1100 acres, upon which
the town of Economy is built ; but these have
been expanded into several thousand, and the
well-tilled fields bear splendid crops. There
are also steel-works, a bank, iron-works, saw-
mills, grist-mills, shoe-shops, a great wine cel-
lar, a dairy, harness-shop, and looms. The
form of government of the industries and of the
society is patriarchal, and is administered by
the two trustees and seven elders,
They have a fine choral society. In the gar-
den back of the central house they have music
every evening during the summer. In the
winter they have glees, and dancing in a great
music hall. On Sunday, in the great meeting-
house, the services are more than half musical.
The employees are accorded the same privi-
leges, except that of sharing in the bank ac-
count and accumulations, as members of the
society. Every one draws from the general
warehouse whatever is needed forcomfort. In
other words, the employees have all the re-
quirements and many of the luxuries of life, be-
sides receiving $8 a month.
The future of the community is, however,
quite uncertain. Decreasing slowly but stead-
ily in numbers, yet with enormous wealth,
made principally by investments, it has practi-
cally lost its cooperative character, and may be-
come an ordinary corporation.
HARRINGTON, JAMES.— Born 1611;
died 1677. The author of Oceana was edu-
cated at Oxford University. In 1646 he wasa
personal attendant to Charles I. when he was
imprisoned, and attended him at his execution.
In 1656 he published the work he is best known
by—a political allegory, somewhat in imitation
of Plato—in which he depicted an ideal repub-
lic named Oceana. He was arrested in 1661 on
- acharge of treason, but was confined without a
trial until he finally became insane, and died in
1677. The probable reason of hisimprisonment
was in his avowed republican opinions.
HARRIS, THOMAS LAKE, was born at
Fenny Stratford, England, May 15, 1823.. At
the age of four he was brought to America by
his father, who settled at Utica, N. Y. He was
soon compelled to earn his own living, and at
17 began to write for newspapers. Having re-
nounced the Calvinistic faith, in which he was
633
Headlam, Stewart Duckworth.
early trained, he became a Universalist preach-
er at Minden, N. Y., in 1844. His health fail-
ing, he went to Charleston, S. C., but from
1845-47 was pastor of a church in New York
City. In 1848, having adopted Swedenborgian
views, he organized an Independent Christian
Society in New York, but in 1850 joined a com-
munity at Mountain Cove, Va. He afterward
lectured in many parts of the Union, endeavor-
ing to turn the public interest in spiritualism to
what he considered a higher plane of religious
thought and life. In 1855 he established the
flerald of Light to advance his views, and in
1858 visited England and Scotland, where he
gained converts. Returning in 1861, he settled
in Amenia, N. Y., where several friends gath-
ered around him and formed the ‘‘ Brotherhood
of the New Life.’’ The settlement was after-
ward removed to Brocton, N. Y., where Lady
Oliphant and several Japanese of distinction
joined the society, and remained many years.
The property was not held in common. Mr.
Harris appears to exert a marvelous influence
upon men, but he seems to hold all power in his
own hands, with the natural results of creating
great hostility, deserved or undeserved. Scan-
dalous stories are told of the community ; but
as all is secret, reliable information is not avail-
able. Members, scattered over the world, are
said to belong to this unique society. About
1876 Mr. Harris removed to the neighborhood
of Los Angeles, Cal., where he lives a retired
life. His principal works are Wzsdom of An-
gels (1856); Arcana of Christianity (1857,
1866); Modern Spiritualism (1869); Afitlen-
ntal Age (1860). He has also published several
volumes of hymns and poems.
HARRISON, FREDERIC, was born in
London in 1831, and educated at King’s College,
London, and at Oxford, where, in 1853, he was.
elected fellow and tutor. He was admitted to
the bar in 1858, and in 1877 was appointed Pro-
fessor of Jurisprudence and International Law
by the Council of Legal Education. He has
deeply interested himself in the English labor
movement, in 1861 writing important letters to
the press defending trade-unionism ; later get-
ting trade-unions legalized as friendly societies ;
writing for the Beehive from 1861-77, the prin-
cipal labor paper of London, etc. He is the
chief exponent of the Positivist school, a critic
of authority, and a master of English prose.
Among his works are: The Meaning of Hzs-
tory, Soczal Statics, Order and Progress, and
Oliver Cromwell,
HEADLAM, STEWART DUCK-
WORTH, was born at Wavertree, near Liver-
pool, in 1847, and educated at Walhurst, Eton,
and Trinity College, Cambridge. He was cu-
rate of St. John’s, Drury Lane, from 1870-73 ;
St. Matthew’s, Bethnal Green, 1873-78; St.
Thomas’, Charterhouse, 1880-81 ; St. Michael’s,
Shoreditch, 1881-84. Mr. Headlam early inter-
ested himself in social problems as a priest of
the Church of England, and his parochial duties
bringing him in contact with girls and actors
on the stage, he defended them from what he
believed unwarranted condemnation, and came
to believe in and study stage dancing as an art
Headlam, Stewart Duckworth. | :
A lecture on this subject gave serious offense to
the late Bishop of London, and he refused him a
license in his diocese, so that Mr. Headlam has
worked under great difficulties. Nevertheless,
few clergymen in London exert a stronger influ-
ence for Christianity and the Church, He has
been the leading spirit and the real founder of
the Church and Stage Guild, and~also of
the Guild of St. Matthew (g.v.), a Christian
socialist society—the first society still exist-
ing in England to declare for socialism. He
was, till its suspension in 1895, the editor of The
Church Reformer, the organ of the guild. Mr.
Headlam is the author of several small but re-
markable volumes of sermons and lectures:
Priestcraft and Progress (1882); Lessons from
the Cross (1887) ; The Laws of Eternal Life
1888); Salvation through Christ; Christian
Soctalism (1888). He has also edited part of
Carlo Blesis’s work on dancing, under the title
The Theory of Theatrical Dancing. Hehas
written essays on Tze Function of the Stage,
The Ballet, etc. Hethus unites the most radi-
cal views with a high Anglican Catholicism.
He is most popular with the London working
men, and has been elected on the London
School Board for Hackney, and most actively
works as a Fabian socialist for board schools,
etc.
HEGEL, GEORG WILHELM FRIED-
RICH, was born at Stuttgartin 1770. Hestudied
at Tiibingen with Schelling, and became profes-
sor at Jena, Heidelberg, and Berlin. His princi-
pal works are: Die Phenomenologie des Gets-
tes (1807) ; the Logzk (1812-16) ; an Encyklope-
die der Philosoph. Werssenschaften (1817);
Philosophie des Rechts (1821). He early in life
turned his attention to social questions, writing
(1797) a commentary on Stewart’s Jnguzry cnto
the,Principles of Political Economy. Later he
published various small works on the political
constitutions of Wiirtemberg and Germany,
criticising them and admiring Napoleon, ‘‘ that
universal genius.’’ Living in the stirring times
of the French Revolution, rejecting the idea
of the Absolute, and conceiving of every-
thing, even of God, as an eternal process, he
thinks of society as developing through the in-
dividual, the family, the town, the State, the
world, higher and higher unities, each unity, .
however, realizing and not destroying the lower
unity. Itis easy to see how he came to be the
intellectual father of Marx and of most early
German socialists.
HELD, ADOLF, was born in Wiirzburg in
1844. He studied in Wiirzburg and Munich.
In 1867 he became teacher, and in 1872 full Pro-
fessor of Political Economy at Bonn. In 1880
he was called to the university at Berlin, but
was drowned on August 25 of the same year.
He was prominent as one of the socialists of
The Chair (g.v.). Among his best-known works
are: Die Linkommensteuer (1872); Die deutsche
Arbetterpresse der Gegenwart(1873); Grund-
riss fiir Vorlesungen tiber Nationalikonomze
(1876) ; Sozzal¢esmus Soztaldemohratie und So-
stalpolitek (1878).
HELPERS, ASSOCIATION OF.—An as-
sociation of men and women organized by W. T.
684
Heredity.
Stead, the London journalist, who, irrespective
of differences of party, creed, or social condi-
tion, have agreed to work together for the at-
tainment of certain broadly defined ideals, so-
cial, political, and religious. It was founded in
January, 1890, immediately after the eee
of the Review of Reviews, with its Address to
all English-speaking Folk. In February,
1892, there were between 500 and 600 Helpers.
on the list. (See Civic CHuRcH )
HERBERT, AUBERON EDWARD
WILLIAM MOLYNEUX, son of the third
earl of Carnarvon, was born in 1838. He left
Oxford for the army, serving 18 months in
India, but returned and took his degree, and
for a year taught at Oxford. He then visited
Denmark during the Prussian-Danish War, and
the United States during the War of the Re-
bellion, becoming acquainted in camp with
Generals Grant and Meade. His next few
years were spent in London aiding working
meninclubs. From 1870 to 1874 he was in Par-
liament for Nottingham. He went to France
during the Franco-Prussian War. He left Par-
liament, coming to believe, with Spencer, that
the people needed to reconstruct their own con-
ditions in life and not to depend on politicians.
He has thus become an intense individualist,
the editor of Free Life, the organ of Voluntary-
ism (g.v.), advocating the voluntary state and
voluntary taxation. He published The Right
and Wrong of Compulsion by.the State in 1885.
HEREDITY.—The influence of heredity
upon character has been very widely discussed.
For the position of heredity in the philosophy of
evolution, and especially for the view held by
Weismann and the majority of modern evolu-
tionists that acguzred characteristics are not
transmitted to posterity, see EvoLuTion. Says
Professor R. T. Ely, writing in The Outlook,
September 16, 1893:
“ Many facts have been brought forward in substan-
tiation of this doctrine. The experience in the breed-
ing of lower animals was one which most naturally
occurred to those thinking earnestly upon heredity.
Various social studies which have been made tend, at
first blush, at any rate, to emphasize heredity. All
those who have given attention to crime and pauper-
ism in the United States are familiar with the story of
the Jukes, so well told by Richard Dugdale. To Mar-
garet, ‘the Mother of Criminals,’ can be traced numer-
ous pauper and criminal descendants who have, all
told, cost the State of New York millions of dollars.
The ‘Tribe of Ishmael’ is the name given in Indiana
to the many descendants of two or three persons weak
in body, mind, and character. These descendants fill
the hospitals and jails in the neighborhood of Indian-
apolis. A city missionary in Berlin has traced to two
sisters, who fived not long ago, paupers, prostitutes,
thieves, murderers. The descendants of these two
sisters have served hundreds of years in prison. A
most remarkable social experiment was conducted in
Oneida, N. Y., which, on account of the delicacy of the
subject, has never received the scientific attention
which it deserves, At this place there was a commu-
nistic settlement, composed very largely of able and
highly educated men, who attempted to apply strictly
scientific principles in the breeding of men... Dr. Ely
van de Walker, of New York City, has given some at-
tention to the subject, and he pronounces the result
quite remarkable. It is claimed that the children born
are far above the average, in their physical qualities
at least.
“Further thought appears to bring a reaction in
favor of environment. The facts of social parasitism
could not be long observed before it became apparent
that heredity brings circumstances with it.“ Are the
resulting crime and pauperism due to heredity or to
Heredity.
‘the circumstances which unfortunate heredity brings
- in its train, or to both? Experimentation on a consid-
erable scale has given a partial answer. The Chil-
dren’s Aid Society of New York and other similar agen-
cies have changed the circumstances of those whose
heredity was unfortunate, and the outcome has been
changed character in the vast majority of cases; prob-
ably itis safe to say in nine out of ten cases. Thou-
sands of children born of the worst parents have been
taken from surroundings in the slums of cities which
would have made of them paupers, prostitutes, and
criminals, and they have become useful and honorable
citizens. With some degree of certainty it can be pre-
dicted that the circumstances of the worst slums mean
to the child brought up in themruin, and perhaps with
uite as great a degree of certainty it can be predicted
that a change to an altogether favorable environment
will mean social salvation. If heredity is, in such
‘cases, as it may be admitted, an adverse force which
must be overcome, yet favorable circumstances are
sufficient to overcome it, and circumstances have by
far the greater weight.
“Recent studies of heredity appear also to give less
importance to it, on the whole, than earlier ones. It is
now frequently asserted by scientists that acquired
qualities cannot be transmitted. An English econo-
mist says of Weismann, whose essays upon heredity
are well known, that he has reopened the case for So-
cialism. What he means is this: Socialism lays em-
phasis almost entirely upon circumstances, and Weis-
mann’s investigations have so emphasized the impor-
tance of circumstances as opposed to heredity that
once more the case for Socialism requires discussion
before the bar of public opinion.”
Dr. H, D. Chapin, in the Forum (March,
1894), gives the results of his studies :
Dr. cope is a physician to the New York Post-
Graduate Hospital, and has made a record of 600 cases
that came under hiscare. Hisobject was to determine
how far the diseases of very little children were occa-
sioned by heredity and how far by the conditions in
which they lived. Most of the children were under
two years of age, and nearly half under one year. At
the time of birth, 508 of them were reported to have
been in good condition, and only 20 were reported to
have been in bad condition. In rz2cases the report was
“only fair,” and in the remaining cases there was no
report. The children as a whole, therefore, seem to
have started life well. What, then, had been their en-
vironment? It was found that in 106 cases the mothers
were the sole bread-earners, and that in 88 cases the
fathers were out of wrk when the children came to
the hospital. Besides these there were 176 cases in
which the mothers as well as the fathers were obliged
to work. The results of this were very striking.
“Two hundred and fifty-seven of the cases,” says Dr.
Chapin, “‘ were deprived of maternal nourishment be-
fore the proper time, and 101 of the babies never re-
ceived it at all. The usual reason was that the moth-
ers were obliged to go out to work and remain away
for too long intervals to care properly for their infants.
As a direct result, a large number develop rickets,
which is usually accompanied by a softening of the
bones, together’ with great irritation of the nervous
‘system. Almost all these diseases could have been
Prevented by proper diet and care, and yet when
rought to the hospital they were frequently so far
advanced as to result either in death or ina more or
less permanent crippling of a healthy life.” The
family incomes in nearly half the cases could not be
obtained with any definiteness, but in 150 cases they
were reported to be between $5 and $10a week, and
in 117 cases to be less than $5. In only 85 cases were
they reported to exceed $10 a week. The large pro-
portion of the families having less than $5 a week re-
veals a stratum of society which factory returns show
nothing of. With such incomes, insufficient nourish-
ment and unhealthy, overcrowded rooms are inevita-
ble. When families are reduced to these conditions,
physical degeneration is likely to destroy the power
to rise. ‘It is evidently time to consider,’”’ says Dr.
Chapin in conclusion, ‘‘ whether some reasonable form
of cooperation cannot be substituted for the bitter
competition so wasteful of human life.”
In a recent letter Mr. C. Loring Brace, Secre-
tary of the Children’s Aid Society of New York,
said :
“So far as we can judge, inheritance does not figure
in the problem,... This society has placed 84,000
685
Heredity.
children in homes since it began this work 40 years
ago, and it is our experience that no matter what the
parents may be, if the child is taken away at an age
so early that it has not yet understood the wickedness
about, if placed in a country home with kind and judi-
cious adopted parents, it is almost certain to do well.
But if the child is not transplanted early enough,
then there are the bad examples, bad habits, and
knowledge of evil ways to contend against.
‘The last word of the scientists is in accord with the
words of these practical ‘scientists. The theory of
heredity now held by Wallace, who shares with Dar-
win the credit of the hypothesis of natural selection,
and by Weismann and the most eminent authorities, is
that acquired characteristics of the parent do not pass
to the child by inheritance.”
Professor A. G. Warner says (American
Charities, pp. 119-21) :
‘The question of heredity is at bottom a biological
question ; and it is decidedly annoying that, just when
we most desire certainty, biologists should be able to
supply us with little but controverted speculations.
After many books have been written to explain how
acquired characteristics are transmitted from parent
to offspring, Professor Weismann steps out of his labor-
atory to deny that we have any proof that they are so
transmitted. He defends his denialso shrewdly that
the authors of some of the books referred to accept his
view of the matter. This doubt pulverizes the foun-
dations of nearly all that has been written of late on
heredity, and of an especially large proportion of what
has been written on heredity in its bearing on social
life and development.
“If acquired characteristics be inherited, then we
have a chance permanently to improve the race inde-
pendently of selection, by seeing to it that individuals
acquire characteristics that it is desirable for them to
transmit. But Weismann prevents our assuming
that, by improving the environment and training the
individuals, we can thereby permanently improve the
stock. Change of environment and special training
affect only the individual; the progeny are uninflu-
enced by the life history of the parent. We are thus
more in the dark than was for a time supposed as to
the causes of variation. According to the new theory,
those causes are beyond our reach and beyond our
knowledge ; all that we can do for the improvement
of the race is to make the most possible of each indi-
vidual, and, by some system of rational selection, see
to it that the essentially unfit have every facility for
becoming extinct. Wallace, whois inclined to think
that Weismann’s peat is proved, suggests that if we
were to take two herds of wild horses, and attempt to
develop runners from one by selection without train-
ing, and from the other by training without selection,
there can be no doubt that the former method would
be the surest and most expeditious. Some have felt
that if acquired characteristics be not inherited, the
outlook for the improvement of the human race is
very hopeless, since it would seem to be nature’s pol-
icy to induce variations blindly, and then to weed out
those individuals and strains that prove unsatisfac-
tory. A continuous tho fortuitous supply of the un-
fit would constantly be brought to birth only to be ex-
terminated. Suspend the selective processes, and,
according to Weismann, the race would not only cease
to improve, but would certainly and at once begin to
degenerate. Our only hope for the permanent im-
provement of the human stock would then seem to be
through exercising an influence upon the selective
processes, *
“With the tendency which now seems to be mani-
fest tothink that Weismann has not finally made his
point, at least in so far as it applies to heredity among
the higher animals, we can return to the earlier, and
perhaps more encouraging view, if we will: but,
at the same time, the illustration suggested by Wal-
lace must convince us that selection is a far more im-
portant factor in race improvement than the training
which can be given by the most carefully adjusted en-
vironment. At the present time perhaps the best
working hypothesis is to assume that Weismann is
right, but remember that whatever environment can-
not do for the race, it is conceded that it is unquestion-
ably in the highest degree important for the individual.
Weismann himself shows that many of the resem-
* Kidd’s Soctal Evolution is based on the hypoth-
esis that Weismann’s opinions on this point are cor-
tect; all of Spencer’s social philosophy is based on the
opposite assumption.
Heredity.
blances of children to parents, which we have attrib-
uted to heredity, are merely the result of early envi-
ronment on offspring. ... To assume Weismann to
be right— acquired characteristics to be not transmitted
—is possibly the safest working hypothesis, because,on
the one hand, it does not limit our efforts to improve
environment, while, on the other hand, it gives usa
sharp realization of the importance of selection, a factor
which we are prone to forget or to undervalue.”’ (See
EVOLUTION.)
HERRON, REV. GEORGE, was born at
Montezuma, Ind., in 1862. Of feeble health ds
. achild, he grew up in the closest communion
with a father and mother of humble life, but of
unusual Christian character and devotion in the
evangelical faith. The ‘‘ kingdom of God was
to him from his earliest years a tremendous
reality.’’ He is to a large extent a self-edu-
cated man. Entering the Congregational min-
istry, he early developed deep interest in social
matters. In 1891 he read a paper called The
Message of Jesus to Men of Wealth. It was
published in the Chrzstzan Unzon, and later as
a booklet, and immediately arrested very wide
attention. In 1891 he was called to the pasto-
rate of the Congregational Church at Burlington,
Ja., and aroused the deepest interest in social
problems among men and women of all classes.
He conducted a retreat at Grinnell in 1892, and
in 1893 he was chosen to the professorship in the
Rand chair of Applied Christianity, established
at that time in Iowa College, at Grinnell. Since
then he has preached and lectured on social
Christianity to audiences, classes, and summer
gatherings from Massachusetts to California,
everywhere creating a profound impression.
He is first of all a preacher of righteousness, a
profound believer in the Gospel of the kingdom
as the Gospel of the present day, which he be-
lieves to be a crisis in the history of Christianity,
as well as of the country, and to the preaching
of which Dr. Herron devotes himself with the
conviction, the fearlessness, and the consecration
of an apostle. He has written numerous small
books ; among them are: The Larger Christ
(1891); The Call of the Cross (1892); A Plea
for the Gospel (1892); The New Redemption
(1893); The Christian Soctety (1894); The
Christian State (1895); Soctal Meanings of
Religious Experiences (1896).
HERTZEN, ALEXANDER, was born in
Moscow, Russia, in 1812. Shortly after com-
pleting his education he was imprisoned for his
outspoken views and banished to Viatka and
Vladimir. On his return he devoted himself to
literature, and in 1842 his Dzlettantism v.
Naukze attracted attention. In the same year,
for criticising the police, he was ordered to live
in Novgorod. In 1847 he obtained permission
to travel, and in 1851 set up in London a Free
Russtan Press to attack the Government and
issue works forbidden in Russia, notably KéJo-
hol (The Bell), started in 1857. Thousands of
copies were smuggled into Russia and read by
all, from the emperor to the peasants. After
sympathizing with the Poles in their insurrec-
tion of 1863, he transferred the XKdélokol to
Geneva, where it had an obscure existence till
about a year before Hertzen’s death in Paris in
1870. He was romantic and skeptical, eloquent
and satirical. He wrote various books and
686
High License.
stories, his complete works being published in
Basle in 1875.
HERTZKA, THEODORE, was born in
Buda Pesth in 1845, and studied in Vienna. In
1872 he was editor of the ewe Freden Presse ;
in 1880 superintendent of the Wiener Alige-
meinen Zettung. Thesanie year he brought out
his Die Gesetze der Handelspolitik (Laws of
Trade), from the standpoint of the orthodox
economy, which, however, he wholly gave up
six years later in his Dze Gesetze der Sozta-
len’ Entwickelung (Laws of Social Evolu-
zion). A still further advance is made in his ~
utopia of Frezland (1890), in which he pictures
acolony in equatorial Africa on the principles
of communism. At the end of this volume he
called for the creation of such acolony, and met
with alarge response. By 1891 the book had
been translated into many languages, and some
1000 local unions had been formed to provide
the means and startthecolony. A central com-
mittee was organized, and in 1893 a start actu-
ally made. At the last, however, the difficulties
were too great, and the plan failed. Most so-
cialists believe that socialism must come in
through evolution, not through colonies.
HIGGINSON, THOMAS WENT-
WORTH, was born in Cambridge in 1823,
and was graduated from Harvard in 1841. Set-
tled as pastor of the First Church in New-
buryport, but dismissed in 1847 because of. his
anti-slavery preaching, he organized the Free
Church in Worcester, where he remained near-
ly six years, an enthusiastic worker against sla-
very and the intimate friend of Garrison and Phil-
lips. Heenlisted in the war in 1862, and served
till seriously wounded in 1863. He was appoint-
ed colonel of the first regiment of colored troops
enlisted in South Caroling His great work,
however, has been as essayist, author, poet, lec-
turer, and novelist. Some of his best writings
have been his short essays contributed to Har-
per’s Bazar. Hislecture, The Aristocracy of
the Dollar, gave him a national reputation.
His devotion to the cause of humanity led him
to especially espouse the cause of the slave, and
since then of woman emancipation from intel-
lectual and political subjection. He was one of
the first interested in Nationalism, tho not fully
indorsing its views. Living in Cambridge,
Mass., he is prominent in public affairs and re-
form movements.
HIGH LICENSE may be defined as a li-
cense to sell liquors granted at what is regard-
ed as high rates, and intended thereby to re-
duce the number and improve the character of
the places licensed. Many advocates of the high-
license program claim that the term has a wider
meaning, and also covers accessory restrictions
of all kinds—that it is merely a convenient gen-
eric name for all ‘‘improved’’ license acts.
High license provisions are invariably accom-
panied by certain restrictions or prohibitions
governing the manner of sales ; but such re-
Strictions and prohibitions are incidental to all
license laws, and the high-license idea derives
its special significance not from the restrictive
principle proper—z.¢., the principle of absolute-
High License.
ly prohibiting sales to certain persons during
certain hours and in certain places—but from
the tax or revenue principle—z'¢., the principle
of taxing the traffic as for the present at least a
“necessary evil’’—taxing it to the maximum
attainable point, and drawing from it for the
public funds the maximum amount of revenue.
The high-license plan was not urged with any
activity in the early years of the temperance
agitation in the United States.
The high-license movement, as a feature of
the temperance agitation, came into existence
at about the same time that the constitutional
prohibition idea attained promi-
nence. Preparation for it had been
made by a gradual raising of the
license rates in many States. Up
to 1880, however, a rate of $200 per
year was considered high. The high-license
crusade dates from the enactment of the Nebras-
ka ‘‘Slocumb”’ law in February, 1881. It fixed
History.
minimum annual fees of $500 for saloons in all
towns having less than 10,000 population, and
$1000 in those containing more than 10,000 in-
habitants, and established numerous restrictions
of a very rigid nature. The enactment of the
Downing law of Missouri followed in March,
1883, fixing the yearly license charges at $50 to
$200 for State purposes, and $500 to $800 for
county purposes—a minimum of $550 and a
maximum of $1000. Inthe same year (in June)
the Illinois Legislature passed the Harper law,
under which minimum rates of $500 for the sale
of all kinds of liquors and $150 for the sale of
malt liquors only were fixed. Since then many
of the other license States have required the
saloon-keepers to pay relatively large sums—
notably Massachusetts, where the minimum li-
cense rate for the ordinary saloon selling all
kinds of liquors for consumption on and off the
premises is now $1300 per year; Minnesota,
where the minimum rates are $500 for towns
and $1000 for cities ; Pennsylvania, where the
uniform rate for each city is $500; the new
687
State of Montana, where $500 is charged in
towns having 3500 inhabitants or more; the
Territory of Utah, where the minimum charge
is $600 and the maximum $1200, and several
Southern States, like Arkansas, Texas, and West
Virginia, where the aggregate fees exacted
range from $500 upward.
The first high license legislation undeniably
originated with thoroughly radical temperance
men, believers in the principle of Prohibition,
who honestly thought they were making a seri-
ous attack upon the traffic. The framers of the
Nebraska act were John B. Finch, H. W. Hardy,
and other temperance leaders equally earnest.
The Missouri law was passed as a compromise
measure, to defeat the prohibitory bill pressed
by John A. Brooks and his aggressive follow-
ers ; but it was looked upon by many as an im-
portant step in the direction of prohibition. It
was several years before the high license pro-
gram was regarded with decided suspicion by
the prohibitionists ; but by 1886 a general dis-
“trust was felt, and ever since then active hostil-
ity has been manifested. Opposition to high
license is now as much a part of the prohibition
creed as opposition to the saloon itself.
The arguments in favor of high license are
High License.
various. Its supporters claim, first, that in the
present state of society, especially in the larger
cities, it reduces drinking and the
number of saloons far more than
prohibition or any other system ae
now possible, the drinking of wine nai
and intoxicants being, as most ad- Riesnce
herents of high license hold, not a
sin fer se, like prostitution, but only
an evil when carried to excess ; or if an evil in
its beginnings simply so because it leads the
drinker or other drinkers to go on to drinking
in excess ; it is argued that it is not immoral to
license drinking, if this be the best way to pro-
mote temperance. This the adherents of high
license claim. They say that in the present
state of the community, especially in our large
cities, with our numerous foreign inhabitants,
who are accustomed to the use of wine and beer,
and who consider them innocent as water, itis not
possible to sustain a prohibitory law, and there-
fore that in practice prohibition here means ap-
proximately free rum. They point out that in
places the liquor interest has worked with pro-
hibitionists to enact a prohibitory law, knowing
that such alaw could not be enforced. The
point out that Massachusetts, Rhode Island,
and Connecticut have all tried prohibition and
given it up, it being claimed that prohibition
increased the number of saloons and amount of
drinking.
Dr. Ernest H. Crosby says :
“The Metropolitan Excise Law, which was passed
by the Legislature of New York on April 14, 1866, af-
fords an excellent example of increased revenue pro-
duced by increased fees. At this time there were 9720
saloons in New York and Brooklyn, less_than one
fourth of them being inthe latter city.... Underthe
new law the Metropolitan Board of Health fixed the
licenses at $250 and $100. At the expiration of 11
months there were only 6779 licensed places in_ the
metropolitan district, of which 5203 were in New York
and 1476in Brooklyn. In New York the sum of $993,-
379 was collected in license fees, and in Brooklyn $257,-
q25.... In 31 months New York contributed over
$3,000,000. This law was repealed during the suprem-
acy of ies Tweed ring” (Worth American Review, vol.
144, P. 501).
Dr. Crosby, also in the same article, gives the
following facts :
The Illinois high license law went into effect in
1883. It closed several hundred saloons in Illinois, and
raised the revenue from $700,000 to $4,500,000. Michi-
gan, in 1875, under prohibition had 6444 saloons; in
1876, under regulation, 1577 were blotted out, and by
1882 there were only 3461. In Missouri, Governor Mar-
maduke said in his message to the Legislature, Janu-
ary, 1887: “* Prior to the enactment and enforcement of
the law providing for what is known as high license
for dram-shops, there were in this State 3601 dram-
shops and other places where ardent spirits were sold
to be used as a beverage, yielding a revenue of $547,-
320. There were, on July 4 last, 2880 such dram-
shops, yielding a revenue of $1,842,208.’ Of Ohio,
Governor Foraker says: ‘‘ The most reliable data ob-
tainable indicate that the tax law has suppressed a
large percentage of the saloons.”
A second argument in favor of high license is
that by lessening the saloons it becomes possi-
ble to inspect and control the traffic, closing
saloons as may be voted on Sundays and at cer-
tain hours, and forbidding the sale to minors,
etc. This is not possible, they urge, under pro-
hibitory laws, which, not being enforced, both
allow the grossest evils and accustom the com-
munity to non-obedience to law. There is no
High License.
use, they urge, in legislating far beyond the
average moral sense of a community.
The third argument is that high license does
bring in large revenues, and so enables govern-
ments to meet the frightful expenses entailed
by the traffic in caring for the poor or punishing
the criminal, thus making the traffic pay for
its own evils. Prohibition, they argue, creates
more drinking and less ability fo meet the evil.
Other claims made for high license are that it
will operate to exterminate the most objection-
able saloons ; that it will confine the traffic to
men of responsibility, and therefore, presum-
ably, to men of better character ; that by dimin-
ishing the aggregate number of liquor dealers,
it will diminish the temptations to the drinker,
and consequently reduce the consumption of
drink ; that it will remove from political warfare
the organized power of the more dangerous,
demonstrative, ignorant, and offensive rum ele-
ment that is seen in active and constant opera-
tion so long as the laws bestow upon it the right
to exist; that by entrusting a comparatively
few responsible men, under rigid conditions,
with the privilege of selling liquor—that privi-
lege to be purchased at a high money price and
to be cancelled in case of violations of the law
—the cooperation of these privileged licensees
will be commanded by the authorities in their
efforts to enforce wholesome restrictions and to
suppress unlicensed establishments; that the
first restriction of the liquor traffic by high li-
cense will make it comparatively easy to bring
about a second and greater restriction, to be fol-
lowed in time by more radical restrictions, until
the whole traffic is ‘‘ taxed to death’’ and thus
extinguished by progressive action instead of
by a sudden (and not necessarily permanent)
sentimental decree ; that, meanwhile, the liquor
traffic will be under the severest stigma attach-
ing to any trade, and be pronounced by law to
be so dangerous to the community as to require
restriction at all points and the payment of enor-
mous sums to the Government. 5
The opponents of high license deny that it
does lessen drinking, even tho it may lessen
saloons. They say that it makes drinking re-
spectable and legal, and so encour-
ages it. Poor people, they argue,
Objections. feel the injustice of making license
a matter of money, and so keep up
kitchen bars, etc. The fact that
high license does bring in revenue its opponents
consider almost its worst feature, since it inter-
ests the community in maintaining the evil
traffic, and so, instead of high license leading
to prohibition, it is considered by prohibitionists
as among their worst foes. The (prohibition)
ree of Temperance tabulates the sta-
tistics of 41 high license and 38 low license cities,
‘and draws the following conclusions :
1. The license fee is five times as great in the
41 high license cities as in the 38 low license
cities, and the number of saloons is only about
one third as great.
2. Yet there is but very little difference in the
number of arrests in ratio to population in the
high license and the low license cities,
3. The ratio of arrests for drunkenness and
disorder to the total arrests is noticeably greater
in the high license than in the low license cities.
688
Hill Banking System.
Of Chicago it gives the following figures :
Arrests
ene &
Saloon | otal Drunk- rrests
AR. License enness of
= Fee, | ATTeStS:/and Dis-| Minors.
orderly
Conduct.
28,480 6,144
345713 6,753
32,800 71199
37,187 18,045 6,675
391434 215416 6,718
40,998 23,080 6,550
44,261 25,407 6,841
46,505 26,067 71539
50,432 31)164 8,923
The main argument of the prohibitionists
against high license, however, is that it commits
the State to a license of the drink evil, and gives
it an interest in the ruin of its citizens, and thus
demoralizes both the Government and the com-
munity and puts back the advance of temperance.
References: Articles in the Worth American Review,
vols, cxliv., p. 498; cxlv., p. 291; exlvii., p. 638; The
Forum, vol. v., p. 281; Andover Review, vol. xi., pp. 240,
611. (See also INTEMPERANCE; NATIONALIZATION OF
THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC; NORWEGIAN SYSTEM; PRO-
HIBITION ; SOUTH CAROLINA DISPENSARY SYSTEM.)
' HILDEBRAND, BRUNO, was born at
Naumburg, Prussia, in 1812. Studying phi-
losophy, he was implicated in the affair of the
Burschenschaften (corporations of students
suspected of liberalism); he succeeded, how-
ever, in being appointed Professor Extraordi-
nary in the University of Breslau, then Titular
Professor of Political Science at Marburg (1841),
where he published some years later (1848) the
first volume of Dze Natzonalékonomie der Ge-
genwartund Zukunft. He was the same year
chosen deputy from Marburg to the National
Assembly at Frankfort, and his attitude was so
hostile to the Government that he was exiled to
Switzerland. At Zurich he was appointed Pro-
fessor of Political Economy. He had already
created at Marburg a bank for widows (W2tt-
wen casse); and he founded at Berne the sav-
ings and loan bank. After he left Zurich (1861)
he occupied the chair at Jena (1862), and in
1862 founded the Jahrbicher fur Natconal
Gconomie und Statistik, After 1873 he edited
this journal in connection with Conrad, his son-
in-law. He died at Jena January 29, 1878, a
leader in the historical school (g.v.). (For his
economic position, see PouiricaL Economy ;
GERMANY.)
HILL BANKING SYSTEM, THE, was
originated by Mr. Thomas E. Hill, a Chicago
capitalist. :
It demands absolute ownership and control of
all banks by the Government, and consequent
prevention of bank failures. The money with
which to do banking is to be obtained from the
people. To induce people to bring into circula.
tion the hundreds of millions now hoarded in
safety deposit vaults and other hiding-places,
3 per cent. interest is to be paid on long-time
deposits.
* $150 for beer and $500 for strong liquors.
Hill Banking System.
Three thousand bank depositories are to be
established throughout the United States, from
which money is to be loaned at 4 per cent.
Every post-office is to be made a receiving
bank where money can be deposited, thus giv-
ing over 65,000 banks of deposit.
The $1,500,000,000 in sight, and the hundreds
of millions, now hidden, which will come into
the banks will increase the Government's bank-
ing capital to $2,000,000,000.
Appropriating $20,000 per year for the man-
agement of each bank will make the cost for the
distribution of money $60,000,000. Allowing
3 per cent. interest on $2,000,000,000 will be
$60,000,000 ; hence the total annual expense to
the Government for the distribution of its funds
and interest will be but $120,000,000.
As all money loaned comes immediately back
to the absolutely safe bank, it can be loaned
over and over. If loaned up to $5,000,000,000 at
4 per cent., the annual income will be $200,000,-
000, a profit to the Government of $80,000,000
per year. If loaned over four times, up to
$8,000,000,000, charging only 2 per cent. interest
to borrowers, the annual profit to the Govern-
ment would be $40,000,000.
The Hill banking system makes the people
the owners of all banks, and uses the people’s
money for banking.
How, some will ask, can the Government pay
3 per cent. and loan at 3 per cent.? The sys-
tem here outlined proposes to pay interest to
long-time depositors only. To business men
and all those who have open accounts no inter-
est is paid. Thus, when one person deposits
money not to be removed for a long time, more
than one hundred times this amount will be de-
posited by business men, who frequently bor-
Tow, paying interest on their loans, while they
Teceive no interest on their deposits. The sys-
tem starts on a sound conservative basis, bor-
rows at 3 per cent., loans at 4 per cent., divides
the profits with the people, and through a sys-
tem of active accounts and many loans will re-
duce the rates to an almost incredibly low per
cent.
One of the chief advantages of the Hill plan
is that it fits immediately intothe present meth-
ods of doing business, creating no great change
in existing financial arrangements except a
general lowering of interest and a vastly wider
distribution of money which will start many en-
terprises into activity, enabling money-loaners
to employ their means to as good advantage for
themselves as the lending of money.
HILL, OCTAVIA, is widely known in so-
cial reform movements for her successful work
in rent collecting in London, making this work
an opportunity for aiding those from whom the
rent is collected in cleansing and improving
their tenements. Commenced as an experi-
ment, it has grown till Miss Hull and her assist-
ants are said to care for some 5000 dwellings.
(See article TENEMENTS, Sec. 3.)
HILL, SIR ROWLAND, was born at Kid-
derminster in 1795. After his own education
he taught in his father’s school till 1833. He
then joined the association for establishing the
colony of South Australia on Mr. Wakefield’s
scheme of colonization (see AUSTRALIA), and be-
44
689
Historical School.
came secretary to the royal commission on the col-
ony. In1837 he published his famous pamphlet
advocating cheap and uniform postage. In 1840
a uniform rate of qd. per letter was adopted,
soon after reduced tord. Mr. Hill was placed
in the treasury to work out his plan, but was
soon dismissed by a Tory government which
came into power. In 1846, however, the Whigs
returned to power, and Mr. Hill was made secre-
tary to the postmaster. and in 1854 secretary to
the post office. an appointment he held till fail-
ing health compelled him to resign in 1864.
HINTON, RICHARD J., was born in Lon-
don, England, 1n 1830, and educated mainly at
a mechanics’ institute. He came to the United
States in 1851, and became a printer and re-
porter. He became an ardent abolitionist, and
went to Kansas as a newspaper correspondent
in the times of the John Brown agitation. He
studied and was graduated as a topographical
engineer in New York City in 1855. During the
war he served nearly four years in the Union
armies. After the war he was a correspondent
at Washington and in Europe, writing on social
reform topics. From 1867 he was representa-
tive for the United States in the International
Working Men’s Association. He has since made
investigations and written reports on various in-
dustrial and economic subjects for the Govern-
ment, including extensive reports on Western
irrigation. Identified with various reforms, he
has written various biographies of abolitionists,
two military histories, etc.
HISTORICAL SCHOOL.—A school of po-
litical economists which arose in Germany, in
reaction from the theorizing of the English
school of /azssez.faire as developed in Ricardo
and his followers. Most economists rightly ob-
ject to being classed in this or any other
‘*school,’’ preferring to be catholic in their
views and unfettered by designation of belong-
ing to any school. Yet this school has many
sympathizers. The school is in the main induc-
tive, where the Ricardian economy is deductive.
It owes its rise very largely to the influence of
Comte and the Positivists.
Roscher, Bruno, Hildebrand, and Karl Knies
may be said to be its four German founders.
(See their names.) The school has always had
a marked leaning toward State socialism in re-
action from individualism. Says Professor In-
gram (History of Polztical Economy, p. 207):
“The historical method has exhibited its essential
features more fully in the hands of the younger gen-
eration of scientific economists in Germany, among
whom may be reckoned Lujo Brentano, Adolf Held,
Erwin Nasse, Gustav Schmoller, H. Résler, Albert
Schatfle, Hans von Scheel, Gustav Schénberg, and
Adolf Wagner. Besides the general principle of an his-
torical treatment of the science, the leading ideas
which have been most strongly insisted on by this
school are the following: I. The necessity of accen-
tuating the moral element in economic study. This
consideration has been urged with special emphasis by
Schmoller in his Grundfragen (1875) and by Schaffle
in his Das gesellschaftliche System der menschilichen
Werthschafe (34 ed., 1873)."’
Two other ideas which Professor Ingram con-
siders prominent in the historical school are a
close relation between economics and jurispru-
dence as brought out particularly by Wagner,
L. von Stein, and H. Résler, and the concep-
Historical School.
tion of the State as the organ of the nation for
any end that may seem desirable.
This latter position accounts for the friendli-
ness between the historical school and the so-
called academic socialists or the socialists of the
chair (g.v.). This friendliness, however, must
not be pressed too far, and it must be remem-
. bered that not even do the socialists of the chair
support the whole socialist program, and still
less the whole socialist philosophy. They sim-
ply hold that the function of the State may well
be and should be enlarged to control and care
for the interests of the working class and the
less fortunate members of the State, on points
where they seem not able to protect their own
interests. The historical school does not even
dogmatically stand for all this. It represents
simply a tendency in this direction. Its real posi-
tion that one should not dogmatize, but simply
by a study of the past and the present see what
experience teaches that the State may wisely
and safely do. The historical school stands,
_then, not so much for socialism as for a protest
against the dogmatism alike of individualism
and of socialism. Its characteristic develop-
ment has been in Germany, but it has influ-
enced all modern economic thought, and, out-
side of Germany, particularly England, and to
aless extent the United States.
those economists who have perhaps most felt its
influence are Cliffe-Leslie, Jevons, Ingram,
Rogers, Toynbee, Foxwell, Cunningham,
Symes, and to a less extent Marshall and Sidg-
wick. In the United States, Professors Ely,
James, H. C. Adams, Jenks, Andrews, Ashley,
and Bemis are prominently of this school, tho
differing very materially in their conclusions.
In Belgium, De Laveleye is the great name of
this school; in Austria, Schéffe , in France,
Sismondi, and more recently Gide; in Italy,
Loria.
In all countries, however, the school is rather
a tendency than a distinct school, and has in-
fluenced all thought rather than created parti-
sans. Recently a so-called Austrian school of
thought has arisen, to some extent critical of the
historical school, and has deeply influenced eco-
nomic development. particularly in Austria,
Italy, and the United States. (See PourricaL
Economy.) Theresult has been that as the his-
torical school freed economic thought from the
dogmatism of the /azssez-fazre school, so the
Austrian school has shown the limitations of the
historical study, and that facts must be viewed
in the light of psychologic ideas as truly as
ideas must be tested by the scrutiny of hard
facts. Social mind and individual will enter
into and influence every economic act.
HOBBES, THOMAS, was born at Malmes-
bury, April 5, 1588. He was the son of aclergy-
man, and went to Oxford at the age of 15. Six
years after, having taken his degree, he became
tutor to the eldest son of Lord Hardwick, after-
ward Earl of Devonshire. In 1610 he went
abroad with his pupil, making the tour of France
and Italy; and after his return became ac-
quainted with Bacon, Raleigh, Ben Jonson, and
other distinguished men. But it was not till he
had reached the age of 4o that he published, in
1628, his first work, a translation of Thucydides.
690
In England,:
Holland and Social Reform.
He was deeply afflicted by the death of the
Earl of Devonshire in 1626, and by that of his
pupil in 1628. He afterward went abroad with
the son of Sir Gervase Clifton, remaining for
some time in France ; but in 1631 resumed his
connection with the Devonshire family by be-
coming tutor to the young earl, the son of his
former pupil, a boy of 13. |
In 1634 he went to Paris, and returned to
England in 1637, having applied himself during
that time to the composition of his first original
work, entitled Elementa Philosophica de Cive
(1642). He soon after published two small trea-
tises, entitled Human Nature and De Corpore
Politico. In 1651 he published the Levzathan,
the fullest and perhaps the best-known exposi-
tion of his views on mind, politics, morals, and
religion. .
After the meeting of the Long Parliament in
1640, dreading the civil troubles, he returned to
Paris. In 1647 he was appear mathematical
tutor to the Prince of Wales, afterward Charles
II., by whom he was highly esteemed ; but his
writings were so obnoxious to the royalist clergy
and to all other sects that Charles was induced
to part with him, and he fled in alarm to Eng-
land. There he found himself safe, the Prot-
estant Government according to him the most
ample toleration. After the Restoration, how-
ever, altho Charles granted him a pension of
4100 a year, his views were condemned by Par-
liament in 1666, and he was in danger of still
severer measures, His last works were a trans-
lation of Homer and a history of the civil wars.
He died December 4, 1679, in his ninety-second
year. (For a review of his theories and views,
see PoLITICAL SCIENCE.)
HOLLAND AND SOCIAL REFORM.
I, STATISTICS.
The constitution of the Netherlands after its
reconstruction as a kingdom dates from 1815,
revised in 1848 and 1887. It established a con-
stitutional and hereditary mon-
archy. The executive power is
given to the sovereign ; the legis- Constitution.
lative power rests with him and the
States-General, consisting of two
chambers. ‘The Upper Chamber has 50 mem-
bers, elected by the provincial States from the
privileged classes ; the Second Chamber has 100
deputies, elected by all male citizens who have
paid ro guilders in ground tax or a certain cor-
responding amount as direct tax. The total
number of electors is about 295,000, or 1 in 15
persons. There isa ministerial council of eight
department heads and a deliberative State coun-
cil of 14 members appointed by the sovereign,
and over which the sovereign pre-
sides. The kingdom is divided
into 11 provinces and 1123 com- Population.
munes, with considerable local au-
tonomy.' The total population in
1889 was 4,511,415 on an area of 12,648 English
square miles, or 374 to the square mile. The
surplus of births over deaths is large. The
population is largely Protestant. In 1889, 2,194,-
649 belonged to the Dutch Reformed Church
and 1,596,482 to the Roman Catholic Church.
Education is general, but not compulsory nor
Holland and Social Reform.
necessarily free. There are four universities,
very numerous special schools, middle-class
schools, and elementary schools. (See Epv-
CATION.)
The revenue in 1894 was 132,940,890 guilders,
and the expenditure, 131,491,882 guilders. The
principal sources of revenue are excise duties,
direct taxes (land and personal), in-
direct taxes, and to a small extent
imports—Holland having only a
fiscal and not a protectionist tariff,
The national debt is 1,110,747,643
guilders. Theimportsin 1894 were
1,461,000,000 guilders, and the exports, 1,115,-
000,000 guilders. Agriculture flourishes in Fries-
land, where the finest cattle are raised. The
most important manufactures are cheese, gin,
cocoa, chocolate, potteries, linens. The fisheries
have declined, but still bring in large revenues.
Commerce is large. In 1892, 1365 sailing ves-
sels, of which 491 were Dutch, and 7364 steam-
ers, of which 2045 were Dutch, entered the
Dutch ports.
Finances.
II. Socta REFoRM.
In Holland wealth is very unequally divided.
Wages are very low, and taxation, being indi-
rect, falls mainly on the producer ; but the peo-
ple are very frugal and industrious, and on small
means maintain an unusual appearance of com-
fort and decency. The labor movement has a
firm hold in Holland. Trade-unions are numer-
ous, but not like the English unions, many of
them being survivals of ancient guilds.
Socialism entered Holland in 1869 with the
International (g.v.), but did not endure. In
1878 Domela Niewenhuis, a retired Protestant
minister, a man of great capacity and zeal, re-
opened the socialist movement, starting the
Recht Voor Allen, and founding the Social
Democratic Union. In 1887 he was imprisoned
for political reasons, but in 1888 elected to the
Legislature.
In 1889 a Social Democratic League was
founded. Cooperation was attempted in con-
nection with the socialist movement, as in Bel-
gium, but did not largely succeed, tho some co-
operative stores at the Hague are still carried
on. Latterly Mr. Niewenhuis (¢7.v.) has turned
away from political socialism and developed an-
archist communist views. Most of the Dutch
socialists, however, follow the program of Ger-
man socialism and have several journals.
Wages of skilled artisans and factory hands
vary from 18 cents to 22 cents. Agricultural
wages are greatly depressed. (For an account
of the Dutch labor colonies, see Lasor CoL-
ONIES. )
Reference: The Report on Holland of the (English)
Royal Commission on Labor.
HOLLAND, HENRY SCOTT, was born
in Ledbury, Herfordshire, England, in 1847,
and was educated at Eton and at Balliol Col-
lege, Oxford. After some years of residence at
Oxford as student of Christ Church he becaine
canon of Truro (1882), and of St. Paul’s, London
(1884). He is one of the leaders in the Anglican
Church. Besides his notable share in Lux
Mundt, he has written many books, such as /z
Behalf of Belief and The City of God. He
was principal founder of the Christian Social -
691
Homestead and Exemption Laws.
Union (g.v.) in 1889, and is chairman of the
energetic London branch of the Union, for
which he edited A Lent zn London (1895), a
course of sermons on social subjects. He isin
politics and reform an outspoken leader in
Anglican Christian Socialism.
HOLYOKE, GEORGE JACOB, was born
in Birmingham, England, in 1817. The son of
an iron-worker, he was educated in the me-
chanics’ institute and taught mathematics. In
1837 he heard Robert Owen, and became one of
his ‘‘ social missionaries’’ stationed at Sheffield.
In 1841, in lecturing at Cheltenham, he gave a
novel turn to a Bible passage, and was impris-
oned six months for blasphemy. He is some-
times called the father of secularism, being
neither theistic nor atheistic. For several years
he edited Zhe New Moral World, and then
for 15 years The Reasoner. To abolish ‘“‘ the
taxes on knowledge”’ he printed an unstamped
newspaper till his fines amounted to £600,000.
Becoming interested in cooperation, he identi-
fied himself with the cause, and published 7he
ffistory of Cooperation in Rochdale, which is
said to have led to the formation of 250 coopera-
tive societies. His Azstory of Cooperation in
England (2 vols.) appeared in 1875-78; The
Rochdale Pioneers in 1882. Besides these he.
has written numerous tracts and papers and in-
numerable newspaper articles on cooperation
and on secularism. His life is told in Szxty
Years of an Agitator’s Life (1892).
HOMESTEAD AND EXEMPTION
LAWS.—The homestead may be defined as
the house and the land connected therewith,
which forms the immediate residence of a fam-
ily. The provisions of law by which home-
steads are secured beyond reach of creditors or
liabilities on the part of their owners are of
modern growth. The Homestead Law of the
United States, tho long agitated and several
times passed by the House of Representatives,
and tho antedated by the like laws of several
States, was not enacted by Congress till May
20, 1862. Altho often abused (see Pusric Do-
MAIN), it has proved one of the most beneficent
as well as successful laws ever passed. It has
opened up to immediate settlements millions of
acres of public lands, and has attracted to this
country millions of our best citizens. By its
provisions any citizen or applicant for citizen-
ship over 21 years of age may enter upon 160
acres of any unappropriated public lands, grad-
ed at $1.25 per acre, or 80 acres of such lands,
valued at $2.50 per acre, by the Government on
payment of the nominal fee of $5 to $10. After
five years’ actual residence on the land, a patent
thereof is issued to the settler by the general
land officer at Washington. This patent is a
valid title from the United States. If the pur-
chaser wishes to complete his title in less than
five years, he can only do so by purchase. No
individual is permitted to acquire more than 160.
acres, tho there is no limit to the amount he can
purchase. There is a proviso that no lands ac-
quired under the homestead act can be liable
for any debts of the settler contracted before
the issuing of the patent for his homestead. The
exemption laws of various States vary all the
Homestead and Exemption Laws.
way from values of $500 in Maine, to $5000 in
California.
HOMESTEAD, STRIKE AT.—In July,
1892, a serious difficulty arose in the iron and
steel works of Messrs. Carnegie & Co., Home-
stead, Pa.. employing several thousand men.
Wages had been for many years fixed in these
works by a sliding scale based upon the selling
price of steel billets. (See AMALGAMATED Asso-
CIATION OF IRON AND STEEL Workers.) The
wages were high for many of the men, but a
considerable degree of skill is required for the
work, which also, in some cases, makes great
demands upon the health and strength of the
workers, owing to the high temperature of the
workshops in which the molten iron has to be
worked. The scale agreed upon in 1889 was to
expire on June 30, 1892 ; and when that date
approached, the owners gave notice of a desire
to reduce the basis from $26.50 aton to $23,
and to make the scale terminable at the begin-
ning of January instead of at the beginning of
July. To this the employees objected, because
in the middle of winter they could not afford a
cessation of work, and would not be in a posi-
tion to resist any unwelcome demands made by
the employers. The number of men actually
affected by the cut-down was not large, but the
delegates of the Amalgamated Association of
Iron and Steel Workers, in the name of the em-
ployees, rejected the proposed scale. The em-
ployers retaliated by formally discharging all
who refused their terms and announcing that
they would hold no further negotiation with the
association assuch. A virtual lockout followed,
for tho the company had nominally severed all
connection with the discharged employees, they
subsequently issued a notice that ‘' all the old
hands who did not return by a certain date
would lose their positions.’’ Further Messrs.
‘Carnegie & Co. had provided against the con-
tingency of a strike or lock-out during the
‘previous six weeks by building a fence round
the works three miles long and 12 ft. high upon
a parapet 3 ft. in height, and covered with
barbed wire, so that the operatives called the
works Fort Frick. Having prepared the works
to stand a siege, they proceeded to obtain a
force of Pinkerton special constables to enable
them to introduce’ non-union labor to take the
place of the strikers. Negotiations for the sup-
ply of this force had been begun even before
the lock-out was declared, tho the men were not
introduced until after application had been
made to the sheriff for a guard to protect the
property of the company. The officials of the
Amalgamated Association, on their side, offered
to provide such a guard; but their offer was
refused by the sheriff on the ground that tho
they might prevent destruction of property,
they would not facilitate the introduction of
non-union labor. Three hundred Pinkerton
constables were brought by water to the works,
They were introduced into the State unarmed,
but brought arms and ammunition with them
packed in boxes. On their way up the river
these boxes were unpacked, so that when the
force arrived at Homestead in the early morn-
ing they were fully armed. News of their com-
ing had preceded them, and a large crowd of
692
Homicide.
strikers were in waiting to prevent their Jand-
ing, having gone in behind the wall of steel .
rails. The testimony is conflicting as to which
party fired first, but a skirmish ensued with a
heavy volley of shots from the strikers, 1n which
seven of the Pinkertons and strikers were killed
and many others wounded. The struggle con-
tinued two days. On the opposite bank a brass
ten-pound cannon was obtained and fired on
the barges. The crowd also attempted to set
fire to the barges by pouring burning oil upon
the river, and finally the Pinkertons surren-
dered to the leaders of the Amalgamated Asso-
ciation, and were imprisoned in a rink until
evening, when they were got away from the
town by rail. On their way to the rink and to
the station they were beaten and maltreated in
spite of the efforts of the strike leaders to con-
trol the crowd, which was largely composed of
Slavs, Hungarians, and women. Troops were
sent to Homestead by the Governor of Pennsy]l-
vania and stationed there many weeks, the town
being put under martial law. Great severity
was displayed. Eleven workmen and specta-
tors were killed in the fights. Some of the lead.
ers were arrested and order was restored ; for
tho the manager, Mr. Frick, was afterward
shot at by a Russian named Berkmann, this
act seems to have been quite independent of
the men on strike. For an unguarded expres-
sion of sympathy with Berkmann, a private
(James) was strung up by his thumbs and flog-
ged. After about six weeks a large number
of the strikers returned to work, but a number
of new men were subsequently engaged by the
company, and many of the strikers did not
return. A committee of Congress, appoint-
ed to investigate the employment of Pinker-
ton detectives, held an inquiry at Pittsburg
into the circumstances of the strike. The
evidence given before them showed that a
conviction prevailed among the men, that since
the introduction of the McKinley tariff the
profits of the company had increased, and that
there was, therefore, no occasion for any such
reduction of wages as they proposed. Further,
the strength of the feeling against the employ-
ment of Pinkerton spectal constables found gen-
eralexpression. Great excitement over the strike —
was roused through all the country. Subscrip-
tions were raised by working men to support the
strike. Lawyers were sent on to defend the strik-
ers against persecution for using arms to defend
their homes against ‘‘ foreign invasion.’’ The
feeling against the Pinkertons ran very high.
In Massachusetts an act prohibiting the employ-
ment of Pinkerton constables was passed in
1892, and a similar act was passed in New Jer-
sey during the same year.
HOMICIDE.—The following summary is
presented by Mr. Frederick H. Wines, special
agent on pauperism and crime for the Eleventh
Census in his Bulletzn report :
“Of 82,329 prisoners in the United States June 1,
1890, the number charged with homicide was 7386, or
897 per cent.
“Omitting 35 who were charged with double crimes,
6958 of them (or 94.65: per cent.) were men, and 393 (or
5:35 Per, cent.) were women, _
‘“As to color, 4425 were white, 2739 negroes, 94 Chi-
nese, 1 Japanese, and o2 Indians,
Homicide.
“As to the nativity of the qa25 whites, 3157 were
born in the United States, 1213 were foreign born, and
the birthplace of 55 is unknown.
‘““A careful and accurate inquiry into the parentage
of those born in the United States results in the mathe-
matical conclusion that 56.14 per cent. of homicide
committed by white men and women is chargeable to
the native white element of the population, and 43.86
per cent. to the foreign element. On the same scale
of 4614 to 3605, the negro contribution to homicide is
represented by 5478.
“More than one half of the foreign-born whites are
unnaturalized, and nearly one fifth are unable to
speak the English language.
“In respect to age, prisoners charged with homicide
range from ir to 86 years. One sixth of them are
under 24 years, and more than one half under 33 years
of age. Their average age is 34 years and 193 days.
The lowest averages are among the Indians, 30 years
and 180 days, and the negroes, 30 years and 279 days.
The highest are among the Chinese, 37 years and 246
days, and the foreign-born whites, 4 years and 159 days.
The average age of women charged with homicide is
32 years and 216 days. The ages at which homicide
was committed are estimated to be at least 5 years
below the averages here stated.
“Nearly one half of this group of prisoners were
found to be unmarried. The number of unmarried
was 3615 ; married, 2715 ; widowed, 703; divorced, 144.
“The percentage of those who can both read and
write is 61.73; of those who can read only, 4.84; of
those who can do neither, 33.43. Of the negroes, more
than one half can neither read nor write; of the
Indians, nearlytwo thirds. The percentage of illiter-
acy among the foreign born is nearly or quite three
times as great as that among the native whites..
““The number who have received a higher educa-
tion is 253, or 3.44 per cent.
“More than four fifths have no trade. The foreign
born and their children have much more generally
acquired a trade than the native whites, and the na-
tive whites than the negroes.
“The occupations of 6546 prior to incarceration have
been ascertained, and are grouped as follows: pro-
fessional, 102; official, 38; agricultural, 1893; lumber,
29; mining, 212; fisheries, 19; trade and commerce,
173; transportation, 380; manufactures and mechani-
cal industries, 1086; personal service, 690; unskilled
labor, 2253; miscellaneous, 2t. :
“The number employed at the time of their arrest
was 5659; unemployed, 1225; unknown, 467.
“The habits of 973, in respect of use of intoxicating
liquors, are not stated. The remaining 6378 are
» classed as follows: total abstainers, 1282; occasional
or moderate drinkers, 3829; drunkards, 1267.
‘“The number arrested and imprisoned in the State
of their residence was 6268; out of the State, 861.
“463 had served as soldiers in the civil war.
‘534 were known to haveserved a previous term of
imprisonment.
‘2204 were federal prisoners.
“As to their physical condition, 6149 were in good
health, 600 ill, 283 insane, 24 blind, 14 deaf and dumb,
18 idiots, and 263 crippled. :
“Of prisoners charged with homicide, more than
one eighth are awaiting trial.
“OF those convicted, 158 are awaiting execution,
2406 sentenced to imprisonment for life, 845 for 20
ears and over, 1438 for from io to 19 years, and 1395
or less than 10 years. The tendency to greater sever-
ity increases slightly from east to west, and from
north to south. The average sentence less than life is
13 years and 292 days. Itis greater for men than for
women, and for negroes than for whites. The highest
average sentence is pronounced upon Chinamen.
“The number of cases classed as murder is 5548, of
which nearly one half received a life sentence. The
number classed as manslaughter is 1704, of which
nearly one half received a sentence of over ro years.
“Of the 158 prisoners awaiting execution, 49 were
found in the Kansas penitentiary, no date having
been fixed for their execution by any governor since
1872. The death penalty is thus practically abolished
in Kansas, tho not by statute. The only States in
which it has been abolished by law are Rhode Island,
Michigan, and Wisconsin. he figures here pub-
lished do not indicate any increase in the number of
homicides as the result of such abolition.
“In the Tenth Census there were reported 4608 pris-
oners charged with homicide. In the Eleventh Census
the number is 7351. his is an increase of 59.53 per
cent., while the increase in the total population has
been only 24.86 per cent. But it is largely explained
by the great length of sentences for homicide, in con-
693
Homicide.
sequence of which the majority of those reported in
1880 are again reported in 1890, together with those:
since convicted of the same offense.
“The county sheriffs have reported 156 executions.
during the calendar year 1889, of which 94 were in the
South Atlantic and South Central divisions. They
have also reported 117 lynchings, of which 94 (the
same number) were inthe same divisions. These re-
orts are not believed to be complete, but are given
or what they are worth.”
Mr. Wines has also presented in a succinct
but clear way the leading features of the law of.
homicide in the United States, showing its legal:
varieties and its varying definitions im the sev-
eral States and Territories, together with the
varying sentences authorized by law. He ob-
serves that the variations of the codes, in the
adjustment of penalty to the guilt of homicide,
are on their face absurd and indefensible, and
that the claim that there is a natural standard
of justice in the human mind, which will enable
legislators to arrive at an approximately accu-
rate judgment of the desert of crime, is contra-
dicted by the record which legislative bodies
have made for themselves. He suggests possi-
ble remedies for what he terms ‘' the confused
state of the criminal law.”’
Says Mr. Wines :
“Two impressions have been received in the course
of this investigation, by the mathematical demonstra-
tion which it furnishes of the erroneous nature of cer-
tain prevalent beliefs.
“First. As to the effect of severity of punishment
upon the volume of crime.
“It is popularly supposed that the prevalence of
crime is chiefly due to inadequate punishment, and
that the remedy for it is to be found in harsher laws
and a more rigorous administration of them by the
courts,
“If this were so, then there should be less homicide,
relatively to the population, in the South Central
division than in any other. The percentage of sen-
tences for 20 years and over is there greater than in
any other division, and the average sentence pro-
nounced by the courts is longer. In these respects,
the Western division stands almost side by side with
the South Central. Yet the ratio of prisoners charged
with homicide to the total population of these divi--
sions is much higher than elsewhere; it is more than
double the ratio for the other three divisions taken to-
gether.
“The lowest average sentence is in the North At-
lantic division, where there are also the fewest death
sentences, except in the South Central, and yet the
ratio of prisoners charged with homicide in the North
Atlantic division is less than in any other.
“The ratio of prisoners charged with homicide in
Rhode Island, where the death penalty has been abol-
ished, is lower than in any other State in the North
Atlantic division, except in Massachusetts.
“The number of executions in 1889, as reported by
the sheriffs, was relatively largest in the Western
division, where it was x in 178,095 of the population.
Yet it was in this very division that the ratio of pris--
oners charged with homicide was also greatest.
“ The next largest ratios of executions to the popu-
lation were in the South Atlantic (r in 205,998) and.
South Central (1 in 215,155) divisions. Yet these are
the divisions in which are also found the next largest
ratios of prisoners charged with homicide.
“It is frequently said that lynching takes place
where the law is not executed, and that it is designed
as a protest against the inefficiency of the courts.
But the sections in which there are the most execu-
tions are those in which there are also the most lynch-
ings. The number of executions and of lynchings re-
ported by the sheriffs in the Southern States is identi-
cally the same. It is further to be noted that the
largest number both of executions and of lynchings
is in the South Central division, where the average
sentence for homicide is the longest, and where the
percentage of long sentences imposed by the courts is.
the highest.
‘Second. As to the causes of crime.
“A careful study of the figures here given will
serve to correct the exaggerated impressions current.
as to the causation of crime.
Homicide.
“Tgnorance is a cause of crime. Nevertheless, 66.57
percent. of all prisoners charged with homicide have
received the rudimentsof an education, in English or
in their own tongue, and 3.44 per cent. have received a
higher education.
“Tgnorance of a trade is a cause of crime. But 19.35
per cent. are returned as mechanics or apprentices,
and a much larger number have the necessary skill to
follow mechanical pursuits.
“Tdleness is a cause of crime. But 82.21 per cent.
were employed at the time of their arrest.
“Intemperance is a cause of crime, tho a less active
and immediate cause than is popularly supposed.
But 20.10 per cent. were total abstainers, and only
19.87 ae cent. are returned as drunkards. .
“All of these causes, and others which might be
named, are in fact only contributory causes, whose
operation is secondary and indirect. External cir-
cumstances facilitate or hinder the commission of
crime. They operate as a stimulant to the criminal
impulse or as a check upon it,
ds not in circumstance, but in character. The say-
ing of the Great Teacher will forever remain true:
*Out of the heart proceed evil thoughts, murders.’
‘Science confirms the moral teaching of religion.”
The homicides in the United States, accord-
‘ing to the record kept by the Chicago 7rzbune,
were as follows from 1886-95 :
Murders Legal 5
YEARS. and Homi-| Execu- tee
cides. tions. BS:
14449 83 133
25335 79 123
2,184 87 144
3567 98 175
4,290 102 127
5,906 123 192
6,791 107 236
6,615 126 200
1747 112 165
71920 113 160
‘The figures in the first column represent man-
slaughter of all kinds when perpetrated by an
individual, whether by premeditation or pas-
sion, or by an insane person, or in self-defense,
rioting, duels, and resisting arrest by officers of
the law. The number of homicides in the par-
tially reported year 1894 isswollen by the deaths
of rioters and others in the strike disturbances
of July. The percentage of executions to kill-
ings in the nine years included in the table is
2.20. The percentage of killings to total deaths
from all causes, same period (estimated), is 0.52,
or about 52 per 10,000.
Italy takes the lead of European nations, with
an average annual crop of murders of 2470, a ratio
per 10,000 deaths of 29.4 ; Spain follows, witha
ratio of 23.8, and 1200 murders ; Austria, ratio
of 8.8, and 600 murders ; France, ratio of 8.0,
and 662 murders; England, ratio of 7.1, and
377 murders. The figures, however, represent
actual murders, not homicides from all causes,
as do those in the United States table.
In England, in the reign of Henry VIII.,
there were 71,400 persons hanged or beheaded ;
in one year 300 beggars were executed for so-
liciting alms. In 1820 no less than 46 persons
were hanged in England for forging Bank of
England notes, some of which were afterward
asserted to be good. Capital punishment was
* To October 17, 1894.
+ To November 18, 1895.
694
But the root of crime:
Hopedale.
abolished in Italy in 1875, and murders increased
42 per cent.
HOPEDALE was an attempt at religious
communism about the same time as the more
famous attempt at Brook Farm. As the latter
was the outcome of Unitarianism, so Hopedale
was the outcome of Universalism. Its founder
was Rev. Acton Ballou Gr Milford was the
site of the community. Its first compact dates
from January, 1841, before Brook Farm ; but the
community did not actually commence opera-
tions till April, 1842. Hopedale lasted much
longer than Brook Farm, continuing till 1856 or
1857. In 1854 it was at its highest point of suc-
cess and hopefulness. The community was
originally called. Fraternal Community No. 1,
and numbered about 30 individuals.
By 1851 the community came to own about
500 acres, consisting of about 30 new dwelling-
houses, three mechanic shops, with water pow-
er, carpentering and other machinery, and a
small chapel used for educational and religious
purposes. At the same date it had about 36
families, besides single persons—some 175 per-
sons in all, According to a tract written by
Mr. Ballou himself in 1851, the leading charac-
teristics of Hopedale were as follows :
“1, It isa church of Christ (so far.as any hu-
man organization of professed Christians, within
a particular locality, have the right to claim that
title) based on a simple declaration of faith in
the religion of Jesus Christ, as He taught and
exemplified it, according to the Scriptures of
the New Testament, and of acknowledged.sub-
jection to all the moral obligations of that re-
ligion. No person can be a member who does
not cordially assent to this comprehensive dec-
laration. Having given sufficient evidence of
truthfulness in making such a profession, each
individual is left to judge for him or herself,.
with entire freedom, what abstract doctrines are
taught, and also what external religious rites are
enjoined in the religion of Christ. No precise
theological dogmas, ordinances, or ceremonies
are prescribed or prohibited. In such matters
all the members are free, with mutual love and
toleration, to follow their own highest convic-
tions of truth and religious duty, answerable
only to the great Head of the true Church Uni-
versal. Butin practical Christianity this church
is precise and strict. There its essentials are
specific. It insists on supreme love to God and
man—that love which ‘ worketh no ill’ to friend
or foe. It enjoins total abstinence from all God-
contemning words and deeds ; all unchastity ;
all intoxicating beverages ; all oath-taking ; all
slaveholding and pro-slavery compromises ; all
war and preparations for war ; all capital and
other vindictive punishments ; all insurrection-
ary, seditious, mobocratic, and personal violence
against any government, society, family, or in-
dividual ; all voluntary participation in any anti-
Christian government, under promise of un-
qualified support—whether by doing military
service, commencing actions at law, holding
office, voting, petitioning for penal laws, aiding
a legal posse by injurious force, or asking pub-
lic interference for protection which can be
given only by such force ; all resistance of evil
with evil; in fine, from all things known to be
Ad
Hopedale.
sinful against God or human nature. This is
its acknowledged obligatory righteousness. It
does not expect immediate and ex-
act perfection of its members, but
Its Leading holds up this practical Christian
Characteris- standard, that all may do their ut-
tics. | most to reach it, and at least be
made sensible of their shortcom-
ings. Such are the peculiarities of
the Hopedale Community as a church.
“2, It is a civil State, a miniature Christian
republic, existing within, peaceably subject to
and tolerated by the governments of Massa-
chusetts and the United States, but otherwise a
commonwealth complete within itself. Those
governments tax and control its property ac-
cording to their own laws, returning less to it
than they exact from it. It makes them no
criminals to punish, no disorders to repress, no
paupers to support, no burdens to bear. It
asks of them no corporate powers, no military
or penal protection. It has its own constitu-
tion, laws, regulations, and municipal police ;
its own legislative, judiciary, and executive au-
thorities ; its own educational system of opera-
tions ; its own methods of aid and relief ; its
own moral and religious safeguards ; its own
fire insurance and savings institutions ; its own
internal arrangements for the holding of prop-
erty, the management of industry, and the rais-
ing of revenue; in fact, all the elements and
organic constituents of a Christian republic on
a miniature scale. There is no red republican-
ism in it, because it eschews blood ; yetit is the
seedling of the true democratic and social re-
public, wherein neither caste, color, sex, nor
age stands proscribed, but every human being
shares justly in ‘liberty, equality, and frater-
nity.’ Such is the Hopedale Community as a
civil State.
‘3, It is a universal religious, moral, philan-
thropic, and social reform association. It isa
missionary society, for the promulgation of New
‘Testament Christianity, the reformation of the
nominal church, and the conversion of the world.
It is a moral suasion temperance society on the
teetotal basis. It is a moral power anti-slavery
society, radical and without compromise. It is
a peace society on the only impregnable founda-
tion of Christian non-resistance. It is a sound
theoretical and practical woman’s rights asso-
ciation. It isa charitable society for the relief
of suffering humanity, to the extent of its hum-
ble ability. It is an educational society, prepar-
ing to act an important part in the training of
the young. It is a socialistic community, suc-
cessfully actualizing, as well as promulgating,
practical Christian socialism—the only kind of
socialism likely to establish a true social state
onearth. The members of this community are
not under the necessity of importing from abroad
any of these valuable reforms, or of keeping up
a distinct organization for each of them, or of
transporting themselves to other places in search
of sympathizers, Theirown Newcastle can fur-
nish coal for home consumption, and some to
supply the wants of its neighbors. Such is the
Hopedale Community as a universal reform as-
sociation on Christian principles.” |
These high hopes were for a time realized.
Acton Ballou worked faithfully to carry them
695 Household Economic Association.
into effect. That they finally failed was no
fault of Mr. Ballou. At first Mr. Ballou was the
head of the community, but ultimately he was
superseded by a Mr. G. D. Draper, a sharp, en-
terprising business man. He soon became the
business spirit of the whole community. He
had a brother in business with him who had no
sympathy with the community. Mr. Draper
became more and more interested in lucrative
outside concerns. Meanwhile, he had bought
up three fourths of the joint stock, Finally, be-
coming dissatisfied with the community, he paid
the debts and compelled its suspension.
HOUSEHOLD ECONOMIC ASSOCIA-
TION, THE NATIONAL.—This association
was incorporated March 16, 1893, under the
name of the National Columbian Household
Economic Association, out at its meeting in
April, 1894, the word Columbian was dropped
from its name. The object of the association,
as declared in its constitution, is:
“y, To awaken the public mind to the importance of
establishing bureaus of information where there can
be an exchange of wants and needs between em-
ployer and employed, in every department of home
social life. 2. To promote among members of the
association a more scientific knowledge of the econom-
ic value of various foods and fuels; a more intelli-
gent understanding of correct plumbing and drainage
in our homes, as well as need for pure water and good
light ina sanitarily built house. 3. To secure skilled
labor in every department in our homes, and toorgan-
ize schools of household science and service.”
The management is vested in a board of 16
directors, with headquarters in Chicago, but
composed of members from all States. The
association holds annual meetings, and has the
following standing committees :
1. Committee on Sanitary Condition of the Home
Correct Plumbing and Ventilation, Light, Heat, etc.
The duties of this committee shall be to establish
home science clubs and to make a study of sanitary
science.
2. Committee on Cooking Schools, Industrial Schools,
Housekeepers’ Emergency Bureau, Cooperative Laun-
dries, Cooperative Bakeries, Training School for Ser-
vants, Kitchen Gardens and Public Kindergartens,
Diet Kitchens, Mothers’ and Nurse Girls’ classes,
and Training School for Nurses. The duties of this
committee shall be to keep itself informed of the work
of each school and institution, and to direct all who
wish to know where and at what hour one may visit
these schools.
3. Committee on Food Supply. The duties of this
committee shall be to prepare a descriptive list of
wholesale and retail foods, such as meat, vegetables,
butter, eggs, etc.; to compare New York and Chicago
with other markets, and furnish statements of what
articles of food are most desirable to buy, either in
large or small quantities, with household recipes for
cooking and all other matters relating to household
economics.
4. Committee on Housekeepers’ Clubs. The duties
of this committee shall be to formulate plans to sim-
plify housework in village communities, to suggest
plans for cooperation in laundries, bakeries, and kitch-
ens, to discuss plans for profitable market gardening,
poultry and egg-raising on a small scale, and to fur-
a eee on all topics connected with house-
work.
5. Committee on Sewing. The duties of this com-
mittee shall be to keep itself informed of the work
done in various schools where sewing is taught, and
give outlines of the methods used.
6. Press Committee. It shall be the duty of this
committee to secure the publication of notes concern-
ing the National Household Economic Association in
some journal or periodical in the North, South, East,
West, and Middle sections of the country, in order to
keep alive public interest in the science of household
Household Economic Association. 696 Household Economic Association.
economics ; each member of the committee taking
charge of the matter in her own section.
All women may become members of this associa-
tion by the payment of an annual fee of $1.
The association works mainly not by estab-
lishing new clubs, but by inducing existing
woman’s clubs to establish departments of house-
hold economics, for the study of how better to
manage the home, educate better servants, have
more healthy food, etc. The Honorary Presi-
dent of the association is Mrs. Potter Palmer ;
the Corresponding Secretary, Mrs. Alice J. Whit-
ney, 453 Belden Avenue, Chicago, Ill. Mrs.
Helen Campbell (g.v.) has been appointed Na-
tional lecturer for the association, and since the
syllabus of her lectures have been adopted as a
part of the program of the association, we print
this in full, as giving something of the scope
of this important subject :
I.—THE STATICS AND DYNAMICS OF HOUSEHOLD ECON-
OMY.
The relation of household economics to life. Struc-..
tural and functional organization of the household ; thes
essentials of each and their interdependence. Arts,
crafts, and sciences involved. The low popular opinion
of household economics, its cause and effect. Person-
ality and generalization. Savage and child to scien-
tist. Evolution of household economics. Division of
labor on sex lines and the biological reason for this
division. Ascent of man economically.
References: The Place of Woman in Primitive Cul-
ture, by O. T, Mason; Man and Woman, by Havelock
Ellis; Primitive Culture, by Edward ylor; Das
Weib, by Dr. Herman Ploss; Dynamic Sociology, by
Lester F. Ward, pp. 552-61 and 656-67; The Evolution
of Marriage, by Charles Letourneau ; The Evolution of
Sex, by Geddes and Thompson; Prehistoric Man, by
- Daniel Wilson; Origin of Civilization, by Sir John
Lubbock ; Buckle’s History of Civilization; The Stor
of My House, by G. H. Ellwanger; The City Resi-
dence, by W. B. Tuthill; Das Deutsche Zimmer der
Gothik and Renaissaens Des Barock—Rococo und
Zopfstits, by Dr. Georg Hirth (Mtinchen and Leipzig) ;
Convenient Houses, with Fifty Plans for the House-
keeper, by Louis H. Gibson; Homes in City and Coun-
try, by Russell Sturgis, e¢ ad.
II.—THE HOUSE.
_What is a house? Relation of house to human
life. Value of human production in proportion to
durability and usability. Organic structure of the
house with itsevolution. The kitchen and derivatives.
Bedroom and derivatives. Parlor and derivatives.
Relation of differentiation and specialization in build-
ing to the same processes in social evolution : hut to
hotel; tent to tenement. The typical farmhouse. In-
dustries represented. The rudimentary shop. Effect
of habitat. Soil, location, foundation, elevation. Topo-
aoe maps. Fromisolation to aggregation. The
ity Beautiful.
References: The House that Jill Built, by E. C.
Gardner; Homes and How to Make Them, by E.
Gardner ; Villages and Village Life, by Nathanael
Eggleston; Hygeia, a Model City of Health, by Dr:
Benjamin W. Richardson ; The City Without a Church,
by Henry Drummond; The Ancient City, by Cou-
langes; The Easiest Way, by Helen Campbell, chap. i.;
An Ideal Kitchen, by Maria Parloa; Health and Com-
fort in Houses, by J. P. Hayward, Popular Science
Monthly, vol. iv., p. 69. .
c.
Cc.
IlIl.—THE BUILDING OF THE HOUSE,
The place of architecture in household economics.
Relation to other arts. Primitive architecture and its
development—domestic, civic, and ecclesiastic. The
city and the king. Ancient architecture, public and
private. Herculaneum and Pompeii. Character of
Oriental home. Effect of house on its occupants. The
house and the family. Confusion of domestic with in-
dustrial architecture. Rooms and their relation. Ex-
isting conditions of domestic architecture in E rope
and America. Built tolivein and built to sell. OL tie
itation of the private home. Gridiron topography.
Need of combination and juxtaposition. Essentiality
of the separate home, Our present trend.
References: Tuthill’s Histor of Architecture,
chap. xiv.; Ferguson’s History of Architecture ; Haus
und Halle, by Br. Conrad Lange, p. 12; Leben der
Griechen und Rémer, by Ernst Kuh! und Kéner, 18935
Das Haus, p. 558; Pericles, by Evelyn Abbott ; Greek
Home Life, chap. xvii.; Landscape Gatdenthe Uy, Ss. W.
Parsons; Discourses on Architecture, by Vio let Le
Duc; The Habitations of Man, by Viollet Le Duc;
Our Colonial Homes, by Samuel Adams Drake ; Rural
Homes, by Gervase heeler ; Some Account of Do-
mestic Architecture in England from the Conquest to
the End of the Thirteenth Century, by T. Hudson
Trower; House Building, by Helen Churchill, chap.
xiv., in the Woman’s Book.
IV.—ORGANISM OF THE HOUSE.
'
Structural necessities. Vital processes of the house,
Air, light, heat, water, ventilation. Troglodytes,
ancient and modern. Proportion of air to occupancy.
Airand women. Airand boys. ‘Night Air.” Venti-
lation, public and private. Our schools. - Light: its in-
fluence on the bo 7 one spirit. Sun-baths. The arti-
ficial light habit. eat, natural and artificial. Meth-
ods of application. Plumbing. Water, clean and
unclean. Dratnace, private an ublic ; its evolution,
history, present methods and ten dencies.
References: Sanitary House Inspection, by W. P. Ger-
hard; Drainage and Se werage of Dwellings, by W. P.
Gerhard; The Drainage of Habitable Dwellings, by W.
L. Brandmore ; How to Drain a House, by George E.
Waring ;The Sanitary Drainage of Houses and Towns,
by George E. Waring; The Separate System of Sewer-
age, by Staley and Pierson; Ventilation and Heating, by
Dr. John S. Bellamy ; Women, Plumbers and Doctors,
by Mrs. H. M. Plunkett; Hygiene and Public Health,
by Louis C. Parkes, M.D.; Hygiene and Public Health,
edited by A. H. Buck, M.D.; Practical Hygiene, by E.
A. Parker, M.D.; Hand-book of Hygiene and Sanitary
Science, by George Wilson ; vetoes by A. News-
holme, M.D.; The American Heaith Primers, edited by
W. W. Keene, M.D.; Our Homes, by Dr. Henry Harts-
horne ; Healthy Houses, by Fleeming Jenkin; Petten-
kofer on Airin Relation to Clothing, Soil, and Dwell-
ings; Dulce Domum; or, The Plumber and Sanitary
Houses, by S. S. Hellyer; Sanitary Arrangements for
Dwellings, by W. Eassie ; Annual Reports of the Massa-
chusetts Board of Health ; The Sanitarian, a monthly
magazine of health; The Plumber and Sanitary En-
gineer, a bi-weekly journal; The Sanitary Record
(London); Defects in Plumbing and Drainage Work,
by Francis Vacher; The Easiest Way, by Helen
Campbell, chaps. ii. and iii.; Leeds on Ventilation ;
Hygiene in the Home, by J. West Roosevelt, M.D.,
vol. i.,chap. vii. of the Woman's Book ; Hygiene
and Public Pealth, edited by Albert Buck, M.D.; Pub-
lic Health Problems, =2 John E. I. Sykes; The Law
of Public Health and Safety, by Leroy Parkes and
Robert Worthington; Plumbing Problems, from the
Sanitary Engineer, published by Engineering Record,
1892; House Lighting by Electricity, by Angelo
Fahie; American Plumbing, by Alfred Revill; Sani-
tary Appliances for Buildings, by F. Colyer; The
Water Deter, by W. G. Kent ; Ventilation and Heat-
ing, by Billings; A Practical Treatise on Foundations,
by w. M. Patton; Sewage Disposal, by Waring;
Kitchen Boiler Connections, published by D. Williams;
Notes on the Ventilation and Warming of Houses,
Churches, Schools, and Other Buildings, by Ernest H.
Jacob (Manual of Health Series).
V.—DECORATION,
Use and value of decoration in nature and art;
its laws and principles. Relation to pictorial art.
Evolution and history. Special development in races.
Associate conditions in cause and effect. Racial influ-
ences. Periods. Our present level—the highest, the
lowest, the average. Masculine and feminine decora-
tion. ‘How to make home beautiful.” The sense of
beauty in women. “Traces of a woman’s hand,”
Survivals of savagery. ‘‘ Home-made,” ‘ ready-
made,” “born and not made.” The power of the
homemaker. Educational and moral value of truth
in art. Artistic sins and their moral counterparts.
Homes, schools, and prisons. Practical possibilities.
“Often in a wooden house a golden room you find.”
National importance of elevation in art.
References: Hints on Household Taste, by Sir
Charles Eastlake ; The House Beautiful, by Clarence
Cook; The House Comfortable, by Agnes Ormsbee:
House Decoration, by Mary Gay Humphreys, chap.
xv., in the Woman’s Book: House Decoration, by
Rhoda and Agnes Garrett; Art and the Formation of
Household Economic Association. 697. Household Economic Association.
Taste, by Lucy Crane: Lectures on Art, by William
Morris ;' Hopes and Fears for Art, by William Morris ;
Woman's B andiwork in Modern Homes, by Constance
Cary Harrison ; Outlines of theHistory of Art, by Dr.
Wilhelm Liibke, edited by Clarence Cook; The His-
tory of Ancient Art, from the German of John Winckle-
mann; The Two Paths: Lectures on Artand its Appli-
cation to Decoration and Manufactures, by John Pus
kin ; Handbook of Greek Archzology, by A. S. Murray
—Mural Decoration, pp. 348-444 ; Handbook of Pottery
and Porcelain, by Hodder Westropp; History of An-
cient Pottery, by Samuel Birch; A Short History of
Tapestry, by Eugene Miintz, translated by Miss Louisa
A. Davis; Aisthetics, by Eugéne Véron ; The Pottery
and Porcelain of the United States, by Edwin Atlee
Barber: Domestic Decoration, by A. F. Oakey, Har-
per’s Magazine, vol. Ixviii., p. 579 ; American Decorative
Art, by M. G. Humphreys, Art Journal, vol. xxxvi., p.
325; Decoration and Furnishing, by C. F. Armytage,
American Architect, vol. xviii., p. 116; Decorative Deco-
rations, by G. H. Ellwanger; A History of Furniture,
by Albert Jacquemart, translated from the French, and
edited by Mrs. Bury Palliser; The Claims of Decora-
tive Art, by Walter Crane ; Polychromatic Decoration,
as qe ce to Buildings in the Medieval Styles, by W.
and G. Audsley ; Household Art, edited by Candace
Wheeler; Practical Designing—Carpets, Alex. Mil-
lar; Woven Fabrics, Ar. Silver; Pottery, Wilton P.
Rix; Tiles, Owen Carter; Metal Work, R. Ll. B. Rath-
bone; Home Handicrafts, edited by Charles Peters;
Decoration and Furniture of Town Houses, by Robert
W. Edis; Art in the House, by Jacob Von Falke (trans-
lated by Charles C. Perkins); Album of Decorative
Figures, by J. Moyr Smith; Handbook of Ornament,
by Franz Sales Meyer ; Decorator and Furnisher (New
York) ; Modern Home Decoration, Illustrated Monthly,
Int. News Co. (New York) ; House Beautiful, by W. C.
Gannett; A‘sthetic Principles, by H. Marshall, 1890;
American Architecture, by Montgomery Schuyler;
Evolution of Decorative Art, by H. Balfour; Birth and
Development of Ornament, by Hulme; Renaissance
SE NES and Ornament in Spain, by A. N. Pren-
ice.
VI.—FURNISHING.
Organic relation of furniture to humanity. Man
manufactures extensions of his body while the animals
grow them. Laws of construction. Use and beauty.
Practical conditions. Destructibility. Relative value
of materials, mineral, vegetable, and animal. Limita-
tions of applied beauty. Essential principles, use,
ease, and economy. Evolution of house furniture ;
the seat, the couch, the table, the cupboard, the ves-
sel. Vessel, utensil,tool. History, distribution, pres-
ent status. Relation to class; industry, wealth, sex,
age. Children’s furniture. Carpets, rugs, and cush-
ions. Upholstery. Specialization and personality
ey furniture. Mobility as a factor in evolution.
Ideals.
References: Illustrated History of Furniture, by
Frederick Litchfield ; Colonial Furniture of New Eng-
land, by Irving Whitall Lyon; Furnishing and Deco-
ration, by G. F. Armytage, American Architect, vol.
xviii., p. 116; Domestic Furniture, by G. T. Robinson,
Art Journal, vol. xxxvi., p. a House Furnishing, by
Mary Gay Humphreys, the Woman’s Book, chap. xv.;
The Home Life of the Greeks and Romans, by Kuhi
and Kéner, chapter on furniture; Furniture, by Clar-
ence Cook, Scribner’s Magazine, vol. x., p. 161; vol.xi.,
DP. 342, 809; Vol. xii., pp. 168, 796 ; Furniture, by Philip
Chien Hamerton, Macmillan’s Magazine, vol. viii.,
p. 138; The Art of Furnishing, Cornhill, vol. xxxi., p.
5353 Good and Bad Furniture, All the Year Round, vol.
xxviii., p. 42; Arts and Crafts Essays, a8 3; Wood
Carvings and Furniture in the Byle Louis e, by A.
Hoffmann; Furniture, by_F. S. Meyer; Practical
Decorative Upholstery, by F. A. Moreland. 7
VII.—HOUSEHOLD INDUSTRIES,
Structure and function. Functional development
of society and domestic industries. Order of appear-
ance of domestic industries and progress toward
higher specialization. Relation of work to worker.
Effect of special industries on body and mind. Exer-
cise more important than environment; action than
reaction. The division of labor. Sex in industry.
Distinction one of degree, not of kind. Jane-of-ail-
trades. Arrested sevelopuent and suppressed special-
ization. Effect of racial growth. Present condition
of domestic industries in relation to social economy
and personal development. The two remaining func-
tions, nutritive and excretory,
References: The Place of Woman in Primitive Cul-
ture, by O. E. Mason; Woman, Church, and State, by
Matilda Joslyn Gage, p. 456; Women Wage Earners,
by Helen Campbell, chap. xii.
VIIIL—NUTRITION.
_ Nutritive function of the household in relation tothe
individual ; in relation to society. Processes of nutri-
tion in organ; organism and organization. Impor-
tance of nutrition to life and of its secondary processes
to development. The struggle for existence. Man’s
victory. o longer a struggle but a growth. House-
hold nutrition merely a stage in the process, The
kitchen, the stomach of thehouse. Primitive nutrition
simple and private. Increase of complexity and co-
ordination. From bone to banquet. Physiological
needs. Waste and supply. Age and_occupation.
Racial dietetics. Theories and facts. Some of our
errors. Control of nutrition and its consequences.
References: Influence of Foods on Civilization, by
R. A. Proctor, North American Review, vol. cxxxv., p.
547; Science Applied to the Production and Consump-
tion of Food, by Edward Atkinson, Science, vol. vi.,
234; The Easiest Way, by Helen Campbell, chaps. vii.
to ix.; The Physiology of Common Life, by George
Henry Lewes; The Chemistry of Common Life, by
James F. W. Johnston; The Handbook of Household
Science, by Edward Youmans ; Foodand Feeding, by
Sir Henry Thompson; The Philosophy of Eating, by
A. J. Bellows; A Course of Practical Elementary Bioi-
ogy, by John Bidgood ; Food, by A. H. Church; The
Chemistry of Cookery, by W. Mattieu Williams; The
Perfect Way in Diet, by Dr. Anna Kingsford; Foods,
by Edward Smith ; Food and Dietetics, by Dr. Cham-
bers; Food and Dietetics, by Dr. Pavy ; Food and Di-
gestion, by Dr. Brinton ; Food, by Dr. Letheby ; Text-
Book of Physiology, by M. Foster, M.D.; How Plants
Grow, by Asa Gray; The Vegetable Kingdom, by E.
A. Rand; What to Eat and How to Eat It, by R. F.
Beardsley ; Food in Health and Disease, by B. Burney
Yeo, M.D.; Outlines for the Management of Diet, by
Dr. Edward Tunis Bruen; Foods for the Fat, edited
by Dr. C. W. Greene; Food for the Invalid, the Con-
valescent, the Dyspeptic, and the Gouty, by Dr. J. Mil-
ner Fothergill; The Science of Nutrition, by Edward
Atkinson; Principles of Chemical Philosophy, by
osiah Cooke ; Inorganic Chemistry, by Dr. Remsen;
uman Physiology, by Landis and Sterling.
1X.—FOOD AND ITS PREPARATION.
Chemical properties of foods.
foods; mineral constituents. Nutritive values. Our
food supply ‘‘from the ground up.” Preparatory
rocesses, general and special. Diets. Vegetarianism.
he cooking animal. Cooking as an art, a science, a
handicraft, a profession. Apparatus and methods—
primitive; ancient; modern; local. Our advance in
this art as compared with others. Dietaries for in-
fancy, childhood, youth, maturity, age, and for the
sick. Marketsandmarketing. Adulteration. Super-
vision of foods. Civilized living.
References: Chemistry of Foods, by Dr. Beal;
Chemistry of Foods, by Dr. Allen, Armour Institute ;
Food Materials and their Adulteration, by E. H.
Richards; Chemistry of Cooking and Cleaning, by
Ellen H. Richards; Food Adulteration, by Jesse P.
Battershall; Food and its Adulterations, by Arthur Hill
Hassall ; Meat Inspection, by Thomas Whalley ; In-
fectiousness of Milk, by the Massachusetts Society for
the Promotion of Agriculture; Potable Water, by
Floyd Davis; ze hysiolOny of Bodily Exercise, by Ferdi-
nand Lagrange; Mrs. Lincoln’s Boston Cook Book:
What to Do and What Not to Do in Cooking ; Just
How, by Mrs. A. D. T. Whitney; Mrs. Rorer’s Phila-
delphia Cook Book; Practical Cooking and Dinner-Giv-
ing, by Mrs. Henderson; In the Kitchen, by Mrs. E. S.
Miller ; Good Living, a Practical Cook Book for Town
and Country, by Sara Van Buren Brugiére; French
Dishes for American Tables, by Pierre Caron ; Cuisine
Classique, by Urbain Dubois; Caréme, Gouffé, and
Soyer; Diet for the Sick, by Mrs. Mary A. Henderson ;
Diet forthe Sick, by Mary Boland; Catherine Owen's
Books: Choice Cookery, Ten Dollars Enough, etc.;
Canoe and Camp Cookery, by “Seneca,” Forest and
Stream Pub. Co. (New York); Miss Parloa's Camp
Cookery; Deiicate Feasting, by Theodore Child;
Practical Sanitary and Economical Cooking, by Mrs.
Mary Hinman Abel, The Lomb Prize Essay ; The Easi-
est Way, by Helen Campbell, chap. xii.; Student
Dietaries, by Mrs. Ellen H. Richards, New England
Kitchen Magazine, 1895; How to Feed the Baby, by
Dr. Charles Page,
Animal and vegetable
Household Economic Association.
X.—CLEANING AND ITS PROCESSES.
Cleaning the essential and permanent household in-
dustry. The excretory system of the household organ-
ism. Friction, exposure, and decay. Essential and
necessary waste. Thegraveandthegarret. Fueland
flies. The dirt we make. Cleaning, mechanical and
chemical. Primitive household without excretory
system, Semiannual attacks on dirt. Elements of
cleaning processes, sweeping, dusting, and washing.
Development and excesses. The New England house-
wife and her Dutch prototype. Fluff. ust and its
dangers. Bacteria and microbes. Antiseptic clean-
ing. Light and cleanliness, physical, mental, and
moral. What it is to be clean, and the results.
References: Bacteria and their Products, by Ger-
main Sims Woodhead; Dust and its Dangers, by T.
Mitchell Prudden ; Chemistry of Cooking and Clean-
ing, by Mrs. Ellen H. Richards; The Chemistry of
Cleaning, by Professor Vivian Lewis, Armour Insti-
tute; Thoughts About Dust, by M. A. Molineux, M.D.,
New England Kitchen Magazine, April, 1895; Dan-
gerous Properties of Dust, by F. A. Abel, Nature, vol.
XXVi., Pp. 19.
XI.—SERVICE,
The servant question. Total inadequacy of existing
treatment. Failure to grasp essential distinction ,be-
tween service and labor. Service a condition peculiar
to humanity. Philosophy of service. Division of
labor and coordination. Primitive coordination com-
pulsory. The army of Xerxes as illustration of its
inferiority. Evolution of service. Effect of service on
character. Status of domestic service in social econ-
omy. Present condition. Some secondary conditions
of domestic service. The stranger within our gates.
Reports of Bureausof Labor. Philadelphia special in-
quiry in this connection. The training school and its
results. Matters of life and death. Diploma and
license. Servant, employee, artist, and professor.
References: The Servant Question, by Harriet Pres-
cott Spofford ; Domestic Service, by Professor Lucy
Salmon, New England Magazine, 1893; Domestic Ser-
vice, by Mrs. C. L. Stone ; The Biddy Club, by Griffith
A. Nicholas; Domestic Service, by E. P. Whipple, The
Forum, vol. i., Pp M: 25; Prisoners of Poverty, by
Helen Campbell, Chapters on Domestic Service.
XIIL—ORGANIZED LIVING.
Law of organization in individual and species. Or-
ganic evolution, racial, national, civic, domestic.
Primitive conditions of household economy. The
woman’s world and the man’s. How to ‘keep the
boys at home.” Survivals andrudiments. Effects on
the brain. Strain of contending eras. Relation to
progress. Home influence. The matrix of civiliza-
tion. How we really live. Flat, club, hotel, and board-
ing-house. Reaction and compromise. Lines of de-
velopment. Scientific prophecy. Asa Gray and his
unknown bugeer ny, Our possibilities. The higher
education and the higher life.
References : Man and Woman, Ey Havelock Ellis ;
The Evolution of Marriage, by C. H. Letourneau ; Co-
operation, by Mrs. C. L. Pierce; England’s Ideal and
other Papers on Social subjects, by Edward Carpen-
ter ; Essay on ‘‘ Simplification of Living ;” Civilization,
its Cause and Cure, by Edward Carpenter (chapter on
“Custom ’’),
HOWARD, JOHN, was born at Enfield,
England, in 1726. His father, a wealthy Lon-
don merchant, apprenticed him to a grocer, but
in 1742 he bought up his indenture. Until 1773
he lived a comparatively secluded life, distin-
guishing himself onlyin charity. Hewas made
the high sheriff of Bedford in 1773, and the
characteristic work of his life then began.
Visiting the jails, he found them wretchedly
defective ; but what chiefly shocked him was
that neither the jailer nor his subordinates were
salaried officers, but were dependent for their
livelihood on fees which they rigorously exacted
from the prisoners themselves. Some whom
the juries had declared not guilty, others in
whom the grand jury had not found even such
appearance of guilt as would warrant a trial,
698
Howells, William Dean.
others whose prosecutors had failed to appear,
were frequently detained in prison for months
after they had ceased to be in the position of
accused parties, until they should have paid the
fees of jail delivery. His prompt application to
the justices of the county for a salary to the
jailer in lieu of his fees was met by a demand
for a precedent for charging the county with
such an expense ; and he went accordingly from
county to county until his journey had extend-
ed to every town in England which contained
a prison, but the object of his search eluded in-
quiry. But he did find so many abuses in prison
management that he determined to devote him-
self to the reform of those abuses. The task
cost him a fortune and the best remaining years
of his life.
He reported his discoveries to the House of
Commons, and at once an act was passed which
provided for the liberation, free of all charges,
of every prisoner against whom the grand jury
failed to find a true bill, giving the jailer a
sum from the county rate in lieu of the abolished
fees. This was followed in June by another
requiring justices of the peace to see that the
walls and ceilings of all prisons within their
jurisdiction were scraped and whitewashed once
a year at least ; that the rooms were regularly
cleaned and ventilated ; that infirmaries were
provided for the sick, and proper care taken to
get them medical advice ; that the naked should
be clothed ; that underground dungeons should
be used as little as could be ; and generally that
such courses should be taken as would tend to
restore and preserve the health of the prisoners.
He then devoted himself for eight or nine
years to an investigation of the prisons of Eu-
rope, overcoming many difficulties and braving
many dangers. The publication of his large
accumulation of facts had a direct and immedi-
ate influence upon prison legislation. The last
five years of his life were chiefly devoted to re-
searches as to the means which ought to be used
in the prevention of the plague and all con-
tagious diseases. In pursuit of knowledge on
this subject he again traveled through Europe
and Asia Minor, visiting hospitals, lazarettos
and pest-houses of all kinds, and published the
results of his researches in 1789. Attempting
to make yet another European tour, he took a
fever from a patient he was attending and died
at Cherson in 1790. He was of a deeply relig-
ious temperament, and the greater part of his
life shows that his enthusiasm of humanity was
the unusual yet normal outcome of the sincerest
piety. ‘* He died a martyr after living an apos-
tle.’’ (See PENALOGY.)
HOWELLS, WILLIAM DEAN, was born
at Martinsville, O., in 1837. His father was a
printer, and of him he learned the printer’s
trade. He afterward became editor of the
Cincinnati Gazette and the Ofzo se oe
nal. He was United States Consul at Venice
1861-65, and in 1871 became editor of the AZz-
lantic Monthly, retaining this position till 1880.
Since then he has produced a long list of writ-
ings, all of his works circulating largely in Eng-
land, making his name almost as familiar there
as in the United States. Heconducted for sev-
eral years ‘‘ The Editor's Study” in Harper's
Howells, William Dean.
Magazine. He has interested himself of re-
cent years very largely in social reform in vari-
ous novels, and especially in his 4 Traveller
from Altruria.
HUBER, VICTOR AIME, who may be
called the founder of German Christian social-
ism, was born in Stuttgart in 1800. He tooka
degree in medicine in 1820 at the University of
Gottingen, but obtained, through the influence
of his mother, a State stipendium. Throwing
himself into the social and political movement
of the times, he visited Paris, Lisbon, Hamburg,
Edinburgh, Italy, and at last settled down in
Bremen as one of the masters at the Merchants’
School of that town. He became more than
ever interested in social problems, but now from
a religious standpoint.
In 1832 he procured a post at the University
of Rostock, and a call to Marburg six years later.
In 1839 he was elected as the representative of
this ‘collegiate body in the Hessian House of
Representatives as an ultra-Conservative states-
man. Friedrich Wilhelm IV., of Prussia, now
induced him to come to Berlin and to found a
Conservative periodical under royal patronage.
As editor of this periodical, the (anus Huber
made it the vehicle for pressing his pet scheme
of cooperation.
After the March revolution in 1848 this pub-
lication, which in many respects resembled the
Christzan Soctalzst of England and L’ Avenir
of France, was discontinued, and another meth-
od for rallying the friends of social reform on
Conservative principles was made by Huber in
forming his Association of Christian Order and
Liberty. But this, too, proved unsuccessful.
Huber found more favor, in truth, among the
Social Radicals than in his own reactionary
circles. His assistance was sought by some
Liberals and Democrats who had lately estab-
lished a ‘‘ building society for the common
good,’’ which had for its object the improve-
ment of the dwellings of the poor. Huber read-
ily subscribed $7000 to its funds and drew up
its constitution. He also interested himself in
the Gesellenvater Kolping and Bishop Ketteler
(7.v.). But failing to interest the aristocratic
classes of Berlin, he found a new home in the lit-
tle town of Wenigerode, among the Hartz Moun-
tains, and left only to pay visits to France, Bel-
gium, and England, and thus became a living
organ, so to speak, for international communi-
cation on the subject of cooperative association.
He lived in daily companionship with laborers
and artisans in order to raise them by personal
contact to a higher level. In this he spared no
sacrifice of time or money. He founded a loan
society, an institution for smaller tradespeople,
and a technical school for the instruction of
young apprentices after leaving the ordinary
schools, where he taught himself. He also
called into existence a Christian Association of
ourneymen. During the summer of 1869 he
tee pinstrated by illness, and died July 19 of
that year.
T, FRANCOIS, was born at Villeau,
nee in aid M. de Lavelye, his distin-
guished pupil, says of him (Soctalésm of To-
day, p. 253):
699
Hughes, Thomas.
“At the age of 22 he was appointed Professor of
Philosophy at the University of Ghent, a post which
he retained up to 1850. He was the disciple of a spirit-
ualist philosopher, a man of very vigorous intellect.
Bordas-Demoulin, and, through him, of Descartes and
Plato. Protesting to the last against Ultramontanism
and its new dogmas, they were the last Gallicans of
the school of Pascal and Bossuet. About the year 1846
his philosophical studies led Huet to approach social
questions, as has been the case with most of the phil-
osophers of ourtimes..... At Ghent, Huet collected,
around him a group of pupils, among whom was the
author of this book, and from before 1848 we thoroughly
studied, each with his own preferences, the various sys-
tems of social reform. . . . Huet also published, in 1864,
La Science del’Esprit, He presided: Over the educa-
tion of Prince Milan, now King of Servia, and even
followed him to Belgrade. Having returned to Paris
to undergo treatment for a severe disease, he died
from the effects of a surgical operation (1869). ...
“For the basis of his system he takes the principles
of 178, and endeavors to realize in everything the
motto, ‘Liberty, Equality, Fraternity.’ His ideas on
this point were, without his knowing it, similar to
those of Fichte....The following is a summary of
them: Men are by right equal. They have the right to
an opportunity to develop themselves, This meansa
right to property, which should be realized in the
‘right to patrimony,’ by virtue of which every person
in a position to labor would obtain a share in the
general wealth. ‘Every year a division should be
made of the patrimonial property left ownerless
through deaths. All the young people of either sex,
who during this year reach the age of either 14 or 25
years, should obtain a share, the share of each person
of full age being double the share of each minor.’
The right of hereditary succession is abolished, but
gifts by will or zzter vivos are authorized. Each per-
son, however, can dispose only of property acquired
by his own labor, and not of that received by way of
gift or legacy. This goes to increase the common pat-
timony. ‘Continuously fed from an inexhaustible
source, the general patrimony would be composed, at
any given time, of all the ancient patrimonial property
and of all the subsequent accumulations of capital;
for as these accumulations could only once change
hands by way of gift, at the deaths of the donees they
would go to swell the mass of the original patrimony.
“Leveling socialist as Huet is when he claims for
all an equal right of accession to property, he is a
thorough individualist on the question of the organiza-
tion of labor. He rejects all State intervention; he
does not like even corporations holding industrial
capital. The individual, put in possession of ‘his pat-
rimony,’ may work by himself, orin partnership with
others, provided he do so freely, without any privileges
or close corporations.”’
M. Huet also published a charming book en-
titled Le Régune Social du Chri¢stianisme, con-
taining a complete social theory based on Chris-
tianity, which Lavelye says has not met the at-
tention it deserves only because it is too full of
Christianity for the socialists and too full of so-
cialism for Christians.
HUGHES, THOMAS, was born near New-
bury, Berkshire, England, in 1823. He was
educated at Rugby under Dr. Arnold, and at
Oriel College, Oxford, where he was graduated
in 1845. He was called to the bar at Lincoln’s
Inn in 1848. He was prominent in the Chris-
tian socialist movement of Maurice and Kings-
ley in 1849-50. (See CHRISTIAN Socialism.) He
published his immortal Tom Brown's School-
Beg (1857); Zom Brown at Oxford (1861) ;
The Manliness of Christ (1879), besides many
lesser writings. From 1865-74 he sat in Parlia-
ment. In 1869 he became Queen’s Counsel,
and in 1882 acounty court judge. In 1870 he
visited the United States. Becoming interested
in this country, the ‘‘ New Rugby”’ colony was
conceived. Fifty thousand acres were bought
and 300 men were actually on the grounds,
mainly sons of English farmers. Judge Hughes
Hughes, Thomas.
was its active superintendent. Roads, cricket
grounds, a hotel, and brick kiln were started.
Cooperation and profit-sharing were attempted,
but Judge Hughes was no financier, and it hon-
orably failed. He died March 22, 1896.
HUGO, VICTOR MARIE, Vicomte, was
born in 1802 at Besangon, where his father was
commandant of the garrison. His youth was
spent partly with his mother in Paris, partly in
Italy and Spain, where his father held high ap-
pointments. He early acquired distinction by
his poetry, and before he was 30 years of age
his published works were numerous and famous.
He led in a literary revolution whose followers
—la jeune France—called themselves the Ro-
manticists, and their opponents the Classicists.
The literary war lasted several years. In 1832
the ministry suspended one of his dramas+-Le
Rot s'amuse—but his popularity continued to
increase, and in 1837 Louis Philippe made him
an officer of the Legion of Honor, and in 1845 a
peer of France. After the Revolution of 1848
he was elected to represent Paris, both in the
constituent and in the legislative assembly, in
which he manifested democratic principles, and
was one of the members of the Extreme Left
who were banished from France for life by
Louis Napoleon. He went to reside in the
island of Jersey. In 1852 he assailed the ruler
of France in a political pamphlet, Vapoleon Le
Petit, and next year,in Les Chdtiments, a
series of poems written with great verve, in the
same spirit, He refused to avail himself of the
amnesty of 1859; but on the fall of the empire
joined in the republican movement, and was
returned to the National Assembly at Bordeaux,
which, however, he soon quitted in disgust.
He then went to Brussels, but the Belgian Gov-
ernment expelled him from the country, and he
had to seek refuge in Vianden, a village of Lux-
emburg, where L’Année Terrible was com- |
posed. Returning to Paris in July, 1871, he
pleaded earnestly but without effect for the lives
of the communists, Hugo has given an account
of his life in Actes et Paroles (1870-72). In 1862
appeared Les Misérables , in 1869 L’ Homme gu
Rit; Quatrevingt-treize (1874); his Speeches
(1875) ; the Légende des Szécles (1877); L’ His-
lowre aun Crime (1878); and Le Pape, a poem
(1878). His main work for social reform has
been in these novels, the influence of which has
been marked in the development of social de-
mocracy in France. He says in his William
Shakespeare: ‘True socialism has for its end
the elevation of the masses to the civic dignity,
and that, therefore, its principal care is for
moral and intellectual cultivation.’’
HULL HOUSE (CHICAGO).—The two
original residents of Hull House, Miss Jane
Adams (g.v.) and Miss Ellen G. Starr, went to
commence a work at 335 South Halstead, Chi-
cago, in a poor neighborhood of the city, in Sep-
tember, 1889. Their one thought was that per-
sonal social intercourse could best realize their
growing sense of the economic unity of society,
and all the developments of their work have
grown up from this as there seemed to be need.
‘Their earliest activities were the ordinary ones
of children’s clubs, kindergartens, afternoon
700
Hull House (Chicago).
teas, etc., as a means of securing natural ac-
quaintance in the neighborhood.
The Working People’s Social Science Club was the
first body including men to be organized at Hull
House. This club was formed through the activity of
an English working man, during the
first year of Hull House, for the discus-
sion of social problems, and has con-
tinued to meet weekly ever since. The
discussion is always animated, and : :
every conceivable shade of social and economic opin-
ion ig represented. In 1893 was formed also a Hull
House Men’s Club, It holds a reception once a month
and an occasional banquet. Composed of 150 men of
the vicinity, the constitution commits them, among
other things, to the ‘cultivation of sobriety and good
fellowship.” At present 30 or more clubs meet regu-
larly at Hull House, and every quarter there is a
congress of the different clubs. .
The Hull House Women’s Club, which now numbers
60 of the most able women in the ward, developed from
a social meeting of a few for purposes of tea-drinking
and friendly chat. Several members of this club have
done good work in street and alley inspecting in con-
nection with the Municipal Order League, and have
taken an active part in a cooperative coal scheme re-
cently inaugurated at Huil House.
From alike informal origin grew the College Ex-
tension courses. These classes were established at
Hull House before the University Extension move-
ment began in Chicago, and are rot connected with it.
Several University Extension courses have been given
at Hull House. The first class met as a social club,
guests of theresidents. Asthe classes grew larger and
more numerous, and the object of newcomers more
definitely that of acquisition of some special knowledge,
the informality of the social relation is necessarily
less. But the prevailing attitude toward the House of
the 250 students now enrolled is that of: guests as well
as students. ie
The most popular and continuous courses have been
in literature, languages, music, art, history, mathemat-
ics, drawing and painting. A helpful ee ens of
the College Extension courses has been the Summer
School, held for five years in the building of Rockford
College, at Rockford, Ill. The sum of $3 a week paid
ne each student for board covers the entire expenses
of the school ; the use of the buildings, including gym-
nasium and laboratories, are given free of rent.
Under the educational aspect of the House may be
considered the occasional exhibitions of pictures. Ow-
ing partly to the limited space available for the pur-
ose, these exhibits have been small.
he first residents held strongly to the
belief that compromise in the matter of
excellence in art wasa mistake. They
hung their own walls only with such pic-
tures as they felt were helpful to the life of mind and
soul. One of the residents has been able to put anumber
of eeu pictures into the school nearest Hull House,
and into departments of several other public schools.
_ The same principles the Hause is striving to carry
into effect with regard to the music it provides. Every
Sunday afternoon a free concert is given inthe gymna-
sium. There is also musical instruction given through
the week, with a children’s chorus, etc.
The connection of the House with the labor move-
ment may be fairly said to have begun on the same
social basis as its other relations. Of its standing with
labor unions, which is now “ good and
regular,” it owes the foundation to per-
sonal relations with the organizer of the
Bindery Girls’ Union and of various
women’s unions, who lived for some
months in the house as a guest. It is
now generally understood that Hull House “is on the
side of unions.’’ Several of the women’s unions have
held their regular meetings at the House, two have
been organized there, and in four instances, men and
women on strike against reductions in wages have
met there while the strike lasted. In one case a strike
was successfully arbitrated by the head of the House,
the abuses complained of by the employees being re-
moved.
The initiative toward the factory inspection measure
of Illinois was taken by a resident of Hull House.
The same resident conducted in Chicago the so-called
“slum investigation” for thé Department of Labor at
Washington, and after the passage of the law was
appointed inspector of factories for the State of Illinois.
, A resident has tabulated the information collected
in the “slum investigation” in the form of two sets of
Clubs,
Art.
Trade
Unions,
Hull House (Chicago).
maps, one set on the plan of Charles Booth’s wage
taaps of London, and one set showing the national-
ities of the district. The latter shows 1g different
nationalities within the third of a square mile lying
east and south of Hull House. (See reference at end
of article.)
After the passage of the factory and work-shop bill,
which includes a clause limiting women’s labor to eight
hours a day, the young women employees of a large
factory in the _hear neighborhood of Hull House
formed an ‘Eight-hours Club” for the purpose of
encouraging women in factories and workshops to
obey the eight-hour law. This club, which holds its
meetings at Hull House, has maintained its own posi-
tion, and has done good inissionary work for the cause.
When the hours were shortened, and work stopped on
Saturday, several members of the club devoted their
Saturdays to seeking work in candy and tobacco facto-
ties for the purpose of making the acquaintance and
cultivating the friendship of workers in these shops,
and urging them to obey the law; and/a number of
the latter were brought into the club.
The Jane Club, a cooperative boarding club for
young working women, had the advice and assistance
of Hull House in its establishment. The original
members of the club, seven in number,
were a group of girls accustomed to co-
Jane Club, operative action. The club has been,
from the beginning, self-governing, the
officers: being elected by the members
from their own number, and serving six months gra-
tuitously. The two offices of treasurer and steward
have required a generous sacrifice of their limited
leisure time, as well as a good deal of ability from
those holding them. The weekly dues of three dol-
lars, with an occasional small assessment, have met
all current expenses of rent, service, food, heat and
light, after the furnishing and first nionth’s rent was
supplied by Hull House. The club now numbers so
members. The one flatis increased tofive. The mem-
‘bers do such share of the work of the House as does
not interfere with their daily work at their trades.
There are various circles within the club for social and
intellectual purposes. The atmosphere of the house is
one of comradeship rather than of thrift.
One of the residents of Hull House has been ap-
ointed a member of the State Board of Charities.
he House has been active in the movement to organ-
ize the charities of Chicago, and has recently united
its relief office with the ward office established by the
new organization.
The House has always had a free kindergarten, and
for five years a day nursery, where mothers who are
obliged to go out to work leave their children for the
day, paying five cents for each child. The créche
averages in summer so children, and in winter be-
tween 30 and 40.
There is also a children’s dining-room in a neigh-
boring cottage. Dinners are served to school children
upon presentation of tickets which have been sold to
their mothers for five cents each. Those children are
first selected whose mothers are necessarily at work
during the middle of the day, and the dinner started
with children formerly in the Hull House créche.
While it is desired to give the children nutritious food
the little diners care much more for the toys and
books and the general good time than they do for the
dinners. Besides these activities there are various
children’s clubs, cooking classes, a nature class, sew-
ing school, art classes, a public bath-house, a coop-
erative association, a gymnasium, playground, coffee-
house, New England kitchen with a noon factory de-
livery, a temporary lodging-house, a labor bureau,
etc. A resident physician conducts a public dispen-
sary.
No university nor college qualification hasever been
made in regard to residents, altho the majority have
always been college people. The organization of the
settlement has been extremely informal,
the mumber of residents ee about
i . 20, Residents are receive or six
Residense weeks, during which time they have all
prelate save a wore au jesidents!
ing. At the end o at period, i ey have
Svcd Calicable to the work of the House, they are in-
vited to remain, if itis probable that they can be in
residence for six months. The expenses of the resi-
dents are defrayed by themselves on the plan of a co-
operative club, under the direction of a house commit-
tee. A limited number of fellowships has been estab-
lished. All the residents of Hull House for the first
three years were women, tho much valuable work has
always been done by non-resident men. Since men
thave come into residence in a cottage on Polk Street,
7Or
Huxley, Thomas Henry.
dining at Hull House, and giving such part of their
time to the work of the settlement as is consistent
with their professional or business life. Only one
man has been able to devote his entire time to Settle-
ment work.
It is estimated that 2000 people come to Hull House
each week, either as members of clubs or organiza-
tions, or as parts of an audience. One hundred of
these come as teachers, lecturers, or directors of clubs.
The House has always had much valuable assistance
from the citizens of Chicago. This voluntary re-
sponse to its needs, perhaps, accounts for the fact that
it has never found it necessary to form an association
with chapters in colleges, as other settlements have
done. It is incorporated with a board of trustees.
No rent is paid for the use of Hull House, nor for
the adjacent lots. Three buildings have been built
upon these by friends of the House. The superinten-
dence and teaching of the settlement are volunteered
by residents and others, andareunpaid. The running
expenses of the settlement proper are therefore re-
duced toa minimum. No public appeal for funds has
ever been made.
Reference: Hull House Maps and Papers, by resi-
dents of Hull House (1895).
ELLen G, STARR.
HUMANITARIAN LEAGUE, THE, was
started in England in February, 1891, its object
being to advocate humane principles from ra-
tional and consistent principles.
The main principle laid down in its manifesto
is that ‘‘it is iniquitous to inflict suffering on any
sentient being except when self-defense or ab-
solute necessity can be justly pleaded.’’ It
urges the application of this principle to inter-
national warfare, the criminal code, social ques-
tions, and all wanton ill treatment of the lower
animals, whether for the purposes of fashion,
sport, and science, or ‘‘ those dens of torture
known as private slaughter-houses.”’
Its members direct public attention .to the
League’s purposes, and it has brought out a
series of uniform pamphlets at a4 low price;
among others are: Humanztarianism: Its Gen-
eral Principles and Progress, by Mr. H.S.
Salt, the leading member of the society ; Royal
Sport; Rabbit Coursing: An Appeal to Work-
ing Men, The Horrors of Sport; Behind the
Scenes in Slaughter-houses ; Vivisection and
Women’s Wages.
HUNTINGTON, FREDERICK DAN,
was born at Hadley, Mass, in 1819. He was
graduated at Amherst College in 1839, and at
Cambridge Divinity School in 1842. Entering
the Unitarian ministry, he held a pastorate in
Boston, and from 1855-60 was Professor of
Christian Morals and preacher at Harvard Uni-
versity. In 1860 he entered the Episcopal
Church and became rector of Emmanuel Church,
Boston, and in 1869 was consecrated Bishop of
Central New York. Besides many religious
books, he has written numerous magazine arti-
cles on religious and social problems with kin-
dred subjects. He is president of the Church
Association for the Advancement of the Inter-
ests of Labor (g.v.), and of the Church Social
Union (¢.v.). ,
HUXLEY, THOMAS HENRY, we consid-
er here simply for his contributions to social sci-
ence. Born at Ealing, Middlesex, England, in
1825, he studied at Charing Cross Hospital and
at the University of London. As assistant sur-
geon in the royal navy he sailed round the world
and made many observations in natural science.
Huxley, Thomas Henry.
In 1854 he became Professor of Natural History
in the School of Mines, and Professor of Physi-
ology. From 1863-69 he was professor in the
Royal College of Surgeons. He was president
of various scientific societies, from 1870-72 on
the London School Board, and in 1893 privy
councillor. He has been a careful student of
biology, yet few men have done more to popu-
larize science by his lectures and his numerous
writings. Mr. William M. Salter thus describes
his social positions (we abridge his account) :
by aa ey held to what might be called a reasonable
individualism—z.e., the view that it is better to leave
men as free as possible, so long as their action is not
incompatible with social welfare. But what he termed
‘fanatical individualism,’ which questions whether
society may constrain one of its number to contribute
his share toward maintaining it, or even whether it
may prevent him from doing his best to destroy it,
found in him a keen opponent; he called it ‘reasoned
Savagery.’ :
‘“‘ Society, he held, came into being when mutual war
gave way to mutual peace—and it ‘most nearly ap-
proaches perfection as the war of individual ant
individual is most strictly limited.’ The ‘eternal com-
petition of man with man and of nation with nation’
did not please him. He put his hand on the weak spot
in the laborer’s situation when he said that it is the
competition of laborers with one another that makes
the capitalist’s strength.
““As to_ what is called the social problem’ he felt
. deeply. He thought there were someto whom society
assured quite too much and others to whom it assured
too little. He had something rather sharp to say of
those artificial arrangements by which fools and knaves
are sometimes kept at the top of society, instead of
sinking to their natural place at the bottom.
“He thought society might act in various ways for
the good of its members—e. g., by providing proper
drainage in crowded cities, by establishing libraries,
schools, and gymnasia, by factory legislation, by reg-
ulating not only the production, but the distribution of
wealth—as it already does in a measure by its laws of
Te DeteEanee tho it might do much better in this partic-
ular.
“Huxley was no Mattar and yet he saw no limit
to the extent to which ‘intelligence and will, guarded
by sound principles of investigation, and organized in
common effort, may modify the conditions of exist-
ence for a period longer than that covered by history.’
With due regulation of its numbers and due ordering
of its industrial life, Huxley thought that a society
might even now eliminate poverty and want (save
such as arose from moral delinquencies or unavoid-
able calamities). Whether any society would actually
rise to this height remained, of course, to be seen.
Huxley was only sure that if some advance was not
702
Icaria.
made in this direction, it was an open question whether
the life of the race was worth preserving. If there
was no hope of a large improvement of the condition
of the greater part of the human family, he declared he
should welcome the advent of some kindly comet that
would sweep the whole affair away.”
HYNDMAN, HENRY MAYERS, was born
in 1842, and was educated at Trinity College,
Cambridge. Taking his degree in 1864 he entered
the Inner Temple in 1865, but as special corre-
spondent for the Pall Mall Gazette, went
through the Italian campaign of 1866. From
1868-70 he traveled through the United States
and Australia. In 1877 he published books on
The Indian Famine and the Crzszs zn Indza,
which brought prominently into public notice
the appalling condition of Indian affairs. At
the general election of 1880 he was an unsuccess-
ful Independent candidate for the parliamentary
seat of Marylebone, London. In the same year,
with several others, he raised an agitation in
England against Mr. Gladstone’s ‘‘ coercion
policy’? in Ireland, and several times he had
narrow escapes from being mobbed by the Lib-
erals for his outspoken denunciations. In Janu-
ary, 1881, was founded, mainly throu his
anorte. the Democratic Federation, which soon
became a distinctly socialist organization, and
grew into the Social Democratic Federation.
From that time forward he has been closely
identified with this organization, speaking and
writing sen In 1886 he was tried, with
Messrs, Burns, Champion, and Williams, for
‘uttering sedition and inciting to violence’ in
a speech made ata meeting of the unemployed
in Trafalgar Square. After a trial lasting three
days they were all acquitted. His first socialist
publication was England for All (1881), fol-
lowed by The Hzstoric Basis of Soctalism in
England (1883); The Social Reconstruction
of England, a Summary of the Principles
of Soctalism (1884). He is still the leading
member of the Social Democratic Federation,
and constantly contributes to /us¢zce, its organ.
A man of some means, no one has more abso-
lutely devoted his whole life to the cause of so-
cialism,
T.
IBSEN, HENRITK, was born at Skien, Nor-
way, March 20, 1828. Apprenticed to a drug-
gist, he early left the pharmacy for literature.
In 1854 he was appointed director of the theater
at Bergen ; in 1857 at Christiania. In 1866 he
received a pension and resided abroad at Dres-
den, Munich, and Rome till 1891, when he re-
turned to reside at Christiania. His first drama,
Catilina (1850), was not considered a success,
tho with marks of genius. He then turned to
Norwegian historical subjects and found great
success, and followed these by some satirical
dramas, which have had still more popularity in
Norway, and have been translated into most
European languages. With The Pullars of
Society (1877) Ibsen began a series of realistic
pictures satirizing every-day life that have made
him famous the world over. This was followed
by A Doll's House (1878); Ghosts (1881); An
Eno a the People (1882); Hedda Gabler
(1890); Zhe Master Builder (1892), and other
dramas less known. These productions have
been attacked as immoral, and have been laud-
ed as of the highest genius. They have done
good service for social reform by showing some
of the shams and weak spots of respectable so-
ciety, as in part due to present economic condi-
tions. See G.B..Shaw’s Quzntessence of [b-
senism (1891).
ICARIA, a communistic settlement begun in
1847, to embody the social ideals described in
Cabet’s romance Voyage en Icarze. Cabet
(g.v.) wrote his romance in 1839, and then,
%
Icaria.
pressed by his friends, sought for an opportu-
nity to carry out his ideas. He finally succeed-
ed in making arrangements for an experiment
on American soil. In his journal, Le Popu-
Zaire, he announced the purchase of a consid-
erable tract of land on the Red River, Tex.,
and a treaty by which Cabet was made the di-
rector of an intended colony, and the depositary
of all the funds, community of property being
the distinctive principle of the society. Accord-
ingly, in 1848, an expedition of 69 persons sailed
to America as an advance guard, leaving Cabet
himself and another company to follow soon
after. But difficulties arose. They were at-
tacked by the yellow-fever, and, unable to en-
dure the Texan climate, the survivors were
obliged to abandon their claims and return to
New Orleans. Here Cabet met them, with
400 additional members. News; however, had
been received in New Orleans of the proclama-
tion of the republic in France, and many felt
tempted to return. Cabet was denounced, but
induced several hundred to keepon. Learning
that the Mormons had abandoned their settle-
ment in Nauvoo, Ill, he set out for that place
with his followers. The Icarians in Nauvoo
numbered at one time 600. They met with
some success in cultivating their land, estab-
lished shops, pursued trades, and set up a print-,
ing-office ; but instead of rejoicing in his pros-
perity, and laboring to increase it, Cabet was
dreaming what he might do if he had half a
million, as is evinced by his pubiication Wenz
2ch $500,000 hatte.
It is said that Cabet developed a dictatorial
. spirit; but this is doubtful. He was in a diffi-
cult place, and had many rivals and enemies.
He was even summoned back to Paris on a
trumped-up charge of fraud, but was able to
successfully defend himself before the tribunal.
Returning to Nauvoo, he found it prospering ;
but dissension again arose, and Cabet was ex-
elled. He went with some of his followers to
t. Louis, where he died (1856). His followers
founded a colony at Cheltenham, which, how-
ever, did not endure. Meantime, the faction
which had remained at Nauvoo, after many
years of struggle, decided to remove, and 4000
acres were bought by the Nodaway River, in
Adams County, Ia., in the town of Corning,
and the colony moved there. Dissensions were,
however, not over, and in 1880two factions—
the Young Party and the Old Party—having
failed to live together, separated. The prop-
erty was equitably divided by arbitrators ; but
through a technicality the old charter was lost,
the Young Party obtaining a new one and the
tight to the name, with the original settlement ;
the Old Party found themselves obliged to
found a New Icariaa mile farther east. The
Young Party soon dissolved. The Old Party
continued, but finally disbanded in 1895.
The essential principles of Cabet’s communism
were the equality of all and the brotherhood of
man. Executive officers were elected every
year, who were, however, only empowered to
execute the orders of their fellow-citizens, and
could not so much as buy a bushel of corn with-
out being authorized to do so by the society.
The directors bought the goods needed by the
Icarians twice a year at wholesale. Each one
793
Illegitimacy.
made known his wants previously to the semi-
annual purchases. ‘‘ To each according to his
needs ; from each according to his ability’’ was
the economic doctrine of the community. Mar-
riage was essential according to Cabet’s scheme,
and wives highly honored. Not only was the
strictest fidelity enjoined upon the husbands,
but they were required to render special acts of
homage to their wives.
The government was purely democratic. Con-
cerning religion, the constitution of the commu-
nity said: ‘‘ The Icarian Community adopts as
its religion the religion of Christianity in its
primitive purity, and its fundamental principle
of fraternity of men and of peoples.’? Sunday
was set apart asa day of rest and recreation.
Walking, riding, visiting, fishing, and dancing,
with occasional amateur theatricals, were the +
amusements. In addition to the national holi-
days they celebrated two of their own, February
3, or the anniversary of the founding of the
community, and the ‘‘ Féte de Mais,’’ or corn
festival.
They lived in little houses in plots of ground
bright with flowers around a central house,
where they had their meals incommon. They
at one time published a little paper, the Revue
Lcarzenne.
ILLEGITIMACY.—In studying the subject
of illegitimacy at least three things must be re-
membered. First, that the proportion of illegiti-
mate to legitimate births in any country is by no
means an index of the morality of the country. A
country may have a high rate of illegitimacy not
because morals are low, but because of the law.
There is probably a lower rate of illegitimacy in
Turkey than in England ; but few would argue
that Turkey is the more moral country of the
two. Thesimple reason is that in Turkey polyg-
amy and frequent change of wives are allowed
by the law. Bavaria in former times had laws
forbidding marriage except to those possessed
of property or who were members of a guild.
The natural result was an enormously high
rate of illegitimacy. When the laws were
changed, about 1868, the proportion sank in a
few years nearly 50 per cent. Lord Kames
states that in 1707, Iceland having become al-
most depopulated by an epidemic, the King of
Denmark issued a proclamation legitimizing all
children to the extent that no unmarried moth-
er was to be deemed to have lost her reputation
until her progeny exceeded six. Again, a low
rate of illegitimacy may obviously prevail ina
country because there isa high rate of ante-
natal destruction of life, or a frequent practice
of neo-Malthusianism. (See MarriaceE; Mat-
THUSIANISM.) This may be the reason why ille-
gitimacy in some countries like England seems.
more prevalent in rural than in urban districts.
This may be the reason, too, why certain sec-
tions of Scotland have a higher rate of illegiti-.
macy than France.
The second point that must be remembered
is that even where a high rate of illegitimacy is
caused by laxity in morals, it does not always
imply low moralsin all directions. Miss Mulock,
in Thoughts about Women, says:
“ Women who thus fall are by no means the worst
of their station, ] have heard it affirmed by more
Illegitimacy.
than one lady, and by one in particular whose experi-
ence is as large as her benevolence, that many of them
are of the very best—refined, intelligent, truthful, and
affectionate.
““¢T don’t know how it is,’ she would say, ‘whether
their very superiority makes them dissatisfied with
their own rank, so that they fall easier victims to the
rank above them, or whether other virtues can exist
and flourish entirely distinct from and after the
loss of what we are accustomed to believe the indis-
pensable virtue of our sex—Chastity.’” =
Froude says (History of the English tn the
West Indtes, p. 344):
“TImmorality (in Hayti) isso universal that it almost
ceases to be a fault, fora fault implies an exception, and
in Haytiit is the rule. Young people make experi-
ment of one another before they will enter into any
closer connection. So far they are no worse than in
our own English [slands, where the custom ts equally
general,”
The third point appliesto all statistics, but es-
pecially to statistics of morals, and among sta-
tistics of morals, particularly to statistics con-
cerning chastity, that a high rate of evil may
simply indicate a careful registry and a high
social standard, so that low morality and good
appearances not seldom go together. Remem-
bering these precautions, the following statis-
tics, taken, unless otherwise indicated, from
Dr. Albert Leffingwell's //legztimacy, are of
great value.
ILLEGITIMACY IN EUROPE,
Of each 1000 births (still-births excluded) the
704
Illegitimacy.
following were illegitimate in the different coun-
tries in the years mentioned :
186. | 1870. | 1885. | 1886. | 1887. | 1888. | 1889.
Ireland... ..| 29 27 28 27 28 29 28
Russia. --| 28 28 28 27 28 27 27
Holland. ...] 36 35 3r 32 32 31 33
Switzerland|*.. |] .. 5° 49 48 48 47
England
and Wales| 58 56 48 47 48 46 46
Spain........ 56 55 35 ee ae a ed
Italy .. «| 60 64 76 75 75 74 73
France.....| 75 75 80 82 82 85 84
Belgium ...] 71 72 87 |- 87 88 87 88
Prussia* . 78 79 82 82 82 80 80
Pune Aly teal “JO 68 84 83 84 84 85
Scotland....| 98 96 85 82 83 81 79
Norway.....| 85 gt 79 79 77 76 74
Denmark..| xrz4 Int 100 97 97 93 93
Sweden.....] roz2 | 104 | 104 | 102 | 105 | ro2 | ror
Saxony..... 136 | 137 | 130 | 129 | 128 | 125 | 125
Bavaria*,...| 179 164 139 139 138 140 | 141
Austria... .| 138 131 147 147 147 | 146 | 147
According tothe Bulletzn de l’ Inst., etc., vol.
vii., illegitimacy is increasing in Italy, France,
Austria, Hungary, Belgium, Roumania, Servia,
and Massachusetts, and decreasing in England,
Scotland, Holland, Norway, and Denmark. ©
The rate of illegitimacy seems to differ stead-
ily and unaccountably in different portions of
the same country.
Dr. Leffingwell gives the following table of
the number of illegitimate births per 1000 in two
sections of Scotland :
| 1857. 1858. 1867. 1868. 1877. 1878. Ten Years,
| 1876-85.
Northeastern Counties . .............25 145 146 145 153 139 139 I4t
Northwestern Counties...... wikiecieieleteiae 57 6r 6r 6r és 59 64
He asks:
“Why do these two sections differ, and differ so
enormously? Why does one locality persistently and
tegularly pay twice the tribute of bastardy of its
neighbor, year after year?”
He says itis not because of differences in edu-
cation, since in 1878 94 per cent. of the mar-
ried women in the northeastern division were
able to write, while in the other only 38 per cent.
of the whole number who married could sign
their names. It was not due to poverty, be-
cause in no portion of Scotland do so smalla
proportion of the population live in cottages of
asingle room. It cannot be due to religion, be-
cause both sections cherish the stern faith of
Calvin and Knox. Dr. Leffingwell says :
“It seems to me that the most plausible explanation
of this remarkable local proclivity toward immorality
is that it is primarily due to ancestral tendencies,
coming, it may be, from prehistoric times. Probably
the immediate and active cause to-day is the conta-
gion of loose example, the near inheritance of unwise
proclivity.” ‘
In English counties the rates also strangely
vary. Here is a table of certain English coun-
ties:
DIVISIONS AND
Sa enEe: 1879. | 1880. | 188x. | 1882. | 1883. | 3884. | 1885. | 1886. | 7887. | 2988. Putters
Shropshire..... shies Bae 76 80 82 79 84 85 I 82 8r , 80 82
Cum Per land. 77 8r 79 76 72 qt Be 79 72 78 76
igre ord ae 4a 68 74 75 72 79 67 77 80 74 85 76
orfolk..... a 77 79 15 78 73 7° 7o 72 23 74 74
Westmoreland. 72 9 73 84 67 71 62 69 64 69 qo
North Wales.... qt 67 63 68 67 68 69 75 73 3 69
ou eg aie 48 48 49 49 48 47 48 47 48 46 48
aos ire.. s 48 45 47 46 48 46 48 46 48 46 47
= BET els ee 44 46 44 47 44 43 42 42 4t 4z 43
pane ire 45 44 46 42 43 42 43 4t 41 43 43
Lae esta 43 40 44 45 43 44 43 43 43 44 43
urrey . 37 38 42 38 39 4t 44 4r 40 43 40
* Including still-births for 1885-89.
Illegitimacy.
Says Dr. Leffingwell :
“This is the record of 10 years. Every year one sec-
tion of the ony pays twice the tribute of another
art; and yet both sections are equally under English
aws, English customs, English civilization. What,
one may well ask, are the influences, the circumstances,
the conditions, which produce such surprising con-
trasts between the social morality of Devon and Nor-
folk, or Surrey and Shropshire?”
In Prussia, Pomerania and Silesia have a very
high rate of illegitimacy, altho one is agricul-
tural and the other mining and manufacturing.
Saxony and the Rhine provinces have rates of
illegitimacy of 9.36 and 3.76 per cent. of the
total number of births, altho both are indus-
trial regions (R. Mayo-Smith’s Statzstzcs and
Soczology, Book I., chap. v.).
According to some, illegitimacy is larger in
cities than in the country. According to others,
the contrary is the case. For France, Levas-
seur (La Pop. francaise, II., p. 34) states the
percentage of illegitimate births for 1879-83 in
the Department of the Seine as 24.1, and
among the urban population generally 10.1,
while in all France it was 7.4 and in the rural
population 4.2. In Germany, in 1890, the ille-
gitimate births in the cities numbered 13.2 per-
cent,, and in the country only 9.1 (Jahrbuch
der deutschen Stddte, 1892).
In England, illegitimacy, according to Dr.
Leffingwell, prevails in the country more than
in the cities. He says (p. 31):
“The great cities of England nearly all show a pro-
portion of illegitimate births below the rate prevalent
in certain agricultural and rural districts inhabited
795
Illegitimacy.
by an honest, sober, industrious, and estimable popu-
lation. Contrast, for instance, the number of illegiti-
mate in every tooo births, as they occur in the three
principal cities of England, with the rate which ob-
tains in some of the most beautiful of rural resorts.”
1885. | 1886. | 1887. | 1888. | 1889.
London ..... sesseeseeeee 40 38 40 38 38
Birmingham.. . “| 40 43 50 53 45
Liverpool...... 61 61 66 57 58
North Wales... 69 75 73 73 7
Westmoreland 62 69 64 69 72
Cumberland. wal, 75 79 72 73 79
Shropshire .............. gr 82 81 80 79
Illegitimacy, according to Dr. Leffingwell, is
not due primarily to poverty. He says (pp.
26-31) :
“There can be no doubt that wealth, or at least a
competence, does secure to its possessors certain safe-
guards against temptations which assail not only the
hungry and homeless, but those who are struggling for
daily bread. ...
‘And yet itis perfectly evident that poverty of itself
does not predispose to vice or to looseness of morals.
We hardly need statistics in proof of this, and yet they
confirm the general belief. If we look at those sec-
tions of the United Kingdom where poverty is most
hopeless and pressure for the barest necessities of life
the strongest, it is there in very many instances that
we find the least tendency to illicit relations, so far
as these are measurable by their most natural result.
“In Ireland, for example, we find the rate of bas-
tardy less than that in England or Scotland. Yetno
one can question the misery in which the Irish peas-
antry has been steeped for centuries. But some parts
of Ireland are exceptionally poverty-stricken, and
No. of Illegitimate Births each Year.
COUNTY.
: 1879. 1880, 1881. 1882. 1883. 1884. 1885. 1886. 1887. 1888. Total.
3r 5I 29 34 33 28 36 23 30 27 322
337 287 328 322 284 269 312 322 331 292 3,084
some sections, measured by an Irish standard, excep-
tionally prosperous. Twocounties, Mayoand Down— To 10,000 Un-
one on the bleak and barren coast of the Atlantic, the No. of Un married Women
0.0 -
other in prosperous Ulster—each containing by the cen-
sus of 1881 about the same number of inhabitants, pre-
ene a contrast which is worth a moment’s special
study....
_“‘Thave carried out these figures for so long a pe-
riod that the reader may see that the phenomenal pre-
ponderance of bastardy in Down was persistent year
after year. Compare now the proportion of these
births to the total number born:
: Total Num-| To 1,000 To-
Couey, | TSALEEEEES| beret Ule-| tal Births,
* 1870-88. gitimate how many
ag Births. |Ilegitimate?
Mayo ‘i esa
naught)... . 57141 322 5.6
Down (Ulster). 60,346 3,084 51.1
“What do these figures reveal? On the one hand
we have a section of prosperous and happy Ulster,
wherein the average rate of illegitimacy for 10 years
was 51 per 1ooo births, greater than that in Eng-
land and Wales; while the wretched land of barren-
mess and bog shows a ratio less than any county in
England, Scotland, or Ireland, and possibly less than
elsewhere in Europe. If we look at the relation be-
tween illegitimate births and the unmarried and nu-
bile womanhood between ages of 15 and 45, we shall
see a somewhat modified result, yet practically the
same.”
45
15-45, how many
IlNegitimate
Births Annually
During 10 Years,
married Women
Living between
Ages of 15-45.
1879-88?
Mayo (Connaught).. 29,069 IL
Down (Ulster)...... 3.45330 go
All Ireland......... 731,767 44
It is not due to religious differences.
Dr. Leffingwell (pp. 41-42) :
“Does the reader believe that the highest apprecia-
tion of chastity depends upon the spiritual acceptance
of Calvinistic theology ; in reverence for the sanctity
of the Sabbath, and abhorrence of the Papacy? Let
him ponder over the statistics of Scotland, and explain
why this land of strictest Sabbath keeping and purest
Calvinism exhibits double the illegitimacy of England
every year. Does he hold that the pre-eminent ex-
cellence of the theology of Martin Luther is evidenced
by the morality of its believers? Let him study the
records of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, where
Lutheranism for centuries has held undivided sway.
Does he claim that the infallible creed of the Roman
Catholic Church insures its adherents superiority in
morals? Then upon this hypothesis he must explain
why Austria and Bavaria are so low down on this
scale. Isit, then, to believers in the 39 articles of the
Established Church of England that we are driven to
Says
IHegitimacy.
look for freedom from frailty? But where in England
isthe rate of illegitimacy so low as in Russia or in
Greece—not to speak of Ireland at her side?”
In Prussia, in 1875-81 the number of illegiti-
mate children among evangelical mothers was
8.85 per cent. ; among Catholic mothers, 5.64 ;
among Jewish mothers, 2.73 per cent. (Zezt-
schrift des Preuss. Bureau, 1882, p. 232).
It isnot due to lack of education. Dr. Leffing-
well says (pp. 36-38) :
“«Many countries where popular education is widely
diffused among all classes, such as Denmark, Norway
and Sweden, Prussia, Saxony, and Scotland, show a
high rate of illegitimacy, while in some others, such as
Russia and Ireland, the rate is very low....
“Of the number of women married in Kirkcud-
bright, a county in Southern Scotland, 99 per cent. are
able to write their names in the marriage register ;
showing a larger proportion of women thus far edu-
eated than in any country of Europe or any county of
England or Wales. Yet the rate of bastardy which
there annually prevails is, year by year, greater than
in any one of the 89 departments of France, Paris only
excepted!... '
“In France, purine Pare aside, those departments
where ignorance of the alphabet is most general are
in many cases the very ones which hold the virtue of
chastity in highest esteem, Finisterre, for example,
of the 89 departments of France, stands first for the ig-
norance of the male population and first for the illiter-
acy of its women; yet its rate of illegitimacy during
the period observed was but 34 per roco births; less
than that which prevailed during the same timeinany
one of the counties of England, Wales, or Scotland.”
Dr. Leffingwell concludes that a high rate of
illegitimacy is mainly due to law and to hered-
ity. He says (pp. 47, 50-52) :
“T think it perfectly evident that if throughout Eu- ,
rope all obstacles to marriage were abolished ; if pa-
rental prudence were given no power to oppose ; if all
that is necessary were simply the registration of inten-
tion before a public official qualified to take acknowl-
edgments, an act of recognition obtainable at all
times, publicly or privately, by rich or poor, without
fee or cost ofany kind, it would undoubtedly add to the
greater frequency of the legal tie among the poorer
class, and decrease in very great proportion the preva-
lence of illegitimate births....
“But of all causes of human conduct, one of the
most potent is probably the predisposition that lies
wrapped in organization, and which is passed onward
by inheritance....
“It will be noted that, with few exceptions, the
northern nations of Europe of Scandinavian or Teuton-
ic origin apparently show the strongest proclivity to
those ante-marital irregularities of which illegitimacy
isa sort of gauge. Why should it be so prevalent in
Norway, Scotland, Iceland, Sweden, Finland, Den-
mark, Prussia, Saxony, Austria, and Bavaria? Chiefly
upon hereditary predisposition or organization per-
sistent through successive generations of families.”
Contrary to the above views is the position
held by many in the United States that easy
marriage, while it may lower illegitimacy, in-
creases divorce, Very many biologists, too, ques-
tion the influence of heredity. (See Divorce;
Herepity.) It has been argued that the high
rate of illegitimacy prevailing in most Teutonic
or Scandinavian countries indicates not a low
morality so much as the absence of the custom
of neo-Malthusianism. Undoubtedly, in any
case, the rate of illegitimacy depends upon the
social customs of a people far more than on eco-
nomic grounds,- In Scotland and in Eastern
Prussia a birth before marriage is lightly es-
teemed if the child be legitimized by a subse-
quent marriage.
In Denmark, with regard to the peasant population
of the rural districts ... it was found that of 100
first-born children no less than 39 were born under
seven months after marriage, to which must be added
4706 :
Illiteracy.
i nths °
t. born between seven and nine mo
Ra enone A great number of the brides uke
ant at marriage had sitead ye aa
iti hildren with the bridegroom or ars 5
eras ey probably be assumed that zz fwo thirds 0,
i i ted) the bride
the marriages (childless marriages excep
had had children while unmarried, or was pre, pret ee
A 27age
Span ar, fo Secnagen. pn re nices ‘Parnished to
Seventh International Congressof Hygiene and De-
mography.) . ‘ sei
In regard to the lessening of illegitimacy,
most individualists would lessen it by raising
the moral sense of the individual. Socialists
would add to this economic changes, making it
economically possible for men and women to
marry early, but above all making it economical-
ly easier for every married couple to britig up its
family in good, healthy homes. Dr. Mayo-
Smith (see above, p. 84) states that there is very
little illegitimacy among young women living
with their parents.
Reference: Jiegitimacy and the Influence of Sea-
sons upon Conduct, by Albert Leffingwell, M.D. (1892).
(See also PROSTITUTION ; MARRIAGE ; DIVORCE.)
ILLITERACY. (See Epucation.) We give
here some of the reported facts as to illiteracy.
All comparative tables of illiteracy are exposed
to the greatest difficulties, owing to the varying
degree of accuracy and the different basis of the
statistics of illiteracy in different countries. Our
facts for Europe are based upon Dr. R. Mayo-
Smith’s Statdstics and Sociology, p. 196, and are
taken for the sake of uniformity for the years
1880-82, and refer to illiteracy among recruits,
except for England, Scotland, and Ireland,
where bridegrooms are taken, and the United
States, where males from 15-21 are taken as the
class nearest the recruits, ae,
The most illiterate countries in Europe are
the Slavonic countries, Russia has a percent-
age of illiteracy of 78.8. The colored popula-
tion of the United States has a percentage
of 62.1. Hungary’s is 58. Next in illiteracy
come the Roman Catholic countries of Italy,
Austria, and Ireland. The percentage of illit-
erates in the latter is 27.6. Considerably high-
er stand Belgium (15.9), France (14.9); and Eng-
land (13.2). The white population of the United
States have a percentage of 7.7. The following
countries have less illiteracy than the United
States: Scotland (6.8), Switzerland (2.5), Ger-
many (1.6). Sweden and Denmark have only .a 9
of their population illiterate. According to Mul-
hall (1889), the ratio of those unable to write to
the total population was : England, 9; Scotland,
6; Switzerland, 5; Germany, 4; Scandinavia, 3.—
Professor Mayo-Smith considers such statis-
tics, tho perhaps the best which can be had—
since few countries take a census of jlliterates—
nevertheless more or less misleadifig, because
recruits and those able to marry are a select
class, and the statistics do not show the great
illiteracy of the very poor—paupers, criminals,
and defectives. Again, in many countries the
young who marry and all the recruits are much
more literate than the old. In Belgium, the
lowest number of illiterates is among persons of
15 to 25 years of age, while of those over 60, 50
per cent. are illiterate.
The statistics of illiteracy for the United
States, according to the census of 1890, were as
* follows :
Illiteracy.
7°7
STATISTICS OF ILLITERACY IN THE UNITED STATES.
CENSUS OF 1890.
Immigration..
NATIVE FOREIGN COLORED
WHITE POPU-
POPULATION, 10 YEARS|_ LATION, 10 WHITE FOE Was Ee ORY ee
OF AGE AND OVER. [YEARS OF AGElv pins of GE y st2 ae
AND OVER. EARS OF AGE AGE AND
AND OVER. AND OVER. OVER.
STATES AND TERRI-
TORIES,
ILLITERATES. | ILLITERATES. | ILLITERATES. | ILLITERATES. | ILLITERATES,
Total,
Number. peg Number. hae Number. Ca Number. ok Number. ack.
Alabame ... ...eeeee eee 1,069,545 438,535| 41.0 107,335| 18-2 106,235] 18.4 IyIOO} 769 331,200] 69.1
Arizona. . 46,076 10,785| 23.4 8,956| 21.1 2,056 7.9 6,900] 42-2 1,829] 50.9
Arkansas 787,113 209,745| 20.6 93,090] 16.3 g2,052| 16.6 1,038 755 116,655| 53.6
California, 989,896 75:902| 767 40,233| 465 10,113 1.7 30,1201 10.5 35,669| 30.3
Colorado... 3275896 17,180] 5.2 155474| 4.8 95235] 3-8 6,239} 7-8 1,706] 25.0
Connecticut. 609,830 32,194] 563 30,536] 5-1 44300 1.0 26,236] 14.9 1,658] 15.8
Delaware....... «+ 131,967 18,878] 14.3 a2 74 6,068 6.2 2,118| 16.8 10,692] 49.5
District of Columbia... 188,567 24,884] 13.2 3:495| 2-7 1,803 Lez. 1,692! 9.3 21,389] 35-0
Florida ........s..e-e ee 283,250) 78,720) 27.8 18,516] 11 3 16,685] 11.3 1,831] 10.8 60,204| 50.6
Georgia. 1,302,208 518,706] 39.8 114,691} 16.3 113,945| 16.5 746| 664 404,015] 67.3.
Idaho. 62,721 3,225] 9 5-1 2,119] 3-5 867 1.9 1,252} 8.3 1,106] 48.6:
MVilinois. 2,907,671 152,634] 5.2 140,219| 49 64,380 3.1 75,8390| 9-4 12,415] 27.0
Indiana . 1,674,028 105,829] 6.3 941334, 5-8 78,638 53 15,696] 11.0) 11,495] 32-2.
Iowa... 1,441,308 52,061} 3.6 49,828] 3.5 20,649 1.8 29,179] 953 2,233) 26.4.
Kansas .. 1,055,215 42,079] 4.0 20,719| 2-9 175157 2.0 12,562 8.8 12,360] 32.5
Kentucky. 1,360,031 294,381| 21.6 183,851] 15.8 178,159| 16.1 5,692} 9-8 110,530] 55-9
Louisiana. 794,683 364,184] 45.8 80,939] 20.1 72,013] 20.3 8,926} 18.7 283,245) 72.1
Maine..... 541,662 29,587] 5-5 29,108] 5.4 114443 2.5 17,665} 24.1 479| 31.8
Maryland... 798,605} 125,376) 15.7 44,653] 7-9) 32,105] 5.9 12,548) 13-8 80,723| 50.1
Massachuset 1,839,607 114,468] 6.2 111,442] 6.1 9:727| 0.8] rom,715| 16.2 3,026] 15.4
Michigan...... 1,619,035 95,914] 5.9 91,076] 5-7 27,016 2.5 64,060] 12.4] 4,838] 29.2
Minnesota .. 962,350] 58,057 6.0 56,966 5-9 712 1.4] 49)854| 1-1 T,OgIt] 23.3.
Mississippi . go2,028 360,613] 40.0 45)755| 119 44,987] 11.9 768] 10.1 314,858] 60.9
Missouri-. 3,995,638 181,368] 9.1 133,806] 7.1 112,938 6.8 20,868] 9-1 47;502| 41.7)
Montana 107,811 5,884) 5-5 4232| 9 40 1,020] 1.6 3212 8.2 1,652] 36.3
Nebraska . 773,659 24,021; 3.1 21,575| 2.8 » -Jy412 1.3 14,163] 793 2,446| 25.7
Nevada..... : 38,225 4.897| 12.8 1,356] 4-2 173 0.8 1,183] 10.0 39541| 59.7
New Hampshire. +] 3151497 21,476 6.8 215340 6.8 3,679 15 17,661] 26.3 136] 23.3.
New Jersey .... «| 1)143,123 745321 6.5 63,163 5-7 215351 27 41,812] 13.3 11,158] 28.4
New Mexico . . 112,541 50,070] 44.5 43,265} 41.6 40,065| 42.8 3,200] 30.5 6,805] 80.
New York. ... +| 4,822,392] 266,911 5.5] 255,498] 5-4 57,362} 1.8] 198,136] 13-1 11,413] 18.4
North Carolina +| 51471446] 409,703] 35-7] 1739722] 23-0] 173,545] 23-2 177| §-0) 235,981) 60.1
North Dakota. . «| 129,452 71743| 6.0 75528| 5.8 g29] 1.8 6,599] 8.7 215] 47-4
Ohio......... +] 2,858,659} 149,843] 5-2] 132,244) 4-7 82,673, 3-5 49)571| 11.7 17,599] 25-4
Oklahoma, 7 44,701 2,400] 5.4 1,503| 3-5 35342] 3-4 161} 6.1 897] 39.2
Oregon ..... . 2445374 10,103 4.1 6,946 3-0 39302 1.8 33644 7-9 3157, 27 6
Pennsylvania. +]. 4,063,134] 275,353] 6-8] 254,663] 6.4) = -t105737] 3-5] 1435920] 17.8 20,690] 23.2
Rhode Island. 281,959 27;525| 9-8 26,355] 9.6 4,087 2.3 22,268] 22.1 1,170] 18.5.
South Carolina, 802,406 360,705] 45.0 591443} 17-9 59,063| 18.1 380] 6.3 301,262] 64.1
South Dakota. 236,208 9974] 4-2 9,564] 4-1 1,811 1.2 7:753| 90) 410] 33.4
Tennessee 1,276,631 340,140] 26.6 172,169] 17.8 170,318] 18.0) 1,851] 95 167,971| 54-2
Texas. 1,564,755 308,873] 19.7 132,389] 10.8) 89,829 8.3 42,500] 29.6] 176,484] 52.5
Utah 147,227 8,232 5-6 7407 5.1 2,219 2.3 5,188] 10.3) 825} 46.2
Vermont. - 271,173 18,154 6.7 17,986 6.7 7,211 3-2 10,775] 25-8 168} 21.3
Virginia.. eae 1,211,934 365,736] 30.2 105,058} 13.9 103,265} 14.0! 1,793] 10.1 260,678] 57.2.
Washington.. 2751639 11,77 4-3 8,261} 3.1 2,467| 1.3 51794] 7-9 3517] 44.65
West Virginia 5491538 79,180] 14.4 68,188} 13.0 65,420] 12.9 2,768] 15.1 10,992] 44-4
Wisconsin. 1,258,390 84,745] 6-7 82,984] 6.6 15,613 2.1 67,371] 13-4 1,761] 36.7
Wyoming... ......... 479755 1,630 34 1,408 3-0) 427 1:3) g8t Bak 222} 16.8)
Totals siciessesciniess +++] 47)4139559| 6,324,702] 13.3] 3,212,574 7+7| 2,065,003 6.2} 1,147,571| 13-1] 3,112,128] 56.8
* Persons of negro descent, Chinese, Japanese, and civilized Indians.
Many countries considered illiterate are mak-
ing wonderful advances. According to Dr. R.
Mayo-Smith’s Statistics and Sociology, in 1841,
53 per cent. of the population of Ireland over
five years of age could not read and write ; in
1891 this was only 18 per cent.
IMMIGRATION.—The dictionary definition
of immigration makes it to consist in moving
from one country to another for the purpose of
permanent residence. But this, tho perhaps
correct as a definition, is not correct as regards
the practical social problem that confronts us
when we speak of the evils or advantages of im-
migration. Especially in the United States
the trouble is largely not from those who come
expecting to remain permanently and to become
citizens, but from those who come without the
slightest thought of permanent residence. On.
the Pacific and Atlantic coasts the main prob-
lem has arisen from such as the Chinese, or the
Italians, who come to us, perhaps for 10 years,
willing to live on the lowest level which can sus-
tain life if they can save money (and it need
Immigration.
not be a large sum) which will enable them to
return to their native land and live there in com-
parative affluence,
The problem of immigration is not, however,
peculiarly an American one. It is a universal
concomitant of the increasing restlessness of
the labor world coupled with increasing ease
and cheapness of travel. The immigration into
London from Germany and from Russia is to-
day of asize almost beyond belief for those who
have not studied the question. Every English
colony, every new country, and almost every
old country has itsimmigration problem. Most
English colonies have passed anti-Chinese im-
migration acts, or have attempted to check or
control immigration. According to Professor
R. Mayo-Smith (Statistics and Sociology,
chap. xiv.), the immigration to Australia ‘is
from 200,000 to 250,000 per annum, mainly
British.
Yet certainly no country has such an immi-
gration problem as the United States, and it is
708
Immigration.
of this problem alone which we in this article
treat, as its principal features apply everywhere.
It is not a new problem, altho only within the
last 20 years has it assumed serious proportions,
and only within the last 10 years has it been
very seriously mooted to rigidly restrict general
immigration. From 1820-91 inclusive, the total
immigration into the United States was 16,821,-
477-. From 1789-1820 there are no statistics,
but it is estimated to be 250,000. The following
table, by decades, will show how rapidly the
immigration has increased :
1821-30... 1439439
1831-40 .. 599,125
1841-50... 14713:251¢
1851-60... 245791580 °
1861-70... 2,282,787
1871-80... 2,812,191
1881-90. 5,236,722
1891-95... 25219)793
The following table gives the immigration by
years :
Total Alien Total Alien Total Total
YEAR Passengers. YEAR. Passengers. YEAR Immigrants. YEAR. Immigrants.
8, 385/18 40. cs carccecesescoee 84,066]/ 1860... 2. cece cece 150,237|187Q.ceecceeecsseceeee 177,826
Q)127|1841.. +e 80,289]] 1861. 89,724|1880. ++ 4575257
6,911} 1842.. «+ 104,565]! 1862. sees 89,007/1881 ++ 669,431
6,354 52,496]| 1863.. 174,524|1882. + 788,992
75972 aie 78,615]| 1864. + 193,195]1883.- 603,322
10,199 see 114,371|| 1865. 2473453] 1884. 518,592
10,837 + 154,416]| 1866...... seeeeeees 163,594/1885. 395,346
18,875 + 234,968 ending June 30.}1886.. 334203
27,382 226,527 aereeee 298,967] 1887.. _ 490,109
22,520 * 297,024 282,189/1888. 546,889
23,322 369,986 ++ 352,569/1889.. «+ 444,427
22,633 s+s 379,466 «+ 387,203|1890 . + 4551302
60,482 + 371,603 + 321,)350/1891.. + 560,379
58,640) vee 368,645 -+ 404,806] 1892.. 623,084
65,305 + 427,833 ++ 4591803/1893. 502,017
451374 200,877 ++ 313)339|1894 - 314467
76,242/1856.....- é 195,857|| 1875... + 227,498/1895.. + 219,006
791340 - 246,945]} 1876. «. 169,986/From 1789-1820, esti-
38,914 1z9,501|| 1877. + 141,857] mMmated...e.seeeee «+ 250,000
68,069 + 118,616]} 1878... ...c cee eeeeeene 138,469
Of the whole number of immigrants in the fiscal year
ending June 30, 1894, 335,752 came through the customs
district of New York; 14,311 through Baltimore ; 20,245
through Boston ; 21,744 through Philadelphia, and 9392
through San Francisco.
Mulhall estimates the number of individuals who
emigrated from Europe in 73 years, 1816-88, at 27,205,000.
Of these, 15,000,000 came to the United States.
The reported occupations of immigrants who ar-
rived during the year ending June 30, 1894, were as fol-
lows: Laborers, 59,575; farmers, 16,452; servants,
28,763; carpenters, 2934; miners, 2505; clerks, 2222;
tailors, 3184; shoemakers, 2284; blacksmiths, 1554.
The total number of professional immigrants was
1738; of skilled laborers, 33,926; of miscellaneous,
116,187.
In immigration, however, one must consider
quality as well as quantity. There has been of
late years a great change in the quality of our
immigration. The principal European coun-
tries reduced their. exodus to America very
greatly about 1883. The two exceptions are
Italy and Hungary, and in the following year
Hungary and Russia. Since 1883 the Russian
immigration, especially of Russian Jews, shows
a constant increase.
Says President F. A. Walker (4¢lantic
Monthly, June, 1896) :
» “ Fifty, even 30 years ago, there was a right-
ful presumption regarding the average immi-
grant, that he was among the most enterpris-
ing, thrifty, alert, adventurous, and courageous
of the community from which he came. It re-
quired no small energy, prudence, forethought,
and pains to conduct the inquiries relating to
his migration, to accumulate the necessary
means and to find his way across the Atlan-
tic.
““To-day the presumption is completely re-
versed. So thoroughly has the continent of
Europe been crossed by railways, so effectively
has the business of emigration there been ex-
ploited, so much have the rates of railroad fares
and ocean passage been reduced, that it is now
among the least thrifty and prosperous mem-
bers of any European community that the emi-
gration agent finds his best recruiting ground.
Hard times here may momentarily check the
flow, but it will not be permanently ae so
long as any difference of economic level exists
between our population and that of the most
degraded communities abroad.”
The following table (compiled by the Superin-
tendent of the Census) tells the story down to
1890 :
Immigration. 709 Immigration.
COUNTRIES, 1841-50. 1851-60. 1861-70, - 1871-80. 1881-90.
England ................ Aiciaie aie Westies 32,092 247,125 251,288 440,961 649,052
Ireland 780,719 914,119 456,593 444,589 655,381
Scotland 3y712 38,332 44,681 88,925 149,856
WaleS......0:seeceeseeesaes a 1,262 6,319 4,642 6,779 11,990
Great Britain, not specified... ...... 229,979 132,199 349706 71908 147
Total United Kingdom.... ..... 1,047,763 1,338,093 1,106,970 989,163 1,466,426
Austria. © ....seeeeee wees eored weal weve || asvertens 9,398 69,558 226,020
Belgium.... 53074 45738 7,416 7,278 17,506
Denmark. . 539 39749 17,885 341577 88,108
France ...... 77,262 76,358 379749 739301 50,460
Germany . 434,626 951,667 822,007 7571698 1,452,952
UNS AEs. oseceteienr eR Sasewes |) Gwe Be (| ARR 448 135475 127,678
Ttalyancesuens aiese 1,870 95232 12,982 60,830 307,095
Netherlandsy.2. iyusuussdardereecnks wave. eine 8,251 10,789 91539 17,236 53,701
Norway and Sweden.. 13,903 20,931 117,798 226,488 560,483
Russia and Poland.. 656 1,621 51047 54,606 265,064
Spain and Portugal.. ‘ 25750 10,353 93047 9,767 59504
Switzerland ................55 iat 4,644 25,011 23,839 31,722 81,987
All other countries in Europe ....... 155 116 234 1,265 22,770
Total Europe............ sancebdees 145971502 25452,657 2,180,399 24346,964 45725814
Chinas. crcwinsaniiens davaewe ei atelosiegiien 35 41,397 68,059 122,436 59,995
Total ASideccany sisi 40s east 82 415458 68,444 123,068 63,932
Africa: seus ba carane has paauinenaminns 55 210 324 221 *375
Canada. cesssenncecrvreneces ooue oe 41,723 599309 184,713 430,210 392,802
Mexico....... 2 Si) Se Maleete Fe Sigere> crcieve 3271 3,078 2,386 5y 164 t1,013
Central America... 368 449 96 229 ; 646
South America.. 39579 1,224 15443 1,152 et
West Indies..... 13,528 10,660 93698 14,461 ¥*426,487
Total America...... 62,469 74,720 198,336 451,216 422,848
All other countries..............00005 539143 29,169 19,249 23,226 251759
Aggregate.............ce eee sehen 1,713,251 2,598,214 2,466,752 2,944,695 5)238,728
As the reports for British North American provinces jin the lead, has relatively decreased. England
and for Mexico have been discontinued since 1885 by
the Treasury Department, the figures here represent-
ed only cover five years of the decade. An estimate
based upon the immigration of the years from 1881-85,
inclusive, would give 785,604 to British North America
for the decade from 1881-90, and 3826 to Mexico, mak-
ane a aggregate for America 817,563, instead of
422,048,
This table becomes the more alarming when
one realizes the percentage of the illiteracy of
immigrants from various countries. Of the im-
migrants in 1891 :
Paes sent ro per cent. of her immigrants illiterate.
I e 8 ae cy “se © oy
and ee
Wales “ 6 oe “a 4h “a Ae
Scotland a“ 1.5 “ “a “a 4“ “
France “ 2 “ “ “ “oe “cr
Germany “ 2 4c 4a 4h “ “ce
Denmark
peer l less than x per cent.
weden
Hungary sent 28 per ct.of her immigrants illiterate.
Russia proper a“ 2 “ 6h “ oe ab
Poland “ce 56 “ 4h 4b “a 4“
Armenia “ 44 ae a “ce a 4
he Italy “ 63 6 eo a a
This, of course, does not mean that Italy has
more illiteracy than Armenian-Turkey, but that
of the Italians who come to this country a larger
percentage are illiterate than of the Armenians
who come.
Since 1885 the Irish immigration, once so far
* Not given in 1890.
+ Reports discontinued after 1885. _
+ Includes Central and South America for 1889,
alone (not even including Wales) has since 1885
sent alarger number of immigrants than Ire-
land.
For Chinese immigration, see special article
CHINESE IMMIGRATION.
Says President Walker, as above :
“For nearly two generations, great numbers of per-
sons utterly unable to earn their own living, by reason
of one or another form of physical or mental disabil-
ity, and others who were, from widely different causes,
unfit to be members of any decent community, were
admitted to our ports without challenge or question.
It is a matter of official record that in many cases these
persons had been directly shipped to us by States or
municipalities desiring to rid themselves of a burden
and a nuisance; while it could reasonably be believed
that the proportion of such instances was far greater
than could be officially ascertained.”
Another important element of the situation
is that the mass of the illiterate immigration
does not distribute itself through the country,
but settles in great cities, mainly on the Atlan-
tic coast. TheImmigration Restriction League
of Boston recently investigated this subject Its
published account says in part :
‘““The following tables are presented as a partial re-
sult of a recent visit to the Immigrant Station on Ellis
Island, N. Y.,made by members of the Executive Com-
mittee of the League. ...
“On December 13, 14, and 15, 1895, about 1000 immi-
grants over 16 years of age were examined, chiefly
Russians and Austro-Hungarians, together with some
Syrians, arriving on six steamers from Bremen, Am-
sterdam, Antwerp, Southampton, and Liverpool. Too
few Italians came for tabulation.
“It is believed that the results obtained are charac-
teristic of such immigration throughout the year.
Immigration. 710 Immigration.
DESTINATION OF ILLITERATES.
By ;
By NUMBERS. PERCENTAGES,
Penn- | New | Other | wiaate.| ‘ana jAtiantic.|, Not |atiantic.| , Non:
sylvania.| York. |Atlantic.| “10° Western ‘|Atlantic. “|Atlantic,
per cent./per cent.
Russians ..... Ir 28 Ir 4 I 50 5 gr 9
Hungarians.. 76 20 34 4 aie 130 4 97 3
Galicians. 25 12 26 Ir 5 63 16 80 20
Croats, etc. 20 8 ite 4 4 28 8 78 22
Syrians... : 21 2 4 23 4 85 15
Totals: cess vaweaeana 132 89 | 73 | 23 14 294 37 89 Ir
‘“ While little emphasis should be laid on the amount
of money brought by an immigrant—as money is no
test of an immigrant’s real worth, light may be perhaps
thrown on the question why the Russians, Galicians,
Croats, and Syrians do not or cannot go West, by the
statement that of the 331 illiterates examined at Ellis
Island, 32, or 10 percent., brought in no money ; roz, or
30 per cent., $1 to $5 each; 92, or 28 per cent., $6 to $10,
and 106, or 32 per cent., over $10; that is, go per cent.
of these immigrants had $5 or less, and 68 per cent.,
$10 or less. i
“The total amount of money known to have been
brought in during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895,
‘by 160,103 immigrants over 20 years of age was $4,126,-
793, an average of $25.97 per capita over 20 years of
age, but an average of only $16.34 for each of the total
number of immigrants for that year.
“ Note, however, that of the above 160,103 immigrants
78 per cent., or 125,328, brought in less than $30, and 34,-
7733 or 22 per cent., brought in more.
‘The figures as to average amount per immigrant,
$25.97, as given above, were therefore
extremely misleading, because it is evi-
dent that a very large percentage of im-
migrants may have brought in less than
$10; but this would be counteracted by
asmall number of immigrants bringing several hun-
dreds of dollars, as those who intend to settle on farms
Statistics,
oO.
‘This is clearly shown by the report of the Superin-
tendent of Immigration for 1892, page 26, where he
says that, of the 9639 immigrants from Russia arriv-
ing at the ports of New York, ‘333 brought more than
$1000 each, several of these Beneine considerable
sums of money; one bringing $25,000,’ while the ‘9306
Russians who brought less than $100 were nearly all
destitute.’
‘“With the above caution note that the report of
the Superintendent of Immigration for the fiscal year
1892 shows that the 152,360 immigrants over 20 years
of age arriving at the port of New York brought $3,-
ye an average of $20.09 per capita. Immigrants
bens France brought........ ... ....$55.67 per capita,
Germany......... ee 35-42
England. aes eas a es
Sweden. + 21.69 “
Russia... ase 22.10 ‘ oe
Armenia. wae 219368. se
Austria.. - 14.95 ‘ a“
Poland aa2gr -
Italy..... «2 1ng77 Be
Hungary ...... .... ... eeaechia i142‘ uf
COUNTRIES WHICH SEND US SKILLED LABOR.
(From Report Superintendent of Immigration for 1893.)
“Of the immigrants sent to us in 1893 by the various
countries of Europe, but a small proportion were skill-
ed workmen. Thus among immigrants from Scotland
there was 1 skilled in 4; from England and Wales, 1
in 5; Belgium, 1 in 7; France,r in 9; Germany and
Norway, 1 in1zo; Italy, 1 inrq; Russia, x in 18 ; Ireland,
—. tinig; Poland, 1 in 23; Austria-Hungary, 1 in 29.”
A few other points as to immigrants may be
briefly noted. Professor R. Mayo-Smith says
(Statestzcs and Sociology, chap. xiv.) :
“Tt would probably be safe to say that at least four
fifths of the immigrants belong to the unskilled occu-
pations.”
He estimates that between 1881 and 1890
some 21.4 per cent. were under 15 years of age,
and 68.1 between 15 and 4o. Germany, Rus-
sia, and Poland send the most children and
families, Ireland the most single young people,
Italy and Hungary the most adult laborers.
The males form about 60 per cent. of the whole.
Professor Mayo-Smith, by subtracting the
total number of passengers departing from the
United States between 1881 and 1890 from the
total number arriving, calculates the net immi-
gration, and estimates that 15.86 per cent. of
the immigrants sooner orlater return. Bycom-
paring, too, the total number in the United
States of each nationality reported by the cen-
sus of 1890, with the number reported in 1880,
and allowing 20 per'1oo0 asa death-rate, he sub-
tracts the difference from the reported immi-
gration, and so finds how many of each nation-
ality have returned. In the case of Russian
Poles, Danes, and Scandinavians, he finds that
few return. Of Germans, he estimates that
12,590 perannumreturn. Of Italiansand Hun-
garians more, while of the Irish still more seem
to return, tho he questions the correctness of this.
Perhaps one of the greatest evils has been
contract immigration. Says Governor Altgeld
(in the Forum for February, 1890) :
“The condition of the laborer has been made deplo-
rable by the importation of shiploads of men under con-
tract. These do not come with the motives or with the
ambition of the class we have been considering ; they
have no thought of becoming citizens, but are practi-
cally slaves, who will work for wages upon which the
American laborer cannot exist. Agents for large cor-
porations are constantly importing them, Steamship
companies, to get the passage money paid by Ameri-
can employers, bring them over by the thousands, so
that many great centers of industry in the East have
been filled with them, and the American laborer is
being crowded out. Both the native-born and the
naturalized laborer have been almost driven out of
the great State of Pennsylvania by these importations. ©
True, there isa law against such contracts, but itisa
dead letter ; sothat we have inthis country the strange
spectacle of the Government keeping up the price of a
great many articles by shutting out foreign compe-
tition, and at the same time permitting the manufac-
turers of these articles to import the pauper laborers
of Europe to produce them.”
The law has been recently more strictly en-
forced ; but this immigration is still an evil.
Concerning the magnitude and the causes of
the immigration into the United States, Dr.
Immigration.
Josiah Strong says (Our Country, revised ed.,
pp. 45, 46):
“America, as the land of promise to all the world, is
the destination of the most remarkable migration of
which we have any record. During the last 10 years
we have suffered a peacefulinvasion by an army more
than four times as vast as the estimated number of
Goths and Vandals that swept over Southern Europe
and overwhelmed Rome. During the past 100 years
seers foreigners have made their homes in the
nited States, and three quarters of them have come
since 1850, while 5,248,000 have arrived since 188. A
study of the causes of this great world movement in-
dicates that perhaps as yet we have seen only begin-
nings. These controlling causes are threefold: 1. The
attracting influences of-the United States; 2. The ex-
peek influences of the Old World; 3. Facilities for
travel.
“7, The attracting influences of the United States.
We have already seen that for every one inhabitant in
1880 the land is capable of sustaining 20. This large-
ness of room and opportunity constitutes an urgent
invitation to the crowded peoples of
Europe. The prospect of proprietor-
Causes of ship inthe soil isa powerful attraction
Immigration, to the European peasant. In England
only one person in 20 is an owner of
« land ; in Scotland, one in 25; in Ireland,
. one in 79, and the great majority of land-
holders in Great Britain own less than one acre each.
More than three fifths of the United Kingdom is in the
hands of the landlords, who own, each one, 1ooo acres
or more.... What must free land mean to sucha
people?
“This, moreover, is the land of plenty. The follow-
ing table, giving the average amountof food annually
consumed per inhabitant, shows how much better the
oe of the United States are fed than any people of
urope. All kinds of grain are included, as what is
fed to cattle serves ultimately to produce food for the
population. Potatoes are estimated as grain, at the
rate of four bushels to one of wheat.
Grain, Meat,
Bush. Lbs.
Pane. .agcseccams ve seers wae gate 24.02 81.88
Germany. 23.71 84.51
Belgium. 22.84 = 57-10
Great Bri 20.02 119.10
Russia 17.97 54-05,
Spain.... 17.68 25.04
AUSUTIAsicacmmsrsey saicirms 45 13-57 56.03
Sweden and Norway.. 12.05 51.10
Ttallyincisenen: Gi nacer «anaes oreeing 9.62 20.80
TOUnO Dei scuces said eeiecmacme ed apohes 17.66 +50
United States........c... see ee . 40.66 eee
“John Rae says that in Prussia nearly one half of the
population have to live on an annual income of $ros
to a family. Is it strange that they look longingly
toward the United States?...
“Every foreigner who comes to us and wins success,
as most of them do under more favorable conditions,
becomes an advertiser of our land; he strongly at-
tracts his relatives and friends, and very likely sends
them money for their passage. Our consul at Frank-
fort writes: ‘Not less than one half of the German
emigrants to the United States emigrate by the advice
and assistance of friends residing there.” Says Pro-
fessor R. M. Smith: ‘The Inman Steamship Company
has 3500 agents in Europe, and an equal number in
this country, selling prepaid tickets to be sent to
friends and relatives of persons already here, in order
to provide them with passage.’ Of course other com-
panies pursue a like policy.’
Perhaps a stronger cause of immigration is
Europe’s expellent influences. We have already
referred to the lack of land and of food in the
old countries. Taxation to maintain standing
armies and requisition for military service, es-
pecially in Germany and Austria, drives thou-
sands tothis country. Inthe last 12 years near-
7ir
Immigration.
ly three quarters of a million of people have
come from Germany alone.
“During 1872 and 1873, which were good
years for the working classes of Germany, there
were not less than 10,000 processes annually for
evasion of military duty by emigration’’ (Pro-
fessor Smith’s Emigration and Immigration,
p.. 29)...
A few years ago a member of the Reichstag
exclaimed : ‘‘ The German people have now but
one want—money enough to get to America.”
Says Dr. Strong, in Our Country:
“In Continental Europe generally the best years
of all able-bodied men are demanded for military
duty. Germans must be 7 years in the army, and
give 3 0f them to active service; the French, 9 years
in the army and years in active service; Aus-
trians, ro years in the army and 3 in active service;
Russians, 15 years in the army and 6 in active service.
When not in active service they are under certain re-
strictions. In addition to all this, when no longer
members of the army, they are liable to be called on
to do military duty for a period varying from two to
five years. This robbery of a man’s life, together
with the common expectation that war must come
sooner or later, will continue to be a powerful stimulus
to emigration ; and the ‘ blood tax’ which is required
to support these millions of men during unproductive
years is steadily increasing. While aggregate taxation
decreased in the United Btates from 1870 to 1880, 9.15
per cent., it increased in Europe 28.01 per cent. The
increase in Great Britain was 20.17 per cent.; in
France, 36.13 per cent.; in Russia, 37.83 per cent. ; in
Sweden and Norway, 50.10 per cent.; in Germany,
p78 per cent. And while the burden of taxation is so
eavy and so rapidly increasing, the public debts of
Continental Europe are making frightful growth.
They increased 71.75 per cent. from 1870 to 1880, since
which time they have been enlarged by nearly $3,000,-
000,000, and now reach a total of $20,580,000,000, entailing
an annual burden of $1,000,000,000 for Interest.
“The Italians are worse fed than any other people
in Europe, save the Portuguese. The tax-collector
takes 31 per cent. of the oe: earnings! Many
thousands of small proprietors have been evicted from
the crown lands because unable to pay thetaxes. The
burden of taxation has become intolerable. Notwith-
standing the industrial advance made by Italy from
1870 to 1880, the national debt increased so much more
rapidly that the nation_was $200,000,000 poorer in 1880
than 10 years before. For the financial year ending in
1888 there was a deficit in the national treasury of 57,-
000,000 lire; and for the two years ending in 1890 the
budget estimates showed a deficit of 248,000,000 lire.
Growing population and pee ee are result-
ing in increased emigration. The total number of
emigrants, which in 1884 was 147,000, had increased in
888 tO 290,000.
“Facilities of travel are increasing. From 1870 to
1880, 39,857 miles of railway were built in Europe, only
2000 less than in the United States during the same
period; and from 1880 to 1888 there were 26,478 miles
built. Thus, interior populations are enabled more
easily to reach the seaboard. Instead of a long and
tedious passage by sailing vessel, the steamer lands the
immigrant in a week or1o days. We find that steam-
ships, in a single year, make 741 trips from nine Euro-
ean ports to New York, and 144 from other ports of
Barope. And some of these ships carry upward of
1ooo steerage passengers. Improvements in steam nav-
igation are making the ocean passage easier, quicker,
andcheaper. In1825 the cheapest passage from Europe
to America was about $100. Now the rates from con-
tinental ports to New York are from $23 to $26. Steer-
age pages from Hamburg to New York has been as
ow as $7.
“Purthermore, labor-saving machinery has entered
upon a campaign of world-wide conquest. This fact
will render still more operative each of the three
classes of influences enumerated above. Wherever
man labors labor-saving machinery is destined ulti-
mately to go; and the people of the United States are
to make most of it for the world. We have mountains
of iron and inexhaustible measures of coal, together
with a genius for invention.”
With such potent causes of immigration the
problem in the United States has grown most
Immigration.
serious, resulting in a strong movement for re-
stricting immigration. There are strong argu-
ments both for and against this. We notice
first the reasons for restricting immigration.
1. The Moral Reason.—Immigration is mor-
ally dangerous. Many immigrants to this coun-
try are of the best of Europe, friends of liberty,
law, order, and religion, But many are not.
Too frequently the immigrant is a European
peasant whose horizon has been narrow, whose
moral and religious training has been meager
or false, and whose ideas of life arelow. Not
a few belong to the pauper and criminal classes,
Some countries of Europe deliberately, and
other countries almost equally, send their dis-
charged convicts to America, while fugitives
from justice continually seek our shores. The
census of 1890 shows that 20 per cent. of the
population of this country is practically foreign,
and this one fifth furnishes more than half the
inmaies of our reformatories, over one third of
our convicts, and very nearly three fifths of all
the paupers supported in almshouses. (But see
CRIME.)
Even of those immigrants who are not of the
criminal class, a large number, escaping from
the restraints of family, of acquaintance, of
priest rule, of State rule, in the old countries,
mistake license for liberty in this country, and
morally deteriorate. ,
There are also two sides to the fact which
must be admitted, that the Roman Church is
losing her power over the children of Roman
Catholic immigrants. Are the restraints of mo-
rality not also losing their power ?
Foreigners fill the slums in our cities and con-
gregate even in the country. Already the Ter-
ritories have a foreign population greater than
the States east of the Mississippi.
Says Dr. Strong :
‘In 184s, New Glarus, in Southern Wisconsin, was
settled by a colony of 108 persons from one of the can-
tons of Switzerland. In 1880 they numbered 1060 souls ;
and in 1885 it was said, ‘no Yankee lives within a ring
of six miles round the first built dug-out.’ This Helve-
tian settlement, founded three years before Wisconsin
became a State, has preserved its race, its language,
its worship, and its customs intheir integrity. Similar
colonies are now being planted in the West. In some
caseS 100,000 OF 200,000 acres in one block have been
: purchased by foreigners of one nationality and re-
igion, thus building up States within a State, having
different languages, different antecedents, different
religions, different ideas and habits, preparing mutual
jealousies and perpetuating race antipathies. In New
England conventions are held to which only French
Canadian Catholics are admitted. At such a conven-
tion in Nashua in 1888, attended by 80 priests, the follow-
ing mottoes were displayed : ‘Our tongue, our nation-
ality, and our religion.” ‘Before everything else let
us remain French.’ If our noble domain were tenfold
larger than it is, it would still be too small to embrace
with safety to our national future little Germanies
here, little Scandinavias there, and little Irelands
yonder.”
2. The Polztical Danger.—The corruption
of American politics, especially the corruption
of our municipal politics, is notorious. The
corruptors may be the political ‘‘ boss,’’ the
saloon politician, the heeler; back of these,
using these, seemingly almost compelled to use
these, may be the great corporations and mo-
nopolies pouring out their thousands and their
millions to elect their tools or to purchase men
already elected (see CorRurTion) ; yet tho these
712
Immigration.
be the corruptors, it takes people to be cor-
rupted, and this immigration supplies.
The result of a national election may depend
ona single State; the vote of that State may
depend onasingle city; the vote of that city
may depend on a “‘ boss,’’ or a capitalist, or a
corporation ; or the election may be decided
and, the policy of the Government may be re-
versed by the liquor or the immigrant vote.
Can we afford to welcome to our country, with
its democratic institutions, the illiteracy now
pouring into our cities?. Said a pregnant writer
recently : ‘‘ America may be the asylum of the
oppressed, but it does not follow that she must
be at once an insane asylum, a hospital, and a
prison.”
In contradiction to both the above arguments,
Governor Altgeld of Illinois (Forum, February,
1890) shows what immigrants have done. He
says:
“But for the assistance of the immigrant the election
of Abraham Lincoln as President of the United States
would have been an impossibility, and had the cry,
‘America for the Americans,’ prevailed at an earlier
period of our history, the nineteenth century would
never have seen the great free republic we see, and the
shadow of millions of slaves would to-day darken and
curse the continent. ...
“The facts are that in every State carried by Lincoln
there was _ a large foreign population, which was
mostly, and in some States entirely Republican, and
which continued to be Republican down to a very re-
cent date; and if the vote of this class had been omitted
in 1860, it would have reduced Lincoln’s vote to such
an extent as to defeat him in most of the States that he
carried. I am speaking only of the foreign-born
voters; but, as already shown, to these should be
added a large percentage of the people who, altho
native-born, are of foreign-born parentage, and must
be considered with them in viewing the general polit-
ical course of immigrants. There is not aswamp or
field or dark ravine where treason made a stand but is
covered with the graves of Germans and of Scandina-
vians who died for the principle of equal rights. Tho
the Irish more generally voted the Democratic ticket,
yet their patriotism was prompt to respond to the call
of their adopted country, and there is not a battle-field
where blood was shed for the Union that has not the
bones of Irishmen rotting upon it.”
3. The Industrial Danger.—This is perhaps
the greatest danger. Under competitive trade
producers must produce cheaply. To do this
they must pay the lowest wages for which they
can get the requisite grade of work. Toa cer-
tain extent high labor is cheap labor, because
well-paid men can turn out more and better
work. But there is a limit to this, and more
and more are machinery and invention enabling
unskilled and cheap labor to produce that which
undersells, in amount at least, skilled work.
As a matter of fact, every factory town sees the
survival of the unfit. Irishmen drive out Amer-
icans ; French Canadians, Irishmen ; Poles and
Hungarians, French Canadians ; and so on to
the lowest. This is particularly true in certain
lines of industry. Of the clothing trade, it was
recently written : ;
“Has it come to this, that the guests of the nation
shall make tramps of the original proprietors? That
American women, who have been brought up to the
trade, and worked many years at the business (and we
have such in our shop), should be denied the right to
an honorable living? And shall our clothing be made
exclusively by those who are content to wallow as a
hog ina sty?
“While “we have no prejudices against class or
nationality, but give all suitable persons an equal
footing in our shop, yet we must insist that the early
Immigration.
should have and maintain equal rights with the later
comers,
In contract labor (g.v.) lies a great evil. Ac-
cording to an investigation made by the United
States Commission of Immigration, Italian pa-
droni undertake to supply contractors of munic-
ipal or corporation work with laborers. They
go to the Italian immigrants on arrival and
offer them work at rates that seem to them,
fresh from Italy (g.v.), large. The padroniseem
their best friends ; they contract to live in the
houses of the padroni and to buy at their stores.
According to statements of the commission printed
in the Conxgresstonal Record, 1896, p. 5983, a typical
case is where a padrone kept $1 a head for finding as.
men work, paid their fare to the place of workin ad-
vance ($7 each); there he lodged the 215 men ing huts
of 3 rooms each, charging them $1 a month each, tho
he only paid $25 a month for the 9 huts and a store,
clearing thus Zico a month. All supplies had to be
bought at his store, on a penalty of a fine of $5 for dis-
obedience. He charged 10 cents for each s5-cent loaf of
bread, xo or 12 cents a pound for meat that could be
bought at wholesale for 44 cents, and so on. Pur-
chases averaged $8 a month for each man, out of
which a 25 per cent. profit (and it was much more)
would be $860 with the board, giving the padrone over
$1000 per month. Yet this labor is displacing Ameri-
can-born labor.
Perhaps still worse is the labor formerly in-
troduced by corporations into the anthracite re-
gions of Pennsylvania to drive out the Ameri-
can miners. Here Italians and Slavs will labor
for 80 or go cents a day (to them good pay), liv-
ing in hovels, contracting scurvy by a steady
diet of cheapest salt pork, with sore eyes and
bodies from owning no towel or wash-tub, hav-
ing fever from lack of any of the most primitive
sanitary arrangements. To a less extent the
same thing happens wherever the corporations
or municipalities introduce contract labor. Said
an employer: ‘‘I paid $1 a head to get such
men here. I would pay $20 per head to get
them out.”’
We next consider the reasons for not restrict-
ing immigration.
1. There zs no need. This country, we are
told on good authority, can support 2,000,000,000
of people, while to-day we have only 65,000,000.
There is room for millions more. What we
need is more men to till our prairies and to de-
velop our unequaled natural op-
portunities. America need not
Arguments stop the coming of men. Even if
against many of them be densely ignorant
Restriction, and incompetent, American schools
can educate at least their children,
and American life can lead them
into valuable citizenship. The assimilating
power of American civilization has not yet
failed ; why should we fear for it now?
But to this it must be said that while America
doubtless can support a much larger population,
the immigrants that come do not and at present
cannot be made to scatter over all the land, but
gather in our cities, breeding in disease, igno-
tance, and filth. Again, while our life may be
able to assimilate millions more, it is quite an-
other thing to say that we can assimilate so
many at one time as have recently come to us.
A second argument for not restricting immi-
gration is the good. that immigration has done
this country and.our dependence upon it. Com-
missioner Knapp, formerly Commissioner ofEmi-
713
Immigration.
gration at New York, by a computation based
partly on the price of slaves and partly on Ger-
man estimates as to the cost of rearing German
laborers, once fixed the value of the average
immigrant to this country at $1125. The indi-
rect beneficial effects, however, of the immigra.
tion, which alone has rendered the rapid devel-
opment of the United States possible, are still
further beyond estimate. Every kind of skilled
and unskilled labor has been introduced to add
to the productive power of the country. The
records of the Bureau of Statistics show that in
the years from 1873-83 the principal occupations
of the immigrants were :
Professional occupations..... ..........-0e eee 255343
Skilled occupations .. ...... .......-- atta + 4559949
Miscellaneous occupations.. seee 1,588,246
Occupations not stated...... cite 1,223
Without occupations ......... aa Hateaaieaer wanes 1,997,019
Total immigration. .... ..........0-- seeeeee 4)147,780
The laborers of every class are scattered,
throughout the land. The Lake States of the
Northwest have no population more industrious
and more efficient in agricultural pursuits than
the Scandinavians, who form a large proportion
of the community. Much of the railroad build-
ing, which has been a chief instrument in de-
veloping the country, would have been impos-
sible but for the labor of immigrants, who en-
dure drudgery that the natives of this country
are unable or unwilling to undergo. The quick
invention and adaptability of the Irish, the
economy and industry of the Germans, the
sturdy qualities of the Scandinavian character,
and the varied excellencies of the other com-
ponent parts of our vast foreign-born population
have been of incalculable advantage. Without
the added population and wealth which immi-
gration has brought the growth of the country
would have been slow indeed. All of which is
made an argument by some for not restricting
the immigration. But it is really only an ar-
gument for not absolutely preventing immigra-
tion, which no one proposes to do. It is quality
we want, not quantity.
A third argument, sometimes raised, for not
restricting immigration is that our danger is
not from the poor, but from the wealthy. Said.
Wendell Phillips: ‘‘In combining, perpetual,
legalized private wealth lies our danger to-day ;”’
many believe that the rich men of this land
are ‘‘ our dangerous class ;’’ that Newport and
Saratoga, Lenox and Wall Street are the cen-
ters of our social and national corruption. Nor
is it only labor leaders who say this. Says
Professor R. T. Ely:
“Tt is unscrupulous wealth which rules and cor-
ruptsour cities. Whatinfluence, comparatively speak-
ing, have working men in our politics? Was acai
Sharp a wage-earner? Were the manipulators of the
West End scandal in the Massachusetts Legislature
dwellers in the slums of Boston? Does any sane man
in Baltimore who wishes to work a measure through
our City Council rely upon the assistance of leaders
of working men? Ihavesomeidea of what I would do
in Baltimore. I know the men whom I would ap-
proach, but they are not wage-earners. President
eth Low has said that his study and actual experi-
enceas Mayor of Brooklyn have convinced him that
universal suffrage is not the cause of bad city gov-
ernments. He says he did not find wealth always
Teady to cooperate, and he believes that our cities
could not have made so rapid progress as they have
without universal suffrage,”
Immigration.
Some radical reformers, therefore, argue that
we need socialistic legislation, and that immigra-
tion will help the socialist vote. But to this it
may be said that even granting the premises,
the conclusion does not follow. Tho wealth be
to blame, it does not follow that all immigrants
will quietly vote forreform, Onthe other hand,
there is only too much evidence to believe that,
in their ignorance, it is these very people who,
being corrupted by the wealthy, enable dishon-
est politicians and corrupt legislators to sell leg-
islation to the interest of monopoly and of greed.
Finally, it is urged that the general principle of
the brotherhood of man and the traditions of
this country, as an asylum for the oppressed,
should prevent any restriction upon immigra-
tion. To this it is answered that as we do not
invite all the world to our family tables, we are
not compelled to ruin our national life by invit-
ing all the world to occupy our lands. The
question is whether by maintaining our own
high level we do not best play our part in the
great brotherhood of nations. Said the late
Bishop of Massachusetts : ‘‘ The trusteeship of
our land for all humanity—we can never go
back upon that; but it may be in order for us
to stand guard over the quantity, in order that
we make more sure of the quality of those
whom we welcome to our world.”
OUR PRESENT LAWS,
The main law, which is now in force, was ap-
proved March 3, 1891. The first and chief sec-
tion of this law debars from landing ‘‘ all idiots,
insane persons, paupers, or persons likely to be-
come a public charge, persons suffering from a
loathsome or a dangerous contagious disease,
persons who have been convicted of a felony or
other infamous crime or misdemeanor involving
moral turpitude, polygamists, and also any per-
sons whose ticket or passage is paid for with the
money of another, or who is assisted by others
to come, unless it is affirmatively and satisfac-
torily shown on special inquiry that such person
does not belong to one of the foregoing exclud-
ed classes, or to the class of contract labor-
ers... .’’ This section does not exclude per-
sons living in the United States from sending
for a relative or friend who is not of the exclud-
ed classes. In addition to these classes of per-
sons, contract laborers are debarred under the
Contract Labor Law of February 26, 1885.
The new law of March 3, 1893, namics no addi-
tional classes of persons to be excluded, altho
the general impression is to the contrary. It
simply provides for the making out of manitests
at the port of embarkation, containing answers
to a number of questions to be put to each in-
tending emigrant, as to name, age, sex, occupa-
tion, etc. These manifests are to be signed or ©
sworn to by the masters or officers of the steam-
ers bringing the immigrants, the officers having
to swear that, so far as they know, none of their
passengers are of the excluded classes. These
oaths are taken before the American consul at
the port of departure, the object of the law being
to prevent the embarkation of any persons who
ought to be debarred here.
There was, however, in the winter of 1895-96,
a strong agitation to place an educational
714
Income Tax.
restriction on immigration. The immigration
checked by the hard times of 1893-94 had in-
creased, especially as to Italian immigration.
From January 1 to May 1, 1896, 2700 Italians ©
are said to have landed in New York City. As
a result, on May 20, 1896, the House passed the
so-called McCall Bill, principally prepared by the
Immigration Restriction League of Boston.
The principal items of the bill are (1) that ‘‘ all
male persons between 16 and 60 years of age
who cannot both read and write the English
language or some other language’’ shall be re-
fused admission, provided that no parent ofa
person now living in this country or admitted to
this country shall be excluded because of inabil-
ity to read and write; and (2) that no person
shall be admitted to engage in mechanical or
manual labor who resides or retains his home
in a foreign land, except that the Secretary of
the Treasury may allow aliens to come and
teach new arts and industries ; (3) that no per-
sons, company, or corporation shall employ such
aliens except in the case of employees of vessels
of the United States or railroad companies whose
lines enter foreign countries. The Dill was
carried by 195 to 26.
References: Emigration and Immigration, by R,
om-
Mayo-Smith (1890). See also Reports of the U. S.
mission of Immigration.
IMPORTS. See Exports. ©
INCIDENCES OF TAXATION.
TAXATION,
See
INCOME TAX.—An income tax is a direct
tax levied upon income, and usually progressive-
ly graded according to the size of the income.
(See Taxation.) It seems at first sight unques-
tionably the most equitable of taxes, conform-
_ing as it does to almost all the canons of taxa-
tion (g.v.). There is, however, one great draw.
back. It seems almost impossible to equitably
collect the tax. Honest people will report their
whole income and pay the proper tax. Dishon-
est people (and the number of persons who will
honestly report their incomes seems lamentably
small) falsify their incomes and escape taxation.
Some people, therefore, call it a tax upon hon-
esty, and consider it in practical working the
most unjust of taxes. John Stuart Mill says
(Polztecal Economy, Book V., chap. iii., § 5):
“The tax, thercfore, on whatever principles of
equality it may be imposed, is in practice unequal in
one of the worst ways, falling heaviest on the most
conscientious. The unscrupulous succeed in evading
a great proportion of what they should pay; even
persons of integrity in their ordinary transactions are
tempted to palter with their consciences, at least to
the extent of deciding in their own favor all points on
which the smallest doubt or discussion could arise ;
while the strictly veracious may be made to pay more
than the State intended, by the powers of arbitrary
assessment necessarily intrusted to the commissioners
as the last defense against the taxpayer’s power of
concealment.
“It is to be feared, therefore, that the fairness which
belongs to the principle of an income tax cannot be
made to attach to it in practice; and that this tax,
while apparently the most just of all modes of raising
a revenue, is in effect more unjust than many others
which are Zrimd facie more objectionable. This con-
sideration would lead us to concur in the opinion
which, until cf late, has usually prevailed—that direct
taxes on income should be reserved as an extraordi-
Mary resource for great national emergencies, in
Income Tax.
which the necessity of a large additional revenue
overrules all objections.”
Professor E. R. A. Seligman, on the other
hand, speaking of this objection in practice,
says (Polztzcal Science Quarterly, vol. ix., pp.
636-638) :
“Tt is usually forgotten that in dealing with prob-
lems of this character the real inquiry is not what is
absolutely good, but what is relatively best. So far
as the objection is true, it will be found to be due in
great part to certain provisions of the law which, as
we shall see, might have been avoided. But the ob-
jection itself has been made too much of. It is un-
doubtedly true that the income taxes in the common-
wealths are almost entirely farcical. But that is
owing solely to the fact that no earnest effort is made
to execute the law. Where, however, there is a seri-
ous administration, as was the case with the federal
income taxes during the Civil War, the result is very
different. It is commonly assumed that the Civil
War income tax was in many respects a failure and
was provocative of great frauds. But after some
comparison of the federal income tax with the local
property taxes, i venture to say that the federal in-
come tax, notwithstanding all its imperfections, crudi-
ties, and ensuing frauds, was nevertheless more suc-
cessful than the genens! property tax. Let us test
this by taking its fortunes in a typical State, utilizing
the returns of the State comptroller and the federal
officials. ...
“In short, the history of the income tax clearly
shows that it was more lucrative than a corresponding
property tax, and that it succeeded in many cases
where oe re property tax failed. The income tax
was indeed productive of great frauds, but the person-
al property tax createdfar more. It was precisely be-
cause the income tax reached so many of the mercan-
tile and capitalistic classes who have both previously
and since escaped taxation, that it became unpopular
and was abolished.”
Such are typical opinions. In Europe it isa
common form of taxation, and seems to have
worked better the longer it has been tried.
Of the history of the income tax Professor
Seligman says (in the above article) :
“England led the way in the introduction of the
new system. When Pitt had come almost to the end
of his fiscal expedients during the desperate struggle
with France, he introduced in 1798 the famous ‘triple
assessment.’ The so-called ‘assessed taxes’ at that
time included taxes on carriages, servants, horses,
dwellings, dogs, powder, and watches. Pitt took the
taxpayers who were assessed to these taxes, and mul-
tiplied their assessment by a figure ranging from
three to five times the original amount. Altho refer-
ence was made to income in sevsfal places, the tax
was really on expenditure, or on the presumed in-
come as calculated by expenditure. Partly for this
Treason and partly because it was levied only on those
who had previously paid the ‘assessed taxes,’ it wasa
failure. Accordingly in 1799 the new ‘property and
income tax’ was levied directly on income, not on ex-
penditure, and all persons were required to make a
Teturn of their total income. In 1803 an important
change took place, in that the tax was no longer as-
sessed on the total income, but on each source of in-
come by itself, in five schedules. With some minor
changes the tax continued until the close of the Napo-
leonic wars, when it was dropped, not to reappear
until 1842.
“At that time the contemplated abolition of the
Corn Laws and the abandonment of the protective
system made it necessary to seek some compensation
in other directions. It was, therefore,
chiefly as a revenue measure that re-
course was had to the old income tax,
now reenacted on about the same lines
as those of 1803. But what was imposed
as a mere temporary makeshift has
grown to be a permanent part of the English tax sys-
tem, which no one now thinks of abandoning, and
which yields an annual revenue of about $70,000,000,
capable of increase or diminution according to a
change in the annua! rate.
“ As in England, so in Italy the revenue feature was
the chief consideration in the origin of the present in-
come tax. It was adopted by Cavour, the great ad-
mirer and student of England, as a means of support
History.
715
Income Tax,
for the newly born kingdom of Italy. Initiated by
the law of 1864 and greatly altered by the law of 1877,
the Italian income tax now yields about $50,000,000 a
ear.
“In France, again, the immense burdens of the war
of 1878 led the financiers to cast about for means of
relief. The sad memories of the abuses connected
with personal taxation before the Revolution were
still strong in the minds of the public. Altho a gen-
eral income tax was proposed, the law enacted in 1871,
which is still in force to-day, provided for a tax only
on income from corporations and associations. This
partial income tax yields about 75,000,000 francs a
year.
‘In the United States the federal income tax was
also due to fiscal considerations. During the War of
1812 Secretary Dallas had put forth a scheme of a
general income tax, and if peace had not been con-
cluded a few weeks later, there is little doubt that the
proposition would have been adopted. When the Civ-
il War broke out, the fiscal exigencies were such that
no opposition to the scheme was made, The income
tax sections of the Direct Property Tax Act of 1861,
however, were never put in force, and it was not until
1862 that an ‘income duty’ was levied on all an-
nual ‘ gains, profits, or income.’ The tax, of which we
are told in the Government reports that ‘the people
have accepted it with cheerfulness,’ grew increasing]
unpopular as the great need of revenue diminished,
until the system came to an end in 1872.
“While in England, Italy, France, and the United
States, the income tax was due primarily to the
temporary needs of the Government, in other places‘
like Germany, Switzerland, Australia, and some of
the American commonwealths, it was adopted asa
means of improving the general tax system. In the
German States the real-estate tax had become by the
beginning of the century a tax on the produce of land
and houses. To this some of the States gradually
added taxes on the product from other sources, like
capital, business, and individual exertions. Other
States sought to make the system more equitable by
regarding the personal situation of the profits-re-
ceiver rather than the amount produced. Thus, there
grew up, on the one hand, a general income tax, as in
Prussia, Saxony, and Baden, and on the other hand a
system of partial income taxes supplementing the
original taxes on product, as in Bavaria, Wiirtemberg,
and some of the smaller States. But everywhere the
idea was to attain a greater uniformity and equality
of taxation. So also in Holland, the two laws of last
year have finally realized the much-mooted scheme of
reform, introducing a general plan of income taxa-
tion, through a tax on income from property and a
separate tax on income from all other sources,
“In the cantons of Switzerland the system of taxa-
tion was for a long time exactly the same as in the
American States. But the inadequacy of the general
property tax finally led them to supplement it by a
taxation of incomes. In some cantons we find a gen-
eral property tax and ageneral income tax ; in others,
we have a property tax on certain elements and an
income tax on other elements. But inthe majority of
cases we find a property tax together with a supple-
mentary income tax, in order to avoid double taxa-
tion. In democratic Switzerland, as in monarchic
Germany, the income tax has become so firmly in-
trenched that any proposition to abolish it would be
regarded as a retrograde step.
“Some of the American commonwealths also have
endeavored to remedy the defects of the general prop-
erty tax by the imposition of an income tax. This is
a chapter in the history of finance which has been
almost entirely overlooked, and which can only be
alluded to in this place. The still existing income tax
in North Carolina was begun in 1849, because, as the
preamble of the act recites, ‘there are many wealthy
citizens who derive very considerable revenues from
. interest, dividends, and profits, and who do not
contribute a due proportion to the public exigencies.’
So also the income taxes of Alabama and Virginia
which were introduced in 1843 and 1849, arose out of
dissatisfaction with the existing property taxes.
These examples are all the more significant when it is
borne in mind that the defects of the general property
tax were by no means so glaring so years ago as they
are to-day. It is true that most of these income taxes
were failures for much the same reason that the tax
on personal property has become afarce. In Alabama
the income tax was abolished in 1884; only in Massa-
chusetts, Virginia, and North Carolina is any attempt
made to-day to levy an income tax, and in these States
the attempt for many reasons meets with a very
slight degree of success. But the point to be empha-
Income Tax.
sized here is that the income tax, whenever introduced
into any American commonwealth, was enacted with
the avowed purpose of removing inequalities in the
tax system.
“In Australasia, also, there has been of recent years
a very decided movement toward income taxes for
the purpose of rendering the revenue systems more
equitable. Anincome tax has existed in South Aus-
tralia since 1885, in addition to the land tax. In Tas-
mania an income tax-bill has recently been intro-
duced. In New South Wales a similar bill was passed
by the Assembly a year or two ago, after much dis-
cussion. It was indeed rejected by the Legislative
Council, but it is bound to reappear in the near future.
In New Zealand the dissatistaction with the general
property tax finally reached such a point that it was
replaced in 1891 by a land tax, together with a tax on
all incomes other than those from land. The income
tax was collected for the first time in 1893.”
_ As to the United States war income tax, the
following are the more important details :
It was during the extra session of Congress in 1861
that Thaddeus Stevens, Chairman of the Committee of
Ways and Means, reported the first Income Tax bill.
As amended and passed, it taxed all incomes over
$800 3 per cent., unless derived from United States
bonds, which were taxed 1% per cent. Incomes of
citizens of the United States residing abroad were
taxed 7% percent. Owing to the late time of its tak-
ing effect, the income tax brought into the treasury
but a smallsum prior to the year 1864, when there was
collected under the head of income tax a little over
15,000,000, By the act of March 3, 1865, the Income Tax
aw was amended so as to increase the 3 per cent. tax to
5 per cent., and the 5 percent. tax on incomes over $10,-
ooo was changed to a 10 per cent. tax upon the excess
over $5000 income. The most of the tax for the year
1865, however, was collected under the original law,
and brought into the treasury the sum of $21,000,000
for the fiscal year 1864-65. The following year, 1865-
66, the war having ceased and the country being in a
high state of development in all its resources, the in-
come tax rose to a point the highest ever reached in
the history of the tax. The returns for the fiscal year
ending June 30, 1866, showed a total revenue from the
income tax of $60,547,832.43. This was but little dimin-
ished in the following year, 1866-67, when the net
revenue from the income tax footed up $57,040,640.67.
The income tax was further amended March 2, 1867,
So as to increase the exemption then standing at $600
(it having in the mean time been modified from $800) up
to $1000, At the same time all discrimination as to
taxing large incomes a higher rate was abolished, and
the tax fixed at 5 percent. on all incomesin excess of
O00,
Under the modified tax there was collected in the
year 1868 the large sum of $32,027,640.73 ; in 1869, $25,-
025,068.86, and in the fiscal year ended June 30, 1870, $27,-
115,046.11. On that day the income tax ceased in the
United States.
The entire amount realized from it in 10 years was
nearly $365,000,000. It reached about 250,000 persons
out of a population of 40,000,000.
In recent years there has been considerable
agitation for an income tax, culminating in. the
passage of a bill establishing such a tax, tho
it was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme
Court. Professor Seligman says (in the above-
quoted article) :
“For some years a progressive income tax has been
one of the chief planks in the platforms not only of the
Populists and the anti-monopolists, but of the farmers’
a enaens throughout the length and breadth of the
and.
““When, therefore, the opportunity presented itself,
the Western and Southern representatives in Congress
were not slow to seize it. The self-imposed mission of
the Democratic Party was to reduce and equalize tax-
ation. Altho the Democrats at first proposed sim-
_ Ply to lower the tariff toa revenue basis, it was soon
recognized that the reductions would be more radical.
Looked at merely from the standpoint of convenience
and ease of collection, the simple method of making
good a deficit in the tariff revenue would have been to
modify the system of internal revenue. This plan,
indeed, was advanced by Mr. David A. Wells, and at one
time it seemed to enjoy a reasonable prospect of meet-
ing with legislative approval....
716
Independent Labor Party.
\
“But while the anticipated deficit gave the Western
and Southern representatives their opportunity. it was
not so much the idea of increasing the revenue as that
of correcting inequalities in the tax system that was
really intheir mind. ... Opposition to the tax came,
as was natural, from the great cities of the East... .
The large dailies were filled with indignant protests.
In.the West there was by -no means the same op-
position even among Republicans. An Income Tax bill
was introduced into the House January 24, 1894, but was
subsequently incorporated in the Wilson tariff bill.
It was bitterly opposed, notably by David Hill,of New
York, but it finally passed with the Tariff bill by a vote
of 182 to 106. It became a law without the President’s
signature. Its constitutionality, however, was ques-
tioned, and several test cases were pushed through to
the Supreme Court, which rendered a decision April 8,
1895, declaring some of its clauses unco nstitutional, but
on some other pela’ Justice Jackson being sick, the
court was evenly divided. May 20, however, a final
decision was rendered by a vote of five to four, declar-
ing the whole bill unconstitutional, in that it wasa di-
rect tax, and made no provision for an apportionment
among the States according to the population, the
Constitution declaring that all direct taxes must be so
apportioned. Justices Brown, Jackson, Harlan, and
White entered a vigorous dissenting opinion, but one
of those who had previously thought the tax constitu-
tional had changed his mind, and the tax was declared
illegal. But the Democratic Party has put an_ income
tax plank into its platform of 1896, and the end is not
yet.
References : See TAXATION.
INDEPENDENT LABOR PARTY, THE
(ENGLISH), popularly called the I. L. P., is
mainly the outgrowth of the agitation of Mr.
Keir Hardie (g.v.), for an independent political
party to voice the demands of labor. In 1888
he established a Scotch Labor Party. (See Scot-
LAND.) In January, 1893, a conference of 115
persons was held at Bradford, England, and the
Independent Labor Party organized. ‘Tho not
using the term socialist in its name, it is now
distinctly socialistic, its constitution, as amend-
ed in 1894, declaring its object to be ‘‘ the col-
lective ownership and control of the means of
production, distribution, and exchange.”’
Its methods are the capture of the House of
Commons by independent labor representa-
tives. Its present social and industrial program
includes an eight-hour day, abolition of over-
time, provision for the aged and disabled, uni-
versal free education, work for the unemployed,
taxation of unearned incomes, arbitration, and
disarmament. i
At the second conference, held in Manchester
in 1894, 115 delegates were present, represent-
ing branches. AnJI. L. P. of Wales and Mon-
mouthshire was formed in 1894. At the third
annual conference (1895), held in Newcastle-on-
Tyne, the political program of the party was
much extended and classified under 27 items.
Of the part played by.the I. L. P. in the gen-
eral election in 1895 Mr. Tom Mann, the secre-
tary of the I. L. P., writes in the Labor Annual
for 1895:
“The defeat of the Liberal administration in the
month of June, necessitating the general election in
Joly, involved the summoning of a special J.L.P. con-
erence to decide what should be the policy of the I.L.P.
in constituencies where no socialist candidate could be
run. Accordingly, a special conference was held on
July 4, in Essex Hall. It was agreed that none but
socialists should be supported by the I.L.P. members,
and only those to be counted worthy of support who
were either members of the I.L.P. or the S.D.F. In
order to test the feeling of the delegates as to their at-
titude toward the orthodox parties in other constitu-
encies, a vote was taken, with the following result:
One delegate thought the I.L.P. as a body should
Independent Labor Party.
vote Liberal; 2 others, that they should vote Con-
servative; 7 thought it best to vote against the sit-
ting member; and ros that the party should entirely
abstain from voting for either Liberal or Conservative.
This decisive vote was sent all over the country as an
instruction from the conference.... The loyalty of
the rank and file to the special conference decision
was in every way commendable. Altho not one
member of the ae was returned to Parliament, to
have run 28 candidates, to have secured an average of
1583 votes, and a total of 44,32: for a first trial, was,
without a doubt, an achievement of much hopeful-
ness.”
The prominent organs of the I. L. P. are Keir
Hardie’s Labor Leader and Robert Blatch-
ford’s Clarion.
INDIA AND SOCIAL REFORM.—(For
the conquest of India by the British, see East
InprA Company ; for the agricultural conditions,
see AGRICULTURE.)
The present form of government in India dates from
1858, when all the territories in India governed by the
East India Company were vested in the crown, the exec-
utive authority being a governor-general, styled vice-
Toy, appointed by the crown and acting
under the orders of the secretary of the
State for India, who is assisted by a
council, the major part of whom must
have served or resided 1o years in
India. There is also a council of the
ee of 6 members, appointed by the
crown, and a legislative council of 22, nominated by the
viceroy. There are 12 provinces, each with a governor.
The governors of Madrasand Bombay have also legis-
lative and executive councils.
The total area of the 12 provinces of British India,
not including the tributary native states, was in 1891,
964,993 Square miles, with a population of 287,223,431;
85,670,000 speak Hindu, 41,340,000 speak Bengali, 238,499
speak English. The English-born population was 100,-
551 in 18913 171,735,000 are supposed to be dependent on
agriculture, 25,468,000 on general labor, 3600 on the State
and local administration.
Two hundred and seven millions in 1891 were of the
Hindu religion, 57,000,000 Mohammedans, 7,000,000
Buddhists, 9,000,000 Animistic, 2,285,380 Christians (of
which 1,315,263 were Roman Catholics), 246,546,176 were
illiterate and not under instruction, 3,195,220 were
under instruction. The revenue of India in 1894 was
90,505,214 Tix. The expenditures in 1894 were over
92,112,212 Tix.
The main source of revenue was a land tax, and the
main expenditure for the army. The imports in 1894-
95 Were 83,110,200 rupees, and the exports, 117,139,831. In
1894 there were 18,855 miles of railway open, of which 5377
were worked by the State. The working expenses
are less than so per cent. of the gross earnings. India
has tospend about £16,000,000 in England in gold, while
its revenues are raised insilver. June 26, 1893, its mints
were closed to the unrestricted coinage of silver.
Statistics.
The problems of social reform in India are
those incidental to a great empire of one degree
of civilization being ruled from a far-distant
land of a very different civilization. On the
one hand, Great Britain is accused, not without
a very large basis in fact, of governing India,
not for the good of India, but of Great Britain.
The monetary policy, the trade restrictions,
adopted by the Anglo-Indian Government is
dictated undoubtedly by the interest of English
gold rather than Hindu needs. Nevertheless, it
can equally be shown that Great Britain’s rule
of India, however selfish, has been more for
India’s good than the centuries when India
undertook to govern herself. If there have
been famines and plagues under the rule of
Great Britain in India, they have doubtless
been lighter than they were formerly. Great
Britain has scrupulously, for the most part, re-
spected the religious views and rites of her hea-
then subjects, and only comparatively recently
717
Individualism.
has she even ventured to forbid the inhuman
sacrifices and self-immolations taught by the
Hindu faiths. She has introduced railroads
and developed commerce. The problems of
India to-day are how far to allow local govern-
ment in communities not fitted for it, and how
far to force Western ideas of democracy on civ-
ilizations molded on caste. Too often, how-
ever, a necessary paternalism has been made
the excuse for the selfish tyranny of the parent
government,
INDIRECT TAXATION. See Taxation,
INDIVIDUALISM.—The term zxdivzdual-
zsm, as used in social science, has been defined
as ‘‘ the theory of government which favors the
non-interference of the State in the affairs of
individuals” (Century Dictionary). It is, how-
ever, more commonly, and much more correctly
used for the zendency to oppose State interfer-
ence in the affairs of the individual rather than
for any cut-and-dried theory of the function or
lack of function of the State. Whena man says
he is an zxdzvzdualist, he usually means not
that he holds any exact @ frzor7z theory as to
what the State should or should not
do, but that he inclines to oppose
State interference, unlessit be very Definition.
clearly proven that it is necessary.
The presumption with him is
against interference. He inclines to resist so-
cialistic legislation, even in small matters, lest
they lead to a general State socialism. He be-
lieves that we must finally decide from experi-
ence and history what in each particular case is
wise, Individualism must not be confounded
with anarchism (g.v.), nor with the positive pro-
gram laid down by particular individualists,
however prominent. (See SincLeE Tax; SPEN-
CER ; VOLUNTARYISM.)
We find individualism somewhat developed
among the “Greek Sophists and in all Greek
thought. Greek political philosophy conceived,
it is true, of the individual as living for the State
rather than for himself; but with this wenta
high conception of the complete man, the sound
mind in a sound body, and this developed a
practical, ethical, if not a political individual-
ism. Aristotle, with his tendency to exalt the
concrete over Platonic abstractions, may be said
to be the first great thinker of individualism, tho
even he held the high Greek conception of the
State. The Cyrenaic and the Epicurean schools
both developed a type of ethical individualism.
Still more did Stoicism lend itself consistently
to individualism. Some of the profoundest
thoughts of ethical individualism have come
down from the Greek Stoics, while some of its
noblest and most classic utterances must be
sought in the pages of the Roman Stoics.
The Roman Empire, it is true, developed into
a strong imperialism ; nevertheless, in Roman
thought, and above all in Roman jurisprudence,
the individual is in a large sense supreme over
the State, since we have here the first clear de-
velopment of the theory of contract between
free individuals. Meanwhile, the life and teach-
ings of Christ were developing, many hold, an
individualism flowering into Pater charity
rather than the primitive Christian communism,
Individualism. =
of which so much is said to. day. (For a discus-
sion of this, see Curist anpD SoctaL REFORM ;
CHRISTIANITY AND SoctaL REForm.) Be this as
it may, the Middle Ages, inheriting the tradi-
tions of Roman power, together with the relig-
ious teachings of Christ, developed an ecclesias.
tical paternalism removed alike from a primi-
tive communism or an ethical individualism.
Nevertheless, in some of the school
men we trace an individualist
Modern In- thought based in part upon the
dividualism, teachings of Aristotle, while some
of the ascetics practised what may
: be called a selfish individualistic
spirituality. ‘The characteristic ages of indi-
vidualism, however, are those between the fif-
teenth and the nineteenth centuries. Revolt-
ing alike from the despotism of the Church and
the tyranny of the warrior, we find the individ-
ual asserting himself everywhere, in religion
and in philosophy, in political science and in
practice. In religion, Luther, by the doctrine
of salvation by faith, lifts the individual into the
tight of private judgment; while Calvin, with
his doctrine of the divine decrees, by making
man obedient to God alone, lifts him above
obedience to any human power. From the posi-
tion of Luther or Calvin it was but astep toward
the practical realization of their theories by an
assertion of the right of private judgment in
morals and of civil liberty in matters where
unity of action was not asocial necessity. Kant,
Bentham, John Stuart Mill, all helped people to
take this step more and more fearlessly. The
line of thought advanced by these men finds its
legitimate development in the writings of John
Morley and its exaggeration in those of W. K.
Clifford.
Says Mr. Morley (Ox Compromise, pp. 278-
281):
“We may best estimate the worth and the signifi-
cance of the doctrine of Liberty by considering the
line of thought and observation which Jed to it. To
begin with, it is in Mr. Mill’s hands something quite
different from the same doctrine as preached by the
French revolutionary school; indeed, one might even
call it reactionary, in respect of the French theory of
a hundred years back. It reposes on no principle of
abstract right, but, like the rest of its author’s opin-
ions, on principles of utility and experience.... Mr.
Carlyle and one or two rhetorical imitators poured
malediction on the many-headed populace, and with
rather a pitiful impatience insisted that the only hope
for men Jay in their finding and obeying a strong man—
a king, a hero, a dictator. How he was to be found,
neither the master nor his still angrier and more im-
patient mimics could ever tell us.
“Now Mr. Mill’s doctrine laid down the main
condition of finding your hero—v/z., that all ways
should be left open to him, because no man, nor ma-
jority of men, could possibly tell by which of these
ways their deliverers were from time to time destined
to present themselves. Wits have caricatured all this
by asking us whether by encouraging the tares to
grow, you give the wheat a better chance. This is as
misleading as such metaphors usually are. The doc-
trine of liberty rests on a faith drawn from the obser-
vation of human progress, that tho we know wheat
to be serviceable and tares to be worthless, yet there
are in the great seed-plot of human nature a thousand
rudimentary germs, not wheat and not tares, of whose
Properties we have not had a fair opportunity of as-
suring ourselves. If you are too eager to pluck up the
tares, you are very likely to pluck up with them these
untried possibilities of human excellence, and you are,
moreover, very likely to injure the growing wheat as
well. The demonstration of this lies in the recorded
experience of mankind.” 7
Professor Hadley thus sums up this philoso-
phy of individualism (Economics, p. 14): ;
718
Individualism.
“Constitutional liberty in politics, rational altruism
in morals, and modern business methods in production
and distribution of wealth have been the outcome of
the great individualistic movement of the nineteenth
century. The individualist has taught people not to
confound public morality with a state church, public
security with police activity, or public wealth with
government property. He has taught men that, as
society develops, the interests of its members become
more and more harmonious; in other words, that ra-
tional egoism and rational altruism tend to coincide.”
But the characteristic modern development of
individualism is economic. With many fore-
runners, and perhaps particularly Hume, Adam
Smith is here the great name, the father of
the school of natural liberty, which
we do not dwell upon here only be-
cause it is treated in full elsewhere.
(See PotiticaL Economy.) Yet per-
haps even here the school of natural
liberty and Adam Smith are a result rather than
acause, It was necessary to break the old eco-
nomic restraints. New discoveries, new in-
ventions, new processes refused to be fettered
by old laws. In France, the Revolution ; in
England, Adam Smith ; in Germany, the Stein
Hardenberg legislation ; in America, the bills
of rights incorporated into the national and
State constitutions, all witness to and develop
the same tendency to free and to protect the in-
dividual from restraint. In every country it
has produced_reaction—in France, the empire ;
in Germany, State and democratic socialism ; in
England, factory laws, and more recently mu-
nicipalism ; in the United States, federalism, re-
publicanism, and protection. Through all the
first half of the nineteenth century, however,
individualism was in all directions dominant.
Its results are well known. The individual,
free from legislative restraint, seeks gain. The
producer who can produce the most, the best,
or the cheapest gains the market.
Out of competition to do this has
sprung the modern mastery of the
methods of production, division of
labor, improved machinery, gigan-
tic plants, the factory system, industry on the
large scale ; if ithas produced the capitalist and
the millionaire, it has also both lowered prices
and raised wages for the million. In its search
for new markets and commercial gain it has
girded the world with the telegraph, continents
with railroads, and whitened the sea with sails.
Ithas developed more progress in 100 years than
all the other centuries put together. If its char-
acteristic results have been material, it has made
education common. It is true that large pro-
ducers and the development of colossal trans-
portation corporations have created difficulties
for the small producer, made the workman
largely dependent upon the capitalist, and de-
veloped the means of production beyond the
present ability to consume, causing the phe-
nomena of the unemployed and the tramp. But
it must be remembered, in the first place,.that
these evils are due to the very success of indi-
vidualism, so that we should think twice before
we attempt to cure them by destroying the sys.
tem which has created this success; second-
ly, it is to be doubted if there are more unem-
ployed than before, while certainly real wages,
measured by prices, are materially advanced ;
thirdly, individualists believe that the cure lies
Causes,
Results.
Individualism.
not in forsaking the principle which has been
the very life of modern progress, but in lifting
up every individual to a level of more effective
competition till every man receive the means of
life because every man be able to contribute
something to the social need. What is needed,
according to this view, is not less, but more
individualism.
Modern practical individualism does not urge
that at present we should do away with all in-
_ dustrial legislation or all interference of the
‘State with the affairs of individuals ; it believes
that till men grow wiser they need some legisla-
tive checks, but it holds that in general it is
wiser to let the individual act as he will and
seek to overcome the ills resulting from his mis-
takes by educating wiser and better individ-
uals.
THE ARGUMENT FOR INDIVIDUALISM.
The arguments for individualism may be con-
veniently divided into four heads : (1) The ethi-
cal argument ; (2) the biological ; (3) the induc-
tive positive argument ; (4) the inductive nega-
tive argument from the follies and evils of State
interference. The ethical argument probably
affects the common consciousness far more than
any other. Professor S. N. Patten, in the In-
troduction to his Theory of Soczal Forces, con-
siders individualism to rest largely on eight-
eenth century philosophy, and says:
“JT question whether the hold which this social phi-
losophy has on the popular mind can be shaken by an
appeal toinductive evidence. This hold depends upon
certain concepts and ideals which have received clas-
sical statements at the hands of our ablest thinkers, and
which cannot be displaced by unorganized facts.”
The basis of popular individualism undoubt-
edly lies deep down in the fundamental facts of
the universe, in the power, the worth, the con-
sciousness of responsibility in the
individual soul. It takes ordina-
The tily a form either religious or
Ethical one of so-called natural ethics.
Argument. One of the fundamental principles
of Christianity is the worth of the in-
> dividual soul. Protestantism, with
its right of private judgment, its doctrine of sal-
vation by faith, is particularly in accord with
the individualistic tendency.
Dr. Lyman Abbott, in his Evolution of
Christzanity, says :
‘It has been said that Jesus Christ was the first so-
cialist. This is certainly an inexact, if not an abso-
lutely erroneous statement. It would be more nearly
cortect to say that He was the first individualist. The
socialist assumes that the prolific cause of misery in
the world is bad social organization. Christ assumed
that the prolific cause of misery in the world is in-
dividual wrong-doing.”’
Says Mr. N. P. Gilman (Socéalism and the
American Spirit, pp. 324-327) :
“A higher individualism is possible, and has long
been actual, with at least a few of each generation of
mankind. It respects every person as having some-
thing of infinite worth in him, and would begin to im-
prove the world by elevating the single spirit, count-
ing no advance permanent that is not based on re-
formed and cultivated individuals. This method fully
deserves the epithet, ‘Christian,’ derived from ‘the
only soul in history who has appreciated the worth of
aman.’ The teaching of Jesus was profoundly indi-
vidualistic in its imperative address to the private
sonscience. Such a spiritual doctrine does not find its
719
Individualism.
natural alliance with a mechanical socialism. This,
with most of its expounders, is materialistic to the
core. The Christian spirit is in full harmony with a
rationalized individualism in social life. So inspired,
individualism includes voluntary cooperation, the
method of modern civilization ; and the ideal to which
it tends is fraternalism, not paternalism. The inquiry
is extremely pertinent : ‘ Have we yet even discovered
the resources of an individualism which is not synon-
ymous with selfishness, but welcomes and fosters pub-
lic spirit?) Few wise persons will answer this in the
affirmative.”
This higher individualism, perhaps, quite as
often to-day takes the form of so-called ‘‘ natur-
al ethics."’
Mr. M. D. O’Brien, in the Introduction to his
Soctalism Tested by Facts, says :
‘““Weak and little, low and corrupt as he is, yet Na-
ture has endowed man with such a spirit that he can
never permanently become the slave of men. This
spirit is individualism, the deepest and_ mightiest fact
in existence, which brings man closest to Nature herself,
to his central silent home, and plants the root of his
life in a substance that cannot perish. Through this
spirit works the infinite, and while the heavens bend
above, it can never break or fail... . This spirit of
individualism, of nonconformity, of social, political,
and religious heresy is the sword which Nature forges
while despots sleep; and just when they dream them-
selves insured in an eternity of comfortable stagnation
it suddenly flashes before them, scattering their plans,
circumventing their cunning, and breaking all their
pet idols in pieces. This spirit opens the enslaving
shell of custom, throws it aside, and allows the inner
life to grow. Low ‘slavish natures hate and fear it
above everything, and no means are too bad for them
to use against it; but it has alwavs managed in the
long run to undo them, and it will yet live and flourish
when they and all their works are lost in the slavery
of the past.”
‘Individualism,’ says Draper (Comjfizct be-
tween Religion and Science, chap. ii., p 295),
‘rests on the principle that a man shall be his
own master.’’
It is in such thoughts, of the worth of the in-
dividual, either because of its individual union
with God, if the theory take a religious form, or
because of the conviction that simple character,
self-rule, self-reliance, self-poise, is the one thing
of worth in the universe, that most men base
their argument for individualism. They argue
that for the State to interfere with the action of
the individual weakens character. Itis far bet-
ter, says the individualist, for men to carve their
own way, to live their own lives, to learn by ex-
perience their own lessons, even if they make
continual blunders, than for the State to be in-
terfering, even if,so far as the immediate step
be concerned, it interfere wisely, because the
latter course will weaken the individual will and
lessen individual ability. Few individualists
think that any government is wise enough to
interfere wisely, but even if it were, individual-
ists would still oppose it because of its under-
mining influences upon character. A wise gov-
ernment, they would argue, may be even worse
than a foolish government. A foolish govern-
ment would probably call out resistance and
activity. A wise paternalism might lull to eter-
nal sleep the power of self-choice and self-will.
The second argument for individualism is a
biological one. (For a completer_statement of
it, see Biotocy; Evotution.) We shall also
notice it again in considering the objection to
socialism. It may be said, in a word, to be that
there can be no progress save by competition, no
progress save by natural selection and the sur-
vival of the fittest, so that the struggle for life
Individualism.
between individuals is of the very essence of
progressive life, while just so far as the State in-
terferes with this struggle between
individuals, and either forces or
leads all men into cooperation, it
must induce a low and lowering
social level and the gradual degen-
eration of the individual. This is
: one of the arguments for individu-
alism most prevalent to-day. We do not dwell
upon it here simply because it is considered
elsewhere. (See BroLocy ; Evo.uTion.)
The third argument, or the induction from
positive experiences of individualism, may be
deemed but a form of the biological argument.
It is, however, such an important form as to
make it worthy of treatment byitself. Itargues
that the highest civilization, materially and in
character, has as a matter of fact been devel-
oped when there has been the most individual-
ism. We have seen something of this in consid-
ering the history of individualism.
Beginning largely with Adam
The Argu- Smith and the so-called school of na-
ment from tional liberty (see PoLiricaL Econ-
Experience. omy), we have had less interference
of the State with the individual
than ever before in the history of
civilized man. What has been the’ result?
There have been evils ; no man claims perfec-
tion for the nineteenth century ; but there has
been more progress in most directions than in
all the other centuries of civilization put to-
gether. In science, in the means of livelihood,
in popular education, in the art of preserving
life, in acquainting men with the facts of the
universe, in the means of communication, man
has advanced as never before in all his history.’
Generally speaking, perhaps, the country where
individualism has been carried to the farthest
degree is the United States, with Great Britain
next.
are to-day the wealthiest, the strongest, the
most vital countries of the world. The lan-
guage and the commerce of these two nations
are dominating the world. Particularly has the
United States stood for individualism.
Says Mr. N. P. Gilman (Soczalism and the
American Spirit, p. 90): .
“In more senses than one America may be called the
paradise of the individual. No other country has held
out such great prizes to private talent for the last cen-
tury, or offered it a freer field to work in. A manly,
capable, and self-reliant people, Americans have had
an opportunity the like of which is unknown to his-
tory. Least of all peoples have they had reason to
put their faith in governmental machinery, even that
of their own devising, in preference to individual initi-
ative and voluntary cooperation. Especially in the
building up. of great manufacturing industries and
the development of immense transportation systems
has the practical genius of the people asserted itself,
with the results in the gigantic operations and colos-
sal fortunes which we see to-day inalldirections. The
American is always Teady to receive help from the
State in starting a railway or a steamship line (the old
flag and an appropriation), but he is not at all inclined
to consider the Government a proper agent for the
management or ownership of either.’
Mr. Gilman quotes Alfred Fouillée as saying
(Education from a National Standpoint, Am.
ed., p. 6): “ Scarcely an American can be found
who has not in his mind, in amore or less nebu-
lous form, this idea of illimitable individualism
and indefinite expansion.”’
The
Biological
Argument.
720
With what result? These two countries.
Individualism.
Now, what has been the result? America's
material wealth, her popular education, and her
progress in almost all ways, are the marvel of the
world. Nowhere do the common people begin
to be so well off. In wages, in home comforts,
in liberty, in popular education, the working
people native to the United States are far ahead
of any working classes of the world, unless it be
in New Zealand and in Australia. Particularly
has business in America been free from govern-
mental restrictions, with the result that nowhere
else does business begin to be carried on in so
effective or colossal a way, and nowhere else
are the masses of the people so well off. This
last thought leads to the reflection that the very
fact of the prosperity-of the people is the cause
of the present social unrest.
Says Herbert Spencer, in the Introduction to
A Plea Sor Liberty:
“Of the many ways in which common-sense infer-
ences about social affairs are flatly contradicted by
events, ... one of the most curious is the way in
which the more things improve, the louder become the
exclamations about their badness. In the days when
the people were without any political power, their
subjection was rarely complained of; but after free
institutions had so far advanced in England that our
political arrangements were envied by continental
peoples, the denunciations of aristo-
cratic rule grew gradually stronger,
until there came a great widening of the
franchise, soon followed by complaints
that things were going wrong for want
of stillfurther widening. ... Acentury
ago, when scarcely a man could be found
who was not occasionally intoxicated,
and when inability to take one or two bottles of wine
brought contempt, no agitation arose against the vice
of drunkenness ; but now that, in the course of 50 years
the voluntary efforts of temperance societies, joined
with more general causes, have produced comparative
sobriety, there are vociferous demands for laws to
prevent the ruinous effects of the liquor traffic....
And so it is too with the general state of the popula-
tion in respect of food, clothing, shelter, and the appli-
ances of life. Leaving out of the comparison early
barbaric states, there has been a conspicuous progress
from the time when most rustics lived on barley bread,
rye bread, and oatmeal, down to our own time when
the consumption of white wheaten bread is universal ;
from the days when coarse jackets, reaching to the
knees, left the legs bare, down to the present day,
when laboring people, like their employers, have the
whole body covered by two or more layers of cloth-
ing; from the old era of single-roomed huts without
chimneys, or from the fifteenth century, when even an
ordinary gentleman’s house was commonly without
wainscot or plaster on its walls, down to the present
century, when every cottage has more rooms than one,
and the houses of artisans usually have several, while
all have fireplaces, chimneys and glazed windows,
accompanied mostly by paper hangings and painted
doors, there has been, I say, a conspicuous progress in
the condition of the people. And this progress has
been still more marked within ourowntime. Any one
who can look back 60 years, when the amount of pau-
perism was far greater than now, and beggars abun-
dant, is struck by the comparative size and finish of
the new houses of operatives; by the better dress of
workmen, who wear broadcloth on Sundays, and that
of servant girls, who vie with their mistresses ; by the
higher standard of living, which leads toa great de-
mand for the best qualities of food by working peo-
le... Not that the evils to be remedied are small.
et no one suppose that, by emphasizing the above
paradox, I wish to make light of the sufferings which
most men have to bear. The fates of the great major-
ity have ever been, and doubtless still are, so sad that
it is painful to think of them. Unquestionably the ex-
isting type of social organization is one which none
who care for their kind can contemplate with satisfac-
tion, and unquestionably men’s activities accompany-
ing this type are far from being admirable. . .. But it
is not a question of absolute evils; it isa question of
relative evils—whether the evils at. present suffered
are or are not less than the evils which would be suf-
fered under another system ; whether efforts for miti-
Progress
under Indi-
vidualism.
Individualism,
ae along the lines thus followed are not more
ikely to succeed than efforts along different lines... .
The present social state is transitional, as past social
States have been transitional. There will, I hope and
believe, come a future social state, differing as much
from the present as the present differs from the past,
with its mailed barons and defenseless serfs... . My
opposition to socialism results from the belief that it
would stop the progress to such a higher state, and
bring back a lower state, Nothing but the slow modi-
fication of human nature by the discipline of social
life can produce permanently advantageous changes.”
An even stronger argument for individualism
is drawn from the follies and miscarriages of
the wisest and best-intentioned State legislation
- and control. As is well known,
Herbert Spencer calls the notion
The Fol- that evils can be readily righted by
lies of legislation the great modern politi-
Legislation, cal superstition. He says: ‘‘ The
great political superstition of the
past was the divine right of kings.
‘The great political superstition of the present
is the divine right of parliaments” (Essay on
the Great Polztical Superstition). Weisnever
weary of illustrating the sins of legislators.
argues that legislators never know where the
effect of their legislation will end. He says
(The Coming Slavery) :
“The legislator contemplates intently the things his
act will achieve, but thinks little of the remoter issues
of the movement his act sets up, and still less its col-
lateralissues. When, in war-time, ‘food for powder’
was to be provided by encouraging population—when
Mr. Pitt said, ‘Let us make relief in cases where there
are a number of children a matter of right and honor,
instead of a ground for opprobrium and contempt,
it was not expected that the poor-rates would be quad-
trupled in 50 years, that women with many bastards
would be preferred as wives to modest women, be-
‘cause of their incomes from the parish, and that hosts
of ratepayers would be pulled down into the ranks of
pauperism. ... Even less, as I say, does the politician
who plumes himself on the practicalness of his aims
conceive the indirect results which will follow the di-
rect results of his measures. Thus, to take a case con-
nected with one named above, it was not intended,
through the system of ‘ payment by results,’ to do any-
thing more than give teachers an efficient stimulus: it
was not supposed that in numerous cases their health
would give way under the stimulus; it was not ex-
pected that they would be led to adopt a cramming
system and to put undue pressure on dull and weak
children, often to their great injury; it was not fore-
seen that in many cases a bodily enfeeblement would
be caused which no amount of grammar and geogra-
phy can compensate for. The licensing of public-
houses was simply for maintaining public order: those
who devised it never imagined that there would result
an organized interest powerfully influencing elections
inanunwholesome way. Nor did it occur to the ‘ prac-
tical’ politicians who provided a compulsory load-line
for merchant vessels, that the pressure of ship-owners’
interests would habitually cause the putting of the
Joad-line at the very highest limit, and that from pre-
cedent to precedent, tending ever in the same direc-
tion, the load-line would gradually rise in the better
class of ships, as from good authority I learn that it
has already done. Legislators who, some 4o years ago,
by act of Parliament compelled railway companies to
supply cheap locomotion, would have ridiculed the
belief, had it been expressed, that eventually their act
would punish the companies which improved the sup-
ply; and yet this was the result to companies which
began to carry third-class passengers by fast trains;
since a penalty to the amount of the passenger duty
was inflicted on them for every third-class passen-
ger socarried.,.. ‘We must educate our masters,’
is the well-known saying of a Liberal who opposed
the last extension of the franchise. Yes, if the educa-
tion were worthy to be so called, and were relevant
to the political enlightenment needed, much might
be hoped from it. But knowing rules of syntax,
being able to add up correctly, having geographical
information, and a memory stocked with the dates of
kings’ accessions and generals victories, no more im.
plies fitness to form political conclusions than acquire-
46
721
He
Individualism.
ment of skill in drawing implies expertness in tele-
graphing, or than ability to play cricket implies
proficiency on the violin. ‘Surely,’ rejoins some one,
‘facility in reading opens the way to political knowl-
edge.’ Doubtless; but will the way be followed?
Table-talk proves that nine out of ten people read
what amuses them or interests them rather than what
instructs them ; and that the last thing they read is
something which tells them disagreeable truths or
dispels groundless hopes. That popular education re-
sults in an extensive reading of publications which
foster pleasant illusions rather than of those which
insist on hard realities is beyond question.”
In other writings, Mr. Spencer gives still more
detailed instances of the ways in which State
legislation works unexpected ills. He says (So-
ctal Statics, ed. of 1851, p. 384):
“ An architect and surveyor describes it [the Build-
ing Act] as having worked after the following manner.
In those districts of London consisting of inferior
houses built in that unsubstantial fashion which the
New Building Act was to mend, there obtains an aver-
age rent, sufficiently remunerative to landlords whose
houses were run up economically before the New
Building Act passed. This existing average rent fixes
the rent that must be charged in these districts for
new houses ot the same accommodation—that is the
same number of rooms, for the people they are built
for do not appreciate the extra safety of living within
walls strengthened with hoop-iron bond. Nowitturns
out upon trial, that houses built in accordance with
the present regulations, and let at this established
rate, bring in nothing like areasonable return, Build-
ers have consequently confined themselves to erecting
houses in better districts (where the possibility of a
profitable competition with preexisting houses shows
that those preexisting houses were tolerably substan-
tial), and have ceased to erect dwellings for the masses,
except in the suburbs where no pressing sanitary evils
exist. Meanwhile, in the inferior districts above de-
scribed, has resulted an increase of overcrowding—
half-a-dozen families in a house, a score of lodgers to a
room. Nay, more than this has resulted. That state
of miserable dilapidation into which these abodes of
the poor are allowed to fall is due tothe absence of
competition from new houses. Landlords do not find
their tenants tempted away by the offer of better
accommodation. Repairs, being unnecessary for secur-
ing the largest amount of profit,are notmade. ... In
fact, for a large percentage of the very horrors which
our sanitary agitators are trying to cure by law, we
have to thank previous agitators of the same school!”
Later, in The Sins of Legislators, Mr. Spen-
cer says of the building laws :
“See then what legislation hasdone. By ill-imposed
taxes, raising the prices of bricks and timber, it added
to the costs of houses and prompted, for economy’s
sake, the use of bad materials in scanty quantities.
To check the consequent production of wretched
dwellings, it established regulations which, in med-
ieval fashion, dictated the quality of the commodity
produced ; there being no perception that by insisting
on a higher quality and therefore higher price, it would
limit the demand and eventually diminish the supply.
By additional local burdens, legislation has of late still
further hindered the building ofsmallhouses. Finally
having, by successive measures, produced first bad
houses and then a deficiency of better ones, it has at
length provided for the artificially increased overflow
of poor people by diminishing the house capacity
which already could not contain them !
“Where then lies the blame for the miseries of the
East End? Against whom should beraised ‘the bitter
cry of outcast London’?....
“So, too, with State supervision. Guaranteeing of
quality by inspection has been shown, in the hall-mark-
ing of silver, to be superfluous, while the silver trade
has been decreased by it; and in other cases it has
lowered the quality by establishing a standard which
it is useless to exceed: instance the case of the Cork
butter-market, where the higher kinds are disadvan-
taged in not adequately profiting by their better re-
pute; or instance the case of herring-branding (now
optional), the effect of which is to put the many inferior
curers, who just reach the level of official approval, on
a par with the few better ones who rise above it, and
so to discourage these. But such lessons pass un-
learned. Even where the failure of inspection is most
Individualism.
giatiog, no notice is taken of it; as instance the terri-
le catastrophe by which a train full of people was
destroyed along with the Tay bridge. Countless de-
nunciations, loud and unsparing, were vented against
engineer and contractor; but little, if anything, was
said about the Government officer from whom the
bridge received State approval. So, too, with pre-
vention of disease. It matters not that under the
management or dictation of State agents some of the
worst evils occur; as when the lives of 87 wives and
children of soldiers are sacrificed in the ship ‘ Accring-
ton;’? or as when typhoid fever and diphtheria are
diffused by a State-ordered drainage system, as in
Edinburgh; or as when officially enforced sanitary
appliances, ever getting out of order, increase the
evils they were to decrease.”
These instances of the failure of legislature,
quoted by Spencer, are now somewhat classical
and out of date, but they can be easily replaced
by modern ones. Mr, Charles Fairfield, in
his chapter on ‘‘State Socialism in the An-
tipodes’’ contained in 4 Plea for Liberty, in-
stances many failures of legislation in Australia,
supposed to be in the vanguard of socialistic
progress. He shows how the early-closing law
in Melbourne in 1885, whereby shops could not
keep open after seven p.M., proved utterly im-
practicable, robbing all the small suburban
stores, which did their main business in the
evening, of all chance of success and creating
such an opposition that the law was repealed in
afew days. He argues that the conduct of the
Australian State railroads has been at a heavy
loss, only concealed by government book-keep-
ing. In England herself instances of the fail-
ure of State operations can be multiplied almost
indefinitely.
Says Mr. L. J. Jennings, M.P. (Fortnightly
Review, August, 1888, p. 185):
“Look, for instance, at the Admiralty and the War
Office. These two departments alone cost the country
£563,324 a year. The waste of labor that goes on daily
is incredible. At the Admiralty the officials, sitting
under the same roof, write long letters to one another
on the most trivial subjects, just as if they were 500
miles apart. Animmense heap of correspondence may
be accumulated about a stick of sealing-wax or a
bit of string. The Accountant-General’s Department,
crammed with extravagantly paid officials, involves
charges for the working staff of £63,557 a year, and
a pension list of £32,324. ... The Secretary of the Ad-
miralty, Mr. Forwood, has admitted (First Report of
Sir Matthew White Ridley’s Commission, Q. 9751) that
if the salaries were placed ona ‘commercial basis’ the
expense of the Accountant-General’s Office would be
brought down to 435,0co or £40,000 a year. Why is it
not placed on a commercial basis? It cannot be be-
cause the authorities have not had a free hand in the
‘game of reorganization.’ There have been at least
five heroic operations of this kind since 1869, at tre-
mendous cost to the country. ... What sort of com-
mentary is it on the great reorganization of 1878-80.
which cost the country £20,000 a year in pensions and
452,199 in bonuses, that the Department is now found
to be filled, as the heads of it allege, with extrava-
gantly paid or incompetent officials.... The War
Office clerk goes leisurely to his duties at 1o or 11,
and remains till four or five, his prescribed hours
being six each day. And what is the nature of his
work? A good deal of it is utterly thrown away.
Accounts are audited and reaudited in-a purely arbi-
trary and farcical manner. ... Correspondence rolls
on in huge volumes about trifles light as air ; a charge
for the use of a cab, a bill of 2s. 6d. for candles, a rent
in a soldier’s jacket, the loss of a nosebag (actual in-
stances of these cases will be found in the evidence
taken before the Army Estimates Committee, 1887 and
1888) may form the theme of an almost interminal
number of letters. The cut in the soldier’s jacket was
inquired into’ by colonels, lieutenant-colonels, deputy
adjutant-general, assistant deputies, and all sorts of
higk officials. The documents were entered into books,
signed, stamped, and passed on from one to the other
for nearly four weeks.”
In the United States illustrations of the cost-
422
Individualism.
liness and inefficiency of State operations are
notorious. All municipal operations are full of
jobs. The building of the County
Court House in New York City is
only an extreme instance of what The
goes on in all government under- United
takings, When designed in 1868 States,
its cost was estimated at $250,000.
Before the end of 1871 it had cost a
sum variously estimated at from $8,000,000 to
$13,000,000, and it was still far from finished
Among the items of the cost for fitting it up were
$404,347 for safes and $7500 for thermometers.
It is from such facts as these of the repeated
failures of government activities to-day that in-
dividualists drew their negative argument
against socialism. From such instances they
very naturally draw the inference that if gov-
ernment cannot efficiently conduct the compara-
tively small activities it now attempts, it must
still further fail in the almost infinitely more
difficult functions that would be given to it
under a complete socialistic rég7-ne. They fur-
ther argue that even if government, surrounded
and supported by individualistic methods, and
with wealth created by individualism for it to tax,
can, perhaps, altho clumsily and expensively,
carry on the few activities of which socialists
make so much to-day, were the
government toattempt all, it would
be quite another thing. Yet if the
State cannot do all, the accustom-
ing of people to depend upon the
State weakens the power of individ-
uals and teaches them to lean ona
reed that finally will break. To argue that gov-
ernment ever can conduct the complete indus-
trial life of the people is to almost all economists
and to absolutely all individualists the height of
absurdity.
Mr. E. S. Robertson, in his essay on ‘‘ The
Impracticability of Socialism’ (chap. i. in A
Plea for Liberty), argues that, passing by the
facts that socialists very rarely go into practical
details ; that it is scarcely possible to see how
socialism could provide the clothing for a com-
munity except by putting it intoa strict uniform
asin an army, since, if fashion were allowed,
no national committee could foretell what would
be needed—passing by the enormous problem of
how to manage domestic labor under socialism,
except by destroying the home, saying nothing
of the still greater difficulties of just distribution
between labor of different degrees of value and
laborers of different degrees of ability—passing
by all these and a hundred other similar diffi-
culties, socialism utterly breaks down before the
population question. Hesays: ‘‘ The situation
may be summed up in a sentence: Socialism
without rc=traints on the increase of population
would be utterly inefficient. With such re-
straints it would be slavery. In a word, social-
ism -- the scheme of collective capital and collec-
tive production and distribution—breaks down
the moment it is subjected to any practical test.”
How would the community decide, he asks, of
the children born in any year—how many boys
should be tailors and how many girls dress-
makers? ‘‘ Socialism, disguise it as we may, is
the negation of freedom.” Similarly argue all
individualists,
The Impos-
sibility of
Socialism.
Individualism.
But probably the chief arguments raised to-
day to show the impracticability of socialism
and the necessity of individualism, are, as above
stated, biologic. Mr. Kidd argues in his Soczal
Evolution, p. 209, that socialism has not and
probably cannot make any serious attempt to
deal with even the initial difficulties of the con-
tinued success of a society where the struggle
for existenceiseliminated. Hesays: ‘‘ Under-
neath all socialist ideals yawns the problem of
population.”
Mr. Herbert Spencer, in his latest work, says :
‘* People who in their corporate capacity abolish
the naturalrelation between merits and benefits
will presently be abolished themselves. Either
they will have to go through the miseries of
slow decay consequent on the increase of those
unfit for the business of life, or they will be
overrun by some people who have not pursued
the foolish policy of fostering the worst at the
expense of the better.’’. Mr, Lecky says (De-
mocracy and Liberty, chap. viii.): ‘‘ The so-
cialist remedies would only bring evils far great-
er than any they could possibly prevent. The
desire of each man toimprove his circumstances,
to reap the full reward of superior talent, or
energy, or thrift, is the very mainspring of the
production of the world. Take these motives
away ; persuade men that by supe-
tior work they will obtain no supe-
Degeneration rior reward ; cut off all the hopes
under that stimulate among ordinary men
Socialism, ambition, enterprise, invention, and
self-sacrifice, and the whole level
of production will rapidly and inev-
itably sink. ... the essential difference of men
in aptitudes, capacities and character, are things
that can never be changed, and all schemes and
policies that ignore them are doomed to ultimate
failure.’’ Says Mr. Kidd (Soczal Evolutzon) :
“It will not help us, even if there are to be no com-
peting societies, and if in the contemplated era of so-
cialism the whole human family, without distinction
of race or color, is to be included in a federation with-
in which the competitive forces are to be suspended.
We may draw such a draft on our imagination, but
our common sense, which has to deal with materials
as they exist, refuses to honor it. We are concerned
not with an imaginary being, but with man as he
exists, a creature standing with countless eons of this
competition behind him, every quality of his mind
and body ...the product of this rivalry, with its
Meaning and allotted place therein, and capable of
finding its fullest and fittest employment only in its
natural conditions.”
Individualism, then, bases its argument on
the fact that government can scarcely efficiently
conduct even now the comparatively limited
functions that it does attempt, and would ut-
terly break down before the attempt to control
the complete complex interests of all social life ;
that individualism, on the other hand, so far as
tried during this century, while not by any
means doing away with all evils, has produced
more material and educational progress than in
all the other centuries put together, and espe-
cially in those countries and in that country
where individualism has been tried the most ;
that even if socialism were practicable, it would
inevitably lead to the biological degeneration of
the individual and of the race and finally that
even the beginnings of socialism tend to under-
mine that self-reliance, self-rule, free self sacri-
723
Individualism.
fice, which, tho men consider it born of indi-
vidual communion with God or of natural ethics
alone, all men are agreed to be the noblest and
the only enduring and eternal quality of man.
Individualism may not produce all progress in
a day ; individualists are not blind to the evils
of the present, but they do know that an in-
finite progress has been made ; that that prog-
ress is now going on; thatit has been and is
now almost solely due to individual struggle
‘and competition in life, and that therefore it is
but simple duty to resist even the beginnings of
a socialism which for an impossible mirage
threatens to attack all progress and to under-
mine man’s noblest possession, individual char-
acter and individual aspiration. It is better to
let a man struggle and work his own way even
slowly toward character than to lift him, were
it possible, into an Utopia of physical comfort,
at the cost of weakened will and increased ten-
dency to rely on a paternal or even a fraternal
organization.
THE INDIVIDUALIST PROGRAM,
As asserted above, individualists are neither
doctrinaires nor visionaries. Says Mr. Words-
worth Donisthorpe in ‘' The Limits of Liberty,’’
a chapter in A Plea for Liberty:
“It is not fair to assert or even to insinuate that in-
dividualism as a practical working doctrine in this
country [England] andin the United States is based
on reasoning from abstractions. ... No one with the
smallest claim to attention has been known to affirm
that this or any other nation is yet rife for the aboli-
tion of the State... . Isuppose no one acquainted
with his political writings will accuse Victor Yarros of
backwardness or even of opportunism. Yet says he,
‘The abolition of the external State must be preceded
by the decay of the nations which breathe life and vigor
into that clumsy monster; in other words, it is only
when the people learn to value liberty and to under-
stand the truths of the anarchistic philosophy that the
question of practically abolishing the State looms up
and acquires significance.’ ”
Mr. N. P. Gilman says of American individu-
alists (Soczalzsm and the American Spirit):
‘“The practica, effort of those who here accept the
name of individualist is to maintain the actual status
against the strong tendency toward socialisin which
characterizes the time. Ifthis can be successfully re-
sisted, they trust to gradual enlightenment to weaken
gradually the power of the State. The anarchist ideal,
into which extreme individualism blends, is not to be
reached by crying and striving. The individualist
trusts innatural andin the unforced evolution of so-
ciety ; he exerts himself with more or less energy sim-
ply to resist efforts contrary to this law which tend to
produce an artificial development. . . . The present
tendency toward socialism he would explainas a re-
action toward primitive ideas which have long since,
for the wiser minority, been fully exploded by ex-
perience. He stands stubbornly on the defensive
against this tendency, feeling sure that, unchecked,
it can only result in great evil.”
Contrasting individualism with Schaffle’s defi-
nition of socialism (g.v.), Mr. Gilman says con-
cerning individualism in its practical applica-
tion :
‘Economic individualism would then be the system
of production by means of private capital (held by
single persons, firms, corporations, or cooperative as-
sociations) ; this method of production demands a free
labor contract, open competition, and distribution to
individuals, The alpha and omega of individualism
is, accordingly. private and competing capitals, witha
large measure of individual freedom from State con.
trol (p. 11). ..,. If we attend chiefly to the facts of the
existing situation in the United States, we should then
Individualism.
consider individualism and socialism as two opposite
tendencies, moved by either of which an American
citizen may advocate or attack a definite and particu-
lar measure of legislation. The Utopia of the individ-
ualist, if Mr. Herbert Spencer may speak for him, is
an approach to anarchy; the Utopia of the socialis:
melts into communism ; but neither scheme is proposec
for immediate adoption here by sensibleadvocates. ...
The individualist . .. in all his degrees tends to un-
favorable criticism, not to high admiration, of the
manner and the results of governmental activity at
present. He concedes that a nation may well tolerate
a certain degree of inefficiency on the part of its officials
in executing their present tasks, this being, on the *
whole, more endurable than the evils which would re-
sult from putting the same duties upon private per-
sons. He opposes however, any considerable further
extension of the sphere of the State, and looks to edu-
cation of the individual mind and conscience and to
general progress for relief from existing evils. The
extreme individualist would not only resist the ten-
dency to socialism, but would also retrace some steps
already taken in that direction, as he would say, such
as universal free education, There are very few, to
be sure, in America who hold the creed with such
vigor.”’
So conceiving of practical individualism, it is
evident that there can be no fixed universal in-
dividualist program. It must be different in
different countries ; it is differently conceived
by different individuals. On all important
points the general individualist propositions will
be found in this cyclopedia under each respec-
tive subject. (See Lanp; INTEREST ; WAGEs ;
‘CoMPETITION ; Epucation; Rarttroaps; Post-
Orrice ; BAankine ; Murua Banking, etc.)
We give here one illustration of how indivi-
dualists would work out social problems. Of
perhaps the most serious problem in modern
life Mr. N. P. Gilman says (Soczalzsm and the
American Sprrit):
“No evil in our cities appeals more forcibly to the
kind-hearted than the crowded tenement houses... .
Every one who has a particle of philanthropy in him
cries out that these evils should be made to cease from
off the earth. The end is clear, but what means shall
we use? The socialist will dilate upon what Glasgow
and Liverpool have done, and urge that Boston and
New York at once purchase whole squares, pull down
the noisome houses of to-day, and erect, instead, clean
and convenient tenements, to be let at low rates.
This, however, would be too much like journeying
from Chicago to Minneapolis, via Paris, the Suez
Canal, and Japan. The Chicagoan would thus reach
Minneapolis in time, indeed, if money and patience
held out. But a more direct way would be first to
discover what persons are responsible as owners or
lessors of these foul habitations, and then to bring
home to them as individuals the distress and the crime
which they occasion, while drawing profit from such
inhuman conditions. Many of these persons sin as
much through ignorance as through hardness of heart.
... But if this should be of no effect, the men and
women who are taught by the higher individualism
that we ave our brothers’ keepers to a great degree
can then follow the example of Mrs. Lincoln in Bos-
ton. Let them singly or in small associations buy or
lease one or more city houses in the poorer districts
and care for them in person or through kindly and
capable agents. A large part of the tenement-house
roblem is manageable under this simple plan... .
Where this plan is not expedient, the Peabody trustees
in London, the Improved Dwelling-House Associa-
tions in Boston and New York, and such individuals
as Mr. A. T. White in Brooklyn have demonstrated
the eminent success of a more difficult method. Mr.
J. A. Riis, a good authority, believes thoroughly in the
compatibility of ‘philanthropy and 5 per cent.’—the
one as beginning, the otherastheresult..., Thetene-
ment-house problem in our American cities is thus
fully within the control of a comparatively few per-
sons.... Very few of the rich or the moderately
rich in the United States would need to be converted
to a higher individualism than they now practise to
make the tenement-house problem a thing of the past
so far as money can do it.”
Such is, we believe, a fair example of the in-
724
Industrial Education.
dividualist program. For the far more radical
proposals of such extreme individualists as the
philosophical anarchists—the Spencerians, the
single-tax men, the voluntarians—we refer the
reader to the respective articles which treat of
them. Most individualists like Professor Hux-
ley condemn alike the dogmatism of Herbert
Spencer and the theories of the socialists. They
hold, with Professor Jevons. that in social re-
form ‘the first step is to throw aside all sup-
posed absolute rights or inflexible principles ;’’
they would not, at present at least, destroy the
State ; what is shown by experience that the
State can do better than the individual, that
they would have the State do; but they hold
that, fundamentally and eternally, all experience
teaches that primary reliance must be put on
industrial action; that what limits individual
initiation limits freedom ; that what weakens
individual responsibility weakens character,
and that therefore, in the words of President
E. B. Andrews, of Brown University : ‘In all
economic activity the presumption is in favor of
individual liberty and free competition,”’
References: A Plea for Liberty (P. Mackay, Ed.
1891); Wordsworth Donisthorpe’s /ndividualism -
System of Politics (1890); The Man versus the State (a
collection of articles by Herbert Spencer, and pub-
lished under that name, 1884); N. P. Gilman’s Soczad-
tsm and the American Spirit (1893); W. G. Sumner’s
What Social Classes Owe to Each Other (1883); W. H.
Mallock’s Classes and Masses; or, Wealth, Wages,
and Welfare in the United Kingdom (1896) ; Edward
Atkinson’s various articles; John Morley on Com-
promise; A, T. Hadley’s Economics, an Account of the
Relation Between Private Property and Public Wel-
‘are. See also ANARCHISM; SPENCER; SINGLE TAX;
‘REE TRADE; VOLUNTARYISM. For opposite views
to those in this article and for objections to Individu-
alism, see SOCIALISM. .
Revised by A, T. Haptey.
INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION.—We in-
clude under this general heading three subjects
which are distinct, altho continually confounded
in the public mind—trade education, technical
education, and manual training. We consider
them under one head, in order that,
by placing the subjects side by side,
the important differences between
them may be clearly brought out.
We commence with definitions.
Trade education is the preparing of craftsmen
for practical work in a particular trade, Tech-
nical education is the teaching of the sciences
in their practical application to the material in-
terests of man. A good trade school may be a
very poor technical school, while a good techni-
cal school is not of necessity a good trade school.
Manual training is different from either ; it is
instruction in the use of tools as a part of a com-
plete educational discipline. Trade schools seek
to turn out craftsmen ; technical schools seek to
turn out scientific specialists and professional
men, such as civil engineers, architects, etc. ;
manual training seeks to develop complete man-
hood and womanhood by developing dexterity
of hand as wellas head. We must consider the
three in their modern chronological develop-
ment.
Definitions,
I, TEcHNICAL SCHOOLS.
Science is modern ; scientific schools are there-
fore modern, When Count Rumford, in 1799,
Industrial Education.
founded the Royal Institution in London, he
aimed at making it a technical school. It orig-
inally contained a workshop for
blacksmiths and models of machin-
ery of all kinds, but it was fortu-
nately diverted into a laboratory
of research, developed by Davy,
Thomas Young, Faraday, Tyndall, Rayleigh.
The first really technical school seems to have
been the famous school of mines at Freiburg,
created by the demands of the region. The
Ecole Polytechnique was established in France
in 1794, primarily to train men for the engineer
and artillery corps of the French Army. The
Imperial Technical School at Moscow and the
Institute of Technology at St. Petersburg early
took high rank. England, always holding a
prominent place in science, was backward in
developing technical schools.
Germany and Switzerland have led in techni-
cal schools. Scientific high schools sprang up
for the training of men who might compete with
English engineers trained in the workshop.
The universities of 50 years ago did not meet
the case, and consequently each State did its
best to create technical institutions that would
doso. Magnificent polytechnics arose like the
Federal Polytechnic School at Zurich, the Poly-
technic Schools at Munich, Vienna, Stuttgart,
Dresden, Hanover, Aachen, the Technical High
School of Berlin, now the Charlottenburg Poly-
technic, the Polytechnic Schools of Delft and at
Moscow.
These schools cost $15,000,000 for building
and fittings, and their maintenance costs $1,000,-
ooo annually.
The Zurich Polytechnic was established by
the Swiss Confederation in 1854. It is one of
the finest in the world, and comprises seven
special schools: 1. Architecture, with a three
years’ course. 2. Civil engineering, three and
a half years’ course. 3. Mechanical engineer-
ing, three years’ course. 4. Chemical technol-
ogy, including pharmacy, three years’ course.
5. Agriculture and forestry, two and a half
years’. course. 6. Normal school for training
special science teachers. 7. Philosophical and
political science.
Further, a preliminary course is provided in
mathematics for those not yet prepared to enter
one of these schools. There are 200 courses of
lectures, 45 professors, and 13 assistant profes-
sors, besides tutors, curators, etc. The institu-
tion spends over $100,000 a year. A few years
ago the Federal Council voted to it $250,000 for
the extension of the chemical Jaboratories. The
cost to a student is $20 the half year and $10 for
laboratory practice, or about $60 per annum in
the chemical department for the full use of
these great opportunities.
In the United States, the Rensselaer Poly-
technic Institute at Troy, N. Y., was estab-
lished in 1824 to teach civil engineers, who till
then had to go to France to study.
Europe.
Th The growth of science led to the
United establishment of the Sheffield Sci-
States, entific School of Yale University
in 1847, the Lawrence Scientific
School of Harvard in 1848, and
the Chandler Scientific School of Dartmouth
in 1852, In 1862 Congress voted land grants to
725
Industrial Education..
the several States to enable them to build insti-
tutions for teaching agriculture and mechanics,
Most of the State universities established scien--
tific schools. Cornell became prominent for its.
scientific teaching. Washington University, at
St. Louis, organized its School of Engineering,
and Columbia College its School of Mines. The
Massachusetts Institute of Technology was char-
tered in 1861 and opened in 1865. The Worces-
ter (Mass.) Polytechnic Institute was opened in.
1867 ; the Stevens Institute followed in 1871 ;.
the Rose Polytechnic Institute, in Terre Haute,
Ind., in 1883; the Case School of Applied
Science, at Cleveland, in 1891. In most of these
schools there is a four-years’ course. Modern
languages are usually required for admission in
place of Greek and Latin. Language, history,
political economy are usually taught, besides
the higher mathematics and the various sci-
ences.
II. TRADE ScHOOLS
came after technical schools. They are modern
attempts to develop craftsmen in place of the
apprentice system, now all but gone. (See Ap-
PRENTICESHIP.) Here again Germany and Switz-
erland lead.
There are schools of a lower type called
‘real’? and ‘‘trade’’ schools. The course in
some is nine years, and these are called ‘' upper
real schools ;’’ in others six or seven years, and
these are called ‘‘ burgher’’ schools.
Prussia has building schools in Berlin, Nien-
burg, Eikernfdérde, Breslau, Héxtar, and Idstein.
There is a school for machine construction at
Eimbeck ; four weaving schools at Crefeld,
Mulheim, and Eimbeck; a trade school for
pottery at Hohr ; trade metal schools at Iserlohn
and Remsheid. There are trade continuation
schools for apprentices and. artisans under 18,
who can be compelled to attend, as their mas-.
ters are to grant them time to do so. In that
case the State pays half the cost. Agricultural
schools, etc., are also in operation.
Apprenticeship schools in Germany train.
workmen in pure and applied art and in practi-
cal work in the shop. They have spread over
Southern Germany and Austria
and all parts of Prussia. The
manufacturers demanded better
workers. Three years is the course,
in which the pupils are trained as
designers, modelers, wood-carvers,
molders, founders, turners and pressers, chasers,
engravers, gilders, and etchers. The number
of artisans attending the schools is increasing.
Chemnitz, Saxony, has a technical school for
chemists, a foremen’s school, a building school,
a drawing school, and a weaving school, A
technical knowledge of dyeing is required for
the exquisite work here produced.
The metallurgical school of Bochum, West-
phalia, is open only to workmen employed four
years in iron or engineering.
The Crefeld weaving school teaches drawing
and the loom ; painting from models, natural
plants, and flowers for printing and other
branches; machine drawing; fabrics decom-
posed ; original design ; unmounting and re
building power-looms, and forge work. It has
a museum of textile fabrics, and the Krautk
The
Continent..
Industrial Education.
collection of historical patterns. The dyeing
and finishing departments of the school are
complete.
The industrial art schools of Germany apply
art to manufactures more than those of France.
The Dresden school has revived old and estab-
lished new industries. It has departments of
designing, architecture, decorative painting,
ornament, figure drawing, art modeling, deco-
rative painting from the figure. It has 16,000
mounted patterns, 11,000 examples of embroi-
dery and lace, and a school museum containing
140,000 patterns of textile fabrics of all kinds
~ and ages.
The industrial art school of Vienna practises
carving, metal-chasing, and working in brass
and bronze.
The Royal School of Art Embroidery, Vienna,
is wholly technical. Girls from the primary
schools are carried forward to every kind of
fancy needlework and designing. There are
no fees save for foreigners.
Switzerland, for the size of the country, out-
does Germany and leads the world in trade
schools. She has the Technikum, at Winter-
thur; the general industrial school at Basel, 7
schools for industrial arts and drawing, 31 in-
dustrial drawing schools, 57 schools for profes-
sional improvement and working men’s schools,
2 wéaving schools, 7 watch-making schools, 8
workshops for apprentices, 2 wood-carving
schools, 5 female industrial schools, 13 industrial
museums, collections, etc.
Cheese and butter-making are taught at a
dairy station at Perolles (Fribourg), the dairy
school de la Rutti (Berne), and at a dairy school
at Sornthal (St. Gall).
France has many trade schools.
The Polytechnic Association was founded in
1830 by the graduates of the Polytechnic School
for the purpose of conducting preparatory
courses of industrial and technical training for
both sexes. Training is given in the cutting
and fitting of garments, decorative painting,
making of artificial flowers, and commercial
courses to young girls. The municipality of
Paris has been to the forefront in supplying
technical education for girls. Ithas undertaken
to fit every girl for domestic or business life who
applies at its schools, and without cost to the
pupil. Its écoles professtonelles ménagéres
number six, besides its ‘‘ commercial school.’’
On these schools alone £30,000 is spent annually.
Other special schools in France are: the School
of Telegraphy, for Goverrment employees ;
schools of manual apprenticeship ; higher schools
of commercial studies ; the National School of
the Industrial Arts at Roubaix, for practical and
theoretical study ef the manufacture of cloth;
the Ecole des Beaux-Arts at Paris ; the Acadé-
mie de France at Rome; the Ecole des Beaux-
Arts at Lyons ; the Ecole Nationale des Arts
Decoratifs at Paris; the National Professional
School at Vierzon; the Ecole Professionelle
Municipale of Rheims, to instruct youth in
manufactures and commerce; the Polytechnic
School at Paris ; the High School of Mines at
Paris ; the National School of Design for Young
Women at Paris ; the Limoges School of Deco-
rative Art ; schools attached to the national fac-
tories of Gobelins, Sévres, and Beauvais; a
726
Industrial Education.
school of fine arts at Toulouse ; aschool of master
workmen of mines at Calais ; a school of horti-
culture at Versailles; the Central School of
Arts and Manufactures in Paris.
There are also schools of arts and manufac-
tures at Aix, Angers, and Chalons ; two schools
of watch and clock-making ; weaving schools
at Nimes, Amiens, and St. Etienne ; several
lace-making schools ; a free school of political
science, with a remarkable and exhaustive pro-
gram of constitutional, legal, financial, and dip-
lomatic studies ; farm schools, agricultural col-
leges, and the Institut National Agronomique
at Paris. Voluntary agricultural schools are
active, and there are 12 State schools—vwzz.,
agriculture, 3; horticulture, 1; dairying, 1;
veterinary, 3; forestry, 2; and shepherds’
schools and bergeries, 2.
Belgium is prominent in trade instruction.
Her schools include :
1, Apprenticeship schools and ouvrozrs, or
workshop and school combined. These were
established as charities, and are diminishing in
number and importance.
2. Agricultural and horticultural schools, and
schools for training dairymaids.
3. Girls’ housekeeping schools, rapidly devel-
oping, over 250 having already been established.
4. Trade schools for girls, of which all the
principal cities now boast one or more.
5. Parochial trade schools, those of St. Luke
being the highest type.
6. Trade schools supported by guilds and
trade-unions, such as the brewers’ and tailors’
schools.
7. Trade schools having day classes and shop-
work. Their design is to fit for a trade and to
do away with the often misdirected drudgery of
apprenticeship. :
8. Large industrial schools, sometimes com-
bined with drawing schools, sometimes separate,
where classes are held in the evenings and on
Sundays and where the course is widely eclec-
tic.
g. Drawing schools, existing in every town of
any size in the kingdom.
io. Commercial schools, the most important
of which is at Antwerp, with the object to pre-
pare accountants, merchants, consular and com-
mercial agents for home and consular service.
11. Schools of industry and mines, highly sci-
entific in character.
In England, distinctive trade schools are not
many. She is working out industrial education
in other ways. Slow in establishing technical
schools, technical education is being
developed to-day in connection with
numerous institutions. In 1836 a
sum of £1500 ($7299.75) was voted
by Parliament for the encourage-
ment of art, with which trade and
navigation became associated. ‘The first scHfool
of design was opened at Somerset House with
12 pupils in 1837. Subsequently a sum of
410,000 ($48,665) was voted in aid of 14 schools,
and by this means art education was provided
for about 2250 pupils. In 1845 the Royal Col-
lege of Chemistry was established in Oxford
Street, London ; and in 1851 the Jermyn Street
Royal School of Mines was started. These in-
stitutions are now united under the title of the
Great
Britain,
Industrial Education.
Normal School of Science and Royal School of
Mines, at South Kensington.
Commencing about the year 1882, what has
been termed a technical education scare swept
over England, owing to the fear that Germany
was competing with increasing success for the
foreign trade of the world. This advantage was
believed to be due to her system of technical
instruction. As a result of this apprehension
concerning trade a great deal of attention was
given to the subject during succeeding years.
A royal commission was appointed by Parlia-
ment to inquire into the various technical and
trade schools on the Continent, with a special
view of reporting upon the effect the instruc-
tion given in these schools had upon the indus-
tries of the various countries in which they were
situated.
In London, Finsbury College was then the
only center, apart from the Polytechnic Young
Men’s Christian Institute, that gave evening
manual instruction ; and even at Finsbury the
number of real artisans in attendance was very
small.
By 1889 the art schools and classes, national
scholarships, etc., in local schools, received
438,500 ($187,360.25).
The total expenses incident to the conduct of
schools of science and of art in all parts of the
kingdom reached in 1889 the sum approximate-
ly of £154,000 ($749,441).
Some of the schools established by institutions
of learning as part of their educational system,
or by individuals or industrial associations to
advance particular interests, are as follows:
Technical School, Newcastle-upon-Tyne ; Dur-
ham College of Science, Newcastle-upon-Tyne ;
Owens College, Manchester; Yorkshire College,
Leeds ; Mason Science College, Birmingham ;
University College, Bristol; University College,
Nottingham; University College, Liverpool ;
University College, Dundee ; Glasgow and West
of Scotland Technical College ; University Col-
lege, Cardiff ; Sheffield Technical College.
Among schools established to advance local
industries may be included the Manchester
Technical School, Huddersfield Technical
School, and Leicester Technical School. There
are a large number of technical schools with
social features, the Regent Street Polytechnic
of London being the most notable example.
There are several which are still incomplete,
but which are doing excellent work. Among
these latter are the Finsbury Polytechnic Insti-
tute, the South Lambeth Institute, the Albert
Youth’s Institute, and the Woolwich Polytech-
nic.
In technical education, various bodies have
been active, such as the cooperative societies,
Some municipal technical schools have been
started, as at Rochdale and Manchester. Pri-
vate firms have established technical schools in
connection with their trades, as at Elswick,
Crewe, Manchester, Accrington, Oldham. The
technical colleges of Bradford and Leeds and
the Yorkshire college compare with the weaving
schools of Germany.
There is an intermediate technical college at
Finsbury (London) for systematic teaching of
boys from 14 to18. The evening classes here
in 1891 had over 1000 students. Its school of
727
agriculture, horticulture, veterinary
Industrial Education.
electrical engineering is of wide renown. Uni-
versity College and King College have numer-
ous technical and scientific classes. The Leather
Trades in Bethnal Green teach hand and ma-
‘chine work. Polytechnic institutes are spring-
ing up in all parts of London.
The People’s Palace schools are kept up by
the Drapers’ Company, and besides art and sci-
ence, the technology of building, bricklaying,
carpentry, plumbing, steam boiler design, ma-
chine construction, surveying, tailors’ cutting,
typography, etc., has been taught to hundreds
of students. Besides these there are the Batter-
sea Institute, the Borough Road Institute, the
Chelsea Institute, the Northwest London Insti-
tute, the North London Institute, the City Poly-
technic, and the Goldsmiths’ Institute.
There were, in 1892, no fewer than 200 sci-
ence schools in London, including day and
evening schools and schools of science attached
to elementary day schools. There are some
5000 students in the district schools of art in
London. Through the country the newly es-
tablished county councils are moving in the
way of technical educaiton.
In the United States, trade schools com-
menced with the New York trade schools,
founded by Robert T. Auchmuty in 1881. They
commenced as simply night schools
with 33 pupils, and in 1893 had 536.
Schools of a like nature have been The
established by the Philadelphia United
Master Builders’ Exchange and by States.
the Pratt Institute in Brooklyn.
At Waltham, Mass., there is a horo-
logical school. Philadelphia has a textile school.
In 1888 an artist artisan school was founded in
New York. Michigan has a mining school.
Through the country there are various mechanic
institutes, art schools, music schools and acade-
mies, etc. The agricultural college and cook-
ing schools are considered in separate articles.
In 1876 Professor J. D. Runkle, of the Massa-
chusetts Institute of Technology, saw M. Della
Vos’s exhibition of the Russian system at the
Philadelphia Exhibition, and on August 17,
1876, the department of the imstitute since
known as the School of Mechanic Arts was es-
tablished. The same step was taken a little
later (June 6, 1879) by Washington University
in St. Louis, at the suggestion of Professor
C. M. Woodward, of the engineering depart-
ment in that institution. These two examples
were soon followed by other scientific and tech-
nological schools in different parts of the
country. é
Parte University (Indiana) has schools in
science,
mechanical engineering, civil engineering, sci-
ence, industrial art, and pharmacy.
There are 12 business colleges in Illinois, 16
in Iowa, 16 in Massachusetts, 28 in New Jersey,
16 in Ohio, 19 in Pennsylvania. The business
college teaches how business is transacted in
large cities in banking, real estate, insurance,
and commercial houses. The students have to
keep and work a bank in all details. So with
other callings prepared for.
In the South, trade schools have been espe-
cially developed for the negroes. The John F.
Slater Fund distributes $45,000 annually among
Industrial Education.
negro schools in the South expressly to foster
hand training. Forty-four institutions received
this aid in 1888, two of them for medical stu-
dents. The Tuskegee Normal School enrolls
294 students, and requires all to work. The
school farm is of 600 acres, 475 acres in woods.
Its brickyard turned out 150,000 bricks in one
year. There is a carpenter’s shop and printing
office. All the buildings on the school grounds
have been erected by students’ labor.
III. Manuar TRAINING.
The thought of manual training as a part of
education is not a new one. It has been a
theme with educational writers from Luther
and Comenius down to the present
time. Rousseau would have Emile
Origin, learn a trade, that his pupil might
acquire a more valid title of nobil-
ity than any he might inherit from
ancestors. Pestalozzi resorted to manual train-
ing with the vagabond children he collected in
his schools, believing it to be one important
means of educating the poorer classes. Locke,
in writing of the education of gentlemen’s sons,
pointed out some practical advantages to be
gained from manual work by boys passing
through the usual course of book instruction ;
the chief of which were the promotion of bodily
health by physical exercise and the mental
relaxation brought about by change of employ-
ment. But Froebel (g.v.) took the first steps.
The realization of Froebel’s ideas in the kin-
dergarten has made his name well known.
What is not so well known 1s that to the influ-
ence of his writings is due the introduction of
handcraft in the elementary schools of Finland
and Sweden, where it is known as sléjd (sloyd),
and whence it has spread to Denmark, Bel-
gium, Germany, Austria, Switzerland, England,
and the United States.
Had Froebel been permitted to finish his
great work, The Education of Man, it is prob-
able that the education of boyhood and of youth
would have been worked out by him with the
same attention to details and the same practical
wisdom, but it was not until 1860 that a man of
sufficient courage and force appeared in Finland
and undertook to reconstruct the educational
system of his native land in accordance with the
principles of Pestalozzi and Froebel. This was
Uno Cygnaeus, of the Helsingfors Teachers’
Seminary, who, after long and diligent study
of Swiss and German educational authorities,
devised an advanced system of manual exer-
cises adapted to pupils beyond the kindergarten
age. This is sometimes called the Russian sys-
tem of tool instruction, tho the term Russian
system is now generally used to designate that
plan of applying to the mechanic arts the labora-
tory (workshop) method of instruction—a meth-
od which has revolutionized instruction in chem-
istry, physics, and other sciences within the last
40 years.
It was in the Imperial Technical School at
Moscow, Russia, in 1868, under its director
Victor della Vos, that this laboratory method of
instruction was first successfully applied to the
mechanic arts.
Manual training combined with ordinary
728
Industrial. Education.
school work was first completely worked out in
Sweden, commencing about 1876. There are
over 700 schools in Sweden in which sléjd* is
taught. The normal school for this instruction
is at Nadas, where a considerable number of
teachers of the system are trained. The prin-
ciples laid down are: (1) Voluntary attendance
at sléjd ; (2) sléjd work must be useful ; (3) not
fatiguing in tool exercises ; (4) varied ; (5) such
as can be done by pupils themselves ; (6) real
work, not play ;.(7) not articles of luxury ; (8)
the work becomes the property of the pupil ; (9)
the pupil must be able to do it ; (10) done with
exactness ; (11) neat and clean ; (12) thoughtful,
not merely mechanical ; (13) strengthening to
the body ; (14) develop sense of form ; (15) rich
in manipulative detail. Again, the teacher of
it should be the ordinary teacher, and he should
superintend the work, but not handle it. It should
begin at the eleventh year. Sldjd includes car-
pentry, turning, and wood-carving. Sldjd car-
pentry and trade carpentry differ. The former
is small work ; tools are different, and there is
no division of labor.
- From Sweden manual training ideas have
gone to all countries. Belgium was one of the
first to receive the ideas, and in different schools
commenced teaching needlework,
cooking, and woodwork. Germa-
ny is not remarkable for manual
training, but perhaps only because
she has somany technical and trade
schools. Yet in 1888 a German report on man-
ual training states that of independent school
workshops there were 67 in 62 places ; in teach-
ers’ seminaries, 12 in 12 places ; in private and
common schools, 12 in 12 places; in orphans’
homes, 15 in 14 places ; in boys’ homes, 44 in 21
places ; in reformatories, 10 in 10 places; in
asylums for feeble-minded, 2 in 2 places; in
blind asylums, 5 in 5 places ; in deaf and dumb
asylums, 7 in 7 places; in school workshops
with industrial object, 12 in 12 places—a total
of 186 school workshops in 120 places. The
training was in pasteboard-work, wood-carv-
ing, joinery, metal-work, and modeling. Nee-
dlework is now taught in many schools.
Switzerland, like Germany, is not so promi-
nent in manual training as in trade and techni-
cal schools, yet a good beginning has been
made. Manual training classes for boys exist-
ed in 1891 in the cantons Grisons, Saint Gall,
Appenzell, Thurgau, Schaffhausen, Zurich,
Aargau, Basel, Soleure, Berne, Neufchatel,
Freyburg, Vaud, Glarus, and Geneva, over one
half of the cantons.
Manual training for girls, such as needlework,
knitting, darning, mending, etc., has existed in
Switzerland for many years, and in most can-
tons it is considered as one of the most impor-
tant branches of study for girls. In nearly all
cantons this instruction is compulsory.
In France public education has been entirely
remodeled since 1880. The law of 1881 made
primary education absolutely free. The law of
1882 rendered attendance at school compulsory
for children between the ages of 6 and 13 years,
Europe.
* Sléjd has the same meaning as “sleight” in Eng-
Boer viz., dexterous feat or practice, only it is used of
workmanship, ,
Industrial Education.
and gave to instruction a purely secular char-
acter. The law of 1886 organized primary edu-
cation in-its various grades of infant schools
(known popularly as kindergartens). elementary
primary schools, advanced primary schools, and
schools of manual apprenticeship, as defined by
the law of 1880.
In the infant schools kindergarten work is the
rule. The elementary primary schools teach
hygiene and cleanliness, ethical training, gym-
nastic and military exercises, reading, penman-
ship, French language, history, geography,
civic instruction, arithmetic, geometry, elements
of physical and natural science, agriculture and
horticulture, and singing.
In Paris instruction in sewing has been given
to girls since 1867. In the advanced primary
schools in Paris, every school has a workshop
for manual work in wood and iron, and the
movement is spreading through the country.
Of the higher trade schools we have spoken
above.
In England the movement has a growing
hold. Among the most active agencies in fur-
thering the cause is the National Association for
the Promotion of Technical Education.
In 1887 the Drapers’ Company placed £1000
($4866.50) at the disposal of the City and Guilds
of London Institute for the promotion of manual
training. Through the efforts of the guilds the
school board established woodwork training in
six centers in various parts of London for select-
ed children from the board schools. The train-
ing beganin January, 1888. The pupils attend-
ed once a week for a whole morning or after-
noon, thus giving up one school attendance per
week for the manual training. The six cen-
ier thus provided for the instruction of 584 chil-
ren.
The experiment of the work has proved so
successful that since 1890 the Government has
carried on the work in board and lower grade
schools in London and the provinces.
Kindergarten work in infant schools is now
general, In the primary schools cooking and
laundry are now recognized. Many cities em-
ploy special technical teachers who go from
school to school giving science teaching in such
subjects as magnetism and electricity, physiol-
ogy, mathematics, hygiene, machine construc-
tion, or chemistry. Models, apparatus, and ex-
periments are freely employed, and the interest
of the scholars is kept at the highest point.
Each school tor older scholars receives a weekly
or fortnightly lesson.
In the United States, manual training isin
full swing. The Redfield (Maine) Wesleyan
School seems to have united literary and manual
training early in the century.
In 1867 Massachusetts citizens petitioned the
Legislature to introduce schools for drawing
free to all men, women, and children. In 1872
the State authorized by act of its
Legislature the teaching of agricul-
The United ture in a// public schools, the es-
States, tablishment of industrial schools,
and the teaching of navigation.
New Jersey moved in 1881. New
York State passed in 1888 an act authorizing the
industrial manual arts in the public and normal
schools. Pennsyivania followed in 1883.
729
Industrial Education.
In 1879 St. Louis éstablished the first manual
training school, tho experiments in classes had
previously been made in Massachusetts and
elsewhere. It wasnota trade school, but aimed
at complete education and arrested general at-
tention, and similar schools were organized in
Chicago (now apart of Chicago University), Bal-
timore, Toledo, Philadelphia, Cleveland, Cincin-
nati, Cambridge, Providence, Denver, and else-
where.
The Pratt Institute, founded in Brooklyn in
1887, endowed by Mr. Charles Pratt, is one of
the most complete in the country. It combines
trade, technical, and manual training schools,
and in 1894 had over 4ooo students. ‘There are
departments of commerce, agriculture, trades
of all kinds, library classes, and a department
of domestic art and science, one of the most
complete. Itdeserves special notice, including,
as it does, courses of instruction unique in the
combination of constant practical work with the
most thorough study of artistic and scientific
principles in their relations not only to good
housekeeping, but to homemaking, to the prep-
aration of clothing, of economical and whole-
some food, and to such knowledge of sanitary
and hygienic laws as will tend to secure com-
fortable and healthy homes at the least expense.
The property of the Pratt Institute is now valued
at over $4,000,000.
The Drexel Institute of Art, Science, and In-
dustry, at Philadelphia, is a new school of com-
plex character. Openedin September, 1892, its
work comprehends mechanic arts, business
stenography, typewriting, cookery, dress-mak-
ing, millinery, drawing, science, physical cul-
ture, science of all departments, art of all kinds,
electrical engineering, mechanics, ete. The
whole is the gift of Mr. Drexel, of Philadelphia.
The Armour Institute, in Chicago, founded in
1893, is on the same lines.
In all the schools the course of instruction for
the boys is substantially the same—vzz., join-
ery, wood.turning, wood-carving, pattern-mak-
ing, molding, casting, forging, chipping, filing
and machine-shop practice, together with draw-
ing and the book work of the ordinary high-
school course. From these schools manual
training has gone into the elementary schools.
Here Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York,
and New Jersey have led.
Wood-working has been adopted more or less
extensively in the grammar schools of Washing-
ton, D. C.; New Haven, Conn. ; St. Paul,
Minn.; Montclair, N. J.; New York City;
Jamestown, N. Y.; and of Boston, Brookline,
Springfield, Northampton, Waltham, and Salem
in Massachusetts. It is also to be noted that
the lively demand for good sléjd teachers indi-
cates a widespread interest in the subject.
There are several State normal schools which,
like that at New Britain, Conn., have adopted
wood-working, not only that their pupils may
understand the principles of manual training
as amethod in education, but also acquire the
skill to construct the simple apparatus they may
afterward need in their teaching. The kinder-
garten had entered the schools Fate before (see
KINDERGARTEN) for girls.
The first branch of industrial education which
found a place in the schools of Boston was sew-
Industrial Education.
ing for girls. As early as 1835 the girls of the
second and third classes of the grammar schools
were instructed in sewing and knitting by their
regular teachers one hour a day. In 1854 a
petition was presented to the school committee
by a large number of Boston women, which
resulted in the establishment of sewing for all
fourth-class grammar-school girls, two hours a
week, under the instruction of a special teacher
for each school.
In Winchester, in 1873, a teacher was ap-
pointed for every class, teaching the highest
classes to cut and fit their own dresses, In
1876, instruction in sewing, two hours a week,
to the three lower classes in the grammar school,
was established by the school committee. Since
that year it has increased steadily in efficiency
in all the schools. Classes in sewing for boys
have been started. Cooking was first taught
in the public schools in 1880. (See COOKING
ScHoots.) Vacation industrial schools are or-
ganized in several places.
IV. Economic BEARING,
Industrial education to-day everybody believes
in. The development of the body is recog-
‘nized as a vital part of education (g.v.). Social-
ists, individualists, radicals, and conservatives,
all are agreed to-day that industrial education
should be carried to a far degree.
But there is a difference of opinion as to what
form this industrial education should take.
Working men and many not working men favor
technical schools and general manual training,
but oppose trade schools. Speaking of manual
training, in an address before the Social Science
Association, in 1884, General Walker says: “It is
not so much the creation and endowment of sepa-
rate schools of this character which isin view, as
the gradual conversion of all the existing
schools of the land to this use through the graft-
ing of certain studies and exercises upon the
traditional curriculum.”’
This is what working men desire.
Says Mr. George E. McNeill (Report of Mas-
sachusetts Commission on Manual Training,
Part III.) :
“The manual training school is a necessary substi-
tute ior part of that which has been lost to the children
of to-day. ...
_ The Patan? sneered at by the dilettante liberal-
ists of to-day, was a hard man—hard to contend with,
whether in the field of productive labor or destructive
war, in religious argument or political debate. He
was the best equipped man of his time. As popula-
tions increased and industries became more diversi-
fied, his adaptability was extended.
‘‘Every home had its Bible, its library, musket, and
tool chest... .
‘CA boy of r2 years of age who could not use the touls
required for the manual training school of to-day was
held to be below par. ... :
““In the crisis of the Union, men were found in the
ranks of the New England volunteers who could do
any kind and all kinds of work, and doit well... .
The wage-worker of to-day, whether a hand tool
or a steam or electric tool worker, is less and less re-
quired to depend upon himself in his work ; his oppor-
tunities of development in his work are limited, as
compared to CHOSE of former times. ...
andicraft, as a means by which
mankind can earn a living, ae ie eres
aacoinee atl fe ‘
earning a trade is like learning a dead la
eee as an ecoptpisiment, but “peleas as on eee
ent, save as it interprets a past isci-
plines the learner. . . . pe ce ey ee er
is being replaced by
73°
Ingram, John Kells.
“The plain men, labor reformers, who studied the
industrial conditions and the evolutionary processes
of development, foresaw that adaptability and avail-
ability were worth more than skilled ability. They
were among the first to advocate and demand the
kindergarten and the school of technology. They
wrote, lectured, and petitioned that the school should
be the place of resistance to the Sen orale influ-
ences of the rapidly decaying industrial and social
system, and a source of persistenee in the direction of
the moralizing influences of enlightened civilization.
“That some working men should oppose the exten-
sion of school work to primary preparation for manual
pursuits was to be expected. Men whose occupations
are their life must needs be jealous of everything that
tends to increase competition. They know by instinct,
if not by experience, that wages, under the pressure of
competition with other laborers in the same craft
will, like water, seek its lowest outlet ; and they fee.
that resistance to lower wages, like resistance to
tyranny, is obedience to God... . é
“Our public schools are for the training of citizens,
not mechanics, merchants, lawyers, or the other pro-
fessions; and the youth is not correctly trained who
enters upon the duties of citizenship with contempt
for manual pursuits.”
This quotation perhaps indicates the position
occupied by the more intelligent working men
of the world. They honor labor, and believe
that all men should labor. They would have
manual training taught to everybody, but they
fear trade schools. Trade schools which, in
their opinion, turn out d@2/e¢tante workmen, feel-
ing themselves superior to ‘‘ ordinary’’ work-
men, and refusing to develop the necessary
trade-unions (see TRADE-Unions), they fear and
oppose. They do not oppose good workmen,
but they do not believe that trade schools are
the place to produce real effective craftsmen.
They argue that American and English me-
chanics who lead the world were not taught in
trade schools, but in the workshop.
They would have in place of trade schools
schools of technology, for the study and teach-
ing of science and manual training for every-
body, giving boys and girls that general adap-
tability to fit them to enter any trade workshop
and become skilled craftsmen. On the other
hand, many people regret the rule of machinery,
and believe we need, besides the teaching of
the workshop, where money alone rules, the
teaching of trade schools, as in Europe, to teach
hand-carving, artistic weaving, pottery-making,
and good work of every kind. (For the ques-
tion whether industrial education should be in
the hands of the State or private individuals,
see EpucaTIon ; SoclaLisM ; INDIVIDUALISM.)
References: Report on Industrial Education of the
United States Commission of Labor (B92) ; Report of
Massachusetts Commission on Manual Training and
Industrial Education; Technical Education at Home
and Abroad, a paper by J. Hirst Hollowell in the Co-
operative Annual,
INEBRIATE ASYLUMS..
ANCE.
INGRAM, JOHN KELLS, was born iu
Donegal, Ireland, in 1823. He was educated at
Newry School, and at Trinity College, Dublin,
where he was successively scholar, Fellow, Pro-
fessor of Oratory and English Literature, Re-
gius Professor of Greek, and Librarian. In 1878
he became president of the Statistical Society of
the British Association, when his address in that
capacity on The Present Position and Pros-
pects of Political Economy attracted much at-
tention. He is the author of the article on
See TEMPER-
Ingram, John Kells.
Political Economy in the Eucyclopedia Bre-
fannica (9th ed.), and also contributed the
article on Slavery, as well as biographical
notes on many of the political economists. Both
of these articles have since been published with
slight enlargement in book form as 4 Hzstory
of Political Economy (1888) and A History
of Slavery and Serfdom (1895).
INHERITANCE TAX.—A tax on those
acquiring property by inheritance or will ; some-
times levied only on collateral relatives or stran-
gers, and then commonly called a collateral in-
heritance tax. Itis a tax that has been widely
tried.
Says Mr. Max West, in the Review of Re-
wiews for February, 1893 :
“Prom the standpoint of political economy, as well
asof law, the inheritance tax may be regarded either
asa tax or as a limitation of inheritance. For at least
acentury, economists and statesmen have been point-
ing out glaring anachronisms in the existing law of
inheritance. Jeremy Bentham proposed to abolish
intefstate inheritance except in the case of immediate
relatives, and to limit the power of bequest of child-
less testators. John Stuart Mill went further, and
proposed to limit absolutely the amount which any
one should be allowed to take either by inheritance or
bequest. The existing laws make it easy to forget
that inheritance and bequest are not natural rights,
nor even necessary consequences of the right of pri-
vate property; and to many these proposals of Ben-
tham and Millseem almost communistic utterances,
Yet no one has ever been able to give a good reason for
the operation of intestate inheritance in modern times
Between distant relatives—relatives so distant that
they know and care nothing of one another. As for
Mill’s proposal to set a limit to the amount of inher-
itances and bequests, it has within a few years been re-
vived in so conservative a body as the Illinois Bar As-
sociation, and a bill for the purpose was introduced in
the Illinois Legislature in 1887.
“The limitation of inheritance by means of a pro-
gressive inheritance tax is advocated alike in the writ-
ings of one of America’s most talked-of millionaires
on the one hand and in the platform of the Knights of
Labor and the organ of the nationalists on the other.
Andrew Carnegie and Edward Bellamy agree per-
fectly in this matter; both would like to see an in-
heritance tax rising as high as 50 per cent. in the case
of multimillionaires. Four years ago Mr. Carnegie
wrote as follows: ‘Of all forms of taxation this seems
the wisest. Men who continue hoarding great sums
all their lives, the proper use of which for public ends
would work good to the community, should be made
to feel that the community, in the form of the State,
cannot be deprived of its just share. By taxing es-
tates heavily at death the State marks its condemna-
tion of the selfish millionaire’s unworthy life.’
“Collateral inheritances alone are now taxed in
Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware, West Virginia,
Connecticut, Massachusetts, and New Jersey, and
they have at various times been taxable in several
other States. The tax has existed in Pennsylvania
since 1826, in Maryland since 1844, and in Delaware
since 1869. In the other States it is of more recent
date; Massachusetts adopted it in 1891 and New Jer-
sey only last spring. Therate is in most cases 5 per
cent., but in Maryland and West Virginia itis 2% per
cent. and in Delaware it varies from x per cent. for
brothers and sisters to 5 per cent. for distant relatives.
Bequests for charitable and educational purposes are
generally exempt, as well as small amounts in other
cases. ...
“The ‘duties on estates of deceased persons’ form
one of the chief sources of revenue in Australasia.
The rates are progressive in most of the colonies; in
Victoria the maximum is 1o per cent., applying to es-
tates of more than £100,000. The widow and children
pay one half the schedule rates. In New South Wales
the maximum is 5 per cent., and no favor is shown the
direct heirs. In South Australia, on the other hand,
the succession duty is graduated from 1 to 10 per cent.,
according to relationship alone ; and there isa probate
duty in addition. Until recently the highest rate in
Australasia hag been the 13 per cent. maximum of
New Zealand; but by an act of last October Queens-
land now takes 20 per cent, of large amounts be-
731
Inheritance Tax.
queathed to persons not related to the testator. Tas-
mania has a slightly progressive tax, levied on per-
sonalty alone.
“ At the Cape of Good Hope the inheritance tax was
introduced nearly 30 years ago. The rates are from
x to 5 per cent., according to relationship.
“The United Kingdom has a complicated system of
‘death duties,’ as Mr. Gladstone has named them,
known separately as the probate, account, legacy, suc-
cession, and other duties. The probate duty, which
must be paid before the estate can be settled, and the
account duty on gifts, which, strictly speaking, is not
a death duty at all, apply to personalty alone, and the
rates approximate 3 per cent. The legacy duty on
personal property and the succession duty on realty
and settled personalty are graduated according to
relationship. The estate duty is an additional 1 per
cent. tax on property amounting to £10,000 or more ; so
that its effect is to make the death duties slightl
progressive. There is an annual tax in lieu of deat
duties or corporations. A municipal death duty for
London is a possibility of the future.
“The heaviest inheritance taxes on the continent
are levied in Switzerland. In Geneva distant rela-
tives pay 15 per cent. In six cantons the rates are
progressive. When there is no will, the little canton
of Uri taxes distant relatives 20 per cent., and even
more on the excess above 10,000 francs.
“In Germany the Erbschaftssteuer nowhere applies
to direct heirsexcept in Alsace-Lorraine. Herr Miquel
tried to extend the Prussian tax to direct heirs in 1890,
but failed. The rates in Prussia are from 1 to 8 per
cent., according to relationship.
“The French law taxes the gross value of the prop-
erty, without allowing deduction for debts—an un-
usual feature, which has caused much dissatisfaction.
The maximum rate is 1144 per cent.
“ Austria, Italy, Spain, Belgium, Holland, Denmark,
Norway, Russia, Poland, Roumania, Monaco, all have
inheritance taxes... .
“The tax has been found to be quite satisfactory in
its practical operation and productive of very consid-
erable revenues. It has not driven away capital, be-
cause men would rather pay their taxes after death
than at any other time. ft is difficult to evade, and
the cost of collection is not heavy. In New York es-
pecially it has become one of the prin-
cipal modes of taxation. For the three
years before the New York tax was ex- In Practice,
tended to direct inheritances, the aver-
age yield was more than $1,000,000—far
more than the State tax on personal property and
nearly as much as the corporation tax; and in the fis-
cal year 1892, with the new law partly in operation,
the payments amounted to nearly $2,000,000. In Penn-
sylvania the collateral inheritance tax yields about
$1,000,000 annually.”
Of the objections to the tax, Mr. West says
(Political Sczence Quarterly, vol. viii., p. 441) :
“The classical objection to the inheritance tax,
urged by Adam Smith and Ricardo, is that it is a tax
on capital. This objection has also been applied to
the property, tax; but the inheritance tax is perhaps
more likely to be paid out of capital than an annual
roperty tax. It has been pointed out, however, by
Map and more recently by Leroy-Beaulieu, that wheth-
era tax will be paid out of capitai or out of income
depends not so much upon the mode of taxation as
upon the amount of the tax and the time allowed for
ayment. And evenif the tax is paid out of capital
ina given case, it does not follow that there will be
any diminution of the national capital. Over against
the objection that the tax will be paid out of capital
there are two counter arguments: first, that being
levied only when the taxpayer has just received a
mass of property, it is easily and conveniently paid;
and second, that by diminishing large fortunes it tends
to bring about a more equitable distribution of wealth.
This second argument will of course apply only when
the tax is progressive, or when small amounts are ex-
empt.
‘“Adam Smith also charged the inheritance tax with
violating his canon of equality, ‘the frequency of
transference not being always equal in property of
equal value.’ It has been suggested that this cause of
inequality will operate in the long run between fami-
lies, because of hereditary differences in longevity.
This objection can be sustained only by regarding the
inheritance tax as a property tax paid once in a life-
time. If the tax is considered as a limitation of in-
heritance, or as a fee, or as a tax resting upon the
Inheritance Tax.
increased taxpaying ability of the heir, there is no
inequality in exacting it as often as the devolution
occurs. ...
“The courts have frequently attempted to define the
nature of inheritance taxes, but their deliverances on
the subject do not agree. The United States Supreme
Court decided that a tax which Louisiana formerly
levied on foreign heirs was an exercise of the State’s
ower of regulating inheritance and bequest....
nheritance tax laws have been declared unconstitu-
tional for particular reasons in Minnesota and Wis-
consin, and in New Hampshire this mode of taxation
was declared to be unequal and unjust. New Hamp-
shire is the only State in which it has been held to be
unconstitutional for reasons which apply toinheritance
taxes in general ; and it has often been declared not
to conflict with the requirements of equality and uni-
formity.”
References: See TAXATION.
INITIATIVE. See REFERENDUM.
INJUNCTIONS.—An injunction may be
defined in law as an order by a court possessing
equitable powers, commanding a designated
person or designated persons to desist from some
action commenced or proposed, to restore to
its former condition something which has been
interfered with or violated, or to perform certain
acts. Only recently, however, in English and
American jurisprudence have injunctions been
mandatory. Until now they have been simply
used in restraint of action. In Roman law,
however, whence they have come into modern
jurisprudence direct, they were mandatory, and
were extensively used, but called interdicts.
They were issued by the pretor and other mag-
istrates, and afforded large powers of compel-
ling or preventing action, giving Roman law
great practical and all but imperial efficacy.
Recently they have been used in America in
ways and to a degree which some consider revo-
lutionary, as giving to courts of equity powers
all but or quite imperial and destroying the im-
memorial Anglo-Saxon rights of trial by jury.
This is, however, both strongly asserted and
denied. (For a review of the facts concerning
the recent use of injunctions, see ComBINATION
Laws.) We give here two careful views, one
supporting, the other condemning the recent
extension of the injunction. In the Forum for
May, 1893, Mr. A. F. Waiker says:
“Four extremely interesting opinions concerning
the rights and obligations of working men have re-
cently been rendered by Judges Taft, Ricks, Speer
and Billings, sitting in various divisions
. of the United States Circuit Court.
Conservative Newspaper comment upon these deci-
View. sions has been quite misleading, being
often apparently based upon conjecture
7 _ rather than actual knowledge concern-
ing the points decided. Their scope and extent may
be briefly summarized as follows: Judge Ricks holds
that a mandatory injunction may issue requiring
employees fully to perform their duties connected with
interstate commerce, so long as they remain in service.
Judge Taft rules that acts tending to induce a boycott
which would interrupt the movement of interstate
commerce may be prevented and corrected by like
process, Judge Billings affirms the propriety of an
injunction against a combination of laborers acting in
restraint of trade crcommerce. Judge Speer approves
a receiver's contract for labor, but makes it subject
to conditions which eliminate the boycott.
“Each of these decisions rests upon the federal
control of interstate commerce, as expressed in the
Interstate Commerce law and the Anti-Trust law.
The novelty in each is in the remedy employed. Ille-
gal acts of the nature in question have heretofore been
approached judicially in actions at law or by indict-
ment. In the fourth section of the Anti Trust law
jurisdiction by injunction is specifically conferred.
The Interstate Commerce act contains no such affirm-
732
Injunctions.
ative provision. Judge Ricks recognizes the fact that
his use of the process is uew, and says:
“«Every just order or rule known to equity courts
was born of some emergency to meet some new con-
dition, and was therefore in its time without a pre-
cedent.’ _ :
“He refers to two mandatory injunctions recently
issued, one compelling the Union Pacific Railway Com-
pany to permit certain other companies to use the
Omaha bridge, under a continuing contract previ-
ously made between them to that end; and the other
compelling the Wabash Railroad Company to permit
another company to use certain tracks and facilities at
St. Louis under a similar contract. In the latter case
it was said by the Supreme Court of the United States.
(Justice Blatchford) as follows:
“*Tt is one of the most useful functions of a court of
equity that its methods of procedure are capable of
being made such as to accommodate themselves to the
development of the interests of the public, in the prog-
gress of trade and traffic, by new methods of inter-
course and transportation.’ ...
“The original office of the injunction was negative
rather than affirmative ; to restrain, not to command.
The text-books abound in authorities to the effect that.
equity will not enforce the specific performance of a
contract; will not interfere to prevent a crime; will
not enjoin acts for which a remedy at law exists.
‘‘ While practitioners of the old school are somewhat
aghast at the enlargement of equity jurisdiction upon
which the Federal courts have of late so distinctly
entered, there is much to be said in support of its pro-
priety. Other remedies are exceedingly inadequate,
often involving innumerable suits at law; contracts
not performed are practically valueless ; damages are
often difficult to assess, and impossible to collect ; in-
solvency has always been considered as presenting an
exceptional case ; crimes which invade private rights
have at times been prevented by injunction; the
power in question rests upon the thought expressed
by Judge Brewer in the Nebraska case above referred
to, where he said:
“«T believe most thoroughly that the powers of a
court of equity are as vast and its processes and pro-
cedure as elastic as all the anaes emergencies of
increasingly complex business relations and the pro-
tection of rights can demand.’... 2
“This use of the writ of injunction will afford a
speedy and effective solvent for many evils which
hitherto have been permitted to run their course. It
may at times operate in favor of the laboring classes
as well as against them, for the lockout must be sub-
ject to like rules with the strike. It will often prevent
the necessity of military intervention to repress ex-
cesses and disorders, The law forbids the boards of
directors of a railroad company from wantonly inter-
fering with the rights of connecting lines; this prin-
ciple is now extended to employees and their organi-
zations; a corporation can act only through agents, and
none of the agents or employees are above the law.
Our people are occasionally surprised at the sudden
- development of a new situation in the law or in its ad-
ministration, but they immediately adapt themselves.
to the changed conditions, and the wheels of trade and
commerce revolve with less friction than before.
“Contests over wages and terms of service will
always exist, until human nature is revolutionized, or
the Government is sufficiently paternalized to take.
charge of the subject of wages generally. But the
public is entitled to minimize these evils so far as prac-
ticable, and to confine the contest to the actual parties,.
to prevent interference with the rights of others, and
to restrict the contestants to the exercise of their own
lawful rights, restraining all illegitimate excesses.
“To this end the process of injunction is peculiarly
adapted, and when it is exercised with the care and
- self-restraint exhibited by the judges whose decisions.
have been analyzed there can be no danger in its use.
“The questions of legal right covered by the cases
present nothing new. Their application to interstate
commerce gives jurisdiction to the Federal Courts.
This opportunity is of recent origin, being consequent.
upon recent statutes enacted under the constitutional
power of Congress ‘to regulate commerce among the
several States.’ It has always been the legal obliga-
tion of employees to perform fully their contract of
service, whether by the year, month’or day, and of
employers to pay compensation for the term agreed
upon ; employees are legally responsible to employers
for the results of their negligent acts and wilful
- omissions, and employers are in turn responsible to
them for the furnishing of safe and sufficient machinery
and working room; both are subject to the rule that.
one’s own property (or rights) must be so used that.
Injunctions.
others be not unnecessarily injured; and both are
within the law which condemns conspiracies and com-
binations to oppress,
“The only extension or enlargement perceptible in
the recent cases is in the use of the mandatory injunc-
tion for the enforcement of well-known rights and ob-
ligations; this is supported by precedents in other
directions and can be employed without objection, be-
ing wholly in the direction of the preservation of per-
sonal rights and the protection of public interests.”
On the other hand, Mr. F. J. Stimson, in an
address delivered before the Young Men’s Dein-
ocratic Club of Massachusetts, and published
in the Polztecal Sczence Quarterly tor June,
1895, Says:
“ What are the facts? Briefly these:
“We have seen, in private lawsuits between indi-
viduals or corporations, courts of equity—civil, not
criminal courts—invoked to restrain, not alone parties
to the suits, but anybody, the whole world, with or
without actual notice of a court order or injunction,
not merely from interfering with property which is the
subject of the suits, but also from committing or con-
spiring to commit, or aiding or advising others -to
commit, acts which are criminal ; and sometimes only
on the ground that they are criminal acts—criminal at
common law, or made So by the recent statutes known
as the Anti-Trust Law and the Interstate Commerce
Law. We have seen more: we have seen persons
comniitting, or about to commit, or said to be about
to commit, such acts, arrested by these civil courts,
deprived of their liberty and punished by imprison-
ment; and this, as in the Debs case and others, after
the emergency which furnished the excuse for invok-
ing the protective jurisdiction of the equity court has
long gone by. And we have seen persons so punished
without the usual safeguards of liberty afforded by
the criminal law—without indictment, without right
to counsel, without being confronted ‘with witnesses,
without trial by jury—and sentenced without uniform
statute, at the discretion of the judge.
‘““We have seen more: we have seen courts, not con-
tent with ordering all the world what not to do, order
at a word the 10,000 or 20,000 employees of a railroad
system to carry out each and every the definite or in-
definite duties of their employment as directed by any
of their superior officers, or by receivers of the courts
themselves, so that for any failure or omission or
merely negative act on the part of one of these em-
ployees, he may be summarily brought into court and
pons either at that time or later, as the court may
nd leisure tofsentence or its attorneys to file com-
plaints. Take one example of inany, Judge Ross, in
the case of the Southern California Railroad vs. Ruth-
erfotd, where the bill alleged that the defendants con-
tinued in the employment of the complainant com-
pany, and yet refused to perform their regular and
accustomed duties as such employees, said:
“*Tt is manifest that for this state of affairs the law—
neither civil nor criminal—affords an adequate reme-
dy. But the proud boast of equity is: Uz jus, bz
remedium. It is the maxim which forms the root of
all equitable decisions. Why should not men who re-
main in the employment of another perform the duties
they contract and engage to perform? It is certainly
just and right that they should do so, or else quit the
employment. (And in conclusion,] I shall award an
injunction requiring the defendants to perform all of
their regular and accustomed duties so long as they
remain in the employment of the complainant com-
pany, which injunction, it may be as well to state, will
be strictly and rigidly enforced.’
“We have seen yet more. By the act of 1890, com-
monly known as the Anti-Trust Law, it is declared
that ‘every contract, combination in the form of
trust or otherwise, or conspiracy in restraint of trade
ort commerce among the several States,’ 1s illegal ; and
by the fourth section, the attorney-general, or any
district attorney, upon the information of ,any. in-
dividual, is authorized to institute proceedings in
equity, in the name of the United States, to pre-
vent and restrain vielations of the act.
Futhermore, by the Interstate Com-
merce Act of 1887 itis made a criminal
offense for railroads, their officers or
employees, to refuse to perform their
duties as common carriers, and to re-
fuse to receive the cars and passengers
of other railroads or companies ; asa result of this a
strike of such employees becomes in effect also a con-
spiracy against interstate commerce,
Radical
Views.
733
Injunctions.
“he first attempt to enforce the Anti-Trust Law
“was made in a case here in Boston, before Judge Put-
nam of the federal court. Judge Putnam wisely re-
fused to extend the meaning of this act beyond its ex-
pressed words, and said: ‘It is not to be presumed
that Congress intended to extend the jurisdiction of
the courts of the United States to repressing strikes
and boycotts, without very clear language.’ If the
courts had stopped there, there would be little need
for this address, But since then what changes have
happened !
“The Attorney-General of the United States, or his
district attorneys, acting for the United States in the
exercise of its sovereignty as a nation, has sued out
injunctions in nearly every large city west of the
Allegheny Mountains. Injunction writs have covered
the sides of cars; deputy marshals and federal sol-
diers have patrolled railway yards; chancery process
has been executed by bullets and bayonets. Equity
jurisdiction has passed from the theory of public
rights to the domain of political prerogative. In 1888
the basis of jurisdiction was the protection of the pri-
vate right of civil property ; in 1893, it was the preser-
vation of public rights ; in-1894, it has become the en-
forcement of political powers.
From being applied to parties to a suit, the process
of contempt has come to be applied to large bodies of
men who may never have heard of the suit which gave
it rise. For instance, the Chicago ‘omnibus bill’ of
last summer was filed to prevent interference with 23
great railroad systems, and the injunction issued not
only against several members of the American Rail-
way Union by name, but against as many thousands
unnamed; and, to prevent a possible confusion of
identity in the defendants, it was further directed to
‘all other persons whomscoever.’
“The history of jurisprudence surely furnishes no
precedent in which the chancery has called out the
military in aid of aninjunction writ.... The public
‘anxiety has some legal ground. Briefly, the objec-
tions are three:
“a. This course of things does away with the crimi-
nal law and its safeguards of indictment, proof by
witnesses, jury trial, and a fixed and uniform punish-
ment. Most of these offenses might well have been
the subject of criminal prosecution; and the bill of
rights of our constitution says that in all criminal
prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right toa
speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the
State and district wherein the crime shall have been
committed ; to be informed of the nature and cause of
the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses
against him; to have compulsory process for obtain-
ing witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance
of counsel for his defense. 7
“2. It makes the courts no longer judicial, but a
part (and it bids fair to be a most important part) of
the executive branch of Government. More briefly
and picturesquely: the federal courts may thus grow
into mere star-chambers and run the country—as they
already run nearly half the railroads,
“3. It tends to make our judiciary either tyrannical
or contemptible. If we do not fall under a tyranny,
such as might have existed in the England of Charles
I. or such as does exist in the South America of to-
day, we shall fall into the almost worse plight of find-
ing an injunction of our highest courts a mere bru‘um
fulmen—an empty threat, a jest and a byword ; so that
through their own contempt process the courts them-
selves will be brought into contempt. ...
“There is nothing new under the sun. ... In1382
the commons complained to the king of grievous
oppressions caused by the power of great barons,
who rendered the remedies of the common-law courts
of no avail. Accordingly the judges of these courts
themselves were placed under the special supervision
of the chancellor, and the chancellor began to exer-
cise his authority in repressing disorderly obstruc-
tions to the gout se of law, and in affording civil reme-
dy in cases of outrage which for any reason whatever
cQld not be effectually redressed through the ordi-
nary tribunals. Thereupon, however, the commons
took great umbrage at the exercise of such authority .
on the part of the chancellor, claiming that his juris-
diction was an interference with the common law ;
but the king persevered, stating that he would pre-
serve his prerogative; and a resort to the chancellor
under his ordinary jurisdiction was thus secured for
the poor, the weak and the friendless, to protect them
from the injuries to which they were exposed. . . .
Even the court of Star Chamber had originally a sim-
ilar jurisdiction, and it was first used to prevent cases
of oppression and other exorbitant offenses of great
men, where, as Lord Coke says, inferior judges would,
Injunctions.
in respect to the greatness of the offenders, be afraid
to take jurisdiction. ... a
“The court of Star Chamber, as Spence explains,
was perverted from its original purposes; and having
become odious by the tyrannical exercise of its pow-
ers, it was abolished by statute in the time of Charles
L, just before the Commonwealth wasestablished....
“So far, history. And I think you will say it has but
repeated itself. Are we to go back? Have liberty
and property again grown so insecure under the com-
mon law that the extraordinary power of the sovereign
acting through his chancellor—that is, of the United
States Government acting through its equity courts—
is again to be invoked? And will the federal govern-
ment, stretching to the last point of prerogative the
phrase of the Constitution giving it power to regulate
commerce among the several States—for the meaning
of those simple words has grown, from the mere pro-
hibition of imposts and interstate duties or taxes upon
the carrier, to the control of the reward of the carrier ;
and from that (as the United States Labor Com-
missioner demands), to the wages of the carrier’s ser-
vants; and from that, to criminal juris-
diction over all persons concerned in
transportation; and from that, now, to
an executive ordering of the whole busi-
ness by the federal courts—will the
federal Government, through its courts
or the statutes of Congress, reply to popular criticism
as did King Richard II. in 1382 to the Commons: The
sovereign will preserve his prerogative?
. “Before suggesting remedies, I want to call to mind
again the fact that the revival of these old equity
powers has been caused chiefly by one particular law,
passed by the Congress of the United States four
years since supposedly in the interest of the people
and of the laborer, and known as the Anti-Trust Law.
A striking example this of the danger of extraordi-
nary legislation, whether demanded by the masses or
by the classes! I agree with Mr. Wright that, if this
goes on, the nation will have to own and run the rail-
roads in theory as well as in fact; and Democrats at
least should not believe that this is any part of the
duties of our national government. Nor dol think the
- machinery of any true democratic government is
arbitrary and tyrannical enough to stand such a
strain,
“Leaving out the question of this Anti-Trust Law
and its provisions, and the Interstate Commerce Law,
which, on one short clause in the Constitution of the
United States that ‘Congress shall have power to
regulate commerce among the several States,’ hang
all this extraordinary jurisdiction and law-making—
leaving aside these two radical and extraordinary
statutes, it seems as if the question we have asked
might be thus solved:
_ “x Let the courts of equity go back to their proper
jurisdiction as civil courts. ...
‘‘2, Let no person be punished in anequity action for
contempt not committed in presence of the court, un-
less he is a party to the suit, or the servant or agent
of a party, or has been personally served with a copy
of the injunction order. ...
‘3. In any case where both a crime'and an infringe-
ment of a property right are involved, the injunction
will have to issue as to the property right, and be
valid as a concurrent remedy with the criminal proc-
ess; but let not ex fost facto punishment be inflicted
where there is a criminal penalty.... It would be
easy to provide that the finding of a judge in the con-
tempt process should take effect as the presentment
of a grand jury. Then Debs, or any other person
complained of, could be at once handed over to an
ordinary officer of the criminal courts, to be locked
up or bailed until the time of trial, then to be tried by
a jury of 12 men, and, if found guilty, to be sentenced
as a criminal, according to the law of the land and the
Constitution of the United States.”
INNER MISSION.—The so-called Inner
Mission of Germany originated in a Memorzal
to the German Nation, written in 1848 by Pas-
tor Wichern. This: was a passionate appeal to
turn the energy of the Church toward every so-
cialneed. It argued that the causes of all suf-
fering are moral; that the Gospel is the only
cure, but that the Gospel must be applied to ail
life. As a result,a very great movement has
resulted, the Protestant Christian Socialism
(7.v.) of Germany mainly developing on this
Remedies.
734
Institutional Churches.
line. Houses of Brothers (16) and of Sisters (63)
have been established to train workers. In
1890 they had an income of nearly $2,000,000.
Agencies for reform of all kinds have been es-
tablished—444 lodging-houses (Aerberge) have
been opened, 5900 schools for Sunday (tho not
called Sunday-schools), 2209 schools for the care
of children, 25 asylums for fallen women, 42
day nurseries, 588 houses for the sick, 426 homes
for travelers. Labor bureaus and_boys’ clubs
have been planted in almost every German city.
The bureaus in 1890 found 15,000 situations. In
1891 poor children from 121 places in Germany
were sent to seashore or country. The move-
ment is spreading to other lands.
Reference: A series of articles in The American
Journal of Sociology for 1896.
INSANITY.—It is generally supposed that
insanity is on the increase in civilized countries,
owing to the increasing complexity and intensity
of life, and the statistics seem to bear this out ;
but many hold that such is not the case, and
that the apparent increase is due to more care-
ful registration, and, above all, to the growing
custom of placing the insane in asylums. Ac-
cording to Professor R. Mayo-Smith’s Stazzs-
técs and Soczology (p. 221) the number of in-
sane persons treated in public and private asy- .
lums in the United States was 56,205 in 1881
and 97,535 in 1889, an increase of 73 per cent. ;
but the number of insane per 1,000,000 of popu-
lation was 1833 in 1880 and only 1697 in 1890.
The census of 1891 in England showed an in-
crease of the total number of lunatics since
1871, but calculated that this was due to the
better care given to them and the consequent
prolongation of life. In 1889 there were 85,345
insane persons (including idiots) in England, or
2907 per 1,000,000. In Ireland, the proportion
of lunatics to 1,000,000 of the population was
775 in 1851, and in 1891, 3174. The proportion
of idiots was in 1851, 750 per 1,000,000, and in
1891, 1326. Since 1881, however, there has
been a decrease. In Scotland, lunatics in-
creased from 2250 per 1,000,000 in 1881 to 2596
in 1891, while idiots decreased from 1603 per
1,000,000 to 1246. There are more women in-
sane than men in Sweden, England, Scotland,
and Ireland. In Austria and Hungary men
lead, In Ireland, 79.6 per cent. of the mentally
deranged were unmarried. In 1891, in Ireland,
41 per cent. could read and write. In Massa-
chusetts, in 1885, there were 2344 insane men
and 987 idiots ; there were 2919 insane women
and 651 idiots.
There has been great progress in modern
times in the care of the insane. Pinel, in 1792,
took a great step forward in liberating 53 pa-
tients at Bicétre who had been in chains.
Franklin, in 1750, succeeded in establishing a
department for the insane in the Pennsylvania
Hospital. To-day there are 135 public and 117
private insane asylums in the United Kingdom.
In the United States, they exist in every State
except Delaware, Florida, and Nevada.
INSTITUTIONAL CHURCHES.—The
phrase ‘‘ institutional church,’’ first used, it is
believed, by President Tucker of Dartmouth
College, applied to Berkeley Temple, Boston,
Institutional Churches.
Mass., has recently come into use describing a
church that works on all lines of human im-
provement. The Rev. C. A. Dickinson, pastor
of Berkeley Temple, Boston, says of the institu-
tional church :
“Tf I were to define it, I should say that it is an or-
ganization which aims to reach all of the man, and al!
men, by all means. In other words, it aims to represen:
Christ on earth, in the sense of representing Him
' physically, morally, and spiritually to the senses 07
the men and women who live in the present age. The
Institutional Church aims to provide a material en-
vironment wherein the spiritual Christ can express
Himself, and be felt among men as when He was here
in the flesh, and it begins by planting itself just where
Christ stood and worked when He was on the earth—in
the midst of publicans and sinners.”
Different institutional churches work in some-
what different ways. St. George’s, New York
City, one of the first churches to work on this
line, with its magnificent parish house, natu-
tally puts much of its strength into educational
and industrial work, and its admirable equip-
ment helps it to obtain a peculiarly strong grip
upon young men. The Fourth Church of Hart-
ford, Conn., emphasizes evangelism, and has
been remarkably successful in reclaiming the
fallen. At the Jersey City Tabernacle the
amusemental features are kept to the front, and
the church aims especially to fill the leisure
hours of the working young men and women
who flock to it full with wholesome pleasure.
At Berkeley Temple, Boston, while other lines
are not neglected, an exceptional amount of
energy is put forth through the Church office in
attending to the wants of all sorts and condi-
tions of men and women who are in need of
sympathy, advice, and succor,
But while all these churches have their dis-
tinctive differences, they are alike in certain
fundamental characteristics, They either make
their free pews absolutely free or else adopta
system which practically secures free pews.
‘They all believe in a church open all the week
and made a center of social life. They all de-
velop church workers, and make their services
attractive with popular music, etc. They exist
in all denominations, but have been particularly
developed in the Protestant Episcopal Church
and in the Congregational. St. Paul’s Church,
in New York City, is an example of a most suc-
cessful Roman Catholic institutional churcn.
They exist, too, all through the country, as in
the Plymouth Church in Milwaukee, and the
Tabernacle in Denver. Many churches, too, in
the smaller towns are working on the same lines,
and everywhere they are successful, as is shown
by the congregations they draw, the number
who are added to the Church, the spiritual life,
and the practical benefits they conduct. The
institutional church ‘‘ begins with the people just
where they are, meets the needs of which they
are conscious, and so generally leads them to
be conscious of needs higher and nobler.”’
INSURANCE.—Insurance may be defined
as a contract of a company or person to paya
sum or sums of money to indemnify the in-
sured, or a designated beneficiary, in case of
loss through the happening of certain events
which constitute the risk insured against,
HISTORY AND STATISTICS.
Insurance is mainly a modern development,
735
Insurance.
tho it originated in the remote past. It was
known to the ancients, but was chiefly devel-
oped by more recent mercantile adventures. It
began by men agreeing to divide among them-
selves the burden of the loss of ships or cargoes
in the days when commerce was the fitting out
of ships for single, long expeditions. This
custom arose in England in the Elizabethan
era. It had appeared in Southern Europe ear-
lier than that.
Insurance depends on the law of probabili-
ties. It is said that the doctrine of probabilities
was developed about the year 1650, when the
Chevalier de Mere, a Flemish nobleman, who
was both a respectable mathematician and a
gamester, attempted to solve the problem of di-
viding equitably the stakes when a game of
chance was interrupted. The problem being
too difficult for him, he sought the aid of the
famous Abbé Blaise Pascal, one of the most ac-
complished mathematicians of any age. Pascal
solved the problem, and in doing so enunciated
the ‘‘ doctrine of probabilities,’’ or laws govern-
ing so-called chances.
This doctrine or theory Pascal illustrated by
the throwing of dice. When a single die is
thrown, the chance of turning up an ace is pre-
cisely one out of six, or one out of the total
number of sides or faces. But if a large num-
ber of throws are made, it will be found that
each face will be turned up an equal number of
times. From this Pascal laid down the proposi-
tion that results which have happened in any
given number of observed cases will again hap-
pen under similar circumstances, provided the
numbers be sufficient for the proper working of
the law of average. Thus the duration of the
life of a single individual is one of the greatest
uncertainties ; but the duration, or rate of mor-
tality, of a large number of individuals may be
predicted with great accuracy by comparison
with the observed results among a sufficiently
large number of persons of similar ages, occu-
pations, and climatic influences.
From this principle insurance has developed
on a scientific basis, It is of many kinds.
Fire, marine, and life insurance are the best
known; but accident, liability,
plate glass, steam boiler, elevator,
burglary, sickness, guarantee, mort-
gage and title, hail and live-stock
insurance have each reached large
proportions. All of these branches of insurance
are in successful operation in the United States
and Europe. Many other branches of insurance
have been suggested, and in some cases at-
tempted, among which are: Insurance against
loss of occupation ; insurance of premiums paid
for stocks or bonds, which are subject to re-
demption ; insurance against issue and surviv-
orship; insurance of marriage portions for
daughters ; insurance against divorces ; insur-
ance against celibacy. A queer sort of insur-
ance has been issued in Switzerland against
death or injury by ‘‘ tiles that may drop on the
passer’s head.”’
The earliest form of insurance was by means
of individual underwriters, each one assuming
a fixed proportion of the aggregate amount fixed.
In London, the venturesome who took part in
this underwriting used to meet at Lloyd’s Cof-
.
History.
Insurance. 736
fee-house, from which fact the name of Lloyd’s
was given to this form of insurance. Within
the last 10 years this form of insurance has been
revived in the United States, and especially in
New York ; but, as a general thing, insurance
is carried on by corporate companies which are
either mutual or stock, and which are subject
more or less to Government supervision.
Sheppard Homans, an eminent actuary, says
of this in the orth American Review :
“The system of government supervision or control
varies in different countries. In Great Britain and con-
tinental countries in Europe companies are required
to report general facts only regarding income, dis-
bursements, assets, insurances in force, and liabilities
estimated by themselves. In the United States, where
every State is a sovereign, there are 44 different insur-
ance departments. Each State may impose such con-
ditions, restrictions, and taxes upon corporations of all
other States having to transact business within its
sacred territory as its legislators may deem proper.
Asaresult, the laws, taxes, and requirements vary
greatly, and impose serious burdens and expenses
upon companies, which, of course, are borne by their
policy-holders. Onthe other hand, each company is
obliged to answer in minute detail questions regarding
its business, so that its condition may be made clear to
the EPurEnh public, as well as to persons directly inter-
ested.
“The American system, then, is one of paternalism,
while the British system is one based upon freedom and
pee Paternal supervision involves, logically,
paternal responsibility. State control means State
guarantee. ersons who insure in reliance upon gov-
ernmental certificate of solvency would, in justice,
have a claim for compensation should that certificate
be misplaced. But such claim could scarcely be en-
forced in the United States.
“On the other hand, the British system of freedom
and publicity enables unsound or swindling companies
to prey upon the general public, which has no means
of acquiring exact information regarding the condition
of an institution other than the reportsand statements
of its officials.
“Probably the best system would be a happy mean
between the two, where the supervision of the State
would combine the maximum of freedom and publicity
with the minimum of interference necessary to the
ascertainment of solvency and honesty of manage-
ment.
Fire insurance seems to have been the first to
develop its modern form. A regular office for
insuring against fire was opened in London in
1681. The great fire of 1666 was the exciting
cause. According to the Lxcyclopedia Britan-
nica, the older fire insurance companies were
organized, as follows: The Hand in Hand,
1696 ; the Sun, 1710; Union, 1714 ; Westmin-
ster, 1717; London, 1720; Royal Exchange,
1720; the Salop, 1780; Phoenix, 1782 ; Norwich
Union, 1797. The first fire office in Scotland
was established in 1720, the first in Germany in
1750, and the first proprietary company in that
country in 1779; the first office in the United
States was established at Philadelphia in 1752,
one of its early directors having been Benjamin
Franklin ; the first in France dates from 1816,
and the first in Russia from 1827.
According to the same authority, the essen-
tial principle of fire insurance is the distribution
of loss. It does notaim, directly at least, at the
prevention and only in a secondary way even
at the minimizing of loss.
The extinguishment of fire is commonly un-
dertaken by municipalities, tho fire insurance
companies often sustain patrols to care for prop.
erty. (See Fire DEPARTMENTS.) In the United
see fire insurance has been greatly devel-
oped.
Insurance.
Life insurance, tho starting later, has reach-
ed a higher state of development than fire
insurance. It began at near the first of the
eighteenth century.
The Grand Pensioner DeWitt, of Holland,
was the first to reduce these theories to practice,
which he did in 1693, by calculating the true
values of annuities, based upon observed rates
of mortality. Dr, Halley, Astronomer Royal of
Great Britain, was the first to discover and ar-
range what are called life tables from which all
monetary values depending upon the chances
of living and dying, combined with the im-
provement of money by interest, may be com-
puted. He has been called the father of the mod-
ern system of life insurance. These tables have
now only a historical interest. Various other
tables have been used, such as the Northamp-
ton, Carlisle, Equitable Assurance, English
Life, Seventeen Offices, American Experience,
Thirty American Offices, and many others.
About the close of the seventeenth century
there were also several annuity schemes launch-
ed, such as the Mercies Company, of London,
for the benefit of widows and orphans of the
Church of England. The first life insurance
company was the Amicable Society, chartered
in 1706. In 1762 the Equitable was chartered,
and began issuing policies payable at death,
upon the lives of persons of any age, charging
premiums according to age. The Royal Ex-
change and London Assurance, however, had
both been doing this business without charters
for 40 years. In the United States, the Pres-
byterian Ministers’ Fund, of Philadelphia, was
chartered in 1759 by Thomas Penn,
for the insurance of Presbyterian
clergymen. In 1769 a similar in-
stitution was chartered for clergy-
men of the Church of England.
The former has survived, but not
the latter. In 1812 a company called the Penn-
sylvania was chartered ; in 1830 the New York
Life Insurance and Trust Company, which is
still in existence, but does no life insurance
business. The Mutual of New York, the first
of the mutual companies, was organized in 1842,
and from 1845-60 many new companies were or-
ganized, In 1858 the State of Massachusetts
originated a system of State supervision, and it
was immediately followed by the State of New
York. The Massachusetts department adopted™
the Seventeen Offices, commonly known as the
Actuaries’ Table, as its standard ; and the New
York department, the American Experience
Table, which was a modification of the Seven-
teen Offices Table, in the light of experience of
the Mutual Life Insurance Company.
Life insurance companies nowadays issue a
variety of immediate and deferred annuities,
temporary and whole life insurance, the latter
often paid for by a limited number of payments ;
and a large variety of endowment, tontine, and
other investment policies. The companies are
mutual, proprietary, or mixed, according as all
the savings and profits belong to the insured or
all belong to the stockholders, or stockholders
receive a part and the policy-holders the remain-
der. Mutual companies alone have no capital
stock. While nominally the members control
mutual companies, the practical operation of
Recent
History.
Insurance.
the proxy system of voting makes the managers
all-powerful.
Originally the companies did not give cash or
other surrender values for their policies, It
was made compulsory for Massachusetts com-
panies to do so by a State law early in the six-
ties, and not long after it was also made com-
pulsory for New York companies to give paid-
up insurance upon surrender ; notwithstanding
which, by waiving the law, several companies
set out on a career of tontine policies, which
were originally wholly forfeitable, but which
held out to a persistent policy-holder hopes of
very large profits if he survived and sustained
his policy. These hopes were not realized, and
to-day but one company in the United States is
writing a policy the name of which contains the
word ‘‘tontine,’’ altho several are issuing poli-
cies which, while allowing liberal surrender
values, give all the profits to the persistent sur-
vivors,
One result of the reaction from cash surrender
legislation which took the form of tontine in-
surance was the organization of a large number
of mutual assessment life insurance associations.
More than one half of all the life insurance now
in force in the United States is in these organi-
zations, and many more than one half the num-
ber of persons carrying insurance. They have
furnished insurance on three different plans—
uzz., first, by assessing the same amount on
members without regard to age, whenever there
were losses ; second, by assessing according to
certain ratios fixed at age of entry ;
third, by assessing according to cer-
Mutual tain ratios according to the actual
Assessment age attained at time of assessment.
Companies. Associations using the first of these
systems have nearly all gone out of
existence. Associations using the
second; which came later into use, are now hav-
ing an unpleasant experience, and are likely to
be driven out of existence unless they reform
their plan. There is no scientific reason why
associations using the third system should not
continue indefinitely. Most of them, however,
seek to create a level price in spite of the in-
creasing cost by charging more than the insur-
ance costs during the earlier years, with a view
to offsetting the increased cost during the latter
years. The success of such associations will de-
FIRE INSURANCE,
737
Insurance.
pend upon the adequacy of this provision. The
management of the associations is commonly
much more democratic and truly mutual than
that of the regular companies, altho some of
them are managed in quite as autocratic a man-
ner. ‘Those which operate on the lodge system
are, however, all managed on the representa-
tive plan, the members electing delegates to
State and national conventions who legislate
for the association and electits managers. (For
further information concerning these orders, see
FRATERNAL SOCIETIES.) ;
Marine insurance began in England very
early. In the United States, the first record of
itis in 1757 in New York City. In 1794 the In-
surance Company of North America was organ-
ized to do a marine and fire business. Sickness
insurance was attempted from 1845 until 1850,
but failed of success, there not being sufficient
datatoworkupon. Itis now being again under-
taken with better prospects. The first accident
insurance company was the Travelers, of Hart-
ford, organized in 1863, which has been success-
ful from the start. Live-stock insurance began
in Connecticut in 1866. In the same year the
Hartford Steam Boiler Insurance Company was
organized. In 1872 the Guarantee Company of
North America began the business of surety
insurance, with headquarters at Montreal. In
1876 the Real Estate Title Insurance and Trust
Company, of Philadelphia, was organized. Lia-
bility insurance did not become popular until
about 1890, and burglary insurance only within
the last two or three years. Credit insurance
has been widely patronized during the last 10
years.
In some places in Germany a system of em-
ployment insurance is said to be in full working
order. The recent history of insurance in Eu-
rope lies in the development of
State and of compulsory insurance ;
this we study in a section by itself The Future.
(see p. 740). Insurance some con-
sider the most socialistic form of
modern business, since its essence is security for
the individual by dividing losses over the commu-
nity. Undoubtedly the future of insurance is in-
volved with that of socialism. The agitation for
old age pensions (g.v.) clearly indicates this.
The following are the most recent insurance
statistics :
JANUARY 1, 1895.
NUMBER OF ComM- Assets Exclusive
Cash Premiums | Total Cash In-
PANIES IN THE Capital. of Premium Net Surplus. Received during come during
UNITED STATES. Notes. Year. Year.
aa see ; $71,446,660 $351,072971 $108,887,343 $161,557,830 $161,557830
Paid for Divi-
Paid for Losses dends during
NUMBER OF COM-
Expenses other
than Losses and | Total Disburse-
ments during Risks Written
Dividends dur-
PANIES. during Year, during Year.
& Year. ing Year. Year.
ee Soe f $94,646,618 $12,592,356 $52,843,860 $160,257,738 *$16, 000,000,000
* Approximation. With the exception of the estimate of risks written during the year, compiled from “The
Insurance Year-Book.” They do not include a few stock companies and some 600 mutuals, whose transactions
are purely local and of small volume.
47
Insurance. 738 Insurance,
LEADING FIRE INSURANCE COMPANIES.
COMPANIES. Assets, Capital. Net Surplus.
Alina, ConneckiCutss.icis osss verwes veiewnaiea vas witless Adbiaieia $10,847,816 $4,000,000 $3,197,847
Insurance Company of North America........ 91562,600 300,000 2)244,209
Home, New York.....6.6 ..fcccceee ceeeee 9,159,837 3y000,000 1,070,428
Hartford Fire, Connecticut. 8,645,736 Iy250,000 2,422,890
Liverpool, London and Globe 8,498,268 #200,000 2,871,189
Royal, England........ 75609,259 *200,000 1,967,805
Continental, New York.......... : 6,754,909 1,000,000 1,811,269
German-American, New York. i wae 6,240,099 1,000,000 1,856,375
Phoenix, Connecticut ..... Pee ae 5)588,058 2,000,000 737)218
Phenix, New York........-.... ais * 51545,029 1,000,000 406,360
Fire Association, Pennsylvania....... aii Ssiaerbeatotar aes needs 531915055 500,000 620,302
* The New York law requires a deposit of $200,000 from foreign companies with the insurance department.
This is treated by the department as “ deposit capital,’ and the surplus stated in the next column is ‘* surplus
beyond deposit capital” and other liabilities,
LIFE INSURANCE* FOR THE YEAR ENDING JANUARY 1, 1895.
$ - es io 7
a Payments NEw POLICIES ISSUED. |“ POLICIES IN FORCE.
8 to Policy-
nf Assets Premiums | Total In- | holders | Total Ex-
6 ‘ Received. come. (Losses, pendi- 7
Dividends,| tures.
& Surren- No. Amount, No. Amount.
ders, etc.).
56 |$1,073,156,679| $209,642,725| $261,959,111|$118,423,246 | $182,290,595| 5,135,109 | $1,588,248,222 | 8,702,393 | $51566,166,664
CONDITION AND BUSINESS OF ASSESSMENT COMPANIES AND ORDERS.t
g : MEMBERSHIP. INSURANCE IN FORCE.
0 Assess- Payments | Total Ex-
fj | Assets, ments ‘Potal Tar to Policy- | pendi-
° Collected. : holders. tures. Admitted during the | No. of
6 Year. Mem- Amount.
a bers.
350| $54,907,024 | $81,019,799 | $87,760,498 | $63,123,185 | $86,722,085 734,688 3,638,825 | $7,482,286,000
* Including industrial policies.
+ According to the report made at the annual meeting of Mutual Benefit Life Associations, at Atlanta, Ga.,
October, 1895. It includes the returns of the fraternal orders. ;
The returns of life insurance in the first and third tables are from “‘ The Insurance Year-Book.”
INCOME AND DISBURSEMENTS FOR FIVE YEARS.
The following table shows the receipts and disbursements of the “‘ old-line” life insurance companies reporting
to the New York Insurance Department for five years.
a ota Pay. | Tle PaY
& or ms
e _| Of ments for _| Total Divi- | Total Pay- |Taxes, Com- :
ae oe. Total In- Losses, En- pee dends to ments na missions, Tete es
BER 31, Zs oGimne: dowments, | and Pur- Policy- Policy- and other ¢
8 , and Annui- chased holders. holders. Expenses. ments.
Hes: Policies.
30 | $187,424,959 | $58,606,615 | $13,827,225 | $14,271,501 | $86,707,341 616,782 | $126,653,530
29 201,931,425 62,731,497 16,230,891 13,991,226 9259531014 peer eee
31 | 223,024,998 724576,866 15,658,759 14,386,195 | 102,621,820 49,665,730 | ‘152,890,333
32 296,683,206 75,903,820 19,839,418 14,823,176 | 110,566,414 55)205,336 166,512,254
33 | 256,624,478 78,313,162 23164,108 1435779455 116,054,725 61,073,545 177,863,333
Total assets of the 33 companies last reported, $1,056,331,683 ; surplus as to policy-holders, $139,740,545.
Insurance.
ASSETS OF AND AMOUNT INSURED BY THE PRINCIPAL AMERICAN COMPANIES JANUARY
q,
COMPANIES.
Equitable, New York
Mutual, New York......
New York, New York
Metropolitan, New York..
Northwestern Mutual, Wisconsin...
Mutual Reserve Fund, New York*.,
Prudential, New Jersey...... wee
Mutual Benefit, New Jersey
Connecticut Mutual], Connecticut..
Northwestern Masonie Aid, Illinoi
#£tna, Connecticut
Pennsylvania Mutual, Pennsylvania ..
Massachusetts Benefit, Massachusetts*..
Provident Life and Trust, Pennsylvania
John Hancock Mutual, Massachusetts
739 Insurance.
1895.
eae i Gross Assets.
ins (o Mabenatie eas $13,556,733 $183,138,559
854,710,761 202,289,424
813,294,160 162,011,771
44153751367 22,326,622
340,697,569 731324694
293) 366, 106 4)311,520
280,345,654 13,188,291
209,309,528 55,687,872
156,686,871 62,229,586
141,154,500 763,217
13519971796 415770,215
126,537,075 24,800,850
106,889,455 1,180,505
103,671,924 27,049,119
PEiwee ede seiens, se eeinme 102,149,180 6,689,182
LIFE INSURANCE IN
VARIOUS COUNTRIES.
COUNTRIES.
Insurance in Force.}Year’s Premiums.| Year’s Losses.
United Statest...... ........ says Dixealsea tan a Raia pain nia laneeastaa
Great Britain. 5
Germany....
France...
Austria. ....
Scandinavia ..
Russia
$13,048,452,664 $290,661, 514 $143,220,212
3628, 365,000 113,119,055 92,525,050
980,9351375 3415025390 13,012,600
689,180,205, 349771350 8,5791420
191,843,009 12,507,091 2,828,842
53,011,564 35722)207 415,637
4719251979 1,757,681 5845707
38,908,928 153175467 923,679
* Assessment companies.
+ Including assessment business ($7,482,286,000 insurance in force), on which no part of the future premium is
collected in advance.
INSURANCE REFORM.
Richard A. McCurdy, president of the Mutual
Life Insurance Company, of New York, says in
the North American Review:
‘* Any form of insurance, whether it be purely mu-
tual, proprietary, or fraternal, if not conducted on a
paying basis, must necessarily fail. The purely mu-
tual company will drop asunder; stockholders in a
proprietary company will wind up the concern or it
will go into the hands of a receiver by process of law ;
enthusiasts who sustain clergy mutual leagues and
employees’ benefit associations will grow weary in
well-doing and try to reinsure their risks or leave them
to their fate. Assessment societies come to grief when
the assessments are levied too often, and the shores of
the ocean of indemnity are strewn with innumerable
wrecks of craft, fantastically named and equipped,
which have met the common fate of all non-paying en-
terprises in a commercial-age. .. .
“Wise management freed from autiquated prece-
dent and dead tradition; accumulation superimposed
upon indemnity ; legitimate methods of increasing ac-
cumulation systematically employed; adoption of
long-deferred periods of repayment or distribution ;
recognition of the fact that insurance must be con-
ducted on a paying basis, just like any other business
that succeeds; in fine, a continuously produceve
union of the capital of the intelligent policy-holder
‘and the skilled labor of the experienced and success-
ful life underwriter, supported by highly instructed
and organized agency forces—these to-day are demon-
strating the possibilities of insurance in ways till re-
cently not fully understood, and it is to these that we
faust 100r for even greater developments in the fu-
ure.
This is a business view of insurance promul-
gated bya business man. Against it may be
offset what David Parks Fackler, an eminent
actuary, said at the annual meeting of State In-
surance Commissioners in 1892 :
“Our life companies are becoming vast financial
corporations, and may become a source of danger to
the commonwealth by reason of the vast money powers
lodged in the hands of a few men—possibly only one
manineach company. The assets of great railroad
and manufacturing companies are practically all
planted, while those of life companies are in market-
able securities which can be converted into cash in
$10,000,000 lots and be used to influence legislation or
to affect the money market. Itis easy toimagine aaa
startling possibilities when our life companies shall
have obtained their probable future size.”
Thus far, however, this has developed no se-
rious evils. Insurance companies have been the
corporations least criticised and perhaps the
least open to criticism. They have, however,
weakly permitted themselves to be blackmailed
by unscrupulous legislatures and politicians,
and in New York especially are understood to
be very heavy contributors to the corruption
funds of the political machine.
The principal criticism is that all kinds of in-
surance could be furnished at considerably low-
er rates than at present prevail. Itis thought
that. the proportion of the rates disbursed for
expenses is entirely too large. In all branches
of insurance, and especially in life insurance, it
is conceded that the commissions paid agents
have in recent years exceeded all reason. This
indictment is most severe against the regular
life insurance companies, tho some of the as-
sessment associations are almost equally ex-
travagant. The extreme is reached among the
industrial companies, as might be expected,
since weekly collections involve a very great
amount of work, when the amounts collected
are rarely more than 15 cents, and frequently as
Insurance.
low as five. Of course the largest part of this
’ expense could be avoided if people would seek
insurance instead of letting it seek them ; but
even at the extravagant rates of expense under
which the business is now conducted, the bene-
fits are so great that hundreds of millions of dol-
lars of industrial insurance are taken every year.
The insurance problem, then, of this day is to
secure good, reliable insurance for the poor at a
low price. No one needs insurance as do the poor.
They seldom save, and often cannot save.
When sickness or death enters the
family, it costs untold financial anx-
iety and suffering, from which in-
surance should protect them. Prob-
ably the industrial companies are
doing as well as could be expected
under the circumstances. It cannot be said
that their collectors as a rule are making more
than living wages. The managers of the com-
panies have also exhibited unusual liberality in
paying, during the recent hard times, a multi-
tude of claims which could have been defeated
according to the terms of their policies They
have also voluntarily, of their own motion, ad-
mitted industrial policy-holders to the benefits
of paid-up insurance, to which also they were
not entitled by the terms of their policies.
In the United States, outside of endowment
and tontine insurance, which are patronized al-
most exclusively by the well-to-do, there are no
means of providing for old age through the
means of insurance. In this respect we are far
behind almost all the countries of Europe.
The Real
Problem,
STATE AND COMPULSORY INSURANCE.
In several countries, notably Switzerland and
Norway, there are State fire insurance compa-
nies competing with the stock companies for
business. In England there is a system of gov-
ernment annuities. In New Zealand there is
an exceedingly successful governmental life in-
surance department which does about half the
business of that colony, and which now has ag-
gregate assets of more than $10,000,000. This
company also has operated in competition with
proprietary and mutual corporations. ‘he State
insurance companies, with the exception of the
English annuities, have been almost uniformly
successful ; butit cannot be said that in the ma-
jority of cases they have furnished materially
cheaper or more reliable insurance than have
private corporations.
It is believed that this phenomenon is ex-
plained by the fact that they are competitive
and not monopolistic institutions. As a result
of their competitive nature, they are compelled
to incur practically all the expenses that are in-
curred by stock corporations. Wherever insur-
ance has been made a State monopoly, as is the
case in the compulsory insurance of Germany,
it has been found that it can be conducted with
great economy. Even in Germany working
men are permitted to exercise the option of in-
suring in private companies, but the fact of
compulsion operates there to make the State in-
surance practically monopolistic. The chief tho
not the only objection to the State insurance
system of Germany—a full description of which
will be found in a publication by the Depart-
740
Insurance.
ment of Labor, Washington, D. C.—is that its
management is autocratic and paternal instead
of democratic and fraternal, At the same time
there is no question whatever that the idea of
introducing this form of insurance was obtained
by Bismarck from the socialists. Concerning
this, the publication of the labor department re-
ferred to says :
“After the Franco-Prussian war a growth of social-
ism, between 1871 and 1877, nearly fourfold, startled
the government so seriously that active measures
were considered for meeting the danger. The famous
‘exception law’ was passed against the socialists. The
severity of the law was extreme. Not only were
meetings, clubs, and hundreds of publications at once
forbidden, but the measures against them were piti-
lessly enforced. Leaders were driven out of the
country, and apparently the very sources of the party
quenched. It was the drastic character of this legis-
lation that made it imperative that something should
be done against this peril, of a wholly different na-
ture: «0 +
“No bolder or more aggressive attitude was ever
taken than that which the chancellor [Bismarck] as-
sumed at thistime. He admitted frankly his admira-
tion for Lassalle and his sympathy with many of his
aims. He saw, however, in the new socialism a fact of
absolutely different character from that for which
Lassalle stood. Of more importance, however, is the
daring form in which he proposes to take wind from
the sailsof hisenemies. ‘The State,’ it was said, ‘shall
be put fearlessly at the disposal of the laboring classes.’
Bismarck taunted the socialists with being negative,
‘but my program,’ said he, ‘shall be positive.’
“The positive remedy that he brings is the elabo-
rate scheme of compulsory insurance of the working
classes. ...
“Tt has been said, ‘Two shots at the emperor upon
pntes den Linden are responsible for the insurance
aws.’’”
The idea of Bismarck was to prevent the ad-
vance of socialism, but in this he did not recognize
that a thing of this sort is tyranny or benefi-
cence, according as it is put on the necks of the
people by others or by themselves. Professor
E, R. L. Gould, of Johns Hopkins University,
thus describes the measures of the German Gov-
ernment :
“The first of these measures was passed June 15,
1883. It was modified in April, 1892, in order to bring
it into harmony with the other insurance laws whic.
had in the mean time been passed. Sick insurance is
about to be extended to agricultural laborers and to
servants. At present nearly eight millions of persons
are insured, and expenditures for sick relief amount to
more than $23,800,000 annually. The purpose of sick
insurance is to ensure a certain and sufficient relief in
case of illness during at least 13 weeks. The employee
pays two thirds of the sick insurance and the employer
one third.
“Accident insurance is likewise compulsory and
universal. The first law was passed July 6, 1884, and
dealt chiefly with industrial enterprises. The law of
May 28, 1885, extended accident insurance to transpor-
tation agencies, A subsequent enactment, bearing
the date of March rs, 1886, regulates accident insurance
for State officials, military officers and soldiers. A
few months later there was a further extension to
agriculture and forestry, and it is on the eve of exten-
sion to home industry and commerce. Accident in-
surance is at the cost of employers.
“Invalidity and old age insurance law was enacted
June 22, 1889, and subjects to compulsory insurance
after 16 years of age ail persons working for wages in
every branch of trade, apprentices and servants in-
cluded, managing officials and commercial assistants
with regular salaries up to $476. The old age and in-
validity insurance fund is formed by equal contribu-
tions from employers and employed, and an imperial
subsidy amounting to $11.90 per annum is granted to
every annuity.”
; The writer says of the operations of the sys-
em :
_ ‘Public opinion now very generally favors sickness
insurance, regards accident insurance with compla-
’
Insurance.
cency, but is apparently discontented with the old age
and invalidity measure. .The law seems to be defec-
tive, since, according to a reliable private calculation,
nearly 40 per cent. have failed to meet their legal ob-
ligationsto contribute. The official statement reduces
this to 16 or 17 per cent. In four years’ time 60,000 claims
have had to be refused, and this furnishes ground for
criticism and disappointment. Playing sick under the
insurance laws, which was originally conceived to be
a formidable obstacle to contend with, is now less con-
sidered, possibly because less resorted to, possibly
741
Insurance.
also because better means are found for preventing it.
It is very natural that the unworthy classes should
hasten to exploit so tempting an opportunity, and thus
create an alarming showing during the first few years.
There is reason to believe, however, that this was but
temporary, and that the phenomena will not occur
again.’
The summary of this insurance in 1892 was as
follows :
PERSONS INSURED, RECEIPTS, EXPENSES, ETC,
INSURANCE AGAINST
Old Age and In-
Sickness. Accidents, validity.
Persons insured 71273 ,000 18,000,000 1,200,000
Persons relieved.. 2)752,000 210,000 187,800
RECEIPTS: |
Contributions of employers.......... ouaiieka he Seles awees $7,378,000.00 $12,852,000.00 $11,275)250,00
Contributions of employed ..
Totals.ii5 toncinenemaianes wes 5x6 atieahoeenjant cess Wegae
EXPENDITURES:
Accumulated funds...
Benefits per case.............
Charges per person insured..... eaesenee aes Pees nee
11,275,250.00
18,445,000.00
25)751,600.00
31,416,000.00
16,184,000.00
22,610,000.00
1,475;600.00
29)512,000.00 12,852,000.00
26,180,000.00 2.4,038,000.00
8.33 44-03
3-332 “704
59331)200.00
1,066,240.00
25)751,600.00
38,758, 300.00
28.56
757351900-00
1,761,200.00
2.142
The report of the Department of Labor re-
ferred to says of the system :
“Certain confident claims that were made by the
early leaders in this legislation are not only not ful-
filled, but there is scarcely a sign that they will be.
‘‘y, In the sense in which Bismarck used the word,
there is little likelihood that the laborers will be made
contented by the laws.
“9. The hope that certain classes of the insured
would the more readily go into the country from the
city, or stay away from the city (as their money would
eo ee in the country), shows no hints of being
uw 3
“3. That the social democracy has been in the least
harmed or checked in its propaganda very few would
claim.
‘“4, Whatever may be true in the future as a result
of these laws, the charity burden has not been lighten-
ed in any way corresponding to the belief of many
advocates of the insurance.
“3. As to the belief entertained by many that the
laborer would be led through the influence of these
forced contributions to learn the habit of saving, it is
quite certain that no such results could as yet be
brought forward.
“6. Thata better feeling has in consequence been
brought about between employer and employed is,
upon the whole, questionable, altho this (under many
circumstances where the groups are not too large)
is affirmed to be true.
“It is fair to reply that most of these disappoint-
ments are of little consequence even if true, and also
that time will work very great and hopeful changes.
“There are many reasons to believe that much of
this faith is justified, not as yet on strictly economic
grounds, but upon grounds that are more important.
“There are indications of extreme significance that
results of the widest social advantage are to follow
this very brave attempt to use all powers, whether
ot state or individual, to lessen evils which none
eny....
“The chief moral effect will be in the increasing
sense of solidarity which the very attempt to make
the laws succeed will intensify and increase.
“If the laws had eventually to be abandoned, this
result would remain. This quicker sense of ‘social
oneness’ is apparent in the press, in public speeches,
in university lectures, in countless volumes upon every
phase of the so-called social question, as woes in the
philosophical and ethical treatises. (See for an exam-
ple Paulsen’s A¢hzk, pp. 787,802, etc.) !
“ Here is a force far too considerable to be measured
by any merely economic estimate.
‘In expressing this belief in ultimate results that are
essentially extra-economic, it is not forgotten that the
rinciple of self-helpis put - these laws to much risk.
tis bad that the free, feed ly associations should be
made to suffer as they unquestionably are by this form
of State competition, but the evidence is overwhelming
that society is unwilling to wait for the self-help in-
stitutions to deal with social ills.”
The disposition is strong to introduce com-
pulsory insurance in other countries, especially
in France, where M. Bourgeois, the recent Pre-
mier, was the author of a measure for compul-
sory insurance in that country. In 1888 Aus-
tralia adopted a system similar to that of Ger-
many and Hungary in 1891. :
What might be accomplished in the way of
furnishing cheap insurance through the means
of compulsion in a democratic State might be
imagined by the following statement from the
insurance World:
“Mr, Leslie (Assistant Actuary Government Insur-
ance Department of New Zealand) recently published
a study of The Rates of Mortality in New Zealand,
covering the mortality according to the census, which
compilation is the best and most practical thing of the
sort that has come to our attention. It alsoshows that
a mortality table constructed with great care from the
data which the census-takers collected is not merely
more favorable than the tables constructed from the
census of any other country, but also more favorable
than the experience on insured lives in any compila-
tion, except inthat of the Australian Mutual Provident
Society. Indeed, so low is this experience that it shows
that all the male citizens of New Zealand could be in-
sured from age 20 ata net rate of but $10.96 per $1000
if compulsory insurance existed, a// being taken wrth-
out regard to state of health. Such a favorable oppor-
tunity to test the virtues of compulsory insurance by
the State will probably not be long neglected, espe-
cially as the machinery of State insurance is ready for
it. The rate for women would be slightly lower than
even these figures.””
The cost of administration could not be great,
and it is probable that this insurance could be
furnished at a total cost of not exceeding $12
per $1000 without taking into account the fact
that higher rates of interest than 4 per cent.,
upon which the rate is based, would be for a
long time obtained. It must be taken into ac-
count also that this compulsory system would
furnish to a very large part of the population
Insurance.
whose health condition now prevent their ob-
taining insurance the protection of which their
families standin need. This beneficent thing
would be accomplished not at an increased cost
to the healthy and robust, but instead at a di-
minished cost.
But this is not all. With the introduction of
compulsion all necessity for a reserve disap-
pears. ‘The reserve in life insurance is for the
purpose of supplying future premiums when the
same become less than the cost of insurance. If
a compulsory system were adopted, this equali-
zation would be brought about by collecting
from each productive member of the commu-
nity, without regard to age or health conditions,
his quota of the aggregate losses. Actuaries
agree that this would be entirely practicable on
the basis of compulsory insurance, altho entire-
ly impracticable when the young and healthy
are free to enter or not, as they choose. The
effect of this would be that probably all persons
in New Zealand, for instance, could be perma-
nently supplied insurance at a cost not much, if
any, exceeding $12 or $13 per $1000. As the
New Zealand insurance department already
supplies conveniences for monthly and for four
weekly payments without adding any consider-
able sum for the additional expense, there seems
to be no reason why this experiment should not
be tried by this colony, which is already so far
ahead of the rest of the world in socialistic en-
terprise.
In England nothing has been done wu
to the present time, and there is little likelihood
that anything will be done in the immediate fu-
ture, tho men of the ability and standing of
Secretary Chamberlain, Sir John Gorst, Canon
Blackley, Charles Booth, and others, have urged
action. Mixes M. Dawson.
INTEMPERANCE.—For a discussion of
the various ways of dealing with the social
742
Intemperance.
problem of intemperance, see HicH LiIcENsE ;
Loca Option ; Mutcr LAw ; NATIONALIZATION
oF THE Liquor TRAFFIC ; NORWEGIAN System ;
PROHIBITION; SOUTH CAROLINA DISPENSARY Sys-
tem. For the history of the temperance move-
ment and the condition in England, see Trem-
PERANCE. For the extent and political power of
the traffic, see Liquor TrarFic. For a discus.
sion of how far intemperance is the cause of
poverty and crime, see Poverty ; CRIME.
We consider here the statistics of the growth,
prevalence, and cost to the community of intem-
perance, with opinions as to its evil, our state-
ment being abridged from Mr. George B. Wal-
dron’s Prohibition Handbook, 1896.
I. ConsumPTION oF Liquor.
The Statdstécal Abstract of the United
States for 1895 (p. 294) gives the consumption
of liquors of all kinds in the United States for a
series of years. The table here given contains
the figures for the past 20 years. For pur-
poses of comparison the figures are given by
decades, from 1876-85 and from 1886-95.
There was little change from the first decade
to the second in the per capita consumption of
spirits and wine ; but the increase in the use of
beer has been very marked, jumping from 82
galls. per capita on the average in the first dec-
ade to 14 galls. in the second, which is a gain
of over 60 per cent. In the past four or five
years the per capita consumption of beer has
been more than twice as great as during the
first years of the period.
It may be an aid in comprehending, in a
measure, the immense quantity represented in
15,000,000,000 galls. to know that it would fill
a canal 20 ft. wide, 10 ft. deep, and 1938 miles
long, or of sufficient length to reach from New
York to Denver.
ANNUAL CONSUMPTION OF INTOXICANTS IN THE UNITED STATES FOR THE PAST 20 YEARS.
AMOUNT OF LIQUOR CONSUMED. PER CAPITA CONSUMPTION.
YEAR ENDING JUNE 30.
Spirits. Wine. Beer, Spirits. | Wine. Beer. Total.
Gallons. Gallons. Gallons. Gallons. | Gallons.| Gallons. \ Gallons.
1876..... 59,983,890 20,161,808 308,336,387 1.33 +45 6.83 8.62
1877... 59,420,118 21,876,330 304,627,677 1.28 "47 6.58 8.33
51y931,94T 22,263,919 317,969,352 1.09 +47 6.68 8.24
545278,475 2453774130 344,605,485 1.12 +50 7-05 8.66
631526, 604 28,320,541 414,220,165 1.27 56 8.26 10.09
70,607,081 24,162,925 444,112,169 1.38 “47 8.65 10.50
73)556,976 25,502,927 526,379,980 I.40 +49 10.03 IL.92
785452487 253778180 551,497,340 1.46 +48 10.27 12.21
81,128,581 20,508,345 590,616,517 1.48 37 10.74 12.60
70,600,092 21,900,457 596,131,866 1.26 +39 10.62 12.26
72,261,614 25,567,220 642,967,720 1.26 045 II,20° 12.90
71,064,733 32,325,001 71757484854 1.21 +55 11.23 13-99
7558455352 36)335,068 767,587,056 1.26 61 12.80 14.67
80,613,158 3491445477 779897426 1.32 =56 12.72 14.60
87,829,562 28,956,981 855,792,335 1.40 «46 13.67 15.53
91,157,565 29,033,792 977347970 1.42 «45 15.28 17.16
98,328, 118 28,467,860 987,496,223 1.50 +44 15.10 17.04
101,197,753 31,987,819 074,546,336 1.5 +48 16,08 18.04
991541209 21,293,124 1,036, 319,222 1.33 «31 15.18 16.82
77,828, 561 19,644,049 1,043,292, 106 1.12 +28 14.95 16.35
1876-85... 663,486,535 2
34,852,562 45398, 196,928 1.32 «48 8.68 10.45
1886-95 «+. 846,667,625 287,7551451 | 8,883,127,039 1.33 +46 14.01 15-79
OCA li weasratiracianiechicsuuis sdinans 1,510,154,160 522,608,013 | 13,281,323,967 1.32 46 11.64 13-42
Intemperance,
Distilled liquors are measured by the Govern-
ment in proof gallons, which indicates that
they are 50 per cent. in volume of alcohol.
Wines average, say, 12 per cent., and beer 5
per cent. On this basis the people of the United
States consumed 93,446,171 galls. of alcohol in
1895, which is 1.34 galls. per capita, In 1894
the consumption of alcohol was 99,641,740 galls.,
or 1.46 per capita, andin 1893, 108,164,732 galls.,
or 1.62 galls. of alcohol per capita.
There are no reliable data for the amount of
wine and beer used as a medicine and in the
arts and manufactures. The census of 1890
makes an estimate of the amount of distilled
liquors so used during the calendar year 1889
{see Census Bulletin No. 22), as follows: Alco-
hol, 6,745,152 proof galls.; Cologne spirits,
1,453,048 galls. ; high wines, 75,992 galls. ; whis-
ky, 2,023,000; brandy, 266,874; rum, 189,581 ;
743
Intemperance.
gin, 222,295: total, 10,976,842 galls. This is
12.5 per cent. of the 87,829,562 galls. of spirits
consumed during the fiscal year ending June
30, 1890.
BEER PRODUCT OF THE WORLD IN 1894.
The tables which follow, showing the world’s
production of beer for 1894, are prepared from
statistics gathered and published by Gam-
brinus,a beer organ of Vienna, Austria. What
it means, that nearly 54 thousand million galls.
of beer were demanded during the year for the
world’s consumption, is beyond the power of the
mind to conceive. At the average retail rate
of not less than 50 cents a gall., to quench its
beer thirst the world expended 2739 millions of
dollars in a single year, arate of expenditure
sufficient in less than 18 months to purchase
every ounce of the world’s great stock of gold.
COUNTRIES.
German Empire......
Great Britain and Irela
North and South Americ:
Austria-Hungary.....
Belgium
Frances is ve, seies
Russia..{....
Denmark...
MALT LIQUORS PRODUCED.| REVENUES COLLECTED.
sta Per Per
Quantities. Capita. Total. Capita.
Gallons. Gallons.
1,466,129,420 39-86 $16,317,638 $0.44
1539451391327 36.02 40,094,192 1.07
15323) 563,026 19.28 3314971663 0.49
484,938,903 15.58 14,160,953 0.48
252,856,814 38.60 2,868,207 0.44
223,056,827 5.82 3,676,430 0.09
122,080,090 1.48 3y298,054 0.06
5252731035 24.04 2,081,283 9.99
41,850,234 11.68 sears 49 sere eens
3915271440 7-93 443,650 0.13
3417951838 GeO! tesyasta eas eens
42,651,277 eee 2,399,626
51477)862,221 see $124,837,696 |
THE WORLD’S WINE PRODUCT.
The following figures are prepared from the
Bulletin de Statistique et Legislative Com-
parée, of France, quantities being converted at
26,417 galls. to the hectoliter. They give the
average yield for 1893 and 1894:
COUNTRIES.
France
Ital
Spain. .....
Germany.
Algeria...
Austria.
Russia eis: cae. seni
Turkey and Cypru
Servia
Switzerland ..
Portugal.......
Hungary.........
Bulgaria.........
Greece,.... ......
Argentine Republic.
Roumania.........
United States....
Chile
Australia.
Azores, Madeira, Canary
Cape of Good Hope.....
Persia
PRODUCTION OF WINE.
Population.
Total PerCapita,
Gallons. Gallons.
seisyhaeriis waigis 38,300,000 1,177,168,000 30-74
tere tees 30} 500,000 748,446,000 24.54
waicneseay Reese 17,500,000 648,537,000 37-00
weidhet sie arenes 49)400,000 1371368,000 2.78
2 daierecaetnd 4,200,000 100,120,000 23.84
244900,000 92460, 000 3-72
124,000,000 92,460,000 “75
39)400,000 47,551,000 1.21
2,200,000 475551,000 21.65
2,900,000 47,551,000 16.40
wees 45700,000 44,909,000 9-55
18,300,000 40,101,000 2.19
37300,000 39,626,000 12.01
2,200,000 344342,000 15.61
4,250,000 31,700,000 7-46
5,800,000 29,059,000 5:01
68,400,000 25,096,000 37°C
31300,000 239775,000 7-20
14,600,000 10,567,000 +72
1,500,000 4,227,000 2.82
4,700,000 3y170,000 67
900,000 39170,000 3-52
1,600,000 243,000 1.52
9,000,000 766,000 85
Sve. Saws We 475,850,000 31432)150,000 72E
Intemperance.
II, THe Cost or INTEMPERANCE,
The retail cost of the drink traffic was made
the subject of a very careful investigation by
Mr. F. N. Barrett, editor of The American
Grocer, of New York City, for-the Treasury
Department, in 1887. Mr. Barrett’s methods
were given so fully that we have followed them
744
Intemperance.
substantially in the estimate for 1895 in the table
which follows. Mr. Barrett's figures for 1887
were practically the same as those of Mr. Ed-
ward Atkinson, the Boston statistician, for the
same year. The figures for the consumption of
liquors, which form the basis of the estimate,
are taken from The Statistical Abstract for
1895 (page 294) :
ESTIMATED RETAIL COST OF THE TRAFFIC_YEAR ENDING JUNE 3p, x895.
ESTIMATED RETAIL COST. I
nternal Rev-
Kinps oF Liquor. Cc De enue and Cus-
Per Total Per toms.
Gallon. : Capita,
Distilled, domestic... ......eesee eee enee 76,331,701 $5.00 $381,658,505 $5.47 $79,862,627
Distilled, imported... 1,496,860 8 00 11,974,880 +317 25594366
Fermented, domestic. 1,040,259,039 #50 520,129,520 7.46 31,640,618
Fermented, imported 3,033,867 *1,00 37033067 +04 637,512
Wines, domestic ... 16,589,657 *2.00 339179324 4B: ||| Panetmeaye sarees
Wines, imported.......... syns aytelets olavevews 33054392 #4,00 12,217,568 +17 3,697,826
Total..... aloe ethane: sae anigte sion sahiawas 1,140,764,716 $62,192,854 $13.79 $118, 432,949
* Estimates of Mr. F. N. Barrett, editor of The American Grocer, 2 xd
+ We estimate that 124 per cent. of this is used in the arts, manufactures, and sciences, but this is fully
compensated for in the water added when sold at retail.
DIRECT AND _INDIRECT LOSS FROM THE
DRINK TRAFFIC.
The nation’s liquor bill for 1890.. $902,645,867
Government revenues from liquor:
Internal revenues ......... .. $107,695,910
CustOMmsiias ccs as isinassiewarwams 8,518,081
State and local revenues .. ... 24,786,496
Total Government receipts $141,000,487
Expenses of collecting (2.65 per
CONES) o6 ers cci2ah Miho oac meta
Net Government revenues from
WQWOR aces sien aise, Sarde Hearne
39736513
137,263,974
Net direct cost of liquor traffic..
Indirect cost of liquor traffic:
Loss of work by 3,750,000 hard
S GPTinkers vceens cdeinaeets vac $32,750,000
Loss of work by non-drinkers, 66,275,000
Loss from deaths of 45,000
$765,381,893
drunkards .... .............- 116,289,000
Cost to Government of pov-
erty and crime............005 + 68,881,110
Private cost of poverty and
CTU C peers ciaraie Senses aii careaueiereas 68,881,110
Total indirect cost of traffic.. 453,076,220
Total cost of liquor traffic... $1,218, 458,113
How much loss is occasioned by the poverty
and crime due to drink? $91,841,480 is spent
by the State and local governments for the
courts, police, jails, poor-houses, and other
methods of caring for the criminals and pau-
pers. Of this it is safe to estimate that at least
75 per cent. is due to drink, making a loss from
this source of $68,881,110. But this is only the
cost to the State or local governments and does
not include the private losses due to these
causes. These we estimate at as much more—
another $68,881,110, making $137,762,220 for
poverty and crime.
_ Areference to the table shows that the total
indirect cost of the traffic from these sources is
$453,076,220, which, added to the $765,381,893
of direct cost, makes an aggregate of $1,218,-
458,113 of direct and indirect cost of the traffic.
III, Evir Errects oF INTEMPERANCE.
(@) POVERTY.
The twenty-third annual report (1893) of the
Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor
contains a special investigation into the condi-
tion of the tenement population of Boston. One
of the inquiries made was as to why the tenants
of the poorer houses remain in undesirable con-
ditions. The investigation covered 475 families
and 2140 persons residing in tenements, or
neighborhoods classed as poor or bad. The
principal cause was in each case selected, al-
though in some cases more than one cause was
found. The following table shows, as the re-
sults of the inquiry, that more than 42 per cent.
of these people live in bad tenements primarily
because of intemperance :
CAUSES FOR REMAINING IN POOR TENE-
MENTS.
PERCENTAGE.
pee ae |e
er 0: opu-
CAUSES. Fami- | lation. | pa ii- Popu-
lies. lies. | lation.
Intemperance..icienvss| 268 g12 | 43.16 | 42.62
Low rent. ...cseee cece 74 290 | 75.58 13-55
POVETLY s exscana vapeeza 22 103 4 63 4.81
CNOIE. dc iatoem: ci nawe ‘ 53 240 | 11.16 | 11,22
Necessity..... ea aioe weicecraee! 117 572 | 24.63 26.73
Nearness to work... .. 4 23 0,84 1.07
Motall scenes viele cacsiess 475 2,140 |100.00 |I00.00
(6) CRIME.
A careful investigation into the relation of
drink to crime was made by Carroll D. Wright,
now United States Commissioner of Labor,
when he was in charge of the Massachusetts Bu-
Intemperance.
reau of Labor. He analyzed the crimes com-
mitted in Suffolk County, which contains the
city of Boston, for the year ending September
1, 1880, The total number of sentences passed
during the year was 16,897, of which 12,289, or
72 per cent., were for offenses clearly due to
drink, 12,221 being for drunkenness and 68 for
illegal sales of liquor. Of the remaining 4608
persons convicted of various crimes, Mr. Wright
found that 2097 had committed them while under
the influence of liquor, and that the intent to
commit the crime was formed by 1918 while
under the influence of liquor. It was found in
1804 cases that the crime was committed under
conditions induced by the drinking habits of
criminals, while in 821 cases the drinking habits
of others induced the crime condition,
If the 2097, who were shown to have com-
mitted their offenses while under the influence
of drink, be added to the 12,289 convicted of
“distinctively rum offenses,’’ this makes 14,386 |
out of the total 16,897 commitments, or 84 per
cent., due to drink particularly.
Professor J. J. McCook, of Trinity College,
Hartford, Conn., in a paper read before the
Twentieth Century Club, of that city, in 1895,
speaks of the relation of drink to crime in these
words :
“Por 12 years the police arrests for drunkenness
alone averaged in Hartford 62.8 per cent. of the whole
number, while drunkenness and its allied offenses
numbered 80.67 per cent. This proportion is perhaps
somewhat larger than in most places, but it may gen-
erally be expected to be at least as high as three fifths.
“95 to 97 out of every hundred incarcerated in our
jailare self-confessed drinkers, altho they pleasantly
add ‘moderate’ to the title; and from 43.6 to 56.1 per
cent. of them are there specifically for drunkenness,
and fully 66 per cent, or two thirds of them, are there
for that and its resulting crimes. There were 1393 of
them there last year out of atotal of arzz.
“Of the 38: captives in our State prison last year,
46.8, or almost half, thought drink had done it.
“fake special phases of crime, for example :
“Abuse, neglect, or abandonment of children.
Those most familiar with the subject in this neighbor-
hood have put the proportion of cases attributable to
drink at or beyond two thirds. From the Pennsyl-
vania Society to Protect Children from Cruelty, with
ee in Philadelphia, a former vice-president,
in talking with me, fixed the proportion roughly at
four fifths to nine tenths. But the secretary gives me
definite statistics for 1891-92, showing 309 cases of
drink out of a total of 864 in 18qz, and 359 out of 987 in
1892, z.é., from 35.8 per cent. to 36.4 per cent. In some
previous years the percentage had been as high as 59.
“Take murder and homicide. During the months
of January, February, and March of last year I
clipped from three daily papers here every case of
murder and homicide and classified them according to
assigned causes. In avery large proportion no cause
was given. All such were reckoned as not due to
drink—which is, of course, conceding far too much—
and drink was charged only when definitely assigned.
In January there were 31 cases, of which 9 were
dueto drink; in February there were 67, of which 10
to drink; in March, 41, of which 1o to drink. The
total was 110, with 29 cases, or 20.9 per cent., specifi-
cally attributed to drink.”
The railroads of the country recognize the
importance of having sober men. The Voice
has recently collected information from leading
officials of 45 railroads, having some 200,000
employees, or about one fourth of the total num-
ber employed in the country. Without excep-
tion all agree that, from their business experi-
ence, ‘‘ habitual drinking makes employees less
efficient in their work.’’ In reply to the ques-
tion, ‘‘ Does your company forbid the use of in-
toxicants to employees while on duty?” all,
745
Intemperance.
without a single exception, reply that they do.
The class of service upon which this requirement
is usually made is the train service, but many
require this of all employees.
OTHER OPINIONS,
“For myself, 2x years of study and observation
have convinced me that poverty is a prime cause of
intemperance, and that misery is the mother and
hereditary appetite the father of the drink hallucina-
tion.
“To the labor reformers I have to say, you have
united for home protection; so have we. You will
bring it about by standing together at the ballot-box ;
so shall we. In the slums they drink to forget; we
would make life something they would gladly remem-
ber. We once said intemperance was the cause .of
poverty ; now we have completed the circle of truth
by saying poverty causes intemperance, and that the
underpaid, underfed, undersheltered wage-earning~
teetotaler deserves a thousand times more credit than
the teetotaler who is well paid, well fed, and well
cared for, Our objects are the same. Let us clasp
hands in the unity of the spirit and the bond of peace,
“Ten years ago I could not have said it honestly, five
ears ago I could not have said it helpfully, but now
Uicariende declare that I believe it to bethe right and
duty of white ribbon women to help abolish poverty
in the largest sense of that great phrase ; but I must in
the same breath ask our friends of the labor move-
ment to recognize that our special work for the aboli-
tion of poverty consists in the abolition of the public-
house and the saloon.”—Frances &. Willard, in her
presidential address before the World’s W.C. T. U.,
in London, June, 1895.
“Of drink in all its combinations, adding to every
trouble, undermining every effort after good, de-
stroying the home and cursing the young lives of the
children, the stories tell enough. It does not stand as
apparent chief cause in as many cases (of pauperism)
as sickness or old age, but if it were not for drink,
sickness and old age could be better met. Drink must
therefore be accounted the most prolific of all the
causes, and it is the least necessary.”’—Charles Booth,
in his book on Paupertsm and the Endowment of Old
Age (pp. 140, 141.) : ;
‘«The destruction of the poor is their poverty,’ and
the present licensing system is a chief cause of the
present time poverty, debasement, and weakness of
the poor.”’—John Burns, M.P., and 139 other British
labor leaders, in an address supporting the Veto bill in
1893-
Bre I could I would inaugurate a strike that would
drive the liquor traffic from the face of the earth.”—
P.M. Arthur, Cue a the Brotherhood of Locomotive
Engineers, tn a speech at Cleveland, O., March 28, 1886.
“The liquor traffic is responsible for nine tenths of
the misery among the working classes, and the aboli-
tion of that traffic would be_ the greatest blessing
which could come to them.”—7. V. Powderly, ex-Gen-
eral Master Workman of the Knights of Labor.
“Tam perfectly well aware that here and therein an
country there can be found dens and hovels in whic
men and families devoted to industrial pursuits find
what they call theirhomes. Ihave seen such. I can
find them in my own State, and probably in every
State in the Union. I can find them in England, and
in every continental country, but they are the excep-
tions. In Manchester, England, 60 years Ago, 60,000
factory operatives were living underground in cellar-
ages. To-day you cannot find one family belonging
to the industrial classes living in such a hole. I have
looked into a thousand homes of the working people
of Europe; I do not know how many in this country.
I have tried to find the best and the worst ; and while
as I say, Iam aware that the worst exists, and as ba
as under any system or as bad as in any age, I have
never had to look beyond the inmates to find the cause;
and in every case, so far as my own observation goes,
drunkenness was at the bottom of the misery, and not
the industrial system or the industrial conditions sur-
rounding the men and their families.”—Unzted States
Commissioner Carroll D. Wright, in an address on
The Relation of the Modern System of Industry to In-
tellectual Development (1895). :
“Tf I could have my way I would wipe out every
saloon. The saloon is the prolific source of nine
tenths of the misery, wretchedness, and crime, and is,
more than we know, responsible for the social evil.’”—
kev. Charles H. Parkhurst, D.D., tn an interview tn
The Voice of January 16, 1896.
Intemperance.
“ After all, if we hunt vice and crime back to their
lairs we will be pretty sure to find them in the gin-
mill. Drunkenness is the prolific mother of most of
the evil-doing.... Drunkenness is the prime cause
of all the trouble.”— Thomas Byrnes, while Superin-
tendent of the New York Police Department.
For views and statistics contrary to this opin-
ion that intemperance is the main cause of pov-
erty, see Poverty. ’
(¢) PHYSICAL EFFECTS.
In the annual report of the Registrar-General
for England and Wales for the year 1893, it is
stated that ‘‘the deaths directly ascribed to in-
temperance numbered 2174, or 73 per 1,000,000,
which is the highest rate on record ; the rates
in the three preceding years had been 70, 71, —
and 67 per1,000,000.’’ The deaths reported due
to intemperance have reference only to those
acute forms of alcoholism in which the death
could be immediately traced to intemperance.
Since 1869 the death-rate from this cause has
more than doubled, being 34 per 1,000,000 in
1869, 29 in 1870, and 32 in 1871.
In the Proceedings of the Royal Soctety of
Victor¢a, published in Melbourne, January,
1894, is a paper on The Damage Done to Mem-
bers of the Medical Profession by the Abuse
of Alcohol. The writer has traced the careers
of the members of three classes graduating at
Melbourne University. Of 56 Bachelors of
Medicine in the Class of 1881-82, 12, or 21 per
cent., are known to have become victims to an
“‘ excessive use of alcohol.’’ Of 86 in the Class
of 1883-84, Io, or 12 per cent., have become vic-
tims. Of 106 in the Class of 1885-86, 12, or II
per cent., have become victims.
The French Academy of Medicine, one of the
most illustrious scientific bodies in the world,
near the close of 1895 adopted the following reso-
oe proposed by MM. Bergeron and La-
ordi : :
“The French Academy of Medicine, believing—
‘““That the rapid increase in the amount of intoxica-
tion due to the manufactured alcohols and the essences
and liquors which they help to compose,
“And that the artificial ‘bouquets,’ oils of wine,
aldehydes, and all compositions intended for the arti-
ficial manufacture of wines and liquors,
“Cause a permanent danger to public health, and
create, both directly and by way of heredity, im-
pulsive and criminalinsanity, and physical and mental
degeneration of the individual and of the race;
“That they constantly attack the very life and force
of the country, and greatly contribute to its depopu-
lation and decadence ;
“ Believing, therefore,
“That it is urgently necessary in the interest of
human and national honor to avert as far as possible
sie danger, and the evil, already rooted, which it pro-
uces:
“Believing, on the other hand, that science has
demonstrated, both by experimental study and by
chemical observation, that the most impure and poi-
sonous alcohols, whatever may be their composition
and source, can be converted into the purest and least
oisonous alcohol, which is none the less always and
undamentally a poison;
“Therefore, be it resolved,
“That the absolute rectification of allalcohol should
be assured by law;. . . and that all productsand com-
positions intended in behalf of the manufacture of ar-
tificial wines and liquors . . . should be the objects of
absolutely prohibitive legislation ; and that these fun-
damental measures should be aided by others, such as
the lessening of the opportunity and temptation, by
limiting the number of licenses. a
Beer-drinking Germany, too, is beginning to
see that her favorite beverage is not so harmless
746
Interest.
as certain American advocates are fond of de-
claring. The Deutsche Versicherung-Zeitung,
of Berlin, an insurance journal, published a
lecture delivered March 28, 1894, by Dr. Bren-
del before the Anthropological Society of Mu-
nich, in which he said :
“ Alcohol, which apparently brings so much pleas-
ure to its partaker, acts as poison, if even consumed
in small doses daily, by means of its cumulative ac-
tion, as Strikingly shown here in Munich, the center of
beer consumption, by the frequent sudden cases of
death of apparently healthy men. Fatty, enfeebled
hearts, shriveled kidneys, fatty or hardened livers,
changes in the texture of blood-vessels, which cause
paralytic strokes and softenings of the brain, b
bursting in the brain, chronic catarrhs of the stomac
and bronchial tubes, etc., trembling of the limbs, ab-
errations and diseases of the mental faculties, de-
lirium tremens, ete.—these are some of the conse-
quences of an immoderate drinking of alcoholic
stimulants. Professor Dr. Bollinger of this city (Mu-
nich) has inthe same manner proved the prevalence of
various diseases of a definite nature of the internal
organs caused by the universal drinking of beer. A
normal heart or kidney is the exception only here in
Munich, This state of affairs also injures the progeny
in a most serious manner. Dr. Demme found that of
the children of non-drinkers, 82 per cent. were sound,
while of those of drinkers only 17 per cent. were
sound. Germany spends at present 2,500,000,000 marks
annually for alcoholic beverages! [About $600,000,-
cco ; population about 50,000,000.—Fadztor.] Altho large
quantities of beverages were drunk formerly, still
only in the last century, and more especially only in
the last decades, in which the brewer’s art was per-
fected, drinking has become universal. It has spread
everywhere and increased to a frightful, most alarm-
ing extent. It has been introduced even into country
communities, and the only inevitable consequence
will be the thorough degeneration of the human race, if
the evil is not checked before it is too late. Altho it is
contended that beer contains less alcohol than either
wine or whiskey, it is nevertheless as injurious as
either of them, while its vaunted nutritive value
stands in no proportion to its price. When a man is
required to perform the greatest feats of corporeal ex-
ertions, in battle, sport, explorations, etc., the baleful
effect of alcohol is most strikingly shown. English
life insurance companies divide their risks into two
classes, the non-drinkers and the drinkers, and the
average of expected mortality has for several years
been only 71 per cent. for the former, therefore 29 per
cent. less than that of the latter. Taking the rate of
mortality at 10,000, of this unit die : Farmers, 630; brew-
ers, 1361 ; Saloon-keepers, 1521 ; waiters (of both sexes) in
barrooms and saloons, 2205. In spite of the marvelous
advantages of our present age, a great retrogression,
in an ethical. sense, is undeniable, the chief cause of
which is principally due to the increase of drunken-
ness, because the beer saloon has become the center
and focus of social life.”
Reference : See TEMPERANCE.
INTEREST, as the word is popularly used,
may be defined as the price paid for the use of
money. In exacter thought it is the price paid
for the use of cafzta/ (money or any other form
of capital). Itis identical with the original mean-
ing of the word usury, which, according to all
lexicographers, originally meant not, as now,
exorbitant interest, but any interest at all,
usury being what was paid for wszwg money.
When the Old Testament forbids zsuvy, it is z-
terest that is forbidden—taking any pay for the
use of money. But this raises a question we
shall not here discuss. (For a discussion of the
rightfulness or wrongfulness of taking interest
and for a history of that question in ethics, see
Usury.) We here ask simply what part does
interest play in modern economic relations ;
what are the laws which govern it, and how
may they be used for the social good ?
_ Here we must, however, sharply notice several
important distinctions. The capitalist who in-
Interest.
vests money to-day usually gets more than mere
payment for the use of his money, Why this is
so it is easy to see by considering the case first_
not of a lender of money, but of a corpora-
tion or company in business to make money.
To do this at the start, it often, perhaps usu-
ally, has to borrow money. It does this, hop-
ing out of its business to pay not only for
the use of the money borrowed, but also to
clear some profits for itself. If it were not
for this hope it would not borrow the money
or go into business. It can thus be seen that
interest or what it pays for the use of borrowed
money and profits for itself are two distinct
things. Interest may be and often is at 6 per
cent., when profits are at 12 or more. It is, of
course, often true that in a business there may
not be for a long time, and possibly may never
be, any profits. The business may be run sim-
ply paying rent, wages, and interest ; but this
is only done for a while, because it is hoped
that eventually profits will accrue. Thus hav-
ing seen the distinction between profits and in-
terest in the case of a business corporation, we
can now see that they are still distinct even
when paid to the same person. A corporation
or individual may have money enough to fur-
nish their own capital without borrowing.
They, in this case, may be said to borrow of
themselves. They expect, therefore, not only
profits, but interest on the money they put in.
They expect this because capital, under compe-
tition, can always command some interest
(whatever the market rate is), and they go into
business only because they expect to get some-
thing more than the mere rate paid for the use
of money ; they expect to get some profit out of
their especial venture or undertaking. Interest
and profits (¢.v.) are thus distinct.
We must now see another distinction. Some
trades are more risky and uncertain and per-
haps more dangerous than others. Those who
invest money in such pursuits, therefore, de-
mand and can get extra pay for running an un-
usual risk. They can get this, for otherwise
they would prefer to put their money in safer
ventures, Hence besides ordinary interest or
payment for the use of money, they get extraor-
dinary interest or payment for theirrisk. Hence
such interest is really made up of two elements :
(1) payment for the use of money—interest
proper ; and (2) indemnity for risk. Thus, a
corporation or individual has to pay, besides
wages, and rent, andinterest proper on its capi-
tal, an indemnity for its risks and profits or
dividends (if it has stockholders) on its business.
In economic thought the general word zzferest
is generally used to cover the indemnity for
extra risks, and the expression zz¢erest proper
is used for interest in its narrower sense of the
ordinary payment for the use of money. We
shall so use the terms in this article.
We come now to ask what are the laws which
govern interest? Interest, under competition,
is governed, in the first place, by the law of
supply and demand, When there is much loan-
able capital, interest falls ; where there is much
demand for capital, interest rises.
Says Professor Marshall (Economics of Indus-
ery):
“Combining the laws of supply and demand we
747
Interest.
get the law of the normal rate of interest, whichis:
When the economic conditions of a country have been
nearly uniform for along period of time,
the supply of capital is such that the
trate of interest which can be obtained
for it is that which has been required to
cause this supply to be forthcoming ;
and the rate thus determined is the nor-
mal rate. The rate is in equilibrium when it is just
that at which the whole supply of capital can find
Laws of
Interest.
employment.”
From this general statement many minor
truths follow. First, interest (including in it
payment for risk) varies with the risk of losing
the capital invested. Where this risk is at all
serious, interest grows very high. Unstable
governments like Turkey or Egypt, or ‘‘ shaky
concerns” or doubtful parties pay sometimes
enormous rates of interest. The poor always
have to pay higher risks than the rich. Four
or 5 per cent.a month (48 and 60 per cent.a
year) are not uncommon rates in pawnbrokers’
shops. Forty dollars are not unfrequently paid
by the poor in a few months for a first loan of
$20 or less. Second, interest varies with the
length of time for which the capital is borrowed.
People want proportionate compensation for
the trouble of frequent transference of capital
and their risk of being unable to replace at
once. Money on short-time loans will be often
three times long-time rates. Here again the
poor, who borrow to meet immediate necessi-
ties, are often at great disadvantage. Third,
interest tends to an equality in different trades.
Says Professor Jevons, in his Przmer of Po-
litical Economy -
“The most important fact about interest is that it is
the same in one business asin another. The rates of
profit differ very much, it is true, but this is because
the labor of superintendence is different, or because
there is greater risk in one trade than another. But
the true interest is the same, because capital, being
lent in the form of money, can be lent to one trade
just as easily as to another. There is nothing in circu-
lating capital which fits it for one trade more than
another; accordingly it will be lent to that trade which
offers ever so little more interest than other trades.
Thus there is a constant tendency to the equality of
interest in all branches of industry.”
Fourth, interest tends to obey the so-called
law of diminishing returns (g.v.). As civiliza-
tion advances, the price for the use of money
falls, for various reasons : (a) Because stability
and confidence, as a rule, increase, and less and
less of the element of payment for risk enters
into the payment for money; (4) because as
society grows wealthy the supply of capital in-
creases in proportion to the demand—how this
is modified we shall see later ; (c) because capi-
tal applied to land already well cultivated causes
in general a less than proportionate increase in
the return, or, as we may Say, it will obtain a
diminishing return. This last element is called
by some economists exclusively the law of di-
minishing return (g.v.). How all these laws
are modified by the advance of civilization in
opening up new channels for the employment
of capital we shall in a moment see. But it is
necessary to note this law, for it is made much
of by writers like Edward Atkinson, who assert
that capital is always getting a less and less
portion in distribution, and labor always more
and more.
It is true of interest as the price paid for the
use of capital; it is only partially true of the
Interest.
whole share of capital. . The latter, as we have
seen, includes interest proper and profit or divi-
dends. Now, interest proper may decrease and
yet dividends increase. A fall in the current
rate of interest, says G. Bernard Shaw, indicates
rather ‘‘ a tendency of the real interest or share
of capital to increase. Current rates of interest
we all know tend to fall with increase of popula-
tion ; yet at the same time the market value of
established stock rises with increasing popula-
tion, rises, therefore, as the current rates fall.
The current rate,’’ he says, ‘‘ must, under pres-
ent conditions, eventually fall to zero, and even
become ‘ negative.’ By that time shares which
now bring in a dividend of 100 per cent. may
very possibly bring in 200 or more.’’
Capital, by being invested in established
stocks, may thus be getting larger dividends,
altho the popular rate of interest be falling.
Again, tho the rate of doth dividends and popu-
lar interest be falling, the return to the wealth
of a few individuals may be steadily gaining,
because the amount of the principal on which
they draw grows rapidly. Two per cent. on
$1,000,000 is better than 10 per cent. on $1000.
While millionaires are, as at present, yearly add-
ing millions to their principal, it is small comfort
to the poor to be shown by Mr. Atkinson that
the rate of interest or even of dividends may
be slightly falling.
Coming now to ask what are the present rates
of interest, Professor Jevons, writing in 1878,
says (Primer of Polztecal Economy) :
“The rates of interest actually paid in business vary
very much, from 1 or 2 per cent. up to 50 per cent. or
more. When the rate is above 5 or 6 per cent., it will
be to some extent not true interest, but compensation
for the risk of losing the capital altogether. To learn
the true average rate of interest, we must inquire what
is paid for money lent to those who are sure to pay it
back, and who give property in pledge, so that there
may be no doubt about the matter. It seems probable
that the true average rate of interest in England is at
present about 4 per cent., but it varies in different
countries, being lower in England and Holland than
anywhere else.”
Says Professor Marshall more recently (Zco-
nomics of Industry) :
“The normal rate of interest in England does not
seem likely to deviate much from 4 per cent. for some
time to come; but it may be slowly altered by changes
in the field of employment, while the market rate of
interest is oscillating rapidly up and down on either
side of the normal rate as a center.... Arate of8
per cent. on sound investments has spread like a wave
steadily over the greater part of the North American
continent; and this is being followed by wavesof 7 and
of 6 and even 5 per cent. interest that have already
started on their way westward and southward from the
Northern Atlantic States.”
Concerning the future, he says:
“Tt is difficult to forecast the distant future of the
rate of interest. Hitherto the progress of civilization
has increased the willingness to save atalowrate. In
old countries, in which men are accustomed to work
patiently for small gains and to value highly the
possession of a secure income, a low rate of interest
seems to have little effect n checking the accumula-
tion of capital. In England, for instance, in spite of
the low rate of interest, the capital of the country is
increasing at the average rate oF about 200,000,000 an-
nually; that is, by a little more than a thirtieth of its
total amount. If this rate of increase were sustained
for 4oo years, the capital owned by Englishmen would
be multiplied a millionfold, and in 800 years a billion-
fold. But however bigh the hopes we may have of the
future progress of the arts of production, we cannot
suppose that there will ever bea field for the profitable
employment of as much capital as this. Seance or
748
Interest.
later the rapid growth of capital must increase the
competition of capital for the aid of labor, and dimin-
ish the competition of labor for the aid of capital.”
Professor Marshall therefore concludes that.
the share that capital may draw from produc-
tion will probably tend to be less, and so inter-
est falls. He thinks, however, that it will not.
fall rapidly to a minimum, but fall slowly, and
the rate of fall become slower and slower as it.
approaches the minimum. A recent illustration
in the United States of the lowering of interest.
is the refunding in February, 1897, of some
forty odd millions of maturing 7 per cent. bonds.
of the Lake Shore Railway in a 34 per cent.
Ioo-year gold issue limited to $50,000,000.
But it must not be thought that the problem of
interest will be removed from the world while
wealth goes on amassing, as it hasin England.
and New York City for examples, with the
consequent increasing returns to the fortunate
few in spite of falling interest.
Indeed, the fall of interest accompanied by
the amassing of wealth rather intensifies many
of the problems involved in interest, because
when the rate of interest is low, it takes a very
large capital to produce the income demanded
by many modern families. Hence there results
an increasing dissatisfaction with small capital
and a more feverish and intenser struggle to
earn, and perhaps quite as likely to inherit or
by fortunate speculation to acquire large for-
tunes. This very dissatisfaction tends to induce
a willingness on the one hand to run large risks
and deal in speculative interests, which makes
interest a little higher, and also tends to create
a demand for socialistic and other reforms,
which again tends to raise interest by making
investments insecure and profits uncertain.
Only very large capitals and strong houses
and corporations can stand hard times and
low rates of interest. Thus in the question of
the future of interest is involved the whole
social movement.
All we can do is to note the laws which at
present govern the rate of interest. Besides
those above noted, or, rather, as special appli-
cations of those laws, we may see
that every invention or discovery
tends, for a while at least, to raise
interest because it creates a new
demand for capital to put the in-
Other
Factors,
“vention in operation. {It may, how-
ever, eventually lower interest because it may
enable men to produce with much less expen-
sive plant. The general tendency of invention,
‘however, has been to cheapen production by
increasing the cost and extent of plant to enable
the producer to very much increase the volume
of his product, and so make greater profits by
selling at lower rates. The invention of steam
transportation has cheapened products, but has
enormously increased the demand for capital.
Density of population, too, tends to increase the
opportunity to use capital. So, too, does the
raising of the standard of living. Marshall
points out that when a community begins to
‘outgrow its primitive cheap buildings and de-
mands expensive buildings, the demand for
capital rises, and with it the rate of interest. One
other factor and a general conclusion Marshall
states in these words :
X
Interest.
“There is also the demand for the loan of wealth by
persons or States who do not intend to use it produc-
tively, but who mortgage their future incomes to en-
able them to increase their expenditure in the present.
This part also of the demand for capital will be the
greater the lower the rate of interest at which loans
‘can be obtained. e
‘*Wesee then that the demand for capital depends
on the numbers of the population, the natural re-
sources of the country, the scope that the arts of pro-
duction afford for the employment of auxiliary capi-
tal, and the needs of unproductive consumers.”
PROPOSED REFORMS.
Such being the main laws which govern inter-
est, we come now to ask how they may be used
for the social 'good. The advantage of low in-
terest to a community is apparent. It may in-
deed be abused by persons borrowing when they
would do better not to borrow; but this isa
matter of education, and is overbalanced by the
stimulus which low interest gives to production,
the employment of labor, and the development
of natural resources, with all the accompanying
advantages. Therefore many schemes have
been proposed looking to the lowering of inter-
est. The oldest and seemingly the simplest of
these is for government to enact laws forbidding
interest above a fixed rate. This was in the
Middle Ages, and until recent times the univer-
sal custom, due in part to the medieval belief
that interest was wrong (see Usury); and in
part to a paternal theory of government, accord-
ing to which the State should aid the poor. To-
day few believe in this method. It is seen that
practically its only effect is to razse and not
lower the price. We quote on this point a classi-
cal passage from J. S. Mill (Polztzcal Economy,
Book V., chap. x., § 2):
“It is, however, a misapprehension of the causes
which influence commercial transactions to suppose
that the rate of interest is really made lower by law
than it would be made by the spontaneous play of
supply and demand. Ifthe competition of borrowers
left unrestrained would raise the rate of interest to 6
per cent., this proves that at 5 there would be agreater
demand for loans than there is capital in the market
tosupply. If the law in these circumstances permits
no interest beyond 5 per cent., there will be some
lenders who, not choosing to disobey the law, and not
being in a condition to employ their capital otherwise,
will content themselves with the legal rate; but oth-
ers, finding that in a season of pressing demand more
may be made of their capital by other means than
they are permitted to make by lending it, will not lend
it at all; and the loanable capital, already too small
for the demand, will be still further diminished. Of
the disappointed candidates there will be many at
such periods who must have their necessities supplied
at any price, and these will readily find a third section
of lenders, who will not be averse to join in a viola-
tion of the law, either by circuitous transactions par-
taking of the nature of fraud, or by relying on the
honor of the borrower. The extra expense of the
roundabout mode of proceeding, and an equivalent
for the risk of non-payment and of legal penalties,
must be paid by the borrower, over and above the
extra interest which would have been required of him
by the general state of the market. The laws which
were intended to lower the yuce paid by him for pe-
cuniary accommodation end thus in greatly increas-
ing it.” These laws have also a directly demoralizing
tendency. :
“Such restriction, altho approved by Adam Smith,
has been condemned by all enlightened persons since
the triumphant onslaught made upon it by Bentham
in his Letters on Usury, which may still be referred
to as the best extant writing on the subject.”
Another popular method for lowering the rate
of interest, agitated in the United States since
the war, has been the issue of paper currency
by the Government or by some means the in-
749
Interest.
creasing of the currency of the country, thus
aiming to increase the amount of capital to be
loaned, and thus to lower interest. But the
wisdom or unwisdom of this depends wholly on
how it is done, and so we consider it under Ex-
PANSION AND CONTRACTION OF CURRENCY.. It
should be noted here simply that if the rate of
interest depend on confidence, as we have
stated above, no amount of increase of currency
will lower interest, if the currency be depreciat-
ed or break publicconfidence. Thisis the dan-
ger of that plan. If this could be avoided, and
it seemed advisable for other reasons, it would
doubtless lower interest.
A third popular method for lowering interest,
and one recently much agitated, is for the Gov-
ernment to make loans to people directly on se-
curity of any form of property. It is said that
if the Government makes loans to the bankers
to furnish the banking system of this country,
and out of this the bankers make large profit by
reloaning the money sometimes at high interest,
there is no reason why the Government should
not do the same by all classes, instead of com-
pelling all others to go to this one favored class
of money brokers whenever they need to bor-
row. There have been various plans proposed
for governmental loans, usually at 2 per cent.
The agricultural class has been especially active
in urging such plans, and especially the so-
called sub-treasury plan (g.v.), by which Gov-
ernment should lend at 2 per cent. on agricul-
tural produce brought to appointed Government
elevators or storehouses. This is by no means
a merely popular and unscientific scheme. At
the meeting of the American Economic Asso-
ciation, August 23-26, 1892, Professor Commons
said (Report of Proceedings, p. 70):
“That seems to me the most scientific plan put for-
ward by any writer or thinker... . The sub-treasury
will give an elastic currency. I do not want to favor
a scheme like this on my own responsibility ; but the
fact is that this very scheme is in operation, and has
been for about six years in Russia. It is not a new
thing even in this country. In colonial times Mary-
jand and Virginia had a sub-treasury plan. They had
warehouses where tobacco could be stored, and the
farmer was given a certificate, which was legal tender
throughout the colonies. It circulated as money, but
it did not represent the faith of the Government; it
represented goods which were stored—just what the
farmer wants to-day.”
Perhaps the only obstacle to the plan is one of
administration, and the question why the same
plan should not be applied to all commodities as
wellas agricultural, and therefore, when it comes
to that, if there cannot be a different scheme of
governmental socialism, whereby interest shall
not be reduced, but practically abolished.
Fearing that this scheme thus directly leads
to socialism, most individualists and all con-
servatives oppose it, and would trust simply to
the competition of capitalists to lower interest,
a competition which they say has already low-
ered interest, so that stable governments can
now loan money at 3 per cent., and which they
say will gradually still lower all interest, if con-
fidence is not upset by sub-treasury paper money
and socialistic schemes.
To this itis answered that competition of capi-
tal cannot be trusted, because we are having to-
day the comdbznation of capital. Wherefore
some socialists would practically abolish interest
Interest.
by having all capital owned by the nation or
community and individual wealth be obtained
only by a system of labor checks. (See SocIAL-
ism.) A large number of socialists, however,
with other social reformers would not favor di-
rect attempts to either reduce or abolish inter-
est, but simply by steadily expanding the sphere
of the democratic State in and over industry
gradually reduce the sphere of and demand for
private capital, and hence steadily reduce inter-
est tillit finally fell to nil. The mere nation-
alization of railroads, it is claimed, would cut
off such a large opportunity for the investment
of money as to leave no adequate field for the
enormous fortunes of to-day, and so compel the
rapid decline of interest. Still another class of
thinkers (see SINGLE TAxERs) believe that inter-
est may be lowered by freeing land values, and
so making the producer less dependent upon
the capitalist. (See CapiTaL ; Usury, etc.)
INTERNAL REVENUE.—That part of
the revenue or income of a country which is
derived from duties on articles manufactured
or grown at home. In the United States, the
principal receipts are now from spirits, tobacco,
and fermented liquors, (For early internal
revenue laws and for English laws, see EXcIsE.)
The Civil War forced a renewal of the inter-
nal revenue system, and in 1861 a direct tax of
$20,000,000 was apportioned among the States,
tho it was not collected tilla year later. On
July 1, 1862, an exhaustive internal revenue act
was passed, levying taxes on all sorts and kinds
of articles too numerous to mention, on trades,
incomes, sales, manufactures, legacies, etc., and
the people submitted to the necessities of the
75°
Internal Revenue.
case. Extensive reductions were made after
the war had ceased, by various acts in 1866,
1867, and 1868. Further reductions were made
in 1872, when, among others, stamp taxes, ex-
cept that of two cents on checks, drafts, and or-
ders were abolished. Various acts since 1872
have reduced the subjects of internal revenue
taxation to their present numbers, tobacco,
spirits, fermented liquors, bank circulation, and,
by act of August 2, 1886, oleomargarine. The
following is a table of receipts from internal
revenue taxes from 1792-1865, up to 1820 by cal-
endar years, and after that by fiscal years end-
ing June 30.
INTERNAL REVENUE.
YEAR. Amount. -
$208,942.81
337)795-70
274,089.62
3371755-30
475,289.00
5751491-45,
6444357-95
77911 36.44
809,396.55
1,048,033.43
621,898.89
215,179.69
1,662, 984.82
41678, 059.07
5,124, 708.31
2,678, 100.77
9551270-20
2295 593-63
106,260.53
37,640, 787.95
109,741,136.10
209,404,215-25
SUMMARY OF INTERNAL REVENUE RECEIPTS FROM 1865 TO 1895, INCLUSIVE.
Penalties, : Collections
sae Fermented | Banks and iu Adhesive
FIscaL YEARS. 3 y : Oleomarga- Under Re-
YEARS Spirits Tobacco Liquors. Bankers. rine, ae Stamps. pealed Laws.
$x8,732,422/ $11,401,373 $3,734,928 $4,940,872 $520,363] $11,162,392] $160,638,180
33268,172 16,531,001 512201553 31463,988 1,142,853 15;044,373| 236,236,037
331542,952 19,765,148 6,057,501 2,046,562 3y459)171 16,094718 186,954,423
18,655,531 18,730,095 519551869 1,866,746) 1,256,882 14,852,252] 129,863,090
45y071,231 231430, 768 6,099,880 2,196,054 877,089) 16,420,710) 6539431673
551606,094 31,350,708 6,319,127 31020, 084) 827,905 16,544,043 74,507,908
46,281,848 331578,907 71389502 3,644,242 636,980) 1593425739 3751361958
495475)516 339735,17T 8,258,498 4,628,229 442,205 16,177,321 19,053,007
520995372 341386, 303 913245938] = | 39771031 401,653 757925377 6,329,782
49)444,090 331242,876 91304,680 3»387,161 364,216] 6,136,845 764,880
52,081,991 3713031462 95144,004 4,097,248 281,108 6,5571230 1,080,111
56,426,365 3917951340 91571)281 4,006,698 409,284 6,518,488 509,631
571469,430 41,106,547 9,480,789 31829,729) 4191999 6,450,429) 238,26
50,420,816 40,091,755 9987,052 3492,932 346,008 6,380,405 429,659
52,570,285 40,135,003 10,729,320 3,198,884) 578,591 62371538 eoee
61,185,509 38,870,149] 12,829,803} 31350985 383,755 7,668,304) oe
67,153,975 42,854,991 13,700,241 3)762,208 231,078 719241708 152,163
69,873,408 4713915989 16,153,920) 512531458 199,830 71570y109 78,559
741368,775, 42,104,250 16,900,616 31748,995 305,803 719531953 71,852
76,905,385 26,062,400) 18,084,954 fates 289,144 ead 265,068
67,511,209 26,407,088 18,230,782 twas 222,681' art 49,361
69,092,266 275,907,363 19,676,731 wie ave 194,422 sees 32,087
65,766,076 30,083,770 21,918,213 4288 219,058 eet 29,283,
69,287,437 30,636,076 23,324,218 4,203 1545970| Soci 95548
745302,887 31,862,195 23,723,835 6,179 83,893 sees anee
81,682,970) 331949998 26,008,535 69 1359555 sees seer
831335964 32,796,271 28,565,130 eee 250,214 estas wis
915309,984 31,000,493 30,037,453, 2392532 see seer
94,712,938 31,843,556 32,527,424 ‘as 166,915 eaters tee
85,259,252 28,617,899 31,414,788 2 1,876,509) eee ‘ agals
79,862,627 29,707,908 32,640,618 tees 1,960,794 teee sees
Total 3x Years ...| $1,884,755,870| $986,681,730| $482,253,954| $67,739,947] $16,944,660] $197,838,124] $1,207,070,330
Aggregate receipts, 1865-95 inclusive, including commissions allowed on sales of adhesive stamps, $4,842,348,706.
Aggregate receipts from all sources in the fiscal year ended June 30, 1895, $143,246,078,
International Arbitration.
INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION.—
The following article except for its concluding
paragraph is contributed to this encyclopedia by
Eleanor L. Lord, abridged from her monograph
ou the subject published by the American Acad-
emy of Political and Social Science.
As it is understood to-day, international ar-
bitration is limited in meaning, implying : (1)
the participation of sovereign States of acknowl-
edged independence and autonomy ; (2) a for-
mal agreement on the part of the litigants to
submit their difficulties to the decision of an ar-
bitrating body or individual ; (3) the consent of
the latter to undertake such decision and to ren-
der an award after a thorough and impartial
examination of the facts of the case; (4) an
agreement on the part of the contracting parties
to accept the decision as final and conclusive,*
Before passing to the application of pacific
principles to international relations in the pres-
ent century, it may be well to review briefly the
changes which the last 1900 years have wit-
nessed in the attitude of civilized nations tow-
ard war.
The Christian religion, as taught and prac-
tised by its founder and His disciples, placed
especia! emphasis on the principles of brotherly
love, forbearance, forgiveness of
enemies, and peace and good-will
History. toward all men—theories of life and
of human intercourse quite strange
to the civilizations of the pre-Chris-
tian era. All the records of the early Church
which have come down to us of the first two
centuries of its existence would seem to show
that the inconsistency of warfare with the
tenets of the new religion had made a strong
impression upon the sect.
It was the Church as an organization that,
throughout the Middle Ages, uttered the sole
remonstrance against the practice of private
war. When, in France, the atrocities of feudal
warfare became so great as to threaten the very
foundations of society, it was the Church that
‘came to the rescue with the ‘‘ peace of God ;”
and five years later, the ‘‘truce of God,” by
which fighting was forbidden from Thursday
morning to Monday morning of every week, on
all feast days and in Lent, leaving, practically,
ae 80 days in the year when war was allow-
able. :
During the eleventh and twelfth ‘centuries
numerous associations were formed which were
the prototypes, on asmall scale, of modern peace
societies. There was not as yet, however, any
conception of international peace—the word in- .
ternational could hardly have had any meaning.
By the time that the spirit of nationality had
begun to assert itself—z e., when there had be-
gun to be a distinct differentiation of the several
small nations of Europe in respect to language,
institutions and political interests, schemes of
universal peace and of a united Christian State
had become dreams of the past. :
Medieval methods of grappling with the war
problem ended, then, in practical failure ; and
the cause of universal peace was forgotten in
* It is this last feature that distinguishes arbitration
from mediation, in which adherence to the decision is
optional.
751
International Arbitration.
the horrors of the Inquisition and the blood-
thirsty wars of the Reformation. The concep-
tion of Henry IV. of France of a grand Chris-
tian republic of 15 States, and his scheme of in-
ternational arbitration were too far in advance
of his time not to have been regarded either as
the dreams of a visionary fanatic or as a subtle
attempt at the aggrandizement of France.
More valuable and far more important was the
work of Hugo Grotius, who, while a guest at
Henry’s court, received the inspiration to his
great work, De Jure Belli ac Paczds, in which
he laid the foundation of a system of interna-
tional law.
Here it will be observed that the character of
the peace movement has changed, It is no
longer religious, but politicalinitsaims. Efforts
toward reconciliation no longer originate with
the Church, but with monarchs and statesmen ;
they take the form, in general, of alliances of
the great powers of Europe for the purpose of
preserving peace among themselves, and thus,
by the latent strength of unity and numbers,
preventing the possibility of attack by ambitious
and grasping rivals. Experience shows the de-
lusiveness of such a theory.
The opening of the. nineteenth century
brought with it a return to the religious point
of view, and to the primitive notion that Chris-
tianity is the basis of all international law. Eu-
rope entered upon the century worn out with
conflict and in desperate need of peace. Rus-
sia, Austria, and Prussia accordingly, in 1815,
formed what is known as the Holy Alliance,
agreeing by a sacred compact to respect the
great principles of right and justice, and to re-
press violence—promises which fell far short of
fulfillment.
In 1818, at the Conference held at Aix-la-
Chapelle, the four nations that had conquered
Napoleon, joined later by France, formed them-
selves into the Great Pentarchy, in the interests
of permanent peace. The dangerous principle
of intervention was unanimously recognized,
and the outcome was the congresses of Trop-
pau, Laybach, and Verona.
The Holy Alliance forms a link between the
peace policy of the past and that of the present.
The unsatisfactory results of the
Grand Alliance dealt the death-
hlow to the theory of the balance
of power as an efficient and prac-
ticable system. Henceforth all
efforts toward amicable adjustment of interna-
tional affairs are to be based upon other princi-
les.
. The work of the nineteenth century in view
of this end takes on three forms :
1. The organization and work of peace con-
ferences and associations for the promotion of
arbitration.
2. Legislation favoring arbitration.
3. The practical application of the principle.
Peace societies began to be established early
in the century, the first having been organized
in New York in 1815, Six. months later the
London Peace Society was formed. Similar or-
ganizations sprang up allover Europe. Their
object was to unite all the advocates of peace
for concerted action.
Conferences have been held from time to time
Nineteenth
Century.
{nternational Arbitration.
at London, Brussels, Geneva, Paris, and else-
where, for the interchange of sympathy.and the
discussion of plans.
About 1873, efforts were made to bring the
subject of arbitration before the legislative
bodies of the different countries. A motion of
the late Mr. Henry Richard passed the House
of Commons, in 1873, proposing that England
should communicate with foreign powers with
a view to the improvement of international law
and the establishment of a permanent system
of arbitration.
Signor Mancini presented a similar resolution
to the Italian Parliament in the same year.
From time to time petitions and memorials have
been presented to the various governments of
Europe and the Americas. Work of this char-
acter is necessarily slow and cautious, working
like leaven, silently, but effectively.
More attractive to the practical observer is the
record of actual cases of settlement by arbitra-
tion during the present century. Their number
is surprising. I have carefully examined the
records of 77 cases, and there are a half dozen
more of which I have hitherto been unable to
find more than a statement of the dates and
participants. 5
The questions which have proved susceptible
of arbitration fall under five main heads :
1. Boundary disputes,
2. Unlawful seizure of vessels or other prop-
erty.
3. Claims for damage by the destruction of
life or property. A
4. Disputed possession of territory.
5. The interpretation of treaties.
More than one third of the cases have related
to claims for damages presented, usually, by
one government in behalf of certain of its citi-
zens resident in the country of the offending
government. Such questions, altho occasion-
ally of such a character as to lead to heated con-
troversy and menacing dispatches, have béen,
for the most part, amicably settled to the satis-
faction of all parties. ;
This list does not include the Danubian Com-
mission established in 1856, the Berlin Congress
of 1878 (to settle claims of States in the Balkan
peninsula), nor the Joint Commission on the
Fisheries Question that met at Washington in
1888 and recommended the submission of future
disputes on that question to a mixed commis-
sion and an umpire.
The most serious obstacle to the introduction
of international arbitration as a permanent in-
stitution has been the indecision of its advocates -
as to the method of conducting cases. Hith-
erto, three methods of arbitration have been
employed : First, reference to some trustworthy
and disinterested individual. This
is the least advisable plan of all, for
Practical it 1s usually difficult to find a per-
Application, son who will be satisfactory to’ the
litigants and who will be willing to
: undertake so delicateatask. More-
over, in the case of disputed boundary lines or
claims for indemnity, the labor of investigating
records would usually be quite beyond the
strength of one man.
d The second method, adopted in certain cases,
is that of settlement by a conference of diplo-
752
International Arbitration.
epresenting the governments concerned.
oan a beds is Sinwiclay, and necessitates a
fae expenditure of time and money for pre-
liminary negotiations.
The most popular and successful plan has
been the appointment ofa mixed commission,
small enough to be easily managed, large
enough to work rapidly and systematically, un-
hampered by diplomatic ‘‘red tape.’’ Still,
such a commission is temporary—unsuited to a
scheme of permanent arbitration. The Halifax
Fisheries Commission of 1871 illustrates another
objection. The question at issue was to be de-
cided by a commission of arbitration. The
clause in the Treaty of Washington admitting
the possibility that the choice of umpire of the
commission be left to the Austrian Minister at
London was very annoying to the United
States. The suspicion of unfairness and par-
tiality, whether well founded or not, was the
cause of considerable irritation. The - final
award of the commission was a surprise to the
world. By Americans it was considered exces-
sive and exorbitant, and many doubted if it
were lawfully and honorably due. The United
States promptly paid the money ; but as a case
of arbitration this was, perhaps, the most un-
successful on record, and greatly shook the pub-
lic confidence in the efficacy of that method of
adjusting differences. ~
A permanent mixed tribunal would insure im-
partiality. Such a scheme would imply the
abolition of standing armies or a uniform reduc-
tion in their numbers. The question has been
raised by doubters, How will such a tribunal
be able to enforce its decisions if the army is
banished? Some have suggested that each na-
tion furnish its quota of soldiers to form a kind
of international police. Such an institution,
however, would seem an inconsistency, if a
tribunal aiming to substitute reason and justice
for the sword and bayonet be obliged to use
force in the execution of its decrees.
There is, apparently, some confusion in the
public mind between an international court and
a permanent commission of arbitration. The
former should mean a court of international
law, and, to be effective, should be composed of
the most eminent jurists and statesmen of whom
the world can boast, men who know the laws ot
nations as they now exist, and who are capable
of interpreting and codifying those laws. There
is urgent need of a complete and precise code of
international law. Much dispute and misunder-
standing is the consequence of the imperfection
of the present code. ‘‘ The great end of law is
not to decide, but to prevent disputes.”’ :
A court of international law would find its
authority in the majesty of the law, and the
moral support of the nations ought to be a suffi-
cient guarantee for the acceptance of its de-
crees. Any government which refused to abide
by the decisions of so august a body would suf-
fer eternal disgrace in the eyes of the world, to
say nothing of the material loss of commercial
good-will. The expense of such a court, shared
by the participating nations, would be compara-
tively light.
When a dispute arose the plaintiff would at
once carry the case to this great Court of Ap-
peals, which would investigate the said case on
International Arbitration.
a purely legal basis. This would take the place
of special arbitration, but ‘should any question
not susceptible of legal interpretation arise, a
commission of arbitration could easily be formed
from the panel of the international jury.
Recent events have occasioned a marked
spread of interest in international arbitration.
' In the winter of 1895-96, France, by the nearly
unanimous action of its legislative chambers,
proposed a permanent treaty of arbitration be-
tween that country and the United States ;
negotiations are now pending between England
and the United States for a permanent tribunal
for the settlement of issues arising between
those two nations ; and the International Par-
liamentary Conference, in which were mem
bers from 14 different European parliaments,
not only proposed to its respective governments
the organization of a permanent tribunal, but
formulated a plan for its organization,
INTERNATIONAL, THE.—The Inter-
national was a society attempting to unite the
working classes of all nations in one socialistic
organization. As early as 1840 endeavors were
made in this direction, when some German
refugees in London formed a Deutscher-Arbeiter
Bildungsverein, later called the Society of the
Fraternal Democrats, and aiming to unite all
nationalities. The manifesto (g.v.), published
by Marx and Engels, 1847-48, aided the move-
ment. The coming of some French workmen
to the London Exhibition of 1862 led to further
exchange of ideas, and on September 28, 1863,
in St. Martin’s Hall, London, a meeting was
held under the presidency of Professor Beesly
(g.v.) and the International organized.
Englishmen were chosen as president, secre-
tary, and treasurer of the general council ; cor-
responding secretaries were appointed for the
affiliated countries, and Marx natu-
rally received the office for Ger-
Beginnings. many. At first the policy of the
International was little defined, and
thus, in endeavoring to unite the
workers of all countries, it came to stand for vari-
ous things in the various countries. Even Maz-
zini for a while joined it, but drew out when it
developed the materialistic socialism he opposed.
(See Mazzini.) In England, it meant little more
than international trade-unionism, and when
English workmen found that on the Continent
it meant more they virtually left it In Ger-
many, it became socialistic. (See GERMANY.)
In France and most Latin countries it devel-
oped anarchist-ccommunism. In the United
States it had little more than a nominal exist-
ence. These divergences naturally proved its
weakness, but for a while it alarmed all Euro-
pean governments. Marx became its real lead-
er. Hewrote an address in which he dwelt
upon
“the want prevailing among the working classes,
want which had continued undiminished since 1848,
tho the propertied classes had become more prosper-
ous. He held it to be incontrovertibly proved that the
perfection of machinery, the utilization of science in
industry and agriculture, the extension of markets,
artificial measures like colonization and emigration, as
well as free trade, were all unable to relieve the con-
dition of the laboring population. Asking for a
remedy, he found it in cooperative labor developed to
national dimensions and promoted by State resources,
48
753
International, The.
But as the land-owning and capitalist classes would be
sure to use their political privileges for the defense of
their economic monopolies, the working classes must
first acquire political power. They possessed one
element of strength, that of numbers, but numbers~
without union were of no avail, and thus it was a par-
amount duty to combine for mutual defense and
offense. ‘Proletariat of all countries,’ ended the ad-
dress, ‘unite!’
The European governments began to take
alarm. The first congress was to have been
held in Brussels, but was not allowed, and an-
other conference was held instead in London.
The first real congress was held at Geneva in
1866, 60 delegates being present, and the second
at Lausanne, Switzerland, in 1867, The spirit
at this congress was more radical, as in the
words with which the president closed the con-
gress: ‘‘We want no more governments, for
governments oppress us by taxes ; we want no
armies, for armies massacre and murder us ; we
want no religion, for religion chokes the under-
standing.”
Bakounin, the Russian apostle of nihilism,
joined the International and fought with Marx
for the leadership. Marx and his friends de-
sired a revolution to be conducted by the order-
ly political capture of the State and the use of
the State to develop communism. Bakounin
desired to plant communism on the ruins of the
State. Fora while his fiery leadership carried
the mass of the members with him, particularly
in Italy, France, French Switzerland, and Bel-
gium. Germany favored the Marxist policy,
and in 1869 the Social Democratic Party was
formed on its lines. In 1870 the congress was
to have been held in Paris, but this was pre-
vented by the Franco-German War, a war
which the International strenuously denounced.
The revolutionary spirit gave birth to the upris-
ing of the Paris Commune (g.v.), tho the Inter-
national was not directly connected with it.
Marx found that this anarchist element must be
suppressed, and the General Council arranged
to have the congress of 1872 held at The Hague,
where Bakounin could not easily
come, as he was in Switzerland and
would have been arrested in pass-
ing through either Germany or
France. As a result, the Marxist
party triumphed at The Hague, and removed
the seat of the General Council to New York
City to avoid the machinations of Bakounin.
The Bakouninists, however, repudiated The
Hague congress and held another at Geneva,
claiming to represent the true International.
The movement thus divided soon came to an end
bothin Europe and America. For a while the
‘‘autonomists,’’ as the Bakounin faction styled
themselves, kept up a fiery agitation, created
several uprisings in Southern Europe, and in
the Latin countries had the majority of the or-
ganization with them. But suppressed by the
police, and unable to effect solid organization,
especially after the death of Bakounin in 1876,
the party died as an organization, its members,
however, becoming the modern anarchist-com-
munists of Europe. (See ANARCHISM.)
The Marxist movement has passed into the
Social Democratic parties, formed first in Ger-
many and later in even the Latin countries on
Marxist lines, the socialist congresses being the
The End,
International, The.
real representatives of the International to-day
(See SocIALIsmM.)
In the United States, the International was
at first, as in England, considered a mere union
of organized labor in all countries. and many
American trade-unionists joined it,
and delegates were sent to some of
its European congresses as in 1867
at Basle. Numerous branches were
formed in America, but never took
root. After the removal of the
General Council to New York in 1872, the strug-
gle between the anarchists and the socialists re-
appeared onthe newshores. In 1877 the social-
ists took the name of the Socialist Labor Party,
and left the International practically to the
anarchist-communists, the trade-union element
having abandoned it long before. The social-
ists, however, did not wholly leave it till after
the arrival in this country of John Most in 1882
and the final separation in 1885. Among the
anarchist-communists two separate societies de-
veloped, the I. W. P. A. (International Working
People’s Association) and the I. W. A. (Inter-
national Workman’s Association), the latter
being less violent and emphasizing education.
(See AnarcHIsM.) Both organizations have dis-
appeared (see ANARCHISM), but their spirit has
produced monuments in this country like the
so-called anarchist movement in Chicago and
the various gatherings and deeds of anarchists.
References: Villetard’s Histotre de l’Internattonale
(1871); Rae’s Azstory of Soctalism, See also SOCIAL-
ISM ; ANARCHISM.
United
States,
INTERNATIONAL STATISTICAL IN-
STITUTE, THE.—The International Statis-
tical Institute was founded in 1887, and is com-
posed of 150 members interested in statistical
work in various countries of the world. Its meet-
ings are held biennially. The President is Sir
Rawson W. Rawson, of England, and its Sec-
retary is Signor Luigi Bodio, Director-General
of the Royal Statistical Service of Italy, Rome.
It publishes at Rome, Italy, a Bulletin, which
contains valuable papers in Italian, French,
German, or English. Six volumes have already
been issued.
INTERNATIONAL TYPOGRAPHICAL
UNION, THE.—Local unions of printers were
formed in the United States at least as early as
1831 and 1834, and probably earlier. A Na-
tional Convention of Journeymen Printers met
in New York December 2, 1850, and effected per-
manent organization. At the convention the
next year, in Baltimore, the name National
Typographical Union.was chosen, Yearly con-
ventions were held after that, but in 1869 the
organization took the present name, the Inter-
national Typographical Union, to admit Cana-
dian unions, This convention chartered Wom-
an’s Typographical Union No. 1, located in
New York City. Since then the organization
. has prospered till it is to-day the oldest and one
of the strongest national unions in America.
Enrolling to-day some 40,000 members, it claims
to have raised wages 4o per cent., and by its
dues and benefits to have aided its members
still more. According to the report of the Min-
nesota Bureau of Labor (1891-92), the Interna-
754
Interstate Commerce Act.
tional Typographical Union received in 1892,
on. aad spent $98,384.78. Of this, in
round numbers, $50,000 was for strike and lock-
out benefits, $30,000 for the Childs-Drexel Print-
ers’ Home, $11,000 for burial benefits. The
Childs-Drexel Printers’ Home is located in Colo-
rado Springs, the nucleus for its establishment
being $5000 given by Messrs, Childs and Drexel.
Besides maintaining this, the union has recent-
ly established a fund for death benefits. (See
‘TRADE- UNIONS.)
INTERSTATE COMMERCE ACT AND
COMMISSION, THE.—The growing senti-
ment against railroad combinations and railroad
discriminations (see RatLroaps) led, in 1887, to
the passage of an act, and the creation of a com-
mission by Congress called the Interstate Com-
merce Actand Commission. The act was passed
by the Senate January 14, 1887, by a vote of 45 to
15, by the House January 21, 1887, by a vote of
178 to 41, and was approved by President Cleve-
land February 4, 1887. The act provides for
the appointment of an Interstate Commerce
Commission, consisting of five members ap-
pointed by the President and confirmed by the
Senate. The act applies to common carriers
conveying merchandise or passengers between
one State, Territory, or the District of Colum-
bia, to another one of those divisions.
“Unjust and unreasonable charges and unjust dis-
crimination are prohibited ; the latter is defined to be
the demanding froth one person of greater compensa-
tion than is asked from another for a like service. It
is made unlawful to give undue advantage to one per-
son, locality or kind of traffic over another, or to dis-
criminate between connecting lines. The ‘long and
short haul clause’ provides that the rate for a short
haul shall not equal nor exceed the rate for a long
haul under like conditions, except as the commission
may provide or may relieve from the operations of this
section. Freights cannot be pooled with connecting
lines ; schedules of rates, which must be conformed to,
are to be made public, and 10 days’ notice of any ad-
vance must be given. Combinations to prevent con-
tinuous carriage are prohibited. Persons suffering by
reason of violations of the act may secure damages in
the United States courts, or they may complain to the
commission, who have power to compel the attendance
of persons and the production of papers, and who shall
investigate and order Peper ee or the ceasing of the
violation of the act, and the circuit courts of the United
States are given power to enforce these orders, subject
to an appeal to the Supreme Court in certain instances.
Each wilful violation of the act is a misdemeanor
punishable by a fine not exceeding $5000.”
It is almost universally admitted to-day that
the act is a failure. Says H. T. Newcomb,
writing in the Polztécal Sczence Quarterly for
June, 1896:
“A careful analysis of the act shows that Congress
attempted to provide three remedies, each of which
separately and independently had been advocated as
a satisfactory solution of the problem of railway rates
by persons holding the most divergent views. “These
remedies were: (¢) a summary process for hearing
and adjudicating complaints against railways and for
enforcing without delay the measures of relief found
necessary ; 1) the perpetuation of competition; and
(c) publicity for the details of railway management,
operation and finances.
“The failure of the first remedy was immediate and
complete. The United States courts, to which appeal
must be made for decrees enforcing the orders of the
Interstate Commerce Commission, promptly declared
that the law gave ‘no finality to the acts or conclusions
of that body ; and in proceedings upon applications by
the commission for the enforcement of its orders, de-
fendant railways were permitted to introduce entirely
new evidence and to adopt new lines of defense. Ob-
viously this construction of the statute deprives pro-
Interstate Commerce Act
cedure before the commission of any efficacy in sim-
plifying or expediting measures for relief from rail-
way oppression, except in those cases in which the rail-
ways see fit to comply voluntarily with its orders.’”’
The second aim, Mr. Newcomb thinks, has
been realized with practical unitormity, but
argues that it has done no good, and that expe-
tience has shown that it is idle to attempt to
force railroads to compete. (See RAILROADS.)
He says:
“The insertion of this provision is now generally
considered to have been a serious mistake, and its
operation an almost insurmountable obstacle to the
satisfactory enforcement of the fundamental principles
of the law.”
Of the third aim he says :
“In the third remedy Congress evidently intended
to provide for the broadest and most comprehensive
exercise of the visitorial function of government. It
authorized and required the Interstate Commerce
Commission to inquire, generally, into the business of
the carriers subject to its jurisdiction, and to keep it-
self continually informed as to the manner and methods
of conducting their business, and it provided for full
investigations and Teports concerning all complaints
against such carriers,’
With what result? Mr. Newcomb conserva-
tively analyzes the railroad situation in the
United States, and says:
“The conditions described are fairly typical of
those existing all over the United States. The Inter-
state Commerce Law has mitigated but slightly, if at
all, the evil of unjust discriminations between individ-
uals; has in but few instances moderated to any im-
portant extent the relative injustice in the charges ex-
acted for moving competing commodities; and has
almost utterly failed to remedy the far more serious
iniquities in rate-making which operate to the disad-
vantage of towns, cities or districts. The practical
acquiescence of the Interstate Commerce Commission
in this conclusion may reasonably be inferred from
the following extract from its latest annual report:
“Tt is believed, as was further indicated in our last
report, that the discussion of the principles and aims
of the statute may well give place, temporarily, to a
consideration of the means necessary to make effective
and give force to the law in accordance with the pur-
pose of its enactment. The experience and observa-
tions of the past year, in which the progress of regu-
lation has not been entirely satisfactory, warrant the
conclusion that with the official proceedings and trans-
actions of the year relating to the operations of the
law we should report as a matter of first importance
and recommend the additional legislation deemed in-
dispensable to give effect to the act in accordance with
its purpose, as declared in the first three sections
thereof.... The importance of amending the present
law cannot be stated with too much emphasis.... It
certainly cannot be believed that Congress, having
once assumed to exercise a measure of control over
railway carriers, will allow that control to become in-
effectual by withholding the legislation found nec-
essary to secure the results expected” (Ninth An-
nual Report, pp. 5-11).
Mr. H.L. Lloyd, in his Wealth vs. Common-
wealth, is more severe on thecommission. He
Says (p. 19):
“The independent miners of Pennsylvania appealed
to it. Two years and a half were consumed in the
proceedings. The commission decided that the rates
the railroad charged were unjust and unreasonable,
and ordered them reduced. But the decision has re-
mained unenforced, and cannot be enforced. ... The
Interstate Commerce Law provides for the imprison-
ment in the penitentiary of those guilty of the crimes
it covers. But the only conviction had under it has
been of a shipper for discriminating against a rail-
toad.”
Nor is it true in the’ broad sense that the In-
terstate Commerce Act has prevented combina-
tion. It may have prevented pooling under one
755
Ireland and Social Reform.
form, but the consolidation of railroads and
combination of interests has notoriously gone
on. The main efficacy of the law has been its
use by the courts as a basis for injunctions
against strikes and combinations of employees.
(See InJuNcTION ; RAILROADS.)
IRELAND AND SOCIAL REFORM.
I, STATISTICAL.
Ireland, with an area of 32,337 square miles,
has had great variations in population within
modern times. In 1750 it had 2,372,634; in
1841, 8,175,124; then it lost by the potato fam-
ine and emigration, till in 1851 it had only
6,552,385, and in 1871, 4,704,750. From 1851-61,
114,912 emigrated annually; from 1861-71,
76,886; from 1871-81, 54,271; from 1881-91,
71,667 ; in 1892, 52,292. In 1891, 75.4 per cent.
were Roman Catholics, .94 per cent. of the
Church of Ireland (Protestant Episcopal). In
1869 this Church was disestablished. (See Enc-
LAND.)
In 1891 there were 572,640 holdings, of which
only 89,019 were over 50 acres. Acts passed
since 1870 give the Irish cultivators more favor-
able laws than the Scotch or English as to fair
rents, fixity of tenure, and free sale. Cattle-
raising is the most important industry. (For
other statistics, see ENGLAND.)
II. Soca REForM.
Social reform in Ireland is inextricably bound
up with the past. Divided from early times
between warring kings and numerous clans,
Ireland was easily conquered by the English
under Henry II. in the twelfth century, altho ~
the subjection was long only nominal. When
Henry VIII. attempted to introduce Protes-
tantism into the island there were repeated re-
volts, ending in suppression and the bestowal
of the lands of the rebellious chiefs among
Scotch and English Protestants. In
1641 the Irish rose in revolt and
massacred the Protestants, but were
severely punished by Cromwell in
1649, and Protestants were estab-
lished in the confiscated lands of Ulster. At
the revolution, the Irish Catholics siding with
oe II., and the Protestants with William and
ary, the struggle ended in 1692, when the tri-
umph of the Orange Party again was accom-
panied by excessive punishment. Secret revo-
lutionary societies existed still, and a serious re-
volt occurred in 1798. In 1801, however, the
Irish Parliament voted the final Union with
Great Britain. Emmet’s insurrection was easily
suppressed in 1803, but the emancipation of the
Roman Catholic Church had to be granted in
1829, and the ‘‘ tithe war’’ compromised in 1838.
O’Connell’s agitation for repeal collapsed in
1843, and the revolution of 1848 was put down,
but the Fenian Brotherhood arose in 1858, with,
it was claimed, 80,000 adherents in the United
States. Riots could be suppressed, but in 1869
the Irish (Anglican) Church was disestablished,
and in 1870 the land question developed. In
1873 the Home Rule Party was developed, and
led first by Butt and then by Parnell, who
History.
Ireland and Social Reform.
formed the Irish National Land League in 1879.
By skillful parliamentary tactics Mr. Parnell,
defeating Mr. Gladstone in 1885, in
1886 forced him to advocate the
Home Rule, cause of home rule for Ireland.
His bill proposed the formation of
a legislative body sitting at Dublin,
with power on all subjects except those specially
reserved for the imperial Parliament. After
the defeat of the bill, land agitation was re-
newed, leading to a coercion act of the Con-
servative Party, rigorously enforced by Mr. Bal-
four. By 1890 the agitation had subsided, and
the Government brought in and passed its Land
Purchase Bill. Mr. Parnell, however, having
been corespondent in a divorce suit, Mr. Glad-
stone declined to stand longer by his ally, and
the Irish party was divided. The priests, how-
ever, opposed Mr. Parnell, and the party led by
Justin McCarthy came into power. Mr. Glad-
stone again supported home rule, and in the
elections of 1892 came into power and carried a
bill through the Commons to be rejected in the
House of Lords.
This review of the Irish question will show
that the political agitation has been so constant
in Ireland as to leave little opportunity for the
development of social reform on other lines.
Michael Davitt (7.v.) alone of the prominent
Irish leaders is an out-and-out land national-
izer. Trade-unionism in Ireland in 1890 claimed
40,000 members of all kinds, mainly in Cork and
Dublin. Cooperation (g.v.) has little popular
hold.
IRON AND STEEL INDUSTRIES.—
The part played by iron and steel in modern
industry has led to the present century’s being
sometimes called ‘‘ the age of steel,’’ tho some
believe that we are now on the threshold of an
electrical age. Nevertheless, iron and steel
play still most important parts. Iron was
known and manufactured in rude ways in an-
cient times, but the process of puddling and roll-
ing, invented by Henry Colt in 1784, the employ-
ment of the hot blast by Neilson, of Glasgow,
in 1830, and, above all, the introduction of the
Bessemer process of making steel (patented in
1856) have revolutionized the iron industry.
In the United States, a foundry blast furnace
was established at Lynn, Mass., in 1643. Iron
had been manufactured in Virginia before this.
Connecticut made steel in 1656. By 1750, how-
ever, Pennsylvania led, exporting 2358 tons of
iron in 1772. The first iron foundry at Pitts-
burg was established in 1803. In 1840, the in-
troduction of bituminous and anthracite coal in
the blast furnace wholly changed the industry.
The manufacture of charcoal iron has since de-
clined in Pennsylvania. In 1860 there were 652
establishments engaged in this industry. Bes-
semer steel was first manufactured in any quan-
tity in the United States in 1867. The Siemens-
Martin or open-hearth process appeared in 1869.
The capital invested in the iron in-
dustry in this country in 1890 was
$414,044,844, and the product, $478,-
687,519. In 1870 the average
_ product per establishment was
$256,446 ; in 1890, $665,768. The product in
1890 was 5,049,693 gross tons, outdistancing
Develop-
ment,
756
Iron and Steel Industries:
Great Britain by 1,370,650 tons. The industry
is concentrating in large establishments. Be-
tween 1880 and 1890 the employees in iron and
steel works of all kinds, except architectural and
ornamental work, increased from 157,595 to 193,-
557. Yet the establishments decreased from
1299 to 984.
In 1890, in mining iron ore, 38,227 were em-
ployed. A census bulletin gives the following
as to the wages in mining iron :
“The mechanic’s wages varied from so cents per da
in Texas, where convict labor was largely employed,
to $3.86 per day in Colorado, the average for the entire
country being $1.90, and the average number of days
worked during the year 274. The total calculated
wages which were received by mechanics during the
year 1889 was $1,080,406. The average wages received
by the 14,53: laborers employed above ground was
$1.29) rane ne from 53 cents in Texas to F350 in New
Mexico and Utah. These laborers worked on an aver-
age 228 days during the year and received a total
compensation of $4,277,199. The 7o9 boys under 16
years of age received a total compensation of $97,279,
and worked 221 days during the year. They there-
fore received an average of 62 cents per day, the
wages varying from 49 cents in Missouri to $2 in Col-
orado.
“The number of foremen or overseers working un-
der ground was 686, altho at a number of mines fore-
men had charge both above and below ground, one-
half time being charged to each. They received in
wages a total of $476,233, working on an average 282
days per year, and earned $2.46 per day. The highest
average wages were paid in Colorado—viz., $3.99 per
day, and the lowest in Pennsylvania, $:.67 per day.
The 12,432 miners received $6,189,308 for their labor
during the year,an average per man of $1.91 per day
during the days worked—viz., 261. The wagesranged
from $3.50 in New Mexico and Utah to $1.13 in Vir-
ginia and West Virginia. The highest wages paid
laborers under ground was in Colorado, $2.68 per day,
and the lowest in Georgia and North Carolina, 68
cents per day, In Georgia, however, some convict
labor was employed, reducing the general average for
the State. The 6479 laborers under ground received
as wages $2,716,424, working on an average 261 days
per year, and earned an average of $1.60 per day.
The 111 boys under ground received $19,617, working
on an average 216 days and earning 82 cents per day.’
The average wages paid in iron establish-
ments in 1890 was, in the New England States,
$433 per year for skilled and $353 for unskilled ;
in the Southern States it was $582
for skilled and $320 for unskilled.
Carroll D. Wright (/rdustrdal Evo-
lution in the United States, p.
221) puts the average wage in the
manufacture of iron and steel at between $1
and $2, altho the rates range from 41 cents to
$19.40 per day. :
The iron industry has seen many contests be-
tween employersandemployees. (See STRIKES ; |
HomesreaD SrrikE.) Labor organization in
this industry commenced with the Sons of Vul-
can, organized in 1858 ; but the great organiza-
tion has been the Amalgamated Association of
Iron and Steel Workers (¢.v.), dating from Au-
gust 4, 1874.
In England, the Friendly Society of Iron
Founders (or Iron Molders) is the oldest large
trade-union in England still existent, having
been organized in 1809. It had, in
1890, 14,821 members, and is a lead-
ing union of the older friendly so-
Labor.
England,
‘ciety type. The Associated Society
of Iron and Steel Workers, estab-
lished in 1862, had, in 1890, 7800 members, and
is best known for its steady advocacy of the
sliding scale (g.v.). The more progressive Brit-
ish Steel Smelters’ Association, established in
fron and Steel Industries.
1886, originally a Scotch union, is extending all
over the kingdom, The Associated Iron Mold-
ers of Scotland, established in 1831, had in 1890,
6198 members. The United Society of Boiler
Makers and Iron Shipbuilders, established the
757
Irrigation.
are some, tho not all, of the unions connected
with the iron industry in Great Britain, show-
ing the relative importance of the iron industry
in various countries, The following are the
most recent statistics of the iron and steel pro-
next year, had, in 1890, 32,926 members. Such duction of the world:
IRON ORE. PIG IRON. STEEL.
COUNTRIES.
Years. Tons. Years. Tons. Years Tons.
United States.....cceveeceeees eee eeee rece nees 11,587,629 7,124,502 4,019,995
Great Britain..... ......... 11,203,476 6,976,990 33049,663
Germany and Luxembourg. 11,457,491 4,986,003 2,171,138
PTANCG.s cexnessiay seonera iene 39579)286 2,032,567 803,063
Bel ocritesavan vari ine 209,943 760,206 273,058
Austria-Hungary.......... 2,050,000 916,505 5595734
RUSSIAS ceo, sass ate siedunl afaigsananpicne 14577,015 1,014,252 365,484
152931583 485,664 160,471
514971549 280,450 784433
214,487 12,729 565543
99.412 44,001 24,887
1,800,000 70,000 6,000
50,569,862 246841550. ||| seas oc sex 11,568,449
22.91 28.86". Wavesina sieraloie’s 34-74
English tons of 2240 lbs. are used for the United States, Great Britain, and Canada, and metric tons of 2204
lbs. are used for all the continental countries of Europe.
IRON LAW OF WAGES.—This is the
name given by Lassalle to the asserted princi-
ple based on Ricardo’s theory of wages (see
Ricarpo), and developed by the German social-
ists, that wages under competition must always
in the long run be what will just support and
renew the laborer’s life. (For a discussion of
this view, see WAGEs.)
IRRIGATION.—The arid region of the
United States, as defined by the irrigation in-
quiry (Department of Agriculture), embraces all
west of the 98th meridian of longitude west.
The geological survey limited it to the 1ooth
meridian, the line of 15 in. of precipitation.
The census of 1889-90 adopted the line of 97°
longitude for the eastern limit, including there-
by a subhumid section. This makes an area
of about 1,100,000,000 acres. The subhumid
section is nearly 2° of longitude wide on the
great plains through North and South Da-
kota, Nebraska, Kansas, Oklahoma, and Texas ;
a portion also of Northern Idaho (the Pan Han-
dle) and of Eastern Washington, as well as
about one sixth of the northern and coast sec-
tions of California, must be classified in the same
way. Thesemi-arid section embraces the great
plains from 99° to 103° of longitude ; also mod-
erate portions of Oregon, Washington, and the
central and foothills sections of California. For
the subhumid section irrigation stands in the
nature of a crop insurance, water being needed
chiefly to provide against the summer drought.
In the semi-arid section a moderate application
of water is required, while in the arid division
irrigation is absolutely required.
The amount of water ‘‘in sight’ or readily
available is the economic point of difference
among those who have studied the problems.
John W. Powell holds the more limited view
of possibilities, claiming that only 40,000,000
acres may be irrigated. Major George M.
Wheeler maintains the largerlimits. The pres-
ent writer, who has conducted for several years.
the United States irrigation inquiry and the in-
vestigation of underflow and artesian waters in
the great plains division, holds a middle posi-
tion.
The writer’s estimate is that of a probable
reclamation of 127,000,000 acres to be increased
to 170,000,000 acres through the natural influ-
ences which will follow irrigation.
Two of these influences may be
briefly indicated: 1. The capillary
attraction of roots will draw the
subwater plane which lies under
the most arid soil surfaces up to moderate dis-
tances from the surfaces, thereby increasing
utilization. 2. Plant life and cultivation will
affect the surface temperature. Plant transpira-
tion tends to rapid cooling. Atmospheric con-
densation must follow. Local rains will be more
largely retained and distributed.
The areas capable of irrigation by water ‘‘in
sight”’ or readily utilizable within it may be es-
timated as follows :
Value.
Arid, 800,000,000, one-tenth...... 80,000,000 acres,
Semi-arid, 150,000,000, one-fifth.. 30,000,000 ‘*
Subhumid, 50,000,000, one-third. 17,000,000“
Total irrigable............ 127,000,000 acres,
Allowing one third more service or ‘‘ duty’’ of
water after from three to five years of irrigation
supply, we may calculate on a cultivated area
by the known water supplies of 170,000,000
acres. With the certainty of increased econ-
omy of rainfall, as caused by cultivation and its
effects on the temperature of earth and atmos-
phere, we may under constant irrigation fully
expect to reclaim and maintain under cultiva-
tion at least 200,000,000 acres of land now almost
wholly valueless for farm purposes. In this es-
Irrigation.
timate there has been no inclusion of possible
small bodies of land within our great pastoral
areas that may be brought to cultivation for
grass, roots, and hardier grains, and which may
reach several million acres. It will not be ex-
travagant, then, to estimate that under a wise,
comprehensive, and beneficial policy, supervised
by nation and States, for the preservation of
forest, the conservation and management of
water, and the proper utilization of pastoral
lands, there will be within a comparatively
brief period 225,000,000 acres of desert and
semi-desert lands added to the food-producing
area of the United States. Itis estimated that
each irrigated acre will produce at least four
times as much as any acre, within similar areas,
‘under ordinary cultivation.
The cost of such reclamation in the British Indies,
where the work is accomplished on a large scale and
with a solidity and expense that we shall not need to
equal, makes the average for works—ditches, dams,
headgates, etc.—about $9 per acre. Adding cost of
preparing land, etc., the average rate, first ccst, of ir-
tigation and cultivation, it need not exceed $20 per
acre, or a total on one-tenth of the arid region of four
btltion dollars. Such lands, applying present rates, will
be then worth $50 per acre ; the acre water rights will be
valued at not less than $30 each, a total of $80 per acre,
-or in all séxteen billions. This leaves on total first cost
and plant a profit of three-fourths—fwelve billions.
The annual outlay per acre thereafter, maintenance
and repairs, farm work and interest, should not exceed
$7 per acre. Net crop returns will average $16 per
acre, leaving a profit of $11, or a total return on the full
acreage estimated of $2,200,000,000. Besides this vast
return there must be taken into account the economic
values of town, mines, transportation, mercantile,
manufacturing and commercial life, which such farm
labor and returns will readily create. This will an-
nually return at least as much more, while the fixed
wealth, property, interest and plant will be worth
enough more to make the total valuation at least forty
éillton dollars.
As to population: France supports three persons to
the acre; Japan, 11 ; the United States one to each three
acres.
From a United States census bulletin (1894, F. H.
Newell special agent) the following irrigation statistics
a en census year (May 30, 1889, to June 1, 1890) are
collated,
In the first division the statistics given are :
Total number of farms enumerated in arid region,
123,143; total number of irrigators in 1889, 52,584; area
irrigated, acres of, 3,564,416; average Size of such
farmis in acres, 68; average value of product per acre,
$14.89 ; total acreage of farm holdingscontaining such
areas, 17,199,925; per cent. of irrigated lands therein,
20.72; average percentage of irrigated acresto entire
land surface, 0.50; per cent. of crops to total acreage,
saree and miscellaneous, 65.31; per cent. in cereals,
1tto, 34.69.
Of irrigated lands, average value per acre is $83.28;
products, value $14.79 ; cost of water rights, $8.15 ; an-
nual (rental) value of water, $1.07; cost
of preparing and leveling land, $12.12.
Statistics, Average cost per acre of land (estimate
on Government rate), $1.25 ; total cost of
land, water, rental and preparation,
eee: Average value (1890) of water rights per acre,
2
The total costs, as estimated on foregoing aver-
ages, Upon 3,561,416 acres, are: Land, $890,354; water,
$29,049,982 ; annual water rentals, $3,824,005 ; jana prep-
aration, $43,200,709 ; total according to census figures
(1890), $78,965,050. :
The statistics for the second or subhumid
division are quite meager. The census bulletin
gives them as follows :
Number of irrigators (1889), 1552 ; acres irrigated,
66,965 ; average size of such farms in acres, 43; total
acres in farm areas, 1,545,993 ;, per_cent. irrigated, 6.40.
.Values in subhumid division for 1890 are given as
follows ; Average first cost of water, $4.07 per acre ,
758
Irrigation.
reparation. $4.62
er acre, $1.21; land 6
Sanna toute) E 3 \ e total stated is
(original cost of land not given); t
5 er acre.
Some census bulletin shows further the number of
artesian wells within whole region under review. The
totals given (omitting New Mexico and Arizona) are:
Wells on farms, 8097; average depth, 210.14; average
cost, $245.58; average discharge per minute, 51.43 gal-
lons ; aged in irrigation, 3930; acres irrigated thereby
(estimated), 51,896. The area served by each is aver-
aged at 13.21 acres. No statement is given to. show
whether this acreage is included in the total irrigated
area, but it probably is not. Fs
The table annexed gives figures taken from
returns and estimates gathered by the writer
during the earlier months of 1894. They are
careful and conservative, and the increase of
cultivated acreage since then will make a total
of at least 8,750,000 acres.
Estimated |Estimated
Area now | Mean An-
Culti- nual Pre-
vated. |cipitation.
Arizona....+. seinen vent ees 600,000 *10,28
California 3,000,000 +16 59
Colorado... 2,000,000 t14.77
Idaho 350,000 15.00
Montana 50,000 15.00
Nevada IQ0,000 10.00
New Mexico 550,000 12.50
Oregon.... ‘]150,000 13.00
Utah wiwscgis vx 460,000 11.00
Washington. 150,000 Jx6.00
Wyoming.... *#*150,000 15.00
Great Plains s 500,000 16.00
Dota l icainwaie scans acre ata esied 8,450,000 13.76
The value of irrigation, then, as a maker of
homes and new wealth cannot be questioned.
Whether its development shall be accompanied
by normal, social, and industrial progress or be
left to breed the reverse, is a matter of impor-
tance. This depends upon a proper understand-
ing of the legal as well as the political economic
conditions that should govern water conserva-
tion, its management and distribution. The
United States, in this as in many other ways,
has begun wrong. In arid countries, where
water for irrigation is a necessity of successful
cultivation, the land is of little value until it has
been fructified by such water. There is the
possibility, then, of serious economic disor-
der and extended litigation. The region has
been brought under our rule from sources differ-
* Highest, 14.48 ; lowest, 3.12.
+ The State average is 25.45, but that of the 20 coun-
ties in which irrigation is largely followed is given in
the table. For the balance of State it is34.45. |
+ Foothills and east of, the mean is 13.53; in the
mountains and west, it is 14.02.
§ The actual irrigation for crops did not exceed
76,000 acres; balance of 148,000 acres was pastoral irri-
gation, water applied to natural grass.
| The same error was made by the census field agents
in Oregon of returning grass or pastoral irrigation as
that of food crops. This is shown by the wide differ-
ence between the irrigation and the regular crop bul-
letins in certain counties, where more for landis given
as irrigated than is shown to have been cultivated for
crops. This estimate is for eastern Oregon also.
{ Estimated for the western State section.
** Of this great area, reported at 229,668 acres, there
was probably not more than 60,000 actually under food
crop. The balance was pastoral irrigation.
tt This embraces the two Dakotas, Oklahoma, and
the western halves of Nebraska, Kansas, and Texas.
Irrigation.
ing widely. In the Southwest—New Mexico,
Arizona, Califorma, Utah, and portions of Colo-
rado—the original irrigators were the Pueblo
eople, the village and mission Indians. They
held and still hold water, salt springs and licks,
with land as community or common property,
There is no general law, seldom a written one,
but custom makes a rigid code operative within
limited borders. The Roman or civil law, how-
ever, allows no recognition whatever of proper-
ty rights in this use. Water is treated by it as
a natural element, necessary for life as is the air
itself. The civil code controls in legal principles
the whole region taken over from France,
Spain, and Mexico. Treaty obligations guar-
antee this. By it water isa “‘ trust,”’ and not the
property of the State any more than it is that of
the individual. The Anglo-Saxon idea of legal
property has since come in. The
common law, built up by the cus-
toms, equities, and habits of a peo-
ple using humid land, has establish-
ed the doctrine that water is seized
to the land through which it flows,
and the restraint to the community exists only
as to its use, so that injury shall not be worked
to others. One riparian owner may not divert
a stream without recovery to the channel or
pollute the waters, to the injury or non-use by
ues owners, without being liable at law there-
or.
This common law doctrine, however, is pass-
ing rapidly into disuse. The conditions which
shaped pioneer life and the usual American dis-
regard of the lessons from yesterday, with the
indifference always shown in national legisla-
tion until an issue is forced, left the States to
work out their own processes, Three distinct
concepts have resulted :
1. The doctrine of ‘‘ prior appropriation’’—first
come firstserved. Thisisthe law of placer min-
ing. It was afterward made part of the federal
mining and land laws, and has been adopted
into the constitutions and statutes (one or both)
of the 17 irrigation States and Territories.
2. Colorado, when admitted as a State, adopt-
ed a constitutional proviso to the effect that the
“natural waters’’ within the State are the
‘property’ of the people thereof, subject under
law and regulation to beneficial appropriation
and use.. Her court decisions, however, are
all tending to the broad interpretation of such
property as a ‘‘ trust,’’ not an ownership.
Wyoming, Montana, Idaho, North Dakota,
and Utah have adopted the same or similar lan-
guage, By the admission of these States into
the Union it is assumed that the Federal Gov-
ernment has abandoned all control over waters
within their borders. The States of Kansas,
Nebraska, South Dakota, Washington, Oregon,
California, and Nevada have no such distinct
constitutional provision. They have all em-
bodied the prior appropriation doctrine in their
statutes.
3. Growing out of the confusion of Indian and
other customs, California has evolved a new ad-
ministrative plan. This consists in applying mu-
nicipal control by permitting any body of citizens
~ having common interests in the agricultural use
of locally available water to form an irrigation
district, to make plans for new works, and to
Legal
Status.
759
Irrigation.
build the same, or to provide for the purchase
and condemnation when necessary of exist-
ing ones; to issue bonds with which to meet
the costs and expenses, to levy taxes for pay-
ment of interest and principal, and to maintain
works with power to make regulation for use,
etc. There are now 38 districts formed under
these laws, with several million acres of land
within their control. The special municipalities
thus created become not the owners
of water, but its administrative
users and distributors. But the
State may yet make its supervision
active. Indeed, the development
of water supply will compel such
action. California is favorable for such devel-
opment, inasmuch as its interstate sources of
supply are quite limited. The ‘‘ Wright Irriga-
tion District System,’’ so named from its au-
thor, Counsellor C. C. Wright, of Modesto, Cal.,
embodies as fundamental ideas the practical re-
covery of common law idea of ‘‘ prior appro-
priation,’’ and the Anglo-Saxon principle of
municipal or local control and administration.
Amendments are needed to a realization of its
full benefits, but the underlying ideas need no
change. Oregon, Washington, and Kansas
have adopted the same general plan. Nebras-
ka, Montana, and Idaho are considering it favor-
ably, and it now seems probable that it will yet
be the law of the arid region. South Dakota
has applied itin part to her artesian supply by
permitting township bonding and ownership of
wells up to acertain number. The speculative
promoter or negotiator does not like it ; the in-
vestor accepts it, when once understood. Colo-
tado has developed the legal control or division
of the water supply at considerable cost of liti-
gation, and Wyoming has, following on the
same general ideas, framed the best plan of ad-
ministrative control or administration. South
Dakota, Colorado, and Wyoming provide for
well-equipped State engineer offices. Nebraska
and Kansas will follow suit. The general trend
of court decisions is to regard water once applied
to the land as escheated thereto ; to regulate
prior appropriations according to needs under
the supply, and to regard ditch and other irri-
gation-water companies in the light of common
carriers, There is a tendency in State legisla-
tion to regulate royalties and rentals. In Colo-
rado and Idaho notably an agitation is growing
for State ownership of irrigation works. All
through the arid region the idea of public stor-
age is becoming fixed in the popular mind.
The passage by Congress (1894) of the Carey
law, granting each State 1,000,000 acres of pub-
lic lands to be held in trust for reclamation, is
likely rapidly to accelerate this trend to public
control. Utah stands in an exceptional posi-
tion, as its development under Mormon di-
rection has given a freedom, economy, and
security to irrigation therein that no incor-
porated control will ever secure.
The vital water supply issue concerns, how-
ever, the nation at large. The eastern line of
the arid region—g7° of west longitude —is bound-
ed and crossed by the Missouri River for more
than one third of its 1300 miles. This great
tiver and all of its upper basin rises in and is
supplied from the precipitation of our north-
Civil
Control,
Irrigation.
west area. The Missouri is the principal afflu-
ent of the Mississippi. The two great basins
and their branches drain and sup-
ply 15 great States. Yet the head-
National waters, with the exception of the
Interests. Upper Mississippi, all rise within
the borders of-three arid land States.
Practically, too, all of the chief
affluents so rise.
Each of the three States of Colorado, Wyo-
ming, and Montana has adopted the constitu-
tional provision that natural waters within their
borders are the property of the State or of the
public thereof. They each assume that this
gives them possession and control of all such
supply, to the permanent exclusion, of course, of
all other communities below them, provided only
that they can conserve, take out, and use for
‘beneficial’? purposes all such natural waters
as find their sources within their borders. Such
a position will breed difficulties. Engineers are
quite generally leaning to the view that storage
on an extensive scale will finally be the means
adopted for the regulation and control of the
lower Mississippi floods. If the General Gov-
ernment has no control over interstate waters
under the State claims already assumed, how
can the Government do this? The question
may be met by stretching the theory of control
over navigable waters into jurisdiction over all
branches and affluents of such hydrographic
basins and channels. But that will not reach
such use as irrigation requires. The three States
named embrace the sources not only of all lead-
ing western affluents of the Missouriand Missis-
sippi, but they hold also the sources of the Rio
Grande, the Rio Colorado, and Snake rivers.
Ninety per cent. of the natural water flow or
stream to be found within the arid region rises
within the borders of Colorado, Wyoming, and
Montana. It needs no more than such a state-
ment to show the importance of issues embraced
in the interstate supply question. The policy
of forest and water storage reservations on an
extended scale, already inaugurated, should be
extended until it covers the source of every in-
terstate water supply.
The census placed the first cost of irrigation
works, etc., at $77,490,000 ; the value thereof in
June, 1890, at $296,850,000. The cost of irrigation
works now constructed is not less than $150,-
000,000 ; their value will be fully $500,000,000.
The water rights for 8,500,000 acres, at the cen-
sus valuation of $26 per acre, will be worth
$221,000,000, The value of the land, as placed
at $83.28 per acre (census), will be $707,880,000.
At the census rate of $15 per acre of crop re-
turns, we have a net annual result of $227,-
500,000 Adding water and land values, we
have a total of $928,880,000, and an annual re-
turn, deducting a water rental of $1.50 per acre
($12,750,000), of $214,750,000, or a profit of over
24 per cent., besides the water rental, interest
on deferred payments, royalty, and increase of
land values. If we add the value of land and
water rights on irrigation areas, served but not
yet cultivated, we shall find an estimated value
of another $1.000,000,000 to our arid domain.
The estimated industrial value to water for
this use of $300 per cub. ft., which is much less
than the actual possibility (counting at 1 acre-ft.
760
Italy and Social Reform.
for each 130,000,000 acres), gives us a value of
$6,000,000,000 more.
These figures illustrate the immensely possi-
ble if still tentative values involved in the
recognition of personal, corporate, or commu-
nity property in water.
RicHarD J. Hinton.
ITALY AND SOCIAL REFORM.
I. STATISTICs,
ITALY is to-day a kingdom by its present _constitu-
tion, which is an expansion of the Statuto fondamen-
tale del Regno, granted on March 4, 1848, by. King
Charles Albert to his Sardinian subjects. By this con-
stitution the executive power belongs solely to the
sovereign. The legislative authority belongs con-
jointly to him and to a parliament consisting of a
Senato and a Camera de Deputati. The Senate is
composed of princes of the royal house and an in-
definite number of prominent persons nominated by
the king for life. In May, 1895, there were 397 sena-
tors. The deputies to the lower house
are elected by ballot by all citizens over
21 who can read and write and pay a Constitution.
direct tax of 19.80 lire, or, in the case of
certain peasant farmers, 80 centesimi.
The deputies number 508. In 1895 the number of en-
rolled electors was 2,121,125, and those who voted May,
1895, numbered 1,256,244. o priest nor one receiving
State pay can beelected. Local government is in the
hands of communal and provincial councils. The
population in 188: was 28,460,o00, an area of 114,410
sq.m. The births steadily exceed the deaths. Emi-
gration is large, but not larger than the excess of
births over deaths. Of the total Pepe 62,000
were Protestants and 38,000 Jews. nder the papal
authority there were, in 1881, 6 cardinal bishoprics near
Rome, 49 archbishoprics, 221 bishoprics, 76,560 paro-
chial clergy, 20,465 parishes. In 1865 there were 2382
religious houses in Italy, with 14,807 men and 14,184
women. All religious houses were suppressed in 1866,
tho a small pension was. given to all who had taken
regular religious vows before January 18, 1864, and a
few monasteries were temporarily set aside for such
as wished to continue conventual life. All other
property was appropriated by the State. The con-
stitution enacts that the Catholic, Apostolic, and Ro-
man religion is the sole religion of the State. By the
royal decree of October 9, 1870, Rome and the Roman
provinces were declared an integral part of the king-
dom of Italy; the Pope was acknowl- ~
edged supreme head of the Church,
ranking as a sovereign prince. By the The Church
law of May 13, 1871, there was guaran- of Rome
teed to him and his successors forever "
the Vatican and Lateran palaces and
the Castle Gandolfo, with 3,225,000 lire
annually, which allowance still remains unclaimed and
unpaid. The State regulates public instruction, and
no person can keep a school without State authoriza-
tion. Education is compulsory in children from six to
nine years of age. (See EDUCATION.) The budget
for 1895-96 (June 30) was: Revenue, 1,699,088,025 lire, and
the expenditure, 1,689,342,764. The larger sources of
revenue were, in Imillions of lire: Income tax, 288;
customs, 235; tobacco monopoly, 192; land tax, 106;
house tax, 87; salt monopoly, 71; stamps, 70; lottery,
65. The larger expenses were, for consolidated debt,
463,000,000 lire, with 124 for floating debt; 70, redeem-
able debt ; 223 for the Ministry of War, and 94 for the
Ministry of Marine; 62 for public works. The total
debt July 1, 1894, was 12,307,857,604 lire,
or some $75 per head. Exports in
1894 Were 1,094,649,101 lire, and the 1m-
ports, 1,026,506,700. The main imports
were raw cotton, coal, wheat, and un-
bleached. raw, or twisted silk. The main exports
were silk, olive oil, fruit, and wine. The main im-
yea came from Great Britain, France, ermenys
ussia, and Austria. The main exports are to Swit-
zerland, France, Great Britain, Germany, and Aus-
tria. The agricultural population numbers 10,000,000.
Financial.
II. SoctaL REForM.
Social reform in Italy through the first part
of the century was almost wholly confined to
Italy and Social Reform.
the noble efforts made in various ways by pa-
triots like Mazzini and Garibaldi, by societies of
various kinds like the Carbonari, to secure
democratic liberty and Italian unity. (See Maz-
ZINI; CARBONARI.) Mazzini opposed socialism
as it was presented in his day as being mate-
tialistic and anti-nationalistic, and standing for
an almost individualistic battle for personal
tights rather than for cooperation and duty ;
but his position on almost all subjects was that
of modern ethical socialism, and his followers
in Italy have done much to develop reform of
thiskind, In1861a Fratellanza Artigiana (Arti-
san Brotherhood) was started in Florence con-
nected with Mazzini’s name to develop coopera-
tion in various ways. Itwas intended to spread
through Italy, This hope has not been realized,
owing to political jealousies ; but it still survives
at Florence, and has several thousand members.
(See CooperATion.) In 1871 a pact of working
men’s societies, Patto di Fratellanza, was formed
at Rome, also drawn up under the auspices of
Mazzini, and stillendures. It heldits eighteenth
eneral congress at Palermo in 1892, and stands
or cooperation and liberty. Previously to this,
however, the International (g.v.) had entered
Italy. Bakunin (g.v.) founded a section at Na-
ples in 1867, and established a paper, Eguzty.
Other sections were formed in Genoa, Milan,
and Italy. This movement opposed the Maz-
zini societies and developed strength enough to
frighten the Government into suppressing the
sections in 1871. It sprang up again, however,
till finally again suppressed in 1875. It repre-
sented anarchist communism rather than social-
ism.
In 1882 the Italian franchise was widened,
and in 1885 an Italian Labor Party was formed
at Milan, partly socialistic, partly anarchistic.
It won strength enough to cause it to be dis-
761
Jacobins.
solved by the Government in 1886. A new
laborers’ party (Partito dei Lavoratori), how-
ever, was formed at congresses in Milan and
Genoa in 1891 and 1892. = .
In September, 1893, the party held a second
congress at Reggio (Emilia), when it assumed a
distinctly socialist attitude, and adopted the
name of Italian Laborers’ Socialist Party
(Partito Socialista dei Lavoratori Italiani). The
reports of the central committee to this congress
and to the International Congress at Zurich
(1893) give some further interesting details con-
cerning the development and present position of
the party, which may be added to the above ac-
count. Owing tothe remissness of the affiliated
societies in furnishing the committee with re-
turns, it has not been found possible to publish
perfectly satisfactory statistics, but it is prob-
able that the party includes at the present time
not less than 200,000 active members, and al-
most 300 affiliated societies, among them the
agricultural federations of Mantua, with about
11,000 peasant members.
The party works on the lines of German so-
cialism, but has not German organization,
standing at present principally for agitation.
More immediately practical is the establishment
of labor chambers in Italy. (See Lazor Ex-
CHANGE.) Cooperation has had considerable de-
velopment in Italy, particularly interesting
being the cooperative societies of the laborers
and builders, who take contracts directly from
the municipalities. (For an account of this,
however, see Cooperation.) Anarchism has
still considerable hold, particularly in the in-
flammable South, where, however, conditions
seem almost to drive the peasants into it.
Reference: The best book in English on social re-
form in Italy is the Report on Italy of the (English)
Royal Commission on Labor.
J.
JACKSON, ANDREW, seventh President
of the United States, was born in the Waxhaw
Settlement, Union County, N. C., March 15,
1767. He was of Scotch-Irish parentage, his
father a farm laborer. Both parents died early,
leaving their children destitute. With little
schooling young Jackson worked his way in a
saddler’s shop and by teaching school,and in 1786
was admitted to the bar. In 1790 he was ap-
pointed by Washington United States Attorney
for the newly constituted Territory of Tennessee,
and became most active and prominent. In 1796
he was Tennessee’s first representative in Con-
gress, and in 1797 United States Senator. In
1798 he resigned, and became a Judge of the Su-
preme Court of Tennessee till 1804. In 1803 he
was an unsuccessful candidate for appointment
as governor of the new Territory of Louisiana.
In 1804 he retired from politics, but in 1813 led
the forces of Tennessee to New Orleans in the
War of 1812, and in 1814 was made Major-Gen-
eral. The famous victory of January 8, 1815,
made him a popular hero. In 1821 he was ap-
pointed Governor of Florida, In 1824 Jackson,
nominated by the Tennessee Legislature, re-
ceived the largest popular vote for the Presi-
dency, but John Quincy Adams was elected by
the House of Representatives. In 1828 Jackson
was elected, and this election is considered
the beginning of the modern Democratic Party
(g.v.). Inaugurated March 4, 1829, he at once
removed all incumbents belonging to the op-
posite party. He also commenced war on the
national banks. (See BAaNKs AND BANKING.)
In 1832 he received 219 out of 288 electoral
votes. In 1833 he removed the Government
deposits from the United States Bank. The
national debt was extinguished, but in 1837
came the first great panic. In 1836 Jackson suc-
ceeded in obtaining the election of his friend
Van Buren, and, retiring from politics, died
June 8, 1845. Of violent and impulsive temper,
perhaps no American statesman has been more
loved, hated, opposed, and admired.
JACOBINS.—Jacobin was the name chosen
by a French political club founded in 1789 by
some deputies from Brittany during the session
Jacobins.
of the States-General at Versailles. (See FRENCH
Revo.tution.) The club was first called the
Breton Club, then the Société des Amis de la
Constitution. After the Assembly went to Paris
the club occupied an old Dominican monastery
in the Rue Saint Honoré. These Dominicans
had been called Jacobins from a fact that the
Church of St, James (Jacobus) had been given
to them, and the political club now took their
name. Lafayette and Mirabeau, among others,
at first belonged to it, but as its principles domi-
nated the commune it became more and more
radical, Its Journal des Amis de la Constitu-
tion spread its principles through France.
Robespierre became the ruling member, and
after his downfall in 1794 the club was also
overthrown, and in November was suspended.
Persons of extreme revolutionary principles are
still sometimes called Jacobins.
JACQUERIE.—In May, 1358, rebelling
against the tyranny of Charles the Bad of Na-
varre and of the nobility, the French peasants
rose in revolt during the imprisonment of John
II., the Good, in England. The revolt commenced
near Paris, but spread to the Marne and the Oise,
and for three weeks carried all before it ; but in
Jane it was put down with great slaughter at
eaux. The name comes from the Jacques or
clowns, used for peasants, from the Christian
name Jacques, supposed to be peculiarly a
peasant name.
JAMES, EDMUND JANES, was born in
1855, at Jacksonville, Ill. He was prepared for
college in the Illinois State Normal School, and
entered the Northwestern University at Evans-
ton, Ill., in 1873. Having been appointed Re-
corder on the United States Lake Survey, he
joined (May 1, 1874) the party of Engineer Terry,
engaged onthe upper St. Lawrence and the
lower part of Lake Ontario. At the end of the
season he entered Harvard College.
In July, 1875, he went to Europe to study po-
litical economy, and attending lectures also at
Berlin and Leipsic, was graduated from Halle
in 1877, taking the degrees of M.A. and Ph.D.
On his return home he was principal of the
high school in Evanston, Ill., and of the high
school department of the Illinois State Normal
School. He resigned this position in 1882 in
order to continue his studies in Europe, which
he pursued at various German universities.
In 1883 he was elected Professor of Public
Finance and Administration in the Wharton
School of Finance and Economy, University of
Pennsylvania, and since 1886 has had prac-
tical charge of thisdepartment. In 1891 he was
elected President of the American Society for
the Extension of University Teaching, and held
this position until 1895, during which time the
work of the society was greatly extended and
strengthened.
In 1896 he went to the University of Chicago
as Professor of Public Administration in the De-
partment of Political Science, and Director of
the University Extension Department.
Professor James has been and is an active
member of many educational and economic as-
sociations. He was one of the founders of the
American Economic Association, and for some
762
Japan and Social Reform.
time its Vice-President. He was one of the
founders of the American Academy of Political
and Social Science, and at the first meeting for
formal organization, December 14, 1889, was
elected President, an office to which he has
since been annually reelected. He wasalso, till
his removal to Chicago, editor, and is still asso-
ciate editor, of the Anzzals of the academy.
With Dr. Charles De Garmo, President of
Swarthmore College, he founded the ///znozs
School Journal, now the Pudlizc School Jour-
nal, one of the most influential educational
periodicals in the West.
He was one of the first to take part in the re-
cent movement for the improvement of city
politics in the United States; was one of the
organizers of the Municipal League of Philadel-
phia (out of which the National Association of
Municipal Leagues has grown), and served as its
first president from December 1, 1891.
Professor James’ contributions to the litera-
ture of the subjects in which he has been inter-
ested have been very numerous, tho they have
taken the form of papers, magazine and cyclo-
pedia articles, addresses, etc., rather than the
_form of books. Among them are The Relation
of the Modern Munzcipality to the Gas Sup-
ply (1886) ; The Canal and the Razlway (1890).
JANNET, CLAUDIO, was born at Paris
in 1844. He became a lawyer at Aix and later
Professor of Political Economy at the Catholic.
University of Paris. Some of his principal
works are: De l'état présent et de l'avenir
des associations coopératzves (1867); 2’ Inter-
nationale et la question soctale es les
Institutions sociales et le drott civil a Sparte
§x874) ; les Etats Unis contemporains (1875) ;
es Fatts économigues et le mouvement social
en Italie (1889); le Soctalisme a’Etat et la
réforme sociale (1889) ; le Capital, la spécula-
tion et la finance au XTXe szécle (1892). Jan-
net belongs to the school of Le Play,
JAPAN AND SOCIAL REFORM.—We
consider Japan under two general heads: I.
Statistics ; II. Social Reform.
I. Sratistics (IN GENERAL),
The Japanese claim that their empire was founded
by the first emperor, Jimmu, 660 B.c., and that the
present emperor is descended from him, having over-
thrown in 1868 the power of the Shogun, who had ruled
since the twelfth century. In 1871 the feudal system
was suppressed. In1889a constitution was proclaimed,
and Japan is now a constitutional empire. The em-
peror, with advice of a Cabinet and Privy Council, has
the executive power, even to declaring war and mak-
ing peace. Laws must receive the con-
oe of we! et get ae consisting of a
ouse of Peers and of representatives. : :
each with about 300 member There > Constitution.
resentatives are elected by male sub-
jects of 25 years of age resident one
year in the Fu or Ken, and who pay 15 yen or moreas a
national tax. Voting is by secret ballot. Local self-
government is on the increase.
The population December 31, 1893, was 41,388,313 in
an area of 147,655 sq. miles, not including Formosa.
There is absolute religious freedom, tho the principal
Shinto temples are maintained by State or local au-
thorities. ‘There were in 1893, 793,430
Shinto temples, and_ 71,839 Buddbist,
Education is compulsory, with 23,960
elementary schools, 1410 special, an 427
oe Justice is modelled on European
ines,
The revenue, 1894-95, was 88,045,234 yen, and the ex-
penditure, 80,140,500. The main source of revenue
Social,
Japan and Social Reform.
(nearly so per cent.) is a land tax; the main expenses
are interest on the public debt, and for the army and
defenses. The peace footing of the army in 1893 was
3615 Officers, 65,098 men, 2181 students. The reserve has
94,676, and the /anzdwehr, 105,053. The total war strength
is_now said to be 328,000.° The Japanese navy has 9
armored ships, 32 unarmored, 28 gunboats, 11 lesser
vessels, and 75 torpedo boats.
The land is cultivated by peasant proprietors, ten-
ancy being rare. Rice is much the largest crop. The
exports in 1894 were 121,677,263 yen, and the imports,
113,308,997. The chief exports are silk, tea, and rice;
the main imports, raw cotton, sugar, and machinery.
The largest exports are to the United States, France,
and Hongkong ; the largest imports from Great Brit-
ain, China, and the United States.
II. Soctat Rerorm.
The following is from the United States Con-
sular Reports of May, 1896:
“The development of both internal and foreign
trade is the all-absorbing problem with every class of
the people of Japan. The system of education em-
ployed in the schools is admirably adapted to the
turning out of well-equipped business men, so far as
a pesencel commercial education can accomplish such
an end.
“Merchants, manufacturers, and, in fact, all en-
gaged in trade actively or by investment of capital
are making and will continue to make the very best
use of the time intervening between the present and
the coming into operation of the lately revised
treaties, in borrowing, ad /zbztum, the Pioemets (in the
shape of or appliance’) of the inventive
genius of the people of the United States, and of every
other nation, for use in the workshops of the Empire,
and will return the results in merchantable goods to
the people of the nations from whom they are now
borrowing at prices which will make competition an
exceedingly difficult problem to solve,
“The Japanese excel in productions of silk, jute, cot-
ton, clay, iron, and straw in the shape of piece goods,
wearing apparel, floor coverings, porcelain wares,
curios of every description, mechani-
cal and other toys, paper, and other
goods in which they are the principal
commodities used, and in retail prod-
ucts, among which may be mentioned
surgical instruments, which, for delicacy
of design and quality of temper, can
scarcely be surpassed.
“The raw material necessary for the production,
not only of the merchandise named, but of nearly all
other goods produced by the most favored of the pro-
ducing nations, are found in the territory of the em-
pire, the material wealth and producing power of
which have been enhanced in no small measure by the
annexation of Formosa. The mines are rich in coal,
iron, and other minerals ; the soil is fertile, and, judg-
ing from the extraordinary progress being made in
agricultural pursuits, every available foot of it will,
in the near future, be put intoa high state of cultiva-
tion. In many of the subdivisions of Japan, two crops
are produced annually.
“The daily wage paid for mining and unskilled
labor necessary for the production of what may be
termed raw materials will average about 10 cents
(United States currency), and that paid for skilled
labor, at present, will average about 18 cents. . ..
“With Ter natural advantages, the method of educa-
tion employed in the schools and the universality of
effort in the direction of increasing trade internally
and directly with the people of other nations, it would
seem that the Empire of Japan is destined to become
the great producing nation of the Orient. But before
such a conclusion can be accepted, consideration
should be given to certain drawbacks, among which
may be mentioned the inability to produce quality
and quantity in accordance with contract stipulations,
This defect is subjecting her tradespeople to very
serious criticisms on the part of those with whom unex
trade; and by many it is alleged to be due toa lac
of commercial probity, Iam not of that opinion, but
rather ascribe it to a lack of training in the art of pro-
ducing stated quantities in stipulated periods. In
short, they can produce, under present conditions,
quatity, but not quantity. . . . : / ‘
“Up to the date of the recent war with China, it
seemed impossible to persuade Western people to take
the new Japan seriously. It needed the crushing de-
feat of the Chinese Empire to open people’s eyes. To
Manufac-
tures.
763
Jenks, Jeremiah W.
be sure, the events which electrified the rest of the
world excited no surprise whatever in Japan, where
the issue was foreseen with absolute
clearness before a shot was fired. gs
“Since the conclusion of the war, re-
newed activity is noticeable in every
branch of industry. The huge cotton
mills that have sprung up in Osaka and
other towns are among the most noteworthy of newen-
ter prises set on foot from day to day. Every town
and city, and the country generally, has an air of
prosperity. Gas and electric light are more and more
used, and, in the larger centers of population, are all
but universal. In several towns, the electric-light
apparatus is worked by water power—a source of
energy practically unlimited, and hitherto scarcely
utilized,
“The railway system is extensive and admirably
managed, and every corner of the empire is now pro-
vided with good macadamized roads, an inestimable
boon,» «
“It is impossible for me to conclude these brief notes
without some mention of the numberless schools, pub-
lic and private, in Japan. The Government is
thoroughly alive to the national importance of educa-
tion.”
JEFFERSON, THOMAS, third President
of the United States, was born in Albemarle
County, Va., April 13, 1743, the son of a citizen
of some importance. Attending William and
Mary College, and studying law at Williams-
burg, he was admitted to the bar in 1767, and
soon acquired standing and wealth, and in 1772
married an heiress. From 1769 to the Revo-
lution he served in the Virginia House of Bur-
gesses, Tho no orator, he soon became alead-
er of the opposition to the king, and June 21,
1775, took his seat in the Continental Congress.
He drafted the Declaration of Independence.
In 1776 he resumed his seat in the Virginia
Legislature, and secured the first law estab-
lishing perfect religious freedom. From 1779
for two years he was Governor of Virginia. In
1782 his wife died, and, distracted with grief,
he accepted an appointment as Minister to
France. In 1789 he was appointed by Wash-
ington Secretary of State, and served till 1794,
when he resigned. During this period the
Democratic Party (or Republican-Democratic
Party as it was first called) developed with Jef-
ferson as leader, opposed to the federalism of
Hamilton, Jefferson’s colleague in the Cabinet.
In 1796 Jefferson was elected Vice-President,
and in 1800 President. During his administra-
tion the public debt was reduced, Louisiana was
purchased for $15,000,000, the Algerian pirates
conquered, and the system of precedence was
abolished for a reasonable etiquette. Jefferson
was elected in 1804 almost without opposition.
His embargo policy, retaliating upon France
and England prohibiting United States vessels
from leaving port, struck a blow at the navy,
and opposition to him increased. In 1808 he
declined to be nominated for a third term, and
retired to Monticello, where he interested him-
self in founding the University of Virginia.
He died July 4, 1826. (See Democratic Party.)
JENKS, JEREMIAH W., was born in 1856
at St. Clair, Mich. He graduated from the Uni-
versity of Michigan in 1878, receiving the de-
gree of A.M. in 1879 and the degree of Ph.D.
in 1885 from the University of Halle, Ger-
many. He has taught at Mt. Morris College,
Ill. ; Peoria High School, Ill. ; Knox College,
Galesburg, Ill, Indiana State University,
Bloomington, Ind., and at Cornell University,
Progress,
Jenks, Jeremiah W.
where, since 1891, he has been Professor of Po-
litical, Municipal, and Social Institutions. He
is Secretary of the American Economic Associa-
tion, and of the Finance Department of the
American Social Science Association. His writ-
ings have been numerous, but have taken the
form of monographs, magazine and cyclopedia
articles, addresses, etc., rather than of books.
He has written particularly on elections, ballot
reform, and similar political subjects.
JEVONS, WILLIAM STANLEY, was
born in Liverpool in 1835. He went in early
life to Australia, and held the post of assayer in
the Sydney Mint from 1854-59; he then re-
turned to England in order to pursue his studies
in philosophy and ethics. He was Professor of
Logic from 1866-76 at Owens College, Manches-
ter, and of Economics at University College,
London, from 1876-81. He met his death by
drowning at Bexhill in 1882.
Cossa says of him in his /utroduction to Po-
litical Economy -
“In him logical powers of the highest order were
happily associated with the trained acuteness of a
mathematical expert and the rare gifts of a born
economist, and to all these was added a unique apti-
tude for statistical observation. He was equally at
home when presenting the results of his investiga-
tions in such a popular form as that of his Primer of
Political Economy (2878), his Money the Mechanism
of Exchange (1879), and when employing the more
abstruse language of science, as in his Principles of
Science (1874, 2 vols.). Something fantastic, however,
will at times lie in wait for his readers even in the
midst of such a vigorous concatenation of reasoning
as that in his account of commercial crises.’’
Professor Ingram says of him :
“The reputation of Jevons as an acute and vigor-
ous thinker, inspired with noble popular sympathies,
is sufficiently established. But the attempt to repre-
sent him, in spite of himself, as a follower and con-
tinuator of Ricardo, and as one of the principal au-
thors of the development of economic ecry (mean-
ing by ‘theory’ the old @ przorz doctrine) can only
lower him in estimation by placing his services on
grounds which will not bear criticism. His name will
survive in connection, not with new theoretical con-
structions, but with his treatment of practical prob-
lems, his fresh and lively expositions, and, as we have
shown, his energetic tendency to a renovation of
economic method.”’
In the field of applied economics Jevons often
discussed monometallism and bimetallism, de-
claring himself, tho in very temperate and
guarded terms, a monometailist. He favored
cooperation and profit-sharing, and also be-
lieved in State legislation on social questions.
(See his The State zn Relation to Labor, 1882.)
In economic theory he is best known for his
conception of total utility (g.v.). Besides the
above-mentioned books there should be noticed
his Theory of Polztecal Economy (1879) ; Meth-
ods of Social Reform (1883), and Jnvestiga-
tions in Currency and Finance (1884).
JOBS, as used in political science, are defined
by the Century Dictionary to be undertakings
““so managed as to secure unearned profit or
undue advantage, especially a public duty or
trust performed or conducted with a view to
improper personal gain.’’ Mr. Ferdinand See-
ger, writing in the North American Review
(vol. cxliii., p. 87), says:
“Nearly all_the very large corporate undertaki
in the uit States during the pant 20 years eae hed
764
Jones, Richard.
in them more or less of the corrupt political and finan-
cial elements which the public have come to sum up in
the word jod.”
The writer gives many instances of jobs, as -
‘the Broadway Steal’ (g.v.), ‘‘ the Cable Road
Grab.’ Of the New York new aqueduct he
says :
“The ‘biggest job,’ as well as the largest project,
now under way in any city of the United States, is
probably that of the new aqueduct, which is to be
the main source of our New York City water supply.
“The new aqueduct is to be 31 mileslong, Through
1o miles of this area nature has furnished a solid rock
bottom, perfectly water-tight, and much better than
any artificial bottom that could possibly be con-
structed. Yet the Boardof Aqueduct Commissioners
has voted to line the entire aqueduct with brick,
bottom and all, including the 10 miles already lined with
the best of natural stone. Controller Loew opposed
this worse than useless expenditure, intended wholl
for the benefit of political corruptionists, but the jo
has been sustained by the majority of the board.
When the matter came up, the controller offered a
resolution that the work be done as any sensible busi-
ness man would do it for himself—that is, that the
aqueduct be lined only where necessary. The reso-
lution was voted down, Mayor Grace alone sustaining
the controller. Judge Spencer, the Tammany mem-
ber of the Aqueduct Commission, then offered a
resolution that the whole structure receive the brick
lining. The resolution was passed, the mayor and the
controller voting against it. In the passage of this
little resolution, the people of New York City were
put to an unnecessary expense of a million and a half
of dollars, in order that the contractors and, indirect-
ly, a political ring, might profit by it.
“In order, however, that the ring might not be
troubled with such ‘factious opposition’ to future
jobs of the kind, the ring decided to legislate the in-
convenient mayor and controller out of the Board of
Aqueduct Commissioners, altho they were the chief
representatives and the only safeguards to the city,
for whom the aqueduct is being constructed. The
bill was therefore introduced in the Legislature and
swiftly passed—‘ kissed through,’ as it is termed by
Hon. Timothy J. Campbell, which is the technical
name for a corrupt bargain between political man-
epets for both parties, and was signed by Governor
Ul.
‘Among the most prominent and influential of these
contractors are Messrs. Clark and O’Brien, Mr. O’Brien
being chairman of the Democratic State Committee
and also the political special manager and henchman
of Governor Hill. The opinion now and then escapes
the intimate friends of these gentlemen that the
‘aqueduct job,’ if ‘handled for all it is worth,’ will
furnish the financial sinews (or what they briefly term
‘the party boodle’) to make Mr. Hill the next Presi-
dent of the United States.
“The work on the aqueduct is supposed to be
given out to the lowest bidder. One precarious sec-
tion of it, under the Harlem River, was allotted some
time ago to Messrs. Clark and O’Brien, at an allow-
ance of $50,000 more then the lowest bid, for fear that
the lowest bidder might not do the work well, But it
was immediately sublet to this lowest bidder, and the
difference pocketed.” z
(See also Corruption ; Ciry MunicIPALism.)
JONES, RICHARD, was born at Tun-
bridge Wells, England, in 1790. He graduated
from Cambridge in 1816, was ordained to the
ministry, and took a curacy in Sussex. In 1833
he became Professor of Political Economy at
King’s College, London. In 1835 he succeeded
Malthus in the chair of Political Economy and
History at the East India College, Haileybury.
From 1836 to 1851, he occupied the position of
commissioner under the Tithe Commutation
Act. He died at Haileybury, January 26, 1855.
His chief works are: An Essay on the Distre-
bution of Wealth and on the Sources of Taxa-
tion, Part I., Rent (London, 1831); An Jn-
troductory Lecture on Political Economy, de-
livered at King’s College, with a Syllabus of
Jones, Richard.
a Course of Lectures on the Wages of Labor
(London, 1833); Zext-Book of Lectures on the
Political Economy of Nations (Hertiord, 1352).
As an economist, Jones stands between the
school of Adam Smith and the modern histori-
cal economists. He recognizes strongly the
necessity of the inductive method, and opposes
the deductive method of Ricardo.
_JUDAISM, SOCIAL POLITY OF.—All
views and interpretations of the sacred books
of the Hebrew race find in them the institutes
of a peculiar social polity. Viewed as the prod-
uct of infallible inspiration or in the light of the
latest and highest criticism, the Old Testament
records a social polity, whether given of God in
immediate revelation or developed through long
ages of national evolution, of deepest interest
and most practical significance. The heart of
the whole is in the national law. Says Canon
Fremantle (The World the Subject of Re-
aemption) :
““The Law was the center of the religion and theol-
ogy of Israel... It was not ‘the law of command-
ments contained in ordinances,’ but the law of right-
eousness, which underlays the ordinances.... The
mere ceremonialism, apart from moral good, finds no
encouragement in the Old Testament. Against that
all the prophets from Hosea onward protest....
The law of moral and political relations is the center
of the theology of the Old Testament.... Thetheme
which is more than any other upon their poets’ lips is
the law of Jehovah....
**In the Psalms there are a few faint allusions to cere-
monial customs, such as the laws of drink offerings
of blood, or of forbidden food, or the purging with
hlyssop; a few words about the new moon and solemn
feast days ; not a word about circumcision, not a word
about the passover, not a word about the Sabbaths,
not a word abot ceremonial uncieanness. There is
probably in modern hymns, 18 centuries after Christ,
more of artificial religion than in the Psalms, written
in the bosom of Judaism. But, on the other hand, al-
most every Psalm appeals to the law of plain justice,
public and private.... It is the moral and political
Jaw, not the ceremonial, which is enshrined in the
hearts of the people.”
The basis of the whole law is the recognition
of Jehovah as the God of the nation, the Crea-
tor and Ruler and Owner of the earth. Land
belongs to Him ; His are the firstfruits ; He is
the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob;
: His law is to be obeyed. This law
is given to the organized nation,
not to individuals. The first duty
of parents to the male child or of a
Gentile convert was circumcision,
the symbol of initiation into the
national life. The Law was not given to any
person in view of a personal relation to God,
but only to the circumcised, or their wives and
daughters, those who belonged to the organic
national life. It was, thus, primarily a law of
institutions. With the organized national life
went the family. The first duty of the circum-
cised child was to obey and honor his parents
(Ex. xx. 12). ‘‘ Thou shalt rise up before the
hoary head, and honor the face of the old man”’
ean xix. 32). Purity and chastity were strict-
y inculcated. The law allowed polygamy ;
but he who follows the development of the He-
brew people from the obscenity and impurity,
into which they are recorded as falling, through
idolatrous practices, in the early years of their
history, into the comparative purity and monog-
amy which prevailed among the Jews in the
National
Basis,
765
Judaism, Social Polity of.
time of Christ, will realize how practically the
Law aided and developed pure family life.
«As in all patriarchal civilizations, the servant
or slave was made a member of the household.
Slavery was allowed, but it was nothing like
chattel slavery; it was scarcely slavery. In
Judea alone of all countries, ancient and mod-
ern, the slave had rights and was
not under the caprice of his master.
Every Hebrew slave could go free Treatment
at the end of the sixth year (Ex. of the Poor.
xxi. 2). He was to be furnished
liberally out of the nock, and out
of the flour, and out of the winepress (Deut.
xv. 14). The wages of servants were to be
paid every night: ‘‘ The wages of him that is
hired shall not abide all night until the morn-
ing’’ (Lev. xix. 13). Charity in all relations was
inculcated : ‘‘Thou shalt love thy neighbor,”
said the law (Lev. xix. 13); ‘‘ Thou shalt hate
thine enemy’’ was an unauthorized addition.
Justice in trade was a sacred duty (Lev. xix.
36); but the needy were particularly to be aid-
ed, ‘‘If there be among you a poor man, of
one of the brethren, within any of the gates in
the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee,
thou shalt not harden thy heart, nor shut thine
hand from thy poor brother, but thou shalt open
thine hand wide unto him and shalt surely lend
him sufficient for his need’’ (Deut. xv. 7. §).
The loan was to be without interest. ‘‘ If thou
lend money to any of My people that is poor by
thee, thou shalt not be to him as a usurer;
neither shalt thou lay upon him usury’’ (Ex.
xxii. 25). Usury meant interest ; the word is
sometimes translated increase. ‘‘ Thou shalt
not lend upon usury to thy brother, usury of
money, usury of victuals, usury of anything that
is lent upon usury,’’ said the Deuteronomic law.
This was not a moral law of universal validity.
The Hebrew was allowed to take interest from”
aGentile. ‘‘ Unto a stranger thou mayest lend
upon usury” (Deut. xxiii. 20). It was a socialist
law, and one had to belong to the instituted
nation to gain its benefits. Those who walked
through cornfields or vineyards were to be al-
lowed to pluck of the corn or the vine (Deut.
xxiii. 25). The widow and the orphan were
particularly to be cared for (Deut. x. 18).
All these enactments were made possible by
the Hebrew land law. Under private property
and a competitive civilization it is impossible to
lend without interest to every one
that asks, or to allow trespassing on
a planted field orvineyard. Under
the Hebrew law it was possibie,
because everybody was protected
in the wse (not ownership) of a little land,
and therefore those who needed to borrow or
receive aid were comparatively few. God was
considered the owner of all the land, and it was
meted out not for ownership, but for use.
‘“*The land shall not be sold forever, for the
land is mine,’’ God is represented as saying in
Lev. xxv. 23. The land was supposed to
have been measured out by Joshua by the line
and the lot, and a portion assigned to each fam-
ily according to its size. And this ownership
for use was inalienable. If any family became
embarrassed and gave the land in debt, it re-
turned on the fiftieth year—the year of jubilee
Land Law.
Judaism, Social Polity of.
—toits former owner. This was the wording
of the law as given in Lev. xxv. 24-31:
“And in all the land‘of your possession ye shall
grant a redemption for the land.
“Tfthy brother be waxen poor, and hath sold away
some of his possession, and if any of his kin come to re-
eeu it, then shall he redeem that which his brother
sold. =
“And if the man have none to redeem it, and him-
self be able to redeem it ;
“Then let him count the years of the sale thereof,
and restore the overplus unto the man to whom he
sold it, that he may return unto his possession.
“But if he be not able to restore z¢ to him, then that
‘which is sold shall remain in the hand of him that hath
bought it until the year of jubilee; and in the jubilee
it shall go out, and he shall return unto his posses-
sion.
There was a difference, however, with walled
cities.
“And if a man sell a dwelling-house in a walled
city, then he may redeem it within a whole year after
itis sold; w7¢hén a full year may he redeem it.
“ And if it be not redeemed within the space ofa full
year, then the house that zs in the walled city shall be
established forever to him that bought it, throughout
his generations: it shall not’ go out in the jubilee.
“But the houses of the villages, which have no walls
round about them, shall be counted as the fields of the
country: they may be redeemed, and they shall go
out in the jubilee.”
The object of this distinction seems to have
been to make agricultural life and property
more secure than city life and property, in order
to encourage agricultural life. But it was not
only the land that the law protected for the
use of all. It was a socialist law in that it pro-
tected the worker in the ownership of his tools.
If he gave them in pledge they could not be
kept from him overnight. Says Deut. xxiv.
10-14:
“When thou dost lend thy brother anything, thou
shalt not go into his house to fetch his pledge.
‘“ Thou shalt stand abroad, and the man to whom thou
dost lend shall bring out the pledge abroad unto thee.
fie pee ene man 4é poor, thou shalt not sleep with
“In wae case thou shalt deliver him the pledge again
when the sun goeth down, that he may sleep in his
own raiment, and bless thee: and it shall be righteous-
ness unto thee before the Lord thy God.”
Verse 6 in the same chapter says: ‘‘ No man
shall take the nether or upper millstone to
pledge, for he taketh a man’s life to pledge.”’
Protected thus, both in the access to land and
the use of tools, no Hebrew, as long as the law
was obeyed, need be poor. Taxation was a
single tax of one tenth of all produce of the soil
or the flock. This prevented all extortion of
financiers. The whole system of laws was con-
nected with a ritual to connect the political Law
with the thought of God. Great
religious festivals were organized
in connection with the national his-
tory and with the seasons. The
Levites administered the law in
connection with the temple or re-
ligious gatherings. The people, in solemn as-
semblies, repeated the curses and blessings of
the Law. The whole law of the land was con-
nected with the religious Sabbatical feasts. One
day in seven the laborer found complete rest.
One year in seven the land was to go untilled ;
the slave was to go free; one year in seven
times seven was the year of jubilee, when
land reverted to the owner and every mortgage
was wiped off. Religion was thus associated
with relief from labor and release from debt.
Religious
Sanctions,
766
Judiciary.
There was no king; those ruled who showed
themselves inspired of God; the nation was
organized by tribes, families, and other divi-
sions. Such was, in brief, the Hebrew social
polity. In practice it was overthrown. The
Hebrew people eventually chose a king, and
found slavery and captivity. Some think the
Law was never fulfilled ; that the Law we have
summarized was only very gradually devel-
oped. With the history we are not here con-
cerned. Christian socialists believe that it need-
ed the Spirit of Christ to fulfil the law. (See
CHRISTIAN SocIALIsM.) Socialists argue that the
world was not yet ready for socialism. Indi-
vidualists claim that it was an impossible and
impractical legalism.
JUDICIARY.—We consider in this article
the judiciary system of the United States alone
(1) because, on account of the size of the country
and the involved relation of federal and State
courts, the system is very much more compli-
cated and involved in this country than in any
other, and gives example of almost all judiciary
problems ; and (2) because in no other country
does the judiciary play the important political
part that it does in the United States; for in
no country except the United States is the Su-
preme Court of justice also the Supreme Court
of legislative judgment.
We shall treat in this article of—I. The Federal
Courts ; II. The Relation of the Supreme Court
to the Constitution ; III. The State Courts ; IV.
The Miscarriage and Reform of Justice.
I. Tue FEDERAL Courrts.
The Constitution gives to the federal courts
jurisdiction in
“1, All cases in law and equity arising under the
Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties
. made, or which shall be made, under their authority.
“>, All cases affecting ambassadors, other public
ministers, and consuls. Beas
fen 3. All cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdic-
ion.
‘“4, Controversies to which the United States shall
be a party. :
‘“s. Controversies between two or more States, be-
tween a State and the citizens of another State, be-
tween citizens of different States, between citizens of
the same State claiming lands under grants of differ-
ent States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof,
and foreign States, citizens, or subjects.
‘The judicial power of the United States is here ex-
tended to controversies between a State and citizens
of another State. This clause gave much discussion
at the time the Constitution was adopted, and the
States were unwilling to be subjected to lawsuits
brought by citizens of other States. Accordingly, an
amendment to the Constitution was proposed, and on
January 8, 1798, the President annotinced to the Con-
ress that the amendment had been adopted by three
ourths of the States, and was, therefore, a part of
the Constitution. This constitutes the eleventh of the
amendments, and is as follows»
“* The judicial power of the United States shall not
be construed to extend to any suit in law, commenced
or prosecuted against one of the United States by citt-
zens of another State, or by cttizens or subjects of any
foreign State.”
The federal courts are of three kinds—the
Supreme Court at Washington, circuit, and dis-
trict courts. The Supreme Court
has nine judges—a chief justice
(salary, $10,500) and eight associate
judges (salaries, $10,000), They are
nominated for life by the President and con-
firmed by the Senate, and are removable only by
Jurisdiction.
Judiciary.
impeachment. Only once has a judge of the
Supreme Court been impeached—Samuel Chase,
of Maryland, in 1804-5, and then unsuccess-
fully. The Supreme Court sits from October
to July of each year. Six judges must be pres-
ent to pronounce a decision, and every case is
discussed by the whole body twice over.
The circuit courts number nine, each with two
judges (salaries, $6000), and to each is allotted
a judge of the Supreme Court. A Circuit Court
of Appeals was established in 1891, to attempt
to relieve the overtaxed Supreme Court. Dis-
trict courts number 45 ; and there has been es-
tablished at Washington a special Court of
Claims. All Federal judges are appointed for
life (subject to impeachment), as the Supreme
judges, tho the Constitution does not state that
this should be so. The jurisdiction of the Su-
preme Court in cases affecting ambassadors,
and where a State is a party, is original ; in all
other cases it is appellate.
The criminal jurisdiction of the federal courts,
which extends to all offenses against federal
law, is purely statutory. ‘‘ The United States
as such can have no common law. It derives
its powers from the grant of the people made
by the Constitution, and they are all to be found
in the written law, and not elsewhere’’ (Cooley’s
Principles, Pp. 131).
Each federal court has attached to it a United
States marshal, to carry out its decisions, and
he can call on good citizens for help, and, if
necessary, apply to Washington to obtain the
aid of the federal troops.
On the somewhat complicated point as to the
telation of federal and State law, Mr. Bryce
says (The American Commonweatth, first ed,,
PP. 247, 248):
“The United States is a federation of common-
wealths, each of which has its own constitution and
laws, The Federal Constitution not only gives certain
powers to Congress, as the national legislature, but
recognizes certain powers in the States, in virtue
whereof their respective peoples have enacted funda-
mental State laws (the State constitutions) and have
enabled their respective legislatures to pass State
statutes. However, as the nation takes precedence of
the States, the Federal Constitution, which is the su-
preme law of the land everywhere, and the statutes
duly made by Congress under it, are preferred to all
State constitutions and statutes; and if any conflict
arise between them, the latter must give way. The
same phenomenon therefore occurs as in the case of
an inconsistency between the Constitution and a con-
gressional statute. Where it is shown that a State con-
stitution or statute infringes either the Federal Consti-
tution or a Federal (z.e., congressional) statute, the
State constitution or statute must be held and de-
clared invalid. And this declaration must, of course,
proceed from the courts, nor solely from the Federal
courts; because when a State court decides against its
own statutes or constitution in favor of a Federal law,
its decision is final.
“Tt will be observed that in all this there is no con-
flict between the law courts and any legislative body.
The conflict is between different kinds of laws. The
duty of the judges is as strictly confined to the inter-
pretation of the laws cited to them as it is in England
or France; and the only difference is that in America
there are laws of four different degrees of authority,
whereas in England all laws (excluding mere by-laws,
Privy Council ordinances, etc.) are equal because all
proceed from Parliament. These four kinds of Amer-
ican laws are:
‘“r, The Federal Constitution. 2. Federal statutes.
3. State constitutions. 4. State statutes. 5
“The American law court therefore does not itself
enter on any conflict with the legislature. It merely
secures to each kind of law its due authority. It does
not even preside over a conflict and decide it, for the
relative strength of each kind of law has been settled
767
Judiciary.
already. All the court does is to point out that a con-
flict exists between two laws of different degrees
of authority. Then the question is at an end, for the
weaker law is extinct.”
This leads us to the important point of
II. THe SuPREME COURT AND THE CONSTITU-
TION,
The Constitution of the United States is above
the power of Congress to change. It was rati-
fied and made binding not by Congress, but by
the people, and can, therefore, be amended
only by the people (see AMENDMENTS TO THE
CoNSTITUTION) in appointed ways—a most diffi-
cult and slow process. Congress can, therefore,
legislate only subject to the limits the Constitu-
tion sets. The Tenth Amendment to the
Constitution, adopted in 1791, distinctly says:
“The powers not delegated to the United
States by the Constitution nor prohibited by it
to the States are reserved to the States respec-
tively or to the people.”’
Now, according to the Constitution, the body
that finally decides what is constitutional is the
Supreme Court. Any law that the Supreme
Court decides unconstitutional is illegal. This
gives the Supreme Court enormous power.
After long debate Congress recently passed an
income tax (g.v.), and there is no question that
such a tax was desired by a large majority of
the people ; but the Supreme Court decided by
one vote that the bill was uncon-
stitutional, and the bill did not be-
come law. In such a case a single
corrupt judge could subvert the will
of the whole people save as by slow
process the Constitution is amend-
ed. This to an extent makes the judiciary
supreme over Congress and the Executive, and
(except by the slow process of constitutional
amendment) to a degree supreme over the peo-
ple. It is true that the Supreme Court does not
formally act on legislative bills—its power is
only one of interpretation. It simply decides
the individual case brought before it according
to the law, and where laws conflict, according
to the highest law, that is the Constitution ; but
this practically enables it to pass upon any bill
enacted by Congress. And this
power of interpretation is the
greater for two reasons: 1. That
a wrong decision is not easily re-
versed. In England, if the courts
find that a law means what the people do not
desire, the law can easily be amended. In the
United States, a wrong interpretation of the
Constitution is most difficult to reverse. 2. The
Constitution, being of necessity brief, the op-
portunity for interpretation is very broad.
Hence in practice the Supreme Court has enor-
mous power. It is true that this power has not
been frequently corruptly used. The Supreme
Court has not by many been considered venal
or even unfair ; but the trouble is that the peo-
ple often have more to fear from just decisions
than unjust. A decision flagrantly unjust or
venal could be more easily reversed ; but a just
decision that the Constitution does not allow of
acertain measure is difficult to reverse, even
tho the whole people desire it, Yet to Demo-
crats at least, what the large majority desire
Dangerous
Power.
Danger.
Judiciary.
ought to be legal. Legislation ought to belong
in usufruct to the living. A free people ought
not to be fettered by a Constitution
enacted a century ago under con-
Undemo- ditions utterly different from the
cratic present. Yetif the Supreme Court
System. decides a bill unconstitutional, it
cannot hold, no matter what the
people will, save by slow process of
amendment; and the more honest the judges
are the more difficult to change the decision.
In cases where a United States official, like the
President, deems that the Supreme Court has
made a mistake in the interpretation of the
Constitution, it has been claimed that he must
follow the best judgment he has and disobey the
Supreme Court, since, in his judgment, to obey
the Court would violate the Constitution he is
first of all bound to obey. President Jackson
attacked the United States Bank as illegal, tho
the Supreme Court had decided it legal. Jeffer-
son denounced a judgment of Chief Justice Mar-
shall. Majorities in Congress have claimed the
same right; but recently both executive and
legislative have receded from claiming this
right, and certainly in case of a just decision it
would be impossible to disobey it on this ground.
The Constitution does not limit the number
of Supreme judges, and some claim that the will
of the people could be realized by appointing
judges who would decide that the will of the
people was constitutional ; but such a proced-
ure would be looked upon as revolutionary by
many, if not by most. The seriousness of this
feature of the Constitution cannot, therefore, be
easily exaggerated. It is true that thus far no
great evils have seemed to arise. John Fiske
says of the Supreme Court (Czvzl Government
in the United States, p. 252):
“Tt is peculiarly American, and for its exalted char-
acter and priceless services it is an institution of which
Americans may well be proud.”
Mr. Bryce says (The American Common-
wealth, first ed., pp. 406, 407) :
“The rigid Constitution of the United States has ren-
dered and renders inestimable service. It opposes ob-
stacles to rash and hasty change. It secures time for
deliberation. ... It forms the mind and temper of
the people. It trains them to habits of legality. ...
It familiarizes them with, it attaches them by ties of
pride and reverence to those fundamental truths on
which the Constitution is based.” “
And again (p. 271):
“he credit and dignity of the Supreme Court stand
very high. No one of its members has ever been sus-
pected of corruption, and comparatively few have al-
owed their political sympathies to disturb their official
judgment.”
But in spite of this favorable view two thitgs
must be remembered : (1) that the longer the
country moves from the conditions when the -
Constitution was framed, the more must its re-
quirements fetter and be unsuited to the needs
and wishes of the people ; (2) the more political
questions turn upon industrial and financial
questions, the more likely is the Supreme Court
to be out of touch with the masses of the coun-
try. Almost of necessity the Supreme judges
must come from the class of the most educated,
the most successful, the most wealthy; this
must be so almost inevitably from the nature of
the case ; almost inevitably, therefore, with the
768
Judiciary:
best of will, they must judge from their environ-
ment, their education, their experience. Wheth-
er they will understand the common people is,
therefore, especially in industrial
matters, at least questionable.
Without, then, the slightest reflec- Unnecessary,
tion on the purity of the Supreme
Court, its power under the Consti-
tution is open tothe gravest question. It is not
necessary. In England it is notso. In Eng-
land, Magna Charta, the Bill of Rights, the Act
of Settlement, the Acts of Union with Scotland
and Ireland are merely ordinary laws which
can be repealed by Parliament at any moment.
There is no Constitution superior to the Legis-
lature All laws are made by the Legislature
and all can be repealed by it; nor is the insti-°
tution necessary even to a republic.
Says Mr. Bryce (The American Common-
wealth, pp. 259, 260) :
‘The case of Switzerland shows that the American
lan is not the only one possible to a federation. The.
3wiss Federal Court, while instituted in imitation of
the American, is not the only authority competent to
determine whethera cantonal law is void because in-
consistent with the Federal Constitution, for in some
cases recourse must be had not to the court but to the
Federal Council, which is a sort of executive cabinet
of the confederation. And the Federal Court is bound
to enforce every law passed by the Federal legislature,
even if it violate the Gonsaticon, In other words, the
Swiss Constitution has reserved. some points of can-
tonal law for an authority not judicial, but political,
and has made the Federal legislature the sole judge of
its own powers, the authorized interpreter of the Con-
stitution, and an interpreter not likely to proceed on
purely legal grounds,’
Some radicals believe that the cure for Amer-
ica lies in one constitutional amendment giving
to Congress the power of action, within certain
limits, without reference to the Constitution.
A large number find the cure in the adoption of
the referendum (¢.v.).
III, Stare Jupictary.
The judiciary in every State includes three
sets of courts: A supreme court or court of ap-
peal ; superior courts of record ; local courts ;
but the particular names and relations of these
several tribunals and the arrangements for
criminal business vary greatly from State to
State. We hear of courts of common pleas,
probate courts, surrogate courts, prerogative
courts, courts of oyer and terminer, orphans’
courts, court of general sessions of the peace
and jail delivery, quarter sessions, hustings’
courts, county courts, etc,
The jurisdiction of State courts is complete.
There is no appeal to federal courts except on
matters pertaining to federal law. Each State
recognizes the judgments of the courts of a sis-
ter State, gives credit to its public acts and rec-
ords, and delivers up to its justice any fugitive
from its jurisdiction charged with a crime. Of
course the courts of one State are not bound
either by law or usage to follow the reported
decisions of those of another State. They use
such decisions merely for their own enlighten-
ment, and as some evidence of the common
law, just as they use the English law reports.
Each State makes its own law, and these laws
vary enormously not only between States, but
also from time to time. Judges in 1894 were
Judiciary.
elected by the people in 31 States, by the legis-
latures in 5, and appointed by the Governor,
with the consent of a legislature or council, in
8 States, namely, in New England and the
older States. In New York and Pennsylvania
they are elected. In 4 States they are elected
for life; in others for terms varying from 2
years, in Vermont, to 21 years, in Pennsylvania
—8 to Io years is the average. Salaries for
the higher courts vary from $10,000, in New
York, to $2000, in Oregon.
Concerning the purity of the State judiciary,
Mr. Bryce says (Zhe American Common-
wealth, p. 507):
“ Any one of the three phenomena I have described—
popular elections, short terms, and small salaries—
would be sufficient to lower the character of the judi-
ciary. Popular elections throw the choice into the
hands of political parties—that is to say, of knots of
wirepullers, inclined to use every office as a means of
rewarding political services, and garrisoning with
grateful partisans posts which may conceivably become
of beltieal importance. Shortterms . . oblige the
judge to remember and keep on good terms with
those who have made him what he is, and in whose
hands his fortunes lie. ... Small salaries prevent able
men from offering themselves for ear whose in-
comes are perhaps only one tenth of what a leading
barrister can make by Piivats practice. ... The
mischief is serious, but I must own that it is smaller
than a European observer is prepared to expect.”
The reasons given for this lack of the worst
results Mr. Bryce considers the presence in
every State of federal tribunals, the power of
public opinion, and lastly the power of the pro-
fessional influence of the bar. Mr. Bryce said
in the first edition of his book, vol. ii., p. 501:
In a few States, perhaps six or seven in all, suspi-
cions have at one time or another within the last 20
years attached to one or more of the superior judges.
Sometimes these suspicions may have been ill-found-
e
“Tn one State, viz., New York, in 1869-71, there were
flagrant scandals which led to the disappearance of
three justices of the superior courts who had unques-
tionably both sold and denied justice. The Tweed
Ring, when masters of New York City and engaged in
plundering its treasury, found it convenient to have
in the seat of justice accomplices who might check in-
quiry into their misdeeds. This the system of popu-
lar elections for very short terms enables them to do;
and men were accordingly placed on the Bench whom
one might rather have expected to seein the dock—
bar-room loafers, broken-down Tombs attorneys,
needy adventurers whose want of character made
them absolutely dependent on their patrons.”
(For further facts, however, as to corrupt
courts, see PLuTocracy ; STANDARD O1L Monop-
OLY.
Tee in the United States, differently from
those in Europe, are allowed to plead in any
court they will. Almost absolute liberty is
given. The result is an intense competition, and
not unfrequently a low tone for the profession.
This freedom allows of great injustice to the
poor. Judgments are often pronounced, not upon
absolute equity, but upon whether
the accused has been proven in
court to have violated a law. Es-
pecially where the laws are as in-
volved as in the United States, a
shrewd lawyer, unless opposed by one equally
shrewd, can find some loophole in the law for
almost any client, at least in civil practice. A
wealthy corporation can afford to employ the
shrewdest counsel. The poor usually cannot.
Therefore the poor are usually in such cases
helpless. Of the injustice of this to the poor
49
The Bar,
769
Judiciary.
we speak in the next section. Of its effect
upon the lawyers we speak now. It means that
in most cases success for the law-
yer lies in shrewdly defending or
serving the interests of the great Corporation
corporations, as the railroads, etc. Lawyers.
To do this requires of necessity no
actual dishonesty, but simply the
development of ability to see shrewd ways of
avoiding or using the requirements of law. The
average successful lawyer is the corporation
lawyer. He becomes unconsciously accustomed
to viewing things not from the standpoint of
equity, but of shrewd interpretation in favor of
his corporation. This is what he is paid to do.
Involving at first at least no absolute dishon-
esty, it leads too often toa blunting of the moral
sense. Even where this does not result, by his
interests, his ambitions, his associations, his
professional instinct, above all, his social en-
vironment, he becomes honestly the partisan of
the corporation. He goes into the Legislature
and finds there abundant opportunity to serve
his former clients, and by his training is led
even unconsciously to do so. The financial
prizes in this line are very large. Corporation
lawyers, in what is considered perfectly legiti-
mate practice, can make as much as $100,000 a
year, while $50,000 is not infrequent. With
89,000 lawyers in the United States in 1890 com-
peting for these prizes, many of them poor, the
temptation to rise by serving the interests of
wealth becomes well-nigh irresistible. A very
few succeed by championing the cause of labor,
but usually they lose professional and social
caste, so that many who for political reasons
might choose the side of the poor are deterred
by family and social claims. . Under these cir-
cumstances, without the necessity of implying
any unusual corruption on the part of the law-
yers, the people are, not without reason, grow-
ing stispicious of corporation attorneys, and par-
ticularly of their presence in legislatures, where,
however, they form the large majority, in the
House of Representatives, for eeanipla, being
about 7o per cent. of the whole number. (See
a LEcIsLaTion.) We come, then, to con-
sider
IV. THE MIscarRIAGE OF JUSTICE AND ITS
REFORM.
The miscarriage of justice in modern courts is
not mainly due to unjust judges or corrupt law-
yers, but to the present judicial system. Pro-
fessor Ely writes in the C&rzstzan Advocate :
“Perhaps no current phrase is more frequentl
heard than that all men are equal before the law. It
belongs to a class of phrases which cover facts and
prevent thought. Nothing could be further from the
truth, for it is possible to mention at least six respects
a at legal inequality exists to-day in the United
ates.
‘“‘y, All men are supposed to be familiar with the
law, and ignorance of the law excuses noone. How,
then, can we talk about the equality of the law, when
the law is so complicated, and only few can know it?
In addition to the comparatively few who can know it,
there are a few wealthy individuals and corporations
who can employ well-trained experts in the law to in-
form them of the lawin so far asit is important for
them to know it. Compare the situation in this re-
spect of a great railway corporation and a labor organi-
zation with which it may be engaged in conflict. It is
not at all unlikely that some of the officers of the cor-
poration may themselves be trained lawyers, receiv-
Judiciary. 770
ing salaries of from $5000 to $25,000, and in addition to
this the corporation is certain to have in its constant
employment attorneys receiving high salaries, and
who give advice upon every step taken. The coun-
selors of the corporation are familiar with every twist
and turn of the law, and know the purport of conflict-
ing judicial decisions, so hard for the
ordinary man tounderstand. The high-
Expense of ot oe ever eepenv ea ry an officer of
s43 ‘ a labor organization was $5000, and it is
Litigation. believed that at the present time no one
receives over $3000. No labor organiza-
tion can keep in its constant employ able
attorneys, for, on the one hand, it cannot pay’ suffi-
ciently high salaries to secure the best talent, and, on
the other, the position of attorney for working men is
not calculated to lead to further advancement... .
“a, The law affords very unequal protection to the
rich and to the poor. The avenues of justice are in
one way and another closed to the poor and ignorant.
If ignorance itself of the proper-method of securing
redress is not a sufficient barrier, fees of one kind and
another and heavy court charges deter the poorer
members of the community from seeking justice at
law. When poor people have acase in the courts to
proves them against their employers, or others with
arger economic resources, the case may be delayed
from time to time, may be appealed from one court to
another, and it may be transferred from one jurisdic-
tion to another. Railway corporations engaged in
inter-state commerce like to transfer cases to the
United States courts, and thus they can put their
antagonists to the expense of long journeys. These
are some of the ways by means of which the resources
of the poorer party can be exhausted and justice de-
feated. Often the poor man does not know how to
take the first step to secure justice, and when he takes
the first step it often happens that he is exhausted be-
fore he can take the last one.
“ The secretary of the Chicago Bureau of Justice, to
which reference has already been made, in his sec-
ond annual report speaks about the inaccessibility of
the means of legal redress for wage-earners, and
peveraly, for the poorer members of the community.
e says that it is necessary that the fee system should
be abolished, both in so far asit relates to justices of
the peace and to constables... .
‘3, We must consider the inequality of the law itself.
The law in the United States is not so framed ex-
pressly that an offense committed by an employer or
arich man receives one kind of punishment, and the
offense committed by an employee or a poor man re-
ceives a different kind of punishment, but the penal-
ties are so framed that they bear with unequal sever-
ity upon the various social classes, and thus offenses
apt to be committed by the rich are not likely to be
visited by such heavy penalties as those to which the
poorer people are specially liable.
“Tam glad to be able to quote so good anauthority,
aman so highly esteemed, as the late Josiah Quincy,
who in his figures of the Past thus describes one kind
of legal inequality: ‘It is no disrespect to the majesty
of the law to maintain that it has not yet sloughed off
all its barbarisms. So long as a punishment of a
money fine is accepted from the rich, and the alterna-
tive imprisonment is exacted from the poor, the
ey of all men before the law is but a sounding
phrase.
“4. Wehave under the next heading to notice the
unequal administration of even equal law. The de-
vices which are open to those who can employ the best
legal counsel for escaping the penalties of the law on
the one hand, and for bringing them to bear heavil
on opponents on the other hand, are well known to all.
Again, I am glad to be able to make a
quotation in order to have additional
Unequal confirmation of my position, altho I
Administra- think no honest and well-informed man
: will attempt to dispute it. It excited no
tion, surprise a few years ago when Mr.
Walling, ex-Superintendent of Police of
7 New York City, said: ‘ Altho, of course,
all things are possible, yet I would not count asamong
probable contingencies under the present system of
government in New York the hanging of any one of
its millionaires, no matter how unprovoked or pre-
meditated the murder he might have committed.’
Many examples of unequal administration of the
law can be given—in fact, so many that it seems
almost absurd to mention any concrete cases. Never-
theless, I will give one or two illustrations in order to
direct the thought of my readers, and to lead to fur-
ther observation on their part. Railways are again
instructive. A few years ago a terrible accident oc-
Judiciary.
curred in Massachusetts. The railway directors ae
disregarded the express recommendations © the
railway commissioners of Massachusetts to test ae
safety of the bridge properly, There were no auto
matic brakes, and there-were not so many brakemen
as the law requires, A prominent paper of New York
of high standing said that the case was clearly one of
a preventable accident, and that it was deemed in law
criminal negligence. The writer of the editorial
stated that the parties responsible could be indicted
and punished, and suggested that an example of pun-
ishment would teach railway managers a useful les-
son. Is it necessary to tell my readers that noattempt
was made to enforce the law? Every reader knows it
before I state it, and he knows, furthermore, that the
Jaw in such cases is not likely to be enforced. Sup-
pose, on the other hand, that the leaders of a great
jabor organization, in their desire to raise wages, or
for any pecuniary reasons, should take a course re-
sulting in Ioss of life, is there one of my readers who
does not know that the law would lay a very heavy
hand on these labor leaders? It happened not long
ago that certain directors of a great corporation were
indicted for an accident which resulted in a horrible
death of passengers. How tenderly and considerately
they were treated when they were brought before the
court was described by the daily press, and the bail
was fixed at $5000,a mere nothing for men of vast
wealth, About the same time a labor leader was in-
dicted in New York for conspiracy and extortion.
This leader was at the time in Pennsylvania, and bail
wasat first altogether refused, and finally was fixed at
$20,000, an enormous.sum for such a person, probably
more than he and a half dozen of his best friends to-
gether were worth.
“Taxation reveals another kind of unequal admin-
istration. The property of the rich is rarely assessed
at so high a relative rate as the property of the
oor... .
‘‘c. A fifth kind of legal inequality is seen in the
failure to provide laws needed by the masses when
contrasted with the readiness to provide laws needed
by the few rich, especially powerful corporations... .
“6. The last kind of legal inequality relates to the
use of more or less corrupt means for defeating the
ends of justice. These means, whichof course should
not exist at all, are accessible only tothe few. Jury
bribing is one, but that is coarse and clumsy. here
are many more refined processes. A friend of mine
was employed in a large law office which was con-
cerned especially with railway cases. He tells me
that the lawyers in this office secure a list of allnames
on the jury list in all places along the line of the
railway for which they are attorneys. They found
out before cases were tried the personal opinions in
regard to railways of every single man who could be
drawn for jury service, and they challenged the names
of those who were regarded as unfriendly to .rail-
ways. He said that it thus becomes impossible for
any one to recover damages. I will mention only two
other devices under this head. One is through influ-
ence with the appointing power to secure the appoint-
ment of judges friendly to railway interests where
judges are appointed, and through influence with
politicians to secure the nomination of judges by both
parties favorable to these same interests.”
Concerning the reforms of the judiciary, vari-
ous proposals have been made. Extreme indi-
vidualists and anarchists would abolish all courts
of government authority. Accord-
ing to Mr. Bryce, there are parts of
the United States even now where
the people have deliberately con-
cluded that it is cheaper and simpler
to take the law into their own hands
on those rare occasions when a police is needed
than to be at the trouble of organizing and pay-
ing a force for which there is usually no em-
ployment. Their method is a volunteer jury,
and, in a clear case, a simple seizure and execu-
tion of the criminal.
Mr. W. M. Salter (Anarchy or Government,
Pp. 22) gives the following interesting instance :
‘“A few years ago there died in a little town in Iowa
a remarkable man named Thomas Chilson. He was a
blacksmith, but was crippled by an accident, and in
time such qualities were discovered in him that his
Reforms
Proposed.
Judiciary.
fellow-townsmen and the farmers around used to
come to him to have him settle their disputes. For
years previous tohis death it was not uncommon to
see in front of his modest dwelling the motley collec-
tion of vehicles which is a familiar spectacle in the
vicinity of a rural court-house. Inside, gathered
about the cripple’s chair, were the litigants, their re-
spective witnesses, and as many curious spectators as
were able to get within hearing distance. His judg-
ments, it is said, were almost invariably respected.
The people in the neighborhood became thus accustom-
ed, instead of ‘going to law,’ to ‘going to Chilson,’
the process being a great deal cheaper, costing noth-
ing in fact, and the results being much more satisfac-
ory.
“Such an instance raises the query whether it would
not be well to have it always possible for private
enterprise to compete with government? The idea
may be impracticable (Chilson, I believe, dealt only
with civil cases), and yet it has something to recom-
mend it.”
Socialists, on the other hand, believe that
with human nature as it is, and in the involved
conditions of civilized existence, such voluntary
courts are utterly impracticable. The ultimate
appeal must be to Lynch law ; and they cannot
believe that, when appearances and true facts
are often so utterly different, it is safe to trust
judgment to the hasty feelings of the commu-
nity. (See Lyncw Law.) They would have all
justice in the hands of the community organized
as a State, but make justice absolutely free. If
it be argued that this would enormously increase
litigation, they reply that, if justice were free,
any one could get justice, and trespassers would
be afraid to commit wrong. To-day, they
argue, the wrongdoer, especially the rich cor-
poration, can commit wrong almost with im-
punity. Under free justice, with judges and
lawyers paid by the State, wrongdoing, social-
ists claim, would be reduced to a minimum.
Less radical propositions are to procure cheap
justice by the organization of popular courts of
conciliation (7.v.), as in Denmark,
JUKES, THE, is the name of a poor family
whose genealogy was investigated by Mr. R. L.
Dugdale as a study in heredity, etc., and the
results of which investigation he recorded in his
book The Jukes.
Mr. Dugdale traces the family back to a man
whom he calls Max, a descendant of the early
Dutch settlers, and born between the years 1720
and 1740. He is described asa hunter and fish-
er, a hard drinker, jolly and companionable,
averse to steady work, tho working hard by
spurts, and becoming blind in old age and en-
tailing this blindness upon-his children and
grandchildren. Two of hissons married Juke
sisters, of whom there were six in all. “The
progeny of five of these sisters is traced with
more or less exactness through five generations.
The total lineage Mr. Dugdale calculates reaches
over 1200 persons, but he traces only 709, of
whom 540 were related by blood to the Jukes
and 169 were connected with them by marriage
or cohabitation. The latter class Mr. Dugdale
classes under the head of X. The descendants
of one of the women, Ada Juke, proved so un-
worthy that she is often referred to as Mar-
garet, the mother of criminals. According to
Mr. Dugdale’s table (p. 69), of the 540 of Juke
blood, 305 reached marriageable age. Of these
82 were illegitimate ; 73 were prostitutes, 58 un-
ascertained ; 12 kept brothels, 51 had syphilis ;
15 acquired property and 5 lost it; 95 received
771
Jury, Trial by.
outdoor pauper relief, 53 almshouse relief ; 49
were criminals. Of the X blood (169 of, mar-
riageable age), 9 were illegitimate, 55 prostitutes,
23 unascertained, 6 kept brothels, 16 had syphi-
lis, 7 acquired property and 3 lost it ; 47 received
outdoor relief and 11 almshouse relief ; 27 were
criminals. This shows that of the adult Juke
women,52.40per cent. were harlots, thosome lines
ot the family were more criminal than others.
Their environment was in rural New York at a
time when to others equally circumstanced suc-
cess was entirely possible. At the same time it
cannot be said that all this is due to heredity,
because the ‘‘ tendency of heredity is to pro-
duce an environment which perpetuates that
heredity.’’ A child born on the roadside or in
a pauper asylum is likely to be brought up as a
pauper. Mr. Dugdale estimates that the fam-
ily cost the community in 75 years over $1,250,-
000, without reckoning the cash paid for whisky
and the crime, disease, and pauperism left to
ensuing generations. Mr. Dugdale says : ‘‘ For-
nication, either consanguineous or not, is the
backbone of their habits, flanked on the one
side by pauperism, on the other by crime.’’
Such is the evil record, tho its evil has been ex-
aggerated by many who have referred to it.
JURY, TRIAL BY, often called the “‘ palla-
dium of our civil and political liberties,’’ is con-
sidered by many to-day to have been changed
from its original form as to have become a hin-
drance rather than a help to justice, and to be in
need of radicalreform. A jury to-day may be de-
fined as a body of men selected according to
law and sworn to inquire into or to determine
facts concerning a cause or an accusation sub-
mitted to them, and to declare the truth accord-
ing to the evidence adduced. A “‘ grand jury’”’
isa jury of not less than 12 or over 23 men, of
whom 12 must agree, to decide whether there is
sufficient ground of suspicion to justify trial be-
fore a jury, which, as compared with the grand
jury, is called a‘‘ petty’ or ‘petit jury.” A
“‘coroner’s jury’’ is a jury summoned by a coro-
ner to investigate the cause of a death.
The origin of the jury is in the remote past.
' Says Canon Stubbs :
“Many writers of authority have maintained that
the entire jury system is indigenous jn England, some
deriving it from Celtic tradition based on the prin-
ciples of Roman law, and adopted by the Anglo-Sax-
ons and Normans from the people they had conquered.
Others have regarded it as a product of that legal
genius of the Anglo-Saxons of which Alfred is the
mythic impersonation, or as derived by that nation
from the customs of primitive Germany or from their
intercourse with the Danes. Nor even when it is ad-
mitted that the system of recognition was introduced
from Normandy have legal writers agreed as tothe
source from which the Normans themselves derived it.
One scholar maintains that it was brought by the
Norsemen from Scandinavia; another that it was de-
rived from the processes of the canon law; another that
it was developed on Gallic soil from Roman principles ;
another that it came from Asia through the crusades.
The true answer seems to be that forms of trial re-
sembling the jury system are to be found in the prim-
itive institutions of all nations.”
The jury, however, in modern forms was
mainly developed in England, Some have
claimed that originally it was not what it is to-
day. Mr. Lysander Spooner, in his 7rzal by
Jury, published in 1852, argued that the present
jury trials are illegal and unconstitutional, and
Jury, Trial by.
that the establishment of the true original sys-
tem would not only at once cause the total
disappearance of the evils com-
plained of, but would also certainly
result in a general purification and
elevation of the art of politics and
the business of government.
According to Mr. Spooner, ‘‘ the trial by jury
is a trial by the country, by the people, as dis-
tinguished from a trial by the Government.”
Anciently it was called trial per pazs—that is,
trial by the country. And even to-day, in every
‘criminal court the jury are told that the accused
‘‘has, for trial, put himself upon the country,
which country you (the jury) are.’’ The object
of this trial, by the country, in preference to a
trial by the Government, is fo guard against
oppression by the Government. He says:
“Since Magna Charta, in rars, there has been no
clearer principle of English or American constitutional
law than that-in criminal cases it is not only the right
and duty of juries to judge what are the facts, what
is the law, and what was the moral intent of the
accused, but that it is also their no and their pri-
mary duty to judge of the justice of the law, and to hold
all laws invalid that are in their opinion unjust or
oppressive, and all persons guiltless in violating or re-
sisting the execution of such laws.”
History.
According to Mr. Spooner, ‘‘if, after hearing
both sides, the jury declare that the Government
is right, the accused become criminals and are
liable to punishment. If they declare the Gov-
ernment wrong, the accused walk out free and
honorable men, and the law in question becomes
null and void.
But this ‘‘trial by the country’ would be a
sham, a delusion, and asnare if the Government
could say either who may ard who may not be
jurors, or could dictate to the jury anything what-
ever either of law or evidence. In short, to use
Mr. Spooner’s words :
“The jury must judge of and try the whole case,
and every part and parcel of the case, free of any
dictation or authority on the part of the Government.
They must judge of the existence of the law; of the
true exposition of the law; of the justice of the law;
and of the admissibility and weight of all the evidence
offered. Otherwise, the Government will have every-
thing its own way, the jury will be mere puppets in
its hands, and the trial will be in reality a teal y the
Government.”
That the trial by jury was originally this, Mr.
Spooner claims to be proved by the history and
the language of Magna Charta.
At the time of Magna Charta the king was
constitutionally almost the entire government,
the sole legislative, judicial, and executive pow-
er. The officers were merely his servants, ap-
pointed by him and removable at his pleasure.
The only legal limitation upon his power was
the ‘‘law of the land,’’ or the common law,
which he was bound by oath to maintain. But
the oppressions and usurpations of King John
were so intolerable that the whole nation finally
made war upon the king and compelled him to
pledge himself that he would punish no man for
the violation of any law except with the con-
sent of the equals of the accused. Thus the
Great Charter of English Liberties was granted.
This charter took the liberties of the people out
of the hands of the king and placed them in the
keeping of the people themselves.
Whether Mr. Spooner’s view of the past be cor-.
772
Juvenile Reformatories.
rect or not, there is no question that the custom
is different to-day. To-day the province of the
jury is to judge of facts; they have nothing to
do with the law—which they must take from the
presiding judge at the trial. The old decanta-
zum assigns to each his own independent func-
tion: ‘‘Ad questionem legis judices respon-
dent, ad quzestionem facti juratores.’’
From the beginning parties have been allowed
to challenge the jury. In civil and criminal
cases achallenge for cause is allowed ; in crim-
inal cases only, a peremptory challenge is also
allowed. A challenge to the array is either on
the ground that the sheriff is a party to the
cause or related to one of the parties, on the
ground of circumstances implying ‘‘at least a
probability of bias or favor in the sheriff.” A
challenge to the polls is an exception to one
or more jurymen on either of the following
grounds: (1) propter honoris respectum, as
when a lord of Parliament is summoned ; (2)
propter defectunt, for want of qualification ; (3)
propter affectum, on suspicion of bias or par-
tiality ; and (4) propter delictum, when the
juror has been convicted of an infamous offense.
Unanimity in the jury is essential to convic-
tion.
Such is the English procedure, and it is sub-
stantially the same in the United States.
In France, there is no grand jury, and unanim-
ity is not necessary.
To-day, however, dissatisfaction with the sys-
tem is widespread. It is argued that the law
to-day allows only fools who have no opinions
to be jurors, and does not allow conviction if a
sharp lawyer can bulldoze or a culprit can bribe
one of the jury not to vote guilty.
Men are but too anxious to escape jury duty,
and the excuse of ‘‘ prejudice’ is so simple that
they seize upon it with the greatest avidity.
Thus the men who would make excellent jurors
escape by pleading bias, while those who are
actuated by unworthy motives and who are anx-
ious to enter the jury box glibly assert their per-
fect freedom from all bias, and virtually beg the
court to accept them.
Many propositions for reform have been
made, among them the abolition of the require-
ment of unanimity in jury verdicts and the sub-
stitution of a majority verdict ; the doing away
with the examinations of talesmen as to their
‘‘opinions’’ about the case; the abatement of
the exemption abuse, and the improvement of
the methods of selecting and drawing names for
the first jury list. (For more radical proposi-
tions, see JupIcIARY, last section.)
JUVENILE REFORMATORIES.—Ac-
cording to the census for 1890, the following
are the statistics of juvenile reformatories :
Total number of inmates in reformatories in
TSGO wwiiaein esd, c a BA WRI yas uate Sta ea eaabyatastitiae 4 45846
Total number of inmates in reformatories in
LBSO. tisarscaiseasar Mireiatolenh sesetarais a acareuaus ealaleletere wMislnoreeneak 11,468
Increase in the decade......ssece reece eeeeeeee 31378
Number of males, white....... iiaoniie Mig S Sag 9,998
Number of males, colored oss. is scsixey nas 14537
Number of females, white.. 2,905,
Number of females, colored.. 406
Number of native born, white 11,078
Number of foreign born, whit 1,405
Number with nativity unknown
Juvenile Reformatories.
3245
@C1GN .....-. bees ee a ble) shadoieta, artery ne 31965
Number of native born white with one parent
LOTCIP oy. sais s agus diwaes acon way eex cee ee 963
Number of native-born white, nativity of par-
ENIS UNKNOWN: joe So rasiocws ghar -ceccsedaentace Si 2,905
The increase from 1880-90 was 29.46 per cent.
The increase in the total population was 24.86
per cent. In 1880 the ratio of juvenile delin-
quents confined in reformatories to the popula-
tion was 229 in each million ; in 1890 it was 237;
the increase, therefore, has been only 8 to the
million. The largest increase has been in the
North Central division, where it was 61 to the
million. In the South Atlantic and Western di-
visions it was 24 to the million, but in the
North Atlantic and South Central divisions there
has been a relative decrease, in the former of
44 and in the latter of 10 to the million. In the
773
Kaweah.
South Central division there has been an abso-
lute decrease of 28 in the number of inmates of
this class of institutions. It is evident from
these figures that the juvenile reformatory sys-
tem is not growing rapidly.
The following table shows the nature of their
offenses :
OFFENSES AGAINST—
|
“The |
Gov- | Soci- | The | Prop- oe
fe | ety. |Person.| erty. ous,
| |
Boy sivisis sissies 18 5,222 29t | 4,169 1,835
IPS i atasy: scaraevtsrs.a)| weslavaporagers 1,708 17 346 1,240
K.
KAUFMANN, MORITZ.—Born in Ger-
many, he early went to Ireland, and gradu-
ated at Trinity, Dublin. Taking orders in the
Church of England, he became rector of Ing-
worth and vicar of Calthorpe. He has been a
lifelong student of socialism, and has written
numberless magazine articles and accounts of
socialism, with several books, such as Soczal-
tsm: its Nature, zts Dangers, and tts Reme-
dies Considered (1874); Utopias from Sir
Thomas More to Karl Marx (1879); Christan
Soctalisim (1888); Charles Kingsley, Christian
Soctalist and Social Reformer (1892).
KAUTSKY, KARL, a leading German so-
cialist, was born in 1854. He is now editor
of Die Neue Zeitung of Stuttgart, the leading
German socialist review, and also, with E.
Bernstein, of Dze Geschichte der Soztalismus,
now appearing in parts. He has been a volu-
minous writer. Among his books are: Thomas
More und seine Utopie; Der Arbetterschutz,
besonders der internationale Arbetterschutz ;
Gesetzgebung und der Achtstundentag ; Die
Klassengesetze von as » Karl Marx, Oekon-
omische Lehren, Das Erfurter Programm in
seinem grundsatzlichen Theil, Der Parla-
mentarismus, dite Volksgesetzgebung und die
Soztaldemokratie.
KAWEAH was a cooperative colony located
in Tulare County, Cal. In 1884 a number of
Californians decided to form a cooperative col-
ony or community, and after examining differ-
ent sites, in October, 1885, filed their claims, 45
in number, to some Government land near the
Kaweah River, under the Timber Act of June
3, 1878. The Act provides for a probationary
period of 60 days ‘‘ for the sole purpose of per-
mitting adverse claims, if any, to be filed.”’
Before the end of this period Land Commis-
sioner Sparks ordered a suspension of their
claims, on the ground that he doubted if they
were dona fide settlers, land at that time being
_ continually obtained by monopolies by setting
up claims for dummy settlers.
The colonists, however, conscious that they
were Jona fide settlers and had acted legally
every way, believed that in due time their claim
must be acknowledged, and refused to spend
any money in Washington to push it. They
went ahead rather, opening up the land and
building a road 18 miles long through land the
timber companies had considered inaccessible,
and by 1890 were prepared to haul lumber for
the market, Their claims, meanwhile, dragged
along uncompleted. The colony was organized
on a cooperative plan in August, 1886. Shares
were $500, one fifth of which had to be paid be-
fore residence was allowed.
Alabama* 3 37 804 4 21 135 1,004 1,465 | 215
Alaska t.. ae ' 73 7 oe 4 84 +e so
Arizona, ci 7 635 4 18 8 672 97 es
Arkansas*. 45 633 . 2t 39 738 1,695 | 200
California.. 13 383 12,752 122 145 206 13,620 99 20
Colorado.... 47 2,419 ie 63 144 2,673 190 35
Connecticut.. 18 57 35296 2r 154 109 3655 221 45
Delaware....... wee Pealinres seaieg 5 6 307 4 8 12 432 410 86
District of Columbia... .. 8 22 1,210 5 2 48 1,304 217
Florida* mes aaaeGhes eee eis ¥ 5 12 445 ni 19 25 gor gto 7
Georgia*. 0 41 1,454 5 30 138 1,678 34155 133
Idaho. a ais 8 619 20 18 I5 680 172 29
Illinois... 147 320 17,833 00 333 3,138 19,871 209 44
Indiana ..... Leet tees 2r 78 75875 49 254 464 8,741 260 63
Indian Territoryt.. oe 7 ae En 13 20 91900
TOWA 5 6) 25 eisai eenes’s 0 76 4,63 418 318 160 55213 384 85
Kansast.. I 1g 24235 2 59 270 24570 604 126
Kentucky 6x 237 33970 25 79 214 41586 426 | 74
Louisiana.. 25 Tir 4,216 7 45 717 4,481 262 26
Mainet..... se 9 990 é 13 136 1,148 579 101
Maryland..... 64 04 4,164 33 74 149 4,578 236 47
Massachusetts 78 201 4506 37 248 19t 5,261 489 74
Michigan.. 37 6,364 99 190 328 71544 304 61
Minnesota ... 27 79 39890 102 242 320 4,660 339 57
Mississippi* a 9 307 ie 13 48 377 35554 140
Missouri... 68 210 7,639 50 262 268 8,497 342 64
Montana .. sis 37 1,704 17 42 39 1,889 108 24
Nebraska . 4 30 2,041 24 217 67 25392 586 84
Nevada aia 6 58r II 13 4 615 75 18
New Hampshire. va ea 9 1,570 7 71 150 1,816 214 49
New jersey spies ota 3 a 35 85 8,459 47 246 270 91142 175 37
New Mexico ee 2 12 469 4 27 15 529 319
New York... 354 975 42,176 289 676 1,587 451057 143 30
North Caroli 15 30 1,251 ais 22 44 1,362 1,233 206
North Dakotat. a ax 5 I 8 189 797 403 5st
ODIO S656 sce cores 108 359 15,817 127 382 3or 17,094 225 5°
Oklahoma. 5 7 495 I 38 44 585 241
Oregon ...... 4 40 1,382 29 13 3r 1,509 243 52
Pennsylvania. 223 437 14,113 251 505 494 16,023 357 — 63
Rhode Island... 9 45 1,746 5 43 30 1,878 200 28
South Carolina. 10 800 2 7 Ir 830 1,433 85
South Dakotat. 9 1,107 6 41 81 1,244 383 57
Tennessee*.... 19 44 1,923 5 25 64 2,080 89x 128
Texas...... 17 60 31937 14 304 15574 51906 407 72
Utah. ... 3 12 302 8 12 19 446 542
Vermontt. ss 580 + 25 176 78x 426 7
Virginia...... 17 34 24552 I 30 61 2,695 634 108
Washington. I ar 1,283 26 19 33 1,383 390 63
West Virginia 3 6 1,277 8 at 58 15373 596 125
Wisconsin.... at 115 8,886 174 200 476 9912 190 37
WYOMING. 5: jismaidend: serciatarenemtoe 5 385 ve 20 9 419 203 40
FEO Sx deancswpqgntetcuke cag. keawene 14440 45555 208, 388 1,772 5,655 10,486 232,205 295 52
* States largely under Prohibition by Local Option.
According to the Internal Revenue Report
for 1895, pp. 53, 54, there was consumed in the
production of spirits, 17,499,711 bush. of grain
and 5,802,811 gals. of molasses. This grain
produced 79,949,594 gals. of spirits, which is
4.32 gals. of spirits to each bushel of grain, and
eight tenths of a gallon of spirits for each gallon
of molasses.
In addition, there was produced 33,561,411
bbls. of beer, which, according to Professor
Francis Wyatt, director of the National Brew-
ers’ Academy of New York City, requires 2
bush. of malt per barrel to manufacture. This,
at eighty-four hundredths of a bushel of barley
to one bushel of malt, required 56,383,171 bush.
52
+ Prohibition States and territories.
of barley. The total weight of grain used in
producing spirits was 948,000,000 lbs, ; the bar-
ley used for beer weighed 2,706,000,000 lbs.,
making in all 3,654,000,000 lbs. If this grain
were ground into flour and then made into
bread, the waste of grinding would be com-
pensated for in the added water for the bread,
and a pound of grain would make a pound of
bread, This 3,654,000,000 lbs. of grain would,
therefore, make an equal number of pounds of
bread, or a pound loaf every day in the year to
10,000,000 people, one seventh of the total pop-
ulation of the country. All the statistics in this ar-
ticle are compiled from official and authoritative
facts, most of them from Government reports,
Liquor Traffic.
818
Liquor Traffic.
SALES OF BEER IN TWENTY-TWO LEADING CITIES.
CITIES. 1885.* 1890.* 1892.t 1893.t 1894.t 1895.
Barrels. Barrels. Barrels. Barrels. Barrels. Barrels.
Albany, N.Y........ 64,112 +707 302,473 3133499 249,365 304,821
Baltimore, Md....... sea 7o4 Bar oa 559)40r 567,711 532,865 5359574
Boston, Mass... 784,408 833,278 987,361 962,970 3,038,728 1,092,379
Brooklyn, N. Y. 976,878 1,508,144 1,788,285 1,827,222 1,825,935 1,814,553
Buffalo, N.Y. 318,981 492,873 602,310 662,667 642,294 627,987
Chicago, IIL..... . ive 809,410 1,673,685 2,634,860 257614714 2,700,322 2,648,335
Cincinnati, O. aN 867,715 1,115,053 1,222,905 1,310,782 1y2175794 1,224,372
Cleveland, O.. 263,658 356,284 4431985 521,810 446,504 443,042
Detroit, Mich. 204,185 278,953 326,813 385,423 352,090 359,027
Louisville, Ky.......] 0.2... 200,916 2145233 360,130 219,017 222,076
Milwaukee, Wis 1,090,448 1,527,032 2.066,592 2,153,096 2,142,625 2,037,024.
Newark, N. J........ 654,380 1,003,524 1,103,840 1,161,049 1,144,590 1,126,319
New Orleans, La....] ........ 206,121 257,418 286,909 262,864 249,504
New York City...... 3)526,782 452575978 455739019 4,838,960 4,626,262 4,691,464
Philadelphia, Pa 1,247,819 1,458,846 1,658,529 1,759,922 1,749,005 1,819,113
Pittsburg, Pa... . 194,682 338,387 4295452 583,499 . 432,458 * 441,750
Rochester, N. Y 284,348 427,533 563,071 5915158 605,394 5592835
San Francisco, Cal... 358,647 479,217 569,976 511,937 485,141 494,148 -
St. Louis, Mo........ 1,058,056 1,613,215 1,849,282 2,042,300 1,994,54 1,912,869
Syracuse, N. Y.... 2.) seeeveee 202,870 231,011 248,089 245,093 255,461
Toledo, O aie 207,125 246,488 2735349 290,261 254,068 253,615
Troy, Ni Yisens oo aoe] | agence 1945447 183,033 - 187,770 195,157 218,261
* For 1885 and 1890, year ending April 30.
+ For 1892, 1893, 1894 and 1895, year ending June 30.
The following table contains comparisons for a number of the leading industries based on the
census of 1890:
RELATION OF CAPITAL TO EMPLOYEES AND WAGES IN LIQUOR AND OTHER INDUSTRIES.
FOR $10,000 CAPITAL,
MECHANICAL AND MANUFACTURING Capital. Number of | Total Wages. Average 1
INDUSTRIES. Employees. Number Bees y
of Em- Pas
ployees. o
Liquors, distilled ........ aba Herbiivns sesees| $31,006,176 59343 $2,814,889 1.72 $080
Liquors, malt............. oii: o ena aches 232,471,290 34,800 28,382,544 1.50 1,221
Liquors) total scas cscs siyains neotgisiginieciex's : $263,477,466 40,143 $31,197,433 1.53 $1,184
Boots and shoes, factory product. $95,282,311 1391333 $66,375,076 14.62 6,966
Bread and other bakery products. 45575989489 52,762 28,789,047 11.53 6,292
Clothing; Met's... .-.cecieasiseciee's 182,552,938 243,857 111,389,672 13430 6,117
ROIOG SO00S oop cavacwwe wv inne 2 354,020,843 221,585 69,48g,272 6.26 1,963
Flouring and grist-mill products. 208,473,500 63,481 270355742 3-04 1,297
Iron and steel................ aoe 373)478,018 152.535 84,665,506 4.08 2,267
Lumber, planing-mill products.. ert 120,271,440 86,888 48,970,080 7.22 4,072
Printing and publishing................- 195,232,535 164,935 104,924,475 8.45 59374
HOW WE SPEND OUR MONEY. ander Hamilton estimated the annual produc-
Foreign missions... <.01<0. USNEWS Wiweieate $5,000,000 tion of the country at that time to be 6,500,000 _
Potatoes..... .. : 110,000,000 Proof gals., of which 3,500,000 gals. were from
ees sae arta ecco tesa ee 125,000,000 foreign materials. This tax was the occasion
Public education... ++ ¥65,000:000 of the famous Whisky Rebellion of 1794. The
Furniture........ ...... 175,000,000
Sugar and molasses. 225,000,000 act was repealed in 1802,
Woolen goods. 250,000,000 Liquor was again taxed in 1813 to meet the
pe eae eee Horeeincs «necessities of the War of 1812 with England.
Printing and publishing 370,000,000 This time a tax was laid on distilleries. This
Gites goods........... +++ 380,000,000 tax was repealed in 1818 and no further tax im-
obacco....... oki 15;000,000 i
Thomand reste: Pee posed until 1862.
Meat... ....... Be lisetead ceo The act of July 1, 1862, created the Bureau of
DAqQuors) (oie. cesar maisiereepventst #8 Pavscumion en veo « 1,080,000,000 Internal Revenue. The law, which went into
GOVERNMENT TAXES ON LIQUORS.
The United States laid an internal revenue
tax on liquors for the first time in 1791. A tax
of 11 cents was laid on spirits distilled from for-
eign imported materials, and of 9 cents on
spirits distilled from domestic products. Alex-
effect September 1, 1862, imposed a tax of 20
cents a gallon on spirits. This was raised to 60
cents by the act of March 7, 1864. By the act
of June 30, 1864, a tax of $1.50 a gallon was
levied on all spirits, except those made from
grapes, which were taxed at 25 cents a gallon.
By the provisions of the act the tax was in-
Liquor Traffic.
creased to $2 after February 1, 1865. There
was some shifting of rates after this time, until
by the act of March 3, 1875, the rate was fixed
at go cents, at which it remained for 20 years,
The tax on beer has been $1 per barrel of 31
gals. since September 1, 1862, except for the
period from March 3, 1863, to March 31, 1864,
when it was 60 cents.
PRESENT TAXES,
The present Government taxes on liquors are
$1.10 per gallon on spirits and $1 per barrel on
fermented liquors. The Treasury collects each
year from each dealer in spirits at retail, $25 ;
at wholesale, $100; from each dealer in fer-
819
Liquor Traffic.
mented liquors at retail, $20; at wholesale,
$50 ; from rectifiers and from brewers of less than
500 bbls. per year, $50; of 500 bbls. or more,
$100 ; from manufacturers of stills, $50; from
each still manufactured, $20.
Previously to August 28, 1894, the tax on
spirits was go cents a gallon. The period dur-
ing which liquors could be stored in Govern-
ment bonded warehouses without payment of
tax until liquors are withdrawn was extended
from three years to eight years, in the interests
of the distillers.
STATE RECEIPTS.
The following table is compiled from the cen-
EXPENDITURES OF STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENTS, LARGELY DUE TO DRINK, AND THE
RECEIPTS FOR LIQUOR LICENSES, 1890.
EXPENDITURES STATE AND LOCAL LARGELY DUE TO THE DRINK ;
TRAFFIC. Receipts
from Liquor
STATES AND TERRI- Licenses,
TORIES: Perial and ; cee a
Judicial.* Reforma- Police. Charitable. Total. ocal.
tory. t
Alabama.......- $330,858 $132,649 $149,835 $233,419 $846,761 $424,189
Arizona .. 240,435 13,522 4,711 8,194 206,862 103,025
Arkansas 484,986 61,965 66.632 223,801 837,384 223,896
California . 520,602 510,420 660,640 2,223,533 33915,195 774,687
Colorado.... .. 414,766 635343 37,400 312,664 828,173 565,249
Connecticut . 315,265 334,657 275,261 660,398 1,585,581 478,101
Delaware............. 30,437 660 44,498 35,049 III,244 28
District of Columbia.. 18,796 74,979 460,969 248,583 803,327 95,470
PIOridaccessiseceee ace 263,077 42,119 42,110 130,450 4775756 48,659
Georgia... 141,212 323,975 3321797 6375234 1435,218 3430482
Tang: sccissgrdonkag avy 42,298 41,333 aR ose 531653 137,284 214334
Illinois ... 775,690 445,043 1,722,118 2,138,552 5,082,003 2,893,378
Indiana 723,675 212,290 188,899 1,455,085 2,580,549 359,815.
Iowa.... 804,860 209,260 179,237 1,250,940 254445303 31
Kansas... 420,885 191,614 123,627 569,926 1,315,052 39,669
Kentucky. 982,432 231,711 280,163 938,427 25432,733 145,190
Louisiana 550,667 42,166 172,650 210,850 976,333 31,039
aine ...... a 194,206 122,042 100,621 358,552 PIBsAaT. |) aleaatnece
Maryland. .... 273,076 121,764 790,088 5531423 1,738,351 249,925
Massachusetts 695,432 821,992 2)356,045 399171276 77995745 2,502,226
Michigan...... 330,229 417,416 531,846 1,113,811 253935332 1,553)112
Minnesota . 403,191 189,315 439,816 863,557 1,895,879 839,980
Mississippi. ‘ 116,058 102,944 26,858 2475733 493593 2371275
Missouri . 886,879 147,863 g21,562 1,006,023 2,962,327 1)794,223,
Montana.. * 134,930 67,203 39,640 193)414 435,187 425,532
Nebraska. a 202,698 80,758 117,077 299,267 699,800 339,500
Nevada........... . 53,015 50,069 | a. we 124.495 227,579 51,953
New Hampshire . 105,789 42,386 94,050 520,185 762,419 as
New Jersey..... » 582,398 3051374 899,616 1,0551955 25903343 872,873
New Mexico - 28,288 3,062 wear ¢ 15527 106,877 20,024
New York 4 1,240,886 982,375 7,200,617 7,503,631 16,927,509 2,566,627
North Carolina.. j 196,651 57,481 38,9044 372,785 665,861 76,887
North Dakota... 2 126,682 48,444 11,352 252,140 438,618 27,652
Qhio......... . 151524376 3351478 1,289,249 39312,657 6,089,760 25299,742
Oregon ...... ‘ 177,916 531390 61,882 134,804 430,992 775382
Pennsylvania. ‘ 1,302,271 888,330 24545y114 2,666,431 71402146 1)703,373
Rhode Island.... 113,877 158,471 363,833 128,453 764,634 444,849
South Carolina. ‘ 227,208 741989 84,161 282,995 669,353 68,341
South Dakota % 61,792 67,068 4,020 131,937 264,817 37,109
Tennessee ... 772,351 $22,923 147,763 437,810 1,334,901 3451474
Texas .... 768,936 386,987 241,035 657,694 2,054,652 169,681
Utah... 96,813 52,180 78,369 87,400 314,762 213,104
Vermont. 104,082 28,562 8,697 152,190 2935531 977
Virginia..... 3655367 51,685 254,019 607,319 1,278,390 323,306
Washington.. . 343,696 127,202 170,543 261,936 9031377 219,848
West Virginia . 138,247 138,522 31,103 261,378 569,250 110,585
Wisconsin .. e 407,183 2415434 3391200 1,062,988 2,050,805 640,619
Wyoming..........04. 49,919 32,736 2,800 431056 128,511 27,075
$18,721,383 $0,226,905 $23,034,376 $39,958,816 $91,841,480 $24,786,496
* Including county courts, inquiries
+ Less receipts from the same.
+ Tennessee makes $22,923 profit on
and inquests.
its penal and reformatory institutions.
Liquor Traffic. 820
sus of 1890, and shows the receipts of State and
local governments for liquor licenses during
1890 and the amounts expended to sustain the
courts, jails, police, and almshouses, the neces-
sity for whose existence is largely due to the
traffic which the licenses legalize. The State
and local governments received $24,786,496
from the liquor traffic, but paid out $91,841,480,
or $100 for every $27 received, in caring for
crime and poverty, a large part of which came
from the saloon. It is well within limits to
say that ‘very much of this expense might
have been saved were the saloons wiped out.
That high license cannot be made to pay the
bill is shown by the results in Illinois, Massa-
chusetts, and Pennsylvania, where saloons are
taxed the highest, but the expenses due to the
presence of the saloon are out of all proportion
to the receipts. 3
In a recent, article, Joseph Cook put the case
thus: ‘‘It has been proven that altho we re-
ceived $100,000,000a year from the liquor traffic,
nevertheless $15 a head is added to our burdens
and $1.60 received, So that the loss to the na-
tion is fifteen to twenty times the income.”’
THE SALOON IN POLITICS.
The national liquor power is organized upon
broad and at the same time compact lines. It
has several national organizations, a State or-
ganization in nearly every license State, local
organizations in all the principal cities of these
States, with branches in the various districts,
all working together in harmony whenever in-
terests of ‘‘ the trade’’ are affected. Among the
national liquor organizations are the follow-
ing:
The United States Brewers’ Association is
one of the oldest and most powerful of the
liquor organizations, having been formed in
1862 for the purpose of influencing congressional
legislation in the interests of the brewers. It
keeps close watch through its Vigilance Com-
mittee of the liquor interests in the various
States, especially those affecting the brewers.
At its thirty-third annual convention, held in
Chicago, June 7, 1893, its board of trustees re-
ported that the United States Association was
sending its powerful aid to defeat the Dispen-
sary Law in South Carolina, and to prevent the
passage of restrictive liquor laws in the District
of Columbia. Associated with the United
States Brewers’ Association are powerful and
compact State brewers’ associations in most of
the Northern and Western States.
The National Protective Association is a pow-
erful national organization, embracing the prin-
cipal distillers and wholesale liquor-dealers of
the United States. It has branches in several
States, with local organizations in the several
cities and districts. This association has been
largely instrumental in defeating prohibition in
several State amendment campaigns, collecting
enormous funds from the liquor-dealers and
affiliated trades, which it used in subsidizing the
press and in securing the local political machin-
ery of the Republican and Democratic parties.
The National Retail Liquor-Dealers’ Associa-
tion was formed some three years ago, and now
has State associations in nearly all the States.
The headquarters are in Chicago.
Liquor Traffic.
Affiliated with these three powerful national
organizations and their State and local branches
are the numberless German societies of the so-
called ‘‘ Personal Rights Leagues,’’ and the
“Turn Vereins’”’ having national headquarters
at Chicago. The personal rights degree has
affiliations in the principal cities of nearly all
States.
The Whisky Trust is another factor in the or-
ganization of the liquor power. On May 10,
1887, the leading whisky producers of the coun-
try met at Chicago and formed what was known
as the Distillers’ and Cattle-Feeders’ Trust,
which within a single year’s time became pow-
erful enough to control 85 to 90 per cent. of the
spirits produced in the country. Its headquar-
ters are at Peoria, Ill.
The tendency of the liquor interests to still
‘further consolidation is shown by the formation
of the English brewery syndicate in 1889. The
Brewers’ Journal of May 1, 1894, published a
table showing that the syndicate had purchased
79 breweries, which have been reorganized into
24 new companies, with a capital stock of $91,-
202,830, or about two fifths the total capital in-
vested in the brewing business in 1890.
It is a conservative statement to say that these
widespread but compact liquor organizations,
with their State and local branches, can com-
mand at a moment’s notice 1,000,000 votes in
the United States for the friends and against
the enemies of the saloon.
One of the first demands made by the United
States Brewers’ Association after its organization
in 1862 was the abolition of the United States tax
on beer, and a committee was sent to Washing-
ton to obtain the desired law. So successful
was this first effort of the organized liquor pow-
er, that at the third brewers’ convention held at
Cincinnati, October 28, 1863, F. Lauer, of the
Agitation Committee, reported ‘‘ satisfactory
interviews with the Congressional Conmittee
on Ways and Means,” and the ‘‘ reduction of
the tax on beer from $1 to 60 cents per barrel.’
During the Presidential campaign in 1892
Grover Cleveland was visited by Washington
Hesing, editor of the Staats Zeztung, of Chi-
cago, who informed him that he must, on pain
of defeat, insert a declaration ‘' against sumptu-
ary laws” in his letter of acceptance. This
Cleveland did, and after his election rewarded
this liquor-dealers’ agent for his power in throw-
ing the rum vote to the Democracy by his ap-
pointment as postmaster at Chicago, with the
Dower to distribute Federal patronage in that
city.
Lhe Wine and Spirtt Gazette says in its is-
sue of January 29, 1894:
“The liquor vote of this State, a good deal more
than 120,000 strong, can, if it will, control all legisla-
tion at Albany. It is the balance of power between
the two parties. It can make or unmake majorities.
Properly led, it can elect any set of men it pleases. It
is, therefore, in a position to exercise far greater pow-
er_and influence than does the Prohibition Party,’
In its issue of February 10, 1894, it Says:
“There are nearly 200,c00 voters in this Stat
live by the saloon. There are but 30,000 Brenipuiee
voters, all told, in the State. Must the six surrender
tothe one? But let the one cease its clamor, and the
six will consent to take their chances with all citizens,
. making no effort for special self-protection.”
ipa ate eae ae
Liquor Traffic.
-Terence V. Powderly, while General Master--
Workman of the Knights of Labor, said :
.“Tf the power lies in you, down in thunder tones
the liquor power that debauches the voters. One
hogshead of whisky in the city of New York judi-
ciously placed may make or unmake a President.
Give out enough glasses of gin in this city and State,
and you place the dispenser in the chair of Washing-
ton. Where is Tammany’s power? Is it not in the
gin-mills?”
The New York Wine and Spirit Gazette, in
its issue of October 12, 1894, thus boasts of the
saloon power in electing a Governor and a Presi-
dent :
“The liquor-dealers of the State helped to elect Hill
governor in 1885. They strained every nerve in 1888 in
his favor, and succeeded in reelecting him Governor
and defeating Grover Cleveland. The attitude of the
liquor-dealers in the memorable campaign of 1888 has
become a matter of political history. In most of the
principal cities of the State, Harrison and Hill clubs
had been formed which counted among their most
active members liquor-dealers. A large sum of mon-
ey was collected by the liquor trade in this State, and
further contributions were obtained from the whole-
sale trade in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Illinois, for
the express purpose of defeating Warner Miller and
reelecting David B. Hill. The money thus collected
was, by Governor Hill’s direct orders, turned over to
Colonel Judson, who was then Hill’s military secre-
tary, with the distinct stipulation that it be used ex-
clusively in Mr. Hill’s behalf and not for the benefit
of Grover Cleveland. Governor Hill was reelected
and Cleveland was defeated.”
The power of the saloon upon the voter is
forcibly shown by an investigation made by
Professor J. J. McCook, publishedin The Forune
for September, 1892, in which, from secret lists
furnished him by politicians, he constructs
tables for 20 towns and one city in Connecticut,
showing the number of votes that are known to
politicians to be purchasable. He finds that
15.9 per cent. of the whole number of votes is
venal. The table which follows shows the re-
lation of drink to the voters who can be pur-
chased in two rural towns and in two city
wards, It is a very significant fact that in
three of these districts, as shown by the sum-
mary, out of the total voting population who
are intemperate or drunken, there are 79 per
cent. that can be bought.
POLITICAL MEETINGS HELD IN OR
821
Liquor Traffic.
INTEMPERATE VOTERS CAN BE BOUGHT.
VOTERS WHO ARE VENAL.
Per
DISTRICT. Per Cent. ee ae
Cent. of jof Intem-| “pen
Total erate OT} porate
Voters. |Drunken $ ters
Voters. OhErss
Rural town, I........ Saag 9.8 85.4 2.5
Rural town, II............ 20.9 63.9 12.0
CiLY WEE, | iccesan vesienn 9.3 52-9 4.2
City ward, Il.............. acute go.4 9-9
Total of first three dists Il.3 79.0 4-9
THE SALOON POWER IN NEW YORK CITY.
The power of the brewers over the retailers is
shown by the large number of mortgages which
the brewers hold on fixturesin saloons, An in-
vestigation made by Robert Graham, of the
Church Temperance Society, into the condi-
tions of New York City, shows that during the
year ending in October, 1888, there were 4710
chattel mortgages granted on saloon fixtures,
with a total value of $4,959,578 ; of these 1908,
with a value of $1,702,136, were held by 20 of
the leading brewers. No report was made of
the number held by other brewers. There were
7808 saloons in New York City in 1888, so that
considerably more than one half were under
chattel mortgage, ‘‘an overwhelming propor-
tion of which was held by brewers.”
The control of these powerful liquor associa-
tions in politics is shown by another investiga-
tion made in New York City by the Church
Temperance Society. During the year before
the November election of 1884 there were held
1002 political meetings in the 24 assembly dis-
tricts into which the city was then divided. The
connection of these meetings with the saloons
is shown by the following table, from which it
appears that out of the 1002 primary and other
political meetings held, there were 719, or near-
ly 72 per cent., held in or next door to saloons :
NEAR SALOONS IN NEW YORK CITY.
PER CENT. IN OR NEAR SALOONS.
POLITICAL PARTIES. eee Next Door! Neither. | Total.
In Saloons. ae Total.
Tammany Hall. ........... ..+- 56 an 25 _8r 69.1 ieee 69.1
Irving: Hall. csccenevs vae%s 63 10 7 80 78.8 12.5 91.3
County Democracy s 487 67 215 769 62.0 8.7 70.7
Republican......ccecseccsereeeee 27 9 36 72 37-5 12.5 50.0
"Potal spacien Sendai Hasire oOegews 633 86 283 1,002 63.2 8.6 “71.8
The New York City Reform Club, an inde-
pendent non-partisan body of voters organized
to watch legislative interests of that city, pub-
lishes each year a record of the assemblymen
and senators of the city of New York. In the
Record for 1889 is described the corrupting
power of the saloon in New York City politics
in these words ;
“There is about one saloon forevery 35 voters. Each
of these places represents a certain number of votes,
the votes of hangers on who, for the privilege of fre-
quenting the saloon and an occasional free drink, are
at the command of the proprietor ; and as each saloon
serves asa center of political activity as well on elec-
tion day as for weeks preceding it, the number of
votes thus influenced is so increased as to be practi-
cally all-powerful. The result appears in the charac-
ter of the men who are sent to the Legislature. They
Liquor Traffic.
are naturally the tools of the saloons because they are
chosen by the saloon. ...
“The further fact that there are 35,000 saloon-keep-
ers inthis State avowedly organized for the purpose
of securing legislation favorable to themselves, and
of preventing legislation which they deem to be un-
favorable to their business interests, is too significant
to be overlooked or misunderstood, and when it is re-
membered that each of these saloon-keepers probably
controls ro votes at the very lowest possible estimate,
it is not difficult to perceive the danger which threat-
ens the State.”
In its Record for 1891 the club sounded this
warning :
“The City Reform Club is not interested for or
against the liquor traffic as such. It is not concerned
with the effect of the traffic upon the individual, but
only with the influence of the liquor-dealer upon the
politics and the government of this city directly and
through his influence in State politics. The club ob-
serves that that influence is constantly exerted against
the interests of the people and on the side of corrup-
tion, and it now sees in the liquor-dealers’ bill of this
year the amazing epeetar le of an organized business
seeking to subvert for private gain the fundamental
principles of our law. The club sees, further, that
this business has acquired by constant vigilance, un-
remitting efforts and large expenditures, enormous
power in the politics of this State. In their efforts the
liquor-dealers are united without regard to party.
They care nothing for political principles. Their
united strength is used only for private gain.”
~ HOW THE FIFTY-THIRD CONGRESS DIED.
The Washington correspondent of the New ,
York Herald of March 10, 1895, thus describes
the closing scenes of the Fifty-third Congress :
‘* Those curious students of their kind who have at-
tended a New York French ball will be able to grasp
the situation and will understand the picture thrown
upon the curtain Sunday night atthe Capitol. Women
there were galore—lively women, white and black;
women who would have looked better, perhaps, in pink
tights and impenetrable masks. Among them, going
and coming, were the wivesand daughters of Senators,
and the wives and daughters of American nobility
from the various States of the Union.
“T saw an aged Senator pass into the private dining-
room with two hilarious ‘peaches’ on his arms, where
a bottle of champagne finished the business possibly
begun in a committee-room. At the same moment
four colored damsels sat in the public portion of the
restaurant, having a good time on their own account.
A boy of not more than 15 lay sprawling on the small
of his back, too drunk to rise, unheeded of the throng
bent on their own amusement or refreshment. Four
or five attachés of the Senate were at the next table,
drinking hard liquor and talking loudly of their extra
pay. Two old men in an advanced stage of inebriety
were plying a young girl with liquor—a bright young
girl of not more than 16, who kept them laughing with
her wit and humor. Two women whose calling was
plainly indicated in their faces were sipping beer in
the corner and soliciting trade on the sly.
‘‘One member was borne away struggling with his
captor friends—fighting drunk. A private secretary
playfully pulled a distinguished member’s beard and
poured beer down his neck—on the outside. Some
members were in a state that emboldened the proprie-
tor to refuse them any more liquor.
“ A
These ‘‘ district councils’’ are the local sani-
tary authorities. This means that the whole
business of keeping London healthy falls pri-
marily on them. They have to manage the
paving, cleaning, lighting, and watering of the
streets. They arrange for the emptying of
dust-bins, the removal of all refuse, and the
prevention of nuisances. They must provide
and maintain the local drains. They are re-
sponsible for seeing that no man or woman lives
in a house that is overcrowded or so unhealthy,
as to be unfit for habitation. They have power
to insist that all workshops shall be healthy,
properly ventilated, not overcrowded, and pro-
vided with sufficient water-closets, separate for
each sex, They are bound to take care that all
bake-houses are kept in a proper sanitary state.
They must see that no food or drink exposed for
sale within the parish is so adulterated as to de-
fraud the purchaser, or so as to be injurious to
health. They can acquire and maintain gar-
dens, playgrounds, and open spaces. It is
through them that the parish can get public
baths and wash-houses, afree public library (by
poll of the parish), a public mortuary and disin-
fecting station, and a cemetery where the
dead can be buried with the least possible ex-
pense,
In many parishes, moreover, the Vestry per-
forms the duties of the overseers, and becomes
thus responsible for the valuation of all the land
and houses within the parish, and for making
up the register of parliamentary and county
council elections,
The Local Government Act of 1894 also makes
important changes in London, as elsewhere, in
connection with the boards of Poor Law Guard-
ians. The qualification for electors and candi-
dates will, henceforth, be the same as for the
London Vestries, except that registration or resi-
dence anywhere within a ‘“‘ union’’ will qualify
a candidate to be elected for any ward of any
parish in that union. The 30 poor law unions
do not always correspond with the Vestry or
District Board districts, but (with one exception)
the ward, or actual electoral area, is the same
for both elections.
For parliamentary representation London has
27 boroughstepresented by 59 members (some of -
the boroughs being divided—London University
has one member). In 1893 there were 466,504
persons in London who would, under the pres-
ent law, be entitled to vote in parliamentary,
County Council, and Vestry elections ; 20,302
with the parliamentary, but not the County
Council or Vestry vote ; 75,641 with the parlia-
mentary and Vestry, but not the County Coun-
cil vote; and 82,922 with the County Coun-
cil and Vestry, but not the parliamentary
vote.
In 1892 the value of the imports into and ex-
r
em?
‘bakers and 14,365 butchers.
London. 828 London,
t and poultry supply, and nearly allthe fish. The
perts inom: London: wae Atagagstis Ene mepuetege GF the Borouen Market,? appointed by the
amount of money passing through the London
clearing house in 1893 was £6,478,-
013,000. There were published in
Statistics, London 5706 separate works ; 700
newspapers are published. There
are 170 breweries. Hotel-keepers
and publicans number 6688. There are 15,613
The building and
furnishing of houses, employ 600,000 people ;
machinery, 20,665; millinery and clothing-
making, 120,000 women. The cheap clothing
trade is enormous. In 1891 the value of ‘‘ ap-
parel’’ exported from London was £3,096,152.
There are 250,000 women servants.
The following statements as to London eco-
nomic and social conditions are abridged from
a paper by Sydney Webb on The Reform of
London, published by the ‘‘ Eighty Club’’ (1894)
or in a few instances from more recent tracts of
the English Fabian Society :
“ What London most needs is efficient organs of col-
lective life, and, first, an untrammeled county council.
“The 118 elected councilors, with 19 coopted alder-
men, form, indeed, the nucleus of an admirable cor-
porate body, but their powers are, at present, rudi-
mentary, and their functions absurdly limited. In
any other city of Great Britain local functions are ful-
filled by the Vestries and District Boards of Works;
others by the national Government; others, again, are
left to the tender mercy of private speculators.
Above all, there is the division, overlapping, and waste
caused by the continued separate existence of the
unreformed city corporation in the midst of municipal
London.
“ As a consequence of this neglect the London of to-
day is plundered and despoiled on every side. Its
water supply is in the hands of eight monopolist com-
panies, who charge £1,000,000 a year more for the ab-
solute necessity of life than its distribution costs, the
balance going to pay an average of 7 per cent. on the
swollen nominal capital of the shareholders. By the
quinquennial revaluation of 189: the ratable value of
the metropolis jumped by at least a million sterling,
implying a corresponding increase of the water rates,
averaging 4 per cent. of nearly a million sterling and
in the assumed salable value of the companies’ in-
come. This addition is due not to new buildings, but
exclusively to the unearned increase of
land values during the quinquennial pe-
6 riod. In 1896 a similar rise will almost
Monopolies. certainly be registered, involving a fur-
ther free gift tothe water companies.-
‘“Seven of the eight companies draw
their water mainly from the Thames and
the Lea, and the growing population of these river
valleys eee increases its impurity. And altho
an expert Royal Commission reported in 1893 that Lon-
doners might rely without actual danger on the water
of the Thames and the Lea for another 4o years, it is
doubtful whether Londoners will be content so long to
drink the diluted sewage of the half a million inhab-
itants of the upper valleys.
“Three colossal gas companies, with a capital of I5,-
000,000, extort a tribute of over 1,000,000 average net
profit from the metropolis, which they pay asa 7 per
cent. average dividend to their shareholders. This
dividend is regulated by a sliding scale under the
well-known act of 1876, which prescribes a maximum
dividend, varying according to the price charged per
zooo feet. When, therefore, the companies find their
mnarein of profit renee they are able to make their
omers Tecou em by raising the price of gas, as
the Gaslight and Coke Company showed us by ita 24
per cent. rise in 18g0-or.
‘The present market price of the London gas capi-
tal is about 25,000,000 sterling, on which 1,000,000 is paid
annually in dividend. The County Council could pur-
chase this, even at the market price, by issuing stock-
bearing interest to the amount of 4750,000 only, and so
obtain a clear around profit of a quarter of a million.
Of all the monopolies, however, which oppress the
Londoner, none is more scandalous in its origin and
disastrous in its operation than that of the markets.
The City Corporation provides and controls eight
markets, through which passes practically the whole
Vestry of St. Saviour, Southwark, obtain a large in-
come from London’s main potato market. ‘The Bar-
oness Burdett-Coutts and Mr. Plimsoll have attempted
to provide markets at Bethnal Green and Walworth
respectively. But the Duke of Bedford is still al-
lowed to take the tolls of London’s chief vegetable,
fruit, and flower market at Covent Garden, which was
established in 1661, while Sir Julian Goldsmid, M.P.,
and the Scott family are the proprietors of Spital-
fields Market, established in 1682. These proprietors
enjoy legal power to prevent any other market being
established within seven miles if it diminishes their
rofits; and they derive their ‘ rights’ from charters of
King Charles II. ;
“These monopoly rights are derived not from any
express charter or enactment, but by an old inference
of the common law. I 4
Duke of Bedford’s ancestor and Sir Julian Goldsmid’s
redecessor was merely the permission to hold a mar-
fete it is the lawyers who invented the doctrine that
such a permission implies the prohibition of compet-
ing markets within about six_miles and two thirds.
(See the case, Great Eastern Railway vs. Horner, in
which the proposed Shoreditch Market was stopped
by the owners and lessee of Spitalfields Market.)
“Out of the total, moreover, the Duke of Bedford
draws at least £15,000 a year from Covent Garden
flower market, with the adjacent streets fouled for his
rofit and cleansed at the cost of the rate-payers; Sir
ulian Goldsmid, M.P., gains a clear £5000 a year net
rental from his monopoly of the right to hold a mar-
ket by Spital Church.
“In 1890 the House of Lords refused the County
Council the power even to inquire into the market
scandal.
‘““The docks are in private hands. Four great dock
companies have expended a capital of over 20,0c0,000
sterling in providing dock accommodation for our
greatest port, but they have so wasted their re-
sources in reckless competition with each other that less
than half of this capital can be considered as earn-
ing a dividend, and four years ago the East and West
India Company, owning over 5,500,000 of capital, had
to suspend payment even on their debenture interest.
Asaresult, a joint committee was formed, constituting
more than half the dock capital, and this joint com-
mittee made a working agreement with the two small-
er but more successful companies. Asin the cases of
gas and water, London gave upall safeguards in order
to get competition, and has now failed even to secure
competition ; one small irresponsible committee settles
dock charges, and two small committees determine
dock wages for the whole of London.
“Official census statistics give little information
on this point; but Mr. Charles Booth, with the aid of a
staff of assistants, has, during the last years, been
making exhaustive inquiries into the subject, chiefly
by minute investigations into the books of the 66
School Board Visitors. His results are presented in
detail in his book, Lzfe and Labor in East London.
‘In his paper read before the Royal Statistical So-
ciety (see Journal, June, 1888), Mr. Booth extended his
Heo hypothetically, so as to include all London.
e says: :
“*Taking the estimated percentages of poverty as
given in the tables, and the population of 1881, we get
a total of 963,943 poor in London; or, with the popula-
tion of to-day as our basis, rather more than 1,000,000.
This number does not include indoor
papers or other inmates of institutions.’
_‘ One out of four of the whole popula-
tion is computed to be earning—and that
irregularly—not more than a guinea a
week per family; and over a third of
these are receiving much less, and,
says Mr. Booth, live in a state of chronic want.’
“In London one person in every five will die in the
workhouse, hospital, or lunatic asylum. In 1887, out
of 82,545 deaths in London, 43,507 being over 20, 9399
were in workhouses, 7201 in hospitals, and 400 in luna-
tic asylums, or altogether 17,000 in public institutions
(Registrar-General’s Report, 1888,.C.—s, 138, PP. 2, 73).
Considering that comparatively few of these are chil-
dren, it is prepehie that one in every three London
adults will be driven into these refuges to die, and the
proportion in the case of the manual labor class: must.
of course, be much greater. 7
““At least 1,000,000 of London’s citizens, belonging
to at least 200,000 families, are paying from 35. to 78.
per week for filthy slum tenements, a large proportion
of which would be condemned as ‘unfit for habita-
tion’ by any energetic sanitary. inspector, if only
Poverty.
What Charles II. gave to the-
London.
other habitations were available. The census shows
that over 375,000 persons are existing in the soul-de-
stroying purgatory of one-room homes, while a total
of 492,000 are crowded together at the rate of three per-
sons or more to each room.
At least 30,000 of London’s citizens have no better
resting place than a common lodging-house or the
casual ward.
“A small beginning of municipal housing, however,
has been made, even in London. No vestry ever ex-
ercised the powers for 4o years vested in it by act of
Parliament, but the City Corporation has erected
blocks of dwellingsin Farringdon Road and Middle-
sex Street, and the County Council has followed in the
steps of the City Corporation by building cottages at
Limehouse and Deptford, rehousing a whole district
at Bethnal Green, and starting to cover 10 acres at
Millbank with workmen’s dwellings.
“The London County Council has built one lodging-
house.”’ (For private philanthropies in this line, see
TENEMENTS; EALTH ; TAXATION.)
“The annual rental of the metropolis at the valua-
tion made in 1891 was nearly $40,000,000, which, at 15
years’ purchase, represents a salable value of £600,-
000,000. In 1870 the rental was only 422,000,000, equal
to a salable value of £330,000,000. The difference be-
tween these sums, £270,000,000, is the increase in the
value of London in zr years. Part is due to new
buildings or improvements, and fortunately the an-
nual revision of the valuation list enables us to sepa-
rate this item in four out of every five years, and to
estimate it for the fifth. During 21 years the average
yearly increase due to this cause was £501,817, and
deducting this amount for 21 years from the actual
increment of value for that period, we find that the
unearned increment, due solely to causes beyond the
control of occupiers or property owners, amounts to
an average rental of £340,706, or a capital value of at
least £4,000,000 sterling added every year to the land of
London. This enormous yearly grant to the landlords
of Londonis largely free from taxation.
The whole charge for municipal govern-
ment, maintenance of the poor, and for
local improvements—even those which,
like the Thames embankment, enor-
mously increase the value of adjacent
property—falls at present upon the
rates, which (except in case of house property of low
value) are almost always collected from the occupier.
“This system of rating has been condemned by
committees of the House of Commons in 1866 and 1870,
and by the House itself in 1886. The objection to it is
that, on the one hand, the owner of property, who pays
nothing directly, believes that the burden falls wholly
upon him, while, on the other hand, every occupier,
when he pays the collector,and knows that an increase
of rates does not produce a corresponding reduction of
rent, is firmly persuaded that the entire burden falls
upon himself. For these two sufferings the public
exchequer gets but one tax. The truth seems to lie
between the two. Theoretically the annual value of a
given house is determined by the competition of other
houses of more or less equivalent desirableness, and
the tenant pays this value, one part in rent, and the
other in rates. If the rates be more, the rent must be
correspondingly less, and vice versa. But this theory
is true only in'a purely imaginative state of Societys
where landlords and tenants are equally and perfectly
wise, where there areno leases, and where no expense
ag is incurred in moving from one house to an-
other.
“The difference between the ideal and the real is
what the economists call ‘economic friction ;’ and the
practical man knows its importance when he takes a
long lease and the rates go up in an unexpected man-
ner because the Education Act proves costly, or sani-
tary reform grows urgent, In the opinion of such
eminent authorities as Lord Farrer and Mr. Goschen,
a large share of the rates actually does fall on the
occupier, and his personal objection to an increase in
them isso far justified. _
“To meet the difficulty it has sometimes been pro-
posed to enact that the occupier shall deduct from his
Tent one half of the rate he has paid, thus charging it
directly to the landlord. An analogous plan has long
been in operation in Scotland, and was strongly rec-
ommended by Select Committees of the House of
Commons in 13866 and 1870. But the complicated cir-
cumstances of London tenure make eee inappli-
cable to the metropolis. Without overriding existing
contracts it would bring small relief.
Rents,
A landlord’s
rate of 25, 6d. in the pound, enacted to fall on the land-
lord, any agreement to the contrary notwithstanding,
would absorb merely the average annual increase of
829
London.
the value of his estate for the future, and leave him
with every penny that he at present possesses. Mean-
while the rates are rising.
“Over £10,000,000 sterling are annually collected and
spent by London’s public authorities. From 1874 to
1884 the rates rose 60 per cent. Says a tract of the
Fabian Society :
‘““ aia bral cpenerais anstacrinahed Jie bebalathiowen ee
Fine stock raising and fortunate investments in
IRAGE AOD BECUPINES . cotcciss cand wiiss op awawunn daxor
Grain elevator, storage warehouses, and whari
Dusiness.........0....... whores. decd: dative hns batmatenatia ss oo
Medical practice and investments in real estate...
Unprotected manufacturing... 0....-..cc0 esses,
Pawnbroking and real estate..
Refining lard, cotton oil, etc..
Cotton raising in the South ...... fir se Sine wes
Made in the Tweed Ring, New York City.
Pony express over es and lands....... tees
By inheritance and gift, original sources of the
fortune unknown..........00..........
Origin of the fortune entirely unknown.
H
4
HHP HHH HY Ww
RECAPITULATION,
in protected industries, mainly.
te oe raising and lands, (oa ges ae
making special patented i are
vtisles oe
nherited, original business in which the fortun
eee eee hich the fortune
oa WEB ataralaee said BREE a Heeeeee oe 347
-In protected industries, mainly.......... . ...
West India and South American plantations, ete.. 5
Bakery business... ........ Wives Ieeian este
Medical practice and fortunate real estate invest-
pProfits..: sce. ceweess ibiageraietaimciia is, Wreteiese s Fistaaniads wi
Tweed Rin nas :
River and harbor boats
Express business... .... nea .
Telegraph and telephone business.
Ice business, mainly
Live-stock raising, with investment of
Pawnbroking and real estate
Inherited from relatives .......
4
In cattle raising................ 00. ‘
Patented and proprietary articles....... aay 38
Inherited, business in which the fortune was made
unknown......... ccs eeeneee acs aanl ‘
Origin of the fortune entirely unknown.
In industries not protected............,
Pe 1,103
not been
thus tabulated. Dr. C. B. Spahr (Déstrzbution
of Wealth, 1896) estimates for Great Britain
that less than 2 per cent. of the families hold
about three quarters of the wealth. In Prussia
he finds that 10 per cent. of those receiving in-
comes hold nearly half the wealth. In Paris, 2}
per cent, of the incomes aggregate more than
one half of all incomes. (See WEALTH.)
MILLS, HERBERT V., was born in 1856
in Accrington. Apprenticed as an engineer,
he left this position and eventually became a
Unitarian minister, with a chapel at Hamilton
Road, Liverpool, and more recently at Market
Place, Kendal. He founded the Home Coloni-
zation Society in 1887, and is now a leading
director of the Starnwaite Colony, an experi-
ment at employing the unemployed. (See
Lasor Cotonizs.) Heis author of Poverty and
the State, and other books and essays.
MINES.—(See Coat ; Iron; Gop ; SILVER.
For other countries than the United States, see
those countries. For wages of miners, see
Waces.) The census of 1890 gives the follow-
ing statistics of the total mineral products of
the United States for 1889:
Mines.
873
Minimum Wage.
TOTAL VALUE OF THE MINERAL PRODUCTS OF THE UNITED STATES, BY STATES AND
TERRITORIES, 1889.
Total sedewaricns cuca ne Ritesh: 66 Higgeleny aA $587,230,662
Alabama ...... Wie blevgiiries “Sia PRN Gd” RS aGiley dare $0,828, 36
Alaska 926-268
Arizona... 75248, 717
Arkansas . 567,683
California, 19,699,354
Colorado.... 41,126,610
Connecticut. 3,090, 161
Delaware........... 506,754
District of Columbia 40,000
Florida. a 138,728
Georgia 2,988,935
Idaho ... 8,385,233
Illinois . 17,110,317
Indiana ...... ve see 9794,949
Indian Territory... 1,333,807
TOW visce ce eeseivieis sear + 10,267,068
Kansas.... ++ 5y935,98r
Kentucky.. 45711,944
Louisiana.... 480,000
Matine.... * 8, 1267493
Maryland..., - 5,089,447
Massachusetts. ..... 3) 700,634
Michigan...... 70,880, 524
Minnesota... 11)542,138
Mississippi . 41,174
Missouri... 15,931,575
Montana...........+ Bidiianciner, Egh wantwn esas 3317379775
IN GD EASA i. o55-c.a:: carats taceuiae anv aveeemh se vate $257,01
Nevada....... sae rong Bay
New Hampshire. 920,164
New Jersey 812751936
New Mexico.... 4,611,764
New York...... 24,165,206
North Carolina. 451,625
North Dakota 61,430
Ohio.... 26,653,439
Oregon..... soe +. 1,238,114
Pennsylvania........ ..... + 150,876,649
Rhode Island. . 987,055
South Carolina.. 3,022,285
South Dakota... 3,685,862
Tennessee..... 6,455,283
eXaS...... 1,985,679
Utah 11,681,019
Vermont. 5,674,022
Virginia. 6,023,076
Washington... 2,998,355
West Virginia 6,969,804
Wisconsin..... 10,183,861
EWE VOM IME ss decak a chaise abies bates ioe, aressonitera ale sees 1,810,515
Mexican lead smelted in the United States.. 25343.474
Undistributed copper. .... 20... oc eceeee eee 389,273
Nickel in imported Canadian matte oes 21,000
Copper from imported pyrites.............. ie 603,949
Fuel displaced by natural gas used at pip
lines for drilling and pumping wells and
for other uses i 1,600,000.
VALUE OF PRODUCTION, SUM OF OPERATING EXPENSES. AND AMOUNT OF CAPITAL
INVESTED IN THE PRINCIPAL MINERAL INDUSTRIES, 1889.
Value of Operatin Capital
PRODUCTS. Production. Bepensce Invested.
METALLIC:
Tron OTC .... 0. ceseeeee eee ee ven ae Mediata gadare 4 $33,351,078 $24,781,658 $109,766, 199
Gold and silver... 99,283,732 631451,136 486,323,338
Copper ase 26,907,809 12,062,180 62,623,228
wicksilver.. .... 1,190,500 681,401 *1,333,114
ickel And! CODA]. iid. wie to scososes sic.scisga wie oayarate Geaitiausizioie oe +40,000 126,187 279,000
NONMETALLIC:
Manganese ore..... sia eisavnueis Sie sie Seatarass s Gabtlaarsee ahitwaren aa Sa 240,559 123,958 2,188,950
Coal, bituminous. ‘i 94,346,809 85,324,193 180,722,319
Coal, anthracite.. 65,879,514 61,212,087 162,035,610
. Petroleum..... 26,963,340 8,546,900 114,157,370
Natural gas.. $11,044,858 14,920,886 59,682,154
Asphaltum ............ . 171,537 98,337 2,651,500
Stone quarries, buildin §53,035,620 404772803 90,212,433
Phosphate rock... 259375770 1,985,511 6,131,718
Gypsum......... 764,118 4331347 234735175,
Infusorial earth.... 23,372 16,678 110,750
Corundum....... 2. 105,565 57) 105 73400
MISCO GOB a: oct unde bade n' 14 URE AA Maaco BARL-3 COMO He 35.155 21,384 545945
Whetstones............. ' 32,980 23,804 575510
Mica........ 152,450 58,335 691,550
Asbestos .. 1,800 3,225 42,600
Graphite... 472,662 54)741 2595475
Soapstone . 231,708 163,438 924,900
Barytes .. 106,313 64,807 351,150
Ochre ..... 177,472 86,247 386,453
Metallic pai 286,204 163,787 462,164
Fluorspar.. 45,835 22,246 192,000
Sulphur .., Py iMate Se 75850 4,110 3204750
Pyrites.......... tke tapnsean cy a 202,119 163,256 1,358,882
Minerat WALETS sr icc conse 1,748,458 1,168,751 519945683
* Estimated.
+ Amount received by producers.
+ Matte at the mines.
Value of coal and wood displaced by use, $21,097,009
§ Including value of stone used for lime, $8,217,015 ; for iron flux,' $1,569,312; for grindstones, $439,587.
| Including scraps, $2450.
MINIMUM WAGE,—In 1874 Mr. Lloyd
Jones, a London journalist in active touch with
trade-unionists and cooperators, wrote, in The
Beehive, a labor paper, for July 18, arguing
against the principle of the sliding scale, then
accepted by many working men, and especially
the Northumberland miners (as it is still to-day
§ Value of the crude product.
by some). The principle accepted the doctrine
that wages should vary with prices. Mr. Jones
declared this dangerous, and that the trade-
unions should at least fix a mzndinum wage,
below which their wages should not go. It
should be, Mr. Jones wrote, ‘‘ such a one as will
secure sufficiency of food and some degree of
Minimum Wage.
personal home comfort to the worker, not a mis-
erable allowance to starve on, but a living
wage.’’ Professor Beesley wrote soon after, in
the same paper, supporting Mr. Jones’s idea,
and saying, ‘‘ All workmen should keep their
eyes fixed on this ultimate ideal.” The idea
may not have been original with Mr. Jones, but
he popularized it to some extent, and to-day the
minimum, or living wage, is now much discussed
in England.
MINORITY REPRESENTATION. See
ProporTIONAL REPRESENTATION.
MIR, THE (from Russian mzrz, concord,
Peace), is the name of the Russian communities
of peasants. From the most ancient times the
tural population of Russia has been organized
into these mzrs. The landof the mzr is held in
common, the part of it devoted to cultivation
being allotted by general vote to the several
families on varying terms. Redivisions and
equalizations of lots are made periodically ; the
portion used for dwelling portions is usually
theoretically held in common, but practically
divided for long periods; the land tor grazing
is usually undivided. Each mzr governs itself
in all local matters through its elected officers.
Widows or women temporarily deprived of their
husbands may vote. The land is divided with
attempt at equality in proportion to the needs
and abilities of each family. Adjacent mz7s are
united into volasts or small cantons. The sys-
tem, however, 1s changing. (See Russia.) The
freeing of the serfs and division of the soil gave
each too little land to enable him to live, and
the lords are gradually buying or getting it
back. The great difference between the mzr and
the mark (g.v.)is that the members of the mzr
had no voice in the general government. (See
Marx ; Manor ; Primitive Properry,)
MISSISSIPPI SCHEME, a scheme start-
ed in Paris in 1717 by John Law. Its object
was to relieve the French finances. Law estab-
lished a private bank, and managed it so suc-
cessfully that in 1718 it became a royal bank.
Then the West India Company was formed. To
this company the province of Louisiana was
granted. It was intrusted with the collection of
all taxes and of the royal revenue. It issued
paper money freely, but accepted the paper at
a premium over specie in payment for shares
in the company. A frenzy of speculation seized
the nation, from prince to peasant ; 2,700,000,000
livres of paper were issued. In 1719 the com-
pany shares sold for thirty times their original
value. Shrewd speculators, however, began to
draw gold from the banks. Legislation tried to
limit the amount of gold any one might draw.
In 1720 a royal bank was incorporated with the
company, and May a1 an edict was issued re-
ducing the value of the bank-notes and company
Shares one half. This burst the bubble, and
universal bankruptcy and distress ensued.
MISSOURI COMPROMISE.—Tho name
given to a law that became a landmark in the
Abolitionist struggle. In the session of Con-
gress 1818-19 a bill was introduced to admit
Missouri as a State, but prohibit slavery therein.
874
Monasticism.
There was a long and brilliant debate, but
finally a compromise was agreed upon, chiefly
through the influence of Henry Clay. Missouri
was admitted as a slave State February 28, 1821,
but at the same time an ordinance was enacted
by which slavery should be forever excluded
from all territory west of Missouri and north of
the parallel 36° 30’ (the southern boundary of
Missouri). This agreement held till 1854, when
the bills establishing the territories of Kansas
and Nebraska virtually repealed the compro-
mise, determined the formation of the Republi-
can Party (g.v.), and led to the Civil War.
MODEL TENEMENTS. See TENEmeEnts.
MOLINARI, GUSTAVE DE, was born
March 3, 1819, at Liege. He studied medicine
in Brussels, and wrote several works on medi-
cine. Afterward he settled in Paris, where he
turned his attention to political science and econ-
omy. Returning to Brussels in 1852, he be-
came Professor of Political Economy at the
Musée Royal de l’Industrie Belge. Since 1881
he has again lived,in Paris as editor-in-chief of
the Journal des Economistes. With his broth-
er Eugen he founded two periodicals, the
Economisté belge and La bourse du travail.
MONARCHY (from Greek povapyia, the rule
of one) is the form of government in which the
supreme power is actually or nominally lodged
in the hands of one person, a king or queen.
England is a monarchy, because altho the
Queen of England is believed by many to have
less power in government than the President of
the United States, and tho the governing power
is in the hands of her ministers, who are subject
to Parliament, all government and legislation
is in the name of the queen or the ruling mon-
arch Monarchies are classed as /zmzted or con-
stztutional and absolute or despotic, according
as the sovereign is or is not limited in his power
and functions by the laws or constitutions of the
tealm. More or less limited monarchies have
nearly always existed. From the fifteenth to
the close of the eighteenth century monarchies
became almost absolute. To-day, except in
Asia, absolute monarchy has all but disap-
peared. Monarchies are usually successtve—
z.é., their monarchs succeed by inheritance.
There have been, however, e/ect:ve monarchies, -
where the monarchs were elected, as formerly
in Poland. The German Roman Empire was
nominally elective, but for many centuries at
the last the heir of the monarch was invariably
elected. (For the principles involved in mon-
archies, see STATE.)
MONASTICISM is a state of religious re-
tirement, more or less complete, and supposed
to be accompanied by contemplation and vari-
ous devotional, philanthropic, or ascetical prac-
tices. Monasticism doubtless began in the East,
and has entered more or less into almost all re-
ligious systems. The aim of the Buddhist monks
was to mortify all human passions, to separate
and isolate the sexes, to live by mendicancy,
and relinquish all personal and individual rights.
They overthrew many hoary Hindu supersti-
tions, and raised the common life of the people.
Monasticism.
For an account of Jewish monasticism, see Es-
seNES. The founder of Christian monasticism
is generally believed to be St. Anthony. The
anchorets of his class separated themselves al-
most wholly from society, receiving the visits of
admirers and of the sick and needy. Occasion.
ally they appeared as stern prophetic spirits
from another world in the midst of any unusual
pomp or ceremony in the towns. This solitary
hermit life gradually gave way to
cloister life, or monasticism proper.
Beginnings, At first the personal seclusion of
individuals was combined with the
existence of a common life; but
the isolation became less and less. Not only
did the members take upon them the vows of
chastity and poverty, but elected a superior and
vowed obedience tohim. By degrees the monas-
tery became the school for practical, philan-
thropic, and social Christian life. The monks
divided their time between manual labor and
their devotions, giving to the poor the surplus
product of their work. Cloisters for females
began to be established. In the eighth century
a kind of middle order between monks and
clergy was formed. Most of these had a com-
mon house and table; and some branches re-
nounced all their possessions and claimed no
private property. Some orders kept schools,
and some nursed the sick. In the first part of
the thirteenth century the two mendicant or-
ders arose—the Franciscans and Dominicans.
These orders broadened monasticism still far-
ther, and formed the working classes into half
monastic societies, which did not necessitate
celibacy or isolation. It was by these two or-
ders that monachism was raised to the height of
its power, influence, and prosperity. They
wandered over all Europe, instructing the peo-
ple and attracting general admiration for their
sanctity and self-denial. Their advice was
eagerly sought in secular and political affairs.
They became elevated to college professorships.
At last their great influence drew upon them
the hostility of the clergy, and their vast riches
and prosperity brought about the envy of the
nobility, and the ultimate degeneracy and down-
fall of the monks themselves. Again and again
reforms were inaugurated only to be over-
whelmed by the growing tide of self-indulgence.
Laxity was followed by lust, ownership by
avarice, liberality by ungodliness, and honest
industry by every manner of corruption. This
continued until the general confiscation of their
lands and abolition of their privileges, when in
a few years no less than 3000 monasteries were
broken up in Europe.
But before wealth and influence brought cor-
ruption and enervation, the monasteries were
centers of learning, of sanctity, and of benevo-
lence. As has been well said, ‘‘ they were for
ten centuries the schools, the archives, the libra-
ries, the hostelries, the studios, the penitentia-
ries, and the hospitals of Christian society.”
While it is not difficult in the nineteenth century
to arraign monasticism for its fanaticism, its
indifference to family life, its unhealthy asceti-
cism, and its turning of the channels of religion
into the desert, we must, in all justice, remem-
ber what it meant to have, in the rough and vio-
lent period of feudalism, monasteries, where
875
Monetary Conferences.
bruised and world-weary spirits found consola-
tion ; where the sick found medicine, the hungry
found bread, and the benighted and storm-
stayed traveler found welcome and rest, Feeble
and timorous souls fled to the monasteries from
a bloody and force-governed world. With their
communal habits of life, their humble industry,
and their penitent devotions, the monks forméd
little scattered islands of peace in the midst of
an ocean of war. It was by them that manu-
scripts were copied and preserved and the
chronicles of their times recorded. Monasteries
were not mere asylums for broken hearts and
disappointed ambitions ; the young, the noble,
and the brave were found also within their
walls, drawn by their severe sanctity, their
spirit of universal philanthropy, and their con-
‘tempt for earthly show.
Altho the Reformation rejected monachism,
several types of it have been and are still found
in Protestantism. In Germany, both Lutherans
and Evangelicals have formed houses of dea-
cons and deaconesses for the purpose of teach-
ing, healing the sick, visiting prisoners, etc. In
the Church of England and the Protestant Epis-
copal Church of this country, various brother-
hoods and sisterhoods have been formed at va-
rious times, and have recently been somewhat
multiplied, imitating to some extent medieval
monastic associations with some modern fea-
tures. In connection with the American Roman
Catholic Church, there are over 300 nunneries
and 128 monasteries.
MONETARY CONFERENCES.—Theim.
portance of the monetary question in recent
times and the struggle for bimetallism has led
to the holding of several international monetary
conferences, in the calling of which the United
States has played a leading part. Without
considering some earlier less formal conferences,
the first international conference met, at the
call of the United States, in Paris, August 14,
1878, the Congress of the United States having
made provision for calling such a conference it
possible. All the prominent European Powers
sent delegates except Germany. The only re-
sult was a calling attention to the evils seeming
to spring from the demonetization of silver.
Great Britain, Sweden, Belgium, and Switzer-
land declared that they would not give up gold
monometallism, tho the British delegates strong-
ly favored the full use of silver by other na-
tions.
In 1881 France and the United States called
a conference which met at Paris, April 19 of
that year. Eighteen countries were represent-
ed, including Germany. England and Ger-
many led the gold monometallist party, tho
both were willing to make some concessions.
The United States, Holland, and Italy led the
bimetallists. The convention adjourned till the
next year, to give the governments opportunity
for reflection and negotiation ; but it never re-
convened, There were private conferences, es-
pecially in 1889, during the Exposition. In 1887
England appointed a royal commission to in-
vestigate the relations of gold and silver. It
reported in 1888, six of the commission favoring
gold monometallism and six favoring interna-
tional bimetallism. The report of the gold
Monetary Conferences.
monometallists was remarkable for its admis-
sions, and one of their number, L. H. Courtney,
has since become a bimetallist. 2
In 1892, there seeming to be a general scarcity
of gold, the United States called a third confer-
ence, All the European Powers responded, and
also Mexico. The United States presented the
thesis that ‘‘it is desirable that some measures
should be found for increasing the use of silver
in the currency systems of the nations.’’ Ger-
many, Austria and Russia declared that they
had no power to vote. Great Britain, Spain,
Denmark, Mexico, and Holland supported the
proposition. Other countries were equivocal.
Mr, Alfred de Rothschild of the British delegation
proposed that the different European powers should
combine to make certain purchases, say to the extent
of about £5,000,000 annually, such purchases to be con-
tinued over a period of five years, at a price not ex-
ceeding 43@. per ounce standard ; but if silver should
rise above that price, purchases for the time being to
be immediately suspended. . .
Mr. Rothschild accompanied this motion with a pa-
per in which, while insisting upon_gold monometal-
lism as the sole possible policy for England, he recog-
nized “great grievances both in India and China in
connection with the silver question,” such that “if
anything could be done toward diminishing those
grievances, it would be extremely desirable.” He
Taised the question whether it were ‘not possible to
extend the use of silver generally and thereby stop
a further fall, the disastrous consequences of which no
one can foresee,” He could “see no objection to sil-
ver being made alegal tender in Great Britain up to
&e instead of £2, as it is at present.” In conclusion
r. Rothschild declared :
“If this conference were to break up without arriv-
ing at any definite result, there would be a deprecia-
tion in the value of silver which it would be frightful
to contemplate, and out of which a monetary panic
would ensue the far-spreading effects of which it
would be impossible to foretell.’’
Mr. Rothschild’s proposition was much dis-
cussed, but objected to as compelling the United
States to buy more silver than all Europe to-
gether. Many other plans were proposed, but
nothing was agreed. Great Britain plainly,
and Germany, Austria, and France among the
greater Powers, virtually declared that they
would not adopt bimetallism, tho favoring some
compromise if possible. The conference finally
adjourned to reconvene the next year, if the
governments approved, but it never reconvened.
MONEY.—(See Currency for a historical
sketch of United States currency, and Banxs
AND BANKING ; BIMEYALLISM ; CONTRACTION AND
EXPANSION OF CuRRENCY ; Crises; Depts; FI-
NANCE ; GREENBACK Party ; GOLD AND SILVER ;
MonoMETALLIsM ; Paper Money, and SiLv_er, for
especial topics ) In this article we treat of money
in general, describing the economic nature and
function of money, with a sketch of the history
of money.
To define the word money is both easy and
difficult. It is not difficult to define it in almost
any one of two or three meanings; but the
trouble is that the word is used,
ag and even by writers of repute, in
Definition. more senses than one, and these
various senses are so various that
no definition can be well made to
cover them all. It will be necessary, therefore,
to give at least three distinct definitions,
a Money is sometimes used, altho with the
least authority, tomean gold and silver or other
metal currency, in contradistinction from paper
876
Money.
currency. This use is uncommon, and almost
never found in economic writings, but is some-
times met with in popular speech.
2. By money is sometimes meant whatever
the law declares to be ‘‘legal tender’’ in ex-
change or in payment of debt. ‘‘ Legal ten-
der’’ is that which the law compels a person to
receive in payment of debt. This is money in
its narrowest sense. It has the ‘' fiat’ of gov-
ernment upon it—z.e., government declares or
‘‘makes it” to be money. Any man can offer
such money to his creditor and compel him to
take it at its face value; if the creditor refuse,
the debtor is no longer legally liable for the
debt. This is the legal sense, and a frequent
sense of the word in political economy; but
usually, for the sake of clearness, the phrase
‘legal tender’’ is used for such money.
3, Money is ordinarily used in political econ-
omy to mean any article ordinarily in use as a
medium of exchange. It has been said that in
this sense, ‘‘ Money zs that money does’’ (Walk-
er), To give amore exact definition, we may
use Mr. Walker’s, which has been widely adopt-
ed:
‘‘ Money is that which passes freely from hand
to hand throughout the community in final dis-
charge of debts and full payment for commodi-
ties, being accepted equally without reference
to the character or credit of the person who
offers it, and without the intention of the person
who receives it to consume it or enjoy it, or ap-
ply it to any other use than, in turn, to tender
it to others in discharge of debts or full pay-
ment for commodities’ (Woney, Trade and In-
austry, p. 4). é
FUNCTIONS OF MONEY.
The first function of money is to be a medzum
of exchange. When our earliest ancestors de-
sired to exchange any goods, they did it by di-
tect darter or exchange of goods.
The operation is also called truck (French,
troc, barter). Among uncivilized races trade is
still carried on in this way; a traveler going
into the interior of South Africa takes a
stock of beads, knives, pieces of iron, looking-
glasses, etc., in order that he may always have
something which the natives will like to receive
in exchange for food or services. People still
occasionally barter things in England or the
United States, but this is seldom done, owing
to the trouble which it gives.
These difficulties have early caused all races at
all civilized to adopt some one article as a com-
mon medium of exchange or money. Thus,
money being exchangeable by custom or by
law, if it be legal tender, a man who has any
article to sell sells it for money to anybody who
will buy it, not having to seek an article in ex-
change, because, having got the money, he can
go and buy whatever article he himself wants
from any person who has the article he desires.
Thus money fulfills its first function of being
a medium of exchange. .
A second function hardly inferior in impor-
tance to the one just mentioned is that of atford-
ing a ready means of estimating the compara-
tive value of different commodities. Indeed, it
may be reasonably maintained that the idea of
Money.
general value could not be formed without the
existence of money, The adoption of some one
commodity renders the comparison of values
easy. ‘‘ The chosen commodity becomes a com-
mon denominator or common measure of value
in terms of which we estimate the values of all
other goods’’ (Jevons),
A third function of money soon develops it-
self. Commerce cannot advance far before peo-
ple begin to borrow and lend, and debts of vari-
ous origin are contracted. One of the most dis-
tinctive features of advancing civilization is the
increasing tendency of people to trust each
other. Now acontract implies something to be
done in the future, and for estimating the value
of that future act a standard is required ; and
money, which already acts as a medzum of ex-
change and as a measure of value ata given
time, performs a third function by affording an
approximate means of estimating the value of
the future act, and in this respect may be re-
garded asa standard of value, or,as itis some.
times said, of deferrzd payments. ;
As we shall see later, this is one of the most
important uses of money ; but now we pass on.
Money sometimes also serves a fourth purpose
—that of embodying value ina convenient form
for conveyance to distant places. Something
which is very valuable, altho of little bulk and
weight, and which will be recognized as very val-
uable in every part of the world, is necessary for
this purpose. The current money of a country
is perhaps more likely to fulfill these conditions
than anything else, altho diamonds and other
precious stones and articles of exceptional
beauty and rarity might be employed.
Such are the main economic functions that
money is designed to fulfill.
We pass on to consider what are the qualities
that should characterize the commodity we
adopt as money. The f#rs¢ quality needed is
general acceptability. Money can-
not discharge its prime function
Qualities of unless everybody, or almost every-
Good Money. body, is willing to accept it. This
general acceptability can, however,
be secured to a great extent by
means of a law, making any kind of commodity
legal tender—z.e., requiring all who are subject
to the law to accept it as a full and final dis-
charge of obligations. If, however, the Govern-
ment chooses an unsuitable commodity, the law
will be evaded and barter will be resorted to.
The second quality which it is desirable that
money should possess is durability, and that
without deterzoration. Cattle and wheat are
used as money by some savage tribes, but both
of these lack this quality. Gold and jewels
possess it in a high degree.
The third of the desirable qualities is portabil-
ity. Cattle are good in this respect, as they
carry themselves. Wheat is bad, as its value
compared toits bulkis low. Gold is good ; but
from this point of view diamonds would be still
better.
The fourth and fifth of the desirable qualities
are divisibility and uniformity. Under the
latter we may include that the quality is easily de-
fined. Hitherto jewels have seemed even more
suitable than gold, but they do not fulfill these
requirements. Their value is not easily tested
877
Money.
or attested ; and to divide them is difficult and
destructive of their value. Metals, on the other
hand, are easily coined in any degree of purity.
The stamp, edges, etc., serve to prevent willful
mutilation, and as gold and silver possess also
the qualities of durability and portability in a
high degree, they have, very largely, been
adopted as money.
_There is, however, a szxZ4 quality very de-
sirable in money, which gold and silver do not
possess to anything like the extent that could
be wished. This quality may be described as
steadiness of value. We have seen that money
is generally used as a standard of deferred pay-
ments. Now, if the delays in payment were
always brief, gold and silver would admirably
fulfill this purpose. A hundredweight of gold
will exchange to-day for about the same quan- °
tity of most other commodities as it would
have done six months ago. But if the interval
is along one the fluctuations in the exchange
value of gold are very serious,
How this evil can be best remedied is to-day
the most-discussed monetary question. (See
CONTRACTION AND EXPANSION OF CURRENCY ;
BIMETALLISM ; MONOMETALLISM.) We pass on
to notice one more desirable quality in money
which is what Jevons calls coguzzadzl7ty. He
says:
“By this name we may denote the capability of a
substance for being easily recognized and distinguished
from all other substances. Asa medium of exchange.
money has to be continually handed about, and it will
occasion great trouble if every person receiving cur-
rency has to scrutinize, weigh, and test it. If it re-
quires any skill to discriminate good money from bad,
Poor ignorant people are sure to be imposed upon.
ence the medium of exchange should have certain
distinct marks which nobody can mistake. Precious
stones, even if in other respects good as money, could
not be so used, because only a skilled lapidary can
surely distinguish between true and imitation gems.
“Under cognizability we may properly include what
has been aptly called zmfresstb¢//ty, namely, the capa-
bility of a substance to receive such an impression,
seal, or design as shall establish its character as cur-
rent money of certain value.”
We may now consider some of the general
principles which govern the use of money, con-
fining our attention to those which apply to all
money. (For a discussion of fiat, paper, or rep-
resentative money, see Paper Money.)
The first principle is that the supreme quality
in money is that it should express a standard of
value which will not vary. But value (g.v.)
merely expresses the exchange ratio
between commodities, and this is al-
ways more or less changing. Itis
impossible, therefore, to get a stand-
ard which will never change, and
the best that can be done is to ap-
proximate this. Which money does this best is
disputed ; some think it is gold; others gold
and silver used together ; others paper money
issued in certain quantities. (For these various
views, see MoNoMETALLISM ; BIMETALLISM ; MuL-
TIPLE STANDARD ; Paper Money.)
Secondly, we must recognize the force of
habit in using particular forms of money and
having confidence on it. Jevons rape this
point :
‘‘No one can possibly understand many so-
cial phenomena unless he constantly bears in
mind the force of habit and social convention.
Standard
of Value.
Money.
This is strikingly true in our subject of money.
Over and over again in the course of history
powerful rulers have endeavored to put new
coins into circulation or to withdraw old ones.
but the instincts of self-interest or habit in the
people have been too strong for laws and penal-
ties. Thoin particular instances it may be diffi-
cult to explain occurrences which happen in the
circulation of coins, yet a close analysis of the
character of those who handle money, and their
motives for holding it or paying it away, wiil
throw much light upon the subject.”’
The third principle that we most notice and
one of the most important is the so-called Gresh-
am’s Law (from Sir Thomas Gresham, who
lived in England in the Elizabethan period).
This law asserts that when two or more kinds of
legal money contend for use in the market, the
worst kind of money that is legal will drive the
better kinds out of circulation. The reason is
simple. Whena person pays out any money he
inclines to get rid of the worst money he has
with which he can legally settle the account.
He keeps the best money himself. Consequent-
ly the worst money circulates the most and the
best is hoarded or driven out of circulation.
Hence the necessity of keeping all the money
in circulation at par, unless a nation is will-
ing to go to the exclusive use of the worst
money.
A fourth principle, and perhaps in modern
times the most important of all, is that the quan-
tity of money should be commensurate with the
demand for a medium of exchange, because if
the amount of money in a country is not in-
creased in proportion to the demand for it, it will
rise in value, and thus become a variable stand-
ard. Hence the money that is most invariable
in value will be that which varies in quantity
most exactly in conformity with the demand for
it, Hence a currency inelasticin guantzty may
be the most dishonest money, and a currency
elastic in guantzty may be made the most hon-
est.
An elastic currency, however, may also be
made dishonest. It depends wholly on how it
is varied in quantity. So faras quantity is con-
cerned it should vary exactly with the demand
for it, thus, so far as quantity is concerned,
being perfectly stable in value. An elastic cur-
tency, therefore, at least permits of stability of
value ; an inelastic currency cannot be honest
unless there is no change either in the popula-
tion of a country or in the use that population
has for money. Itis not enough merely for a
circulation to expand with population, but must
expand or contract with the use the population
has for money. If a civilization grows more
intricate and involved, there are ordinarily more
cash transactions, and therefore there is more
demand for money. The grave and important
questions that arise out of variations in the
amount of money are well known. A currency
increasing in volume out of proportion to the
demand robs creditors , a diminishing currency
robs debtors. We here are simply concerned
with the principles. (For the important com-
plications and results that grow out of this prin-
ciple, see CONTRACTION AND EXPANSION OF CUR-
RENCY ; BIMETALLISM ; MONOMETALLISM; PAPER
Money ; Sitver.) We pass now to the
878
’ Tartary ; sugar in the West Indies.
Money..
HISTORY OF MONEY.
The first money used seems to have been fur
and skins, because the first societies which made
exchanges lived by hunting. Some tribes still
use fur and skins. The next stage of society
was pastoral, and the corresponding money was
cattle or some domesticated animal. The word
pecunia (Latin for money), whence our word
pecuniary is probably derived from fecus,
cattle. In uncivilized portions of the world cat-
tle are still used to express value. A wife, a
slave, etc., are still said to be worth so many
head of cattle. More advanced communities
used articles of ornament, such as shells, like
the wampumpeag of the North American Ind-
jans, or the ring money of many countries.
Agricultural or other natural products were
used. ‘Tobacco was commonly used for money
in the North American colonies ; codfish were
used in Newfoundland , cubes of pressed tea in
S The next
stage was the use of various manufactured arti-
cles, such as a preparation of leather by the
Carthaginians, silk by the Chinese, nails in
Scotland, bullets and wampum in Massachu-
setts.
Metals, however, have been mainly used ex-
cept in the earliest times. Of metals almost
every kind has been used—iron, lead, tin, pla-
tinum, nickel, copper, and, above all, silver and
gold. Iron has been used until very recently
in Japan for small values. In the Homeric age
it is said to have been more valued than cop-
per. It rusts, is easily counterfeited, is very
heavy, and to-day too cheap to have much in-
trinsic value, while it is not suited for represen-
tative money. (See Parer Money.) Tin was
probably early used ; the first known instance
being by Dionysius of Syracuse. It is thought
to have formed the first English coinage. It
has been used in Mexico and in Java, Roman
emperors and English kings struck tin coins.
It is, however, too soft and breakable for much
use, and to-day too cheap for intrinsic money.
Tin farthings were, however, issued in England
as late as 1690. Lead is still more soft, but has
been largely employed. Its use is frequently
mentioned in the classic poets. It was used in
the form of bullets in Massachusetts. It is still
employed, or was very recently, in Burmah.
Platinum has been used in Russia. It is one of
the rarer metals, but very difficult and costly to
melt. Nickel is used solely as convenient in
making alloys. Copper was one of the first
known metals, and is still 1n use for minor coins
everywhere. The earliest Hebrew coins are
thought to have been copper, and the metallic”
currency of Rome down to 269 B.c. was an im-
pure copper or @s. It formed the main money
of Russia and Sweden in the last century. It
is, however, too cheap to have much intrinsic
value,
_ Silver has been the main metal for coinage
in historical times. Abraham (Gen. 23 : 16) is
said to have paid out shekels of silver, tho this
was a weight of silver, not coin. Herodotus
attributes the first use of coined gold and silver
to the Lydians, tho he also says that the first
Greek coinage was made by Pheidon of Argos
at Aigina (895 B.c.), Metal first passed every-
Money.
where by weight, a system said to have been of
Assyrio-Babylonic origin. The talent was orig-
inally a weight of silver or gold.
_ Only later did governments stamp
Early Coins. on coins an indication of their
weight, fineness, and resultant
value—the hall mark as Jevons
calls it. The shape was at first varied—square,
hexagonal, octagonal, or round ; only later did
the round form, and still later the milled edge
prevail to prevent clipping and unconscious loss.
The standard coin of Athens was the silver
drachma, worth six oboli, or about z20cents. The
old Greek talent of silver weighed about 82 lbs.
avoirdupois. The Attic talent weighed 57 lbs.
of silver. The earliest Roman money was the
copper @s. Silver was introduced 269 B.c,.—
the silver dexardus, and was at first about j; of
a Roman pound, but was later debased. A gold -
coinage seems to have been introducedin Rome,
tho little used, as early as 218 B.c. Gold was to
silver in proportion just about as silver was to
copper, or about 1 to ro. :
After the fall of the Roman Empire various
silver coins were used. Charlemagne under-
took to introduce a general system of money
based on the silver pound, known in England
as the Troy pound of 12 oz., but the breaking
up of his empire prevented this general use. It
passed, however, into England, and the pound
was divided into 240 pence (denarzz’), 12 of which
constituted a shilling (solzdus). Twenty shil-
lings thus represented a silver pound. Hence
the name ‘'‘pound.’’ The first English gold
coin seems to have been that of Henry III. in
1257, when a number of gold pennies were
coined at a value to silver of rotor. The first
tegular series of gold coinage in England, how-
ever, dates from 1344, under Edward.III. In
France, after the breaking of the empire of
Charlemagne, 150 powers are said
to have issued money. Debase-
Debasements, ment of money became the rule in
France. The first debasement of
coinage established in history is
when Solon (599 B.c.) debased the quantity of
ilver in the Athenian coins over 25 per cent.
Professor Bastable, in an article in the £7-
cyclopedia Britannica, thinks it to have been
successful, and probably necessary. It was
probably not the only Greek debasement, and
in Roman history debasement of the coinage
was frequent.
The first debasement in English history was
in 1300, when Edward I. slightly debased the
silver coinage. The practice, however, became
common, especially from 1543-52, under Henry
VIII. and Edward VI. It wholly ceased, how-
ever, after the sixteenth century. Scotch coins
were much more debased than English. In
France, debasements did not stop with the six-
teenth century. Professor Bastable says in the
Encyclopedia Britannica:
“The final result wasthatin 1789 the livre had come
to only 7; of its weight in the time of Charlemagne.
At the Revolution it was converted into the franc, at
the rate of 81 livres to 80 frs. It is not, however, to
be supposed that the changes in the French currency
were always toward debasement. The terrible evils
arising from the debased coinage led to a general out-
cry, which in some cases was so strong as to force the
king of the time to reform the monetary standard; one
striking instance occurred in the reign of Philip IV.,
879
Money.
whose dealings with the currency led to his receiving
the epithet of ‘le faux monnoyeur.’”
These depreciations point to the very variable
value of metallic money. Allison, in his A7zs-
tory of Europe, says:
“The two greatest events in the history of mankind
have been brought about by a successive contraction
and expansion in the circulating medium of society.
The fall of the Roman Empire, so long ascribed in ig-
norance to slavery, to heathenism, and moral corrup-
tion, was in reality brought about by a decline in the
silver and gold mines of Spain and Greece. ... The
annual supply of the precious metals—of money—for
the use of the globe was tripled; before a century had
elapsed the price of every species of produce was
quadrupled. The weight of debt and taxation insen-
sibly wore off under the influence of that prodigious
increase; in the renovation of industry, the relations
of society were changed, the weight of feudalism cast
off, the rights of man established.”
This is, however, undoubtedly an extreme
and a partial view. The corruption of the Ro-
man Empire and the incursion of hordes of un-
corrupted Germanic tribes cannot be lightly
shuffled off as causes of the fall of Rome, nor
can the new life of the sixteenth century be so
largely attributed to the influx of gold and sil-
ver from the mines and treasures of Mexico and
Peru. A hundred causes, political, intellectual,
religious, and social, led to the new activity of
the modern age. Feudalism in England at
least was shuffled off before the gold and silver
came. The rights of man were not even much
preached till long after the discovery of Amer-
ica. Yet undoubtedly the scarcity of money in
the Middle Ages and the influx of gold and sil-
ver from the New World were potent factors in
the history of mankind.
Through the Middle Ages the supply of gold
and silver was limited. The report of the re-
cent United States Monetary Commission says :
‘* At the Christian era the metallic money of
the Roman Empire amounted to $1,800,000,000.
By the end of the fifteenth century it had shrunk
to less than $200,000,000.’’ . .
William Jacob, F.R.S., gives the following
table of the amount of metallic money :
SPP
All such tables are more or less conjectural,
however ; the only fact that is generally accept-
ed being that during the Dark Ages mines were
little worked. About 800 a. D. the Moors in
Spain began to rework her mines, and are sup-
posed from that date to have counteracted the
loss by wear and exportation, and accordingly
we may regard the metallic supply as fixed in
amount until the next change in the conditions
of production, which was the result of the dis-
covery of America. The conquest of Mexico
(1519) gave opportunities of working the silver
mines of that country, while the first mines of
Chili and Peru were almost simultaneously dis-
covered, and in 1545 those of Potosi were laid
open. From this latter date we may regard the
American supply as an influential factor in the
matter, and look upon the stock of money as in-
creasing. The annual addition to the store of
money has been estimated as £2,100,000 for the
period from 1545-1600. At this date the Brazil-
ian supply began.
Money.
At the commencement of this century the an-
nual production of gold has been estimated as
being from £2,500,000 to £3,000,000. The year
1809 seems to mark an epoch in the production
of these metals, since the outbreak of the revolts
of the various Spanish dependencies in South
America tended to check the usual supply from
those countries, and a marked increase in. the
value of money was the consequence. During
the period 1809-49 the value of gold and silver
rose to about two and a half times their former
level, notwithstanding fresh discoveries in Asi-
atic Russia. The annual yield in 1849 was esti-
mated at £ 8,000,000. The next important date
for our present purpose is the year 1848, when
the Californian mines were opened, while in
1851 the Australian discoveries took place. _
these events an enormous mass of gold was add-
ed+to the world’s supply. The most careful es-
timates fix the addition during the years 1851-
71 at £500,000,000, or an amount nearly equal
to the former stock in existence.
It is from these variations in the quantity,
and therefore in the value of money, that the
modern history of money takes its rise. The
various coins of uncertain value in the Middle
Ages, many of them depreciated by govern-
ments, by private money-clippers, or by use,
gave occasion to the custom in Venice, Genoa,
and perhaps elsewhere, of placing them in so-
called banks, having them carefully valued by
experts, and the depositors receiving various re-
ceipts for the same, which receipts circulated as
money, often with a premium above coin, and
often enduring even long after the coin de-
posited in the banks had been seized by ruth-
less kings or dishonest speculators. In this cus-
tom probably lies the beginning of paper money,
which henceforth plays so large a part in the
history of money, and for an account of which
see articles Paper Money; Banks aND BANK-
ING ; BANK oF VENICE, etc.
880
Money.
’ Again, in the experience of England with de-
preciations of currency and in the fall of money
values occasioned by the influx of gold and sil-
ver when the New World was discovered, is the
occasion for the comparatively early commit-
ment of England to the doctrine of gold mono-
metallism (g.v.), which has led to the reatest
monetary changes and monetary conflicts of
modern times. Up to the year 1819 almost all
nations, as we have seen, issued coins of both
gold and silver, as well as of other metals, and
tried to regulate their relative values by royal
or governmental proclamations. Altho supply
and demand continually tended to change the
relative value of the two metals, and altho from
about 1760-1810 enormous quantities of silver
poured into the world from mines in Mexico
and elsewhere (so that in 1800 the world’s an-
nual silver product was nearly three times its
product in 1700), the actual alteration in the
relative values aforesaid was but slight. In 1803,
therefore, France adopted her famous law mak-
ing 15} parts of silver equal to one part of gold
in all transactions. England, however, in
1816, under the second Lord Liverpool, took an
opposite course, and demonetized silver as a
standard.
From this time on the na of money be-
comes the history of the bimetallic controversy,
for which we refer our readers to the article
BIMETALLIsM ; see also Paper Money. For the
history of money in the United States, see Cur-
RENCY,
References: W. S. Jevons’s Money and the Mechan-
tsm of Exchange (1879); F. A. Walker’s Money (1878) ;
W.G. Sumner’s Azstory of American Currency (3878);
E. B. Andrews’ An Honest Dollar ; A. J.Fonda’s Hon-
est Money (1895). See also BIMETALLISM.
The following table, compiled from the report
of the Director of the United States Mint, gives
the present approximate amount of money in
the world :
Ratio be- | Ratio be- BER CAVITA,
Sule an d Gold and U: d
old an old an Gold Silver ncovere
COUNTRIES. Full Legal| Limited Stock. Stock. Notes. si- | Pa- | To-
Tender | Tender Gold.! ver. | per. | tal
Silver. | Silver. peepee
United States 1to0 15.98 |x to 14.95 $661,000,000} $624,000,000] $469,000,000] $9.81} $9.25] $6.96]$26.02
United Kingdom.........-|...ceees eens x to 14.28 540,000,000 112,000,000 127,000,000} 14.17] 2.94] 3-33] 20-44
France...... rto15% = {1 to 14.38 800,000,000] 500,000,000] 110,000,000] 20.89] 13.05] 2.87) 36.81
CSETAGAY iatetsk saitonceleeieweons see] tO 13.957 618,000,000 215,000,000 84,000,000] 12.51] 4.35] 1.70 18,6
Belgium .... «|t to 1536 r to 14.38 54,000,000 54,900,000 54,000,000} 8.85] 9.00] 8.85] 26.70
Ttaly servers 1 to 15% 1 to 14.38 96,000,000 16,500,000) 179,000,000] 3.16 -54| 5-89] 9-59
Switzerland . rtoi5% 1 to 14.38 15,000,000) 15,000,000: 12,000,000] 5.17] 5.27] 4-14] 14.48
Greece ...... rto 13% rto 14.38 + 500,000 3)000,000 23,400,000] .23| 1.36] 10.63] 12.22
SPA diieiec ve sieicivawiic sda aremr rto15% 1 to 14.38 40,000,000 155,000,000 105,000,000] 2.28} 8.86] 6.00]. 17.14
Portugal ........ . i elasetevaters I sleem spsieiera.e aia r to 14.08 40,000,000 10,000,000 49,000,000] 8.51| 2.13] 10.42] 21.06
Austria-Hungary ........ seeceeeeeees |Z tO 13.69 124,000,000 85,000,000 187,000,000] 3.00] 2.06] 4.53] 9-59
Netherlands... .. ee 1 to 15g 1 to 15 19,000,000 56,000,000 37,000,000] 4.13] 12.17] 8.04] 24.34
Scandinavian Union .....}.. ise ee a. | 2 14.88 28,000,000 12,000,000) 12,000,000] ...-] aeee{ seen] cere
ASSIA, ize anes Sains Tateige 1to 13% 1 to 15 422,000,000) 1,000, x f e oT
Turkey. as ayeibferamss Xe atese 1 to 15% 1to 15% 50,000,000 We on Boer ee nee aes is ae
AMUSER ALIA J eccu careers date tniks | dsieicserassne ses] to 14.28 105,000,000 1.63 26.05
BQy Dtiuces wcwenne cidiuidloyescus os case 1 to 15.68 2.20| ....| 19.85
Mexico....................(6 to 16396 | eee. ees 138] "138 00
Central America........./rto sig Jot... 0. eae i 4 A 8
South America............]1 tors¥6 [occ esse eee a ee ane
f -87| 17.49] 19.67
2.01 ie: 4.00
theta ary eee -31) 60 3544
a] eacecacnaces ay ‘tg - 1.80
gloat: allsissiausains sine 28.94] ....] 28.94
tl ewe vee een veal I 2
Cuba, Hayti, etc. ......../1 to 134 he a e Tray '8:947' 20070
ROCA De ca oiniore bee vis sitighcie a | aetenvmarcaaniaalteisamneduies oe $3,901,900,000] $3,931, 100,000) $2,7¢0,000,000
Money.
The following table gives the values of for-
881
Monometallism.
by the Secretary of the Treasury, October 1,
‘eign coins in United States money, proclaimed 1895 :
Value in
United
CouNTRY. Standard. Monetary Unit. nee Coins.
°
Dollar.
-Argentine Republic)Gold and Silver./Peso ........ cans setae $0.96,5 |Gold: argentine ($4.82,4) and % argen-
tine. Silver: peso and divisions.
Gold: former system—, florins ($1.92,9),
; 8 florins ($3-85,8), ducat ($2.28,7) and 4
Austria-Hungary...|Gold............. Crown ...... Samame uneces 12053 ducats ($9.15,8). Silver: 1 and 2 flor-
ius. Gold: present system 20 crowns
’ ($4.05,2) and 10 crowns ($2.02,6).
Belgium ........ ... Gold and Sil +193. |Gold: 10 and 20 francs. Silver: 5 francs.
Bolivia.... ... eeeeee (Silver, -48,6 |Silver: boliviano and divisions,
Brazil... .........../Gold. -54,6 |Gold: 5, 10, and 20 milreis. Silver: \%, 1,
and 2 milreis.
Canada jaxsuwies oes Gold... 1.00
-Central America, Silver -48,6 |Silver: peso and divisions.
PCRS wieikisiars sieges coon --|Gold an -91,2 |Gold: escudo ($r.82,4), doubloon ($4.56,1)
and condor ($9.12,3). Silver: peso and
divisions).
Shanghai.. +718
(CHINA ys ce deueds osones |SUVEP owscrs eave Tael ..... Haikwan.. -80,0
3 t Tientsin... +762
Cheefoo. .. +7592
‘Colombia..........+-/Silver......66..../POSO we. ce cece seus -48,6 |Gold: condor ($9.64,7) and double-condor.
Silver: peso.
MCW DAN ad sige boos ...-|Gold and Silver.}Peso -92,6 |Gold: doubloon ($5.01,7). Silver: peso.
Denmark..... a iaeie Golds. tacmmsieiensese Crown .... .26,8 |Gold: 10 and 20 crowns.
Ecuador .4..002 60002 (SilVeticisceaes ses SUCTCissas y. riccenies Kanes -48,6 |Gold: condor ($9.64,7) and double-con-
dor. Silver: sucre and divisions.
FESY De eisisiae vate tin a9 03 | GOLA er sasieeaw sions Pound (100 piasters)..../ 4.94,3. |Gold: pound (100 piasters), 5, ro, 20, and
so piasters. Silver: 1, 2, 5, 10, and 20
piasters,
Finland, si veaniesoas GOldsewegcseeiaed Mat esacacisins site: wince anes Gold: 20 marks ($3.85,9), 10 marks ($1.93).
France........ rrere Gold and Silver.|Franc...........eeeeeeuee Gold: 5, 10, 20, 50, and 100 francs. Silver:
5 francs.
Germany ........... Marky, sxouseses Gold: 5, 10, and 20 marks.
-Great Britain.......
‘Greece. .
AD AR: cosnniad eeiaie
Liberia. wcsseses os
Mexico.....
Netherlands........
Newfoundland......
-Norway
Peru
Portugal..........
RASS sas ieceveneacs
SPALL since siaad neon an
PB MOI Screg ranean aaas
Switzerland.........
“Tripoli..
“Turkey.,
Venezue
|Gold.......
Gold and Silver.
-|Gold and Silver.
a OUIV OT Se cewaits vsiereve
-|Gold and Silver.
Gold & Silver*..
Gold. ze snsieas ves
Silver..
Gold and Silver.
Silver}
Gold and Silver.
GOI aisienaraceeices
°
Gold and Silver.
../Pound sterling.
Drachma
LAP a ng fagse saan a eetye
Gold...
MOM asie aard.oieis “| Silver.
Dollar..... ote bh sa eee We
PONV AT es sists igierer sie sisieiayeie 9%
PIOTIN aiisoies ensresie tae
40,2
I.01,4
26,8
-48,6
1.08
*77)2
+3859
193
26,8
+1953
+438
+0454
+1953
Gold: sovereign (pound sterling) and 3
sovereign.
Gold: 5, 10, 20, 50, and roo drachmas.
Silver: 5 drachmas.
Silver: gourde.
Gold: mohur ($7.10,5). Silver: rupee and
divisions.
Gold: 5, 10, 20, 50, and 100 lire.
lire.
Gold: 1, 2, 5, 10, and 20 yen.
Silver: yen.
Silver: 5
Gold: dollar ($0.98,3), 2%, 5, 10, and 20 dol-
i do
lars. Silver: dollar (or peso) and divi-
sions.
Gold: ro florins. Silver: 3, 1, and 2%
florins.
Gold: 2 dollars ($2.02,7).
Gold: 10 and 20 crowns.
Silver: sol and divisions.
! 1, 2, 5, and so milreis.
: imperial ($7.71,8) and % imperialt
($3.86).
Silver: 4, %, and 1 rouble.
Gold: 25 pesetas. Silver: 5 pesetas,
Gold: ro and 20 crowns.
Gold : 5, 10, 20, 50, and 100 francs.
5 francs.
Silver:
Gold : 25, 50, 100, 250, and 500 piasters.
Gold: 5, 10, 20, 50, and 100 bolivars. Sil-
ver: 5 bolivars.
* Gold the nominat standard; silver practically the standard.
+ Coined since January 1, 1886; old half-imperial = $3.98,6. Li oIs9 «
Silver the nominal standard; paper the actual currency, the depreciation of which is measured by the
‘gold standard.
References, see before table.
MONOMETALLISM is the theory, or the
‘practice of the theory, that only one metal
should be used asa standard of value in the
coinage of a country, or, as it is sometimes de-
‘fined, it is the use of only one metal as full legal
Any metal, so far as the definition
56
tender.
goes, could be used as the standard; but for
reasons of convenience, confidence, and stabil-
ity of value (see Money), civilized countries con-
fine themselves tothe metals gold or silver as
the standard, and at present almost exclusively
to the use of gold.
This being the case, we devote this article to
a statement of and the arguments for gold
Monometallism.
monometallism. (For a history of the money
question in the United States, see CURRENCY.
For general monetary principles, see Money ;
CoNTRACTION AND EXPANSION OF CURRENCY ;
Parer Money. For views opposed to mono-
metallism, see BimeTaLiisM; Paper Money ;
Sirver. For statistics as to gold and as to sil-
ver, see GoLp and SILVER.)
GOLD MONOMETALLISM.
This view teaches that, at least in the present
stage of civilization, the only money which
should be used as primary money, and, therefore,
as the standard of value, should be gold. Other
metals, like silver, copper, etc., may be advan-
tageously used for subsidiary coinage (small
change, etc.) ; and various forms of credit money
(bank-notes, letters of credit, private notes,
Clearing House notes, etc.) may be used in the
large amount of transactions, as they are used
to-day ; but gold should be the only standard.
The argument for this view rests mainly on a
deduction from long experience, which we shall
outline later ; but it will serve clearness to no-
tice first the general argument.
This is, in a word, that the main
qualities of a standard of value
should be invariability and the en-
joyment of general confidence, and
that gold furnishes these qualities
far more than any other metal. It is not as-
serted that even gold never varies in value,
that it may not have and has not at times appre-
ciated, but it is asserted that gold varies less in
value than any other standard which can be
used. The fall of prices of which bimetallists
and silver advocates make so much, gold mono-
metallists say, is not primarily due to the ap-
preciation of gold, but to improvements in pro-
duction, and has, however occasioned, not
worked the harm asserted; because if it has
lowered prices it has raised the real wages of
all wage-workers and receivers of fixed income ;
while as for producers not wage-workers, if it
has lowered income, it has equally lowered ex-
penses. Even debtors have been able to bor-
row at lower and lower rates of interest, so that,
if their debts have appreciated, they have been
able to multiply their production to pay off their
Argument
for.
882
Monometallism.
debts. The mortgage indebtedness of the coun-
try, of which so much is made, is really not an
indication of depression, but of prosperity and of
a demand forimprovements. (See MortTcaces.)
Whatever modicum of loss has come from an
appreciating gold standard is far more than
atoned for by relief from the uncertainties of a
double standard, or of a currency in which the
public has noconfidence. The two things most
fatal to prosperity are uncertainty and lack of
confidence as to the value of money. All else
can be endured but these. The absence of these
qualities takes the very life out of business, and
oppresses particularly the working and poorer
classes. When there is uncertainty and lack of
confidence, people are afraid to invest, new
undertakings are not started, old enterprises
shut down or are curtailed, workers are dis-
charged, distribution checked, demand lessened,
and general stagnation produced. These are
exactly the conditions we have to-day in the
United States, and the cause, say the gold mono-
metallists, is the constant fear of silver legisla-
tion and the consequent lack of confidence
which we have had in the United States more
or less for the last 20 years. It is not true that
prices depend on the quantity of /egal-tender
money, but on the quantity of a//
money, and on the guadzty of the
legal tender. If the quality of the
legal-tender money be above suspi-
cion—that is, enjoying absolute con-
fidence-—then upon that firm basis
the guantzty of bank notes, subsidiary coinage,
and other forms of current money can be built
which business demands. England has long
had the single gold standard, unburdened by
silver or other unsound legislation, Consequent-
ly England can get all the money she wants.
The United States could have all the money she
could use if people had confidence in her stand-
ard. A per capita circulation based on legal
tender is misleading. The real question is the
guality of the legal tender and the per capita
circulation of what zs used for money resting
ona firm basis. The People's Money (vol. it.,
No. 7, of Sound Currency, p. 24) gives the fol-
lowing table of the currency of the world, and
the per capita circulation :
Quality
Theory.
PER CAPITA.
COUNTRIES. Popula- Stock of Stock of | Uncovered
tion. Gold. Silver. Paper. Sil Pa Bank
Gold. | Jer. per. Cred | Total.
its.
United States. vas srsannn 68,900,000 | $626,600,000 | $62
f i 5,300,000 | $475,700,000 | $9.09 | $9.08 | $6.90 | $80.50: | $105 57
Paeed Kingdom.. 38,800,000 | 550,000,000 | 112,000,000 | 113,400,000 | 14.18 2 88 oe e ee
Germany 38,300,000 | 825,000,000 | 492,200,000 | 88,000,000 | 21.54 | 12.85 | 2.31 | 35-00 71.70
Belgium Oe 625,000,000 | 215,000,000 300,000 | 12.65 4-35 1.78 | 25.00 43-78
Italy .. 200,000 55,000,000 54;900,000 51,200,000 | 8 87 | 8.85 | 8.26 | 25.00 50.98
Switzerland 30)500)000 | 6,000,000 | 30,000,000 | 167,600,000 | 3.15 | 0.98 | 5.50 | 18.00 | 27.63
Spain. ... See 15,000,000 15,000,000 16,600,000 } 5.17 | 5.17 | 5.72 | 30-00 46.06
Portugal 02.0200! 174500,000 | 40,000,000 | 166,000,000 | 107,100,000 | 2.29 | 9.48 | 6.12 | 14.00 | 31-89
Austria-Hungary 1111.7! 45700)080 38,900,000 24,800,000 55,500,000 | 8 27] 5.28 | 11.81 | 11.00 36.36
Netherlands.......000°.7 43)200,000 130,000,000 121,000,000 146, 300,000 3-00 2.81 3.38 19.00 28.19
Nee ae 4700,000 27,600,000 56,500,000 | 35,900,000 | 5.87 | 12.02 | 7.64 | 22.50 48.03.
Sweden .... Dee ce 7130C,000 1,900,000 3)900,000 | 3.65 | 0.95 | 1.95] 15.00 21.55
Denmark |. |. : giteeoee 6,500,000 4:800,000 | 16,500,000 | 1.35 | 1.00 | 3.44 | 26.50] 32 29
Russia and Finlan 120,000 | 14,200,000 5)400,000 5,400,000 | 6 46] 2.45 | 2.45; 58.00 | 69.36
may 124,000,000 | 455,000,000 48,000,000 530,000,000 3.67 0. 38 4:27 6.00 14.32
This table is made u
ary of Statistics.
p from data given in the report of the director of the mint, 1894, and Mulhall's Dzc/zon+
Monometallism.
It will be seen that England, tho she has a
smaller per capita circulation of gold, silver, or
paper money than either France or the United
States, has a much larger per capita of circula-
tion of what passes for money, because the qual-
ity of her standard of value is above suspicion.
Quality infallibly leads to quantity ; quantity
without quality leads to shipwreck.
Such is the general argument for gold mono-
metallism, but it is based on a long deduction
from experience which we can here only abridge.
Gold monometallism, say its supporters, is the
natural mature product of advancing civiliza-
tion. The gold conspiracy of which so many
silver advocates make so much simply does not
exist and never has been proven, however
strongly asserted, because it never has existed.
Each nation has come to the gold standard sim-
ply because it found it for its interest to do so,
The ‘‘crime of ’73,’’ of which one hears so
much, never took place. Silver had not been
coined in the United States to any appreciable
degree for 4o years before 1873. It
was in 1873 worth more as bullion
than as money, so nobody desired
it coined. The act of 1873 simply
legally recognized demonetization,
which had virtually been a fact for
4o years. Nor was it done surreptitiously or
without knowledge. The measure was recom-
mended by the Secretary of the Treasury in
three successive messages ; the bill was printed
13 times, considered through five sessions of
Congress, and the debates concerning it occupy
140 pages of the Congresstonal Record, as any
one may see. Most of the present prominent
silver men who were in Congress at that time,
like Senator Jones, voted for it. ‘* The crime
of 1873’’ exists, therefore, only in the heated
imagination of the perhaps well-meaning but
mistaken opponents of sound currency. So
with Germany’s demonetization of silver, com-
menced in 1871 and completed in 1873. When
the new German Empire was established she
found herself confronted with several different
systems of legal-tender silver coins, besides
gold and paper. The paying of the French war
indemnity allowed her to go to the single gold
standard ; it seemed the simplest and best step,
and was taken. So with other nations ; so with
England, which first came to the single gold
standard. Hitherto all the world had used
both gold and silver or other commodities,
but they had worked great evil because
of the continual changes and uncertainty of
value between silver and gold. In France, there
were 26 changes of ratio of silver to gold be-
tween 1602 and 1773. England had had a
long and bitter experience of currency debase-
ment (see Money), and when that was over
had found her silver so worn that it was not
worth its face value. In 1774 she had been
compelled on this account to limit the legal-
tender value of silver to £25. But even this
was not enough. New good silver was driven
out of circulation by the old poor silver; so
finally, in 1816, she adopted the single gold
standard, and has continued it successfully ever
since. Other countries did not come to it for
nearly 50 years, France, said by bimetallists to
have practised bimetallism successfully from 1803
Objections
Answered,
883
Monometallism.
to 1873, did not really have bimetallism. The
market ratio of gold and silver continually varied
during that period from 15.40 to 16.25, and the
cheaper metal continually drove out the dearer,
sometimes gold, sometimes silver. At last even
France had to come to gold. All the great na-
tions of the earth thus have been compelled by
their own experiences to come to the gold
standard.
It is not denied by gold monometallists that
theoretically a fiat currency could be sustained
under proper limitations (see Paper Money ;
MutTIPLE STANDARD), and some of them admit
that this may be the money to which civilization
may ultimately come; but this, they say, is
very far in the future, and can be considered
only when human nature and public confidence
have reached a far greater height than at pres-
ent. To-day, experience manifestly teaches.
that the only path of safety is to keep to the:
gold standard, and meanwhile to expand pri-
vate paper money just so far as confidence is
developed. Says The People’s Money (p. 17):
“Inconvertible paper money issued by a govern-
ment may be maintained at a parity of value with
metallic money, provided the following conditions, five-
in number, exist: : : 2
‘1, There must be a monetary unit, as in the case of
convertible paper money. 2
“2, There must be a considerable volume of metallic
money in the country, and sufficient foreign trade, or
other specific use for coins to keep them in general cir-
culation. hak kee.
“3. The government must make no distinction in
its dealings with the people between the two kinds of
money; both or either must be received and paid out
with at least ostensible impartiality. :
‘4, Provision must be made by taxation or b vol-
untary funding for the prompt absorption of any
redundanoy apparent in the volume of outstanding
paper money.
‘“‘s. The people using the paper money must have
confidence in the purpose and the ability of the govern-
ment to maintain indefinitely the four preceding con-
ditions.
“Both convertible and inconvertible paper money
become depreciated the moment public confidence is
shaken in the purpose or power of the issuer to pre-
serve the conditions under which alone such money
can circulate in interchangeable effectiveness wit
coins. Under Gresham’s law the primary effect of the
depreciation is to cause contraction of the total volume
of circulating medium, by expelling from it all money
that is not depreciated. What is left thus becomes a
sort of leprous currency, with which association and
mingling is abhorrent to all forms of sound and healthy
money.’
Of the experience of the world in depreciated
currencies it is, however, not necessary to speak
here. It will be found under the article Money,
subhead ‘‘ Debasements.’’ It should, however,
be pointed out that gold monometallists con-
sider the panic of 1873 and most such panics
due to over-issue of depreciable paper and
other forms of money, redeemable or irredeem-
able, which unnaturally stimulated industry, and
unavoidably led at last to a crisis. This will be
and always must be, they assert, the result of
currency inflation, especially with debased
money, now or at any other time. In proof of
the assertion that prices have fallen, not because
of the demonetization of silver, but because of
improvements in the methods of production,
transportation, etc., the gold advocates present
an almost infinite amount of evidence.
Mr. D, A. Wells, writing in the New York
Trzbune for September 7, 1896, says :
“No one has ever been able to name a single com-
Monometallism.
modity that has notably declined in price within the
last 30 years, and oe proved, or even at-
tempted to prove, that such decline was due to the
appreciation of gold. And the reason for such default
is that it cannot be done. On the other hand, not a
single commodity that has aotably declined in price
within this time can be named, in respect to which
clear, abundant, and specific evidence cannot be ad-
duced in proof that this decline has been due to
decreased cost of production or distribution, or to
changes in supply and demand occasioned by wholly
fortuitous circumstances. ... :
“ How great has been the average increase or saving
in the world’s work of production or distribution can-
not perhaps be accurately stated. But few investiga-
tors place it at less than 4o per cent., and in some great
branches of industry it has fey amounted to 7oor
80 per cent. Taking a majority of other than hand-
made commodities into consideration, the saving of
labor within the last 30 years has probably been equal
to at least 4o per cent. in producing any given article.
We have here, therefore, a natural, sufficient, and non-
disputable cause of the remarkable decline in prices
under consideration, and also for the continuance of
such decline; for prices are still falling, and the only
assignable and probable reason why the decline ex-
erienced has not been greater is, that decreased cost
Hes occasioned increased demand and consumption,
which, to a considerable extent, has antagonized the
natural tendency to decline.
‘This decline in prices admits of many examples of
complete demonstration and illustration in respect to
cause—vzz., increased production by reason of im-
proved methods or new conditions, which have re-
sulted in decreased cost ; a supply in excess of current
market demand, and continuous decline in market
rices. In other words, the price of any commodity is
xed simply and solely by the proportions of such
articles as are produced and consumed, and prices can-
not be and are not fixed in any other way.
‘* Take, first, the market decline in the price of wheat,
which typifies more than any other one product the
grievance of the American farmer. The cause of this
decline is the indisputable fact that more
wheat has been and is still] produced,
The Real not, perhaps, more than the world wants,
Cause of Fal] but more than it is willing to buy. The
in Prices, 2Ve@ge,annual wheat crop of the United
* States in the four years 1869-72 was
244,187,000 bush. Since 1890 the aver-
age crop has been about 570,000,000 bush. In 1873
there was practically no wheat exported from India.
In 1892 India exported 56,566,000 bush. In 1889 the
Argentine States of South America were not named as
a factor to the smallest extent in the world’s wheat
supply. To-day they are among its greatest sources
of supply, and of their surplus product, exported in
1894, 60,000,000 bush. A few years ago there were
but few reapers and harvesters for wheat in Russia,
and hardly a grain elevator in connection with storage
and delivery buildings. To-day Russia is rapidly in-
troducing improved agricultural machinery, with the
Tesult that its annual wheat product has increased
from 168,545,000 bush., in 1891, to 300,000,000 in 1894.
There has also been a very marked increase in recent
yee in the wheat crops of Austro-Hungary and of
pain. It is impossible, therefore, to resist the con-
clusion that the production of wheat in the world has
been increasing much faster than the necessities of
the world’s wheat-eaters, and that the increased pro-
duction has been in the countries where wheat is pro-
duced at the least cost. In addition to these condi-
tions, we have now the announcement that the surplus
of agricultural products in Australia available for ex-
por is in excess of the demands of the people of the
nited Kingdom for consumption.
‘“The increase in the average of the annual cotton
crop in the United States in the years from 1871-72 to
1889-90 Was more than roo per cent., while the increase
in the Population of the country during the same period
was about s6 per cent. During the same period itis
certa‘n that the world’s consumption of cotton did not
keep up with its production. The legitimate sequel of
this has been that midland cotton that sold in 1880 for
ze sents per pound sells now (August, 1896) for 74
“Similar illustrations of what has ha
world’s products might be multiplied te atest gee
extent; but space will admit of but few additional
citations, In 1858 the metal aluminium sold for $90 per
ound. Its resent market value is less than 50 cents
opper kettles which sold in 1860 for $2.50 can now be
pought for 75 cents, and this homely example illustrates
the great decline which has taken place in the price of
884
Monometallism.
opper since 1880—z.é., from 25 cents to ro and 11 cents
is FI 00, which has been mainly due to the rae ey
productiveness of American mines and new methods
of mining and smelting. Pig iron sold for $50 per ton
in 1873. The same grade can now be bought for $11.
Between 1873 and 1892 the increase in the production of
pig iron in the United States was 342 per cent. Recog-
nized authorities state that since 1870 the world’s wool
clip has increased rss per cent. Careful analysis has
shown that the decrease in price in recent years of the
four great raw materials of the world’s industries—
iron, wheat, cotton, and wool—in consequence of over-
supply of each of them in excess of current demand,
has materially affected the market price of products
(in the way of decline), whose average annual value is
not less than 2,000,000,000 of gold dollars, __
“ Again, the price of money, representing capital
has continually declined since 1871 in all gold-standar
countries in almost as great a degree as agricultural]
or manufactured products, and to the great detriment
of a large number of good people who own a small
capital invested in securities, besides carrying on some
business or profession, and on the combined incomes
from which they depend for a living.
“In 1877 an investment of $10,000 could be relied
upon for an annual income of $600. To-day the same
amount of money, invested with equal security, can-
not be made to yield more than $400 per annum. And
for this result, which may be fairly regarded in. the
light of a depreciation of all proper. the conceded in-
crease in the amount of the world’s capital seeking
investment is clearly accountable. In contravention
of this conclusion, it is asserted that ‘money cannot
command as big interest as formerly, as borrowers
are too poor in collateral to bid for it.’ But the fact is
that the rates of interest are lowest in those countries—
like England and France—where good collaterals are
most abundant.
“Land unquestionably in recent years has also de-
clined in value, due in a certain and correct sense to
over-production. The fixed acreage of the United
States has not increased ; but the tillable acreage has
been enormously enlarged. Every railroad that has
been built at the West has brought millions of acres
in competition with the lands of the older States and
of other countries. It is the competitive supply of ce-
reals and animal products of the American farmer
that_has lowered the price of land and nearly starved
the English agriculturist.”
Such is Mr, Wells’s argument, which he ex-
panded seven years before in his Recent Evo-
nomic Changes, In that book he shows, too,
that commodities not cheapened in production
have not fallen in price. He says:
“‘In the first place, all that large class of products or
services, which are exclusively or largely the result of
handicrafts ; which are not capable of rapid multiplica-
tion, or of increased economy in production, and which
cannot be made the subject of international competi-
tion—have exhibited no tendency to decline in price,
but rather the reverse. A given amount of gold does
not now buy more, but less, of domestic service and of
manual and professional labor generally than for-
merly ; does not buy more of amusement; not more
of hand-woven lace, of cigars, and of flax, which are
mainly the products of hand labor; of cut-glass, of
gloves, of pictures, or of precious stones. It buys no
more of horses, and other domestic animals ; of pepper ;
of cocoa, the cheap production of which is limited to a
few countries, and requires an interval of five years
between the inception and maturing of acrop ; of malt
liquors, eggs, currants, and potatoes; nor also of
house rents, which depend largely upon the price of
land, and which in turn is influenced by fashion, popu-
lation, trade, facilities for access, and the like. Retail
prices poe. have not fallen in proportion to the
decline in wholegale prices ; and one explanation that
has been given for such a result is, that retail trade
is more directly and largely dependent on personal
services.
“How little of change in- price has conie to the com-
modities of countries of low or stagnant civilization,
that have remained outside of the current of recent
Progress, is strikingly illustrated in the case of a not
unimportant article of commerce—namely, the root
sar separila, which, with a gradually increasing de-
mand, continues to be produced (collected and pre-
pared) in Central America, by the most primitive
methods, and without any change in the conditions of
supply, save, possibly, some greater facilities for
Monometallism.
transportation from the localities of production to the
ports of exportation.” ;
A second argument for believing that the fall
in prices has not been due to the appreciation
of gold, Mr. Wells finds in the lessening demand
for gold. He argues (p. 207) that the world’s
annual product of gold—consequent mainly
upon the exhaustion of mines in California and
Australia—has largely diminished in recent
years, tho opinions as to the extent of this re-
duction of supply vary somewhat ; but that this
is not to say that the amount of gold in the
world has diminished or is in danger of di-
minishing. He says:
“No ohe doubts that the amount of gold in the civil-
ized countries of the world has largely increased in
recent years. According to Dr. Soetbeer (Soetbeer’s
Matertalien, second edition, 1886, p. 47), the mon-
etary stock of gold and gold reserve in the treas-
uries and principal banks of civilized countries has
shown an increase for every decade since 1850, and at
the end of 1885 was nearly four times what it was in
1850 ; so that, instead of there being a reduced supply
of gold, as compared with 35 years ago, there is a
greatly increased supply. no
“Professor Laughlin estimates this increase to have
been ‘ from $477,000,000 in 1870-80 to $836,000,000 in 1885.”
In 1871-74 there was, according to the same author-
ity, ‘$x in gold for every $3.60 of the
paper circulation of the banks of the
Lessening civilized world; in 1835 there was $1
D da for of gold for every $2.40; the total note
eman circulation increasing during the same
Gold. time to the extent of $464,000,000, or 29
percent.’ In 1870-74 the gold reserves
amounted to 28 per cent. of the total
note circulation, and 64 per cent. of all the specie re-
serves; in 1885 ‘the gold borea larger ratio to a larger
issue of paper, or 41 per cent. of the total note circula-
tion, and 71 per cent. of the specie reserves. This,’
as Professor Laughlin remarks, ‘is a very significant
showing. What it means, beyond a shadow of doubt,
is that the supply of gold is so abundant that the
character and safety of thenote circulation have been
improved ina signal manner... . :
“Now, while the supply of the precious metals for
money purposes has been amply sufficient to meet all
requirements, there is abundant evidence in proof that
the use of metallic money for the purpose of effecting
exchanges has been greatly supplemented in recent
years through numerous and varied agencies. ‘In
America, France,and Germany there are, besides gold
coins, immense sums of silver money, paper money,
and uncovered bank-notes; and these media of circu-
lation are fully equivalent to gold in value, owing to
public or private credit ; and, therefore, in the figures
of prices they have the same influence in commerce as
a corresponding amount of gold money would have.’
“‘ Never before in the history of the world have there
been so many and such successful devices invented
and adopted for economizing the useofmoney. Every
increase in facilities for banking and for the granting
and extension of credits largely contributes to this re-
sult; the countries enjoying the maximum of such
facilities requiring the smallest comparative amount
of coin for their commercial transactions. In the
United States the number of national banks increased
from 2052 in December, 1879, to 3151 in December, 1888,
or in the ratio of over 53 percent.... Shel
“The great reduction in the time and cost of distri-
bution of commodities, and the facility with which pur-
chases can be made and credits transmitted by tele-
graph, have also resulted, not only in an enormous
saving of capital, but alsoin an ability to transact an
increased business with diminished necessity for the
absorption and use of actual money. A most striking
illustration in proof of this, given by Mr. Fowler (4g-
prectation of Gold, London, 1885), is, that while the
total British export and import trade, aggregating
£6,000,000,000 from 1866 to 1875, was, accompanied by an
aggregate export and import of £530,000,000 of bullion
and specie, an aggregate value from 1876 to 1885 of
46,700,000,000 was moved with the aid of only £430,000,-
ooo of bullion and specie. The same authority refers
toan eminent English firm doing business with the
East, as stating that ‘their business could now be con-
ducted with one fifth of the capital formerly employed,’
which would seem to warrant the inference that the
885
Monometallism.
reduction in the necessity for using so much of their
capital as was represented by money had also been
proportionate.
“For the settlement of international balances—a
large function of gold—it is certain that every ounce
of this metal—through the great reduction in the time
of ocean transits—is at the present time capable of per-
forming far more service than at any former period;
the time for the transmission of coin'and bullion hav-
ing been reduced in recent years between Australia
and England from go to 4o days, and from New York to
Liverpool from rz or 15 to 8 or 9 days. Such an in-
crease of rapidity in doing work is certainly equiva-
lent to increase in quantity.
“ The very great change which has taken place inthe
United States in this respect is thus noticed in the re-
ort of the United States Controller of the Currency
or 1888 :
_ ‘Of late years the gold movement across the Atlan-
tic has become much more sluggish, because some-
thing has been found to take its place, and to some ex-
tent, at least, to serve the purpose of regulating ex-
changes and transferring capital. Certain securities
on the New York stock-list have come to be largely
and constantly dealt in at the European monetary cen-
ters, and as, by means of cable communication and
through the close competition of dealers, their values
are generally at a level in all markets, they supply a
cheaper means of settlement than gold, and a more
convenient basis for exchange operations.’ These
securities ‘have become the stock in trade of dealers
in foreign exchange; they are shipped back and forth
according as exchange quotations fluctuate; indeed,
in many cases they are not even shipped; the owner-
ship is transferred by a cablegram, and this transfer
supplies a basis for bills of credit.’”
Mr. Wells then goes on to show how clearing-
house certificates and postal orders and notes
are also taking the place of coin. He says on
this point :
‘‘The number of ‘postal’ orders issued by the Brit-
ish Post Office in 1887 was 35,198,754, representing £14,-
228,734 ($69,151,000) ; while money orders, domestic and
foreign, were issued during the same year to the
amount of £27,320,000 ($132,776,000).
“Domestic money orders were first issued in the
United States in 1864. Inthe fiscal year 1864-65 the to-
tal amount issued represented $1,360,122; but for the
fiscal year ending June 30, 1888, the amount of such
orders issued had grown to $119,649,064. The growth
of the international money-order system has been
even more marked. Such orders were first authorized
in 1869, and the total amount issued from September 1,
1869, to June 30, 1870, was only $22,189. From 1872, how-
ever, the system made rapid strides, and in the fiscal
ear 1887-88 the total amount issued had grown to
11,293,870.
“In estimating the influence of any diminished pro-
duction of gold in recent years, it is important to bear
in mind a point to which attention has been often
heretofore called, and that is, that gold and silver are
not like other commodities, of which the greater part
of the annual production is annually consumed; but
that their use for the purpose of effecting exchanges
does not involve consumption, except by loss and
wear. . The aggregate stock of gold has not di-
minished, but has continually increased, and the an-
nual addition to the world’s stock is greater at present
(1896) than in any former period. Dr. Soetbeer esti-
mates ‘the production of gold since the end of the fif-
teenth century to have been £1,553,415,000 ($7,549,596;-
goo), Anannual supply of £20,000,000 ($97,000,000) above
the present average product would consequently be
about 1% per cent. on that stock.’
“The evidence, therefore, seems to fully warrant
the following conclusions: That the tendency of the
age is to use continually less and less of coin in the
transaction of business; and that ‘so far from there
being any scarcity of gold, there never was a period
in the world’s commercial history when the existing
quantity was so large as at present, in proportion to
the necessity for its use or the purposes it has to
serve”
*\ As civilization has increased, and as new, quicker,
and cheaper methods for the interchange of thought
and commodities have been invented and adopted,
the function of gold as a medium of exchange—the one
that necessitates a large and continually augmenting
supply, and entails the greatest wear and loss—is
rapidly diminishing in importance by the supplemen-
Monometallism.
tation of other and better agencies. On the other
hand, the function of gold as a measure or verifier of
values, by reason of its exemption from value fluctua.
tions to a greater extent than any other product of
labor, is becoming of greater and greater importance
with the continually increasing volume of the world’s
production and distribution, and more especially since
the other precious metal—silver—has become uncer-
tain and fluctuating in value.”
One further quotation we will make from Mr.
Wells. Showing the unfairness of some of the
arguments of the silver advocates, he says :
“The following statements were made in a memori-
al signed by 95 members of the United States House of
Representatives of the Forty-eighth Congress, and pre-
sented to the President of the United States in 1885:
“«Bighteen million bales of cotton were the equiva-
lent in value of the entire interest-bearing national
debt in 1865 ($2,221,000,000) ; but it will take 35,000,000
bales at the price of cotton now (1885) to pay the re-
mainder of such debt ($1.196,000,000). Twenty-five
million tons of bar iron would have paid the whole
debt ($2,674,000,000) in 1865; it will mow take 35,000,000
tons to pay what remains ($1,375,000,000) after all that
has been paid.’
“The inference, therefore, intended to be conveyed
was, that the burden of the national debt of the United
States in 1885, notwithstanding the large payments
onthe same during the previous 20 years, had really
been increased, inasmuch asa greater effort of labor,
or an increased amount of the products of labor, was
now necessary to liquidate it than when the purchas-
-ing power of gold had not been appreciated through
-its scarcity; and, as with public debts, so also with
~private debts, especially such as are in the nature of
uartgaaee on land or on other productive fixed capi-
al,
“Now, in reply to this it is to be said, first, that the
basis assumed for this comparison of prices was, in the
ease of cotton, entirely unfair and unnatural—the
gold price of this commodity in the year 1865, owing to
a scarcity occasioned by war, having been more
than 250 per cent. higher than the average prices in
1860 before the war; while the price of iron for that
‘same year in the American markets was also inflated
on even a gold basis; and, secondly, that no considera-
‘tion is given or allowance made in the above compari-
ssons for the results of labor at the two periods of 1865
and 1885; not more, and probably much less, actual
labor in 1865-86 having produced 6,550,000 bales of cot-
ton in the United States than was re-
quired in 1860 to produce 3,800,000 bales ;
Debts not In-While in the case of bar iron the propor-
ebts tion of days’ labor to a ton of product
creased by has been diminished more than one half
Demoneti- since 1865; and the same is true, also, of
zation that more valuable product of iron—
. viz., steel. Furthermore, no impor-
tant product of the United States can
: be named in which the labor cost of
producuon has not decreased very much more than
as the gold price of the same between 1865 and 1885.
In short, if the debtor has got more to pay at the latter
than at the former period, it is not the fault of any
change in the relations of the precious metals if he has
aye = the same time got correspondingly more to pay
with.”
We have quoted mainly from Mr. Wells ; but
those who hold substantially the same position
are numerous.
“In the year 1886 the British Government created
a ‘commission’ of persons of eminent qualifications to
‘inquire into the recent changes in the relative values
of the precious metal,’ embracing ‘causes and results.
This commission, after devoting nearly two years to
their task, calling to their assistance a large number
of persons as witnesses, or experts, whom they re-
garded as qualified to express opinions, submitted a
final report in October, 1888, embodying the facts to
which their attention had been called : asummary of
the arguments, on the one side and the other, touch-
ing questions in controversy ; and a marked diversity
of conclusions on the part of the several members of
the commission. There was, however, an entire
unanimity of opinion on some points, which the com-
mission express as follows:
“* We are of opinion that the true explanation of the
phenomena which we are directed to investigate is to
886
Monometallism.
be found in a combination of causes, and cannot be
attributed to any one cause alone. The action of the
Latin Union in 1873 broke the link between silver and
gold, which had kept the price ot the former, as meas-
ured by the latter, constant at about the legal ratio;
and when this link was broken, the silver market was
open to the influence of all the factors which go to af-
fect the price of a commodity, These factors happen
since 1873 to have operated in the direction of a fall in
the gold price of that metal.’”
In view of the above and a large amount of
similar evidence which might be quoted (see also
Farmers’ Movement; Provuction), the gold
advocates say it is plain that the one sufficient
cause of the fall of price is improved production
and means of transportation.
As to the silver argument, that, whatever be
the cause, prices have fallen ; that there is suf-
fering, and that an expansion of the currency
would raise prices and so relieve suffering, the
gold advocates affirm that were silver to be
coined, and suppose prices to rise (which they are
not sure would happen), the effect would be, so
far as the farmers are concerned, possibly to
enable them to pay their debts in a depreciated
currency, and so gain a little tem-
porary questionable good, but at
the same time to raise the prices of
all the farmers buy, and stimulate
their production, which would again
bring down the price of their produce, leaving
them no better off than before, and perhaps
worse. As for wage-workers, it would raise
their prices and not raise their income, For
all classes, it would produce an appalling panic.
Professor Laughlin writes in the American Re-
view of Reviews for September, 1896 :
Panic,
“The reasons why a panic must follow a change of
standard are clear. Business men are selling goods on
time, and discount their bills at banks. To pay wages
in his factory to-day he gets the present worth from
the banks of the debts due him for goods sold. These
sales and discounts are made at prices determined by
the existing gold standard. Suggest a lowering of 47
per cent. in the standard, and imagine if you can the
ensuing confusion. How can any kind of a business
contract be made if it is not known within 47 per
cent, what the value of the payment will be? No bank
will loan the deposits left in their hands or renew old
loans if there is fear that the repayment may vary by
47 percent. Andeven before the change of standard
could be enacted men would all wish to sell their se-
curities and property for gold before the change to
silver came about. If, then, every one is selling, and
if the banks refuse to loan because of the uncertainty,
picture but faintly the consequent distress and fail-
ures. One house, unable to get loans to meet its
maturing notes, fails; that brings down another house;
then all come crashing down in ruin, The horror
passes all description—the hopes of a lifetime gone,
homes sold, and beggary for wife and children. This
would be the first effect of free coinage of silver; and
already the faint possibility of it has forced down the
prices of securities, in many cases to a point as low as
in the panic of 1893.
“The results of a panic will be reduced production,
lessened demand, rigorous economy, diminished
transactions, idle capital, idle labor, general prostra-
tion, and the heaping up in banks of unemployed
money. Less money will be needed for the lessened
business. The demand for silver will be less than the
present demand for gold, asa first result of free coin-
age,
_ To propose. the monetization of silver to re-
lieve the depression of the present is to propose
to pour out gunpowder in order to check a slow
fire. The real evil to-day is a lack of confidence
in business, which would be relieved the mo-
ment a sound gold standard were accepted, and
investors, capitalists, and producers were con-
Monometallism.
vinced that they could get the worth of their
money.
_ The possibility of the working of the bimetal-
-lic theory, that the monetization of silver can
keep it on a par with gold, the gold advocates
question under any circumstances, and utterly
deny under the form of its monetization by the
United States alone at a ratio of 16 to 1, when
the market price is nearer 32 to 1. When
France tried it, the relative value of the metals
was very near its legalized monetary value, and
most of the world was using silver. Even then
itis by no means clear that the attempt was a
success. (See Giffen’s The Case against Bt-
metallism.) For the United States to try and
keep silver at par with gold at a valuation twice
its worth as bullion, and with no other leading
country in the world using it as legal tender,
would be madness. Says Professor Laughlin
(as above) :
“The only possible means by which silver can be
raised to par must then be the demand created solel
by the United States. And this demand must be suf-
ficient to raise the value of all silver in the world to
ar, not only in the United States, but in India, China,
ussia, or France. And ft one of the first results of
free coinage of silver will be to withdraw the support
from under the $625,000,000 of silver in the United
States now kept at par with gold. With our present
gold system, from 1878-93 our government purchased
silver outright and withdrew It from the market, but
kept it at par with gold. Our present
legislation requires the Executive to
Fall of maintain this silver at parity with gold,
Silver and so far this has been done. It has
* been a great help to the silver market
that $625,000,000 have been bought and
kept at a value far beyond its bullion
value. Now give us free coinage of silver, drive out
gold, and it will be impossible to maintain the silver
at par. Why? Because silver cannot be exchanged
for gold money in any daily dealings; only silver will
be pala in for duties ; the treasury will pay in silver;
and all government money and obligations will be
valued by the kind of money in which they are pay-
able. Our money, based only on silver, will have only
the value of silver. This $625,000,000 of silver will fail
to its market value, just as the Mexican dollars, now
used in commerce all over the world, altho containing
more pure silver than our own dollars, pass for about
50 centsin gold Free coinage of silver, therefore, will
deprive $625,000,000 of silver of its supporting gold
rop, and it must henceforth stand on its own legs.
he effect of this will be to depress rather than raise
the value of silver.
“ Under the acts of 1878 and 1890 it should be recalled
that the United States was a direct purchaser of silver.
it took taxes from us and bought silver with them.
With free coinage of silver the government would not
buy adollar of silver. Free coinage of silver means
the right of any owner of bullion to have it coined
into dollars. hen the mint merely stamps this bul-
lion into coins it 1s not a purchaser. It receives the
bullion, and returns it to the owner in form of coins.
A great many people have been wrongly led to believe
that the government would create a demand for silver
by buying it at the mints at a fixed price.”’
Thus, even the United States would not cre-
ate a government demand, and would only lead
to a possible and precarious popular demand for
silver, while all other civilized countries would
have no more demand for it than now. The
slight effect if any on the price of silver of the
coining of $400,000,000 under the Bland-Allison
Act, and of the purchase of 4,500,000 oz. of sil-
ver per month under the Sherman Act of 1890,
is well known. Itscarcely prevented the steady
fall of silver even for: while. The steady fall
in the price of silver could at best only be pre-
vented by international agreement, and even
then by no means surely. The far better
837
Monometallism.
way is to use gold as the sole standard of value,
a standard commanding universal confidence,
and on that firm basis to use as much private
paper as business needs and wise banking con-
siders safe. (See BANKs AND BANKING.)
England in 1817, Germany in 1873, Holland
in 1875, France, Belgium, Switzerland, Greece
(the Latin Union) in 1878, Austria in 1879, Italy
in 1882, India in 1893, Russia (virtually) in
1896, have come to the gold standard. The
only nations using silver as a standard are
Japan, China, Mexico, and South America. The
United States virtually declared for gold in
1853; her experiments with silver since 1878
have done her no good and have created only
continual depression, even as the greenbacks of
war produced the crisis of 1873.
The present depression, as far as the wage-
workers and farmers are concerned, is exag-
gerated. It is true that we have the poor and
the unemployed to-day, but not nearly so many
in proportion to the population as formerly,
while what we have are not nearly so poor as
in the very periods some bimetallists are fond
of talking about. (For the facts, see WEALTH ;
Waces.) Prices have fallen; but this means
prosperity for those of small means not suffer-
ing, while, were there confidence to-day, busi-
ness would leap into life exactly because prices
are such as to command large demand, This
is, above all, a question of the producing classes.
Said Secretary Carlisle, in his address before
the working men of Chicago, April 15, 1896:
“ Whether the general business of the people shall
be transacted with good money or bad money.
whether the wages of labor shall be paid ina sound and
stable currency, with full purchasing power in the
markets where they are exchanged for the necessaries
of life, or in a depreciated and fluctuating currency,
having no fixed value and therefore bearing no per-
manent relation to the current prices of commodities,
are questions which affect the comfort and happiness
of every home and the peace and prosperity of every
community. While all are deeply interested in the
settlement of these questions, it is unfortunately the
case that all will not be equally affected by an erro-
neous decision upon them, The wealthy man, the
man who has accumulated property or hoarded mon-
ey, is always exempt from many of the most serious
consequences of a financial or industrial disturbance.
He has both means and credit, and while he may be
subjected to much loss and inconvenience, neither he
nor his family will be pinched by hunger or com-
pelled to go without raiment or shelter,
“Tt is the poor man and the man of moderate means
—the man who has not been fortunate enough to ac-
cumulate property or money, but who depends upon
his wages or upon the products of his own labor for
the means of supporting himself and his family—that
always feels the first and most disastrous effects of a
business or industrial depression, no matter whether
it results from a depreciated and fluctuating currency
or from other causes. Such a man has nothing to dis-
pose of bu* his labor, and nothing with which to sup-
port himself or his family but his wages or the pro-
ceeds of his own labor, and any policy that even
temporarily suspends or obstructs the industrial prog-
ress of the country by diminishing the demand for
the products of labor, or by impairing the capacity or
disposition of capital to employ labor, must be injuri-
ous to his interests and inflict more or less suffering
upon all who are dependent upon him. ..,
“After struggling for more than a quarter of a cen~-
tury, through labor organizations and otherwise, to
secure a rate of wages which would make the pro-
ceeds of a day’s work equal to the cost of a day’s sub-
sistence for the working man and his family, you are
asked by the advocates of free coinage to join them in
destroying one half of the purchasing power of the
money in which you are paid, and impose upon your-
selves the task of doubling the nominal amount of your
wages hereafter ; that is, to struggle for another quar-
Monometallism.
ter of a century, or i gies longer, to raise your
wages in a depreciated currency to a point which will
enable yon to purchase with them as
much of the necessaries of life as you
Effect on an purchase now, and if, after years of
Wages. contention, privation. and industrial dis-
88. order, you should at last succeed in so
adjusting wages that they would pro-
cure at the higher prices of commodities
just what they will procure now at the existing prices,
what would you have gained by the change from the
old to the new conditions?... :
“But the pamenlae proposition now under consid-
eration is of such great importance in the discussion of
this subject that you must permit me to call your es-
pecial attention to the experience of the laboring peo-
le in our own country during the years immediately
tstiowine the introduction of a depreciated paper cur-
* rency in 1862, and also to the very low rates of wages
which now prevail in countries having the silver
standard of value, or the so-called double standard of
value with coinage of silver at a legal ratio not corre-
sponding with the commercial value of the metal. ...
‘Less than three years ago you saw our financial
commercial, and industrial affairs violently disturbe:
by the fear that the Government would not be able to
maintain gold payments and that our currency would
descend toasilver basis. You saw the operations of
industry interrupted, banks failing, great commercial
houses unable to meet their obligations, credit seri-
ously impaired, mills and factories closed and thou-
sands of laborers thrown out of employment, and a
state of panic and business disorder prevailing in
every pee of the country. If a mere doubt as to the
kind of money we intended to use produced these dis-
tressing results, what think you would be the probable
consequences of a deliberate determination upon the
part of our people to adopt silver monometallism as
a permanent system? The imagination can scarcely
conceive the deplorable state of society that would
immediately follow the announcement of such a pol-
icy.”
References: The Case aparnes Bimetallism, by Robert
Giffin (1892); The Stlver Situation in the United States,
yy F, W. Taussig ; History of Bimetallism_in the
Onited States, by J. i Laughlin (1892) ; Recent Econom-
tc Changes, by D. A. Wells (1889); Sound Currency, a
semi-monthly published by the Sound Currency Com-
mittee of the Reform Club (New York, 1894) ; publica-
chan of the Gold Standard Defense Association (Lon-
on),
Revised by Davip A. WELLS.
MONOPOLIES.—A monopoly in industry
may be defined as the control of some natural
agent, of some line of business, or of some ad-
vantage over existing or possible competitors,
by which greater profits can be secured than
other competitors can make. Weshall treat the
subject in this article from three standpoints :
first, from the standpoint of those who believe
in the control of monopolies, by the State ; sec-
ondly, from the standpoint of those who believe
in the ownership and conduct of monopolies by
the State ; thirdly, from the standpoint of those
who defend monopolies, or who believe that they.
are but the result of the present legal constitution
of society, and would, therefore, remove any
evils that may result from them, not by attack-
ing monopolies by themselves, but by attacking
the causes which produced at‘least their evil
feature. (For the facts and statistics of present
monopolies, see TRUSTS.) ;
For the first point we present an article pre-
pared for this encyclopedia by Mr. C. W. Baker,
author of MJonopolzes and the People:
I. Pusric ContTro..
“There is perhaps no point in which t!
science of economics differs more Sr eon Ge
science as taught by the early writers on political
economy than in its treatment of the subject of mo-
sepoles, This does not mean that the teachers of the
older school were in error, or that the newer school
has departed from correct principles or practice. It
simply means that since the days of Adam Smith a
888
Monopolies.
whole vast revolution has been wrought in the world
of industry, commerce, and finance. The new politi-
cal economy recognizes these changed conditions and
seeks to lay down the principles and rules which gov-
ern them. Until the modern era the only monopolies
were those which were established by royal’ grants, .
relating to the manufacture or sale of some particular
commodity. In early English history the sale of mo-
nopolies furnished a principal means for replenishing
the royal exchequer. Naturally such monopolies,
operating to lay a grievous and well-realized tax upon
the péople, were bitterly opposed; and not a small
part of the popular enmity to monopolies which still
remains, voiced in such common expressions as ‘com-
petition is the life of trade,’ dates back to that era,
before the modern system of manufactures and trans-
portation had had its beginning.
“The monopolies of the present day may be divided
into two classes, designated respectively as natural
monopolies and artificial monopolies. xamples of
natural monopolies are transportation lines, including
not only steam and street railways, but the pipes and
wires in city streets along which water,
gas, steam, or electric current are dis-
tributed. In short, natural monopolies Nature of
may be defined as those industries in Monopolies
which the number of competitors which P
can engage in the business om equal
terms is limited to a very few. rti-
ficial monopolies are those in which the number of
possible competitors is large ; but the advantages and
economics arising from production on a large scale
and doing away with competition are so great as to
induce concentration of the industry into one organi-
zation under a centralized management.
“Both these classes of monopolies are outgrowths of
modern conditions; railways and other modern sys-
tems of transportation, as well as the mechanism for
distributing heat, light, power, water, etc., from cen-
tral stations, were all unknown a century ago, So
also the modern factory system and a thousand other
modern conditions which make possible such monopo-
lies as the cordage trust or the sugar trust did not ex-
ist a century ago. In fact, most of these conditions
have arisen during the past twoscore years. It is not
strange at all, therefore, that the theories and laws
laid down by the old school of political economists
need to be supplemented and amended ; and this is the
work which the new school of political economy has
- done and is doing.
“The most important laws of modern competition
have been stated as follows :* ’
_“\1. In any given industry the intensity of competi-
tion tends to vary inversely as the number of com-
peting units.
_“‘o, In any given industry the waste due to competi-
tion tends to vary directly as the intensity.
“3. In any given industry the ten-
dency toward the death of competition Laws of
(monopoly) varies directly with the
waste due-to competition. Monopoly.
“4. In any given industry the ten-
dency toward the death of competition
(monopoly) varies inversely with the number of com-
peting units. .
‘5. The intensity of competition tends to vary
directly in proportion to the amount of capital re-
quired for the operation of each competing unit, es-
ony when the interest on the capital invested
‘orms a large proportion of the cost of production.
“6, In any given industry the tendency toward the
death of competition (monopoly) varies directly with
ane SmnOunt of capital required for each competing
unit.
“>. In any given industry in which natural agents
are necessary, the tendency toward the inequality of
competition (monopoly) tends to vary withthe scarcity
of available like natural agents. :
““ Study of these laws and study of the facts on which
they are based leads to the inevitable conclusion that
monopolies of every sort are the result of the condi-
tions of modern civilization.
“To put this truth in another form: The tendency of
modern industry is to production on the largest scale ;
to the concentration of a thousand looms in a single
factory, of a hundred factories under a single man-
agement, and of the introduction of such economical
systems of production, distribution, and sale that it is
hopeless for a single small producer to undertake a
competition with it. So also with reference to the
eae and the People, pp. 150-54, Putnams
Monopolies.
class natural monopolies ; there are vast advantages
in distributing light, heat, and power to the inhabit-
ants of cities from central stations, and in concen-
trating the flow of commerce on great railway lines.
“The social system which the old school of economists
studied was a great aggregation of units to a great
degree independent of each other. The social system
of the present day is a vast organism in which each
individual, each community, each State, each nation
has its prosperities and destiny indissolubly inter-
woven with the prosperities and destiny of every
otherone. Itis truenow ina larger and broader sense
than ever before that no man liveth to himself.
“Monopolies, then, are a necessary condition of our
modern civilization. Wecan no more go back to the
economic simplicity of our grandfathers than we can
dispense with the railway, the telegraph, the ocean
steamer, the power loom, and the reaper in our indus-
trial life. But while the existence of monopolies, or,
in other words, the absence of competition is inevi-
table, it by no means follows that this existence need
involve injury to the welfare of the people. In fact,
it isas much out of the question that the public should
permanently submit to paying such prices for the
necessaries of life as the owners of monopolies choose
to ask, as itis that it should dispense with the great in-
ventions which have conferred such enormous benefits
upon the world, and have in so doing altered the eco-
nomic conditions of society.
“Let us see first how the problem is being solved in
the case of natural monopolies. Here a whole revolu-
tion has been wrought in public opinion, in jurispru-
dence, and in actual practice during the past score of
years, and the change has been largely effected during
the past decade. Competing railways,
competing gas works in cities, compet-
Present ing telegraph companies have swal-
Solution. lowed up a vast amount of wealth, much
* of which is now a total waste. The
world is wiser now. Railway rates
have been declared subject to regula-
tion by State legislatures and by State and interstate
railway commissions. The community or individual
discriminated against by the railways has a tribunal
which will hear his grievance and protect his inter-
ests. In Maine and in Massachusetts new railways
cannot be built merely to steal traffic from an estab-
lished road. Those who propose the construction of a
new railway must prove before the State railway
commission that the public exigency requires the
construction of the new line. It must not parallel an
existing road able to handle the traffic, for it is right-
ly reasoned that it is better for the public that the
existing road should do the whole work and devote
the surplus revenue to improved service, or else that
“it should lower its rates to such a point as will pay it
only a reasonable profit on its capital invested.
‘““Again, it is very seldom now that we hear of city
streets being torn upto lay gas mains of competing
companies; and where subways are being laid by
cities for the accommodation of electric wires, it is the
practice either for the municipality itself to carry on
the work or to grant an exclusive franchise to a com-
pany to perform the work, requiring it to grant equal
privileges to all at a fixed rate of rental.
“Franchises for the use of city streets for street rail-
ways, electric lighting companies, etc., are now very
generally limited to a short term of years, a percen-
tage of the gross receipts is paid by the company to
the city, and the rates to be charged are fixed in the
contract. The ownership of water-supply systems by
the municipalities which they serve 1s rapidly increas-
ing. The few instances of the ownership of sewerage
Systems by private companies are rapidly decreasing,
Municipal ownership of gas-lighting plants shows no
increase ; but the newer lighting agent—electricity—
has grown rapidly in favor with the public, and mu-
nicipal electric-lighting plants furnishing lights for
streets and city buildings number nearly or quite 100
in the United States. That furnishing of electric light
2p private users is likely to follow there can be little
oubt.
‘“With regard to all these movements, it is to be dis-
tinctly noted that it is not so much municipal owner-
ship and operation that is being sought for as munici-
pal control. The old plan of giving
away city streets in perpetuity to the
first company which volunteered to lay
in them the arteries of modern munici-
pal life finds few or no defenders nowa-
days. On the other hand, most city gov-
ernments are ill adapted to carry on
complicated business affairs, For example, a city
has great advantages in operating directly an electric-
Public Con-
trol,
889
Monopolies.
lighting plant, in that it can borrow capital at a lower
rate of interest than a private company, can always
prevent competition from being established, and can
secure for itself the profits arising from the use of its
streets. On the other hand, these advantages may all
be neutralized by the choice of incompetent or dis-
honest managers.
“There are many people who immediately go on to
generalize from this fact, and to lay down the broad
statement that, in view of prevailing corruption in city
politics, the chances of either incompetent or dishonest
men being placed in charge of municipal business is
so great that municipalities should not undertake
such work as public lighting, street railway service,
or even public water supply. It is doubtful, however,
whether so broad a statement is warranted. The fact
is almost universally overlooked that waste, incom-
etence, favoritism and dishonesty of various degrees
1s exceedingly common in the carrying on of the busi-
ness of private corporations. The common argument
is that the men who administer the affairs of cities are
put in their places by the accidents of politics, and that
even if they and their appointees are honest, they are
likely to lack either the experience or the ability nec-
essary to economically administer complicated enter-
prises. But to some extent the same thing is true
of modern corporate activity. It is an open secret that
favor and not merit is the reason for the bestowal of
lucrative official position in many great corporations.
The real owners of great corporations are in many
cases a host of scattered individuals, while those who
actually control and manage them do so to further the
interests of themselves and their friends. Put briefly,
public office is not held as often asit should be asa
public trust, but corporate offices are also too often
considered a private snap.
‘“To sum up, then, the most generally approved meth-
ods of dealing with natural monopolies at the present
day are for municipalities to either own and operate
them, or to own the fixed plant and lease them for op-
eration for short terms of years to the most favorable
bidder, under such restrictions and no others as are
necessary to secure efficient and reliable service. In
case a city is unsupplied with electric light or with
street railway service, it can best secure the construc-
tion of a plant by granting a franchise for its construc-
tion on specified plans, and its operation for a limited
term of years to a private company, the plant to be-
come the city’s property at the expiration of such term
on payment of its actual value, exclusive of the fran-
chise or good will. In the construction of water works,
experience generally favors the city’s undertaking the
work directly, provided its finances permit.
“In general railway service, control of rates and
service by special public commissions is now firmly es-
tablished as the method of dealing with railway cor-
porations. The progress of railway consolidation
during the past few years has entirely established the
futility of relying on competition in this industry to
secure proper facilities and protection against exorbi-
tant rates and unjust discriminations.
“Turning now to artificial monopolies, it must be
said that no such progress can be recorded in dealing
with the problem which they present as has been made
in dealing with natural monopolies. These monopo-
lies are still too new a feature of our in-
dustrial life to be understood and ap-
preciated in their full significance by
even the educated and intelligent. Leg-
islators are still trying to legislate them
out of existence ; and the courts, or
many of them, are still laying down the
old common-law principle that contracts to restrain
competition are against public policy, and hence void
and unenforceable, in the hope of preventing the
growth of this class of monopolies. uch legislation
and such decision has its use at the present day, un-
deniably, in checking and retarding the growth of such
monopolies, until better methods of dealing with them
can be developed. But that concentration of produc-
tion and concentration of distribution is destined to
go on, no one who studies in the broad aspect present
and prospective conditions in industry and commerce
can doubt. That monopoly, or at least a strong ten-
dency toward the limitation and control of competi-
tion, is an inevitable result of this concentration, fol-
lows from the laws of competition already enunciated.
“The reform whichis taking place and is to take
place with reference to monopolies, then, is by no
means their abolition. The reform needed is to up-
root from the public mind’ the persistent idea that
monopolies are essentially evil, and to plant in its
stead the truth that they are the inevitable accom-
paniment of the new civilization on which the world
Artificial
Monopolies.
Monopolies.
is entering. The social system has grown out of chaos
with competition, or, as the student of natural science
expresses it, the survival of the fittest, as its main-
spring. Inalarge and true sense competition is des-
tined to remain an operative factor of vast importance
in the activities of the race. But in many industries—
how many none can now prophesy—it seems destined
inevitably to disappear, and with that disappearance
in any industry the public welfare demands that some-
thing be devised to take its place. When this truth
once comes to be realized by people at large, the pop-
ular fear of and prejudice against monopolies will dis-
appear. The remedy for monopoly is not abolition,
but control, is the truth which needs to be taught, and
when it istaught and comprehended the way will be
opened for new advancements in the world’s industries
and activities, which have never been possible under
the cruder civilization of our fathers.”
II, Puzsric OwneErsuHIP,
Many dissent from the views expressed in the
above article, believing that the public control
of monopolies is impossible, and even if possi-
ble, not the best way to secure the desired re-
sults. Public control, they believe, may serve
for a while, as a transition state, but as soon as
practical at least they believe further control
should give way to public ownership, The ex-
perience of the Interstate Commerce Commis-
sion (g.v,), they affirm, shows that the United
States cannot controi the railroads unless it also
owns them, Many railroad men concur in this
opinion. (See Rartroaps,) This indicates a
principle, the believers in public ownership as-
sert, which, tho developed first in railroads on
account of the magnitude and concentration of
the interests involved, must sooner or later
appear in all monopoly, Public control, they
argue, has most of the difficulties without many
of the advantages of public ownership. We
shall develop this view by quotations from a
tract on The Public Ownership of Monopolies,
by Professor Frank Parsons. It may be done
briefly, however, because the subject will be
found developed in some detail as applied to the
various concrete subjects of Rar_roaps, Gas,
Exvecrric Licutinc, SrreeT Raitways, TELE-
GRAPH, TELEPHONE, etc. (See NaruraL Monop-
oLigs.) Professor Parsons says :
““The war upon monopoly is in defense of the very
principle for which our fathers fought and bled and
conquered in the Revolution, for a monopoly in private
control means taxation without representation, and
that is a power which no legislature has a right to
grant to any man or set of men—a power which no one
should be permitted to exercise in a free country, for
‘taxation without representation is tyranny.’
“It makes no difference whether the eople are.
compelled to pay the tax by the power of there neces-
sities or by the power of the sheriff. When the coal
combine raised the price of coal last year
on an average 20 cents a ton, it levied on
the United States a monopoly tax of
$9,000,000 on the annual output of 45)-
000,000 tons, because the combine was
already receiving heavy prices for its
4 coal, and the cost of mining it is not in-
creasing, but diminishing every year. Vice-President
Holden, one of the leaders of the combine, testified be-
fore the New York Senate Investigating Committee
that in ‘advancing the price of coal the cost of produc.
tion or transportation is not considered at a 1;’ the
price ‘has nothing to do’ with the cost. It will not do
to say that people need not buy coal if they think the
Price is too high—they have got to buy coal, it is only
because of the necessity of the case that the combine
is able to collect its exorbitant rates. Look at the
Western Union paying 100 per cent, dividends in the
darkest days of the war, and averaging, from its or-
ganization to the present time, 300 per cent. per annum
on its original stock. No wonder the owners of these
monopolies became polymillionaires. No wonder Jay
Taxation
without Rep-
resentation,
890
Monopolies.
Gould remarked that he had rather be president of the
Western Union than of the United States. If these
“magic methods of accumulating riches were equally
diffused it would not be so bad, but the farmers can-
not put their hands into Uncle Sam’s pockets and take
out whatever they choose, as the monopolist can. The
farmer and the mechanic sell at competitive prices
and buy at monopoly prices. The telegraph men and
the coal men sell at monopoly prices and buy at com-
petitive prices, No wonder the former grow poor and
the latter unconscionably rich, Not only is monopoly
in private control unjust, as enabling its owner to
compel the people to pay more than a labor equivalent
for the service he renders, not only is it the most
powerful influence for corruption and for hastening
the concentration of wealth in the hands of a few sel-
fish schemers, not only is the growth of private monop.
oly the greatest danger of the Republic, but, upon the
plane of actually existing laws, so far as any monopoly
rests upon a grant from the government, it is absolute-
ly unconstitutional, and so far as it rests upon agree-
ments among men, or the natural limitation of prop-
erty, it calls for State interference according to undis-
puted principles of the common law. As we have
seen, and as the American public knows to its cost, a
monopoly in private hands gives its owner the power
to collect from consumers more than the value of what
they receive—he could charge the fair value of the
service he renders without a monopoly ; the advantage
of monopoly—the reason men struggle so hard to ob-
tain it, is the power it gives to charge more than that
value; in other words, a private monopoly confers the
inestimable privilege of demanding something for
nothing, and zuvolves the power of taxing the people
for private purposes, a power which the legislature
cannot lawfully confer upon any man or set of men,
because it does not itself possess any such power. It
can tax, or authorize taxation, for public purposes onl
(United States Supreme Court, 20 Wall 664; 106 U.S.
487 3 58 Me. sg0; 2 Dill. 353; Cooley on Taxation, p. 116.
and cases cited), and taxation for the benefit of an
enterprise in przvate control is not for a public but
for a private purpose, and is beyond the sphere of
ea power (Judge Dillon in 27 Ia. 51, and 58
e. jo).
ce te makes no difference whether the Constitution
limits the power of the legislature to public purposes
or not, the grant of a monopoly is, according to the
clearest principles of jurisprudence, entirely beyond
the utmost power of any legislative body in a free
country.
‘‘ The provisions of the Constitution are not the only
limitations on legislative power. There are others
that inhere in the very substance of republican insti-
tutions—‘implied reservations of individual rights,
which grow out of the essential nature of all free
tes (the U. S. Supreme Court in 20 Wall.
See also Judge Dillon in 27 Ia. 51; 25 Ia. 540; and 39 Pa.
St. 73). These cases and many others declare that
legislative power is limited by the great principles of
justice for the enforcement of which government is in-
stituted, that acts in violation of these principles will
be held void by the courts, altho no provision of the
Constitution can be found to condemn them, and that
the taking of A’s property to give it to B, or the iden-
tical act of giving to B a power whereby he may help
himself to A’s property is beyond the limits of legis-
latiye authority. And what the legislature cannot
lawfully do directly, it cannot lawfully accomplish in-
directly under the guise of a franchise. ‘The settled
principles of the law logically carried out would ren-
der utterly void every franchise in existence. Even
the sovereign power of Queen Elizabeth was held in-
competent to create monopolies (Case of the Monopo-
lies, 11 Coke, 844), because they were detrimental to
the interests of the people. And if the ‘divinely com-
missioned ruler’ of the people may not inflict this in-
jury upon their interests, by what authority can it be
done by the servants of the people, elected to conserve
their interests, not to defeat them? An agent must be
loyal to his principal’s interests, and the moment he
ceases to be so his authority vanishes—that is bed
rock in the law of the civilized world.
“All this is clear, and yet our judges would probably
hesitate to declare a legislative franchise void to-day
even if the argument against its validity were fully
and strongly urged. And they would
hesitate because of the long line of such fs
enactments in the past and the disturb- Unconstitu-
ance that would be caused by an ad- tionality.
verse decision at thislate day. And yet
it is perfectly manifest that the funda-
mental principles of a Republican government are
broken every time a franchise is granted, and every
Monopolies.
moment a monopoly is maintained by aid of the law
instead of being swept into the list of crimes, as it
should be. The people are bitter in their denunciation
of trusts, and Congress has passed severe laws against
them for the sole reason that they are monopolies.
Whereby we have the serio-comical spectacle of a
government creating monopolies with one hand and
endeavoring to choke them with the other—declaring
absolutely void all monopolies formed by agreement
among men, because monopoly is in its nature contrary
to public policy, and sustaining exactly similar, in
some cases identical monopolies established by the
agents of the people without an atom of authority to
do it, but through a flagrant breach of their trust and
in violation of the fundamental principles of free insti-
tutions, which even the direct vote of a majority of
i ee would have no right to overcome or alter.
“he remedy does not lie in killing the trusts and
franchises—we could not if we would, for monopolies
are formed in obedience to a law superior to any that
Congress can make—the law of industrial gravitation.
Internally monopoly means cooperation instead of
conflict, wise management instead of planless labor,
economy instead of waste—it is not monopoly we ob-
ject to, but monopoly in grzvate control. The true
remedy is public ownersht~ of monopolies. That will
tetain the economies of concentration ‘and remove the
evils of overgrown private power—keep all that is
good, kill eae’ what is evil. We are bound to have
monopolies; the only question is whether they shall
own the public or the public own them.”
Of the practical working and perfect feasibility
of the public ownership and operation of monopo-
_ lies Professor Parsons gives numerous instances.
Railroads, telegraphs, telephones are publicly
owned and managed in most of the civilized
countries of the world, and usually with com-
plete satisfaction. There is scacrely an instance
where an industry which has once reached the
stage of public ownership and management has
reverted to private hands. The
tendency is all the other way,
Prac- (For instances, see RAILROADS ;
ticability. TeLecrapus, etc.) Public owner-
ship is almost invariably cheaper,
as far as accommodations go; it
serves the public convenience and not the in-
terests of stockholders. In a few instances, as
in carrying mail or.express parcels between
great cities, private companies do it cheaper
than State monopolies for two reasons: 1. Pri-
vate companies pay lower wages to their em-
ployees and work them usually longer hours,
hence they can afford to do work cheaper. 2.
Private companies only carry mails, etc., where
zt pays ; the State carries mail, etc., to little
villages and country districts where it does not
pay. Both these considerations are arguments
for public ownership. As for the statement that
public operation, in the United States especially,
is impracticable because of the corruption of gov-
ernment, socialists argue that it is the private
ownership of monopolies which is the main
source of public corruption. (See MunIcIPAL-
IsM.) A tract published by the American Fa-
bian Society (What Socéalism Js) says on this
point in brief :
“We have been schooled in America to despise gov-
ernment activities. The natural result is that our
cities are ruled by the worthless and base. These
sell franchises and legislation to the corporations.
Under the present system, too, a corporation can
scarcely help being corrupt, because it must get char-
ters, franchises, or legislation. If it does not buy these
some other corporation will. The present system
handicaps honesty, Pure government, as business to-
day is constituted, is almost impossible. We must
adopt the European method of having the city do great
things, if we would have European results. Socialism
is the practical way of getting good city government.
891
Monopolies.
It is sometimes said that public ownership of
natural monopolies (g. v.) is practicable, but
not of other monopolies. To this believers in
the public ownership of all monopolies answer :
It is true that natural monopolizers lend them-
selves most readily to public ownership exactly
because they lend themselves most readily to
monopoly ; but any line of business can in time
develop, and many of them are developing mo-
nopolies. When any line of business reaches
the stage of monopoly, then it should be first
controlled and finally taken over by the public.
Mr. Sidney Webb, in the Fabian Essays,
gives hundreds of instances of all kinds of in-
dustry successfully conducted by government.
He says (speaking of Great Britain) :
“Besides our international relations and the army,
navy, police and the courts of justice, the community
now carries on for itself, in some part or another of
these islands, the post-office, telegraphs, carriage of
small commodities, coinage, surveys, the regulation of
the currency and note issue, the provision of weights
and measures, the making, sweeping, lighting, and re-
pairing of streets, roads, and bridges, life insurance,
the grant of annuities, shipbuilding, stockbroking,
banking, farming, and money-lending. It provides
for many thousands of ‘us from birth to burial—mid-
wifery, nursery, education, board and lodging, vacci-
nation, medical attendance, medicine, public worship,
amusements, and interment. It furnishes and main-
tains its own museums, parks, art galleries, libraries,
concert-halls, roads, streets, bridges, markets, slaugh-
ter-houses, fire-engines, lighthouses, pilots, ferries,
surf-boats, steam-tugs, life-boats, cemeteries, public
baths, wash-houses, pounds, harbors, piers, wharves,
hospitals, dispensaries, gas-works, water-works, tram-
ways, telegraph cables, allotments, cow meadows,
artisans’ dwellings, schools, churches, and reading
rooms. It carries on and publishes its own researches
in geology, meteorology, statistics,zodlogy, geography,
and eventheology. In our colonies the English Gov-
ernment further allows and encourages the communi-
ties to provide for themselves railways, canals, pawn-
broking, theaters, forestry, cinchona farms, irrigation
leper villages, casinos, bathing establishments, an
immigration, and to deal in ballast, guano, quinine,
opium, salt, and what not. Every one of these func-
tions, with those of the army, navy, police, and courts
of justice, were at one time left to private enterprise,
and were a source of legitimate individual investment
of capital. Step by SteP the community has absorbed
them, wholly or partially, and the area of private ex-
ploitation has been lessened.”
III. Contrary Views.
Some to-day defend private monopolies, and
others argue that they are not to be either at-
tacked themselves or assumed by the public,
but to be broken up so far as they are evil by
attacking their causes. As an example of the
first of these views, we give a suppositious state-
ment of the defense of monopolies printed b
Mr. Baker in his Monopolzes and the People
(pp. 9-22). Mr. Baker says:
“It is safe to assume that the reader is somewhat
familiar with the general charges which have been
brought against the trusts; but even if this side of the
story has not been heard, it is not unfair to look at
them first from the standpoint of the men who make
and manage them, In order to do this, suppose we
select some particular trust which will serve as a type,
and imagine that some frank, candid manufacturer,
who is a member of this trust, comes before us to give
an account of its formation and operations. This man
comes, we suppose, not as an unwilling informant, or
asoneon trial. He is frank, honest, and plain-spoken.
He talks as man to man, and gives us, not the specious
argument of an eloquent pleader in defense of trusts,
but just that view of his trust and its work that his
own conscience impels him to take. Certainly, then,
he deserves an impartial hearing.
‘““*A number of years ago the principal manufactur-
Monopolies.
ers of linseed-oil in the United States formed an asso-
ciation. It was started largely for social ends, and was
very successful. Business men are generally most in-
terested in their own plans and operations; and those
who are familiar with the same topics and have simi-
lar interests and purposes are apt to make agreeable
companions foreach other. Wediscussed many points
connected with the management of our business at the
meetings, and by interchanging with each other our
views and experiences with different devices, methods
of management, etc., we were able to get much valu-
able information, as well as social pleasure, from meet-
ing one another.
‘*** Now within the past few years things have been
going from bad to worse with the manufacturers of
inseed-oil. The long and short of it all was that the
margin between the cost of the raw seed and running
our mills, and what we could get for the oil cake and
the linseed-oil in the market, has grown exceedingly
narrow, It’s hard to tell just what has caused it. They
say over-production; but what has caused the over-
production? One thing that may have had something
to do with it is the new mills they have been putting
up inthe Northwest. Many of the Eastern mills used
to get large quantities of seed from Iowa; but they
are building cities out there now, as well as raising
flaxseed, and when they were booming some of those
cities they would raise heavy bonuses in aid of new
enterprises. Among these were some great linseed-
oil mills, which have loaded up the market pretty
heavily of late years; so that not only has the price
sagged down, but we have all had to work to get rid
of our stocks. The firms which had the best mills and
machinery, and were in a position to get their seed
’ reasonably and put their goods on the market with
least expense for transportation, etc., have been mak-
ing a small profit over and above their expenses, But
some of the works which had to bring their seed a long
way, and which haven't quite as good machinery as
can be had now, wereina bad way. There were some
of the oldest houses in the trade among them, too, and
with fine men at their head. It was too bad to have
them go under. They tried to cut down expenses,
but strikes and trouble with their men prevented
their saving much in that way. Then there was one
item of expense which they had to increase instead of
cutting down ; that was the cost of marketing. Com-
petition was so fierce, that, in order to keep up their
trade, they had to spend more on salaries of expensive
salesmen, and in advertising and pushing their goods,
than they would dream of ordinarily.
“*Tt seemed too bad to cut each other’s throats in that
way, for that was what it amounted to, and when the
association met—or what was left of it, for the busi-
ness rivalries had grown so bitter that many of the
former personal friendships between the members had
become strained and one after the other had dropped
out—the situation was discussed by the few members
who met together. It was discussed earnestly, too, by
men who felt an interest in what they said, because
unless some remedy could be devised, they had got to
sit still and watch the savings of a lifetime slip through
their fingers. One thing was very clear to all. Tho
competition was as sharp as any one could possibly
wish, the public was not getting such a wonderful
benefit after all. Prices were not so very much lower
for oil, nor higher for seed. It was the selling expense
which had run up toa ruinous figure ; and on one point
all the members were unanimous—that if all the firms
in the trade could only work together in harmony in
marketing their goods, ies could save enough in sales-
men’s Salaries, etc., to make a great difference in the
profit-and-loss account without affecting the selling
prices in the market one penny.
“* Another very important matter, which we had to
handle pretty tenderly in our discussions, was that of
adulteration. I must confess that a good many firms
in the trade, who used to be above any
thing of the sort, have been marketing
Argument some goods in the past few years which
for were not exactly the ‘‘ pure linseed-oil”
Mt i which they were labeled. It’s a mean
onopolies, business—adulteration—but not many
of our customers ever test their pur-
i _ Chases. The one thing they are apt to
look at is price, for they are buying to eel Benin? and
when rivals are selling a cheaper oil that seems just as
good until it is laid on as the pure linseed that you are
obliged to ask a higher price for, the temptation to
meet them at their own game, rather than lose your
old customers, is a very strong one. Certainly, when
competition took this form, it hurt the public even
more than it hurt us. When people wish to buy pure
linseed-oil they ought to have some prospect of getting
892,
Monopolies.
it, instead of getting an adulterated mixture of vari-
ous substances; but at the rate competition was run-
ning, there seemed to be small prospect that there
would be any really pure linseed-oil put on the market
in ashort time. We have often discussed the possibil-
ity of stopping these adulterations, but it was a hard
matter to cure by mere mutual agreement. How dol
know what my competitor in a city 100 miles away
does with the vats in his cellar after working hours,
even if he has solemnly agreed not to adulterate his
goods? For I must confess that there are a few men
in our trade who are as tricky as horse jockeys.
“«Quite a number of improvements have been pat-
ented in linseed-oil machinery in the past 20 years,
Nothing wonderful, but things that effect little econo-
mies in the manufacture. e could have done with-
out them; but when a few firms took them up, of
course the rest had to follow suit, or fall behind in the
race of competition. We have had ta pay a heavy
royalty on some of these machines, and it has been
rather galling to count out our hard-earned dollars to
the company which has bought up most of the pat-
ents, and is making 100 per cent. a year on what it paid
for them, with no risk, and without doing a stroke of
work. Now if we manufacturers could work in har-
mony, we could make this company come down from
their high horse, and they would have to ask a rea-
sonable price for their machines. But we could do
more than this. It stands to reason that a good many
improvements will be made in our machinery in the
future. We don’t object to paying a fair price to any
inventor who will work out these new ideas for us;
but it does seem unjust for him to go and sell them to
some outside company for a song, and have that com-
pany bleed the users of the improvement for every
ounce they will stand. Now, by working together, we
can refuse to pay royalties on anything new which.
comes up; but require, instead, that any new patent
in our line be submitted to a committee, who will ex-
amine and test it; and if they find it to be of value,
will purchase it for the use of all members of the asso-
ciation.
“* Some of the members thought this was as far as we
oughttogo. They were opposed to “trusts” on princi-
ple. But the great majority saw so clearly where we
could continue to better ourselves that they became
enthusiastic over it.
‘Some speculators, in years of short crops, have oc-
casionally tried to ‘‘corner’ flaxseed in a small way.
We could refuse to buy except directly from the grow-
ers, and that branch of speculation would be a thing
of the past, We have sent out some pretty sharp men
as buyers, and sometimes they have bought flaxseed.
in some of the backwoods districts at very low rates.
At other times, two buyers from rival firms have run
counter to each other, and paid prices larger than their
employers could really afford. But with our combi-
nation, we cannot only fix uniform prices for seed, but
we can send out only enough buyers to cover the ter-
ritory; and the work of buying is reduced to simply
inspecting and weighing the seed.
““Now another thing: Of course, not every manu-
facturer in the business owns his mills. It is a fact
that since the close times of the past few years the
majority of the firms are carrying mortgages on their
mills; and some of them in the West are paying as
high as 8 or rq per cent. interest. But with the com-
bined capital of all the firms in the trade at our
back, we can change all that. Either by a guaranty,
or by assuming the obligations, we can bring the in-
terest charges on every mill in the association down
to 4 or 5 per cent. at most. .
“«We have been paying enormous rates to fire in-
surance companies, They are not as familiar with our
business as we are ourselves, and they don’t know just
how much risk there really is; so they charge us a.
tate which they make sure is high enough. We can
combine together and insure ourselves on the mutual
plan; and by stipulating that each firm shall establish.
and keep up such precautions against fire as an expert:
may direct, we cannot only reduce the cost of our in-
surance to that of our actual losses, but we can make
these a very small amount.
“*Tt may be said that we might have done all these
things without forming any trust to control prices.
But the practical fact was that we could not. There-
was so much “ bad blood” between some of the differ-
ent firms in the business, from the rivalry and the
sharp competition for trade, that as long as that was.
kept up it was impossible to get them to have any-
thing to do with each other in a business way. It was
no small task to get these old feuds patched up; but.
some of the best and squarest men in the business.
went right into the work, and at meetings of the asso-
Monopolies.
ciation, and privately, exerted all their influence to
forward this coming together for mutual aid and pro-
tection, They did it conscientiously, too, I think, be-
lieving that it was necessary to save many of us from
financial ruin ; and that we were not bound, under any
circumstances, to sacrifice ourselves for the sake of the
public. The trust has been formed, as every one knows,
and many of the ape we planned to do have been
already accomplished. We have stopped adultera-
tions on all goods made by members ot the trust; and
the improvement in the quality of linseed-oil which
has been effected is an important benefit to the public.
We are managing all the works in the trust as if it
were all a single property, controlled by different
managers; and the saving in expense, over the old
plan of cut-throat competition, when everybody was
striving to save himself and sink his rivals, is an
enormous one. :
“* One thing which has caused much hue and cry is
the fact that we have closed half a dozen mills or so.
But the matter stood in this way : these mills were not
favorably situated for doing business, all things con-
sidered ; and all the mills in the country cannot run
all the time, because there are more mills in existence
than are needed to supply the market. These mills
must have been closed soon, if the trust had not com-
menced operations, because they could not be run
under the old régzme and pay expenses. We knew we
could make the oil at a less cost in our other mills, so
we concluded to buy out the owners of these at a fair
price, and shut up the works. Prices of linseed-oil
have been raised somewhat, we confess ; but we claim
that they had been forced down much too low, by the
excessive competition which has prevailed for a few
years past. Of course some of the most hot-headed
and grasping among us were anxious to force prices
away up, when they once realized that we had an ab-
solute monopoly of the linseed-oil trade of the country ;
but the great majority were practically unanimous in
a demand for just prices only, and the adoption of the
policy of live and let live; for trust-makers are not
entirely selfish.
““* We claim, moreover, that we are breaking no legal
or moral law by thisaction. Weare, for the most part,
private parties or firms—but few corporations—hence
the attempt to abolish trusts on the ground that the
corporations composing trusts have exceeded the
power given by their charters will fail to reach our
case. e have certainly done this: we have killed
competition in the linseed-oil trade; but we submit
that with so many other interests and trades organ-
ized to protect themselves from outside competition,
and control the prices at which their products are sold
to the public, we were, in self-defense and for our own
preservation, obliged to take this step.’*
“If we omit the references to the especial trade, the
above view of a trust from the trust-makers’ stand-
point will do for almost any of the many combinations
which have been formed by different manufacturers
for the purpose of controlling production and prices.
One thing is clearly indicated in the above, and will
certainly be conceded: that the men who have formed
these trusts are animated by the same motives as
those that govern humanity in general. They have,
in some cases at least, known what it was to be crowd-
ed close to the wall by severe competition. They all
at once saw a way opening by which they could be
freed froni the worries and losses which had been
making their business one of small and uncertain
profits, and would be set squarely on their feet with a
sure prospect for large and steady gains, It is using
a common expression to say that they would have
been more than human if they had refused to improve
this opportunity. Certainly, then, inexamining further
the trusts, we shall do so with no feeling of personal
prejudice toward the men who originated them and
carry them on.
‘“ As we have given a hearing to the case from the
trust-makers’ standpoint, it is only fair that we should
*It should be explained that the above is not given
as a bona-fide statement of facts concerning this es-
pecial trust, but as a vivid description of the organiza-
tion and plans of a typical trust, from the standpoint
of its owners and managers. — | |
Probably, too, few or no existing trusts have tried
to benefit themselves in so many different ways as we
have supposed this imaginary trust to have done, But
to shorten our investigation, the author has purposely
extended the scope of this trust’s action, to bring out
clearly the variety and importance of the methods by
which a trust reaps profits, aside from any advance in
the price of its product,
893
Monopolies.
hear at equal length from the public who oppose the
trusts ; but to abbreviate the investigation, let us sup-
pose that we are already familiar with the various
charges which are brought against the trust monopo-
lies, and let us proceed at once to consider the actual
effect of the trusts upon the public.
‘“‘Since we have heard so much in defense of the lin-
seed-oil trust, it will be well for us to inquire concern-
ing the results, in which the public is interested, which
have followed its organization. During the year 1887
(the trust was formed in January of that year) the price
per gallon of linseed-oil rose from 38 cents to 52 cents;
and this price was kept up or exceeded during 1888.
That is to say, every purchaser of linseed-oil, or every
one who had occasion to have painting done, pays to
the members of this trust, for every gallon of oil that
he uses, about 14 cents over and above the sum which
he would pay if competition were allowed to do its
usual work in keeping down prices.
‘“What profits are the members of this trust mak-
ing? Let us suppose that they were just able, at the
old price of 38 cents per gallon, to pay all their running
expenses and 4 per cent. on the capital
invested, making nothing for profits
beyond a fair salary to the managers of
the business. Then the gain of 15 cents
a gallon in the selling priceis clear profit
to them. Now add to this the fact,
which was plainly brought out in the
foregoing supposed statement by a member of the
trust, that it is possible by means of the trust to greatly
reduce expenses in many directions as well as to in-
crease receipts, and we begin to form some conception
of the profits which this trust is harvesting. If we
wish to put the statement in figures, suppose we take
the annual consumption of linseed-oil in the country
at 30,000,000 gals. Then the profits of the trust from
the increased prices alone will amount to $4,500,000 per
annum,
“There is another way in which trusts directly affect
the public, which has received very much less atten-
tion than it deserves. Besides the people who use the
linseed-oit and pay the trust an extra rq cents a gallon
for the privilege, there are a great number of people
who would have used oil ifthe price had not advanced,
but who cannot afford to do so at the advanced price. It
is a well-known fact that every increase in the price of
any.article decreases the demand, and the advance in
the price of linseed-oil has undoubtedly had a great
effect in decreasing the consumption of oil. So while
it-is undoubtedly true that at the frust’s prices there
are more linseed-oil mills in the country than are
needed to supply its wants, yet if the prices were low-
ered to the point which free competition would fix,
there would probably be demand enough to keep all
the mills running. To the trust, then, must be as-
cribed the final responsibility for the stoppage of the
mills and the loss of employment by the workmen.
Nor does the effect upon the labor market stop there.
From the fact that less people can afford to paint their
houses, because of the higher price of the oil, it is cer-
tain that there will be less employment for painters ;
and as less paint is used, all those interested in and
employed in the paint trade are sufferers. It is to be
remembered that we are speaking of the linseed-oil
trust only to make the case more vivid. The principle
is general, and applies equally well to other trusts, as.
for instance, to the loss of employment by thousands of
men working in refineries controlled by the sugar
trust, in the fall of 1888. Still another effect of this
trust’s action is to be especially noted: the fact that
the diminished production of oil lessens the demand
for seed; and also that in the purchase of seed, as well
as in the sale of oil, the trust has killed competition.
The trust may, if it chooses, fix uniform prices for the
seed which it purchases; and the farmer can take the
tices they offer or keep his seed. Fortunately the
cack can raise other products instead of flaxseed,
and will do so if the price is lowered by any large
amount.
“One other possible mode of profit for the trusts,
which, however, they are hardly likely to engage in—
from their fear of public opinion, if for no other rea-
son—lies in the power which they possess over the
labor market. It will probably be conceded at once
that the rate of wages in any occupation depends,
among other things, upon the competition of the vari-
ous workmen who seek employment in that occupation,
and also upon the competitition among those who wish
to hire men to work at that occupation. It is plain that
when the competition among employers to secure men
is active, wages will rise; and when this competition
falls off, wages will fall. Now the trust is more thana
combination for selling purposes only. It is a combi-
The An-
swer.
Monopolies.
nation of all the properties concerned under vracti-
cally a single ownership, Clearly, then, as the vari-
ous mills belonging to a single owner will not compete
with each other in the employment of labor, the mills
belonging to a trust will be no more likely to do so.
Thus if it were not for the fact that the workmen are
able to take up some other employment if their wages
are too low, they would be absolutely obliged to take
what wages, great or small, the trust chose to give,
and would be as dependent for their food and clothing
upon the trust as was the slave upon his master. .. .
“The point to which we need to pay especial atten-
tion is the fact that the cost of production is con-
tinually being cheapened as it is carried on on a larger
and larger scale. And because the cheaper mode of
production must always displace the mode which is
more expensive: as Professor Richard Ely expresses
it, ‘Production on the largest possible scale will be the
only practical mode of production in the near future.’
We need not stop to prove the statement that the cost
of production by the modern factory system is a small
fraction of that by the old workshop system, The
fact that the former has beaten the latter in the race
of competition would prove it, if it were not evident to
the most careless observer. Butit is also a fact that
the trust, apart from its character as a monopoly, is
actually a means of cheapening production over the
system by independent factories, for it carries it on on
a larger scale than it has ever before been conducted.
Our review of the trust from the trust-makers’ stand-
point showed this most forcibly; and we shall see
more of it as we study further the methods by which
the monopoly gains an advantage over the indepen-
dent producer in dispensing with what we may call
the waste of competition. Inthe argument presented
by the Standard Oil Trust before the House Commit-
tee on Manufactures in the summer of 1888, occurs the
following statement of the work which that monopoly
has done in cheapening production:
“¢The Standard Oil Trust offers to prove by various
witnesses, including Messrs. Flagler and Rockefeller,
that the disastrous condition of the refining business
and the numerous failures of refiners prior to 1875
arose from imperfect methods of refining, want of co-
operation among refiners, the prevalence of specula-
tive methods in the purchase and sale of both crude
and refined petroleum, sudden and great reductions
in prices of crude, and excessive rates of freight ; that
these disasters led to cooperation and association
among the refiners, and that such association and co-
operation, resulting eventually in the Standard Oil
Trust, has enabled the refiners so cooperating to ré-
duce the price of petroleum products and thus benefit
the public toa very marked degree, and that this has
been accomplished:
“tr, By cheapening transportation, both local and to
the seaboard, through perfecting and extending the
pipe-line system, by constructing and supplying cars
with which oil can be shipped in bulk at less cost than
in packages, and the cost of packages also be saved ;
by building tanks for the storage of oil in bulk; by
purchasing and perfecting terminal facilities for re-
ceiving, handling, and Seen ps oils; by purchasing
or building steam tugs and lighters for seaboard or
river service, and by building wharves, docks, and
warehouses for home and foreign shipments,
“*2, That by uniting the knowledge, experience,
and skill, and by building manufactories on a more
perfect and extensive scale, with approved machinery
and appliances, they have been enabled to and do
manufacture a better quality of illuminating oil at less
cost, the actual cost of manufacturing having been
thereby reduced about 66 per cent.
“4. That by the same methods, the cost of manufac-
ture in barrels, tin cans, and wooden cases has been re-
duced from so to 60 per cent.
“4. That as a result ot these savings in cost, the
price of refined oils has been reduced since coopera-
tion began, about nine cents per gallon, after making
allowance for reduction in the price of crude oil,
amounting to a saving to the public of about $100,000,-
ooo per annum.’
“Certainly it would seem that this is a strong de-
fense of the trust’s character asa public benefactor;
but itis well to note that while it has been making
these expenditures and reducing the price of oil to the
consumer, it has also been making some money for
itself. The protts of this trust in 1887, according to
oe report of the committee Hppounted to investigate
ubject of trusts by the New York Legislature,
were $20,000,000. The nominal capital of the trust is
but $90,000,000, a large portion of which is confessedly
water. In answer to the statement that the price of
oil has been reduced steadily by the operations of the
894
Montesquieu.
trust, it is charged that no thanks is due to the trust
for this benefit. The trust has always wished to put up
the price, but the continual increase in the production
of the oil fields has obliged the trust to make low prices
in order to dispose of its stock.” (See STANDARD OIL
COMPANY.)
To the above views must be added the views
of those who hold that monopolies are due pri-
marily to the great parent monopoly, the private
ownership of land (the single-tax view), and the
view that monopolies are due to the action of
government (the view of the philosophical anar-
chists).
The single-tax men say that were natural op-
portunities taxed to their full rental value, pri.
vate monopolies must disappear, because then
the value of all natural opportunities, like build-
ing sites, mines, oil wells, railroad beds, streets,
franchises, etc., would go to the community ;
other monopolies, they assert, could not be devel-
oped, because if all had access to land, even the
weakest competitors could at least exist, and so
prevent the stronger competitors from gaining
amonopoly, ‘Till the great parent monopoly of
the land is destroyed, to fight lesser monopolies,
say the single taxers, is hopeless,
Anarchists say that the source of all monopo-
lies lies in a grant from Government, and that
were this given up, monopolies could not con-
tinue a day save as they well served the public.
(But for all these views and for their answers,
see ANARCHISM ; COMPETITION ; INDIVIDUALISM ;
NATIONALISM; NATURAL Monopotigs; SINGLE
Tax ; SOCIALISM.)
References: Monopolies and the People, is Cc. WwW.
Baker (1889); Combinations, their Uses and Abuses, by
S. C. J. Dodd (1888). (See also SOCIALISM ; NATURAL
MONOPOLIES ; INDIVIDUALISM, etc.)
MONT DE PIETES (from It. monte di
pieta, fund of pity) are institutions established
by public authority for lending money at mod-
erate rates on the security of goods. They
originated in Italy in the fifteenth century to
counteract the usurious practices of the Jewish
money-lenders. $
MONTESQUIEU, CHARLES LOUIS
DE SECONDAT, BARON DE, was born
near Bordeaux, France, in 1689. He was edu-
cated at the oratorian college of Juilly and the
Academy of Bordeaux, but during his studies
at Bordeaux he entered the Council of Bor-
deaux, and in 1716 became its president. Under
the influence of Newton he interested himself
in natural science. In 1721 he produced the -
Lettres Persanes, a satire by a supposed Per-
sian traveler in France on French society, In
1725 came the Temple de Guide, an allegorical
prose poem. He was now elected to the Acad-
emy, but did not take his seat till 1728. He
traveled in Germany and Italy, and spent two
years in England studying social institutions,
and wrote several minor political works pre-
paratory to his masterpiece, L’ Esfrzt des Lois
(1748). Its character is indicated by its full title :
“On the Spirit of Laws ; or, the Necessary Re-
lations between a Country’s Laws and the Na-
ture of its Government, its Manners, Climate,
Religion, Commerce,’’ etc. It was received
with great enthusiasm, and ran through 22 edi-
tions in a year anda half. To the objections it
Montesquieu,
called forth Montesquieu replied in his Défense
de L Esprit des Lois (1750), After writing
other minor works, Montesquieu died in 1755.
(For his main teachings, see PoLrricaL SCIENCE.)
MORAL ELEMENT IN SOCIAL RE-
FORM, THE.—Perhaps no characteristic of
the present efforts for social reform are more
hopeful and more important than the deepen-
ing emphasis now placed—however far we may
yet be from placing all the emphasis we ought
—on the moral element in social reform, A
hundred years ago the key-word in social reform
was ‘‘ natural rights,’’ and in economics ‘‘ /azs-
sez faire.”’ To-day the key-word in reform is
‘‘ cooperation,’ and in economics ‘‘ character.’’
If this may seem to some too optimistic a view,
we remind them that individualist, socialist,
and even anarchist reformers all seek coopera-
tion, while in economics the reason why indi-
vidualist economists fear socialism is that they
believe that it will deteriorate character, and
the reason why socialist economists seek social-
ism is their belief that under individualism char-
acter is deteriorating. Undoubtedly there are
also evil signs to-day. Many socialist reformers
come perilously near to an unethical material-
ism, and many individualist economists ap-
proach a cynical belief that the only thing which
can be counted on to dominate activity is a ma-
terial self-interest. Doubtless, too, itis possible
to minimize the moral element which existed
too years ago. If the doctrine of ‘‘ natural
tights’ (g.v.) produced the French and per-
haps the American Revolution, it- was often
striven for with a devotion and sacrifice of the
most ethical kind. Of the economics of Adam
Smith, Arnold Toynbee, who criticises them,
says ({udustrial Revolution) :
““Two conceptions are woven into every argument
of the Wealth of Nations, the belief in the supremacy
of individual liberty and the conviction that man’s
self-love is God’s providence, so that the individual, in
ee of his own interest, is promoting the interest
of all.
Nevertheless, neither ignoring our own de-
ficiencies nor minimizing the moral element of
the past, it must be recognized that economics
have been considerably moralized within the
century, particularly in England, and that the
present widespread effort for social reform upon
all lines indicates in itself a deepening anda
widening of the moral impulse. nder the old
political economy, especially with the successors
of Adam Smith rather than with Adam Smith
himself, men, as Bagehot (¢.v.) shows, were con-
ceived as simply ‘‘ economic men,’’ ‘‘ money-
making animals.’’ To-day political economy,
particularly of the psychologic school and toa
less extent of the historical school,
considers man in his full, round
nature. Again, the aim of the old
political economy was the wealth
of nations considered mainly from
. the standpoint of material produc-
tion. To-day political economy gives at least
a considerably increased attention to the prob-
lems of distribution, and to the good of the
working classes. It has become far less of a pure
science and much more of a practical art. This
change is largely due to Mill, or, at least, be-
Political
Economy.
895
Moral Element in Social Reform.
comes first prominent in his work. In the in-
troduction to his Polztzcal Economy (1848), he
says:
“The design of the book is different from that of
any treatise on political economy which has been pro-
duced in England since the work of Adam Smith.
‘““The most characteristic quality of that work, and
the one in which it most differs from some others
which have equaled and even surpassed it as mere
expositions of the general principles of the subject, is
that it invariably associates the principles with their
applications, This of itself implies a much wider
range of ideas and of topics than are included in po-
litical economy, considered as a branch of abstract
speculation. For practical purposes, political econ-
omy is inseparably intertwined with many other
branches of social philosophy. Except in matters of
merc detail, there are perhaps no practical questions,
even among those which approach nearest to the char-
acter of purely economical questions, which admit of
being decided on economical premises alone. And it
is because Adam Smith never loses sight of thistruth ;
because, in his applications of political economy, he
perpetually appeals to other and often far larger con-
siderations than pure political economy affords, that
he gives the well-grounded feeling of command over
the principles of the subject for purposes of practice,
owing to which the Wealth of ‘Wations, alone among
treatises on political economy, has not only been popu-
lar with general readers, but has impressed itself
strongly on the minds of men of the world and of
legislators.
“It appears tothe present writer that a work similar
in its object and general conception to that of Adam
Smith, but adapted to the more extended knowledge
and improved ideas of the Present age, is the kind of
contribution which political economy at present re-
quires.”
Since Mill, political economy has steadily
grown ‘‘moral.’’ Professor Ely divides the
evolution of political economy into three periods.
He says (/atroduction to Polttical Economy,
Ppp. 105, 106) :
‘“‘ Economic goods are first made the primary thing,
and they are treated almost as if their production was
an independent process apart from the will of man,
one extreme writer going so far as to say that the laws
governing the production of wealth would be just
what they areif man did not exist. The social rela-
tions involved in the production and consumption of
economic goods are then considered more carefully,
and finally the original process is reversed, and itis
distinctly asserted that ‘the starting-point as well as
the object-point of our science is man’ (Roscher’s /o-
litical Economy, vol. i. of Lalor’s translation, p. 52).
“The definition of political economy found in Mrs.
Faweett’s little Polztzcal Economy may be taken asa
fair presentation of the first class of conceptions. It
is as follows: ‘Political economy is the science which
investigates the nature of wealth and the laws which
govern its production, exchange, and distribution.’
“The definition of political economy found in John
Stuart Mill’streatise may be taken as atolerably accu-
rate presentation of the second class of conceptions.
‘Writers on political economy,’ says Mill, ‘profess to
teach or investigate the nature of wealth and the laws
of its production and distribution, including directly
or remotely the operation of all the causes by which
the condition of mankind or of any society of human
beings in respect to this universal object of human
desire is made prosperous or the reverse.’ Social re-
lations are dragged in through a back door, as it were.”
As an illustration of the third period, Professor Ely
quotes Professor Henry C. Adams, of the University
of Michigan, as saying of politicaleconomy, in his Out.
tines of Lectures upon Political Economy, that it “treats
ofindustrial society. Its purpose as an analytic science
is toexplain the industrial actions of men. Its pur-
pose as a constructive science is to discover a scien-
tific and rational basis for the formation and govern-
ment of industrial society.”
The present moral danger of modern political
economy is over analysis, Says Dr. Edward
Caird (The Moral Aspect of the Economical
Problem, a presidential address to the Ethical
Society) :
Moral Element in Social Reform.
“It is the peculiar temptation of students of science
and literature to cultivate a so-called critical spirit—a
consciousness of scientific law, that has no tolerance
for any form of zeal which is not quite according to
knowledge or a literary sense, the delicacy and quick-
ness of which is easily turned into faultfinding and in-
tolerance of every thought and feeling which does not
express itself in conformity with its own standards.
The devil of these modern days is not, as Goethe said,
the northern phantom with horns and hoofs, not the
spirit which inspires a rabid witchlike frenzy for evil,
that mocks the sacred enthusiasm for good; it is the
spirit which always denies, which sees nothing but pre-
tense in virtue, nothing but illusion in the higher
hopes and faiths of man. This chilling doubt is the
shadow that accompanies our advancing knowledge,
sometimes taking away the good of it, and making us
almost wish for the simpler faiths and unhesitating in-
stincts of an earlier time.... Itisthis that turns science
aside into the way of a false realistic analysis, which
‘has the parts in its hand, but has lost all conscious-
ness of the spiritual bond which united them.’ It is
this which reduces life to its crude elements, and then
doubts whether it is worth living; it is this finally
that so fills us with the sense of the difficulties and dis-
advantages of every step to improve the condition of
man, that we shrink into isolation and inaction. ...
‘'This isthe devil which is most dangerous to the soul
that has -been swept and garnished by culture, and
which that soul must repel if it would save itself from
growing weakness and moral decay. Asaclass, men
of culture are not much in danger of being possessed
by a frantic love of evil and hatred of good, but some-
times they are in danger of losing a belief in the great-
ness of the issues of existence which are hid under its
littleness, and in the worth of every human life, in
spite of the triviality and meanness of itsappearance.”
But more than to any advance in academic
political economy is'the present indebted to the
great moral reformers, like Carlyle, Ruskin,
Maurice, Mazzini, and Tolstoi. For
their position and contributions to
Reformers. social reform, see their respective
names ; but it is to Ruskin, more
than to any other modern reformer,
we owe the conceptions that wealth is well liv-
ing ; that the life is more than meat ; that man
should own property and not property own
man. Itis to Carlyle that we owe an exalta-
tion of the possibility of man, and the assertion
of manhood over social and economic shams,
It is to Maurice that the Church of to-day main-
ly owes her Christian Socialism. It is Mazzini
who, more strongly than any, has emphasized
duty as greater than rights, and God as above
materialism. Tolstoi, more than any other, has
taught individualists the greatness of sacrifice.
(For a consideration, however, of the moral ele-
ment in social reform, so far as it has taken the
form of Christian thought and effort, see Curis-
TIAN SocIALisM ; CHURCH AND Social ReForm.,)
Outside of the Church the deepest contribution
to the moralization of reform, except from indi-
viduals like the above, has come from the posi-
tivist school and from the modern ethical move-
ment.
Said Frederic Harrison (¢.v.) (Address on
Moral and Religzous Socialism, January 1,
1891), the central social maxim of positivism is
“‘to make political interests give way to moral
duties.”’ Its aim is a religion of humanity, the
service of man. As for the various societies of
ethical culture in America and Europe, their
avowed object is ‘‘the elevation of the moral
life of its members and that of the community,”
and everywhere its societies are calling atten-
tion to the moral side of social reforms.
It must be remembered that our subject is the
moral element in social reform. Itis questioned
896
Morality and Socialism,
by some if society is growing moral. (See CRIME.)
Says J. M. Whiton (Zhe Reaction of Ethics
upon Economics, address at Yale College, June,
1888) :
“We are now threatened with moral chaos in the
world of trade, as the natural result of that Lucretian
vortex of atoms, out of which Smith and his disciples
imagined an economic cosmos would come. So dié-
passionate an observer as Professor H. Sidgwick, of
Cambridge, criticises ‘the anti-social temper and atti-
tude of mind produced by the continual struggle of
competition,’ and inquires ‘ whether the whole individ-
ualistic organization of industry, whatever its mate-
rial advantages be, is not open tocondemnation asrad-
ically demoralizing.’ The question is answered by
Professor Graham, of Belfast: ‘Our practical working
~ ethics, as distinct from the ethics of the schools, often
grand enough, is narrowed to the lowest egoism and
the coarsest moral materialism.'...
‘These old questions, newly moved by authorities
whom it is folly to disparage, we see seconded onevery
hand by spectacles which stir the common mind to
thinking on the problems thus proposed ; as by height-
ening contrasts between the neighbors Opulence and
Indigence, by the purchase of ground for a ten-million-
dollar cathedral in honor of Christ, while the slums,
where Christ’s little ones die in noisome heat by
thousands, remain undisturbed, and even lucrative at
35 percent. ...
“Our political seers, also, have heard the surf
through the fog,and_ are crying from their look-out,
‘Breakers ahead.’ ‘Nowhere in the world,’ says our
Professor Sumner, ‘is the danger of a plutocracy as
formidable as it is here... Already the question pre-
sents itself as one of life or death to democracy. ...
The task before us is one which calls for fresh reserves
of moral force and political virtue from the very
foundations of the social body.”
Nevertheless, the very recognition of these
evils and the effort to meet them indicate an
advance. Even our wealthy men, who sneer at
social reform, are compelled, as never before,
to practise a ‘‘ gospel of wealth ;’’ and it is
among the best signs of the times that never,
as now, was philanthropy so criticised for giving
to the poor only what it has first taken from the
poor, bestowing on universities and charities
that which it gathered by avarice and perhaps
by fraud.
We are developing, as Mr. H. D. Lloyd (g.v.)
has asserted, ‘‘a new conscience.’’ Long ago
Mazzini wrote: ‘‘ Every political question is
becoming a social question, and every social
question is rapidly becoming a religious ques-
tion.’’ Matthew Arnold defines civilization as
‘‘the humanizing, the bringing into one har-
monious and truly humane life of the whole
body of society.’’ If this is not true of civiliza-
tion to-day, it is at least the present aim and en-
deavor of social reform.
References : the above-quoted essays and addresses ;
the works of Ruskin, Carlyle, azzini, Maurice,
Tolstoi, etc. (g.v.); Social Philosophy and Religion of
see uste Comte, by E. Caird (1885); Prolegomena to
Ethics, by T. H. Green (1890); An Introduction to So-
ctal Philosophy, by J. S. Mackenzie ; Arstory of Ethics,
by H. Sidgwick (1892) ; Principles of Ethics, ry H. Spen-
cer. (See also CHRISTIANITY AND SOCIAL REFORM.)
MORALITY AND SOCIALISM.—Many
writers believe that socialism would subvert
morality. In Mr. Lecky’s Democracy and Lib-
erty he argues that the sense of right and wrong
is the basis of the respect for property and for
the obligation of contract, and that if is being
subverted by socialists. He quotes (vol. i,
P. 310) the Sozzal Demokrat, the organ of the
German socialists, as saying :
“The socialistic State will never be realized except
Morality and Socialism.
bya violent revolution, and it is our duty to spread
this conviction through’ all classes... . Christanity
is the greatest enemy of socialism. When God is ex-
elled from human brains, what is called the Divine
race will at the same time be banished ; and when the
heaven above appears nothing more than an immense
falsehood, men will seek to create for themselves a
heaven below.’ Marx himself once wrote: ‘ Force is
the midwife of See old society pregnant with a new
one.” Gabriel Deviile, a French socialist, is quoted as
saying in hisintroduction toa translation of Marx’s Cap-
ttal, that socialists when in power must ‘proceed by
law to the economical expropriation of those whom they
will have already dethroned by force.... It is only
necessary to destroy the title-deeds, shares or obliga-
tions, treating those one documents as waste paper.”
In England the Fabian Society is committed in its de-
clared principles to the transfer to the community of
land and industrial capital “without compensation
{tho not without such relief to expropriated individuals
as may seem fit to the community).” The Social Dem-
ocrat Federation has as a plank in its platform ‘the
Tepudiation of the national debt.’’ In the United
States Mr. George (Soctal Problems, pp. 213-221) argues
it as ‘‘a preposterous assumption that one genera-
tion should be bound by the debts of its predecessors.”
Again, radical reformers are accused of vio-
lating family morality. In Germany, Bebel, in
his Woman, freely argues for the baldest ‘‘ free
love.’’ Deville (see above) says :
“Marriage is a regulation of property.... When
property is transformed, and only after that transfor-
mation, marriage will lose its reason for existence,
and boysand girls may then freely and without fear
of censure listen to the wants and prompting. of their
nature... . The support of the children will no longer
depend on the chance of birth. Like their instruction,
it will become a charge of society. There will be no
toom for prostitution or for marriage, which is in sum
nothing more than prostitution before the mayor.”
In England Mr. Hyndman writes (A7stordcal Basis of
Socialism, p. 452): “In the German Christian sense of
marriage for life, and responsibility of the parents for
the children born in wedlock, is almost at an end even
now,” and must result in ‘‘a widely extended commu-
nism.’”’ Mr. Morris and Mr. Bax, in their Socialism, in
zts Growth and Outcome, contend that ‘‘marriage
should be a voluntary association, dissoluble by either
party at pleasure.”
It is true, as Mr. Lecky points out, that by no
means all socialist and radical reformers hold
these views, but such utterances from socialist
leaders, he says, will help the reader under-
stand ‘‘ why it is that German statesmen regard
the socialists not as a normal political party,
but as the deadly enemies of their country and
of civilized society.’’
The opposite side to this view is, in the first
place, to recognize that, as Prof. Schatfle, the best
non-socialist authority on socialism, has pointed
out in his Quzntessence of Soctalism, socialism
as a movement is by no means committed to
either confiscation orfree love. Many socialists
believe in these, but so do many not socialists.
As to radical views of marriage, not to speak
of continental writers, witness the tendency in
the novels of Mallock, Grant Allen, and even
Hardy in the United States. No one school of
thought is to be condemned for having among
its members those who hold such views.
“As to confiscation through taxation,’ Professor
Hadley says (Zconomics, p. 472), “‘ most would be willing
to agree that more taxes should be assessed upon eco-
nomic rent and less upon improvements.”
Secondly, socialists say it is the present which
develops immorality. If socialists would through
legal forms confiscate the property of the wealthy
to establish justice, the present confiscates the
property of the poor to establish injustice.
57
897
More, Sir Thomas.
Which is the worse? At present the poor work
for the rich through compulsion. Their agree-
ments to receive low wages are forced agree-
ments. ‘‘ They are like the bargain that a
naked and shivering swimmer might be induced
to make with a larger man in possession of the
swimmer’s clothes.’’ It is this subversion of
the moral sense, in seeing those who work the
hardest get the least, and many who do not
work at all living in luxury, not a few prosper-
ing by downright gambling or industrial rob-
bery, that, socialists say, is the danger to-day.
If socialism would confiscate through taxation
large properties, it would at least give all an
equal share in proportion to work done. If it
would use force, it would only use force when
the possessed classes, having been defeated at
the polls, try by force to prevent a victorious so-
cialist party from enacting its will. Almost all
socialists believe that more or less force will be
necessary in such instance, but only because they
believe that the wealthy will first draw the
sword. As for free love, to-day divorce is on
the increase and prostitution frightfully com-
mon. Socialism would end prostitution, the
sale of the body for money, and allow all who
will to live in permanent monogamy. It would
simply not force continuance in unwilling mar-
riage. Such are the two views. (See Prosti-
TUTION; Divorce; Famizy, section on Free
Love.)
MORAVIANS.—The Moravian Church, or
Church of the United Brethren, the Uuztas
fratrum, originated in the reformation of John
Huss in Bohemia and Moravia in the fifteenth
century. Almost crushed out by persecution,
it was revived in 1722 at Herrnhut by Count
Zinzendorf, and the policy was adopted of
propagating its faith by forming missionary
semi-communal colonies, which by a quiet fra-
ternal life, joined to a pietistic faith, should in-
fluence the world. Since 1732 more than 2200
missionaries have gone out. These communi-
ties celebrated love feasts (agaf@, g.v.), and in
every way developed the fraternal spirit. Since
1856 these fraternal customs have, however, dis-
appeared from Moravian settlements in the
United States, where the Moravians numbered
19,497 in 1890—about half those in the world.
MORE, SIR THOMAS, was born in Lon-
don in 1478, the son of a judge of the court of
King’s Bench. He became at the age of 15a
page in the household of Cardinal Morton,
Archbishop of Canterbury, and Prime Minister.
In 1497 he entered Oxford University, and
afterward studied law at Lincoln’s Inn, Lon-
don, and resided for some years at a Gray Friars
monastery. In 1502 he became a judge in the
sheriff’s court. He also became Member of
Parliament for Middlesex. Sir James Mackin-
tosh says of him that ‘‘he is the first person in
our [English] history distinguished by the fac-
ulty of public speaking, and is remarkable for
the successful employment of it in Parliament
against a lavish grant of money to the Crown.”
The occasion referred to was when he persuad-
ed the House of Commons not to grant a sup-
ply to Henry VII. on the marriage of his daugh-
‘ among them, very similar to the
More, Sir Thomas.
ter. About 1514 he wrote his famous UV/ogza,
which was printed in Louvain (1516) under the
editorship of his friend Erasmus, and was soon
translated into many languages. In 1521 More
was knighted and appointed treasurer of the ex-
chequer, and in 1523, speaker of the House of
Commons. In 1529 he was appointed lord-chan-
cellor in place of Cardinal Wolsey. Tho op-
posed to Luther, who had attacked Erasmus as
well as Henry VIII., he nevertheless in 1532
resigned the great seal because his conscience re-
fused to sanction the divorce of Queen Catherine
and the second marriage of the king. Having
declined to take the oath by which he was re-
quired to recognize the validity of the marriage
of Anne Boleyn, he was consigned to the Tower
of Londonin 1534. After he had been in prison
for a year he was charged with treason in that
he denied the king’s supremacy as head of the
Church, and finally was condemned and behead-
ed on July 6, 1535. All the accounts we have of
Sir Thomas More’s life agree in describing him
as of unusual greatness, pure-minded, just and
generous, with an inexhaustible flow of sprightly
wit ; and tho as a statesman bound by his sur-
roundings, yet able to see clearly the evils of
despotism and monarchy, and in heart, as is
shown in his U¢togza, a democratic republican,
Inthis book More first introduces his readers
to a traveler and philosopher whom he meets in
Antwerp, just returned from journeyings in
strange lands; he had started out with Ves-
pucci on his last voyage, but leaving him at
the farthest point had pushed on to other
strange lands, and finally to the island of
Utopia, whose laws and customs impressed
him greatly, and which he relates at length
to More. The descriptions show a very keen
perception of the causes of misgovernment,
while the sentiments put into the mouth of
the traveler when he is discussing English in-
stitutions show that Sir Thomas More was at
heart, at all events, a pronounced republican,
and one who loved his fellow-men rather than
institutions. In Utopia all save the old and in-
firm are expected to labor six hours a day ; all
goods of every kind are owned incommon ; and
the people chose their houses every ten years
by lot, and dine together in large halls. They
have no money of any kind, and consider gold
and silver as the basest of metals, fit only for
ignoble uses. All personal adornment they con-
sider as childish and degrading. Their priests
are few in number, but are universally rever-
enced for their sanctity and their courage in
time of war. There are two religious orders
rder of St.
Francis of Assisi ; their endeavor is to purify
their souls by engaging in the lowliest and most
unattractive labors. Religious intolerance is a
thing unknown, as it is the doctrine of the Uto-
pians that belief is largely a matter of environ-
ment and birth. There are 24 cities in Utopia,
equal in extent. The government is largely
directed by a council composed of three wise
men from each city, who are elected by their
fellow-citizens. The criminals of the cities are
enslaved, and obliged to perform the more
laborious and disagreeable work.
»
MORELLI was a French writer of the
898
Mormonism,
eighteenth century, of whose life Larousse’s
Dictionnaire says that absolutely nothing is
known, tho according to some accounts he was
an abbé and lived at Vitrey-le-Frangois. Sev-
eral of his writings, however, are known and are
important, especially his Essad sur esprit hu-
maztn (1745); l@ Prince, les delices du ceur ou
Trazté des gualités d'un grand rot et systeme
dun sage gouvernment (2 vols., 1751); Mau-
frage des tles flottantes ala Basiliade, a so-
cial Utopia; above all, his Code de la nature
ou le véritable esprit de ses lots de tout temps
négligé ou méconnue (1755), & book influential
in forming the social theories of the French
Revolution, and said to be the inspirer of
Baboeuf (7.v.).
MORMONISM.—The Mormon Church we
consider here simply in its relation to economic
and social problems. Born in 1831 at Fayette,
N. Y., of the preaching of Joseph Smith, Jr.,
based on the revelation he claimed to have re-
ceived on golden plates written, long hidden,
and finally revealed to Smith by a prophet Mor-
mon who is stated to have lived in America
some time after Christ Himself, in some myste-
tious way, had preached Christianity in Amer-
ica. Mormonism claims to be a Christian relig-
ion, believing in Christ, in the Trinity, and in
the Bible. With The Book of Mormon Smith's
preaching gained many followers, and in 1831
a prosperous Mormon settlement was made at
Kirkland, O., and a temple built. Persecuted,
however, here, Smith led his followers in 1837
to Far West, Mo., and driven from there to
Nauvoo, Ill, where their numbers reached
12,000, and they were prosperous in every way.
A discontented member, however, made trouble,
denounced and attacked Smith. Serious dissen-
sion arose; the civil authorities were called
upon, and Smith was shot by a mob from the
outlying region in 1844. Brigham Young, who
had joined the sect in 1832, now became leader,
and led the community to Council Bluffs in 1845,
and in 1847, after an amazing march across the
prairies and over the mountains, founded in ter-
ritory then far beyond the limits of the United
States what is now Salt Lake City, in Utah.
When the United States acquired this territory,
the Mormons desired to form a new State called
Deseret, or the Land of the Honey Bee, but
Congress would not allow this, and in 1850 the
Territory of Utah was formed, Brigham Young
being the first governor. In 1852 the practice
of polygamy was first openly proclaimed, and
even enjoined upon Mormons as a means of
grace, tho it is said to have been promulgated
within the’church in 1843, and is said by some to
have been practised by the leaders from the
beginning of the church. This step created
opposition through the country, and as early as
1862 Congress took some steps to stamp it out.
Little, however, was accomplished. The Mor-
mon priesthood had all the power in the territory,
and little could be done. In 1882 stronger
efforts were made. The Edmunds law made
bigamy and polygamy in all United States ter-
ritories punishable with a fine of not over $500
and imprisonment up to five years. Any one
cohabiting with more than one woman could be
imprisoned six months or fined $300, or both,
Mormonism.
Any juryman who believed in polygamy could
be challenged. All elections were conducted
by a special federal commission, and polygamists
were disenfranchised ; 12,000 men and women
—for women had been given the franchise by
the Mormon authorities in 1870, and had strong-
ly supported the church—were thus disenfran-
chised. Later, in 1887, all women were disen-
franchised. Adultery and fornication were
made criminal offenses, Witnesses were com-
pelled totestify. Marriages must be fully regis-
tered, and all illegitimate were denied right of
inheritance. Special oaths were required from
voters declaring that they were not polygamists.
By such severe measures polygamy was broken
up, and in 1890 Gentiles for the first time ob-
tained control of the municipal government ;
1100 persons were said to have been convicted
of polygamy, and over $50,000 of church prop-
erty was confiscated. Finally in 1890 President
Wilford Woodruff issued a pronunciamento
against polygamy. Brigham Young had died
in 1877, and had been followed by John Taylor,
and then Woodruff. Since then the division
between Mormons and Gentiles has largely
died away. Intermarriages take place. Social
and business intercourse is continual. In 1894
President Cleveland granted amnesty and civil
tights to all convicted of polygamy. In 1896
Utah was admitted as a State. The church
authorities, however, are still accused of de-
manding obedience to them in political as well
as religious affairs. There were in 1890,
50,000 Gentiles in Utah and 110,000 Mormons.
There are perhaps as many more Mormons in
Idaho, Arizona, Montana, Wyoming, New Mex-
ico, Colorado, and Washington.
The industrial and economic development of
the Mormons, or the Church of Jesus Christ or
Latter Day Saints, as they are called, is more
attractive. The system seems to have been
purely paternal and even tyrannical, but under
the rule of the heads of the church industry was
encouraged, all were given land, none were al-
lowed to go in want, some fine buildings were
erected. Even in the polygamous period only
io per cent, of the people were said to have prac-
tised polygamy. Prominent wives and children
of plural marriages declared their homes hap-
py. Prostitution was unknown. Favoritism
between wives was forbidden. On the other
hand, pathetic stories were told of the suffering
of the women, and dark massacres, like those of
Mountain Meadows in 1857, and other deeds of
cruelty, seem to have been traced to the doors of
the leading authorities of the church.
MORRIS, WILLIAM, was born at Wal-
thamstow, near London, in 1834. He was edu-
cated first at the school of that place, at Marl-
borough, and at Exeter College, Oxford. In
1856 he was articled to Mr. Street, the architect.
He also sttdied painting, but in 1863 devoted
himself mainly to the design and manufacture of
artistic household furniture, wall paper, stained
glass, and other decorations. He also later on
started an ideal factory near Merton Abbey,
and founded the ‘‘ Kelmscott Press,’’ for print-
ing according to the canons of the truest art.
In literature he early commenced contribut-
ing to the papers, mainly the Oxford and
899
Mortgages:
Cambridge Magazine, In 1858 he published
The Defense of Guenevere and other Poems ;
in 1867, The Life and Death of Jason, a heroic
poem in 17 books. From 1868-70 The Earthly
Paradise came out in installments. In 1876 ap-
peared his Virgil’s £zezd, ‘‘ done into English
verse ;”’ and in 1877 The Story of Sigurd, the
Volsung, and the Fall of the Niblungs, by
many considered his masterpiece. Up to this
time he had been, as he called himself, ‘‘ the
idle singer of an empty day.’’ His experience
in the commercialism and consequent degrada-
tion of modern art now drove him to socialism.
In 1885 he was instrumental in forming the So-
cialist League, and since that time he worked
strenuously for socialism, editing and writing
for The Commonweal, attending meetings and
addressing open-air audiences of working men.
He published numerous socialist lectures, tracts
and chants, such as Art and Soczalzsm (1884) ;
Signs of Change (1888); Useful Work ver-
sus Useless Teil, etc. His later poems are
Homer’s Odyssey, done into English verse
(1887); A Yale of the House of Wolfings
(1889); Zhe Wood Beyond the World (1895).
The above, however, are only a portion of his
works. In 1888 he republished from The Com-
monweal, A Dream of John Ball, a most beau-
tiful socialist prose poem ; in 1892 Vews from
Nowhere, a socialistic and artistic Utopia ; and
in 1894, in conjunction with Belfort Bax, Soczad-
zsm, its Growth and Outcome. Altho he re-
tired from the editorship of The Common-
weal, which has passed into anarchist hands,
Mr. Morris worked most fruitfully as ‘‘ poet,
artist, and socialist,’’ until his death, which oc-
curred October 3, 1896.
MORTGAGES.—We consider this subject
under two heads: first, the statistics of mort-
gages ; second, their significance.
I. Statistics.
Extra Bulletin No. 98 of the United States
Census, 1890, Says :
“There are 12,690,152 families in the United States,
and of these families 52.20 per cent. hire their farms or
homes and 47.80 per cent. own them, while 27.97 per
cent. of the owning families own subject to encum-
brance and 72.03 per cent. own free of encumbrance,
Among roo families, on the average, 52 hire their farms
or homes, 13 own with encumbrance, and 35 without
encumbrance. On the owned farms and homes there
are liens amounting to $2,132,949,563, Which is 37.50 per
cent. of the value of the encumbered farmsand homes
and this debt bears interest at the average rate of
6.65 percent. Each owned and encumbered farm or
home, on the average, is worth $3352, and is subject to
a debt of $1257.
“In regard to the families occupying farms, the con-
clusion is, that 34.08 per cent. of the families hire and
65.92 per cent. own the farms cultivated by them; that
28.22 per cent. of the owning families own subject to
encumbrance and 71.78 per cent. own free of encum<-
brance. Among 1oo farm families, on the average, 34
hire their farms, 19 own with encumbrance, and 47
without encumbrance, On the owned farms there are
liens amounting to $1,085,995,960, which is 35.55 per
cent. of the value of the encumbered farms, and this
debt bears interest at the average rate of 7.07 per cent.
Each owned and encumbered farm, on the average, is
worth $3444, and is subject to a debt of $r224.
_ ‘The corresponding facts for the families occupy-
ing homes are, that 63.10 per cent. hire and 36.90 per
cent. own theirhomes; that of the home-owning fam-
ilies, 72.30 per cent. own free of encumbrance and 27-70
per cent. with encumbrance. In 100 home families,
on the average, 63 hire their homes, 1o own with
encumbrance, and 27 without encumbrance. The debt
Mortgages.
on owned homes aggregates $1,046,953,603, OF 39.77 per
cent. of the value of the encumbered homes, and
bears interest at the average rate of 6.23
per cent. An average debt of $1293 en-
Ownership of Sree ae which has an aver-
age value of $3250.
Homes and *&! There are 420 cities and towns that
Farms. have a population of 8000 to 100,000, and
in these cities and towns 64.04 per cent.
of the home families hire and 35.96
er cent, own their homes, and of the home-owning
amilies 34.11 per cent. own with encumbrance and
65.89 per cent. own free of encumbrance. In 100
home families, on the average, are found 64 that hire
their homes, 12 that own with encumbrance, and 24 that
own without encumbrance. The liens on the owned
homes are 39.55 pet cent. of the value of those subject
to lien. Several averages show that the rate of inter-
est is 6.29 per cent.; value of each owned and encum-
bered home, $3447; lien on the same, $1363.
goo
Mortgages.
“The cities that have a population of 100,000 and over
number 28, and in these cities 77.17 per cent. of the
home families hire and 22.83 per cent. own their homes;
37-80 per cent. of the home-owning families have en-
cumbrance on their homes, and 62.20 per cent. ownand
occupy homes free of encumbrance, Among 100home
families, on the average, 77 hire,g own with encum-
brance, and 14 without encumbrance. Averages for
each owned and encumbered home: Encumbrance,
$2337 value, $5555; Tate of interest, 5.75 per cent.
omes are encumbered for 42.07 per cent. of their
value;... 6005 percent, of the families occupying
owned and encumbered farms and homes have encum.-
brances of less than $1000, and the amount of the en-
cumbrance is 20.70 per cent. of the total amount on
all owned and encumbered farms and homes; and
in the case of encumbrances amounting to $5000 and
over, the families are represented by 3.69 per cent. of
the total, and the amount of encumbrance by 24.49 per
cent.”
AGGREGATE AND PERCENTAGE OF FAMILIES OCCUPYING OWNED AND HIRED, AND FREE
AND ENCUMBERED FARMS AND HOMES, BY STATES AND TERRITORIES, 1890.
Percent: || PERCEN? Percent: || FEREENT
ace or, || wamistes PASE OF, || aunties
Aggre- OWNING OWNING Aggre- OWNING OWNING
gate of AND HIRING FREE AND gate of || snp HIRING FREE AND
Families FARMS. ENCUMBER- || Families HOMES ENCUMBER-
“STATES AND TERRITORIES. | Occupy- RUS: ED FARMS. |{ Occupy- : ED HOMES.
ing ing
Farms. Homes,
: En- + En-
Own-| Hir- Own- | Hir-
; : Free. | cum- + A Free, | cum-
ing. | ing. bered. ing. | ing. bered,
The United States.........] 4,767,179 65.92 | 34-08 || 47.32 | 18.60 7:922,973 36.90 | 63.10 || 26.68 | 10.22
Alabama oo... seve seee eee vee eee 166,692 43-15 | 56.85 || 4.27 | 1.88 120,602 22.88 | 77.12 || 22.19 | 0.69
Arizona... 25299 80.12 | 19-88 || 74.64 | 5.48 11,196 44.82 | 55.18 |] 42.84 | 1.98
Arkansas .. 146,970 53-94 | 46.06 || 51.68 | 2.26 66,650 32.85 | 67.15 || 30.93 | 1.92
enh bone 551534 Ze 08 23-92 51.35 | 24:73 *ame76 39°79 ae oe ee
O. 19,17 0-39 | 19.63 |] 59.90 | 20.49 1509 40.30 |. 59-7 BI. 9.T
Connecticut 26,430 Be.g2 17.68 22 25.60 139,451 33-85 | 66.15 18.26 | 15.59
Delaware.......... i 9,381 50.58 | 49.42 || 35-71 | 14.87 25,197 33-29 | 66.71 20.41 | 12.88
District of Columbia. 387 62.53 | 37-47 || 59-95 | 2-58 43,580 25.20 | 74.80 || 19.15 | 6.05
Florida............-- 36,625 65.16 | 34.84 || 63.24 1.92 43,434 37-46 | 62.54 35-73 | 1-73
oe 175,688 Arisa 58:10 40.48 er 178,378 ee oe 20.41 | 0.59
aho ... 71997 -57 | 12 43 |; 74-12 | 14.4 10,11 58 47 -53 || 55-23 | 3-24
Illinois . 252,953 63.28 | 36.72 || 40.05 | 23.23 525,062 43-10 | 56 go 30.25 | 12.85
eee 205,331 70.75 ae arr 23.41 Bonet os ne 35-01 | 12.14
e:9 205,435 70.43 is 2.90 | 37.53 183,082 55.04 . 40.3z | 14-73
Kansas. .. 171,148 68.97 | 31.03 |] 30.71 | 38.26 126,213 50.15 | 49.85 30.51 | 19.64
Kentucky.. 188,560 65.27 | 34-73 || 62.62 |] 2.65 165,903 32.02 | 67.98 || 29.85 | 2.17
Cee ais 7 791705 44-49 55-52 42.71 1.78 tgarar8 2072 es 19.92 0.80
aye sista 2,122 92.3 7.62 || 71.97 | 20.4 233 48.02 T.9) 37°77 | 10.25
Maryland....... 40372 62.77 | 37-23 || 43-93 | 18.84 160,807 31.87 | 68.13 || 23.70 | 8.17
oo 341576 et-94 15.06 || 59.07 | 25 a 445214 32.72 | 67.28 19.85 72.87
i i ei 176,764 2.99 | 17.0% |] 42.03 | 40.9 278,240 50.49 | 49-51 || 34-21 | 16.2
eee as 117,893 84.75 | 15-25 || 45-44 | 39.31 130,082 46.99 | 53-01 30.05 | 16.94.
Mississippi 161,080 37-73 | 62.27 || 34.82 | 2.91 80,068 22.27 | 77+73 21.31 | 0.96
rent : 250832 ee 31.05 || 43-83 | 25.12 2779463 36.26 63-74 oe 14'| 10.12
94.4 3 13.40 || 73.12 | 13.49 21,0 43.70 | 56.30 || 38.31 | 5.39
pears 115,928 yea ae 35-04 37°95 gov8oa 43.97 56.09 27-99 15-92
rena eee 1,514 35 16.12 9.48 | 14.40 5 56.0) 43-92 |) 53.87 | 2.25
New Hampshire.. 29,151 89.08 | 10.92 || 69.67 | 19.41 58, 197 39-27 | 60.73 29.33 9-94
aon deraey 315942 o7-80 re 34-69 33-20 276,397 3-93 68.07 17-54 14-39
9,51 -18 | 11.82 5.54 | 2.64 25,9) 2.79 | 37-30 -85 | 1.82
New York....... 226,632 77-06 | 22.94 || 43.02 | 34.04 1,081,383 29.28 | 70.72 || 17.80 | 11.48
poreh Carolina. aia 182,791 58.28 | 41.72 || 55.43 | 2.85 124,161 25.77 | 74-23 || 24.51 | 1.26
cae Dakota... . 28,225 go.10 | 9.90 || 46.25 | 43.85 10,253 45-30 | 54.70 || 32.77 | 12-53
gute izietaiausiais ae 256,264 72.75 | 27-25 |} 51.72 | 21.03 529,027 45-36 | 54.64 32.21 | 13.15
een S eae 20r419 95-05 $:95 95-05 . aiGte ae 3r “54 et? ae a
vos oe . 27,039 1.42 | 18.5 2.40 | 19.02 36,152 46.72 | 53.2 33-62 | 13.10
Ey eel. 211,472 74.21 | 25.79 || 53.87 | 20.34 850,154 35-94 | 64.06 24.93 | II-0
eae as ans 51500 75.00 | 25.00 |} 60.71 | 14.29 69,510 26.03 | 73-97 16.25, 9-78
Seat ceo es 117,405 38.51 | 61.49 || 35.43 3-08 105,536 17.93 | 82.07 16.78 1.15
peas akota... 49,549 83.81 | 16.19 || 39.91 | 43.90 20,710 54-88 | 45-12 |} 34.66 | 20.22
reame see... 183,726 |) 58.12 | 41.88 || 56.25 | 1.87 150,468 28.98 | 71-02 || 27.39 | 1.59
Uren ae 50.77 | 49.23 sr 2.90 705 90% 39-4 60.86 || 37.47 ene?
Betws , 90-57 9-43 5°55 5-02 20,932 +05 | 39-35 55°49 5-1
ae 321573 || 82.38 | 17.62 }} 45.85 | 36.53 43,296 |] 45.61 | 54.39 || 28.79 | 16.82
Wachinginn 132,790 61.94 | 38.06 || 59.99 1.95 171,883 27.86 | 72.14 26.73 113
West ve ini : 24,047 81.59 | 18.41 || 59.75 | 21.84 46,930 40.27 | 59-73 32.21 8.06
Wisconsis 76157 || 73.58 | 26.42 || 64.03 | 9.55 64,202 || 36.34 | 63.66 || 29.46 | 6.88
Wrewine 148,349 || 86.90 | 13-10 || 49.66 | 37.24 187,107 || 54.55 | 45-45 || 38.44 | 16.11
yi Zirielare tiatodngar Side ipcal eee 31534 79.12 | 20.88 68.79 | 10.33 8,531 38.46 | 61.54 33-24 5.22
Mortgages.
_ Extra Census Bulletin No. 71 gives the statis-
tics of mortgages by amounts, length of mort-
gage, rate of interest for the United States from
1880-89. It says:
“During that time 9,517,747 real estate mortgage
stating amount of debt? incurred were made e She
United States, representing an incurred indebtedness
of $12,094,877,793. The number of mortgages made
during one year increased from 643,143 in 1880 to 1,226,-
323 in 1889, OF 90.68 per cent., and the yearly incurred
indebtedness increased from 710,888,504 in 1880 to
$1,752,568,274 in 1889, or 146.53 per cent.
“With regard to mortgages on acre tracts, the num-
_ber made during the 10 years was 4,747,078, represent-
ing an incurred indebtedness of $4,896,771,112. The
number of these mortgages made in 1880 was 370,984 ; in
1889, 525,094, an increase Of 41.54 per cent.; while the in-
curred indebtedness increased from $342,566,477 in 1880
to $585,729,719 in 1889, an increase of 70.98 per cent.
“Phe increase was relatively larger in the case of
mortgages on lots. They numbered 4,770,669 during the
zo years, and the indebtedness incurred under them
amounted to $7,198,106,681. From 1880 to 1889 the an-
nual number made increased from 272,159 to 701,229, an
increase of 157.65 per cent. During the same time the
amount of annual indebtedness incurred increased from
$368, 322,027 to $1,166,838,555, an increase of 216.80 per cent.
“During the decade 622,855,091 acres were covered
by 4,758,268 mortgages stating and not stating the
amount of indebtedness incurred under
them ; the number of acres covered by
mortgage in 1880 was 42,743,013; in 1889,
0,678,257, an increase of 65.36 per cent.
n the case of lots covered by mortgage
the increase from 1880 to 1889 was 108.25
per cent., the number covered by mort-
gages stating and not stating amount of indebted-
ness in the former year being 429,955; in the latter
year, 1,282,334. .
‘“At the end of the decade, January 1, 1890, the real
estate mortgage indebtedness amounted to $6,019,679,~-
98s, represented by 4,777.698 mortgages. These mort-
gages are divided into two classes, as follows: mort-
gages on acres, 2,303,061; amount of indebtedness,
$2,209,148,431 ; mortgages on lots, 2,474,637; amount of
indebtedness, $3,810,531,554. Number of acres covered
by existing mortgages, 273,352,109; number of lots,
4,161,138.
se New York is conspicuously prominent as having a
real estate mortgage indebtedness of $1,607,874,301,
which is 26.71 per cent. of this class of indebtedness in
the United States. Nevada has the smallest amount
of indebtedness of this sort— viz., $2,194,995.
“It is computed that the average life of a mortgage
in the United States is 4.660 years ;* of a mortgage on
acres, 4.540 years ; of a mortgage on lots, 4.749 years.
The longer life in the case of both classes of mort-
gages is found in New England, New York and New
Jersey ; the shorter life in the South and in the newly
settled regions west of the Mississippi River.
‘*Since mortgages in force were made, 12.68 per cent.
of the original amount of indebtedness incurred under
them has been extinguished by partial payments; in
the case of mortgages on acres, 11.67 per cent.; on lots,
13.25 per cent. The percentage of partial payments
is highest in the South and lowest in the more newly
settled regions,
“Subject ‘to all the difficulties that beset any at-
tempt to determine what proportion of the true taxed
real estate value of the United States is covered by
existing real estate mortgage indebtedness, it appears
that the real estate mortgage indebtedness in force in
the United States is 16.67 per cent. of the true value of
all taxed real estate and untaxed mines. If Mayor
Gilroy’s estimate of $3,495,725,018 as the true value of
real estate in New York City is accepted, the foregoing
perecutace is reduced to 16.15, and the percentage for
ew York State is reduced from 30.62 to 25.06.
“In 30 States the debt on acres is 12.67 percent. of the
true value of all taxed acres and untaxed mines, and
in these States the mortgage debt on lots is 13.96 per
cent. of the true value of all taxed lots, mortgaged and
not mortgaged.
“Upon the assumption thatall taxed real estate can
be encumbered for two thirds of its true value without
Amounts,
*It is stated elsewhere that by the average life of a
mortgage the census means the average age of the
mortgages it found existent in 1890. Mortgages conse-
quently live as much longer as they ran after 1890 with-
out being paid off.—Eb.
gor
Mortgages.
increasing the rate of interest tocover additional risk,
it follows that 25.00 per cent. of the real estate mort-
gage debt limit has been reached in the United States.
A computation, including Mayor Gilroy’s estimate
above mentioned, reduces the foregoing percentage to
24.22, and the percentage for New York State rom
45-93 to 37.59. In Kansas, 40.24 per cent. of the debt
limit has been reached ; in New Jersey, 39.27 per cent.
The Suigliet percentages are found in the South and in
the Rocky Mountain region.
“The mortgage debt in force per capita inthe United
States is $96; the three largest State averages (omit-
ting the District of Columbia) are $268 in New York,
$206 in Colorado, and $200 in California. The smaller
ones are found in the South and the Rocky Mountain
region.
“In 41 States 28.86 per cent. of the taxed acres are
covered by mortgages in force. The largest propor-
tion of mortgaged acres is in Kansas, where 60.32 per
cent. of the total number of taxed acres are mort-
peed Nebraska stands next with 54.73 per cent.;
South Dakota third with 51.76 per cent.
“Inthe five States, Illinois, Kansas, Missouri, Nebras-
ka, and South Carolina, 23.99 per cent. of the taxed
lots are covered by mortgages in force.
‘““The average amount of debt in force against acres
to each mortgaged acre in the United States is $8.08;
of debt in force against lots to each mortgaged lot,
$916 ; there are 119 acres covered by each mortgage in
force against acres, and 1.68 lots by each mortgage in
force against lots.
“The average rate for all mortgages in the United
States is 6.60 per cent.; for mortgages on acres, 7.36 per’
cent.; for mortgages on lots, 6.16 percent. These rates.
make the annual interest charge on the existing real
estate mortgage debt of the United States amount to
$397,442,792 ; on the debt in force against acres, $162,652,-
944; on lots, $234,789,848. : 7
““On each mortgage in force in the United States the:
average annual interest charge is $83; on each mort-
age in force against acres, $71; on each mortgage in
orce against lots, $95.
“6.03 per cent. of the number of mortgages were for
amounts of less than $100 each; while 45.17 per cent. of
the entire number were for amounts of less than $500,
68.54 per cent. of the entire number for amounts of
less than $1000, 27.41 per cent. of the entire number for
amounts of $1000 and under $5000 each, and 4.05 per
cent. of the entire number were for amounts of $5000
and over.
‘*41.89 per cent. of the real estate mortgage indebted-
ness incurred in the United States during the decade
was subject toa 6 per cent. rate of interest; 16.06 per
cent. of the debt incurred was subject to rates less
than 6 per cent.; 42.05 per cent. of the
debt incurred was subject to rates great-
er than 6 per cent.; and 14.41 per cent. of
the debt incurred was subject to rates
greater than 8 percent.... The aver-
age rate of interest on real-estate mort-
gages declined from 7.14 per cent. in 1889
to 6.75 per cent. in 1889, with some interruptions to the
continuity of the decline in the mean time.
“The average rate of interest on mortgages on acres
declined from 7.62 per cent. in 1880 to 7.52 per cent. in
1889, subject to interruptions. The average rate of in-
terest on the mortgages on lots declined from 6.69 per
cent. in 1880 to 6.37 per cent. in 1889, with some annual
interruptions. By personal inquiry in 102 counties in
various parts of the Union, it was discovered that
80.13 per cent. of the number of mortgages, represent-
ing 82.56 per cent. of the original amount of mortgages
in force, were made to secure purchase money and to
make improvements when not combined with other
objects, and that 89.82 per cent. of the number of mort-
gages, representing 094.37 Pet cent. of the original
amount of existing indebtedness, were made to secure
purchase money, to make improvements, to invest in
business, and to buy the more durable kinds of per-
sonal property, when these objects were not combined
with other objects. ‘
“The percentages representing encumbrance for the
variousrates of interest show that the larger encum-
brances bear the lower rates of interest, as a general
fact. The amount of encumbrance bearing interest at
less than 6 per cent. is 22.20 per cent. of the total en-
cumbrance; the amount at 6 per cent. is 34.44 per
cent.; the amount at 8 per cent. is 14.50 per cent.; the
amount at 6 to8 per cent., inclusive, is 66.82 per cent.;
the amount at rates greater than 6 per cent. is 43.36 per
cent.; the amount bearing rates greater than 8 per
cent. is 10.98 per cent.; the amount bearing rates greater
than ro per cent., 1.33 per cent.; the amount bearing
rates greater than 12 per cent., 0.27 of 1 per cent.”
Interest.
Mortgages.
go2
Mortgages.
ANNUAL INTEREST CHARGE AND AVERAGE VALUE, ENCUMBRANCE, ANNUAL INTEREST
CHARGE, AND ANNUAL RATE OF INTEREST FOR ENCUMBERED FARMS AND HOMES
OCCUPIED BY OWNERS, BY STATES AND TERRITORIES, 1890.
; AVERAGE AN-
AVERAGE VALUE OF AVERAGE ENCUM- NUAL RATE OF
EacH ENCUMBERED. BRANCE ON EACH. Rea INTEREST.
STATES AND TERRI- Interest
TORIES, Charge.
To- .|_For For
Total. | Farm. | Home. |} Total. | Farm. | Home. tal. |Farms| Homes
The United States......| $3,352 | $3.444 | $3250 |} $1,257 | $1,224 | $1,293 ]| $241,910,706 6.65 | 7.07 | 6.23
4 “ 8.25
Alabama.. «| $2,755 | $1,392 | $3,132 $730 | $609 | $1,200 $250,999 8.69 | 8.91
Arizona. . é ae 45416 | 3,305 1.396 | 34797 1,172 63.468 13.07 | 12.61 ae
Arkansas... 1,554 1,382 1,999 678 613 845 293,836 9-44 | 9-35 2
California .. 7,883 | 13,233 | 5,205 2,516 | 3406 1,805 6,742,490 8.67 | 8.78 B58
Colorado.... 4,483 | 4,379 | 4.552 1.517 | 14418 | 1,583 1,328,662 8.86 | 9.23 4
Connecticut. 31734 3115 | 3,92! 1,592 1,266 1,694 2,485,099 5-47 | 5-57 3-45
Delaware.... 3,994 | 4875 | 3.616 3,788 | 2,147 | 1,633 470,249 5-67 | 5.70] 5-65
District of Columbia 7.047 | 5,278 | 7,054 2,436 | 14730 | 21439 386,464 5.99 | 6.00] 5.99
Florida...es ss see. 35263 3,922 2.647 Iyl17 1.224 1,017 171,178 10.53 | 10.72 coee
Georgia. ois 1,852 1,627 24396 783 681 1,020 224,327 8.16 8.33 7.89
Idaho........-+- sews: 35735 31960 | 2,946 1,129 | 1,190 9Is 178,559 10.66 | 10.55 | 11 He
Illinois. | 3,928 | 4,862 | 3.114 3,406 | 1,684 | 1,164 12,101,865 6.82 | 6.92 oe
Indiana. 2,673 3,209 | 1,86r 836 972 628 415951769 6.89 | 6.89 +89
Iowa... 35452 | 3,964 | 1,987 3,148 | 1,319 659 8,866,406 7-42 | 7-30) 7-74
Kansas.... 2,875 3,129 | 2,202 1,042 1,126 820 717221864. 8.21 8.15 | 8.42
Kentucky . 2,659 2,665 | 2,651 974 1,069 842 561,107 6.70 | 6.68 | 6.74
‘Louisiana. 4,695 | 5,423 | 39732 1,990 | 2,392 | 11457 397,693 8.02 | 8.06 | 7.94
Maine....... 1,608 11449 | 1,830 504 532 681 795,041 6.17 | 6.26 | 6.06
Maryland....... 3,056 4,252 24346 1,197 1,636 937 3,458,323 5-82] 5.79 | 5-85
Massachusetts. 3,878 3)158 | 31990 15733 14323 1,797 6,300,650 5-49 | 5-58] 5-48
Michigan.... 2,400 2,748 1,842 792 890 636 6,643,213 7.13 7.10 | 7-18
Minnesota 2,934 | 2.574 | 3,692 g60 814 | 1,268 51160,349 7-86 | 8.18 | 7.42
Mississippi 1,197 1,138 | 1,556 639 619 762 339,088 9-74 | 9-79 | 9-45
Missouri.. 2,635 | 2,643 | 2,616 gui 853 1,041 613975369 7-78 | 7-93 | 7-30
Montana . 4,484 5,024 3,612 1,511 1,782 1,303 3324305 10.97 | 10.97 | 10.97
Nebraska. 39327 33346 | 3,268 1,076 1,084 1,052 531549977 8.20 | 8.22 | 8.13
Nevada....... B,o7z | 17,188 | 4,513 2,702 35706 1,555 108,020 9.78 | 9.63 | 10.19
New Hampshire 2,140 1,940 | 2,336 810 746 873 548,003 5-92 5-91 | 5-92
New Jersey... 4,052 4,891 3,829 1,821 2,428 1,660 55175,034 5-64 | 5-69 | 5.62
New Mexico.. 33397 45346 | 2,891 14194 1,487 1,037 90,27) 10.48 | 10.05 | 10.80
New York.... 4,409 4,010 | 4,657 1,891 14749 1,979 20,858,128 5-48 | 5.66} 5.38
North Carolina. 1,633 1,584 14795 755 722 864 404,412 7-91 7-95 | .7-80
North Dakota. 24445 2,486 2,049 890 go2 771 1,158,744 9-53 9-54! 9.42
Ohio. .e.ccce 3,005, 3,829 | 2,366 1,069 14313 879 857795143, 6.66 | 6.68 | 6.63
Oklahoma.. nae setae we sees Bee aie Bo ooo a a aiarese
Oregon ..... 4,622 45359 | 4,914 1,347 1,301 1,398 1,197,066 8.89 | 9.06 | 8.72
Pennsylvania 3,669 4,222 3.41 1,550 1,716 15473 11,616,799 5°49 5-43 5-52
Rhode Island. 45142 3)581 | 4,207 1,829 1,525 1,864 801,996 5.78 | 5.82] 5.78
South Carolin 1,978 1,85r | 2,356 974 930 1,104 397,960 8.46 | 8.57 | 8.17
South Dakota 1,854 1,846 1,894 707 712 681 1,744,743 9.52 | 9-52] 949
Tennessee .. 15739 1,663 | 1,847 732 667 824 264,277 6.20 | 6.21 | 6.20
eXaS. .... 24273 2,158 | 2,580 952 899 1,090 822,852 8.70 | 8.38 | 9-42
Utah ...... 3,699 3,670 | 3,712 994 915 1,028 194,086 g-83 | 10.13 | 9-72
Vermont... . 2,261 2,405 2,026 909 1,004 754 1,029,184 5.90 | 5.88} 5.94
Virginia. .. 2,456 25747 2,067 1,200 1,308 1,056 3351528 6.16 | 6.06 | 6.32
Washington 4.697 4,632 | 4,788 1,350 1,327 1,382 1)173)923 9.63 | 9.87 | 9.31
. West Virginia. 1,965 2,060 | 1,809 651 664 631 475,031 6.25 6.19 | 6.34
Wisconsin .. +e] 2,762 31005 2,314 915 1,001 756 | 55198,508 6.66 | 6.64 | 6.70
WyOmits.< cesexiarin cease 39364 3,600 | 3,171 1,289 1,247 Ty 324 II2,94r 10.82 | 10.92 | 10.73
PERCENTAGE OF NUMBER AND ORIGINAL AMOUNT OF MORTGAGES IN FORCE JANUARY 1,
189, AS DETERMINED BY PERSONAL INQUIRY: TOTAL FOR 12 SELECTED COUNTIES.
OBJECTS OF INDEBTEDNESS.
Purchase-money........++..
Improvements ..,.......-..
Business
farm and family expenses)
Farm and family expenses
All other objects...........
Total for purchase-money,
Purchase-money and improvements (combined)... sete ite
Farm machines, domestic animals, and other personal property
Purchase-money, improvements, business, and personal property (combined)
Purchase-money, improvements, business, and personal property (combined with ob-
jects other than farm and family expenses).
Purchase-money, improvements, business, and personal property (combined with
: 2 mprovements, business, and personal property (not com-
bined with other objects)..., . P property (
For For
Number. Amount,
54.67 56.66
20.96 20.81
4-50 5:09
6.01 8.92
1.95 0.70
E.73 2.19
0.45 0.63
2.06 1.32
5-40 1.73
2.27 1.95
89.82 94.37
Mortgages.
II. SicniFicance of Mortcacss.
There are two views of the significance of
mortgages, both of which must be understood.
The view that America is becoming a nation of
tenants is well known. Says Mr. J. P. Dunn,
Jr., writing in the Polztecal Science Quarterly
for March, 1890, after describing the situation :
_ ‘*The mortgage indebtedness of the Western States
is a matter worthy the attention of economists and
statesmen, as well as of the people of those States.
Whatever may be thought of its effects, it is a fact—
mountainous and immovable. And more, the proba-
bilities that loom far above the figures here presented
make it very questionable whether the ‘alarmists’
who have discussed the subject have in fact materially
exaggerated the existing conditions. ...
“Tf the people of any Western State may be con-
sidered thrifty and judicious, the people of Michigan
may, and by the official records their condition appears
to be as bad as that of their neighbors in
Indiana. In 1887 an attempt was made
The Burden by the bureau of statistics to ascertain
of Debt, the mortgage debt of the State through
personal declarations of the owners of
ey land. This is the best method of ascer-
taining the amount of existing debt; the only flaw in
it being that some persons, considering that the public
has no interest in their affairs, refuse to give the in-
formation. In consequence the returns are less than
the reality ; but in the desire to keep within the truth,
we accept them as accurate. They show (report of
1888) that the real-estate mortgages of the State amount
to $129,229,553, with an annual interest payment of
$9,451,851, On a total realty valuation of $686,614,741. Of
this amount $64,392,580 is on farms, and the annual in-
terest charge is $4,636,265. The farms mortgaged are
47-4 per cent of all the farms in the State, and the
mortgage debt is 46.3 per cent of the assessed value of
the farms mortgaged. The number of foreclosures
made during the year was 1667, and in only 131 cases
were redemptions made, leaving a net loss of 1536
pieces of property by foreclosure in one year. The
situation eppstently justifies the statement of Com-
missioner Heath that ‘a very large proportion of the
people seem to be in a financial rut, and are unable to
extricate themselves.’ ”
Mr. D. R. Goodloe, in the Forum for No-
vember, 1890, says :
“The conclusion from this melancholy array of facts
is irresistible. The virgin soil of the West is rapidly
ceasing to be the home and the possession of the sturdy
American freeman, He is but a tenant at will, ora
dependent upon the tender mercies of soulless corpo-
rations and of absentee landlords. Wehave abolished
monarchy, and primogeniture, and church establish-
ments supported by the State; yet the universal curse
of humanity, the monopoly of the earth by the wealthy
few, remains, It is related of John Randolph of Ro-
anoke, that when visiting a neighboring planter about
jo years ago, he found his hostess, surrounded by her
female servants, making clothing for the Greeks who
were struggling for liberty and independence. But
while taking leave, he observed a troop of ragged
slaves approaching the house ; and turning, he said to
the lady, ‘Madam, the Greeks are at your door.’ And
now to America, aglow with sympathy for the Irish,
may be said, ‘Madam, Ireland is at your door.’ ”
Other writers, however, like Mr. Edward At-
kinson, argue that the mortgage is an indication
of prosperity. He says, in the Forum for May,
1895, writing (before the complete mortgage
returns given above had been reported) con-
cerning the census returns for 33 States :
“The first startling fact developed by the mortgage
statistics is that in these specific 33 States and Territo-
ries nearly 7,000,000 mortgages have been recorded in
ten years for a total sum of nearly $9,500,000,000.. The
final statement, covering the whole country, which
has not yet been published, discloses the fact that
9,517,747 mortgages were executed in the decade 1880-
89, to the amount of $12,094.877,793. . . -
“On the first of January, 1890, the amount of these
mortgages remaining unpaid in 33 States was $4,935,-
455.896; in the whole United States, $6,019,679,985. It
993
Mortgages.
therefore appears that during the decade one half the
mortgage debt incurred had already been paid. The
amount of mortgages outstanding at the beginning of
this decade has not been ascertained ; it can only be
inferred by deductions from the growth of mortgages
since its beginning. The least estimate of the sum due
on acres and lots at the beginning of this period would
be $1,500,000,000.
“These original mortgages executed prior to 1880
must have been wholly liquidated, mostly by payment.
Evidence obtained from solvent farm-mortgage com-
panies proves that, as fast as they matured, they were
either finally paid, or else in some instances new mort-
gages were executed at much lower rates of interest
than were customary in the era of paper money in the
previgus decade. On this basis the summary would
e:
Mortgages in force January 1, 1880,
eStimated: ciiccs ecscsswnsseuses
Executed since wisiees ccacece sciavsensa
Ty 500,000,000
12,000,000,000
$13,500,000,000
6,000,000, 000
Total
$7, 500,000,000
The payments therefore amounted to 55 per cent., yet
at the end of the decade the mortgage debt on acres
and lots was $6,000,000,000. ‘
‘““A loud outcry has been made by the populists and
the advocates of cheap money, in support of the free
coinage of silver, and other devices in fraud of both
debtors and creditors alike, upon the ground that this
is an unbearable burden. We must therefore wrest
from these statistics their true meaning... .
“In order to bring out the evidence of prosperity
rather than adversity developed in these conditions,
one must ask, what does a man, in fact, borrow, when
he executes a mortgage uponland? He
does not borrow money in a true sense. ea
In a vast number of cases only a title to Indication
money passes in the form of a check, a of Prosperity.
draft, or a bill of exchange. What he
in fact borrows is’the land itself, or such
part of it as the encumbrance represents. If we re-
gard foreclosure as a sign of lack of benefit to the
borrower, the figures show that in all but an insignifi-
cant proportion of these negotiations it has been as
much or more to the advantage of the borrower to
borrow the farm or home as it has been to the benefit
of the lender in securing interest on the loan. The
advantage is mutual, but distinctly greater on the part
of the borrower, who has been enabled to become the
owner of a homestead and the improvements thereon
at lessening rates of interest throughout this period.
“In proof of these benefits the following facts are
deduced from Bulletin 63 of Farms and Homes. Of
the money borrowed on mortgage, 77.38 per cent. was
borrowed for the purchase or improvement of the
land. Add the sums borrowed for durable personal
property or capital, and we tind that more than 86 per
cent. of the money borrowed was expended in the pur-
chase or improvement of land or for durable capital
used thereon. Of the money borrowed during this de-
cade, 2.82 per cent. was borrowed to meet farm or
family expenses. ;
“Again, one of the most startling facts disclosed
by these statistics is that the total debt on acres and
lots combined, which was outstanding January 1, 1890,
amounted to 16.67 per cent. of the true value of the real
estate represented in these tables, encumbered and un-
encumbered. It being assumed that a mortgage debt
would be safe up to two thirds the value, it appears
that the actual encumbrance might have been safely
increased four times. At only one third—a more con-
servative estimate—it could have been doubled.
“It has been stated that there is a manifest tendency
to an increase 1n the proportion of hired farms in the
older grain-growing States of the Mississippi Valley,
which calls for explanation, The question arises, does
this mean the growth of a landlord and tenant system,
as it iscommonly understood? It did not form a part
of the duty of the census officials to investigate this
subject, but of course this tendency attracted their
attention, and while they may not rightly give any
official opinion, I am assured that their views are not
inconsistent with the evidence that I have obtained
from other sources upon this matter. I have put
questions to various persons in the grain-growing
States, who are in a position to know the facts—per-
sons connected with successful and solvent farm-mort-
gage companies, or chiefs of bureaus of statistics of
labor, or collectors of statistical data relating to crops,
Mortgages. 904
All replies are of the same general tenor. The ques-
tions put to them were substantially as follows:
‘“y) Does the increase in the number of hired farms
indicate a tendency to the establishment of permanent
relations of iandlord and tenant such as are customary
in Great Britain?
‘“, Doesit indicate the concentration of landin fewer
hands?
“3, Does it indicate better methods of agriculture,
or the reverse?
“The summary of the replies to these questions may
be given in the following terms: These lands have
been taken up and settled mainly during the last 50
years by men of whom many are now
living. ‘These men have, as arule, pros-
Not an In- pered. The larger portion of them or
dication of their descendants own their ferns, and
many possess other property. e con-
Tenancy. ditions have changed from those which
are pictured in the early life of Abra-
ham Lincoln to the condition which farmers now enjoy.
A part of the other propery of such farmers in many
instances consists of money lent on mortgage on lots
or farms in their own or neighboring States. In 102 typ-
ical counties selected from all portions of the country
for the purpose of a special investigation by the census
authorities, it was disclosed that 68.69 per cent. of the
mortgages incurred were held by citizens of the same
State in which the mortgaged real estate is. Many of
those prosperous farmers have retired to towns and
cities in order to educate their children and to enjoy in
their latter years some of the privileges of town life—
their early life having been passed in isolated places
under very arduous conditions. In many cases their
farms are let to their sons. In many other cases men
who have not retired have leased a part of their farms
to their children. In many others, again, those who
have retired have let their farms to men formerly in
their employ. A very small proportion are hired by
farmers who have been unable to pay mortgages which
have been foreclosed, who now lease the farms in the
hope of recovery. ‘There are great numbers of men
who have served as hired men on farms, who have laid
up their earnings, and who prefer to hire land in the
neighborhood where they are known, and where they
can have the benefit of schools and good surroundings,
rather than to move away to take up new land on the
outskirts of civilization.
“The evidence is conclusive that the increase of hired
farms does not imply the permanent establishment of
the relations of landiord and tenant after the English
fashion. It does not imply the concentration of land
in fewer hands, but rather the reverse. It does imply
better and more intelligent methods of agriculture,
larger and more varied crops produced from lessening
areas of land throughout the whole great. grain-grow-
ing section.”
Mr. G. H. Holmes, writing in the Annals of
the American Academy of Political and Social
Science Quarterly, gives a more balanced
view. He says:
“While mortgage debtors must admit that they have
done better to obtain real estate on credit than not to
obtain as much of it as they have done, or not to obtain
it at all, they are neverthcless in asituation where they
feel the pinching effects of a reduction or loss of income
more than real-estate owners do who are not debtors,
This is owing to the interest that is wanted by the
mortgagee.”
The mortgage, then, indicates a hope of prog-
ress, but also a slavery to interest, under which
many sink.
References: See articles quoted in this article; also
United States Census Reports, which give mortgage
statistics in detail.
MOSES (Hebrew Moscheh) was the great
leader of the Hebrew race, who led them out of
slavery in Egypt and founded the Hebrew
theocracy in Palestine. Modern scholarship has
thrown grave doubts on the Mosaic authorship
of the Pentateuch, but few question that Moses
was a historical character and one of the greatest
leaders and social reformers of the human race.
There are traditions of him (Egyptian) in Ma-
netho (Hebrew), in the Mzdrash, and Josephus
(Greek) in Philo, tho they are mainly based on
the Bible narrative. He was probably born at
Multiple Money Standard.
Heliopolis in the eighteenth dynasty in Egypt,
or 1500 B.c., according to the Bible chronology.
His social system was a theocratic socialism,
based on the fatherhood of God and the unity of
the people. Land was considered as belonging
to God, and the individual only allowed and pro-
tected in its use. The poor and infirm were par-
ticularly protected. (See JupAtsm ; also the Bible
itself: Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers,
Deuteronomy.)
MOST, JOHANN JOSEPH, was born at
Augsburg in 1846, but moving to Berlin, early
became known asa leader of the most violent and
anarchistic wing of German socialism in con-
nection with the International, till he was driven
out of their organization by the socialists. Ex-
pelled from Berlin in 1878, he went to London,
and there, in 1879, founded the Frezhezt, an or-
gan of anarchist communism. In 1881 he was
condemned to 16 months’ hard labor for his in-
cendiary utterances concerning the assassina-
tion of the Czar. In 1882 he emigrated to New
‘York, and has since published his paper from
that city. He has been imprisoned more than
once, but still remains the leading anarchist-
communist in the United States. Among his
writings are: Dze Lésung der soctale Frage
(Berlin, 1876); Dze Anarchze (New York, 1888) ;
Soczal Monster (1890).
MULTIPLE MONEY STANDARD. For
the general principles involved, see Money ; Con-
TRACTION AND EXPANSION OF CURRENCY ; GOLD ;
Sitver. We give here a brief statement of the
monetary idea which pes for the standard
of money a so-called multiple standard. We
give it only in its simplest elements, appending
references for the various forms in which it has
been advocated. In its essence the idea is this:
That no one commodity should be used asa
monetary standard, like gold or silver, but that
the standard should consist of a large number
of commodities combined in the following way.
A monetary commission appointed by Congress
would first choose a long list of standard com-
modities, and determine in what proportion they
enter into the expenses of the average family,
say, of a working man. ‘Then it should ascer-
tain the average market price of each commod-
ity, and average these in proportion to the ex-
tent to which each of them has been found to en-
ter into average expenses. ‘This final average
would be the point of departure for the multiple
standard. The commission would then watch
the variations in the market, and when average
prices went above the average it had fixed, the
commission would report to the Government,
and the Government would contract the cur-
rency, and thus (see CONTRACTION AND EXPan-
SION OF CURRENCY) lower prices. If, on the
other hand, prices went down, it would report
to the Government, which would then expand
the currency and raise prices, thus keeping
average prices always on a level by a contract-
ing or expanding of the currency, according as
the monetary commission reported prices to
have risen or fallen.
Such is the essence of the idea. It is usually
proposed that it be enacted in connection with
. the use of paper money, since that can be most
easily contracted or expanded, and since, too,
this is generally conceded to be the best money,
eo ee
Multiple Money Standard.
Provided that its, quantity of issue be carefully
controlled, which this plan would accomplish.
It would leave the decision to contract or ex-
pand not to Congress, nor even to the commis-
sion, but have it follow a fixed law, the commis-
sion simply reporting on the facts. It is be-
lieved that this would take out of politics the
vexed question of monetary contraction or ex-
pansion, and furnish a standard of money well-
nigh invariable, because changing exactly oppo-
site to the market, and hence producing stability.
The plan has been gradually worked out by
many writers. Joseph Lowe, in
1822, whom Jevons calls a very able
Authorities, writer, and Poulett Scrope, in 1833,
proposed the plan of tabular stand-
ard, tho not in connection with
the expanding or contracting of money. The
Swiss Professor Walrus worked out this idea.
Professor Marshall suggested improvements in
the original plan (Contemporary Review, vol.
ii., Dp. 355). President Andrews (An Honest
Dollar, 1sted., published by the American Eco-
nomic Association, 1889) strongly urges the
plan. Professor J. A. Smith devotes a long
article to it in the annals of the American Acad-
emy of Political and Social Science (vol. vii.,
p. 173). Mr. Fonda, Honest Money, proposes
a new detailed form of the plan. Of the tabu-
lar standard, Jevons says (AZoney and the Mech-
anism of Exchange, pp. 330-33) :
“Such schemes for a tabular or average standard
value appear to be perfectly sound and highly valua-
ble in a theoretical point of view,and the practical
difficulties are not of a serious character.... The
difficulties in the way of such ascheme are not con-
siderable. It would, no doubt, introduceacertain com-
plexity into the relations of debtors and creditors, and
disputes might sometimes arise as to the date of the
debt whence the calculation must be made.
ficulties would not exceed those arising from the pay-
ment of interest, which likewise depends upon the
duration of the debt. The work of the commission,
when once established and directed by act of Parlia-
ment, would be little more than that of accountants
acting according to fixed rules. Their decisions would
be of a perfectly bona fide and reliable character, be-
cause, in addition to their average results, they would
be required to publish periodically the detailed tables
of prices upon which their calculations were founded,
and thus many persons could sufficiently verify the
data and the calculations. Fraud would be out of the
question.”
See also Paper Money.
MUN, ADRIEN ALBERT MARIE,
COUNT DE, is a leading French Roman
Catholic Christian Socialist. A captain of
French cuirassiers, and of social position, he
was instrumental in founding L’Guvre des
Civiles Ouvriers, (See CuRisTIAN SOCIALISM.)
With gift of eloquence he has advocated his
views by pen and speech, and has been frequent-
ly elected deputy. He_now calls himself, how-
ever, politically not a Christian Socialist, but a
conservateur rallié, He has twice conducted
large bodies of working men to Rome to receive
the papal blessing.
MUN, THOMAS, was born in London in
1571. . Becoming a merchant he amassed a con-
siderable fortune by commerce with the East.
In 1628 he had charge of a petition from the
merchants of Ostend to Parliament, and in 1630
he received from the Grand Duke of Tuscany
995
Such dif- -
Municipalism.
a license to trade in his dominions. He died
in 1641. Mun is one of the earliest English
mercantilists. His chief work, containing ex-
cellent reflections upon supply and demand,
and practical conclusions which it would be
well for England to apply, is still extant. It
is England's Treasure by Foreign Trade
(probably written in 1630, but not published till
1664, long after his death), It is noteworthy
that, in opposition to many mercantilists, he ad-
vocated the exportation of gold when a surplus
of that metal remained in the country.
es MUNICIPALISM.—(For the history, sta-
tistics, present needs, and conditions of cities,
see Ciry. For the municipal reform movement
in the United States conducted by the various
municipal leagues, see MunicipaAL REForM. For
Europe, see BERLIN; BIRMINGHAM , GLAsGow ;
Lonpon ; Paris; also the different countries.)
Municipalism may be defined as the theory, or
the practice of the theory, that it is wise to ex-
tend the functions of the municipality.
In the United States, the general tendency
has been to minimize the municipality’s func-
tions. The presumption is against municipal
activity and for private action. Says Judge
Dillon, in his authoritative work on A/unzcipal
Corporations :
“It isa general and undisputed proposition of law,
that a municipal corporation possesses and can exercise
the following powers and no others: First, those
ranted in express words ; second, those necessarily or
Furl implied in or incident to the powers expressly
granted ; third, those essentza/ to the declared objects
and purposes of the corporation, not simply convenient,
but indispensable. Any fair, reasonable doubt con-
cerning the existence of power is resolved by the
courts against the corporation, and the power is de-
nied. Ofevery municipal corporation the charter, or
statute by which it is created, is its organic act.
Neither the corporation nor its officers can do any act,
or make any contract, or incur any liability, not au-
thorized thereby. All acts beyond the scope of the
powers granted are void.... These principles are
of transcendent importance, and lie at the foundation
of the law of municipal corporations.”
In Europe, the opposite is the case. The re-
sult is that in America the corporate city, being
thought little of, has been left, generally speak-
ing, to be managed bya low class of politicians,
and thus to become corrupt and weak ; while in
Europe, the function of the city being highly
conceived, city offices have attracted to them-
selves some of the best and ablest citizens, and
thus the European city has become, as com-
pared with American cities, efficient and pure.
At least such is the view of many municipalists.
The only way to purify American city govern-
ments, such municipalists argue, is to exalt
and expand the city’s function. This, too, they
say, is cheaper and better in every way for the
citizens than to allow its streets to be given over
to the control of private street railway compa-
nies, its gas, electric lighting, and other natural
monopolies to be provided by favored compa-
nies, which think first of dividend and secondly
of the public convenience. Such is the theory of
municipalism in brief. Many, moreover, who
would not agree to any such general proposi-
tions as the above, do believe in much of the
municipalist program, considering, however,
each case concretely on its merits. We must,
therefore, refer the reader for the details of mu-
Municipalism.
nicipalism to Batus ; ELectric Licutine ; Fire
DEPARTMENT ; Gas ; LavaToriks ; STREET RalIL-
ways; NaruraL Monopo.igs, etc. (For exam-
ples of municipalism, see BERLIN; BIRMING-
HAM; GLasGow; Lonpon; Paris.) We give
here a few representative general views.
Says Mr. Francis Bellamy, in an address on
Municipal Government, delivered in New
Haven, November 11, 1890:
““Why is the municipal government of Berlin or Bir-
mingham or Glasgow so much less corrupt and more
efficient than ours? Certainly not because. their citi-
zens are more intelligent or more moral than Ameri-
cans, One reason certainly is that the machinery is
more simple and direct. But the deepest reason is that
the functions are so much more extensive that not
only are the most capable men led to take office, but
the Pernle generally are attentive to the problems
which the many-sided business of the city presents.
“If it is objected that monopolies should be kept out
of politics, we can only reply that monopolies are in
politics. They depend on legislatures and city coun-
cils and on politicians and lobbyists for their very
existence. 'rivate monopolies have debauched our
politics, and are a continual menace to uncorrupted
government. Our recent West End Railway scandal
in Boston is only lessthan the Broadway surface bri-
bery of New Yorkaldermen ; but both gotoshow how
terrible is the pressure which great natural monopolies
can bring to bear toextort franchises. Theinterests of
such immense enterprises as elevated railways, surface
railways, gas-works, electric lighting plants and
water-works are necessarily antagonistic to the inter-
ests of the public. They serve the people, but their
motive is dividends and not the comfort of the people
or the improvement of the city. They absorb the best
business talent and the best legal shrewdness into
their service, that they may secure privileges at public
sacrifice. They employ a candidate for Governor of
Massachusetts to defeat in legislative committee the
natural petition of Danvers town people that they may
. be allowed to do their own electric lighting. Andthey
employ an ex-Governor of Massachusetts to lobby for
the passage of an elevated railroad bill, which gives
fullest freedom to the company, without the public re-
ceiving a dollar of compensation. Monopolies will be
in politics ina bad sense until the people take them
into politics in a good sense by undertaking their
operation themselves. In this way, too, municipal
reform is more apt to follow extension of the city’s
business than to go before it.”
Says Professor R. T. Ely (Chr¢stzan Union,
now The Outlook, October 9, 1890) : :
““We are reversing the order of nature in planning
to reform city government first, and then to carry out
the changes I have mentioned, and to make improve-
ments in behalf of the poorer classes. Let any one
name a city where this policy has been successfully
pursued. I know of none.
‘*When the Hon. Joseph Chamberlain and his
friends took hold of the corrupt and inefficient city
government of Birmingham, they at once ‘ devised
large measures,’ including the purchase of gas and
water-works by the city. A public library followed;
public parks, improved dwellings for the ‘poor, large
public undertakings, broad and generous measures
have been an essential part of municipal reform and
improvement in cities like Berlin and Glasgow; they
have not followed a purification of politics, but have
helped to elevate political life.
“Has the experience of this country been different ?
Not at all. When the city government of Baltimore
was worse than it is to-day, when the ‘Plug Uglies’
and ‘ Blood Tubs’ were a terror, the government was
improved by adding to its functions a paid police
and a paid fire department. Extension of functions
within a proper sphere improves government.
_ ‘(It may be urged, perhaps, that the difference of
institutions between a monarchical country, like Ger-
many or England, and a republican country, like the
United States, is radical, and that things are done
for the people in those countries. This is fortu-
nately not the case. The truth is, that cities and towns
have in both of these countries—Germany and Eng-
land—a power which ours are far from possessing.
They have more local self-government than we. They
are not obliged, like Massachusetts towns, vainly to
petition a legislature for authority to construct gas
906
Municipalism.
works and to establish an electric lighting lant. Such
powers are either possessed, as a matter of course, or
are conferred by general laws. : . ;
“It is well againto make comparisons. Fifty orsixty
years ago city government in England was a disgrace
tothe country. Has improvement come by means in-
compatible with democratic institutions? On the con-
trary, as city government has improved it has become
more democratic. Germany has also
become more democratic, while the
local administration has been improv-
ing. There may be some limitations
upon the suffrage in English local poli-
tics still, and ina German city like Ber-
lin the vote of a rich man may count for
more than the vote of a poor man ; but these limitations
do not account for their superior local governments,
These are among the differences between usand them
which are growing less. And with us it is unscrupu-
lous wealth which rules and corrupts ourcities. What
influence, comparatively speaking, have working men
in our politics? Was Jacob Sharp a wage-earner?
Were the manipulators of the West End scandal in the
Massachusetts Legislature dwellers in the slums of
Boston? Does any sane man in Baltimore who wishes
to work a measure through our City Council rely upon
the assistance of leaders of working men? I have
some idea of what I would do in Baitimore. I know
the men whom I would approach, but they are not
wage-earners. President Seth Low has said that-his
study and actual experience as Mayor of Brooklyn
have convinced him that universal suffrage is not the
cause of bad city governments. He says he did not
find wealth always ready to cooperate, and he believes
that our cities could not have made so rapid progress
as they have without universal suffrage.”
Municipal
Corruption,
Those who object to this view generally argue
that municipal enterprises are expensive and
ineffective. Lzberty, the organ of the philo-
sophical anarchists in America (see
ANARCHISM), quotes, in its issue of
August 1, 1896, a writer in the New- Objections.
castle Chronzcle, who affirms of the
municipal baths and wash-houses
of that city (Newcastle, England) that the num-
ber of persons using them has decreased 50,325
from 1890-95, while the expenditures for them
has risen £500, salaries having increased from
£1677 to £2039. The municipalization of horse
cars in Huddersfield, he affirms, has necessi-
tated the imposition of a rate of 5d@. on the
pound. The wrangling of the Newcastle Coun-
cil over tramways has made it forget its hy-
gienic duties, till scarlet-fever and diphtheria
were rampant in certain quarters of the city.
Municipalists, however, are not much dis-
turbed by examples of municipal mismanage-
ment. They believe, in the first place, that such
examples can be easily matched by the mis-
management of the countless private cor-
porations, which fail, or which succeed only by
inflicting hot, crowded, filthy cars, or impure
water, or poor gas upon a long-suffering public.
Secondly, they assert that municipal manage-
ment cannot at first be expected always to
excel private management in matters where
the latter has had long experience and the city
but little. Yetthe fact is that tho no one claims
perfection for city management, what it has
undertaken to do a growing num-
ber of careful students, not preju-
diced by any theory, believe to be
far better done than the privately
conducted interests. Work done
directly by the city (see ConTracr Lazor) is
being found, where tried, to be surprising]
better and cheaper than private work. Munici-
pal street cars, gas, electric lighting, furnish
strong evidence for municipalization. (See those
Answer,
Municipalism.
subjects.) In 1867 a private company was or-
ganized to build the Brooklyn Bridge. The
charter placed the original capital stock at $5,-
000,000. Of this Brooklyn gave $3,000.000 ; New
York, $1,500,000 ; private stockholders, $500,-
ooo. Yet tho the private stockholders gave only
‘one tenth ot the amount, they had all the power.
Six ¢x officio members represented the cities on
the board of 21 directors, but they had no vote in
electing other directors, and the whole power
was put into the hands of the executive commit-
tee. The result was scandalous jobbery and
mismanagement. Contracts for portions of the
work were let to favored stockholders, etc. In
order to save the bridge. the cities had to buy it
of the private stockholders, after which its build-
ing was a success. A committee of the cities,
appointed later, with such men as Abram S.
Hewitt upon it, reported that there had been
practically no mismanagement except under
the private management. If this took place
under corrupt New York and Brooklyn, munici-
palists argue, what might not be expected of
purified municipalities ?
Municipalization, too, is cheaper, and lowers
taxes. Berlin, Paris, etc., receive large incomes
from their municipal undertakings. Mayor
Clark, of the city of Marquette, in Michigan,
once declared that the revenue from the elec-
tric and other plants owned by that city were
almost enough then, and by expansion could be
made actually enough to meet all the expenses
of the city without taxation of any kind. As the
argument for municipalization, however, turns
on concrete details, it must be studied under the
head of the various natural monopolies. (See
Monopotises ; NaturaL MoNopouiEs ; SOCIALISM ;
INDIVIDUALISM.)
Reference: See City.
~ MUNICIPAL REFORM.—(For the history,
statistics, evils, and needs of modern cities, see
City. For the reform of cities on lines of mu.
nicipalism, see Municipauism. For conditions
and movements in Europe, see BERLIN; Bir.
MINGHAM ; GLascow ; Lonpon; Paris; CIty.)
We consider in this article the movements and
societies for municipal reform which have
sprung up recently in all the larger American
cities on somewhat varying lines, but in general
sympathy both as to aims and methods, and now
federated in a National Municipal League.
The occasion for this movement was undoubt-
edly the unequaled corruption and degradation
of American municipal political life and-admin-
istration. Says Mr. Bryce (The American Com-
monwealth, revised edition, Part II., chap. i.):
“There is no denying that the government of
cities is the one conspicuous failure of the United
States,’ Consciousness of this having grown
among the more educated classes in America
(see City), the cue eae isto oS evil
has sprung up gradually, and recently to an ex-
tent Distifying its being called by Dr. Albert
Shaw, in the Review of Reviews for April,
1895, Our Crvic Renaissance. ae
Spasmodic efforts and uprisings of indignant
citizens against some extreme display of munici-
pal corruption or mismanagement have Jong
been known in America, but have accomplished
little permanent, and not even much temporary
997
Municipal Reform.
good. The powers of evil, with their machine or-
ganizations, party bosses and heelers, entrench.
ed in the saloons, and extorting and receiving
contributions from corporations in
exchange for franchises, etc., have
proved too much for spasmodic ef- Needs,
forts at reform. It was a fight of
unorganized volunteers against or-
ganized regulars. Usually the result was
that the reformers, after a passing effort, gave
up the battle as hopeless, or, having wona pass-
ing victory, retired to let the enemy immediate-
ly regain all that had been won. The thought
of the new municipal movement has been that
our cities can only be rescued from evil by the
permanent organization and continued watch-
fulness of the forces of good. This thought has
been helped by a growing ideal on the part of
some of the true city hfe. The general tendency
in America has been to despise government and
magnify private action. The natural result has
been that government, and especially our mu-
nicipal governments, have been left, generally
speaking, to our more ignorant citizens, while
the abler and more educated classes have large-
ly left politics alone. The evil of this having
been seen, there has been a growing willing-
ness of able men to devote time to city prob-
lems, and even to accept office. Examples of
this are the election of Mr. Seth Low as Mayor
of Brooklyn, the mayoralty of Mr. Hewitt in
New York, the activity of such men as Theo-
dore Roosevelt in the same city. But this was
soon seen not to be enough, and that there was
a necessity for organizing against corruption..
The socialist critics of the municipal reform
movement said that it did not go far enough ;
that municipal government could never be pure
and attract strong men to it till its functions
were expanded, and the city had large things to
do. As long, they argued, as private corpora-
tions conducted the great natural monopolies
(g.v.) of the city and made large fortunes they
would be, and must be, the socialists argued, a .
corrupting element on the less important city
administration. Just so long as they did the
main things they could employ and attract the
ablest men to service outside or inside of gov-
ernment circles. The way to reform, said the
socialists, was, first, to exalt the city corpora-
tion over the private corporation, as it is in Eu-
rope, and not to allow the private corporation
to overshadow the city, as it is in America.
(For this argument, however, see MuNICcIPAL-
IsM.) The municipal reform movement we are
now considering, while it has had within it those
who have ably voiced this thought, has not as
a whole been committed tothis idea. We point
this out to explain the fact that the movement
has not attracted to itself the more radical mu-
nicipal reformers nor many of the working
classes. It has been chiefly a movement of
business and professional men, its main en-
deavors being to organize for the enforcement
of such laws as we now have and the simplifica-
tion and purification of administration. More
radical reformers have declared that the great
corporations in some of our larger cities have
been represented in this municipal reform
movement by stockholders, etc., so that it has
been prevented from going far on lines of mu-
Municipal Reform.
nicipalism, while in New York City, for exam-
ple, great division and popular hostility have
resulted to some portions. and persons of the
reform forces on the questions of Sunday clos-
ing, the wages paid to some city employees,
etc. It has been declared that it was simply a
business man’s movement. carrying into city
politics all the sharp practices and cutting of
wages, etc., which in the popular mind at least
characterize modern business. Thus in every
way in many cities a cleavage has arisen be
tween the municipal reformers, who seek pri-
marily to reform admunistration, and the mu
nicipalizers, who seek municipalism In all
cities, however, there have been some in the
municipal reform movement who have advo-
cated municipalism ; there has been a general
tendency to favor some municipalizing steps,
such as opening city baths. lavatories (g.v.),
enforcing strict control over tenements, streets,
etc., while in some cities the reform movement
has gone much farther in this direction. With
this general presentation of the aims of the
movement we give a brief notice of some of the
more important city leagues and of the more
recently formed National Municipal League.
One of the first cities to have a league for
the purification of city administration was Bal-
timore, where, in 1885, a Reform League, after
an unusually corrupt election, was formed “to
secure fair elections, promote hon-
est government, and to expose and
Beginnings. bring to punishment official miscon-
duct in the State of Maryland, and
especially in the city of Baltimore.’’
Several registers and election judges were con-
victed of fraud and imprisoned. Several cities,
however, had citizens’ associations against po-
litical frauds before this. Chicago had one as
early as 1874. The preamble of this associa-
tion’s constitution states :
“‘In order to insure a more perfect administration in
our municipal affairs ; to promote the general welfare
and prosperity of the city ; to protect citizens, so far as
possible, against the evils of careless or corrupt legis-
lation ; toeffect the prompt enforcement and execution
of the law; to foster and encourage all enterprises
necessary and calculated to develop and extend our
business and commercial interests; to protect and
maintain our credit, both at home and abroad; to se-
cure such legislation, both State and national, as the
interests of the city may from timeto time require ; to
arouse a more widely extended interest in our munici-
pal legislation and administration; to correct existing
abuses, and to prevent their future recurrence ; and
believing that, to secure these ends, organized and
united action is necessary.”
Law and order leagues (g.v.) sprang up about
this time, and a National Law and Order League
was established in Boston in 1883 A Massa-
chusetts Society for Promoting Good Citizenship
was organized in 1887. A Citizens’ Municipal
Association was organized in Philadelphia in
1886. A Citizens’ Association in Boston was
formed in 1887.
_ In New York City, a Society for the Preven-
tion of Crime had been organized October 22
1878. Its objects were
“to promote in all proper and suitable ways the re-
moval of sources and causes of crime; to assist the
weak and helpless in obtaining the protection of the
courts and of the laws regulating the sale of intoxicat-
ing drinks, and in protecting themselves against the
temptations to crime; to aid in the enforcement of the
laws of this State; to disseminate information, and to
- 908
Municipal Reform.
arouse a correct public opinion in support of all laws,
organizing and forming meetings and associations for
instruction and discussion upon such topics,”’
Under the presidency of Dr. Howard Crosby,
it did good work along its corporate lines; but.
in its work the collusion between criminals and
the officers of the law became evident, and
when, upon Dr. Crosby's death in 1892, Dr.
C. H. Parkhurst (¢.v.) became its president, he
devoted himself to exposing this connection.
He said :
‘Experience had shown that very little can be ac-
complished by the occasional closing of an isolated
saloon illegally run, or by the prosecution of any single
gambler or bawdy-house keeper, so long as the con-
ditions exist which render it possible for illegal prac-
tices of the sort to maintain themselves so concertedly,
so confidently, and so defiantly, lf anattempt is made
to suppress a gambling-house, for instance, the prime
difficulty that we have to encounter is not in dealing
with the proprietor himself, but in dealing with the
support which he receives from the authorities, whose.
sworn duty it is to detect and arrest him, Till the
alliance is broken which exists between
the criminals and their proper prosecu-
tions, itis bailing out water with a sieve
to attempt the extinguishment of in-
dividual gambling-houses or bawey
houses,... This is a sufficient reply
to the question sometimes put, why it is that we do
not cooperate with the Police Department.... If
the department would do what the public pays them
for doing, we would disband, and be glad to. The
very existence of such a society as ours is, properly
interpreted, a standing indictment of police incom-
petency or criminality.. We cannot work with them
then, for the simple reason that we are organized to
suppress crime, and the attitude of the department is
one of the greatest obstacles that we have toencounter
in doing it.”
The resulting exposure of the department by
Dr. Parkhurst and his fellow-workers, the Lexow
Investigation, are well known. (See PARKHURST ;
Lexow Committers.) Asone result, a City Vigi-
lance League was formed in 1892. Its objects
were
New York.
“to quicken among its members an appreciation of
their municipal obligations ; to acquaint them with ex-
isting conditions ; to familiarize them with the machin-
ery of municipal government ; to make conspicuous
the respect in which such government is languidly or
criminally administered ; to regard with jealous con-
cern the point at which private interest enters into
competition with the general good; and inevery possi-
ble way to repress in the community what makes for
its detriment, and to foster whatsoever seems fitted to
promote its advantage.”
Its methods were
“the collection and dissemination of full and ac-
curate data concerning our municipal conditions; by
legislation; by legal proceedings; by the hearty sup-
port of officials who discharge their duties faithfully,
and the vigorous prosecution of those who neglect
them; and by the creation of a public sentiment in
futherance of the objects of the League.” 4
It established an organ, The City Vigzlant,
edited by W. H. Tolman, Ph.D. By August,
1893, Dr. Parkhurst wrote :
“Between 400 and 500 men are already actually
at work in the field. Operations have been com-
menced in 22 out of the 30 Assembly districts. What-
ever concerns the interests of our city is made subject
of inquiry and conference.”
Meanwhile, Mr. Edmund Kelly had organized,
in 1892, the City Club of New York, and this
club organized in different parts of the city
some 20 Good Government Clubs (g.v.), which,
in 1894, were federated under a Council of Con-
federated Good Government Clubs. It was the
forces in the Good Government Clubs and the
Municipal Reform.
City Vigilance League, with representatives of
the Chamber of Commerce, which held a con-
ference September 6, 1894, and appointed a
Committee of Seventy to oppose the Tammany
machine—somewhat similar to a Committee of
Fifty created by a mass meeting November 13,
1893. The Committee of Fifty, however, had
simply engaged in prosecuting election frauds,
etc. ; the Committee of Seventy went farther.
It succeeded in defeating Tammany in the city
elections and putting civil service and other re-
formers into some of the departments—as Mr.
Roosevelt as a police commissioner. It also ap-
pointed various sub-committees, as on street
cleaning, public baths and lavatories, small
. parks, tenement-house reform, etc. Asaresult,
various reforms have been commenced in New
York City. A commission was appointed by
the city to investigate the condition of the teneé.
ments, and its report, coupled with the efforts
of various society and settlements (see UNIvER-
SITY SETTLEMENTS), is resulting in the tearing
down of some of the worst slums, the opening
of several small parks, the opening of public
baths, lavatories, etc. It is hoped that this
work of this committee will develop a perma-
nent organization, like the Civic Federation of
Chicago.
Through other cities there has been a wave
of organization on this line. The Civic Federa-
tion of Chicago owes its origin to the visit of
Mr. W. T. Stead (g.v.), his revelations of the
corruption there, and his effort to federate the
moral forces of that city in civic and social work.
The Federation was incorporated in February,
1894, with the banker, Mr. Lyman J. Gage, at
its head, and Mrs. Palmer as its first vice-presi-
dent. Mr. R. M. Easley has been its active sec-
retary. It has a central council of 134 mem-
bers, 7 large standing committees, and 34 ward
councils. Mr. Gage is quoted in the Review
of Reviews as saying of it:
“The idea of the Civic Federation is primarily an
educational one. Its policy is to focus all the forces
now laboring to advance the municipal, philanthropic,
industrial, and moral interests of Chicago. It believes
in the theory that in union there is strength, and it in-
vites the cooperation of all societies and organiza-
tions, regardless of party or sect, in its efforts to raise
the standard and ethics of municipal life in Chicago.
The Civic Federation does its work through six differ-
ent departments and under the auspices
of committees selected especially for
their fitness for the different lines of
work. Ina broad sense our association
aims to accomplish the development of
public sentiment toward the following
results: First, in the political field, the
selection of clean and honorable men for aldermen j;
state and municipal legislation in the interest of
Chicago. In the municipal field, clean streets and
alleys, improved urban traffic accommodations, hon-
orable police, less smoke, more water, etc. In the
industrial, the establishment of boards of conciliation,
public employment bureau, etc. In the moral work,
the people are pretty well acquainted with our efforts
to suppress gambling. ...
‘But all this is incidental to the main object of the
Federation—that is to educate the people, the tax-
payers of Chicago, to a sense of their municipal du-
ties; to arouse them to the necessity of action and
vigilant effort, that corrupt influences and elements
may be driven out and the city eventually redeemed
from politics and politicians.’
As a result, Chicago in 1895 gained a substan-
tial victory for civil service reform ; it remains
to be seen with what enduring results. Accord-
ing to some the wealth of Chicago is so entwined
Other
Cities.
909
Municipal Reform,
with interests aided by the corrupt gaining of
franchises, etc., that it is questionable whether
reform can come except by radical changes.
The Municipal Reform League of Boston is
older. It had its origin in an address by Mr.
Samuel B, Capen in March, 1892, in which the
necessity for a cooperation of the best civic and
moral forces of metropolitan Boston was stir-
tingly set forth. There resulted an organiza-
tion under Mr, Capen’s leadership out of which
the present Municipal League has come by a
process of healthy evolution. The League at
present is limited to a membership of 250, It
includes representatives of a great number of
societies and organizations, some of these being
trade bodies and business men’s associations,
others being religious and philanthropic socie-
ties. Its active secretary is Mr. Edwin D.
Mead, editor of the Mew England Magazine.
The League has ayitated for athree-years’ term
for the mayor, the abolition of the Common
Council, and the enlargement of the Board of
Aldermen to 25, with salaries of $3000 and no
allowances for expenses, and the adoption of
proportional representation in municipal elec-
tions.
The Municipal League of Philadelphia is
among the largest and best in the country. It
was organized in 1892. Its president is Mr.
George Burnham, Jr. Its secretary, Mr. C. R.
Woodruff, writes in the Review of Reviews:
“The Municipal League aims to combine for con-
ference and cooperation all citizens who desire good
city government. It believes in the practical separa-
tion of municipal from State and national politics ;
the nomination of none but those who are honest an
capable; the application of civil service reform prin-
ciples to all appointments ; the rigid ‘enforcement of
public contracts, and no grants of municipal fran-
chises except for limited periods and upon the best
obtainable terms. There are no dues and the league
is dependent on subscriptions for its necessary ex-
penses. The by-laws provide for the nomination of
candidates whenever it may seem expedient, but no
member is expected to support a nomination which he
cannot approve.
‘““The above is a succinct statement of the aims and
objects of the Philadelphia Municipal League, one of
the largest, most active, and influential organizations
in the United States working for permanent municipal
reform, With upward of 3500 members, it has active
associations in over one third of the wards of the city,
and in many of these ward associations the election
divisions (into which the wards are divided) are or-
ganized in behalf of the cause of better city govern-
ment. The importance of this kind of organization is
appreciated when we learn that the dominant Repub-
lican Party has a group of active workers in every one
of the 930 election divisions, There are about 10,000
office-holders, and these are so distributed as to aver-
age 1o workers to a division. This ‘regular’ army of
trained politicians is always to be depended upon to
get out the vote, carry primaries, or do any other
needed work, such as the collection of assessments,
the naturalization of foreigners, or the securing of
signatures to petition fora pardon, or the endorsement
of an ambitious candidate. We cannot expect to
make much headway or accomplish much in the way
of permanent results until the advocates of good city
government are also adequately organized into
trained and efficient bodies of workers.”
In Philadelphia the women have been par-
ticularly active in municipal reform. They or-
ganized a Civic Club January 1, 1894, and ac-
tively carry on many departments of study and
work.
Such are some of the representative organiza-
tions of the movement. They are now united in
a National Municipal League, organized in New
York City in April, 1894, as the result of a Na-
Municipal Reform.
a
tional Conference for Good City Government,
held in Philadelphia, January, 1894.
According to its constitution, the League has
a threefold object :
1. To multiply the numbers, harmonize the
methods, and combine the forces of all who
realize that it is only by united
action and organization that good
any citizens can secure the adoption of
Laneus good laws and the selection of men
of trained ability and proved in-
tegrity for all municipal positions,
or prevent the success of incompetent or cor-
rupt candidates for public office.
2. To promote the thorough investigation and
discussion of the conditions and details of civic
administration, and of the methods for selecting
and appointing officials in American cities, and
of laws and ordinances relating to such subjects.
3. To provide for such meetings and confer-
ences, and for the preparation and circulation
of such addresses and other literature, as may
seem likely to advance the cause of good city
government.
The league is managed by a board of dele-
gates chosen by the associations composing it.
Each association is entitled to appoint, from
time to time, as many delegates as it may see
fit, and each delegate shall retain his position
until he is withdrawn, or his successor is quali-
fied, or his association becomes inactive.
The annual fee for associate members is $5.
The league has no organ of its own, but from
time to time issues leaflets on some topic con-
nected with good government. ,
The present president is James C. Carter, of
New York, and the secretary C. R. Woodruff,
of Philadelphia. The annual conferences of
this league have become important as discuss-
ing all forms of municipal reform. At the Bal-
timore convention of 1896 the secretary report-
ed leagues in all the larger cities, over 200. In
Baltimore and New Orleans especially impor-
tant victories have been won.
References: SeeCiry. The Review of Reviews gives
the latest news of the reform movement. The dz-
nals of the American Academy of Political and Social
Science has a valuable department on municipal gov-
ernment.
MUNZER, THOMAS, was born at Stolberg
about 1490, Studying at Leipzig, he became a
preacher, and at first worked in unison with the
reformers, but later turned against the ‘‘ half-
ness’’ of Luther and Melanchthon, and, led by
what he believed ‘‘inner light,’’ demanded a
radical reform of Church and State. He held
usual Anabaptist ideas about baptism, but was
not otherwise identified with the Anabaptists
(g.v.). He believed in continuous divine reve-
lation and in community of property. He
promulgated these ideas in popular and effec-
tive tho sometimes coarse speech. Expelled
from Allstadt, where he had been preacher, he
settled at last in Miilhausen, and succeeded
here in overthrowing the council and gaining a
new one under hiscontrol. When the Peasants’
War (g.v.) broke out he induced the whole pop-
ulation of the vicinity to rise. The peasants,
however, were defeated at Frankenhausen, May
25,1525. Miinzer was captured, tortured, and
beheaded at Miilhausen a few days later.
glo
Mutual Banking.
MUTUAL BANKING.—By this phrase is
usually meant a monetary system first formu-
lated by Colonel William B. Greene, of Boston,
about 1850. It has been somewhat modified, but
is to-day advocated by most extreme individual-
ists. A mutual bank propaganda was started
in Chicago. Its secretary, Mr. Westrup, de-
scribes the plan in his Ze Financial Problem,
as follows :
“To state that interest for money loaned on good
security is irrational, and that its abolition is not depen-
dent upon philanthropic motive, but upon business
principle, and therefore unavoidable, is to either
startle the ‘civilized’ world or else to evoke ridicule.
To state that savings banks are economic absurdities,
and that history gives no greater evidence of man’s
folly than in their establishment, is to become not only
the laughing-stock of superficial thinkers, but to be
regarded as zon compos mentis by ‘learned’ writers
on political economy... .
“The proof that interest upon money loaned on good
security is irrational is the fact that good security is
wealth, and that what the borrower obtains is merely
something which enables him to avail himself of the
use of his wealth as capital, without cutting it up into
small pieces, asis done with the wealth consisting of
the metals used as money, but. which in his case is im-
possible. The banker lends his credit. and the bor-
rower pledges his wealth, the banker being far more
secure than the holder of the banker’s paper. The
banker takes pay for the use of capital, altho he fur-
nishes none; for the capital (wealth) is furnished by
the borrower. The banker, therefore, renders no more
service to the borrower than he would if, both using
in every way the same kind of spectacles, the bor-
rower should hand his to the banker, while he bor-
rowed the banker’s for his own use. ...
“The present essay is intended to show that present
as well as all past monetary systems areas unscientific
and the popular views of money as incorrect as the
notions entertained in regard to astronomy before the
days of Copernicus. .
“As much of this comes of a misunderstanding of
the definition of terms, in order to arrive at compre-
hensive views on this subject, I shall commence by
giving the definitions of such terms as J shall make
use of, and in regard to the meaning of which there
exists a confusion of ideas....
“Money cannot properly be called wealth, altho it is
wealth to the extent of the market value of the mate-
rial of which it is composed, as is the case when it is
made of gold, silver, etc.; but it is not wealth when it
is made of paper, for the wealth contained in a paper
dollar or 1000 paper dollars is too insignificant to be
called wealth, or rather to warrant the statement that
such money is wealth. Hence to call money wealth is
incorrect, for that would imply that a// money is
wealth, whereas, as I have already shown. some kinds
of money isnot wealth. Therefore, in defining money,
I say money is a representative of wealth ; or, to state
it_more fuily, money is the circulating medium; its
office is to facilitate the exchange of the products of
labor ; its nature is a representative of wealth.
“JT do not expect opposition to my first two proposi-
tions—vzz., that money is the circulating medium or
that its office is to facilitate the exchange of the prod-
ucts of labor ; but tomy third proposition—v7z., that
the definition of money which relates to its nature isnot
wealth, but a representative of wealth, 1 anticipate op-
position from a certain quarter, For instance an op-
ponent might argue that money is wealth, and attempt
to prove it by the fact that the possessor of $1,000,000,
even in paper money, is a wealthy individual. 1 do
not deny this, yet it does not conflict with my defi-
nition, Heis a wealthy individual, because he pos-
sesses the representative of $1,000,000 worth of wealth,
and can exchange it for wealth at any time. But to
say that that individual is the possessor of wealth
would not be correct, for he is the possessor of wealth
only to the extent of the market value of the paper
stock contained in the said paper money. We cannot
too strongly urge the importance of recognizing this
distinction; for by so doing we admit the fact that
we do not increase wealth by issuing paper money;
yet by issuing paper money amply secured, we in-
crease in the same proportion the available capital for
the purpose of productive enterprise, and at the same
time, as will be seen by the plan for mutual banks,
destroy that which is the bane of all modern enter-
prise, usury !
““CosT.—The term cost is meant by the present
Mutual Banking.
writer to denote the net expense i -
sive OL ene pegee Pp of production, exclu
“ BARTER.—This term is given to that transaction
which is an exchange of wealth for wealth, orone prod-
uct of labor for another product of labor; such as a
house for a farm, a watch for a horse, a pair of shoes
for a hat, or all these for specie. Specie is a species of
qecaleet ; therefore, to purchase with specie is bar-
e1.
“Having given definitions of the terms in regard to
the meaning of which I might be misunderstood, I will
now proceed with our subject. My object being to
prove that the money question is a subject of science,
and that there are principles by which we can test the
correctness of a money system, I will first state what
those principles are and then test the correctness of
prevailing systems by their application.
‘““z, Money being a representative ot wealth, a money
system must provide a sufficient volume and facilities
to enable all wealth to be represented by money.
‘*2, As interest for money loaned is not ‘ compensa-
tion for the use of capital,’ the borrower
. possessing the capital (wealth), and
Principles, needing but the representative (except
in cases where money is loaned without
: security), a money system must pro-
vide for the loaning of this representative at cost.
_ ‘3. As the holder of a bank bill or government note
is not thereby the possessor of wealth, a money system
must provide absolute security against loss to the
holder of paper money.
_ ‘The three foregoing principles constitute, in my
judgnient, the basis of a correct money system, and
any system that does not fulfill their requirements is
defective, and fails to supply what is’ wanted as their
application to the following systems will show.”
The following is the plan for a mutual bank :
“r, The inhabitants or any portion of the inhabi-
tants of any town or city may organize themselves
into a mutual banking company.
‘*2, The officers of a mutual bank should be a board
of directors, an appraiser, a manager, a cashier, and a
secretary.
‘*3. Those who propose to become members should
elect the appraiser and the board of directors, who
should hold their office for one year.
“4. The board of directors should first elect the
manager, cashier, and secretary from among their
number.
‘‘s. The manager, cashier, and secretary should hold
office until they resign or are removed
by the board of directors, who should re-
quire each to give bonds. They should
be subject to and not members of the
board, nor participate in its meetings,
except when called upon to do so; and the
same rule should govern the appraiser.
“6. The appraiser and members of the board may
be removed ata general meeting of the members of
the bank, and others elected to fill their places, of
which due notice should be given.
‘“7, Membership ceases when a member pays his
notes to the bank, and none but members should be
directors.
‘8. The board of directors should employ a secre-
tary of its own and a legal adviser, and fix the salary
of the officers and employees.
“‘o. The manager should manage the affairs of the
bank, the cashier the usual duties, and the secretary
should have charge of all documents, see that ail
mortgages are duly recorded before notes are dis-
counted by the bank, and keepan account of the print-
ing and issue of bills.
“ro. Any person may become a member of the mu-
tual banking company, of any particular town or city,
by pledging unencumbered improved real estate, never
vacant lands, situated in that town or city, or in its
immediate neighborhood, or other first-class collateral
to the bank. ;
“yr, The mutual bank should print (or have printed)
paper money, with which to discount the notes of its
members, and should always furnish new bills for torn
or soiled ones when requested, free of charge.
“r2, Every member, at the time his note is dis-
counted by the bank, should bind himself, and be
bound in due legal form, to receive in payment of
debts at par, and from all persons, the bills issued and
to be issued by the bank.
“13, Notes falling due may be renewed by the bank,
subject to the modification which a new valuation may
require, so that the note does not exceed two thirds,
““s4, Any person may borrow the paper money of a
Plan of
Bank,
giz
Mutualism.
mutual bank on his own note not extending beyond 12
months (without endorsement), to an amount not to
exceed two thirds of the value of the collateral pledged
by him.
“ts, The charge which the mutual bank should
make for the loans should be determined by and, if
possible, not exceed the expenses of the institution,
provrata.
‘““16. No money should be loaned by the bank except
on the above conditions.
“r7, Any member may have his property released
from pledge and be himself released from all obliga-
tions to the mutual bank, and to the holders of its bills
as such, by paying his note or notes to the said bank.
“38, The mutual bank shall receive none other than
itsown money, or that of similar institutions, except
such coin money as the board of directors may des-
ignate, and this should be discounted one half of one
per cent.
‘ro, All mutual banks may enter into such arrange-
ments with each other as shall enable them to receive
each other’s bills.
‘“o0, The mutual bank should publish in one or more
daily papers each day a statement of its loans the day
previous, describing the property pledged, giving the
owner’s name and its location, with the appraiser’s
value and the amount loaned on it, and also a state-
ment of the notes paid and mortgages cancelled dur-
ing the same period, which statement should be signed
by the manager, cashier, and secretary.
“ar, The mutual bank should exchange, at any time,
any of its own bills that are torn or worn for new ones
without charge.”
To this plan socialists say that the main, and
in one sense the only but sufficient objection is
that unless all entered into this mutual system
it would not serve the complete needs of society
asa medium of exchange, so that government
or some other organization would still have to
provide money ; and that when all did enter
into it it would be a monetary cooperative com-
monwealth, such as democratic socialism is more
speedily leading us to realize. Till we have
this, government needs to control the issue of
money in order to prevent the ignorant and in-
nocent from being deceived by the speculator
and the sharper. (See ANARCHISM ; SOCIALISM.)
MUTUALISM is a term preferred by some,
like the late Bishop Brooks, in place of social-
ism. Professor Frank Parsons, who has made
the term known in his books, The Phzlosophy
of Mutualism and Our Country's Need, con-
tributes the following statement of it :
“The term mutualism is used to denote a condition
of society in which the governing principle is mutual
help. When two persons work together in partner-
ship or live together in harmonious family life we
have mutualism in miniature. When the principle of
partnership or union of ownership, effort and control for
the common benefit, shall be extended to the whole
social life of city, State, and nation, we shall have a
mutualism complete upon the plane of justice. And
when love and brotherhood become the animating
principle of the partnership, and each member of so-
ciety not merely cooperates with the rest, but devotes
himself to the welfare of the rest, we shall have a
mutualism of the loftiest type. The earlier outward
steps toward mutualism are the public ownership of
monopolies and the growth of cooperative enterprises,
which processes, meeting each other half way, will
bring about a common ownership of the means of pro-
duction and distribution, industrial self-government
or democracy, economic equality, and a cooperative
character. Finally men will come to know that the
joys of intellectual and spiritual activity infinitely ex-
ceed the pleasures of the senses. Then they will wish
for wealth merely so far as it may be a means of fitting
them for the noblest intellectual and spiritual life.
They will also learn that the richest and most enduring
happiness can only be won through the happiness of
others—learn it not in words alone, but in thoughts and
emotions sufficiently strong to sway their conduct.
Then the golden rule and brother love and devotion
will become the real governing law of daily life, and
mutualism will have reached its goal.”
Nasse, Erwin.
gt2
Nation and Nationality.
N
NASSE, ERWIN, was born at Bonn, De-
cember 2, 1829; studied there and at Gdt-
tingen, and took his degree of Doctor in 1851.
After study in Berlin he established himself as
prtvat-docent in Bonn, in 1854, whence he was
called, in the Spring of 1856, as professor, to
Basel, andin the Fall of the same year to
Rostock. In 1860 he came to his native city
as professor. He took an active part in polit-
ical affairs, and was from 1869 to 1879 member
of the Prussian House of Deputies, where he
rendered important services on the budget
commission. He was one of the founders of
the Verein fiir Soctalpolitik (see Socialists of
the Chair) and the president of it from 1874 to
his death, January 4, 1890. Professor Nasse
was a frequent contributor to scientific jour-
nals, and the list of his writings is made up
largely of the titles of these essays.
NATION AND NATIONALITY.—
Bliintschli, in his The Theory of the State
(tr. from the German, p. 90), defines a nation as
‘a society of all the members of a state as
united and organized in the State.” He thus
makes it a concept dependent upon the State.
The State he defines (zdem, p. 23) as ‘‘the politi-
cally organized national person of a definite
country.” The two definitions are thus made
mmntedllae dependent, and the same dependence
will be found to run through almost all defini-
tions, because the ideas are themselves mutu-
ally dependent. It is scarcely possible to have
a nation that is not a state, nor a state that is
not anation. Nevertheless the two words, tho
often used, even by careful writers, somewhat
' synonymously, and though continually popu-
larly confused, are not absolutely synonymous.
A state is a nation politically organized. A
nation is the organic collectivity of all the peo-
ple ina state, implying indeed a political or-
ganism, but not limiting the collectivity to
its political aspect. The concept people, on
the other hand, is still wider than the concept
anation. The word people implies the col-
lectivity of persons living ina state, but does
not conceive it as an organic unity, political
or of any sort. It conceives of them as a
whole and perhaps as.a united whole, but not
as an organized whole. Such are the differ-
ences, or shades of difference, that are usu-
ally made by English writers between these
three words. Nevertheless, the distinctions
are not always observed, even by the best
writers. In other languages too the word na-
tion is used quite differently. The Germans
call a people a za¢zon, and what we mean by
nation they calla vol. The old Latin zatzo
meant what we mean by people. Indeed the
conception zazzon as of the organic unity of a
people may be considered a wholly modern
conception. Despotism knows nothing of a
nation. It only recognizes peoples and states.
Analyzing more carefully the conception nation,
we find first that a nation implies a certain terri-
tory in which it must live. Says Woolsey (/u¢troduction
to Inter. Law, §52): ‘‘A nationis an
organized community within a certain
territory ; or in other words there must
be a place where its sole sovereignty is
exercised.”” A nation may be con-
ceived as changing its country, but it must have a
country, at least in prospect. It is scarcely possible
to-day to speak of the Jewish nation. Secondly, a na-
tion must have a natural unity; ordinarily, tho not
always, it must be composed of persons of the same
ethnic family and speaking the same language, or at
least cognate languages. Even when this does not
exist, as it does not wholly in the United States, nev-
ertheless there must be a national unity besides that
of place. M. W. Ward says ten . Dram. Lit., Int. p.
xvi): ‘A nation may be defined as a body of popu-
lation which its proper history has made one in itself,
and as such distinct from all others.’’ A nation thus
isa growth. We see this in the derivation of the
word from zascz, to be born. Unity of race, of lan-
guage, of religion, of civilization, of government,
of experience, of place, all contribute in varying
degree to gradually separate one nation from an-
other. aoe a nation must have some conscious
and expressed unity. It must have somewhat of a
common will. Bliintschli calls it a@ collective person-
ality.
These conceptions and definitions may be illus-
trated ee pointing out that Italy and Germany - were
nations long before they were states; that Rome was
never a nation tho a state; that ancient Greece was
one people, but never a nation or a ‘state; that the
United States, altho composed of many states and
with many varieties of race, language, religion, and
custom, is nevertheless one state, one nation, and one
people. To take other examples we speak of the Sec-
Tetary of State, the national flag, the representatives
of the people.
Thus conceiving of the nation, we see that it is a
modern growth, and that it must be, because it takes
time and implies high civilization and wide-spread
liberty to developa nation. Antiquity knew no nations.
Egypt, China, Assyria, did not develop
Content.
nations. ee ee of a BeOpts or
various peoples, ruled over by a mon- : *
arch. Greece had cities or states, but de- Aercal
veloped no nation. There wasliberty,
but no wide-spread union. The Roman
Empire was not anation; it had unity,
but its various constituent parts did not have liberty
ora common will. The Middle Ages saw no nations
tho nationality was growing. England may be said
to have developed as a nation almost before the close
of the Middle Ages, and France and Italy and Ger-
many were not far behind, yet Italy and Germany
were kh ndered inthe development of national unity
by division into rival states, and France developed so
tyrannical a state as, until the revolution, to have lit-
tle of the liberty necessary to a true nationality. With
freedom and self-government has come that love of
country, that common life, which produces the mod-
ern nation.
In this brief historical survey attention must be
called to the various conceptions of nationality that
have prevailed. The Roman Beopics not a nation in
the modern sense of the word, had the word zazzo, but
they understood by it what we mean by people. It
had an ethnographic base. A people were those
descended from a common stock. The law which
determined nationality with the Romans was the jus
Saugueer, the law of blood relationship. .
The Germanic tribes, adually setting up their
feudal governments over Western Europe, conceived
of the nation as a territorial unit, its people being
bound by feudal oaths to allegiance. Commonly the
place of birth settled the allegiance, but the alle-
giance was even morethan the birth. Nationality was
thus a jus solzs, orlawof the land. Thisisthelaw that
lies at the basis of the English common law. It is the
personal relation of the individual to the sovereign
which constitutes nationality. An Englishman is not
Nation and Nationality.
subject to the king because he is an Englishman ; he
is an Englishman because he is subject to the king.
The king being in England hereditary, or perpetual,
the oath of allegiance was considered perpetual ; nev-
ertheless it came to be recognized in common law that
the subject could freely withdraw his person and
property from the jurisdiction of the crown, unless
expressly prohibited by king or parliament. Yet
no law permitting expatriation was passed until 1870.
When the United States became independent the
relation of allegiance was considered as transferred
both to the States and to the national federation. Which
allegiance is supreme has long been a mooted point
(see CENTRALIZATION), but it may be considered as
settled, at least as far as law goes, that the supreme
allegiance is to the federal Government.
From this historical résumé and from the
conception of nationality itself, it is not hard
to see that the nation must play alarge part in
social reform. Nevertheless, political scien-
tists have been divided between those who
would exalt the unity of race and those who
would exalt the unity of the nation. Modern
socialism on the other hand has been somewhat
inclined to ignore both social and national uni-
ties, and to develop an internationalism. This
is generally the case among European social-
ists, but English and American socialists have
generally and more wisely held that the nation
is a natural unit ; that if socialismis to be evo-
lutionary it must develop around the national
unities of the town, city, state, and nation,
and that only when these are somewhat de-
veloped can we gradually grow toward a
healthy internationalism.
For further consideration of the subject see
PoLiTicAL SCIENCE, STATE, SOVEREIGNTY, etc.
For references see STATE.
NATIONAL CHRISTIAN LEAGUE FOR
THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PURITY,
THE, was organized in 1886, largely through
the efforts of Mrs. E. B. Grannis, its present
president. Anational charter was obtained in
Washington in October, 1887. Its objects are:
To elevate opinion respecting the nature and
claims of morality, with its equal obligation
upon men and women; to secure a proper,
practical recognition of its precepts on the
part of the individual, the family, and the
nation, and to enlist and organize the efforts
of Christians in protective, educational, re-
formatory, and legislative work in the interest
of social purity. It aims to supply employ-
ment, funds, and advice to enable needy girls
and women to gain an honorable living. It
forms clubs and societies of the young for
their training in wholesome and honest intelli-
gence regarding social purity. It endeavors
to instil the principles necessary for the pre-
vention of immorality into the minds of
young children and youth. It seeks to protect
young girls from all forms of temptation, and
to prosecute those who deceive them. Its
constitution says:
PREAMBLE.
any of Christians, being led, as we
iaeder ue one Spirit of God, do form ourselves into
an association for the purpose of engaging in lines of
work in the interest of social purity; and for our
guidance we adopt the following constitution and
by-laws for the purpose of the promotion of social
58
913
National Purity League.
purity and the general well-being of women and girls,
required by the Word of God.
OBJECT.
This society shall strive to elevate opinion respect-
ing the nature and claims of morality, with its equal
obligation upon men and women, and to secure a
ractical recognition of its precepts on the part of the
individual, the family, and the nation.
_ We will enlist and organize the efforts of Christians
in preventive, educational, reformatory, and legisla-
tive work in the interest of social purity. The lines of
work of the association are indicated by its Standing
Committees.
CONSTITUTION.
Article J.—The name cf this society shall be The
National Christian League for the Promotion of
Social Purity.
Article J[.—Any person who isa Christian believer
may be proposed for membership at any meeting of
this league, and may be elected atthe next regular
business meeting. Annual membership fee, $1; life
members, $50 ; a life honorary member, without voting
rivilege, $10; life patron, Rios: sustaining member,
25.
Article V/J.—There shall be seven, or more, stand-
ing committees, as follows:
I. A Committee on Public, Educational, and
Devotional Meetings.
II. A Committee to Secure Cooperation of Physi-
cians and Medical Colleges.
III. A Committee on Securing Helpful Legislation.
IV. A Committee on Schools and Colleges.
V. A Committee on Reformatory Work.
VI. A Committee on Woman’s Work and Wages.
. A Committee on Amusements.
. A Committee on Publication and Literature.
IX. A Committee for Visiting Strangers and those
in Need.
X. A Committee on Ways and Means.
Article XI7I,—Auxiliary leagues, or branches, may
be established in any city or town by those inter-
ested, who may obtain all necessary information for
organization from the corresponding secretary.
The league holds two regular meetings each
month at its headquarters, 33 East Twenty-
second street, New York City: one a prayer
and business meeting, the last Saturday after-
noon in each month, for women, and a gen-
eral meeting, composed of both men and
women, the last Monday night in each month,
for the discussion of the various questions con-
cerning the object and aims of the society,
and for stimulating thought along all the
lines of the league’s labors, in order to prompt
individuals to action.
The league has had drafted several bills
to be presented before the legislature : bills to
prevent the gift or sale of tobacco to minors in
prisons ; to amend the code so that any person
convicted of breaking the Seventh Command-
ment should be imprisoned for not less than
one year, and fined not less than one thousand
dollars ; to secure long sentences for habitual
drunkards and abandoned women, that the
may be committed to an industrial home until
they shall become self-supporting ; to secure
full political citizenship for women.
The league has formed permanent homes in
the country for its beneficiaries ; it has secured
temporary homes for a very great variety of
exceptional cases; it has given out work for
the purpose of keeping families together where
it was best that they should not beseparated. It
has paid rent and board, furnished food, clothes,
and shelter to several hundred applicants.
The organ of the league is The Church
Union, a paper owned and edited by Mrs.
Grannis, the league’s president.
National Citizens’ Alliance.
NATIONAL CITIZENS’ INDUSTRIAL
ALLIANCE, THE.—This is an organization
that aims to do in towns and cities the work
of the Farmers’ Alliance in the country. The
Farmers’ Alliance admitting to its membership
only persons residing in the country, and there
being many persons living in the towns and
cities who were in sympathy with the objects
of that organization, and desiring to cooperate
with it, organizations began to spring up in
various places. At Olathe, Kan., at the sug-
gestion of Mr. E. Z. Ernst, a call was made to
all citizens who indorsed the St. Louis de-
mands, and on the gth day of June, 1890, the
Citizens’ Alliance of Olathe, Kan., was per-
fected, with Wm. Henry, president, and D. C.
Zercher, secretary.
The idea spread, and in a few weeks over
400 similar alliances had been formed, and
on August 12 a convention met at Topeka
and effected a State organization, with D. C.
Zercher, president, and W. F. Rightmire, sec-
retary.
By the end of the year there were 1100 alli-
ances in 19 States, and on January 13, 1891, a
convention met at Toledo to form a national
organization. The former organization had
been open and auxiliary to the Farmers’
Alliance, but now an independent organiza-
tion, with secret work, to be known as the
National Assembly of the National Citizens’
Industrial Alliance, was instituted, and a con-
stitution, by-laws, and ritual, etc., were
adopted, with the election of national officers.
Thomas W. Gilruth, of Kansas City, Mo.,
was elected president, and Wm. F. Right-
mire, of Topeka, Kan., secretary. For the
further history of the movement, see Farm-
ERS’ ALLIANCE, PEOPLE’s Party, NaTIoNAL IN-
DUSTRIAL LEGION.
NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF CHAR-
ITIES AND CORRECTIONS.—This im-
ortant institution arose out of a visit of the
tate Commissioners of Public Charities of
Illinois to Madison, Wis., in February, 1872.
It was there proposed that a conference of
neighboring boards be called; and May 14,
1872, five delegates from Michigan, four from
Illinois, and five from Wisconsin, met in Chi-
cago for a two days’ conference. Its success
was largely due to the efforts of Fred. H.
Wines, secretary of the State Board of Illi-
nois, S. D. Hastings, secretary of the board of
Wisconsin, and H. H. Giles, president of the
board of Wisconsin. Another conference was
held at Milwaukee in 1873. In 1874 the Social
Science Association (see AMERICAN SOCIAL
Science Assocrarion) invited the State boards
of all States to send delegates to a confer-
ence to be held in New York City, May
19. This meeting was known as the First
National Conference of Charities, and simi-
lar annual conferences have been held ever
since. Down to 1878, however, the con-
ferences were held in connection with the
Social Science Association, and that organiza-
tion was the most prominent. Beginning with
1879, the conference has met as a separate
body. The chairman of the First National
Conference was J. V. S. Pruyn, president of
914
National Council of Women.
the New York board, its secretary, F. B. San-
born, secretary of the Massachusetts board.
According to its present constitution, ‘‘ the
National Conference of Charities exists to dis-
cuss the problems of charities and corrections,
to discriminate information and promote re-
forms. It does not formulate platforms.”
The membership includes all past officers of
the conference who have served more than
one year; all members of State Boards of
Charities, or similar boards ; all managers and
officers of public or private charitable and cor-
rectional institutions ; all members of societies
for the relief or improvement of the poor, un-
fortunate, or neglected. The fee is $2 per
year, entitling the member to a copy of the
proceedings and other publications of the con-
ference. (The proceedings are now published
in an annual volume of some 400 pages.)
Others specially interested may be enrolled as
members without a vote. The officers are
elected annually. The standing committees
consist of executive and social committees,
and a committee on each subject which it is
proposed to discuss at the next conference.
In 1894 these committees were on Charity
Organization, the Administration of Public
and Private Relief, Child-saving Work, Juven-
ile Reformatories, the Insane, State Boards of
Charities, the Feeble-minded, Immigration and
Interstate Migration, Sociology in Institu-
tions of Learning, Training-schools for Nurses,
Homes for Soldiers and Sailors, Reports from
the States. The subjects do not materially vary
from year to year, tho the preface to the pro-
ceedings of the Twenty-first Conference held
in Nashville, in May, 1894, says: ‘‘ It is per-
haps indicative of the spirit of the time, that
while there is no chapter devoted to pris-
ons, large space is given to Child-saving and
Reformatories.... Achapter on the In-
structionsin Sociology in Institutions of Learn-
ing hints at a new department; for this prom-
ises to be a subject that will henceforth receive
much more attention than it has in the past.”
Besides the National Conference, some States
or groups of States, like New England, hold
local conferences. The reports may be or-
dered of the Treasurer, John M. Glenn, Glenn
Building, Baltimore, Md.
NATIONAL COUNCIL OF WOMEN
OF THE UNITED STATES, THE.—
The part which the many play in the evolu-
tion of each idea is well illustrated in the his-
tory of the development of the National and
International Councils of Women. Twelve
years ago, Elizabeth Cady Stanton (7. v.),
visiting France and England, suggested hold-
ing in Washington, D. C., an international
convention of women interested in obtaining
the franchise for their sex; recommending this
as a peculiarly appropriate method for cele-
brating the then approaching fortieth anni-
versary of the first Woman’s Rights Conven-
tion which was held in Seneca Falls, N. Y.
Received into Susan B. Anthony’s mind,
the idea expanded to that of celebrating
the fortieth anniversary by holding an inter-
national meeting of all kinds of associations
of women—educational, religious, and philan-
National Council of Women.
thropic, as well as political, as these un-
doubtedly owed their existence to the work
done by the heroines of Seneca
Falls forty years before. Passed
on to the brain of May Wright
Sewall, the idea added to itself
; the thought of permanence and
extension, and, when the time came for the
Washington celebration, Mrs. Sewall unfolded
to her associates a plan providing for triennial
gatherings in council of delegates from
women’s organizations in the United States,
and for a quinquennial council to be composed
of delegates from national associations in
every part of the world. Meeting with a favor-
able reception from the representatives then
convened at Washington, the enlarged idea
was put into definite shape by a committee
chosen to prepare formal constitutions for
these permanent bodies, and, before the dele-
gates separated, the constitutions were ac-
cepted, officers chosen, and the recommenda-
tion adopted that the general officers of the
National Council should at once issue an ad-
dress to the women of the United States set-
ting forth the object of the new organization.
Three years later, in 1891, the first National
Council of Women of the United States, with
seven important national organizations as full
members of the body and thirty-one other
similar associations represented by fraternal
delegates, gathered in Washington, holding a
three days’ convention of two sessions each,
which were attended by hundreds of visitors
from every section of the country.
In her opening address, President Frances
E. Willard suggested a still further extension
of Mrs. Sewall’s idea, saying, ‘‘I believe we
should organize a miniature council in every
town and city, confederating these in every
State, and instructing the State council to
send delegates to the national council. The
plan would be to let these delegates form a
lower and the heads of the national societies
an upper house, whose concurrent vote should
be essential to the enunciation of any prin-
ciple or the adoption of any plan. . Lo-
cally a woman’s council should seek to secure
for women admission to all school committees,
library associations, hospital and other insti-
tutional boards intrusted with the care of de-
fective, dependent, and delinquent classes;
also to boards of trustees in schools and col-
leges and all professional and business asso-
ciations; also to all college and professional
schools that have not yet set before us an open
door ; and each local council should have the
ower to call in the united influence of itsown
tate council, or, in special instance, of the
national council, if its own influence did not
suffice. . . .”
President Willard further advised that the
Columbian Exposition should witness the con-
vening of a world’s council of women, the
invitations to which should naturally be given
by the national council and the preparations
for which should begin without delay.
Miss Willard’s idea was acted upon, and when
later the World’s Congress Auxiliary to the
Columbian Exposition and the Woman’s Branch
of the same were formed, these bodies found in
Origin.
915
National Council of Women.
the National Council of Women of the United
States a most natural and efficient helper for
the management of the World’s Congress of
Representative Women. This meeting con-
vened for seven days (May 15 to May 22, 1893),
there being 600 speakers at 108 sessions in
a building capable of accommodating 12,000
people. There were 18 countries represented
by delegates from 95 organizations of na-
tional value, and it is generally admitted by
all interested in woman’s work that the cause
of woman was advanced by this great union
meeting to an extent not to be compared with
the effect of any previous assemblage of
women.
The National Council carries forward by
means of committees three special lines of
work. It having been decided, at
its first regular public meeting
in 1891, that the interests of all
women are concerned in the pro-
posed nationalizing of the divorce
laws of this country, a committee
was appointed to act, in the name of the coun-
cil, in urging the appointment of women to posi-
tions upon the board of the National Divorce
Reform League, the association which is work-
ing to secure Congressional action upon divorce.
A Committee on Equal Pay for Equal Work se-
cured the presentation in Congress of a bill
providing for this justice toward all women in
Government employ, and the council intends
to push this bill until the United States Gov-
ernment sets this example to all its citizens.
The question of developing a business dress
for women which shall leave them freer than
the conventional dress, has been taken up by
the council and led to the appointment of its
Dress Committee. Through this committee,
which now consists of some of the most emi-
nent advocates of improved dress for women,
the council is seeking to concentrate into def-
inite action the already wide-spread impatience
of women with their present trammeling mode
of dress—a dress utterly unsuited to the de-
mands of the nineteenth century upon women
in all walks of life.
To provide a legitimate bond between indi-
viduals and an organization which is, of ne-
cessity, precluded from accepting persons into
membership, provision was made for ‘‘patrons
of the council.” Any person whose name is
acceptable to the executive committee can, by
the payment of $100 into the treasury, become
a patron for life. There are nearly one hun-
dred patrons, including men and women
prominent in all lines of work.
The main work of the councilis to unify the
efforts of women in educational, philanthropic,
and radical work, and to show to the world
what women are doing in all these lines.
Its constitution provides that its regular trien-
nial meetings shall be held at the national capi-
tal, and this with a view to influencing national
legislation upon the topics most closely affect-
ing the lives of women. Its triennial meeting
in 1895 was unique in the history of women’s
assemblages, taking the form of acongress last-
ing several weeks, in which representatives of
the national associations of women which form
the council, in conjunction with the represent-
Lines of
Work.
‘National Divorce Reform League.
atives from local councils of women (of
which a large number have already been
formed) discussed matters of special interest
to women and formulated judgments upon
them which, it is believed, will materially
influence public opinion.
The members of the Council are the National Amer-
ican Woman Suffrage Association, National Woman’s
Christian Temperance Union, National Free Baptists’
Woman’s Missionary Society, Illinois Industrial School
for Girls (National Charter), National Woman’s Relief
Society, Wimodaughsis, Young Ladies’ National
Mutual Improvement Association, National Christian
League for the Promotion of Social Purity, Universal
Peace Union, International Kindergarten Union, Wo-
man’s Republican Association of the United States,
National Association of Loyal Women of American
Liberty, Woman’s Foreign Missionary Union of
Friends, Woman’s Relief Corps, National Association
of Women Stenographers, National Council of Jewish
Women, National League of Colored Women.
Racuet Foster AVERY.
NATIONAL DIVORCE REFORM
LEAGUE, THE, was organized early in 1881
as the New England Divorce Reform League,
by various gentlemen, Protestants and Catho-
lics, with Dr. Theodore D. Woolsey as presi-
dent. Itbecame nationalin 1885, and then more
definitely stated its comprehensive object in
the revised constitution in these words: ‘‘ Zo
promote an improvement in public sentiment
and legislation in the instetution of the family,
especially as affected by existing evils relating
to marriage and divorce.” Itssecretary, from
the formation of the society to the present
time, has been the Rev. Samuel W. Dike,
LL. D., Auburndale, Mass. Of the scope of
the society one of its reports says :
A comprehensive view is taken of the special prob-
lem before it. Earlier work on marriage, divorce,
etc., treated these subjects largely or wholly in isola-
tion from one another, and from other related social
problems. The league, on the contrary, has held
marriage, polygamy, divorce, chastity, children
woman, etc., etc., to be subjects whose study and
practical treatment are closely related parts of the one
inclusive problem of the family, andits place and
work in the entire social order. It has thus, in a
degree, broken away from earlier methods of social
reform, and been an acknowledged leader in those
of recent years, which demand a basis of care-
ea, ascertained facts, and a scientific apprehension
of their broad social relations and interdependence.
Concentrated effort, nevertheless, has been the steady
aim. Work and money have not been spent on large
public meetings, or in extensive publication. The
league has rather sought to encourage study and
original investigation; to lead to broad and thorough
knowledge, andto suggest practical work to those
who can best labor in their own respective depart-
ments, instead of attempting to make of itself a society
for doing other people’s work. It has held it to be
better to get universities and colleges to teach, disin-
terested statisticians to investigate, and churches and
citizens to propose plans of action, than for the
league to do these things in their place.
_ i. The league proposed and was the chief agenc
in securing from Congress the means for the well-
known Report on Marriage and Divorce in the United
States and Europe, and its secretary
was constantly consulted in the plan of
the investigation and during its execu-
tion. This report of Hon. Carroll D.
Wright, United States Commissioner of
Labor, has been recognized everywhere,
. in this and foreign countries, as giv-
ing the authoritative foundation of fact for all
future study and legislation. It has revised or radi-
cally changed public opinion upon several important
particulars, besides giving a sound basis for action
upon others. The corresponding secretary of the
league, by request, recently presented suggestions
Work and
Results.
eo
916 National Divorce Reform League.
to the International Statistical Institute for the further
development of their systems of official statistics of
marriage and divorce by. the various foreign countries
and our own States. ith the cooperation of the sta-
tistical officers, he has lately collected the recent sta-
tistics of marriage and divorce, bringing those of the
report of Mr. Roe down to the latest returns.
2. State legislation. Since the work of the
league began, there has been almost an entire cessa-
tion of the loose legislation that went on for many
years in regard to marriage and divorce. | The
changes of law in recent years are almost invariably
in the direction of reform. Many States have im-
roved their marriage or divorce laws, or both.
ivorces have absolutely decreased in three or four
States, and in others the rate of increase is less than
formerly, while in several marriages are better regu-
lated. A more healthy public opinion is forming and
making itself felt. 4
3. Uniform law has been made the subject of care-
ful study and effective treatment. The favorite popu-
jar demand for securing uniformity through an
amendment of the Constitution of the United States
was neither encouraged nor was its possible future
need denied by the league. So many, so complex,
and so hidden elements enter into this problem that
the league refused to joinin the popular clamor and
devoted its efforts to pushing on the collection of
statistics that would shed light upon it. The result
fully justified the course adopted, and Foe opinion
has been radically changed regarding the best course
to take at present.
4. Dr. ee, had suggested in 1881 cooperative
legislation by the States, and Governor Robinson, of
Massachusetts, officially recommended it in 1884. ew
York created the first State Commission on Uniform-
ity. The league in 1890 brought this Commission and !
the Committee of the American Bar Association to-
gether, and the work of the establishment of a suffi-
cient number of State commissions to make the
experiment has been carried on in earnest, as the
most practicable way to begin the solution of the ques-
tion. Thirty States already have established these
commissions. In the report of their first conference
the Commissioners speak of the project as “the most
important juristic work undertaken in the United
States since the adoption of the Federal Constitu-
tion.” Their subjects include marriage, divorce, the
execution of wills and deeds, notarial certificates,
bills and notes, and commercial law generally.
5. Church work has received special attention, in
order that it might are the home a larger place in its
various activities. This was the aim of the series of
articles which the secretary published on the Religious
Problem of the Country Town inthe Andover Review,
and which began the definite discussion of that
subject, and which he followed with other papers and
work upon it. He also devised the Home Depart-
ment of the Sunday-school and secured its adoption
by one of the leading Sunday-school societies. This
soon after incorporated with it Dr. Duncan’s earlier
system of home classes, and has now spread widely
over the country, doing a valuable work in awakening
the home to its own possibilities, as well as extending
the study of the Bible.
Believing, as Germany and France have learned,
that the sources of national strength and the best
social reform must be fed from the institutions of the
higher education, constant and systematic work has
been done for a dozen years, chiefly through the lec-
tures in the higher educational institutions, the
writings and correspondence of the secretary, de-
signed to awaken an interest in the study of the
family and its various problems, and in sociology asa
science, The rapid development of this
class of studies, which were scarcely
known when our work began, and the
demand for more of them in all our insti-
tutions of learning, and especially of
late in the colleges for women, is a
matter of great satisfaction to us, who were amon:
the first to enter the field. These aims, methods, an
results; the inherent. importance of the family itself ;
the peculiar perils of it amid the ferment of our mod-
ern civilization, and its latent resources as a con-
structive force in social reform and progress, have
won for the league the high teeara of the best
public opinion. Its list of officers and contributors
shows this. So does the hearty cooperation of Gov-
ernment officials, scientific men, and libraries; of
the faculties of educational institutions, and of writers
for the press. Such Englishmen as Mr. Gladstone,
Professor Bryce, Sir Alfred Stephen, and Mr. Goldwin
Smith have shown their hearty sympathy, and spoken
Propaganda.
National Industrial Legion.
emphatically of its importance. Still more significant
is the outspoken or mute appeal of countless sufferers
from the evils of a low domestic morality and the
growing correspondence and personal conferences of
the many educated young men and women whose
interest has been aroused, and who are eager to treat
social problems intelligently and sanely.
See Divorce.
NATIONAL FARMERS’
See Farmers’ ALLIANCE.
ALLIANCE.
NATIONAL GRANGE. See GRANGE.
NATIONAL INDUSTRIAL LEGION,
THE, was organized at Memphis, Tenn.,
November 19, 1892, by the National Executive
Committee of the People’s Party &. v.). In
connection with these, 1oo leading mem-
bers of the Farmers’ Alliance (g. v.) be-
came its charter members. Mr. Paul Van der
Voort, its zealous advocate, was elected com.
mander in chief. It is a national organi-
zation or league, aiming to establish local,
county, and State legions, which may serve as
People’s Party clubs. It has been officially
indorsed five times by the national executive
committee of the People’s Party and by many
State committees, as the only league officially
recognized by the People’s Party. Its declar-
ation of principles is the planks of the Omaha
platform (g. v.) of the People’s Party as to
Finance, Transportation, and Land. Its mem-
bers are required to take the following pledge:
“T do hereby pledge my word and sacred
honor as an American citizen, that I will sup-
port and defend the constitution and laws of
the National Industrial Legion of the United
States of America, and at all times cast my
influence and ballot for the declaration of
principles as laid down in the constitution ;
and that I will always endeavor to defend the
life, interest, reputation, and family of all true
members of this organization.”
All communications should be addressed to
Mr. Paul Van der Voort, Omaha, Neb.
NATIONAL LEAGUE FOR THE PRO-
TECTION OF AMERICAN INSTITU-
TIONS, THE, was incorporated under the
laws of the State of New York, December 24,
1889. The general secretary has prepared the
following statement of the objects of the
organization :
“To secure constitutional and legislative safe-
guards for the protection of the common-school sys-
tem and other American institutions, to promote pub-
lic instruction in harmony with such institutions, and
to prevent all sectarian or denominational appropria-
tions of public funds.” . P
The league is absolutely unsectarian and non-parti-
san in character. : . .
As a means of securing the foregoing objects, the
law committee of the league has prepared the follow-
ing XVI. Amendment to the Constitution of the
United States: ‘No State shall pass any law respect-
ing an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the
free exercise thereof, or use its property or credit, or
any money raised by taxation, or authorize either to
be used for the purpose of founding, maintaining,
‘or aiding, by appropriation, payment for services,
expenses, or otherwise, any church, religious denomi-
nation, or religious society, or any institution, society,
or undertaking which is wholly, or in part, under
sectarian or ecclesiastical control.” i
In pursuance of its work on the above lines the
league has vigorously opposed, both in the Fifty-first
917
Nationalism.
and Fifty-second Congresses, the making of secta-
rian appropriations for Indian education, and has
sought to extend the common-school system among
the wards of the nation. The national councils, con-
ferences, assemblies, and conventions of the Baptist,
Methodist Episcopal, Presbyterian, Protestant Episco-
pal, and Congregational Churches have, in response to
the league’s memorials, declared against a further con-
tinuance of the practice of receiving subsidies from.
the National Government for the support of denomi-
national work, and have explicitly indorsed the prin-.
ciples of the XVI. Amendment. ‘he principles of the:
XVI. Amendment have been adopted by two national
conventions, representing the various patriotic Ameri-.
can orders, many of which are doing active work and
securing the cooperation of more than 1,500,000 voters.
Local secretaries have been appointed in about two.
hundred centers of population, furnishing a medium
for extended correspondence and organization. Local
leagues have been formed in several cities, and steps
are being taken to organize State leagues. Sub-
scribers to the principles and purposes set forth in the
aVove statements, who desire the documents of the
National League, may send their name, address, and
occupation to the general secretary, James M. King,
x Madison avenue,,New York City.
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE.
See’ MunicipaL REFORM.
NATIONALISM is the name in America
given to the economic ideal, pictured in Ed-
ward Bellamy’s novel, Looking Backward,
and also to the reform movement that has
arisen in connection with this book. Its aim is
not indeed to copy the details pictured in
Looking Backward, but to pass toward a
civilization patterned in general after the plan
outlined in that book. Says Mr. Bellamy:
“This plan is called Nationalism because it proceeds
by the nationalization of industries, including, as
minor applications of the same principle, the munici-
palization and State control of localized businesses.
“ Socialism implies the socializing of industry. This
may or may not be based upon the national organism,
and may or may not imply economic equality. As
compared with socialism, Nationalism is a definition
notin the sense of opposition or exclusion, but of a‘
precision rendered necessary by a cloud of vague and
disputed implications historically attached to the
former word.”
Nationalists put deep emphasis upon the
necessity for economzc egualzty. Some social-
ists do likewise, but some do not. In this
respect, and in its starting from a distinctly
national basis, lies its difference from socialism.
The Nationalist movement in the United
States dates from December 1, 1888, when the
first Nationalist club was organized in Boston.
The idea of the movement, as well as the name;
sprang from a suggestion in Edward Bellamy’s
novel, Looking Backward, the book which
describes Boston as the author
believes it would be under Nation-
alism in the year 2000. (See
Looking Backward.) A club of
business men had been formed
the previous autumn,—whose
motto was, ‘‘Spread the Book”; but find-
ing unexpected success and interest, the
Nationalist movement was conceived and the
first club organized. The leaders in the move-
ment were Cyrus Willard, Sylvester Baxter,
Charles E. Bowers, A. T. Devereux, Edward
S. Huntington, Henry W. Austin, Miss Anna
Page, and others. Mr. Edward Bellamy,
himself, being in correspondence with the
movers. The first officers of the first club
The
First Club.
Nationalism.
were Charles E. Bowers, president ; Edward
Bellamy, first vice-president; C. F. Willard,
secretary. The following declaration of prin-
ciples was adopted:
. “The principle of the Brotherhood of Humanity is
one of the eternal truths that govern the world’s prog-
ress on lines which distinguish human nature from
brute nature. Bi
“The principle of competition is simply the applica-
tion of the brutal law of the survival of the strongest
and most cunning.
“Therefore, so long as competition continues to be
the ruling factor in our industrial system, the highest
development of the individual cannot be reached, the
loftiest aims of humanity cannot be realized.
“No truth can avail unless practically applied. There-
fore, those who seek the welfare of man must endeavor.
to suppress the system founded on the brute principle
of competition and put in its place another based gn
the nobler principle of association.
“But in atenying to apply this nobler and wiser prin-
eiple to the complex conditions of modern life, we ad-
vocate no sudden or ill-considered changes; we make
mo war upon individuals; we do not censure those
‘who have accumulated immense fortunes simply by
carrying to a logical end the false principle on which
business is now based.
“The combinations, trusts, and syndicates of which
the people at present complain demonstrate the prac-
ticability of our basic principle of association. We
merely seek to push this principle a little further and
have all industries operated in the interest of all by
the nation—the people organized—the organic unity of
the whole people.
“The present industrial system proves itself wrong
‘by the immense wrongs it produces; it proves itself
absurd by the immense waste of energy and material
which is admitted to be its concomitant. Against this
system we raise our protest; for the abolition of the
slavery it has wrought and would perpetuate, we
pledge our best efforts.”
In May, 1889, the magazine, The Natzon-
alist, was started and continued two years.
Great interest was manifested, and clubs were .
started all over the Union, particularly in
California. In January, 1891, Mr. Edward
Bellamy started The New Nation, a weekly
published in the interests of the movement.
This continued two years. In January, 1891,
the secretary reported 162 clubs.
The movement in certain places early took
a political channel. In one electoral district
in California in 1890, a Nationalist candidate
olled 1000 votes. Rhode Island put out a
ationalist State ticket. Most Nationalists to-
day, however, are working in connection with
the People’s party (g. v.). Bills like the one
recently passed in Massachusetts, although
with bitter opposition from the gas companies,
allowing cities to manufacture their own gas,
show the advance of Nationalistic opinion,
and the mayors of many cities have recently
advocated many similar measures. It is in
these ways and in the wide spread of Nation-
alistic ideas that the real growth of Nation-
alism must be looked for. As an organized
movement Nationalism has not been so suc-
cessful, most of the clubs having disappeared.
A national committee to guide the movement,
however, exists, largely under the able lead of
Mr. Mason A. Green, Mr. Bellamy’s former
assistant in The New Natzon, and meets an-
nually to give a general shape to the movement.
Mr. B. Franklin Hunter, at 1100 Pine Street,
Philadelphia, maintains a Bureau of National-
istic Literature. As far as organization, how-
ever, is concerned, the main impetus of the
Nationalist movement has passed into the Peo-
918
‘this nation is based, which is that of a
Nationalism.
ple’s Party & v.), which is largely honey-
combed with Nationalist ideas, and advocates
no small share of the Nationalist program,
Mr. Bellamy’s novel has had, in this country
alone, a sale of some half a million copies, and
has everywhere scattered the seeds of Nation-
alistic thought, which are to-day springing up
in a thousand channels.
Edward Bellamy has described the aims of
Nationalism as follows:
“We who call ourselves Nationalists, believe that
the solution of the industrial and social question is to
be found, and is only to be found, in the
logical evolution of the idea on which
Principles
union of the people in order to use the Described,
collective strength for the common wel-
fare. We consider that this idea has
always logically involved, when the
time should be ripe, the nationalization of industry
with a complete provision for the employment and
maintenance of the people. When it shall in this
manner have completed its evolution the nation will
be, according to the hope and belief of the Nationalists,
agreat partnership forthe general business of sup-
orting and enjoying life, in which all the pectle shall
i equal partners. It will be a universal insurance
company, guaranteeing all its members against injus-
tice, oppression, sickness, age, accident, and disability
of every sort. It will be a mighty trust, holding the to-
tal assets of society—moral, intellectual, and natural—
not only for the benefit of the present, but in the in-
terests of future generations and for the ultimate
weal of the race, and looking to the ends of the world
and the judgment of God. The membership of an in-
dividual in this great partnership, with all the rights
it implies, will be absolutely fixed by the fact of his
birth; the part he plays in its affairs being determined
by his faculties and aptitudes.
“There is nothing essentially new about the project
of a society based upon and illustrating brotherly re-
lations and obligations among men. The eventual
realization of such astate of affairs has been the
dream of humanity in allages. Men have always ac-
knowledged, even the most unjust, that if, instead of
contending with one another for the means of liveli-
hood, human beings could only be induced to unite
their powers to secure and share a common welfare,
the world would not only be a great deal better and a
great deal happier, but likewise a great deal richer
than it ever has been.
“Heretofore, however, in the history of mankind the
practical obstacles to such a change offered by exist-
ing conditions and institutions have been insuperable.
It is the claim of Nationalists that these conditions
have so changed and are so rapidly changing to-day as
to render not only possible, but inthe near future
probable, a transformation of society which a genera-
tion ago it would have been chimerical to expect
within any calculable period.
“In view of the present extraordinary business situa-
tion, the unprecedented and portentous tendency of
capital, the excusably alarmed and exasperated atti-
tude of the masses of the people, we hold it not ab-.
surd to say that men now in middle age may live to
see the present system give place to that grand indus-
trial partnership of all for all which is the destined
and sole possible solution of all labor problemsand all
social questions.
“The greatest industrial revolution in history—
greater by far in its destined consequences than the
overthrow of the slave system at the South—is the pres-
ent tendency to the monopolizing of the field of in-
dustry and commerce by the great capitalist organi-
zations. The innumerable small business concerns
which used to divide up every industry and trade are
enduring a war of extermination at the hands of the
great combinations of capital. The business of the
people, which used to be in the hands of the people, is
passing out of their hands into those of a small num-
ber of monopolists. It isin vain that we cry‘ Halt!’
to this tendency. The economic necessities underly-
ing and compelling the movement toward the consoli-
dation of business are irresistible and beyond the
power of legislatures to dam up with any quantity of
statutes.
‘“‘ Americans who think are already beginning to see,
and all Americans soon will be forced to see, that there
'
Nationalism.
are only two alternatives before the nation—either it
must consent toturn over its industries, its entire busi-
ness—and that means its social and political liberties
as well—to a few hundred billionaires, or it must as-
sume control of them itself; that is to say, it must
nationalize them. Plutocracy or Nationaliam is the
choice which, within a dozen years, at the rate things
now are going, the American people will have wholly
committed themselves to.. Can any one who has
faith in the people have any doubt as to what the
choice between these alternatives will be?”
The misconceptions of Nationalism are many
and obstinate, and numerous objections are
based upon them, as well as upon its real and
acknowledged features. It is not based upon
the maxim, ‘From each according
to his abilities, to each according
to his needs;” its principle is—
“From each equally; to each
equally.” Nationalists protest that
an equal provision for maintenance
does not mean a uniform mode of maintenance,
orasimilar manner of life; and that Nationalism
would not discourage individuality or private
exertion, but rather promote them by furnish-
ing the best conditions for their existence.
They assert that while the strong should sup-
port the weak, the industrious should not sup-
port the idle. Nationalism does not propose
a paternal government, but a cooperative ad-
ministration for the benefit of equal partners ;
neither does it seek to realize its ideal by
abrupt or revolutionary methods, but by the
progressive nationalizing and muncipalizing
of existing public services and industries. As
it is an essential principle of Nationalism that
in all departments of public business only the
chiefs and heads of departments are to be sub-
ject to executive appointment or removal, it
is claimed that the process of nationalizing or
muncipalizing industries would not bre
body of voters under the political contro
Government.
In regard to the Nationalist program for in-
troducing their ideas, Mr. Bellamy writes in
The Forum (March, 1894) :
Objections
Answered,
“Revolutions, however peaceful they may be, do
not follow prearranged plans, but make channels for
themselves of which we may at best
predict the general direction and out-
The come. Meanwhile Nationalists would
Nationalist prepare the way by a step-by-step ex-
Program. tension of the public conduct of busi-
ness, which shall go as fast or as slow
as public opinion may determine. |
“In making any industry or service public business,
two ends should be kept equally in view, vzz.: first,
the benefit of the public by more cheap, efficient, and
honest service or commodities; and second, but as an
end in every way equally important, the immediate
amelioration of the condition of workers taken over
from private into public service. As to the first point,
whenever a service or business is taken over to be
publicly conducted, it should be managed strictly at
cost ; that is to say, the service or product should be
furnished at the lowest cost that will pay the expense
and proper. charges of the business. Nationalism
contemplates making all production for use and not
for profit, and every nationalized business should
be a step in that direction by eliminating profit so far
as it is concerned. > a
“ As to the improvement in the condition of the work-
ers, which is the other and equal end to be sought in
all cases of nationalizing a business, it is enough to
say that the State should show itself the model em-
ployer. Moderate hours of labor, healthful and safe
conditions, with provision for sickness, accident, and
old age, and a system for the Bd muiseion, Promotion,
and discharge of employees strictly based on merit,
919
a
of
Nationalism.
and absolutely exclusive of all capricious personal in-
terference for political or other reasons, should char-
acterize all publicly conducted business from the
start. In particular cases, such as the clothing manu-
facture now so largely carried on by sweaters’ slaves,
decent wages and conditions might temporarily raise
the price of ready-made clothing. Ifit did, it would
only show how necessary it had been to make the
business a State monopoly; and we may add that on
grounds of humanity, this is one of the first that should
be brought under public management.
“As to the general question as to the order in which
different branches of business should be nationalized,
or (which is the same thing) Breet under municipal
or State control, ownership, and operation, Nation-
alists generally agree that chartered businesses of all
sorts, which, as holding public franchises, are already
uasi-public services, should first receive attention.
nder this head come telegraphs and telephones,
railroads, both local and general, municipal lighting,
water-works, ferries, and the like. The railroads
alone employ some 800,000 men, and the employees in
the other businesses mentioned may raise that figure
to 1,000,000, representing, perhaps, a total population
Of 4,000,000; certainly a rather big slice of the nation
to begin with. These businesses would carry with
them others. For example, the rail-
roads are the largest consumers of iron
and steel, and national operation of Mr. Bel-
them would naturally carry with it the .
national operation of the larger part of lamy’s Argu-
the iron business. There are about 500,- ment,
ooo iron-workers in the country, imply-
ing a population of perhaps 2,000,000
dependent on the industry, and making, with the
railroad and other employees and their dependents,
some 6,000,000 persons. The same logic would apply
to the mining of coal, with which, as carrier and chief
consumer, the railroads are as closely identified.
“The necessity of preserving what is left of our for-
ests will soon force all the States to go into the for-
ota business, which may well be the beginning of
public operation of the lumber industry. If our fast
vanishing fisheries are to be protected, not merely
national supervision, but national operation, will soon
be necessary.
“In the field of general business, the trusts and syn-
dicates, which have so largely stimulated the popular
demand for Nationalism, have also greatly simplified
its progress. Whenever the managers of any depart-
ment of industry or commerce have, in defiance of
law and public interest, formed a monopoly, what is
more just and proper than that the people themselves,
through their agents, should take up and conduct the
business in question at cost? In view of the fact that
most of the leading branches of production have now
been ‘‘syndicated,” it will be seen that this sugges-
tion, fully carried out, would go far toward com-
pleting the plan of nationalization.
“Meanwhile the same process would be going on
upon other lines. Foreign governments which have
large armies, in order to secure quality and cheap-
ness, usually manufacture their soldiers’ clothing,
rations, and various supplies in government fac-
tories. The British Government, which is most like
our own, was forced, by the swindling of contractors,
to gointo making clothing for the soldiers in the
Crimean War, and has since kept it up with most
admirable results. If our Government had manufac-
tured the soldiers’ supplies in the Civil War it would
have saveda vast sum of money. Itis highly desirable
that it should forthwith begin to manufacture cloth-
ing and other necessaries for its soldiers and sailors,
and for any other of its employees who might choose
to be so served, as it is safe to say all would; for
oods as represented, proof against adulteration, and
urnished at cost, would be a godsend even to the
millionaire in these days of knavish trade. The pea
of supplying the needs of government employees wit!
the product of publicly conducted industries would
bring about the whole productive and distributive
plan of Nationalism in proportion as the number of
employees increased. . :
“Among special lines of business, which ought at
once to be brought under public management, are the
liquor traffic and fire and life insurance. It is pro-
osed that every State should immediately monopo-
ize the liquor traffic within its borders, and open
places of sale in such localities as desirethem. The
liquors should be sold at cost,—that is to say, at rates
to pay all expenses of the system,—by State agents,
whose compensation should be fixed without relation,
direct or indirect, to the amount of sales. This plan
Nationalism.
would eliminate desire of profit asa motive to stim-
ulate sales, would insure a strict regard to all con-
ditions and requirements of the law, and would
guarantee pure liquors. Pending the nationalization
of the manufacture of liquors, the General Govern-
ment need be called on only for a transportation law
protecting the States against illegal deliveries within
their borders. .
“As to State life and fire insurance, this undertaking
would need no plant and no backing save the State’s
credit on long-tested calculations of risks. It would
be done at cost, in State buildings, by low-salaried
officials, and without any sort of competitive or adver-
tising expenses. This would mean a saving to fire
insurers Of at least 25 per cent. in premiums, andof at
least so per cent. to life insurers, and would, above
all, give insurance that was not itself in need of being
reinsured. 3
“When private plants are taken over bya city,
State, or nation, they should, of course, be paid for;
the basis of valuation being the present cost of a
plant of equal utility. Of course this subject of com-
pensation should be considered in view of the fact
that the ultimate effect of Nationalism will be the
extinction of all economic superiorities, however
derived. :
“The organization of the unemployed on a basis of
State supervised cooperation is an urgent under-
taking, in line with the program of Nationalism.
The unemployed represent a labor force which only
lacks organization to be abundantly self-sustaining.
It is the duty and interest of the State to so organize
the unemployed, according to their several trades and
aptitudes,_the women workers as well as the men,—
that their support shall be provided for out of their
own product, which should not go upon the market for
sale, but be wholly consutned within the circle of the
producers, thus in no way deranging outside prices
or wages. This plan contemplates the unemployed
problem as being a permanent one, with periods of
special aggravation, and_as therefore demanding for
solution a permanent and elastic provision for a circle
of production and consumption complete in itself, and
independent of the,commercial system. There is no
other method for dealing with the unemployed prob-
lem which does not mock it.
“Tn proportion as the industries, commerce, and gen-
eral business of the country are publicly organized,
the sources of the power and means of the growth o
the plutocracy, which depend upon the control and
revenues of industry, will be undermined and cut off.
In the same measure, obviously, the regulation of the
employment of the people and the means of providing
for their maintenance will pass under their collective
control. To complete the plan of, Nationalism, by
carrying out its guaranty of equal maintenance to
all, with employment according to fitness, will require
only a process of systematization and equalizing of
conditions under an already unified administration.”
REVISED By Epwarp BELLAMY.
(For the objections to Nationalism see So-
CIALISM; section Objections to.)
References: Looking Backward, by Edward Bel-
lamy, Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1887; The Program of
the Nationalists, by Edward Bellamy, reprinted from
The Forum for March, 1894; Principles and Purposes
of Nationalism, an address by Edward Bellamy, deliv-
ered in Tremont Temple, Boston, December 19, 1889.
NATIONALIZATION OF THE LIQUOR
TRAFFIC.—It has been proposed by the
Nationalists in America (see NATIONALISM) to
meet the admittedly enormous evils of the
liquor traffic by putting the whole traffic into
the hands of the Government and having
liquor sold under strict regulations, by govern-
ment officials, in government dispensaries, and
atcost. Itisin this last respect that the Nation-
alist plan differs radically from the Dispensary
system (g.v.), from the Norwegian system
(g.v.), and from all similar plans. All these
ane provide for some one’s making a profit
rom the sale of liquor. Nationalists, on the
other hand, maintain that so long as
there is a profit in the liquor traffic some
920
Nationalizing the Liquor Traffic.
one will be interested in the extension of
the traffic, and that, conversely, the one
way to kill the traffic is to kill the profits
in it. They argue that this applies to gov-
ernment sales as well as to private sales.
It will not do, they affirm, to allow even the
Government to make any profits out of liquor,
for if the Government has ‘‘an interest” in the
sales, it will lead tocorruption. Officials would
then be interested in some way to extend the
traffic, so that either strict regulations would
not be passed, or, if passed, would not be en-
forced.’ If, on the other hand, Government
made no profit out of the sales, it would be
nobody’s ‘interest to sell, and therefore the
strictest regulations concerning its sale could
be both enacted and enforced. Sales could
then be restricted to very limited hours ; they
could be made only to registered people or
hotel guests, so that men could neither buy
much at one place nor go from place to place
and get a little. They could be absolutely
prohibited to minors, to people whom physi-
cians or their families declared unable to drink
in moderation, etc. Yet the plan would allow
other adults to drink in moderation who wish to
doso. This, Nationalists ae is the best law
that can to-day be enforced. Prohibition (g. v.)
they declare to be, in our large cities and even
in most States, at present impracticable. The
sale of liquor by government dispensaries, the
claim, in South Carolina, Sweden, etc., is al-
ready proving practical, and the best way to
restrict the traffic, and abolish its grossest
evils. Only the Nationalists would go one step.
further and prevent even Government from
having any interest in the concern. To sell
liquor at cost, the Nationalists
claim, would not induce people to
drink more, by making liquor Objections
cheaper ; in the first place, because Considered.
it is byno means clear that liquor
would be cheaper. The cheaper
forms of liquor are sold in such vast quan.
tities to-day, and with such vile adulter-
ations, that they can be sold very cheap,
and at such alow margin of profit (the total
sum of the profits, however, being enormous}
thatitis very doubtful if the Government could
sell its limited quantities, which would be free
from cheap adulterations, at any less price
than to-day, and yet cover the cost. Cost
price, therefore, would not necessarily be a
lower price. Even if the price were slightly
lower, the Nationalists urge that the small dif-
ference would scarcely increase temptation at
all, because few, if any, except those wholly
without money, are deterred from drink by the
price. Again, government sales of liquors to
registered persons would check all or almost
all the treating that is to-day one of the great-
est forms of the evil. The great argument for
this system is, however, that it would at once
cut off the enormous money interest in the
liquor traffic which to-day buys legislatures,
corrupts politics, demoralizes the community,
prevents temperance legislation, or mocks its
enforcement.
Mr. George W. Evans, writing in The Na-
tionalist for December, 1889, describes the
Nationalist plan as follows:
Nationalizing the Liquor Traffic.
“National prohibition is Utopian ; and whenever we
areina position to secure it, the nuisance can be dis-
posed ot with less effort; will, in fact, have already
sunk into insignificance. The difficulty that underlies
all our schemes of reform is that both parties to the
sale of a drink of liquor are co-conspirators. The
seller wants to sell because he makes a profit; the
buyer will not give evidence against him for any vio-
lations of law, because that violation contributes to
his own gratification. The desire of profit stimulates
adulteration and illicit sales; and lack of evidence has
forced the law and order leagues of Eastern cities to
such devices that their witnesses are rebuked from the
bench in open court, and bid fair to become proverbial
for sneaking and treachery—questionable means that
nothing can justify if not their end. .
“These two things, then, and these only, stand inthe
way of a reasonable restraint of the liquor traffic: the
desire of profit and the privacy of the sale. The first
of these difficulties may be obviated by compelling all
a to be sold at cost; the second, by having all
sales entered upon a public record. TZhzs may be ac-
complished by making the manufacture and sale of
liquor a government monopoly like the postal system,
and tn no other way.
“Let the Government, then, assume the duty of brew-
ing, distilling, andimporting all liquors, and forbid all
other brewing, distilling, andimporting, just as now it
forbids the private carrying of mails; let a suitable
number of dispensing offices be established in each
ward or other convenient district; at these offices the
registered inhabitants orthe J8za fide guests of neigh-
boring hotels may obtain liquor for such Pa poses and
in such quantities as may be legalized ; and the stranger
within the gates must be vouched for, by the inhabit-
ant with whom he is quartered, in such a way asto
prevent any person from obtaining liquor from more
than one office.
“There would be nothing immoral about a pure bar
where the dispenser had no interest except that of effi-
cient public service under wise regulation ; and witha
moderate and impartial supply of thiskind, smuggling
and illicit manufacture would be out of the question,
because they could not compete with government
rices, and the evils that come from adulteration of
iquor would disappear. After this system is estab-
lished, any reasonable restraint will be perfectly effect-
ive, and absolute prohibition of the use of alcoholic
beverages can be more effectively carried out than it
ever has been yet. But this last step might then very
fairly be considered an unreasonable restraint.
“Under the present régime the liquor dealers are
organized for the protection of their interests against
the attacks of society, but there is no organization
among them, nor can there be, to protect society
against the outrages of which it complains. Even if
there are some few saloons that will not sell drink
after drink to the same customer till he is completely
intoxicated, there is no hindrance to the very ordi-
nary and usual practice of, going from shop to shop,
‘seeing the town,’ and getting drunk by degrees. The
most conscientious barkeeper—and there may be
such—might find it difficult to decide whether the
applicant before him could stand another dose of
sleohol ; and, if the line is drawn too far on the wrong
side, the barkeeper will justify himself with the
motto of commercial greed: ‘It’s business.’ Not only
is the moral responsibility divided by this practice,
but the legal responsibility also. ‘The law recognizes
the right of the family to protest against the sale of
liquor to any of its members whom it may injure ;
and if the relatives of a drunkard give notice in
writing to any particular dealer, there is provision
for legal redress if he sells contrary to such notice.
It is impossible, however, to give written notice to the
hundred saloons within easy walking distance, or to
obtain redress, after the notice is served, without evi-
dence of the specific act that constitutes the offense.
“Under the system proposed in this article these
evils would not exist. The drinker could get no
liquor except where he was known and registered ;
and, if his case was severe enough to demand it, his
family could prevent even that.
On the other hand, the opponents of this
system argue that, even if sold at cost, those
who manufactured for the Gov-
kat ernment, or who worked under
Objections. i,¢ Government, if the Govern-
ment made its own liquor, would
have an interest in extending this business ;
g21
Naturalization.
that they would be tempted to adulterate, and
so that all interest in the traffic would not be
abolished even by selling at cost, while Gov-
ernment would be corrupted and drinking
made respectable and legal. Says a writer in
The Natwonalist for February, 1890, answering
the previous writer :
“In Massachusetts, under the prohibition statute of
1855 to 1868, the liquors required for medicinal, chem-
ical, and scientific purposes were obtained at State
agencies, and a public record was kept of the sales;
all other sales were illegal. If the law had been hon-
estly enforced for a few years, and the agencies
placed in honest hands, our annual struggle under local
option and license laws would have been avoided ; mil-
lions of money expended in courts, public institutions,
etc., would have been saved, and taxation by this time
would have been reduced, as I firmly believe, fully 50
per cent. The Massachusetts method of ’s55 was far in
advance of the beverage plan proposed for the Goy-
ernment to adopt. If we wish to rid the country of
the curse of intemperance and the evils arising from
the sale of alcoholic beverages, can we do so any more
effectually by catering to the bad habits and evil pas-
sions of men through public government dispensa-
ries? We have learned that licensed liquors will
ruin a family as quickly as unlicensed, and will not
Sb alcoholic liquors, if branded ‘U. S.,’ go to the
rain as surely as if doctored and watered by a
profits-seeking retailer? In fact, the latter, as com-
pared with a salaried government official, has an
interest in weakening the drams and prolonging the
walking condition and existence of his customers, and
he well knows how to ‘extend’ his beverages so as to
compete with the Government if it should sell the pure
article at cost, as proposed. Those who believe that
‘there would be nothing immoral about a public bar
where the dispenser has no interest,’ etc., should have
the experiment tried at East Boston, South Boston, or
the North End before recommending its adoption
throughout the United States.”
Nevertheless, the experience of govern-
ment dispensaries in South Carolina, Sweden,
and elsewhere is winning many supporters to
the dispensary system, and even many pro-
hibitionists are coming to believe that such a
system may be made a step toward national
prohibition. The People’s Party in Massa-
chusetts and several other States has adopted
the Nationalist plan, usually stating it in the
following language, which was inserted as a
plank in the Massachusetts platform of that
party, August 24, 1891:
“We believe that the solution of the liquor problem
lies in abolishing the element of profit, which is a
source of constant temptation and evil ; and we there-
fore demand that the exclusive importation, manu-
facture, and sale of all spirituous liquors shall be con-
ducted by the Government or State at cost, through
agencies and salaried officials, in such townsand cities
as shall apply for such agencies.”
This, it is claimed, has the advantage of
local option, in that any town or city that votes
no license need not apply for a government
agency, while any town that desires liquor
sold could have it; but only under strictest
regulations. (For nationalization in other coun-
tries, see SOUTH CAROLINA DispENSARY SYSTEM.)
NATIONALIZATION OF RAILROADS,
THE TELEGRAPH, etc. See RaiLroaps,
‘TELEGRAPHS, etc.
NATURALIZATION is an act by which a
foreigner, called an alien, becomes a citizen of
any country.
The following are the Naturalization Laws
of the United States, as prescribed by Sections
a of the Revised Statutes of the United
tates :
Naturalization.
DECLARATION OF INTENTION.
The alien must declare upon oath before a Circuit or
District Court of the United States, or a District or
Supreme Court of the Territories, or a Court of Record
of any of the States having common law jurisdiction,
and a seal and clerk, two years at least prior to his ad-
mission, that it is, boxa fide, his intention to become a
citizen of the United States, and to renounce forever
all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince or
State, and particularly to the one of which he may be
at the time a citizen or subject.
OATH ON APPLICATION FOR ADMISSION,
He must, at the time of his application to be admit-
ted, declare on oath, before some one of the courts
above specified, ‘‘that he will support the Constitution
of the United States, and that he absolutely and en-
tirely renounces and abjures all allegiance and fidelity
to every foreign prince, potentate, State, or sover-
eignty, and particularly, by name, to the prince,
potentate, State, or sovereignty of which he was before
acitizen or subject,’ which proceedings must be re-
corded by the clerk of the court.
CONDITIONS FOR CITIZENSHIP.
If it shall appear to the satisfaction of the court to
which the alien has applied that he has resided contin-
uously within the United States for at least five years,
and within the State or Territory where such court is
at the time held one year at least ; and that during that
time ‘he has behaved as a man of good moral charac-
ter, attached to the principles of the Constitution of
the United States, and well disposed to the good order
and happiness of the same,’’ he will be admitted to
citizenship.
TITLES OF NOBILITY.
If the applicant has borne any hereditary title or
order of nobility, he must make an express renuncia-
tion of the same at the time of his application.
SOLDIERS.
Any alien of the age of twenty-one years and up-
ward who has been in the armies of the Gnitea States,
and has been honorably discharged therefrom, may
become a citizen on his petition, without any previous
declaration of intention, provided that he has resided
in the United States at least one year previous to his
oe and is of good moral character. (It is
judicially decided that residence of one year in a par-
ticular State is not requisite.)
MINORS.
Any alien under the age of twenty-one years who
has resided in the United States three years next pre-
ceding his arriving at that age, and who has continued
to reside therein to the time he may make application
to be admitted a citizen thereof, may, after he arrives
at the age of twenty-one years, and after he has re-
sided five years within the United States, including
the three years of his minority, be admitted a citizen;
but he must make a declaration on oath and prove to
the satisfaction of the court that fortwo years next
preceding it has been his dona fide intention to become
a citizen.
CHILDREN OF NATURALIZED CITIZENS.
The children of persons who have been duly natu-
talized, being under the age of twenty-one years at
the time of the naturalization of their parents, shall,
if dwelling in the ,United States, be considered as
‘citizens thereof.
CITIZENS’ CHILDREN WHO ARE BORN ABROAD.
The children of persons who now are or have been
citizens of the United States are, tho born out of
the limits and jurisdiction of the United States, con-
sidered as citizens thereof.
CHINESE.
., The naturalization of Chinamen is expressly prohib-
ited by Section 14, Chapter 126, Laws of 1882.
PROTECTION ABROAD TO NATURALIZED CITIZENS.
Section 2000 of the Revised Statutes of the United
States declares that “all naturalized citizens of the
United States while in foreign countries are entitled
to and shall receive from this Government the same
protection of persons and property which is accorded
to native born citizens.”
Great frauds have often been committed in
large cities by issuing naturalization papers to
large numbers of foreigners who, it has been
922
Natural Monopolies.
claimed, have not resided in this country for
the requisite term of five years. By this means
it has been urged that fraudulent votes have
been cast, and elections largely influenced.
NATURAL MONOPOLIES.—This is a
phrase that has come into general use, though
particularly in the United States, for that class
of monopolies which are asserted by the users
of the phrase to have become monopolies on
account of some inherent property. Professor
R. T. Ely, who perhaps has done more than any
other writer to give currency to the phrase, says
(Soctalism and Social Reform, pp. 262-300) :
“Monopolies may be divided into two main classes,
—natural and artificial ; and natural monopolies again
may be divided into two sub-classes, namely, First.
those businesses which are monopolies by virtue of
the qualities inherent in the business itself; and sec-
ond, those businesses which are monopolies by reason
‘of the fact that the supply of the raw material upon
which they are based is so limited in area that the en- -
tire supply can be acquired by a single combination of
men.
“Natural monopolies of the first class are the natural
monopolies ordinarily dtscussed, and they include the
means of communication and transportation ; as well
as the lighting service by gas or elec-
tricity ofcities. Railways, water-ways,
irrigation works,telegraphs, telephones,
are especially important. "But street~ Character-
car lines, whether they are surfacelines, ization,
subways, or elevated railways, and the
means of lighting cities, are scarcely
less so. These are all primary businesses in modern
society; businesses of every other kind are dependent
upon them... .”
“Natural monopolies of the second class are those
which become monopolies because the supply of raw
materials, consisting of natural treasures, is so limited
that it can all be acquired by a single combination of
men. Anthracite coal has been cited as an illustra-
tion ; other similar cases could be instanced. It is said
that it has been possible to purchase practically the
entire supply of some raw materials found among
barbarous or semi-barbarous peoples; not so much,
perhaps, on account of the limitation of the supply, as
on account of the fact that itis easy to cheat them
and to buy a great supply at far less than its actual
value, ...”
“Land is frequently called a natural monopoly, but
this hardly seems correct. Monopoly implies manage-
ment or ownership by one person, or by a combination
of persons who can act as a unit. Anything of the
kind does not.exist with respect either to landowner-
ship, or to the use of the land for agricultural or build-
ing purposes. A genuine monopoly in the ownership
or exploitation of land would mean the virtual slavery
of all persons not interested in the monopoly. If the
farmers of the world could act together as a unit, they
could force all others to give everything they might
have for food, as the alternative would be starvation.
‘What will not aman give for his life?’ But sucha
combination is an impossibility, and every attempt to
effect a combination, even on a comparatively small
scale, with respect toa single staple, like wheat or
cotton, has thus far, proved a failure.” ;
Mr. Farrer, in his book The State zn cts Re-
lation to Trade, has given the following char-
acteristics of natural monopolies :
“a, What they supply is a necessary.
‘2, They occupy peculiarly favored spots or lines
of land.
‘< The article or convenience they supply is used
at the place where and in connection with the plant or
machinery by which it is supplied. :
“4. This article or convenience can in general be
largely, if not indefinitely, increased without propor-
tionate increase in ae and capital.
‘*s, Certainty and harmonious arrangement, which
can only be maintained by unity, are paramount con-
siderations.”
The following consideration of the subject
we mainly take from various statements by
Natural Monopolies.
Professor Ely. Concerning the difference be-
tween ‘‘ natural and other monopolies,” he says
(dem, p. 217):
“Socialists assert that every business is a natural
monopoly, and that the expression itself, ‘natural
monopoly,” is as much out of place as would be the
expression “natural adults,” with reference tohuman
beings. Every human being becomes in time an
adult, and so, they say, every business becomes in
time a monopoly. Proof is sought in a long list of
trusts and combinations which have been more or less
successful, When we look into this list of trusts in
manufactures, however, we quickly ascertain that
few of them have achieved anything like complete
monopoly ; and if we examine the list of unsuccessful
attempts to form trusts, we shall discover that this
is longer than the list of partially successful trusts.
What we ascertain in reality is a demonstration of the
advantages of production ona large scale, and a few
attempts to secure a monopoly which have been par-
tially successful, and a far larger number of cases of
failure to establish monopoly in manufacturing indus-
tries. So far as any historical inductive proof is con-
cerned, we must say that it is, as yet, lacking. The
careful thinker will at least demand time for further
observation. He will tell us to wait and see what tend-
encies are revealed by subsequent industrial de-
velopment. If weturn to deductive proof, however,
no convincing arguments have been advanced to sup-
ort the hypothesis, either that unification of manu-
actures, is, generally speaking, inevitable, or even
possible. We must not overlook the immense diffi-
culty of a management so watchful, so alert, so full
of resources, so fruitful in initiative and enterprise,
that itcan permanently secure better results than a
number of smaller and competing manufacturers.”
As a proof that natural monopolies are such,
we are told (zdem, pp. 263-266) :
“The proof that these pursuits are natural monopo-
lies is twofold; namely, deductive and inductive, or
historical. The deductive proof takes account of
characteristics of businesses of the kind mentioned,
and discovers that businesses with these characteris-
tics must necessarily become monopolies. Their
main characteristics are three: They occupy peculi-
arly desirable spots or lines of land; second, the serv-
ice or commodity which they supply is furnished in
connection with the plant itself; and, in the third
place, it is possible to increase the supply of the serv-
ice or commodity indefinitely, without proportionate
increase in cost. Any business which has these quali-
ties tends to become a monopoly by virtue ofits in-
herent’qualities, and it must become such in time... .
“Inductive or historical proof calls attention to actual
experience. It is found that sooner or later attempted
competition always gives way to com-
bination and consolidation. The gas
-Proof of business furnishes an excellent illustra-
Natural tion, because the experience with re-
Monopolies. spect to this is so super-abundant, and
because, furthermore, asthe geographi-
cal area within which the business is
conducted is small, the movement toward monopoly
has always been comparatively rapid. Competition
in the gas business has been attempted in countries
with all kinds of political government, and under
every circumstance which can be imagined. It has
been tried repeatedly with the most solemn promises
on the part oF those starting rival companies, that
competition would be genuine and permanent. But
the nature of the business as monopoly has been
strong enough to overcome every obstacle, and guar-
anties have not been worth the paper on which they
have been printed. It is probably not too much to
say that competition has been tried a thousand times
in different countries, and no one can yet point to one
single instance of permanently successful competi-
tion. It would seem that a thousand experiments
should satisfy any one. The telegraph business also
furnishes good illustration. Competition in telegraph
service was tried many times in England, but always
resulted in monopoly ; and it has been tried perhaps a
hundred times in the United States, but the tendency
opoly has been too strong.... : ;
i Camperien of various sorts has been tried with
respect to railways. . . . America will be held to offer
the greatest difficulties in the way of the acceptance
of a theory of monopoly in the railway business, but
the difficulties only spring from the fact that it is a
923
Natural Monopolies.
vast country in which the railway development is yet
far from complete. Combination and consolidation
are going forward every day, and it is simply a ques-
tion of time when monopoly will be secured in the
United States as well as elsewhere. Even now it
would require a small book simply to print the names
of railway companies which have been absorbed by
other companies, and have ceased to exist.”
So conceiving of natural monopolies, those
who use the phrase advocate that all natural
monopolies should be at least owned and usu-
ally (tho not always) operated by the commun-
ity. Professor Ely writes (4x Introduction
to Political Economy, pp. 252, 253).
“What shall be our policy? Monopoly is inevitable.
Private monopoly is odious. Public monopoly is a
blessing, and the test of experience approves it.
Again and again it has been tried with
fear and trembling, but the results have
in the long run been gratifying. Pub-
lic ownership and management of rail-
ways have in Germany succeeded in
many respects even better than their
advocates anticipated, and the opinion of experts in
Germany favorsthem almost if not quite unanimously.
The writer happens to know of no exception... .
was long agosaid bya shrewd English engineer that
where combination is oo competition is impossi-
ble. Combination is always possible in the case of un-
dertakings which are natural monopolies. It is inevi-
table, for it is not only cheaper to doa given amount
of business by a monopoly than by two or more con-
cerns, but very much cheaper. If two gas companies
in a city, having each a capital of a million dollars,
operating separately are able to make ro per cent.
profit, when combined they will make much more
than 1o per cent.; possibly even 15 or 20 per cent.
There is a force continually at work drawing them
together. It works as constantly ifnot as uniformly
as the attraction of gravitation.”
Treatment.
This does not, however, according to this
school of thought, always imply public opera-
tion (Soczalzsm and Soctal Reform, p. 293):
“It does not appear evident at once that the collect-
ive management of the property collectively owned
is essential. If the anthracite coal-mines were owned
by the State or by the nation, satisfactory results
might, perhaps, be secured by leasing the land, or by
allowing individuals or companies to mine coal freely
on the payment of a royalty which would absorb any
economic surplus above the normal returns to labor
and capital.”
Concerning the advantages of the public
ownership of natural monopolies, we are told
(we quote from various works of Professor
Ely) first, that the socialization of natural
monopolies would lead to the better utilization
of productive forces and the avoidance of
wastes due to competition. A railroad mana-
ger is quoted as saying that even now it
would involve an annual saving of $200,000,000
if the railways of the United States were man-
aged as a unit. Says Professor Ely (42 Jn-
troduction to Political Economy, p. 254):
“The construction of only two needless parallel
lines of railway in the United States, the West Shore
and the Nickel Plate, extending together from New
York to Chicago, wasted two hundred millions of dol-
lars; a sum sufficient to build two hun-
dred thousand homes for a million
people. Probably the waste in railway
construction and operation in the United
States during the past fifty years would
be amply sufficient to build comfortable
homes for every man, woman, and child now in the
country.
“Every city shows that attempted competition eats
upa large Lee of what might be profit, Gas can well
be supplied for a profit in great cities, if the business
is a perfect monopoly, for 75 cents.”
Advantages,
Natural Monopolies.
A second advantage claimed is that it would
tend to decrease industrial crises. (See CrisEs.)
A third advantage is that it would purify
politics. (See Ciry ; MunicipaLism ; SOCIALISM. )
Fourth, it would tend to the utilization of in-
ventions, (See CoMPETITION.)
Fifth, it would aid distribution. (See
Weatru.) These advantages we consider un
der their proper heads. But besides these, are
indirect advantages perhaps even greater,
the breaking up of the great monopolies depen-
dent upon natural monopolies (see Coat ; STAND-
ARD OIL Monopo ty), and the abolition of railroad
favoritism (see RAILROADS).
Concerning the purchase of private monopo-
lies, Professor Ely says (zdem, p. 289):
“The difficulties of payment for these monopolistic
undertakings are often mentioned. It must be remem-
bered that public ownership increases their value,
because it produces unification in these enterprises,
and shuts off the waste of future competition. Fre-
quently public ownership makes it a possibility to
unite advantageously several services and thus effect
a saving. Very oftena municipal electric lighting
plant is connected with the public water-works, and
results in a better utilization of public property, and
of the services of those already in the employment of
the municipality. The railways, which include the
larger part of the property of the kind under consid-
eration, are generally brought forward as affording
the chief illustration of the difficulties of acquisition
by the government. The purchase of these practically
means the conversion of railway stocks and bonds into
government bonds, and while it would add enormous-
Ty to the public debt, it would addto astill greater ex-
tent to the public resources. Besides, it must always
be remembered that the change could not be made in
a single day.
“Reformers are often inclined to urge that the pay-
ments for railways, telegraphs, etc., should only be
sufficient to duplicate the existing plant, and this gen-
erally means much less than the selling value of the
plant. They make a serious mistake in taking this
osition. Asa matter of policy, this course is not to
fe recommended, because it needlessly antagonizes
such a large proportion of the population of the coun-
try. Those who are asked to part with their property
at a price less than the market value will feel them-
selves aggrieved, and will oppose the reform in every
way in their power. The plan proposed is also objec-
tionable on the score of justice. The value which
property of this kind has in excess of the cost of dupli-
cation of the plant is largely due to a public policy
which has been approved by a majority, and a vast
majority, of the people of the United States. A large
capitalization, so far as it exceeds the actual value of
the plant, very frequently represents only the waste
due to attempted competition, and this attempted com-
petition has been encouraged in every way, directly
and indirectly, by the general public. Even when
such is not the case, the Bassi inte of an excessivel
large income, which has brought about the large capi-
talization, has been due to a considerable extent to
failures of the legislature to make proper laws, and of
the other public authorities adequately to enforce ex-
isting laws. Now, if the property is appraised simply
at the cost of duplication of the plant, it would make a
ortion of the community bear the entire burden of a
alse public policy, whereas, as the whole of the public
is to blame, the burden should be diffused among the
people as a whole. If it is necessary to raise large
sums to pay off the debt necessitated by the acquisi-
tion of enterprises of this kind, it could be done
through a wisely devised system of inheritance taxes.
“When we consider the difficulties in the way of the
socialization of natural monopolies, we must always
remember what the alternative is. These difficulties
are real, but the difficulties of the present system are
even greater.”’
For the ways in which socialists and nation-
alists would obtain the ownership of private
monopolies, see RAILRoADs, section Nation-
alization of. We are here considering simply
924
Natural Rights.
the views of those who believe in the social-
ization of ‘‘ natural monopolies” alone. For
examples of the practical working of the social-
ization of national monopolies, see BERLIN;
BirMINGHAM ; GLascow; Lonpon ; ELECTRICITY;
Gas ; Posrat System ; RAILROADS ; STREET RaAIL-
WAYS ; TELEGRAPHS ; TELEPHONES ; PosTAL Sav-
Incs Banks, etc., etc. Professor Ely says
(¢dem) : :
“The test of experience seems to be decisive. The
same objections which we now hear against the nation-
alization of railways in the United States were heard
fifteen years ago in Prussia, and the opinion of the
people was divided. Now one who
aves ie armen ‘ a or, as
he elsewhere expresses it, ‘‘every man has freedom
to do all that he wills, provided that he infringes not
the equal freedom of any other man” (chap. vi. § 1).
Accordingly, he says: ‘Rights are nothing but arti-
ficial divisions of the general claim to exercise the
faculties—applications of that general claim to par-
ticular cases ; and each of them is proved in the same
way by showing that the particular exercise of the
faculties referred to is possible without preventing the
like exercise of faculties by other persons.”’ His devel-
opment of this theory is well known. (See SPENCER.)
In Germany, the idea of Naturrecht is the root idea
of German jurisprudence. Professor Pollok says of
this school, that its authors “throw their main
strength on investigating the universal moral and
social conditions of government and laws, or, at any
rate, civilized government and laws, and expounding
what such governments and laws are, or ought to be,
so far as determined by conformity to these condi-
tions.’ English writers, he says, are apt to despair of
systems of philosophy built up on somebody’s con-
ception of ‘things as they ought to be,” “necessar
inferences from the facts of nature,” ‘natural laws”
which, nevertheless, ‘never have been and probably
never will be perfectly discovered. But,” he adds,
“allowance must be made for difference in meaning.
We may discover this mysterious and terrible Vatur-
recht to be no worse than a theory of government and
legislation ; or, to preserve better the wide generality
iven to it by its authors, a kind of teleology of the
tate and its institutions.” | . ‘ 7
In England Professor Lorimer in his /us¢7¢utes of.
Law, with its sub-title, A Treatise 0 the Principles of
Jurisprudence as Determined by Nature, most nearly
represents the German school. “But the characteristic
modern English, and especially the American use of
the theory, is the use made of it in politics by Jefferso-
nian Democrats, with their strict limitation of the
927
Negro.
power of the State, and in economics by Henry George
andhis followers, when they hold that each man hasa
natural and a divine right to what he produces, and
to that only, so that land values should be held in
common, since no individual has produced them, but
that each individual should be allowed private prop-
erty in other things. (See SINGLE Tax.) Professor
Ritchie, in his volume above referred to, considers
the specific natural rights most commonly claimed:
the right of life, of liberty, of toleration, of public
meeting and association, of contract, of resistance
to oppression, of equality, of property, of pursuing
and obtaining happiness. He shows, however, that
nations like the United States, most imbued with the
theory of natural rights, have not scrupled to go con-
trary to them when it was popular. Protestants, who
cannot understand why Roman Catholics should not
allow legal divorce, are quite ready to suppress Mor-
mon plural marriages by law. To sum up, the theory
of natural rights is considered by its critics vague
and useless ; its truth to lie in its witness to the belief
in a divine or general ideal of society toward which
men are ever pressing.
(See PoriricaL ScIENCE ; STATE ; SOVEREIGN-
Ty; Roussgau, etc.)
References: Natural Rights,a Criticism of Some
Political and Ethical Conceptions, by David G. Ritchie,
1895. (See also PAINE; ROUSSEAU.)
NAVIGATION. See ComMERCcE.
NAVY. See Army AnD Navy.
NEEBE.
section.
NEGRO AND PRESENT SOCIAL RE-
FORM, IN AMERICA, THE. (See also
Siavery.) During the dark days of slavery
little or no progress could be expected from the
negro. Bought and sold like the cattle of the
fields, and bearing all the degrading conse-
quences of an inhuman bondage, it is evermore
to his credit that he has escaped at all from the
brutalizing influences of 260 years. There was
a large number of free negroes settled in the
South before the war, and altho they were al-
lowed to acquire property, and secure a meas-
ure of education, they were subject to many
disabilities and restrictions. They were de-
nied intercourse with the slaves; and were
even frequently the victims of murderous
mobs who violated the seclusion of their
homes. They were, in both North and South,
excluded from the militia, and quite generally
denied the right to vote, altho impartially
taxed. Their schools were separate, few in
number, and poorly conducted. They were
excluded from churches, confined to the gal-
leries of theaters, denied lodging and board at
hotels, and were not permitted to travel as
first-class passengers upon either land or
water. Nearly every State constitution con-
tained the word ‘‘white” asa restriction of
civil rights ; nearly every common-carrier com-
pany had special rules to apply to the negro;
and nearly every community contained men
and women who were always ready to de-
nounce and abuse the harmless and submis-
sive blacks. If the noblest class of Americans
were subjected for years to such disadvan-
tages as these, and with no chance of revolu-
tion or redress, it is very probable that their
social and moral condition would not finally be
very high.
The great bravery shown by many negro
regiments in the war of the rebellion did much
See Cuicaco ANARCHISTS, last
Negro.
to elevate them in esteem, and secure a little
more fairness in their treatment by the whites.
Before the spring of 1863 the United States
Government published a plan by which negroes,
free and_ bond, were to be employed as sol-
diers. By the end of the autumn 50,000 troops
of this character were under arms. From the
beginning to the close of the war there were
178,975 negro troops in the service of the na-
tion, who participated in 449 engagements and
sustained a loss of 36,847. At Fort Wagner,
Port Hudson, Chapin’s Farm, Nashville, and
upon other fields they won the confidence and
approval of the military and civil leaders of
the cause they so gallantly served. Doubted
and discriminated against in respect to their
pay, bounty, and clothing, they were subse-
quently placed upon the same footing with
their more favored white comrades.
On January 1, 1863, the Proclamation of
Emancipation was issued; every negro re-
ceived his freedom; and soon after, by amend-
ments to the Constitution, was made a voter
and a citizen. The legislatures of the South-
ern States, however, passed laws that practi-
cally disfranchised him for a time; and the
acts regulating negro laborers made them the
merest vassals of the soil. But the reorgani-
zation of these States brought the negro into
political prominence.
During the period of reconstruction negroes
were in the majority in the Senate and House
of Representatives of some Southern States,
while two became United States senators and
a dozen were members of the House of Rep-
resentatives. Fourteen held positions in the
diplomatic and consular service of the Govern-
ment. The United States marshal for the
District of Columbia, the tax collector, the re-
corder of deeds, and the register of the treas-
ury were, at one time, negroes, and all of
them ex-slaves save one. There were about
600 negroes in the departments at Washing-
ton, D. C., and several thousand of them in
the postal, revenue, and customs service in
various sections of the country.
The attitude of the Southern people to the
negroes since the war has been almost invari-
ably aristocratic and repressive; they have too
frequently endeavored to keep
The South them servile and dependent, in-
andthe ‘stead of aiding them to reach a
Neero, Higher plane of intelligence and
oe citizenship. Henry M. Boies says,
in the course of an earnest plea
for negro education, ‘The whole administra-
tion of the South proceeds upon the false and
un-American idea of a servile class, to be
maintained in a condition of suppression; an
idea which the welfare of our institutions, so-
ciety, and government cannot tolerate, and
must in some way totally eradicate, abolish,
and destroy. The American people and its
free government are irrevocably pledged and
devoted to human progress, elevation, and
civilization, without regard to tribe or tongue,
sex or color, or any previous condition of na-
tivity, servitude, or intelligence.”
In another place the same author writes:
“A ruling white minority, possessing the
wealth, stands over a black majority which is
928
Negro.
paid for their labor actually less than the
fairly comfortable subsistence which they Te-
ceived when slaves; and denies to them every
right of equality except the simple name of
citizen. This is as hostile to true American-
ism as was slavery. It has become so palpa-
ble, atrocious, and pregnant a national peril
as to require national intervention.” |
Yet it must be admitted that to this as to
every question there are two sides. The
Southern whites say, in answer to such criti-
cism, that the negroes are yet too ignorant to
vote; that being in some States
in the majority, they would, if
allowed actual equality with the ee
whites, put back the whole civil- ~ view,
ization of the South, if not make
civilization impossible. Says Gov-
ernor Evans of South Carolina, in regard to
the constitutional convention called to devise
a way for excluding the negro from political
power :
“There are only two flags, the white and the black.
Under which will you enlist? The one, the white, is
the peaceful flag of Anglo-Saxon civilization and
progress. The other is the black flag of the debased
and ignorant African, with the white traitors who are
seeking to marshal the negroes in order to gain politi-
cal power....
“The constitutional convention must be controlled
by white men, not white men with black hearts, not
negroes. The world must be shown that we are
capable of governing ourselves, and that, constitu-
tion or no constitution, law or no law, court or no
court, the intelligent white men of South Carolina
intend to govern
The South (especially the progressive so-
called New South) has no desire to reenact
slavery, if it could, but it does almost as one
man insist that civilization shall not be lowered |
to the level of the negro—which, it says, would
be the result of giving the right at present of
political and social equality with the whites.
Suddenly transformed from slaves to citi-
zens, without test or preparation, it is self-evi-
dent that the whole negro race is the ward
of the American nation, and must be so con-
sidered and treated, until it shall rise in all
respects to a level of equality with its white
fellow-citizens, and have a fairer show in the
competitions of life.
“But there are unfailing signs that the negro is ac-
cumulating property, and rapidly acquiring knowl-
edge, in spite of the many peculiar obstacles that have
been cast in hisway. In 1888, inthe District of Colum-
bia, where the Government emancipated the slaves
by compensating their masters, the negro citizens paid
taxes upon about Ppa of real property ; in Geor-
pe they are taxed for about $11,000,000, 1n Louisiana
‘or about $25,000,000; and in other States in an almost
proportional amount.”
“According to the census of 1890, there are in the
United States 7,470,040 persons of African descent—
an increase of 13.51 per cent. since 188. The negro
school population of the former slave States is about
2,100,000; and the enrolment is 1,100,000. They have
281 normal schools with 6207 students; 270 institutions
for secondary instruction with 9970 students ; 238 uni-
versities and colleges with 5119 students; 110 Schools
of theology with 1297 students; 16 law schools with
98 students; 22 schools of medicine, dentistry, and
pharmacy with 208 students; 40 schools for the’ deaf.
dumb, and blind with 139 students; and, ,
adding the 661 schools for negroes in
the Northern States to the 18,794 for Statistics
the freedmen, there are 19,455 public 5
schools with a total enrolment for the :
race, as far as reported, of 1,127,839. This does not
include the negroes and mulattoes in the schools of the
Negro.
North, where no discrimination is made as to color or
nationality. There are more signs of improvement in
the negro in the South than in the small communities
of Northern negroes, who, contented with their con-
dition, make little effort to improve their opportuni-
ties. They are the servant class as a rule, altho there
are worthy exceptions, and make little or no progress.
However, in the larger cities of the Northern States
negroes have branched out into lucrative business en-
terprises, and by industry, frugality, and ability have
attained to high and honorable business standing. ”’
In general, since emancipation, their morals
are improved, their social life more elevated,
their tastes more chaste, their education ad-
vanced, and their comfort and happiness in-
finitely increased. The friends of humanity
everywhere will join in creating a public sen-
timent friendly to the negro as a citizen, asa
laborer, and as a man, until the African race
is merged at length into a composite American
nationality. H. N.C
Concerning some other statistics in regard
to the negro population ih the United States,
the Rt. Rev. C. Clifton Penick, D. D., agent
for the Commission of the Protestant Episco-
pal Church for work among colored people in
the United States of America, says in a tract
on the struggles, perils, and hopes of the
negroes :
“In 1865 probably not one in ten thousand of the
negroes of the South could read. To-day not less than
twenty-five thousand are professors or teachers in
colleges and schools. A vast number of well-read
preachers, lawyers, doctors, mail agents, and clerks
are at work, while, in 1890, 1,255,320 scholars were in
public schools—18.55 per cent. of the negro Peper
in the entire country, an increase of public-school
enrolment of 61.58 per cent. in ten years. The enrol-
ment of white children the country over is but 21.68
per cent. of the white population. hen we remember
that altho there are but 7,470,000 of these people, they
have in twenty-five years built them 19,753 churches,
with 5,818,459 Seats, at acost of $20,323,887; that they
report 2,316,785 communicants in churches entirely of
their own race, the figures are startling. Rev. H.K.
Carrol, compiler of church statistics for the Eleventh
Census, puts the number of communicants at 2,610,525.
When we contrast, however, the wonderful strides of
the race in education and religiousness since 1865, the
revelations of its criminal record are both surprising
and appaling, asthe following facts, gathered from the
census of 1890, show :
“The negro population is a little more than one-
ninth of the entire population of the nation, yet it
furnishes 37 per cent. of its homicides—z. é., 2739 out of
7386. Of the 82,329 adult prisoners in the United
States, the negroes furnish 27,277. Of the 387 female
homicides the negroes give 224—2. e., two-thirds. The
entire country has one adult criminal to every 786 of
its population, while the negroes have one to every
284 of their population. Our 45,912,663 native born
whites have one homicide to every 14,539 of them; the
foreign whites one to 7633; the negroes one to every
2727. If we compare the ages of the homicides, we
find that from 50 to 60 years of age the negroes furnish
115 out of 580, about one-fifth; from 4o to 50, they
furnish 289 out of 1148, about one-fourth; from 30 to
40, 714 out of 2152, or about one-third; from 20 to
30, 1,271 out of 2639, nearly one-half; and under 20
years of age, two-thirds of the homicides of the entire
nation are recorded as negroes. Of the nine murders
committed by youths of 14 years old, eight were
recorded against negroes.”
NEIGHBORHOOD GILDS is the name of
certain social reform institutions first proposed
by Dr. Stanton Coit (g. v.), as the result of his
experience in the social settlements started by
him in New York city and London. He em-
bodied his ideas on this subject in a book
entitled, Neighbourhood Guilds, published in
1891. According to this work (p. 7), ‘The
very name, ‘neighborhood gild,’ suggests the
59
929
Newcomb, Simon.
fundamental idea which this new institu-
tion embodies: namely, that, irrespective of
religious belief or non-belief, all the people,
men, women, or children, in any one street,
or any small number of streets in every work:
ing-class district in London, shall be organized
into a set of clubs, which are by themselves, or
in alliance with those of other neighborhoods,
to carry out, or induce others to carry out, all
the reforms, domestic, industrial, educational,
provident, or recreative, which the social
ideal demands.” Dr. Coit’s idea is that the
forming of separate societies or clubs for
special purposes tends to magnify out of all
proportion that one side of life or culture
which it aims to develop. It tends again to
break up the family unit. It sends the boys to
one club, the girls to another, the father to
another, the mother to another. Thirdly, it
breaks up neighborliness. One family knows
nothing about its next-door neighbor, be-
cause the two families go to different
churches, to different clubs, have different
interests. The Neighborhood Gild aims at
organizing the social life of all the people
in one small district. It thus brings neigh-
bors together, families together, different
interests together. In the Neighborhood
Gilds there are departments for boys, for
girls, for men, for women, for art, for educa-
tion, for recreation, for the various inter-
ests of life; and they are notall separate ; for
certain purposes, and at certain times, all come
together. According to Dr. Coit, no Gild
should be so large as to prevent all the members
forming a circle of acquaintance. Personal
work is its essence. To develop persons in all
sides of character is its aim. It would not
compete, but rather cooperate with other re-
form agencies. Neighborhood Gilds can be
started quietly, without great initial expense,
in almost any place, starting, perhaps, in one
family house, its parlors being used for meet-
ings until a room, and then a house, can be
hired. Dr. Coit started the first Gild in New
York city, about 1885, and it has now grown
into a University Settlement (g. v.). In 1889,
Dr. Coit, on his removal to London, started
one there in Kentish Town. For all details,
see Dr. Coit’s book, Neighbourhood Guilds.
NEO-MALTHUSIANISM. See Matruu-
SIANISM, last section.
NET PROFITS. See Profits.
NEW AUSTRALIA.—July 16, 1893, 200
emigrants left Australia to found a commu-
nistic colony in Paraguay, to be called New
Australia; the leader was William Lane.
The experiment elicited more attention than
most such experiments, but_the colony has
met with great difficulties. Dissensions early
broke out; the colony divided, and at this
writing (1895) it is impossible to ascertain its
true condition.
NEWCOMB, SIMON, was born in Wal-
lace, Nova Scotia, March 12, 1835. In 1861 he
became professor of mathematics in the United
Newcomb, Simon.
States Naval Observatory at Washington,
D. C., and since 1884 has also held a professor-
ship of mathematics in Johns Hopkins Univer-
sity. Among his most popular works are
Popular Astronomy (1877) and Principles of
Political Economy (1886). In economics Pro-
fessor Newcomb is known as an adherent of
the classical school. A clear and forcible
writer, he is as well represented in numerous
magazine articles as in his books, particularly
in his articles in the North American Review
and Princeton Review.
NEW HARMONY, though later identified
with Robert Owen (g. v.), was founded by a
small German sect, the followers of one George
Rapp, a weaver by trade, but noted for his
biblical knowledge and piety. Rapp gath-
ered together in Wurtemberg a number of
eople who shared his religious views, and,
ollowing the example of the early Christians
in Jerusalem, they held all their property in
common.
“Being persecuted for their views, they decided to
emigrate to the United States, and in 1803 the Rap-
ites formed their first settlement in Butler County,
Pa., giving to their village the name of Harmony.
By dint of hard work and economy, in ro years they
were ina state of comparative comfort; but wishing
to make their position more secure, in 1813 they moved
westward and bought about 30,000 acres of some of
the richest land in Posey County, Indiana, and there
founded the world-famous village of New Harmony.
The Rappites were a very industrious and inoffensive
folk; their creed enjoined pure life, simple diet, and
plain dress; the ambitions and wishes of the individual
were to be entirely subject tothe general good. After
a time they took vows of celibacy, even those who
were already married dissolving the relationship and
taking the vows. For ten years they labored and
prospered exceedingly, both in agriculture and man-
ufacture; and then, selling all their land and the vil-
lage buildings to Mr. Robert Owen, of New Lanark,
Scotland, they emigrated east again to Beaver
County, Pa., where they founded the village of Econ-
omy.’ (See ECONOMY.)
The purchaser of New Harmony, Robert
Owen (g. v.), was a Welshman, born in 1771.
He became manager and then proprietor of
extensive cotton mills on the Clyde, Scotland,
and devoted much energy to promoting the
interest of working people. He desired to
abolish all class distinctions, and endeavored
to show that the interests of the
Under employer and employees could
Robert be made identical. His mills at
Owen. New Lanark were -ideal object
lessons to support his theory, and
it was to put into practical shape his theories
for the advancement of working people that he
bought the New Harmony estate. Associated
with him in the scheme was a Mr. William
Maclure, a Scotchman, who shared Mr.
Owen’s communist theories.
“Their aim was to establish a community in which
property was to be held in common, though under the
restriction of a constitution. All were to share in the
common labor, and all should receive a liberal educa-
tion, with facilities for continued study and pursuit of
knowledge. The religious views of the members
were entirely of their own choice, the only qualifica-
tions essential for membership being honesty of pur-
pose, temperance, industry, cleanliness, and careful-
ness. When the settlement of New Harmony came
into the possession of Robert Owen the village was
regularly laid out as a town, with streets running at
right angles to each other; and in the center a public
930°
New Harmony:
i ildi built
square, surrounded by the large brick puildings
by the Rappites for their churches and ee |
land ctsel Gas well prepared ; there were 19 tt se aad,
farms, and some 3000 acres which had. been gu Bibs
by the Rappite Society, besides a vineyar es face
orchards, and other improvements. ith the p th
so prepared, and 30,000 acres to fall back ups a
experiment of a secular community, pased on honesty
of purpose and moral integrity, seemed to have every
material advantage that could be offered. In a very
short time the village was a busy place. Within two
or three months there were some goo persons gathered
from all parts of the United States and Europe. Many
of these were inspired with an earnest belief in the
ideals which the experiment was to prove, and worked
zealously in the endeavor to put them into practice ;
but many, also, were lazy and shiftless, and came
seeking an easy mode of living, shirking their share of
the toil, while others came with a view to making
profit out of the benevolent feeling of the founder,
and with no sympathy at all for the movement. With
such material it was quite impossible to fulfil the
original expectation, and in less than two years it had
become evident that it was hopeless to try longer.”
On April 27, 1825, Mr. Owen called all the
members of the community together, and in
an address explained the impossibility of an
immediate total change in all their manners of
life, and proposed that they should accept a
constitution only partially communistic for a
term of three years, that they might be better
prepared to fully carry out the
idealcommunity. This was agreed ate
to, and under the name of the Constitution.
‘Preliminary Society of New Har-
mony” the venture was formally constituted.
Mr. Owen then returned to Europe, and a com-
mittee managed the affairs of the society. In
less than a year Mr. Owen returned to New
Harmony, and soon after his return the mem-
bers of the Preliminary Society held another
convention, deciding to at once commence com-
munism and adopting a constitution of a com-
munity which they called the ‘‘ New Harmony
Community of Equality.” The management
was to be in the hands of an executive council,
who were to be subject to the direction of the
community. Experience demonstrated that
the plan of the executive council was not
practicable, and the members were unanimous
in requesting Mr. Owen to take the sole man-
agement. This was the inauguration of the
most prosperous season in the short life of the
community. There were soon no idlers, all
being busily engaged; and the meetings, instead
of being the scene of wrangles, were utilized
for the benefit of all the members. :
This was too good to last, and within a very
few months there were disturbances, and at-
tempts to divide the town into several societies.
On May 30, 1826, in consequence of the contin-
ual disagreements which had arisen about.the
disposal of the property, a meeting of the
whole of the population was held, at which it
was decided to form four separate societies,
each to purchase its own share of the property
and each to manage its own affairs, but to
trade together by means of paper currency
Other changes followed fast, but each change
left them no better than before. The trouble
was not in the institutions so much as in the
unpreparedness or greed of many of the mem-
bers; and though there were many choice
noble spirits in the undertaking, they are
overweighted by the others. After watchin
the spirit of the community depart, and he
New Harmony.
fondest hopes gradually crumble away, in June,
1827, Mr. Owen bade the community farewell.
Leases were granted to such as
desired to continue the coopera-
tive experiments, and tho some
smaller communities were formed
from the wreckage, the New Harmony Com-
munity of Equality had become a thing of the
Failure.
ast.
The effect, however, was not to die away.
The scheme of communal cooperative life took
a deep hold on the imaginations of the people,
and many smaller communities were formed ;
and, when nearly fifteen years later Fourier’s
scheme was advocated, many were prepared
to sink their all in the new communities which
sprang up in all directions—and, alas! died
away as rapidly as they came into existence.
But with all the failures, there is still some
gain, and the bitter disappointments of those
who fondly imagined they were remodeling
society are only the defeats which will help to
insure victory later on, even tho it should not
come as they expected it. A. H.
NEW UNIONISM, or the NEW TRADE-.
UNIONISM, are phrases used in England
and, to a less extent, in America, to denote the
tendencies toward socialism recently devel-
oped in labor organizations. The new tend-
ency is, however, to be considered simply as a
natural outgrowth of the old unionism, due to
changed conditions. It was widely claimed
in England, ten years ago, when the new
unionism movement began, that the old unions
had become largely conservative. Their aim,
it was said, was not to change the conditions
of working people, but merely to strike the
best bargain possible for their own members,
in the amount of wages to be paid, or the
hours to be worked. This was the result, said
the believers in the new unionism, of the long
battle of the unions for existence. From 1824,
when, to a very limited extent and for very
limited purposes, trade-unions were first legal-
ized in England (see TrapE-Unions; Section,
England), down to 1875, when, alone, they
emerged, to use the words of Mr. George
Howell, ‘‘from the last vestige of the crimi-
nal laws specially appertaining to labor,” the
long struggles for legal existence had almost
compelled the leaders of the unions to renounce
the old Utopian socialism of the Owenites and
Chartists and to contend for the right of com-
bination on the somewhat individualistic
ground that the individual worker, having a
Tight to dispose of his labor as he pleased, had
a right to enter into combinations to dispose of
his labor if he so chose. The taking of this
position seemed, under the ideas dominant
in England during the period, the only way to
obtain for the unions legal recognition, and it
undoubtedly coincided with many of the indi-
vidualistic ideas of the trade-union leaders of
the times. (For a full account of this see
Webb's Hestory of Trade-Unionism.) Be this
as it may, however, the taking of such a posi-
tion naturally gave the unions something of an
individualistic bias, and, when they finally
won complete legal recognition, and grew
somewhat strong and respectable, the result
931
New Unionism.
was that they became, at least in the opinion
of many, somewhat reactionary trade benefit
societies, organized not to fight the battles of
the working classes generally, but simply to
give benefits and gain advantages for their
members only. This led insensibly to the
trade-unions becoming somewhat of an ‘‘aris-
tocracy of labor.” Benefit societies are some-
what slow to take into their membership the
lower classes of wage-earners, who are likely
at any moment to be thrown out of work or
placed on the needy list, and so, to an extent,
the trade-unions limited their membership to
the better paid members of their trades. This,
however, hurt the trade-unions. Keeping the
unskilled workman out of the organizations
did not at all keep him from competing in
the open market; and, whenever there was
a labor dispute, it was always handicapped
against the men by the large number of the
semi-skilled, who were able, and almost com-
pelled by their helpless condition, to take the
place of the union men who refused to work.
‘With such a prospect it is not surprising that
trade-unions were steadily and surely becom-
ing of less importance. Such was the condi-
tion of affairs in England when the new
unionism was developed.
The socialist propaganda, beginning in 1880,
had rapidly made headway, and, within a few
years, made a great impression on the minds
of the workers in all the industrial centers.
Confining their efforts mainly to propaganda,
the socialists worked quite on separate lines
from the trade-unionists, often antagonizing
them for their conservative tendencies. In
1888 a number of socialists, many of whom
were members of trade-unions, undertook the
task (hitherto deemed impossible) of organ-
izing the unskilled workers into a trade-union.
The revival in trade helped them, and one of
the first unions organized, ‘‘The Gasworkers’
and General Laborers’ Union,” within a year
of its foundation had gained for its members
such substantial benefits in the shape of an
eight-hour working day, and an increase of
pay, that the example was like a new life in
waking from apathy those who before were —
hopeless. The success of the great ‘ dock
strike” (see Dock SrrikE), which followed
within a few months, was made possible by
the new awakening, and was itself the begin-
ning of a period of general activity among labor
organizations. It was a new ideal, infusing
new life. The immediate condition of the
members of a union was not the only point
that was considered. Speaking at a confer-
ence on the organization of industry, at
Oxford, in 1890, Mr. Tom Mann (see Tom
Mann), who was one of the first of these social-
ists to undertake trades organization, said:
‘As industry is conducted to-day, there are at all
times alarge number of persons who cannot find
work, and, in consequence, cannot get the ordinary
necessities of human existence.... I know that in
the East End of London there are at least 30,000 men
who have been unable to obtain work to-day; that
there will be quite that number any day this week,
and quite that number any and every day next week,
and so on all through the winter... . hat is a
state of affairs so frightful that it will not bear calm
contemplation without making the blood boil in the
veins of straightforward men and women. And
t
New Unionism.
because it is recognized as being so serious, we who
have been identified with some of the trade-union
work of late say that this question of the inability of
large numbers of persons to get the wherewithal to
live a decent life must be met.... At least we are
bound to try and do our level best toward that... .
“There is no quarrel between the new and the old
[trade-unions] ; and I hope that will be allowed to be
emphasized here.... Some of the younger men of
to-day say not merely must trade-unions look after
the regulations and hours of labor and the rate of
wages, but so long as this frightful social problem is
there, it must receive attention, and the trade-union-
ists, if they are to justify their existence in the future,
must be men who will give it attention with a view to
solving it. Therefore has cropped up what appears to
be a difference. The new and old unionists are now
Soe vigorously, with a view not merely to regu-
lating the hours of labor and the wages to be received
by those engaged in a given industry, but they are
looking ina cosmopolitan fashion on the industrial
problem generally.
Mr. Mann’s statement of the case gives
practically the feeling which animated the
leaders of the new departure, and with new
ideals came new methods; the sympathetic
strike (see STRIKES), political action, etc. __
The leaders of the new unionism to a large
extent also argued the futility of ‘(strikes ” as
a means toward curing poverty ; the evil they
have to contend with is an economic one ; and
tho strikes may be inevitable accompaniments
of the present wage system, they hold that
they do not lead the way out. Political means
were more and more to be brought to the
attention of the workmen.
It is this that has largely caused the growth
among the English unions of the Independent
Labor party & v.) and of the capture of the
Trade-Union Congress and many of the older
unions themselves by those who favor a dis-
tinctly political socialist policy. (See ENGLAND
AND SOCIAL REFORM.)
The new unionism has largely been brought
to the front by new leaders. These have by
no means agreed, and often have bitterly dif-
fered, as to how and by what political party
the new political program could be best ad-
vanced ; but they have all agreed that in some
way the labor movement must find its solution
to a large extent in political channels, altho
without by any means giving up trade-union
organizations. Their course has been not to
destroy trade-unions, but to create more unions
and to convert all to socialism. Prominent
among these leaders have been John Burns,
Tom Mann, and Ben Tillett (7g. v.). These
men first organized the gasworkers and were
the leaders in the Dock strike (g. v.). To John
Burns and to Tom Mann too has been largely
due the gaining of the supremacy for the new
unionism in the Trade-Union congresses. At
the Liverpool congress in 1890, the new union-
ism gained a large majority, so much so that
the Northumberland and Durham miners
separated from the Miners’ Federation, and
favoring the old policy, have voted not to send
delegates to the congress this year (1895), on
the ground that the congress has become
a socialist body and was largely responsible
for the defeat of the Liberals this year (1895).
This year, however, the vote went against
socialism. Burns and Mann have parted com-
pany ; Mann working with Keir Hardie in the
Independent Labor party, and Burns being
a strong advocate of the ‘‘ progressive ” policy,
932
trade depression, which
New Zealand.
and believing that socialism can be pest ad-
vanced at present through the Liberal party.
For taking this position he is bitterly de-
nounced, Soth by the Social Democratic
Federation and the I. L. P., and these and
other disagreements, together with general
as broken up some
of the newly formed trade-unions among the
lower paid workers, is at present giving the
new unionism something of a set-back.
In the United States the new unionism has
been identified with the policy of the Socialist
Labor party and has led 'to a bitter struggle in
the labor movement, the socialists claiming to
have at least one-half if not the majority of
American trade-unionists to-day. (See TRADE-
Unions; section, The United States. See also
SOCIALISM.)
NEW ZEALAND AND SOCIAL RE-
FORM.—New Zealand is in many ways in
social reforms the most progressive commu-
nity in the world, its nearest rival being Switz-
erland (g. v.).
The area of New Zealand, including the two main
islands and the smaller ones, is 104,471 square miles, or
nearly that of Great Britain and freland. The first
authentic discovery of New Zealand was by the
Dutch navigator, Tasman, December x3. 1642. Noone
seems to have visited the island after this till Captain
Cook did so in 1769. Missionaries came to the island
in 1814. Colonization was first attempted in 1825, but
was unsuccessful. In 1838 the New Zealand Company
was formed, andthe first body of immigrants arrived
January 22, 1840, and founded the town of Wellington.
The colony wasadependency of New South Walestill
1841, when it was made a separate colony. In 1852
peg esculetve government was estab-
lished, with a Sore Seemed by
the Queen, a legislative council nomi-
pce by the governor, and _an elective Government.
House of Representatives, The suffrage
was practically household suffrage. In
1893 complete suffrage was given to women, tho they
are not qualified to be members of the Legislature.
The seat of government is at Wellington. The Legis-
lative Council consists (1894) of 46 members ; the House
of 74 members, of which four are Maoris.
Nearly all the public works of New Zealand are in
the hands of the Government of the colony, and inthe
early days they simply kept pace with the spread of
settlement. In 1870, however, a great impetus was
given to the progress of the whole country by the in-
auguration of the ‘‘ Public Works and Immigration
Policy,” which provided for carrying out works in
advance of settlement. Railways, roads, and water-
races were constructed, and immigration was con-
ducted on a large scale. Asa consequence, the popu-
lation increased from 267,000 in 1871 to 672,265 at the
close of the year 1893, exclusive of 41,993
Maoris. In 1891, 77.25 per cent. could
both read and write ; 67.62 were unmar-
ried. There were 70,197 men over 20,
and 67,000 women over 15, unmarried.
Of those having occupations 70,521 (11.25
er cent.) were engaged in manufacture ; 68,607 (10.94)
in agriculture ; 24,928 in domestic occupations ; 22,992
in trade; 16,927 in mining ; 15,821 in professions ; 15,413
in transportation ; 369,178 were dependent on natural
guardians (scholars, etc.) ; 4717 were in some way de-
pendent upon public or private support.
The birth rate for 1893 was 27.50 per 1000, lower than
in any Australian colony ; 3.79 per cent. were illegiti-
mate; in England it was 4.2 in 1891. The death rate
Whe. shipping entered inward for th
es ward for the ye in-
cluded 617 vesels, of 615,604 tonnage ; "Ese nos aa
were cleared outward, of a tonnage amounting to
642,466. The imports in 1893 amounted to 46,911,515 }
the exports to £8,085, 364. The chief exports were
wool, frozen meat, gold, and agricultural products,
The revenue of the general Government is of two
kinds—ordinary and territorial. The ordinary rev-
oe for the At soded Maren 1, 1894, amounted to
41055.479, an e territorial to £313,0 ivi
revenue of £4,368,538. 313059) Siving a total
Statistics.
New Zealand.
The principal heads of ordinary revenue were:
customs, £1,655,503; stamps (including postal and
telegraph cash receipts), £674,647; land
tax, £285,327; income tax, £75,238; prop-
erty tax, 41412; beer duty, £61,808;
Tailways, 41,175,548; registration and
other fees, £49,290; marine, £20,183;
and miscellaneous, £56,523.
The territorial revenue comprised receipts from
pastoral runs, rents, and miscellaneous items, £184,-
389, together with proceeds of land sales, £128,670.
The total revenue (ordinary and territorial), includ-
ing the proceeds of £284,500, debentures issued under
“The Consolidated Stock Act, 1884,’ for the accretions
of sinking fund for the year, amounted to £4,653,038.
The customs duties constitute the largest item of
revenue, nearly all classes of imports being subject to
taxation.
The ordinary expenditure under permanent and
annual appropriations was £4,386,359, the chief items
being—charges of the public debt,
41,885,697; working railways, £731,844;
z public instruction, £388,652; postal an
Expenditure. telegraph, £292,433; defense and police,
4171,073 ; Subsidies and other payments
to local bodies, £149,810; crown lands,
surveys, and inspection of stock, £119,996; justice,
4115,9024; hospitals, lunatic asylums, and charitable
institutions, £115,858; and pensions, compensations,
and other expenditure under special Acts of the Legis-
lature, £80,984.
In addition to (44,386,359) the ordinary expenditure,
250,000 Was transferred to the public works fund for
the construction of sae epee nee works, and in aid of
y
Revenue,
settlement of the land; and an additional extraordi-
nary charge of £10,220 in connection with the purchase
of the Cheviot estate was provided.
The total ordinary and territorial revenue, together
with the proceeds of debentures issued for the accre-
tions of sinking fund, amounted to £4,653,038. It will,
therefore, be seen that the revenue for the year ex-
ceeded the expenditure (including the sums trans-
ferred to the public works and Cheviot estate pur-
chase accounts) by 46459; and that, by adding the
credit balance brought forward at the beginning of
the year (£283,779), there remains a net surplus on
March 31, 1894, of £290,238.
Besides expenditure out of revenue, there was also
an expenditure out of the public works fund of £409,-
475, of which £176,254 was for construction of railways,
147,668 for roads, £4320 for purchase of native lands,
444,032 for public buildings, £16,127 for telegraph ex-
tension, £6588 for lighthouses and harbor defenses,
etc.; £78,485 besides the above was expended for acquir-
ing native lands.
The Assessment Act of 1891 provides for an ordinary
land tax on the actual value of land, and an owner is
allowed to deduct any amount owing by
him secured on a registered mortgage.
Under the original Act the deduction
for improvements might not exceed
3000 ; Put, by Amendment Act of 1893,
the value of all improvements whatso-
ever is exempted from liability to land tax. Besides
this, an exemption of £500 is allowed when the bal-
ance, after making deductions as above stated, does
not exceed £1500; and above that a smaller exemp-
tion is granted, but it ceases when the balance
amounts to £2500. Mortages are subject to the land
tax. The revenue from the land tax is, in round
numbers, £285,000 per annum. The rate of ordiaary
land tax for 1893-94 was 1d. in the pound. :
In addition to the ordinary land tax there is a grad-
uated land tax, which commences when the unim-
proved value is £5000, For the graduated land tax,
the present value of all improvements is deducted ;
but mortgages are not deducted. The Act for 1893,
while reducing the ordinary taxation on land by ex-
empting all improvements, increased the graduated
tax, and the revised rates are now one-eighth of a
penny in the pound sterling when the value is £5000
and is less than £10,000, from which the rate increases
by further steps of an eighth of a penny with the
value of the property, until the maximum of ad, in the
pound is reached, payable when the value is £210,000,
orexceedsthatsum. | .
This graduated tax yields, in round numbers, £83,-
ooo per annum, which is included in the sum of £285,-
ooo given above. Twenty per cent. additional tax is
levied in case of persons who have been absent from
the colony for three years or more prior to the passing
of the yearly taxing Act. This amounts to about
1000, and is included in the £83,000 shown above.
Taxes,
933
New Zealand.
Income tax is levied on all incomes above £300, and
from taxable incomes a deduction of £300 is made.
The rate of income tax for 1893-94 was 6d. in the pound
on the first taxable £1000, and 1s. inthe pound on tax-
able incomes over £1000. ‘
The amount raised by taxation in 1893 was £3 115.
2a. per head, exclusive of Maoris.
The net public debt, after deducting the accrued
sinking fund (£951,924), was on March 31, 1894, £38,874,-
491, an increase of £730,421 during the year.
The following may be stated as approximately rep-
resenting the loan expenditure by the general Govern-
ment on certain public works to Mafch 31, 1894:
EE PO PSs i aiesa cre peeves semniewune Stones 46795793
Water-works on gold-fields. 572,441
Timmigrationsccecavs ercesarnc whe 24746,552
Roads and bridges. - ++ 39855)455
Band purchases. wiicegeava cdiwce da teams 1y297,517
Lighthouses, harbors, and defense works. 906,958
Public buildings, including schools.. +» 1,890,712
Coal-mines and thermal springs.... 255435
Railways (by the Provincial and General
Governments)..........+ aahavguelbiasnie d easatet 154759308
The above several items of expenditure give a total
of £27,134,170. Tothis must be added so much of the
loans raised by the various local bodies as have been
devoted to the construction of harbors, roads, and
other public works; together with the amounts ex-
pended out of loan by the Provincial Government on
immigration and public works other than railways.
The expenditure on directly reproductive works—
railways, telegraphs, and water-works—has been £17,-
011,542. The expenditure on land is also partly repro-
ductive, and that on immigration, roads, bridges, and
lighthouses indirectly so.
The private wealth is estimated in the official year
book for 1894 at about £156,058,273, or £232 per head.
Mulhall’s Déctionary of Statistics estimates the
wealth of the United Kingdom at £247 per head, France
4224, Holland £216, the United States £4210, Germany
4140, Australia, £310.
Dealing only with persons returned as in receipt of
wages or salary, and discarding all who derive their
incomes from professional or trade
profits, it is roughly estimated that the
aggregate of the wages paid in the col-
ony for the year amounts to £12,998,546,
of which sum 11,983,521 is earned by
males, and £1,015,025 by females; the
average yearly earnings being £02 125. for the one
sex, and £33 18s. for the other. In industry it was £80
and £31.7, and in agriculture £77 7s. and £17 6s.
An estimate has been made of the cost of living in
New Zealand, which shows a total expenditure of
423,349,623 on food, drink, stimulants, clothing, fuel,
light, rent, and furniture, with allowance for such
matters as attendance (personal and medical), and
other accessories to the ey, needs of life. The
rate arrived at per head of population is £35 6s. xd.
The length of government railways open for traffic
on the 31st of March, 1894, was 1948 miles, the total cost
thereof having been £15,137,036, and the average cost
per mile £7770. The cash revenue for the year 1893-04
amounted to $1,172,792 175. 2@., excluding the value of
postal services: and the total expenditure to £735,358
155. 1@, The net cash revenue—£ 437,434—was equal to
arate of £2 175. od. per cent. on the capital cost; the
percentage of expenditure to revenue was 62.7. .
Altho not included in the figures for the revenue, the
real gain to the colony is greater than the net revenue
shown by the value of the postal services performed
by the railways (carriage of mails, etc.), amounting
to £27,000 per annum.
In addition to the above railways there were 16,
miles of private lines open for traffic on the 31st of
March, 1894.
The passenger fares on the New Zealand railways
are generally at the rate of 2%d. per mile first class,
and 1%d. per mile second class; thereturn fare being
calculated at one-third increase on these rates. For
suburban and local traffic, however, the rates are
much lower ; in some cases of commutation tickets be-
ing as low as 7d. first class, and %@. second class, per
mile ; while excursion and tourist traffic isencouraged
by greatly reduced fares during the season for such
business.
The number of post-offices open for the transaction
of money-order and savings-bank business at the end
of 1893 Was 339. :
There were 20,755 new accounts opened in the year,
and 19,599 accounts were closed. The total number of
Wages,
New Zealand.
open accounts at the end of 1893 was 122,684, of which
89,260 were for amounts not exceeding £20.
The total sum standing at credit of all accounts on
December 31, 1893, was 43,241,998 75. 10@., which gave
an average of Lob BS 6a.
There are seven savings-banks in the colony not
connected with the post-office. The total amount de-
posited in them in 1893 was £456,262 135. 10@., of which
the deposits by Maoris comprised £154 155. 10d.
There were 48 registered building societies in opera-
tion in the colony at the end of 1892. : .
The results of the last census show that in April,
1891, there were in New Zealand 43,777, occupied hold-
ings of over 1 acre in extent, covering an area of
19,397,529 acres, of which 12,410,242 acres were freehold
of the occupiers, and 6,987,287 acres were rented from,
(x) Private individuals, & natives, (3) public bodies,
and (4) the Crown (for other than pastoral purposes).
The following table shows the number of holdings of
various sizes, and number of acres held in fee-simple
and on lease, excluding the Crown lands rented for
pastoral purposes only:
934
New Zealand.
The preceding shows the number of distinct persons
(exclusive of Maoris) imprisoned in the past seven
years after conviction, only one cause
being given when the person was im-
prisoned at different times, either for
the same or for some other offense:
Thus in 1886 these convicted prisoners
averaged 47.82 in every 10,000 of the
population ; in 1887, 44.25; in 1888, 41.815 .
in 1889, 34.00; in 1890, 38.61; in 1891, 33.55; and in 1892,
33.69. There has been since 1886 a decrease at the
tate of 23.83 per cent. in the number of distinct con-
victed prisoners, and a reduction of 14.13 in_ the pro-
portion to population. In New South Wales the
proportion for 1892 was at the rate of 75 per 10,000
persons.
It must be understood that the actual number of
imprisonments for some of the above offenses was
much in excess of the figures given, as many were
several times imprisoned, either for offenses differing
in kind or for repetitions of the same offense. Thus,
many persons returned as imprisoned for larceny
underwent other imprisonments for drunkenness,
etc. Many returned as convicted of drunkenness
Crime, etc.
a & ACREAGE. were several times in jail during the year for the
iF same offense, or for some other, such as assault,
SIzES OF HOLDINGS. S62 riotous or indecent conduct, etc. Often there were
57a Lease- several charges against the same person at the one
z ©/|Freehold.| hold, time, of which the most serious followed by convic-
a etc.* tion has been selected.
The proportion of assaults is found to be less for
: 1892 than for any of the previous four years. In the
1 to ro acres, 12,176 28,124 245343 »=-year 1887 it was as high as1.23 per 1000. For larcen
to * so 8,899 | , 148,965 105,751 the proportion was highest in the year 1889, when it
50 tt too 5,613 2774135 158,128 stood at 1.77 per rooo persons. The figures of 1892 (1.41)
100 © 200 6,851 6545729 374,022 are the lowest for the quinquennium. Similarly, for
200 1 geo 3,916 609,857 403,462 drunkenness, the record for 1892 shows a lower rate
320 1 640 3,802 | 1,057,676 660,070 ‘than obtained in the other years. The range for seven
640 1 1,000 1,321 662,612 395849 years is from 10.28 per 1000 persons in 1886 to 7.87 in
1,000 {7 5,000 1,675 2,144,627 1,280,558 1892.
51900 {7 0,000 - 247 | 1,208,819 5591980 To judge by the consumption of beer, wine, and
10,000 | 20,0000 189 1,911,063 788,341 spirits in 1886 and 1892 respectively, there has been
20,000 {* 50,000 117 | 2,507,848 833,083 a falling off during the last seven years in the use of
0,000 ** 100,000 24 801,647 723,000 ~— alcoholic liquors in this colony.
pwards of 100,000 acres, 7 3971140 680,700
CONSUMPTION OF BEER, WINE, AND SPIRITS PER
Totals, 1891, 43777 | 12,410,242 | 6,987,287 HEAD OF POPULATION (EXCLUDING MAoRIS),
Totals, 1886, 36,485 | 11,728,236 | 5,348,838 Beer. Wine. Spirits.
Totals, 188z, 30,832 | 10,309,170 | 4,897,727 Gal. Gal. Gal.
The extent of land rented from the Crown for pas- IS86istenwovdacsaewas 7.861 0.212 0.820
toral purposes, including the small grazing-runs, WO2ssseswerrevaeasne 7.807 0.174 0.708
amounted in April, 1891, to 12,469,976 acres.
It may be said, without fear of contradiction, that
there is no part of the British dominions where agri-
culture, in its widest sense, can be carried on with so
much certainty and with such good results asin New
Zealand. The range of latitude, extending as it does
from 34° to 47° south, secures for the colony a diversity
of climate which renders it suitable for all the products
of subtropical and temperate zones, while the insular
position protects it from the continuous and parching
droughts which periodically inflict such terrible losses
on the agriculturist and pastoralist of Australia and
South America. The chief crops are: oats, wheat,
hay, barley, potatoes, etc.
OFFENSES. | 1886. | 1887. | 1888. | 1889. | 1890. | 1891. | 1892.
Felony and
larceny....| 594 526 563 527 516 506 455
Misde-
meanor.... go 120 9Q7 13m ror 120 1t3
Injury to
property.. 54 62 47 53 65 51 61
Assault
and resist-
ing. the
police... 20 178 162 1yo | 206] 1 Igo
es of 9 7 7 79 9
vagrancy.| 205 238 251 I 22. 6
Drunken: 35 333 5 37
MOSS snares 1077 | 1038 938 802 808 6. 638
Other of- " 2
fenses..... | 545 | 477 | 473 | 365 | 368] 338] a3z
Totals.. | 2774 | 2639 | 2531 | 2399 | 2397 | 2113 | 2164
* Excluding Crown pastoral leases.
The petitions in bankruptcy numbered 507 in 1892, of
which 479 were made by debtors and 28 by creditors,
This number was the lowest for seven years.
_The proportion of petitions and decrees for dissolu-
tion of marriage to the number of marriages is higher
in New Zealand than in England and Wales, but lower
than New South Wales or Victoria. The proportion
eee 1ooo Marriages for these countries is as
ollows: 5
Petitions Decrees
for for
COUNTRY. Dissolution | Dissolution
oO of
Marriage. | Marriage.
New Zealand (1892)......... 50 ,
England and Wales........ 1B ae
New South Wales (1892).... 8.85
Victoria: (1892)...0cccccavevas | 21.75 11.80
In 1889 an act was passed in Victoria to allow of
divorces being granted for wilful desertion, habitual
drunkenness with cruelty or neglect, imprisonment
under certain circumstances of either party, and
adultery on the part of the husband. These additional
causes for divorce have largely increased the propor-
tion of decrees in that colony.
At the end of 1892 there were 1686 government schools
of all classes, at which members of the European and
Maori races were being educated. The public primary
schools numbered 1302 in 1892. :
Education at the public schools is free (except that
New Zealand.
at such as are also district high schools fees are
charged for the teaching of the higher branches) and
purely secular. The attendance of all children be-
tween the ages of 7 and 13 is compulsory, except
when special exemptions are granted, or they are
being otherwise sufficiently educated.
There were 274 private schools in the colony at the end
of 1892, a decrease of 7 on the number in 18913; 29 were
for boys, 47 for girls, and 198 for children of both sexes.
The number of pupils attending them was 14,456—
namely, 6321 boys and 8135 girls, not counting Maoris
—7 boys and 4 girls. The number of European pupils
at these schools was greater than in 1891 by 314. Of
the private schools 1o5 were Roman Catholic, with an
attendance of 10,111 pupils.
Concerning the land system of New Zea-
land of which so much has been written and
concerning which so much interest is taken
because of its bearing upon the problems of
land reform, Mr. S. Percy Smith, F.R.G. S.,
Secretary for Crown Lands and Surveyor-
general, says:
‘“The Crown lands of New Zealand are ad-
ministered under ‘The Land Act, 1892,’ and
the regulations made thereunder.
‘The distinguishing features of the present
land system are the outcome of ideas which
have been gradually coming to maturity for
some years past inthis colony. These features
involve the principle of State ownership of the
soil, with a perpetual tenancy in the occupier.
This, whatever may be the difference in detail,
is the prevailing characteristic in the several
systems under which land may now be
selected. In New Zealand, this tendency to
State ownership has taken a more pronounced
form than in any other of the Australasian
colonies, and the duration of the leases has
become so extended as to warrant the name,
frequently given to the system, of ‘ everlasting
leases.’ In point of fact, most of
the Crown lands are now disposed
of in leases which have a currency
of 999 years. They are leased at
a fixed rental based on the as-
sessed value of the land at the
time of disposal, without recurring valua-
tions. . . One of the most striking results of
this system is the advantage it gives to the
poor man, who, with little more capital than
his strong right arm, is enabled to make a
home for himself; which, under the free-
hold system, he is frequently not able to
accomplish.
Again, underlying the whole of the New Zea-
land land system is a further application of
the principle of ‘‘the land for the people,”
that of the restriction as to area which any
man may hold. This principle has been
forced upon the attention of the legislature
by defects in former systems, under which one
individual with means at his command could
appropriate large areas, to the exclusion of his
poorer fellow settler.
“The Land Act of 1892 provides for a
special class of settlement, which has been
taken advantage of to a very considerable ex-
tent during the last two years. This system
is known as the ‘small-farm association’
system. It provides that, where not less than
twelve individuals have associated themselves
together for mutual help, such an association
can, with the approval of the minister of
lands, select a block of land of not more than
Land
Tenure,
935
New Zealand.
II,000 acres, but there must be a selector to
each 200 acres in the block. The extreme
limit that one person can hold is fixed at 320
acres. Lands under this system are held on
‘lease in perpetuity’ for 999 years, in the
same way as lands under the same tenure
when thrown open for free selection. The
conditions of residence and improvement are
the same. The system offers many advan-
tages to the settler, so long as the blocks of
land are judiciously selected, having regard
to quality of land, access, markets, and the
probability of employment being obtained
in the neighborhood. In the eagerness to
obtain lands on such easy terms, these points
have, in the past, not been sufficiently at-
tended to by some of the associations, and in
consequence the success of many remains to
be proved.
“The following figures show the extent to
which settlers have availed themselves of this
class of settlement during the two years end-
ing March 31, 1894; the figures represent ap-
proved applications only; 1128 selectors took
up 266,233 acres, in 35 blocks.
“The ‘village-settlement system’ of New
Zealand has become widely known in the Aus-
tralian colonies, and has excited much inquiry,
with a view to its adoption in other parts. It
is believed, however, that this and the ‘ small-
farm association’ system, referred to above,
are often confounded in the minds of the pub-
lic, for of recent years there has been no very
great extension of the village-settlement sys-
tem in this colony. The system was initi-
atéd in 1886, by the late Hon. John Ballance,
with the intention of assisting the poorer
classes to settle on the land. It became im-
mediately very popular, and by its means a
considerable number of people were settled
on the land, who otherwise would possibly
never have become landholders. The fea-
tures of the system were, originally, the pos-
session of a small farm, not exceeding 50
acres in extent, held under a perpetual lease
for terms of 30 years, with recurring valuations
at the end of each term. The rental was 5
per cent. on a capital value of not less than £1
an acre. Residence and improvement of the
soil were compulsory. The new and impor-
tant feature in the village-settlement system,
however, was the advance by the State of a
sum not exceeding £2 Ios. per acre, up to 20
acres, for the purpose of enabling the settler
to cultivate the land, and of a further sum, not
exceeding £20, to build a house with, on which
he paid interest at the rate of 5 per cent.
Road works were also very frequently under-
taken in the neighborhood of these settle-
ments, which have been of very great help to
the settlers. Under this system a number of
settlements were formed, and, where the sites
were chosen judiciously, a large measure of
success has resulted therefrom.
‘« The present law admits of similar village
settlements, but the area which a selector may
hold has been increased to 100 acres, and the
tenure changed to a ‘lease in perpetuity’ for
999 years, on a q4-per cent. rental. Advances
for clearing and house-building have, how-
ever, practically ceased, and, indeed, few set-
New Zealand.
tlements have lately been started ; one of the
principal reasons being the dearth of suitable
localities in which to plant them. This is
owing to the limited area of Crown lands
adapted to the special features of ‘ village
settlements.’
‘CA modification of the system has been in-
troduced, however, which, so far as can be
judged at present, will eventually take its
place. In order to find work for the unem-
ployed, considerable areas of forest-clad
Crown lands have been set aside, and small
contracts for the clearing, burning, and sow-
ing these with grass have been let. The ulti-
mate intention is to subdivide these areas into
small farms, to be let on lease ‘in perpetuity’ on
a rental sufficient to cover the cost of clearing,
etc., together with a fair rental of the land.
Only one such settlement under this system
has at present been allocated to settlers, and,
so far, is successful.” '
Concerning the New Zealand system of con-
structing public works, H. J. H. Blow, Under
Secretary for Public Works, says: ‘‘ The great
bulk of ourrailway and road works, and much
of our building work in New Zealand, is now
carried out under what is known as the coop-
erative system, an arrangement which has
only been brought into operation within the
last three years or so.
‘“The contract system had many disadvan-
tages. It gave rise toaclass of middlemen,
in the shape of contractors, who often made
large profits out of their undertakings, and at
times behaved with less liberality to their
workmen than might have been expected un-
der the circumstances. Even in New Zea-
land, where the labor problem is less acute
than in older countries, strikes have occurred
in connection with public works contracts,
with the result that valuable time has been
lost in the prosecution of the works, much
capital has been wasted by works being kept
at astandstill and valuable plant lying idle,
and large numbers of men being for some
time unemployed ; and considerable bitterness
of feeling has often been engendered. The con-
tract system also gave rise to subcontracting,
which is worse again; for not only is it sub-
ject to all the drawbacks of the parent system,
but by relegating the conduct of the works to
contractors of inferior standing, with little or
no capital, the evil of ‘sweating’ was admit-
ted. Very often, too, the business people who
supplied stores and materials were unable to
obtain payment for them, and not seldom the
workmen also failed to receive the full amount
of their wages. The result in
such cases was that instead of the
Cooperative expenditure proving a great boom
Public 6 the district in which th k
Works. o the district in whic e works
were situated, as would have
been the case if the contract had
been well managed and properly carried out,
such contracts frequently brought disaster in
their train. The anomaly of the principal
contractor making a large profit, his subcon-
tractor being ruined, and his workmen left
unpaid, also occasionally presented itself, and
thus the taxpayer who provided the money
had the mortification of seeing one man made
930
New Zealand.
rich (who would perhaps take his riches to
Europe or America to enjoy them) and a num-
ber of others reduced to poverty, or 1n some
instances cast upon public charity... .-
“The cooperative system was designed to
overcome these evils, and to enable the work
to be let direct to the workmen, so that they
should be able, not only to earn a fair day’s
wage for a fair day’s work, but also to secure
for themselves the profits which a contractor
would otherwise have made on the under-
taking.
“Tt also places the workman on a much
higher plane, and enables him to comprehend
more fully the dignity of labor. Under the
cooperative system every workman is a con-
tractor, and has a personal interest in the
economical and successful carrying out of the
work. He is also his own master.
‘Not only does the system offer these solid
and very real advantages to the workmen, but
it also offers substantial advantages to the
State. Under this system works are carried
out for their actual value—no more and
no less.
““The work is valued by the engineer ap-
pointed to have charge of it, before it is com-
menced, and his valuations are submitted to
the engineer-in-chief of the colony for ap-
proval. When approved they constitute the
contract price for the work; but they are not
absolutely unchangeable as in the case of a
binding, strictly legal contract. It frequently
happens under an ordinary contract that work
turns out to be more easy of execution than
was anticipated, and the State has to see its
contractors making inordinate profits. Some-
times, on the other hand, works cost more
than expected ; but in most cases of this kind
the contractor either becomes bankrupt, so
that the State has, after all, to pay full value
for the work, or, if the contractor happens to
be a moneyed man, he will probably find some
means of getting relieved of his contract, or
of obtaining special consideration for his losses
on completion of his work. Under the coop-
erative system, if it is found that the workmen
are earning unusually high rates, their con-
tracts can be determined, and be relet at
lower rates, either to the same party of men,
or to others, as may be necessary. Similarly,
if itis shown, after a fair trial of any work,
that capable workmen are not able to earn
reasonable rates upon it, the prices paid can,
with the approval of the engineer-in-chief, be
increased, so longas the department is satisfied
that the work is not costing more than it
would have cost if let by contract at ordinary
fair paying prices. :
“Work also is better done under the coop-
erative than under the contract system. Under
the former method the Government finds its
own materials, which are carefully selected to
insure their being of the best class: and the
workmen, therefore, have no interest in stint-
ing the use of material to try to effect sav-
ings, while the government ‘overseers, of
course, see that there is no waste. No at-
tempts are now made to put whiting into.
the paint instead of white lead, or to intro-
duce inferior brands of cement or iron into
New Zealand.
the works, and no walls are built dry in the
center, or filled in with bats, as it is easier for
the men to construct the work of sound mate-
rials than with rubbish. All stores are pur-
chased by the Government’s own officers, and
are supplied to the cooperative contractors
from the government store, so that the depart-
ment knows exactly what class of materials is
used. The workmanship put in is also of a
superior kind. The men are the contractors
themselves ; they take a pride in their work,
and have no taskmaster standing over them,
finding fault with them for being too particu-
lar and taking too much pains. All the work
done under the cooperative system will bear
comparison with any similar work done by .
contract, and will generally show to ad-
vantage.
‘““The system was first tried in connection
with formation-works on roads and railways,
including small bridges and culverts, and
other similar works, but it has now been ex-
tended to the erection of iron bridges (the
ironwork being supplied and delivered at the
sites of the bridges by the department), the
supply of sleepers, the laying of the perma-
nent way, the construction of timber bridges
up to £2000 in value, and of masonry abut-
ments and piers for bridges, and the erection
of stations and other public buildings,
CtCs @ a
‘As it often happens that men are working
at a distance from where their families live,
the government paymaster is instructed to
offer his services in conveying remittances to
the nearest money-order efhee for transmission
to their wives, or for deposit in the Post-office
Savings Bank ; and any men not remitting to
their families, but allowing them to become
a charge upon public charity, are dismissed
from the works.
“Should any of the men desire to leave the
works, no impediment is placed in the way of
their doing so... .
‘“‘All men employed on government co-
operative works are selected by the Govern-
ment Labor Bureau, and in selecting them the
following rules apply : .
‘ry, Applicants not previously employed on
government cooperative works have priority
of claim over men who have recently been so
employed. 3
‘“2, Men resident in the neighborhood of the
works have priority over non-residents. _
‘<3, Married men have priority over single
men.
“4. In recording the applications of men
who have previously been employed on govern-
ment cooperative works, the dates when they
left such works are noted, and those longest
off such works are considered first.
‘‘s, All applicants for work must have been
at least one week out of employment before
they can apply, and all men previously em-
ployed on government cooperative works
must have been at least fourteen days off such
works prior to re-registration as applicants for
further work. .
“6, If there are more applicants for work
than there are vacancies to fill, a ballot is taken
to determine the particular men to be em-
937
New Zealand.
ployed. Such ballots are conducted in the
presence of the men interested, and members
of local bodies in the district may also be
present if they wish. . . .
‘““The number of men employed under the
cooperative system from time to time varies
greatly ; but about 2000 may be taken as the
average number for the last year or so.”
Concerning State Insurance in New Zealand,
the Year Book for 1894 says (p. 266): ‘It is
needless to dwell upon the foundation of the
institution in 1869,—at a time when New Zea-
landers had poor facilities for the insurance of
their lives,—nor is it necessary to speak in
detail of the history of the early years of the
office. But it may be said that at a very early
stage it was thought advisable to
adopt the practice of employing
paid canvassers, and without them
it is quite certain that no volun-
tary scheme of life insurance,
however attractive, can become
completely successful. Since that time the
principle® on which the department has been
managed have been much the same as might
guide any progressive and soundly conducted
private life insurance office. . . . To-day the
inhabitants of New Zealand carry more life
insurance in proportion to their numbers than
the people of any other nation on the globe.
. For this result the State office is re-
sponsible to the extent of holding, approxi-
mately, one-half of the total insurance of the
colony.
‘“The major part of the business is composed
of ordinary whole-life and endowment assur-
ance policies, which are almost equally fancied
by the insuring public of New Zealand; in
1893 there were issued 1447 new policies
payable at death for £389,000, and 1757 en-
dowment assurances for £348,000. The total
amount insured by the policies on the books
of the department has now reached nine
millions sterling, being over £12 for every
man, woman, and child within the area of its
operations.”
Concerning the unemployed, we learn from
the report of the (English) Royal Commission
on Labor that, in June, 1801, a Government
Bureau of Industries was established in New
Zealand with the object of collecting statistics
and controlling the movements of labor so as
to secure work for the unemployed. Between
that date and March, 1892, 2400 persons were
assisted to find work. Eight hundred of these
were employed in constructing roads and rail-
ways, and in other public works, on the gang
or contract system, according to which one
man is elected ‘‘ ganger” or trus-
tee, and deals with the Govern-
ment on behalf of the rest. Small
farms, to be cultivated by work-
ing men in village settlements, are
also provided by Government. Ac-
cording to the report, ‘‘ A State farm is to com-
prise about tooo acres of land, fit for agricultural
purposes, and to this farm will be drafted the
surplus workmen of the towns. Many of the
‘unemployed’ applying at the Labor Bureau
are clerks, stewards, firemen, tailors, printers,
etc., who, crowded out of their regular em-
State In-
surance,
The Unem-
ployed,
New Zealand.
ployments, are in a state of destitution ; these
being in addition to a large number of general
laborers, who, though used to pick or shovel,
have no knowledge of work upon farm or
station. All these could be sent with advan-
tage to some farm or station, where, in return
for some small wage, they could assist in the
general work of the farm and make its culti-
vation pay expenses, while, in the meantime,
the workmen themselves were being trained
to habits and duties fitting them for the
general labor market. It is desired that
buildings should be erected by the men
themselves, with the help of some skilled
assistance ; that cottages should be built for
married men with families, and that to those
who show themselves most interested and
capable, cooperate shares in the profits of the
farms should be given.” This system has not
given perfect satisfaction, the complaint being
made that the Government uses these colonies
to get votes, etc., etc., but, nevertheless, it is
undoubtedly a long step in advance.
Cooperation and profit-sharing in general
have had little success. The Mosgril woolen
factory, at Ashburton, in New Zealand, is
conducted successfully upon cooperative prin-
ciples, in 1891 paying a dividend of 8 per cent.
References: New Zealand Official Year Book,
comet Costall, Government printer, Wellington,
. IS,
NICARAGUA CANAL.—The canal route
through Nicaragua has been advocated at vari-
ous times for nearly 50 years. Its advan-
tages are said to be that in Nicaragua is the
greatest depression of Central America; that
there is a large navigable lake situated on the
route ; and that Nicaragua is more in the path
of commerce than the Isthmus of Panama.
‘The region, moreover, is more healthy, and
of greater natural resources than that of
Panama.
Several important surveys were made pre-
vious to 1879, and concessions were secured
and companies formed, both by Americans
and French. But in 1879 a commission, ap-
pointed by the United States Government,
examined the various surveys and made a re-
port, estimating the cost of the canal as $100,-
‘000,000. Mr. Mendeal, a civil engiteer of the
United States Navy, estimated it, however,
at only $40,910,839.
Owing to disputes over the Mosquito terri-
tory, the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, made be-
tween the United States and Great Britain,
April 19, 1850, has this clause: ‘ The Govy-
ernments of the United States and Great
Britain, declare that neither one nor the other
will obtain or maintain for itself any exclusive
control over the said canal.”
On February 20, 1889, the Maritime Canal
Company of Nicaragua was incorporated by
a Congressional Act. aa 8
this number to half a million, it would be sufficient to F ee LOH ais esi Oa esaisis pee B33, 51070
cause distress to every lover of his kind, and to Bothels or fai ++ | 27,648 | 16,938 | 10,710
justify inquiry into the nature of pauperism, its irthplace unkno 2,274 | 4074 | 1200
causes and its cure.
“Numerous estimates have been made of the direct Colored 6
and indirect cost of Beuperion to this country. The ZOLOTED ee reerereee ee ceeeseenes 467 | 39354 | 3773
direct pauper expenditures of the United States may N
be placed at twenty-five millions of dollars at least; : Chinese, Wise tinker acpintennstisie saree dese 6,418 | 3,326 | 3,092
indeed, this must be an underestimate, for New York T Wiaas. ite 33 a2 2
State alone expends for charitable purposes through MLGLANS S's sicieieieiee 5/8 Lee aeel 36 16 20
its various institutions over thirteen millions of
NATIVITY.
NATIVITY OF
PAUPERS. PARENTS OF PARENTS.
ELEMENTS OF THE POPULATION. 3 3 5
S a a s 5
= 2 a io > a €
ei) 8 | 8 |g) 8) 2] gels
a S 2 a a 5 2 | p
MPOGA les «ana Deadesionnsee adidas sane . | 66,578 | 37,387 | 29,201 | 133,156 | 74,774 | 58,382 | 45:215 | 63,587 | 241354
Native, both parents native.
Native, one Geren foreign. ae vas = 421638 gel: ee poe aes io
Nerves both parents foreign 31580 ane 254 aes pee 2,808 : Rats qibo coke
Le eee both parents unknown.. Tobe 51538 5,070 ae £1978 10,140 1,228 |. ae 19,806
BST ert ee RROD Aaa 27,64) 16,93: 10,710 55129) 33.87 21,420 pees 55129! tees
Irth place UMENOW I eewee caeees ox ce veee | 2,274 | 1,074 | 1,200 45548 2,148 | 2,400 were atniats 41548
Taking into account only the 108,802 parents whose nativity is known, qt. 56 per cent. of the white inmates
of almshouses in the United
foreign element.
States (men and women) is of the native white element and 58.44 per cent. is of the
The actual nationalities of the 6 i ; i :
- 4 j a 63,587 foreign parents of American paupers and the number of each nation
ality are given in the ensuing table, in which they are classed Bceaeaine to the elements of the population:
Pauperism.
BIRTHPLACE OF FOREIGN PARENTS.
981
PAUPERS CLASSED BY ELEMENTS
OF THE POPULATION.
BIRTHPLACE OF x 3 e
PARENTS. . 3 3
g |e af | £8 Pas
a bos ew SF }n aS
0 =o Ao Mo jood
SH Ou Ow =) w
sd | BS | BS | 88 [288
ey | eR) am | 6B 16m
Total.....+.. | 63,587 | 55,296 7,160 | 949 | 182
Africa. ceseeeceeee 2 2 |) geen [isaae® | wees
Arabia.. é 4 4 Saale into aes
Australia.. ei 16 16.| ace eis is
Austria.... nts 190 TOO!'| «wee Ba ‘
Azore Islands.... 7 6 | sees I ‘
Bavaria. 20 18 2) esa. || es
Belgium. 80 62 15 2 I
Bermuda.. o 2 2 we ies ed
Bohemia... 348 340 8 < i
British Guiana... 2 2 ‘ eta thie
Canada, English. | 2,012 | 1,630 262 | 100 20
Canada, French.. 249 218 15 8 8
Central America. 2 2] wees esl dare
Chile wjaenus. seen 62 62 : | ees
CHiN cece: sis aa 4 4 seee oe vee
Corsica... . 2 a Wt reraaia 8
Cuba. os 12 10 2 sates
Denm: : : 241 228 5 ate
East Indies....... 4 he ie ssiajsee waa. | setae
England..... 4,688 31912 579 | 174 23
Europe seeae seneee Io Io fees tee wees
Finland. 84 82 Bs) OEpavE eafioae Su sngatas Sunes
Money in
Elections,
15;000-40,000
Comptroller... 10,000
Sheriff....... seis 10,000
County Clerk..... 10,000
District Attorney... 5,000
Congress.....seceees
State Senator..........006 sie
ASSEMDIY..... cece eee e eer eceee
Allowing two candidates for each office, this
makes, Mr. Ivins calculates, $211,200 assessed from
candidates. The average disbursements by all organ-
izations he puts at $307,000. The balance is paid by
contributions from the wealthy and from other inter-
ested factors. In the election of 1886 he calculates
that 45,475 men were under pay, or one-fifth of the
total vote. (See CORRUPTION.)
Whence comes the money to buy these
men? In part from the assessments upon
candidates.
Said Charles Francis Adams in 1871:
“The existing coalition between the Erie Railway
and the Tammany Ring is a natural one, for the
former needs votes, the latter money.”
§,000-10,000
5)000~10,000
500-1,000
Wecome now to consider some typical illus-
trations of the power of plutocracy. Mr. Hud-
son says (Razlways and the Republic):
““The most conspicuous of all is the complete con-
trol which a great corporation has had for 20 years or
more over the State of Pennsylvania.
The old joke of moving to adjourn the
legislature of that State ‘if the Penn- Pennsyl-
sylvania Railroad has no more business . *
for this body to transact’ dates from Vania Rail-
the early stages of corporate develop- road,
ment; but hardly a legislature has
convened in that State for many years
in which it would have been felt to be pointless.
With one brief spell of legislative independence, the
laws of the commonwealth, as far as that corporation
has any interest or claim, have been made by its
managers and registered by the legislature. . . Aen
D. Lawson, in his work, Leading Cases Simplified,
referring to the decision in the case of Thorogood vs.
Bryan, says: ‘The American courts decline to follow
it, except in Pennsylvania. Here, perhaps, is the
place to warn the student, so far as the law of carriers
1s concerned, not to pay much heed to the decisions of
the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, at least during
Plutocracy.
the past ro or x5 years. The Pennsylvania Railroad
appears to run that tribunal with the same success
that it does its own trains.’. . . This
ba eat ae onan 4 aheeeet a
j] publican party in one State finds a
Standard Oil parallel in another State under Demo-
Monopoly. cratic ascendency. The power of the
Standard Oil Company in the Demo-
cratic Legislature of Ohio has been
asserted in the election of a United States Senator
and in the defeat of the bill to give competing refin-
eries equality in pipe-line transportation with that
monopoly. It has been charged that wholesale
‘bribery was used to secure these results. Such
charges by political opponents might not command
belief, altho the persistent refusal to investigate them
is suspicious. But the Democratic agent of the
bribery has acknowledged it. During the last session
-of the body stigmatised by its partizan opponents as
“the coal and oil legislature,’ the legislative agent
of the ‘ring’ which is credited with its control ap-
sou’ on the floor in a state of gross intoxication.
“The offense was too public and notorious to be over-
looked, and_a committee was appointed to enforce
-discipline. Before the committee had begun its work,
‘the offender declared that the House dared not disci-
pline him; that he had paid too many members for
their votes; that he had a list of those that had been
urchased; and that, if he were punished for his
behavior, he would expose a majority of that body
as having accepted bribes. The excitement was
great; the challenge was accepted; he was called
‘before the committee and asked for the list. He then
retracted his charge and all further proceedings
against him for his outrage upon the rules of the
ouse was quietly dropped. ... This was in the
State legislature. It was, however, carried to
Congress.” ,
Mr. H. D. Lloyd, in his Wealth vs. Commonwealth,
thus states this portion of the narrative. We abridge
his account:
Both houses of the Ohio legislature forwarded
formal charges of bribery to the United States
Senate and appealed for an investiga-
tion. It was not granted, tho it had
Election of been the invariable custom of the
: Senate to grant such investigations,
Mr. Payne. and Senator Sherman, the other Sena-
tor from Ohio, had declared that he
agreed with every word of the appeal
and that it was the belief of a very large major-
ity of the people of Ohio that the election was
bought. Mr. Payne, the Senator whose election was
declared to have been bought, did not deny the
facts. He simply denied that 4e had spent any money
for his election and offered to show his private papers.
But that was not the accusation. The Committee on
Seen ere and Elections recommended (Senators
Pugh, Saulsbury, Vance, and Eustis voting against
Senators Hoar and Frye) against investigation. In
the debate on the adoption of the majority report
Senator Hoar said: ‘The adoption of this majority
report... . will be the most unfortunate fact in the
history of the Senate.” In the minority report he had
declared that refusing to investigate would show that
the Senate “is indifferent to the question whether its
seats are to be in the future the subject of bargain
and sale, or may be presented by a few millionaires as
a compliment to a friend.” When the majority report
‘was adopted, Senator Edmunds is said to have turned
‘to his neighbor in the Senate and to have said: ‘' This
is a day of infamy for the Senate of the United
States,”” . ;
But the Standard Oil Monopoly and its friends
could be represented in the Cabinet as well as in
the Senate. In December, 1892, the Secretary of the
Treasury decided that the oil combination should be
‘paid a drawback for the duties it had paid on im-
orted steel hoops. ‘It isn’t pleasant,” said the New
ork World editorially, February 23, 1891, ‘‘to have
a Secretary of the Treasury who holds intimate rela-
tions with the oil trust.” Through the
Secretary of the Navy, too, the com-
any of the International Line of At-
antic steamers, whose president is
also president of the pipe-line branch
of the oil trust, got various favors;
Congress granting them the monopoly
of carrying the mails for ro years from 1895 and
a subsidy of $1,354,496 2 year on investment of not
Over $10,000,000 on the part of the company. The
Secretary of the Navy urged the bill upon the naval
committees of Congress. It was to help American
Further
Influence.
Ios
Plutocracy.
commerce, but the company by especial vote was
allowed to raise the American fag on two English-
built steamers, and the Secretary of the Treasury later
excused the company from obeying, as to its engi-
neers, the requirements of the bill that its officers De
Americans. Patriotism was appealed to to carry the
bill through, but when it had been voted patriotism
was dropped. The same Secretary of the Navy got
through the closing hours of the Congress of 1889-90
a bill appropriating $1,000,000 for nickel ore to be
purchased by the Secretary of the Navy when and
where he would. Duty was to be taken off the ore,
and it could thus be bought at Sudbury, Canada, the
only nickel mine of importance in Canada and a mine
alleged to be owned by the oil combination. The
Postmaster-General, who stands between the United
States and the subsidized company that carries its
foreign mails, is one of the firm of counsel that de-
fended some of the owners of the company in their
trial at Buffalo for blowing up arival oilworks. (See
STANDARD OIL MONOPOLY.) It is little wonder that
Senator Hoar during the debate as to Mr. Payne, asked
if the trust was represented in the Cabinet as well as
intheSenate. For still other charges against the trust,
see STANDARD OIL MONOPOLY.
Nor must it be thought that these notorious
scandals are the only ones. Says Mr.
Hudson :
‘““Such practises are not peculiar to railway corpora-
tions. They occur to a greater or less degree in the
political relations of water corporations, electric com-
panies, gas companies, telegraph companies, and even
manufacturing companies, where their opportunities
for profit can be affected by the exercise of govern-
mental power. The railwaysare the greatest and most
powerful of all these organizations, be-
cause cee ena a are most td
affecte y legislation an ublic ‘
administration. But the aatane: ae cor- Ordinary
porate influence on politics is always Corporations.
the same. The sole aim is pecuniary
profit; the impersonal character re-
moves all limitations of conscience. ... A striking
picture ofthe methods of the corporations in dealing
with legislation in that State [New York] was furnished
by the oy Mr. Jay Gould. .. . Mr. Gould
artlessly says: ‘We were Republicans in Republican
districts, and Democrats in Democratic districts, but
always forthe Erie Railway.’ The companion picture
furnished by the Huntington letters, published last
year, throws new light on corporate lobbying in
Congress. Here in the confidence of private cor-
respondence, we learn from the railway kings
how some statesmen serve the corporations un-
der the pretense of opposing them: how editorial
opinions in leading journals are a goodinvestment for
the corporation fund; how unsuspected lobby agents
are set to work, apparently without concert, but under
secret orders from one head; how, in short, the un-
limited resources of great corporations employ all that
is unscrupulous, wily, disreputable, and dangerous in
politics to attack members in their weak points, to
flatter, bribe, and control them so that they must sup-
port the corporations. .. .”
Professor E. W. Bemis, at that time of the
University of Chicago, in a paper before the
National Convention for Good City Govern-
ment held in Minneapolis, December, 1894,
tells of a corporation voting $100,000 to buy
the Chicago city council as calmly as it would
vote to buy a new building, and says that, ac-
cording to a reliable attorney’s information,
such is an ordinary proceeding.
Another most serious sign of the growth of
plutocracy is the extent to which great corpo-
rations openly and flagrantly violate the laws
that are passed. Says Mr. Hudson (Rad/ways
and the Republic, pp. 324-325) :
“Tt isa humiliating confession to make, but one which
shows the magnitude of the power with which legisla-
tion must measure its strength, that the constitutional
prohibitions of a dozen States, traversed by great rail-
way lines, against discriminations, rebates, the con-
solidation of competing lines, the granting of free
passes, and other practises are practically waste paper.
Plutocracy.
The constitutions of California and Pennsylvania are
striking illustrations. Their language is clear, and
strong enough, if enforced, to prevent
nine-tenths of the abuses which unreg-
‘ é ulated railways practise. Yet in Cali-
Violations fornia the rule of the Central Pacific
of Law. Railway over commerce is unlimited.
The commissioners provided for in the
Constitution are expensive figure-heads,
and the Constitution asa restraint upon that great cor-
porationisadead letter. In Pennsylvania a similar re-
sult has been obtained by the success of the Pennsyl-
vania Railroad in preventing legislation to give effect
to the Constitution.”
Mr. Lloyd gives us some of the details of
this. He says (we abridge his account) :
“Pennsylvania in 1873 adopted a new constitution.
By it common carriers were forbidden to mine or
manufacture articles for transportation over their lines
or to buy land except for carrying purposes. The Con-
stitution has been defiantly ignored by the railroads.
Says the report of Congress of 1888, ‘the railroads have
defiantly gone on acquiring title to hun-
dreds of thousands of acres of coal as
well as of neighboring agricultural
lands.’ They have been ee
pursuing the joint business of carrying
and mining coal.’ So far from quitting
it they ‘have increased their mining
operations by extracting bituminous as well as an-
thracite’ (Report, p. 13). The legislature has aided
them, and has passed laws to nullify the Constitution
by preventing forever any escheat to the State of
the immense area of lands held unlawfully by the
railroads,” : :
Mr. Lloyd adds another illustration of the
way corporations evade the law :
In Pennsyl-
vania.
assed the Interstate Commerce
Law, and established the Interstate Commerce Com-
mission, to enforce justice on therailroads. The inde-
pendent miners of Pennsylvania appealed to it against
the railroads. Two years and a half were consumed
in proceedings. Then the commission ordered the
roads to reduce their rates. It was never done. In
1893 Congress found their rates to be 50 cents a ton
higher than what the commission required. The Inter-
state Commerce Law pipwices for the imprisonment
in the penitentiary of those guilty of the crimes it
covers. The only conviction had under it has been
of a shipper for discriminating against a railroad” (H.
D. Lioyd's Wealth Against Commonwealth, p. 10).
“Railroads like the Pennsylvania Railroad simply
laugh at the Interstate Commerce Commission. Sep-
tember 3, 1888, all the trunk railroads advanced their
rates on barrels of oil, and claimed that
this rise was forced upon them by the
commission. The commission protested
that that was not according to their de-
cision. ‘I did not consider it in that
way,’ answered one railroad official.
‘That was their (the commission’s) view
__of the case, but it was not shared by us.’
‘It was considered best to continue the practise,’ said
the president of the Pennsylvania Railroad (Testi-
mony Titusville and Oil City, Independents’ cases, p.
462-542). Said Wendell Phillips: ‘There is no power
in one State to resist such a giant as the Pennsylvania
road, We have 38 one-horse legislatures in this coun-
try, and we have a man like Tom Scott with $350,000,-
ooo in his hands, and if he walks through the States
they have no power.’ ”
The president of the sugar trust, before a special
committee of the United States Senate, testified that
this apres of business” was the cus-
tom of ‘every individual and corpora-
Prevalence tion and firm, trust or whatever you
of Corrup- like to call it” (Senate Report No. 48s,
‘ P- Fifty-third Congress, second session,
tion. June ar, 1894). Asked if he contributed
to State campaign fund, said: “We
always do that. ... In the State of
New York, when the Democrat majority is between
40,000 and 50,000, we throw it their way. Inthe State
of Massachusetts, when the Republican party is
doubtful, they probably have the call, Whatever
there is a dominant party, wherever the majority is
very large, that is the party that gets the contribution,
because that is the party which controls local mat.
ters” (Supplemental Report of Senator W. V. Allen
“Tn 1887 Congress
Interstate
Commerce
Act.
1016
Police.
of the Senate Special Committee (ordered May 17,
1894) to javestiente alleged attempts at bribery by the.
sugar trust).
In regard to the relation between govern-
ment and the monetary and banking interests
of the country, it is to be said that the power
of plutocracy is probably more marked here
than in any otherquarter. Yet the very extent
to which the monetary legislation and policy
of the United States has been dominated by,
and certainly on occasion actually corrupted
by, the great monetary interests, has led to so
many unreliable current reports upon the point.
as to make general statement appear to en-
dorse some detailed statements, that cannot be:
supported, while to say little would not do
justice to the extent of this gigantic form of
plutocratic power. We therefore refer the
subject to the article, Silver Question, where
it will be carefully treated at the length it
demands. Wesimply print here one quotation
from a report of a United States Comptroller
of the Currency, which shows that from war
times, if not before, the money power has
played a large and most criminal part in our
monetary legislation.
Mr. Hugh McCulloch, when Comptroller of
the Currency, said, in his second report :
>»
“Hostility to the Government has been as decidedly
manifested in the effort that has been made in the
commercial metropolis of the nation to depreciate the
currency as it has been by the enemy in the field,
and unfortunately the effort of sympathizers with the
rebellion and of the agents of the rebellious Statesto
prostrate the national credit has been strengthened
and sustained by thousands in the loyal States whose
poe fidelity it might be ungenerous to question.
mmense interests have been at work all over and
concentrated in New York to raise the price of coin,
and splendid fortunes have been apparently made by
their success. . . . Gold has been a favorite article
to gamble in... . The effect of all this has been,
not to break down the credit of the Government, but
to increase enormously the cost of the war and the
expense of living; for, however small may have been
the connection between the price of coin and our
domestic products, every rise of gold, no matter by
what means effected, has been used as a pretext by
holders and speculators for an advance of prices, to
the great injury of the Government and the sorrow
of a large portion of the people. . . .”
(See also Corruption ; STANDARD OIL Mon-
OPOLY ; SILVER ; SYNDICATE ; WEALTH, Section
Concentration of.)
Revised by H. D. Lioyp.
e~ POLICE.—The policeman is far more than
a guardian of the public peace. Mr. Thomas
Byrnes calls him ‘‘the real court of first in-
stance.” Says Mr. H. M. Boies (Prisoners and
Paupers, p. 237):
‘Nowhere, probably, on the face of the globe, does
what is commonly known as the police force occupy
so pee important, and influential a position
and sphere in the social organization as it does in the
United States; nowhere does it sustain so potent a
relation to pauperism and crime as here. . . . In the
United States, under a social organization for self-gov-
ernment, a government of laws, which are solely the
formulated decrees of popular judgment and will, the
police and constabulary constitute almost the only in-
corporate and vital evidence, or general manifestation,
of the authority and dignity of government ; they rep-
resent the concrete absolutism of the laws, and exer-
cise the majesty and power of the people in, among,
and before the people constantly. hey become
therefore, to the people here, not only the agents and
Tepresentatives of. self-government, but the express
force and soul of government, the general and popu-
Police.
lar conception of government itself. This increases
the power, dignity, and influence of the police officer
in this country immeasurably above what exists else-
where. It is his province here to bring the popular
power into direct contact with and control over the
people. . . . The police are, in this country, the eyes
and ears, as well as the hands, of the body politic; not
only the means of governmental apprehension, but of
discovery ; the agents of prevention as well asof cure.
It devolves upon them to observe the very beginnings
of error, failure, and sin in society ; to note the sources,
the inception, and conception of crime and poverty; to
watch their birth, growth, and development; to become
familiar with causes and occasions, to recognize the
necessary remedies. They seldom feel called upon to
interfere ; indeed, the principle of their action is not
to interfere before the overt act, when correction be-
comes necessary and prevention is no longer practi-
cable. The intimacy and constancy of their contact
with society and its elements should enable them to
stretch out the helping or the warning hand of govern-
ment when it could be efficient, when the needed slight
change of direction can be given the individual faced
the wrong way, before the club, the handcuff, or the
lock-up have become necessary. Indeed, an interfer-
ence which would be resented from a private person,
however gently or kindly made, would be received
not only without objection ordinarily from the police-
man, but it would carry with it the weight and influ-
ence of the wisdom and will of society. A wordor an
act which would make no impression without au-
thority, with it might be effectual in saving many a
youth from ruin. Ifthe police then could be enlisted
as conservators of morals as well as preservers of the
peace, they would become a power in the community
of inestimable utility, and the necessities of their
harsher activities would be greatly decreased. The
task of training the twig is lighter than bending the
tree. If they could be made to devote their chief care
to the children and youths when they are beyond the
parentaleye or control, and be placed ina position rep-
resenting with authority the organized parentage and
domesticity of the community outside its homes, upon
the streets and in public places, many of the dangers
of city life would be alleviated. Their parental func-
tions might be extended for the general benefit to the
relief of the poor from suffering, to the ministrations
of charity, to the restrictions of intemperance, the ar-
rest of drunkenness, the correction of evil tendencies,
and the rescue of those in peril of moral corruption
and ruin.”
On the other hand, what the police can do
for evil is shown by the following account of
the political situation in Philadelphia under
the control of the old Gas Ring. It is from
Mr. Bryce’s The American Commonwealth,
first edition, vol. ii. chap. Ixxxviii.
“The possession of the great city offices gave the
members of the Ring the means not only of making
their own fortunes, but of amassing a large reserve
IO17
Police.
fund to be used for ‘campaign purposes.’ Many of these:
offices were paid by fees, and not by salary. Five offi-
cers were at one time in the receipt of an aggregate of
$223,000 (£44,600), or an average of $44,600 each (£8900).
One, the collector of delinquent taxes, received nearly
$200,000 a year. Many others had the opportunity, by
giving out contracts for public works on which they
received large commissions, of enriching themselves:
almost without limit, because there was practically no
investigation oftheir accounts. The individual official
was of course required to contribute to the secret.
party funds in proportion to his income, and while he
paid in thousands of dollars from his vast private
gains, assessments were levied on the minor employees.
down to the very policemen. On one occasion each
member of the police force was required to pay $25,
and soon afterward a further tax of $10, for party pur--
poses. Any one who refused, and much more of
course any one who asserted his right to vote as he
pleased, was promptly dismissed. The fund was spent
in what is called ‘fixing things up,’ in canvassing, in
petty bribery, in keeping bar-rooms open and supply-
ing drink to the workers who resort thither, and, at
election times, in bringing in armies of professional.
personators and repeaters from Washington, Balti-
more, and other neighboring cities, to swell the vote
for the Ring nominees. These men, some of them, it
is said, criminals, others servants in the Government.
departments in the national capital, could of course
have effected little if the election officials and the
police had looked sharply after them. But those who
presided at the voting-places were mostly in the plot,
being Ring men and largely city employees, while’the
police and herein not less than in their voting power
ies the value of a partizan police—had instructions.
not to interfere with the strangers, but allow them to
vote as often as they pleased, while hustling away
keen-eyed opponents.
** A policeman is by law forbidden to approach within
thirty feet of the voter. Who was to see that the law
was observed when the guardians of the law broke it?
According to the proverb, ‘If water chokes, what is
one to drink next?’”
With this view of what the police do or might
do—and no one can know anything of police
courts (g. v.) without seeing how much of re-
sponsibility actually lies upon the police, and.
frequently how utterly ignorantly they carry it
out—it becomes necessary to know what is the
organization of the police in this and other
countries. Census Bulletin No. 100 gives.
much information. In cities of over 100,000 in-
habitants there are an average of 13.55 patrol-
men to each square mile, who make an average
of 36 arrests per year. In cities of less than
100,000, there are an average of 3.75 patrolmen
to the square mile, who make an average of 51.
arrests. The following tables give details :
POLICE STATISTICS BY GEOGRAPHICAL DIVISIONS.
, 1 o hos a ot le
wy og a
FORCE. a & ea {2 ira |g
ow S & o.|/45, |.
° ia Ba Blac los
i ao |oglea #8
a g o 9 =o Sa oF
2 3 Qh » g ° a4 eS ag
a 9 9
GEOGRAPHICAL DIvIsIoONs. 3 & BS @ g2 [fals, (28
2 : 3 oO, n eS uo
3 a g Be DS [Se a)" leg (om
Z 5a
B| E 28 ge [Ses ssls= les
a = a 3 Sa Sp S88) vloag/es
§ s sg 5 on og OS) Be |. g os
5 6 3 3 bo PG |2S5/ Se /Psslse
a q a AA qh 27| tio76,458|] 6825 | 11529 |] 78,884] 1,493,265 | 52 | 1-39] 7-33 | o-17
North Central.. 92} 4,8171428|| 5.510 | 4,703 |] 173,212 | 357531646 | 37 | 0.78] 3.60 | 0.17
South Central. ..| 18] 783,588 895 692 |) 951739 359571 | 138 | 1.07) 12.22 | 0.11
Western. ....... ric eSbie Sc IE MGS Te IRINE HE 20 775.143 889 730 50,386 860,447 | 69 u.11] 6.50 | 0.14
-
Police. 1018 Police.
ities i i hat have
Statement showing the police ots each ve pte of hee ibe le tne oe or arnests Bee aalis
: lete returns, including the number of eac f force, an
Sle oe ‘of station-house iodgers vale Sf ioct and stolen property recovered, average annual cost 0! ,
«casualties, with per centages and ratios.
o
= oh noe on
FORCE. se Say, sae 3 S85 Bo 2
en | ee ag HI Bos Do o®
a |g | 823 a. ag g22 | ba Sau
3 S$ } sos | go ao Mat | 83. | Bd
3 dS Ge aed on, & on wo 3
5 oe : 58 6a | Ag g “35 Sag | fg
CITIES, 3 vo g ag a3 w 28 aie os eas ald
“3 so 8 4 OS 2 S49 wo 096 ggS oa 8
© lfe |e | es | e"6) 986 | Bs | gee | 98 | wae
8 | 28) 8 | ge | 8.8 | aes | £8 | ee | S28 | 88s
g | es) 2 | 42 | ae | e8* 1.9 26,050
Malta and Gozo...... ees 119 168, 105
ge Total Europe....... 121 194,155
2a:
Aden and Perim............. 80 41,910
NOVO se wsesicadeas “4 25,365 3,008,466
aber coal ie
VADUAN... eee eens 0.2 51953,
Straits Settlements..... waa nes 512342
Afrien: Total Asia.......... 26,976 3y790,012
Becrsoms deattee sai ch oie. siteoned 35 140
asutolan
Bechuanaland, sees par
Cape Colony. 221,310 11527224"
Mauritius... : "705 "371,655
atal...... 20,460
: 4! 5431913
St. Helena a 4,116
* Including Upper Burmah.
Population
7 1061 i
Population.
a pondia: ae population of the United Kingdom, ac-
Sa. Miles. opm cording to the census of 1891, was as follows :
West ae nee ei i
Gambia. ae Area in P :
Gold ee o% J oe Square Miles opulation.
AZOS... 0.6. ‘ al bow
Sietra Leone......... adnenea meres "7a83s
. 741835 Sree seat 50,840 27,499,984
Total Africa... SH 150%,
Popes Africa........| 35762r | 44255043 Scotland Be dessins
Bermudas. 4 ss 16819 ee ” 32,583 geese
BE co nsraginieinis oa saree : LEGS ia ais ie sea 2 "t475
Falkland Islands and South $1385047 aera? 7 = —
ee ‘cally EAT fea oates i se euitiet 120,973 37,888,439
109,000 ° 278,295
71502 1,371 i i
’ 3113 The population, according to different cen-
162,200 202,040 suses, was .
4,466 48,913
amaica and Turk’s Isiands :
pe a aie Vranas a NiGsaeNs one ane : pag land Scotl
Leeward Islands.. Jor anes aus Welet eats roe
Windward Islands... toe 784 x Dea
Trinidad and Tobago. bveineis 1,868 28638
DBRT: cssa.eiatete ss c 13,896,797 2,364,386
; 3 443 75767401
Australasia America..... | 3,614,338 6,780,605 a sa +] 15y9%4)148 2,620,184 8,196,597
ash os oe epee) gee, | ooh
aie Wislete wratelal infos aseiniacs uiateibiaie 085 122,712 39005224 3,002,294 51798,90'
New Guinea.. 88,860 386,000 1871.. 22,712,266 3,360/018 oe age
aoe South Wale “hte 310,700 1,132,234 788! 259741439 397351573 59174183
ove ian 5 Foun47t 626,658 1898+ -- 29,001,018 410331103 41706448
outh Austral pence 3931718
he ee ie sees 26,385 246 coy POPUL
ictorinier ne, ae B78 y ATION OF THE LARGEST CIT
Western Australia........... eae Wea aa THE EARTH. esas
Total Australasia
++ | 3,174,008 412971889
Total Colonies... : 3
Teel te: ee inaia| ee | eet OUUIES eases | Population.
and Colonies..... 9,094,302 344,816,110 :
PROTECTORATES AND
SPHERES OF INFLUENCE: Lonien Jats Waveisteree 2 eiReaie Tok i6 iets 1891 4)231,431
: ar. Pisce rt ev
Asia...... 120,400 1,112,000 New York* on ahaa rao
Africa 2,120,000 7.000, 000 B ; ae pom
Pacific. 9 T 20, 35000, erlin .. ‘ 1895 1,677,351
Baise 10,000 ee , - -.| estimated 1,600,000
Total Protectorates. 2,2 do, Japan clas ee et
ote S... 240,000 36,122,000 Tokio, Japan........... ° 8.
Total British Empire. | 11,334,701 380,938, 110 Philadelphia (municp.) ieee Heasess
ICAZQO veseeseeee Waren 1890 1,099,850
* The area of Newfoundland alone is 42,000 square BE Petersburg. : 1892 130354439
miles, ? Eni -| estimated 1,000,000
ooklyn. 1892 957,163,
Concerning conjugal condition, Professor Gonstantinop 1885 873,560
Mayo-Smith quotes from the Stafzsték des Moscow........ as ae aad
Deccan Reichs (N a i or pee
zchs (No. 44, p. 35) the following Bombay...... tf EBT 804,470
tabl Rio d ro
e: pest tee eee abe 800,000
ee iste . I 6:
Ses en : . ‘ar 618.470
PERCENTAGE OF|PERCENTAGE OF Warsaw... | ee ae
MALES OVER FEMALES OVER Naples ..... ; 1804 ene
15 WHO ARE 15 WHO ARE Liverpool 1891 517,050
Brussels ... 1894 507,985
Counrrres. Buda-Pesth . 1891 506,380
" 3 4 Manchester 1891 505,340
od 3 9 Boston.... 1895 494,205
é 2 . ‘es Oo z Melbourne. . 1891 490,900
Sb a ° ~~ o ° Osaka, Japan.. 1893 482,961
a 3 bo G og i :
g 7 xz a & sg Madrid...... 1837 472,230
n = = a st e pee have ae 451,779
Co wee eee oe 1594 000,
ee ai . 1894 tous
é Madras.... 1891 449,950
Hanears, vevseeeeel 43.8 | 52-3 | 4.8 || 40.0 | 48.1 | 11-8 Lyons.. 1891 438,077
Ss 31.5 | 63.7 | 4-7 || 22-0 | 62.8 | 15.0 Baltimor' 1890 4345440
nen: 45-2 | 48.0 6.4 || 41.5 | 45-6 | 12.3 Milan........-.. 1894 4321400
po seers 40-9 53-7 6.0 || 33-2 | 53-2 | 13-6 Birmingham, Eng « . 1891 429,170
LO . ‘i UMICH a. oo ¢.niewiesa is eeareien see
Great Britain’ $e | S:9) 3/373 | 3 | #8 : oe
Beletan 49-3 44.8 $9 |] 43-5 | 42-7 | t4-4
Hota 46.0 | 47-5 +5 || 42. 47-1 | 11-1 * New York State census of 1892. The po ulation of
Genser oa ee 5:8 38-7 49-8 Il.4 the territory embraced within the itmits’ of * “ Greater
Swedent a 3-7 5-3 || 3 8 50 12.4 New York’ as Proposed by the commission is about
Norway. oe] 42. ae he? 40.8 | 47-1 | 12.0 3,100,000.. This will constitute the New York of the
seereve.| 4363 | STO | 5+ 40.7 | 47-0 | II-T jmmediate future the second city of the world.
Population,
Concerning the population by sex, Professor
Mayo-Smith (Sta¢zstzcs and Sociology, p. 39)
tells us that Europe has 1064 and the United
States 952 females for every 1000 males. Italy,
Servia, and Greece have more males than fe-
males ; in all other European countries females
are in excess, varying from Norway, with 1og1 ;
Scotland, with 1072; Sweden, with 1065 ; Eny-
land and Wales, with 1064, to Belgium, with
1005, and France, with 1014. Switzerland has
1057; Germany, 1039; Ireland, 1029, In Eu-
rope, however, more males are born than fe-
males ; but the male mortality is also greater.
In cities the excess of females is usually greater,
The demand for servant girls and saleswomen
is far more in the cities than in the country.
II. STatTIsTIcs FOR
1062
Population.
Prostitution attractssome. In Asia, Africa, and
Australasia males are generally considered to
be in excess,
As to age, in England, 23.9 per cent, of the
population are under 10 years of age ; 21.3 be-
tween the years of 10 and 20; 47.3 between 20
and 60; 7.5 over 60 years. The corresponding
figures for Scotland are: 24.3 under 10; 21.6
between 10 and 20; 46.2 between 20 and 60;
79 over 60. For Ireland they are: 20.8 under
10; 23.4 between 10 and 20; 45.3 between 20
and 60; 10.5 over 60. For France, 17.5 under
Io; 17.4 between 10 and 20; 52.5 between 20 and
60; 12.6 over 60. For Germany, 24.2 under 10;
20.7 between 10 and 20; 47.1 between 20 and
60 ; 8.0 over 60.
THE UNITED STATES.
The following table, giving the voting, school, and militia ages, was compiled from the Reports
of the Census of 1890 by the World Almanac:
SCHOOL | MILITIA
VOTING AGES—MALES 21 YEARS AND OVER. AGES, AGES.
STATES AND TERRI-
PERCENTAGE.
TORIES. ee ame poe eee oo Pop-
ative- | Foreign- . ulation, ulation,
Total. | “born. born, | Whites. | Colored. an eee 5 to 20 Males,"
tive. | eign. | Years old.} 18 to qq.
Alabama sss ccesccscasnees 324,822 316,697 8,125, 184,059 140,763 +50 2.50 6 265,02,
Arizona.. 23,696 13,665 10,031 21,160 2, 536 v2 gu 2B ee cise
Arkansas. 257.868 249,608 8,260 188,206 69,572 | 96.80 3-20 476,185 214,708
eoliernia 4025289 oe gas 3901228 72,061 49-79 50.21 360,289 343,001
0+» 104,920 II4, 05340 IOI,O15 31905 19: 4 30.52 113,150 140,441
Connecticut. 224,092 145,673 78,419 220,115 3,976 | 65.0% 34:99 221,248 163,865
Delaware.........06 475559 41,407 6,152 40,007 71552 | 87.06 12.94 57,496 36,076
Piseice of Columbia... 641505 $5,263 gizka 460159 181346 85.67 14.33 74,176 47,623
OTIGA ve seeeeeeceneeeneee 96,213 5,501 10,652 58, 38,145 | 88.93 11.07 155,676 79,604
Georgia.. 398,122 391,168 6,954 219,094 179,028 | 98.25, 1.75 : 771,027 336,205
Idaho.... 31,490 19,785 11,705 29,525 1,965 | 62.83 37-17 | 27,257 24,688
Illinois... 1,072,663 682,346 390,317 | 1,054,469 18,200 | 63.61 36.39 1,323,030 852,635,
Tees 7 Ee Sarees a ee =31070 Br 6s _ 12.33 785,172 455,823
aeietous 20, 4y I 7O 7, 3532 70.0! 29.92 OI, 182 68:
Kansas... 383,231 310,166 73,068 370,688 121543 80.93 ao oo 170 Se ahi
Toaaline See | coal) ata] Ge) ebee| oa |aee || Gee) ee
u oe 5 7 25,351 130,74! 119,815 ). 10.12 2 205,21
Maine..... 201,241 170,771 30,470 200,609 "632 84.86 15.14 Ber ace mae
Maryland..... 270,738 228,149 425599 218,843 51,895 | 84.27 15.73 370,892 205,816
Massachusetts. 665,009 407,915 257,004 657,042 7:967 | 61.34 38.66 650,870 499,312
ee esata 617.445 369,128 248,317 611,008 6,437 | 59.78 40.22 703,684 462,765
attests: . 376,036 | 154,727] 221,309] 374,027 2,009 | 41.15 | 58.85 454,804 304,268
Mississippi ea} 271,080 266,049 5,031 120,611 150,469 | 98.14 1.86 550,101 228,764
Tissot ae ee 120,737 667452 eae ee 17.11 | 1,008,935 566,448
ens 35944 29,973 7594! 35407 I 82
Nebraska.. 301,509 | 205,625 95,875 297,281 pais G96 arko aeons 285,605
New Haoahics foe] | geee| seee| eee | ee eee |) eee ray
- 7 92, 26,047 117,889 24 77-95 22.05, 106,611 79,87!
Hew ersey... 413,53 | 268,483] 145,047] 398,966 14,564 | 64.92 | 35.08 464.992 313,683
ew Mexico. 44.951 38,194 6,757 41,478 31473 | 84.97 | 15.03 524543 36,065
nee York....... « | 1,769,649 | 1,084,187 68,642 | 1,745,418 24,231 | 61.27 38.73 1,836,935 1,325,619
joge parolas . ei 342,653 340,572 2,081 2331307 109,346 | 99.39 0.61 673,405 273,834
perk akota... ahaa i oe ee 36374 55y769 190 35-73 64.89 591324 48,608
seatiee sia scien +» | 1,076,4! 797; 218,841 990,542 25,922 | 78.47 2. 1,271,031 167,975
Oklahoma. 19,161 17,502 1,659 18,238 "923 91.34 Bee : ar eae Too
oreeer acide . IIl1,744 74,329 371415 102,113 9,631 | 66.52 33-48 103,365 88,049
Bey ante 1,461,869 | 1,064,429 | 397,440] 1,426,996 34,873 | 72.81 | 27.19 | 1,791,710 1,140,476
auiode 1s en isis 200,017 59,832 40,185 97,756 2,261 | 59.82 40.18 105,534 753317
Been Dok ‘a ‘ 235,60 232,200 3,406 | 102,657] 132,949 | 98.55 1.45 501,393 196,059
TohAcesce: oo 96,765 53852 42,914) 96,177 588] 55.65 | 44.35 113,900 79,219
ee . ~ 402,47) 391,429 11,047 | 310,014 92462 | 97.26 2.74 720,872 324,214
Utah....: 5351947 | 460,694 | 75248 | 434,070] 01,932] 85.96 | 14.04 924,142 447,413
Vermon paver 20108 245525 531235 14236 | 54.98 | 45.02 791937 451139
ae ae 101,697 82,011 19,686 | 101,369 328 | 80.64 19.36 103,487 67,203
irginia...., ‘ 378,782 367,469 11,313 248,035 130,747 OL 2. 6 jo
Washington... 6,918 88.968 97 +99 715779 295134!
gton. : 146,91 19) 571950 | 141,934 41984 | 60.56 | 39. 86. 124,860
aye eral 181,400 171,611 90,789 172,198 9,202 | 94.60 5 sé 305,660 a page
IT es sons : ¥ , :
Wyoming se 2271338 244,384 450,893 1,829 | 47.07 | 52.93 603,846 34754!
1044 7185; 91192 26,050 994] 66.01 | 33.99 16,291 24,014
Motalauss iv isewsnew 16,940,311 |12,591,852 | 4,348,459 |15.199.856 | 1,740,455] 74.33 25.67 | 22,447,392 13)230,168
Population. 1063 ‘Population.
The following table of the population of the United States, i i isti
Gaceeeet Gs an cee a pat ite ates, in each decade, is from the Statistical
ag : ‘
ze |a8 a
ae ea POPULATION. E.9| POPULA-
wo |x “4Z| TION.
Belg 2 a3
% ° oem
mia ay . a
ne : 1790. 1800. 1810. 1820. 1830. 1840, 1850. 1860, 1870, 1880. 1890.
eee oes 127,9Or 309,527 590,756 773,623 964,201 996,992 | 1,262,505 | 17] 1,513,017
kta 5 ovaec eave aise antes eee 9,658 40,440 | 48 59,620
14)255 3388 971574 | 209,897 | 435,450 | 484,472 | 802,525] 24] 1,128,179
eee oe Seis oeee wena, 92,597 379,994 560247 864,694 | 22| 1,208,130
aa eee see senate, fate eee ate aaete 345277 39,864 194,327 | 31 412,198
8 | 237,946 | 251,002 | 261,942 | 275,148 297,675 309,978 | 370,792 | 400,147| 5371454] 622,700] 20| _ 746,258
*
eee eee sees eae eee eee eee 4,837 14,181 135,177 Abe +aenee
,
59096 | 64,273 | 72,674 | 724749 76,748 78,085 91,532 | 112,216 | 125,015] 146,608) 42| 168,493
tee 14,093 | 24,023 | 33,039 395834 43,712 51,087 75,080 | 131,700 | 177,624] 39] 230,392
tees tree tees 341730 54.477 87,445 | 140,424] 187,748 | 269,493} 32| 391,422
162,686 | 252,433 | 340,985 $16,823 691,392 906,185 | 1,057,286 | 1,184,109 | 1,542,180 | 2 1,837,353
sisi vais adn adits Bana sors sme 14,999 32,610] 45 84,385
sees 12,282 | 55,162 1571445 476,183 | 851,470 | 1,711,951 | 2,530,891 | 3,077,871 3 3,826,352
5,641 24,520 | 147,178 343,031 685,866 988,416 | 1,350,428 | 1,680,637 | 1,978,301 8| 2,192,404
Sisaue ais tees toes 43,112 192,214 674,913 | 1,194,020 | 1,624,615 | 10] 1,911,896
as tees eisai ayenaed aes wee yg uses 107,206 364, 996,096 | 19] 1,427,096
14 | 73,677 | 220,955 | 406,511 | 564,135 687,917 779,828 | 982,405 | 1,155,684 1y3anort 1,048-690 a 11858)635
« vane ca 76,556 | 152,923 2154739 352y411 547,762 | 708,002 | 726,915 | 939,946] 25] 1,118,587
11 | 96,540 | 153,719 | 228,705 | 298,269 3991455 501,793 | 583,169 | 628,279 | 626,915 | 648,936] 30] 661,086
6 | 319,728 | 341,548 | 380,546 | 407,350 447,040 470,019 | 583,024 | 687,049 | 780,894 | 934,943 | 27] 1,042,390
Mass...| 4 | 378,787 | 422,345 | 472,040 | 523,159 610,408 737,699 | 904,514 | 1,231,066 | 1,457,351 | 1,783,085 | 6] 2,238,043
Mich . sees sees 45702 8,665 31,639 212,267 | 307,654 | 749,113 | 1,184,059 | 1,636,937 | 9] 2,003,889
res eee nis eee erie 6,077 172,023 439,706 780,773 | 20] 1,301,826
8,850 | 40,352 | 75,448 136,621 375,651 606,526 | 791,395 | 827,922 | 1,131,597 | 21| 1,289,600
a 7 5 ‘ wieres 20,845 66.557 140,455 383,702 682,044 | 1,182,012 | 1,721,295 | 2,168,380 5] 2,679,184
Neb. oe bene pene sees sone eae ms eee wae 20,5905 39159 44 132,159
Nove as wes ove vee sees nero sees eee 28,84 122,993 Apndce 26 71058920
sone! ae wae sane wee bees sees eee bees 857 42,491 242 rt
N.H...] 10 | 141,885 | 183,858 | 214,460 | 244,022 269,328 284,574 | 317,976 | 326,073} 318,300] 346,992 a 378,530
a s+e+| 9 | 184,139 | 211,149 | 245,562 | 277,426 320,823 3731300 489,555 672,035 go06,096 | 1,131,116 | 18] 1,444,933
te 7 Es tees Seat ete ore teas abe 61,547 939516 91,874 119,565 | 43 1539593
. 5 | 340,120 | 589,051 | 959,049 |1,372,111 1,918,608 | 2,428,921 | 3,097,304 | 3,880,735 | 4,382,759 | 5,082,871 I 5,997:853
N.C 3 | 393.751 | 478,103 | 555,500 | 638,829 737,987 753419 | 869,039 | 992,622 | 1,071,361 | 1,399,750] 16] 1,617,947
Ohio i ite es 45,365 | 280,760 | 581,295 937,903 1,519,467 | 1,980,329 | 2,339,511 | 2,665,260 | 3,198,062 4 ee
A tees a ants eects tee eaee eid shafts nae eee 46 61,834
nee asd os intra Bait 08 pees 13204 52.465 90,923 174,768 | 38 313,767
434,373 | 602,365 | 810,091 |1,047,507 1,348,233 1,724,033 | 2,311,786 | 2,906,215 | 3,521,951 | 4,282,891 2| 5,258,014
68,825 | 60,122 | 76,931 | 83,075 97.199 108,830 147,545 | 174,620 | 217,353 | 276,531 | 35] 345,500
249,073 | 345.591 | 415.115 | 502,741 581,185 5945398 668,507 | 703,708 | 705,600} 995,577 | 23] 14151,149
35,691 | 105,602 | 261,727 | 422,771 681,904 829,210 | 1,002,717 | 1,109,801 | 1,258,520 | 1,542,359 | 13] 1,767,518
wine inel'e rer atts nee tants 212,592 604,215 818,579 | 1,591,749 7\| 2,235,523
wes eens apnea tine aes ayaneie 11,380 40,27 86,786 143.963 | 40 207,905
85,425 | 1545465 | 217,895 | 235,966 280,652 291,948 | 314,120) 315,09 330,551 | 332,286} 36] 332,442
747,610 | 880,200 | 974,600 |1,065,116 1,211,405 | 1,239,797 | 1,421,661 | 1,596,318 | 1,225,163 | 1,512,565] 15] 1,655,980
sane eee sane eee 11,594 23,955 75,116 | 34 349,390
dives tees eee 442,014 618,457 | 28 762,704
30,945 305,391 | 775,88 | 1,054,670 | 1,315,497 | 14] 1,686,880
ees ieee Sesliea 9,118 20,789 | 47 60,705
31929214 |5,308,483 |7,239,882 |9,633,822 | § 12,866,020 | || 17,069,453 |23,191,876 |31,443)322 |38,558,371 |50,155)783 | .- | 62,622,250
* North Dakota.
+ South Dakota.
t Including 5338 persons in Greer County (in Indian Territory) claimed by Texas.
§ Includes 5318 persons on public ships in the service of the United States not credited to any State or Territory.
| Includes 6100 persons on public ships in the service of the United States not credited to any State or Territory.
NOTE 1.—According to the census the population of Alaska for 1880 was 33,426, and for 1890, 32,052, of which latter
4298 are white, 23,531 Indian, 2288 Mongolian, 1823 mixed blood, and 112, all other persons. ;
NOTE 2.—According to the census of 1890 the population of Indian Territory was as follows: Five-Tribe Indians
(Cherokees, Creeks, Seminoles, Choctaws, and Chickasaws), 451494; Other Indians, 4561; total Indians, 50,055. Colored
and Five-Tribes colored citizen claimants, B63 Chinese, 13; whites, including some Indian citizen claimants, 109,384 ;
unknown, 9; Quapaw Indian Agency, 1224; total, 179,321. 7
_ NOTE 3.—The total population returned by the Indian census enumerators was 325,464. This included 189,349 reser-
vation Indians and other Indians not taxed, 109,384 whites and 18,636 colored persons, 13 Chinese, and 9 unknown in Indian
Territory, and 8073 whites, employees and others, on reservations and at posts.
f fone 4.—The total number of Indians in the United States, exclusive of Alaska, on June 1, 1890, was 248,155, divided
as follows:
Reservation Indians and other Indians not taxed.......ssseeees iia cainenaa Se vayacinea ais aia wate fone enneeeseeees 189,349
Taxed Indians counted in the general CensuS.......+seeseee ee 5 dieavarsarehis Ba Reapasstwaiienns ¥ sb Hed uinis waa oreTsEaF SS 58,806
ESCA tases ate ee aia meas cS hs Scan bucdhy aves Sublet elena Brose ba tuavarsiuieis aroha furayslavela,d: Nate prea mrenbverell Xe EN UeR be aus ss 248,155
Population. 1064 Population.
The following tables, giving the constituent elements of the population of the United States,
are compiled from the compendium of the eleventh census (1890):
STATES AND TERRITORIES. . Males. Females. ‘White. Negro.* Ate foreign
The United States........... 32,067,880 “| 30,554,370 54,983,890 74470,040 9249-547
North Atlantic Division..........008 8,677,798 8,723:747 17)121,981 269,906 3,888,177
Maine..... eieionaneionase i cnssararssetatare: Steelers 332,590 328,496 659,263 1,190 78,961
New Hampshire. seravavetar’ 186,566 189,964 375,840 614 72,340
Vermont........ eevee 169,327 163,095 331,418 937 44,088
Massachusetts. . oi 1,087,709 1,151,234 2,215,373 22,144 657,137
Rhode Island... abs 168,025 177,481 337,859 71393 106,305
Connecticut . 369,538 376,720 7331438 12,302 183,601
New York. . 2,976,893 3,020,960 519235952 70,092 1,571,050
New Jersey... site 720,819 724,114 1,396,582 47,638 ; 328,975
Pennsylvania....... ccecsesesevee 2,666,331 2,591,683 51148,257 107,596 845,720
South Atlantic Division............. 4,418,769 4,439,153 515921149 3y262,600 208,525
Dela ware siisenssanosesiawras sisi 7 85,573 82,920 140,066 28,386 13,161
Maryland......... tid 515,691 526,699 826,493 215,057 94,296
District of Columbia and 109,584 120,808 154,695 753572 18,770
Virginia............ aise 824,278 831,702 1,020,122 635,438 18,374
West Virginia. : 390,285 372,509 730,077 32,690 18,883
North Carolina. e 799.149 818,798 1,055,382 561,018 3)702
South Carolina. 5725337 578,812 462,008 688,034 . 6,270
Georgia . aoe 919,925 917,428 978,357 858,815 12,137
Florida...... . ‘ a 201,947 189,475 2245949 166,180 22,932
North Central Division............. 11,594,910 10,767,369 21,911,927 431,112 4,060,114
OUI sia siccsitaiacaniars cote Biniete nlecacheranase: 1,855,736 1,816, 580 31584,805 87,113 4595293
Indiana java 1,118,347 1,074,057 2,146,736 45,215 146,205
Illinois.. sca 1,972,308 1,854,043 39768,472 57,028 842,347
Michigan.. : 1,091,780 1,002, 109 2,072,884 15,223 543,880
Wisconsin ‘ 874,951 811,929 1,680,473 25444 519,199
Minnesota ‘ 695,321 606,505 1,296,159 3,083 467,356
Iowa... einre 994,453 917,443 1,901,086 10,685 324,009
Missouri...... aseue 1,385,238 1,293,946 2,528,458 150,184 234,869
North Dakota.. wate IOI, 590 { 81,129 _ 182,123 { 373 81,461
South Dakota aie 180,250 148,558 327,290 541 91,055
Nebraska.... is 572,824 486,086 1,046,888 8,913 202,542
KRATISAS soca vinnie sceieio'en ita va Biel Where. vayaic 752,112 674,984 1,376,553 49,710 147,838
South Central Division...........006 5)593:877 59379)016 7,487,576 31479,251 321,821
Kentucky...... siiarsie rapes Cend wesine 942,758 915,877 1,590,462 268,071 59,356
Tennessee . 891,585 875,933 1,336,637 430,678 20,029
Alabama . 7571456 735504 833,718 678,489 14)777
Mississippi . . 649,687 639,913 544,851 7425559 1952
Louisiana... sisals 5591350 559,237 558,395 559,793 49,747
Texas..... te 1,172,553 1,062,970 1,745,935 488,171 152,956
Oklahoma. Se 345733 27,101 58,826 2,973 2,740
Arkansas........ invesn:beatalatess igo 5855755 542,424 818,752 309,117 14,264
Western Division...........eeeeeeees 1,782,526 1,245,087 2,870,257 27,081 770,910
Montana. ....ccccccescesees Riise bS 87,882 445277 127,271 1,490 43,096
Wyoming... Sale 301343 21,362 501275 922 14,913
Colorado...... az 245,247 166,951 404,468 6,215 83,990
New Mexico 83,055 70,538 142,719 1,956 11,259
Arizona . 36,571 22,049 55580 1,357 » 18,795
Utahiowads i 110,463 971442 205,899 588 53,064.
Nevada 29,214 16,547 39,084 i 242 14,706
Idaho... 51,290 33,095 82,018 201 175456
Washington. ‘ 217,562 131,828 340,513 1,602 90,005
‘Oregon.... . 181,840 131,927 301,758 1,186 575317
California..... Ste 700,059 508,071 1,111,672 11,322 366,309
* Includes all persons of negro descent.
_ For a discussion of the principles involved United States, the North Atlantic, and North
in these tables, see MARRIAGE; also Divorce. Central States, the average number of persons
Some of the facts, however, speak for them- to a family has steadily decreased during the
selves. That there should be more than twice last two decades, and that in the South and
as many widowed females as males, and con- West it has slightly increased, is another
siderably more divorced women than men, significant fact. For the facts as to the in-
indicates unquestionably that men remarry crease or decrease of marriages and divorces
more frequently than women. That in the in the United States, see those articles.
€
Population. 1065 Population.
MALES. FEMALES.
STATES AND 5 ‘ : F Z
TERRITORIES, a ks 0 E 3 3 g
3 2 B 3 6 ; 3 3 8 3
in co 5 & e 2 - q
EI & 2 | & | 2 wp & s ¢ |
a s om & a ct nS a
a = 5 A 5 a a e A 5
The United States) 1919451576 |41,205,228 | 815,437 | 49,101 | 52,538 17,183,988 |11,126,196 | 2,154,615 | 71,895 17,676
N. Atlantic Division....| 5,072,962 | 3,322,329 | 259,877 | 10,007 | 12,623 | 4,683,204 | 32031920 | 726,481 | 15,182 4,862
Maine.......... trees 181,36 I I 12,100 6 6: 8
New Hampshire: ogass| ecss| nése| Bee | aor) Gee | eeesé|) secee| cee 8
Vermont......... 91,690 72,140 | 6,808 584 105 77986 69,956 14,438 677 38
Massachusetts. 626,862 421,946 | 355513] 15304 1,994 619,690 | 421,259 107,273 | 2,484 528
Rhode Island. 97;152 64,852 | 5,488 x 142 96,256 64,838 154550 759 72
Connecticut.. 212,478 144,054 | 11,542 46 618 197,019 143,263 34,889 | 1,298 251
New York.. 1,723,617 | 1,155,661 | 91,009 2,219 4,387 | 1,600,156 | 1,149,995 265,456 | 3,395 1958
New Jersey.. 420,454 | 278,957] 20,119 363 926 389,141 276,345 571763 565 300
Pennsylvania.. +++] 1,620,112 970,642 | 60,614 | 2,316 | 3,648 | 3,451,746] 952,503 182,225 | 3,583 1,566
§. Atlantic Division. ...] 2,881,662 | 1,436,089 | 94,417| 2,910 3,690 | 2,657,307 | 1,448,454 | 323,050} 6,132 4,207
Delaware. 52,028 31,159 2,306 40 oO 45148 6,
484 31,192 I 1 20
Maryland 322,428 178,195 14,125 321 és 303,348 179,888 ae she 298
Dist. of Columbia 66,084 | 39,639] 3,376 146 339 66,775 395675, 13,929 | 314 115
Virginia..... 5451793 | 2571559 | 19,895 533 538 | 509,779] 258,116 61,867 | 1,039 89r
West Virginia... 253,962 127,829 7,487 359 648 2255733 127,576 18,389 674 137
North Carolina... 520,705 | 253,635] 15.074 378 357 | 502,554] 257,919 | 56,889) 836 600
South Carolina 378,798 182,524 | 10,637 210 168 352,076 184,968 40,617 483 668
Georgia. 603,249 298,594 | 16,823 579 680 5431369 302,097 69,125 | 1,551 1,286
Florida.... 129,656 66,955 4,694 344 298 08,189 67,024 13,487 583 192
N. Central Division 71157:290 | 4,114,822 | 285,802 | 23,230 | 13,766 | 5,996,437 | 4,098,449 | 636,284 | 32,230 31969
ONIO 3 tisssisresss Sctemiesearsinae 1,109,172 691,197 | 50,200 6: 68
¢ 3,567 +591 I 9. 12 70 24
Indiana "670,867 | 413,733 | 29,892 | 3,000 a5 384,786 mae faa pues 385
Illinois. 1,221,422 | 697,129 | 47,844 | 3)317 1596 | 1,035,123] 694,53 | 119,131 | 4,926 332
Michigan 638,209 | 420,700 | 28,482] 2,805 | 1,584 | 522,867] 416,304 59,080 | 3.493 365
Wisconsin ‘ 545,698 304,210 | 22,453 1,639 95r 461,884 302,859 44,685 | 2,179 322
Minnesota 451,683 | 226,159 | 14,992] 1,071 | 1,416 354,120 | 223,463 27,475 | 1,178 263
Towa . 619,162 | 349,345 | 23,387] 1,993 5 517,787 | 349,983 46,625 | 2,880 168
Missouri. . 878,806 467, 34.569 | 2,231 2,032 739,428 467,802 82,989 | 3,201 436
North Dakota .. 67,698 31,611 2,025 129 127 47,022 31,172 2,809 106 20
South Dakota 116,157 59,647 | 3,818 426 208 84,778 58,290 5,120 328 42
Nebraska . se+| 368,994 190,318 | 11,140] 1,296 1,076 278,987 187,579 17,995 | 15394 73
Kansas....... einsstsia aN 469,428 263,173 | 16,991} 1,756 764 378,900 | 263,506 29,680 | 2,117 78x
S. Central Division.....] 3,654,943 | 1,792,119 130,422 | 6,840 95533 | 3:274)570 | 15794,653 3931548 | 12,860 33385
Kentucky wessiamsae ss vs: 603,227 313,436 | 23,692 1,260 1,143 534,740 313,880 63,997 | 2,46 799
Tennessee, 577,598 | 290,440] 21,198] 1,154] 1.195 | 515,379] 291,665 65,859 | 2,660 370
Alabama. 496,308 244,803 | 15,008 744 593 450,032 245,952 58,018 | 1,419 140
Mississipp 431,069 202,798 | 14,778 58r 401 384,334 204,194 49,616 | 1,233 536
Louisiana. 365,865 178,220 | 13,372 632 1,261 327,086 179,458 50,270 | 1,193 630°
Texas..... » 7771933 | 362,324 | 26,848 1497 | 3:95t | 629,785 | 360,756 69,228 | 2,568 633
Oklahoma. a 21,598 12,005 996 99 35 14,888 11,244 gi2 49 8
Arkansas...........6. 381,345 188,093 | 14,530 873 gr4 317,726 187,504 35,648 | 1,277 269
Western Division.......| 1,178,718 539869 | 44,919 | 6,114 | 12,906 672,380 490,710 75.252 | 51491 1,254
Montana..............5 62,445 22,772 1,706 253 706 23,341 18,766 1,906 217 47
Wyoming. 27,700 0, 308 859 144 326 11,634 8,777 823 105 23
Colorado.. 161,033 7531735 | 6,044 736 1,699 87,490 69,100 95575 72 74
ew Mexico 50,985 205343 | 25479 207 4r 36,432 28,931 45877 290 9
Arizona..... 25,972 95536 g18 104 4 12,628 8,764 1,505 62 vee
Utah..... 74,266 33823 | 1,802 214 358 571408 330790 51708 492 44
Nevada 19,990 8,023 771 166 264 8,924 6,282 1,051 125 165
Idaho...... 355393 14,500 | 1,120 Ig1 86 18,799 12,987 1,I9Qr III 7
Washington. 146,851 63,538 | 5,145 761 1,267 69,902 56,380 4.986 447 Ig
Oregon...... af 118,827 56,262 | 4,853 752 1,146 73,129 52,312 5,893 537 75
California....... aysisiaies 455,250 216,029 | 19,222| 2,586 6,972 272,694 194,621 37,666 | 2,393 697
NUMBER OF FAMILIES. PERSONS TO A FAMILY.
STATES AND TERRITORIES.
1890. 1880. 1870. 1890. 1880, 1870.
lores 7!
The United States...........0005 sai avniveseed 12,690,152 93945916 745793363 4-93 5.04 5.09
North Atlantic Division.........:cseeeeeeeee 3)712,242 3,023,741 254971494 4.69 4.80 4.92
South Atlantic Division. 1,687,767 1,463,361 1,132,621 5.25 5-19 5-17
North Central Division.. 44598605 3,389,017 24480, 311 4.86 5-12 5.23
South Central pivabion. 2,071,120 1,697,550 1,242,411 5-39 5:25 5-18
Western Division............6eeer eee 620,418 3721247 226,526 4-88 4:75 4:37
Population.
1066
Postal Savings-banks.
PERSONS OF FOREIGN PARENTAGE.
NORTH AND SOUTH CREAT BRITAIN AND
2 RELAND,
PERSONS OF AMERICANS.
FOREIGN
PARENTAGE, sud gs
STATES AND TERRITORIES. og Bg) o = PE ;
: e"e| § le@sce8| § | # | g | #
ag 7g Sup] $35 S ss @ a
Per | &s 5 oO Ga 32 8 8 s @
Number,| cont.) G84 s [oa BFA a a s 4
The United States......... {20,676,046 | 33.02 | 980,938 | 77,853 | 6,198 | 23,256 | 909,092 | 242,231 | 100,079 | 1,871,500
North Atlantic Division......... 8,215,838 | 47.21 | 490,229 651 | 2,230] 7,235 | 446,921 | 119,382 | 51,081 | 1,241,116
South Atlantic Division.. 5331380 | 6.02 55412 207 535 | 12,978 | 21,520 W144 1,787 48,003
North Central Division. 9)620,354 | 43-02 | 401,660 685 856 | 1,036 | 312,398 | 81,619] 34,403 4339719
South Central Division 833,038 | 7-59 8,153 | 52,129 546 | 1,105 | 24,612 6,493 1,988 43,198
Western Division............0008 1,473,436 | 48.67 | 75,484 | 24,181 | 2,031 goz | 103,642 | 27,593| 10,820 105,473
GERMANIC NATIONS. SCANDINAVIAN NATIONS,
: vo ig
STATES AND TERRITORIES. 2 d 3 a8 a ‘ 2 d «
5 z s | ga | 33 E 3 8
3 a 3 wee | $8 5 5 8
© ®
oS < mq gee an A a A
The United States.,........... | 2,784,894 123,271 81,828 25,521 104,069 322,665 478,041 132,543
North Atlantic Division......... 898,321 61,549 175759 5,883 24,208 16,084 87,756 15197
South Atlantic Division.. 81,449 2,154 34r 228 1,815 660 1,797 ‘ 623
North Central Division... 1,570,112 39,175 61,309 17,081 54,415 283,847 335,871 9s 3
South Central Division. 114,645 10,410 532 703 6,093 1,807 4720 143
Western Division...... 120,367 95983 1,887 1,626 17,538 20,267 47,897 25)702
SLaV NATIONS. LATIN NATIONS. ASIATIC NATIONS.
STATES AND Q ; at All
TERRITORIES. : u Ba} ‘ = 3 = . / » | others.
3 & g Le} 2 : oo o 3
3 a0 7 a 2 : d a 7 g § d
a § a 3 g ee ‘a = o a ais
5 3 ‘6 ° 4 s a So ie G s &
7] a a a Fe a n ey S o S| 4
The United
States..... 182,644 | 62,435 | 118,106 | 147,440 | 113,174 | 182,580 | 6,185 | 15,996 | 1,887 | 106,688 | 2,292 | 4.403 | 415729
North Atlantic
Division. ...... | 92,896] 45,540 | 12,254 56,694] 40,809} 118,621 | 2,404] 4,674 | 604] 6,686| 393| 1,966] 19,034
South Atlantic 6
Division....... 51900} = 1,153 1,708 2,471 25509 4,894 | 62 15 167 641 54] 240 1,303
North Central S
Division....... 69,907 | 13,850 | 99,514 | 84,104] 38,615] 21,837] 706 515 404 2,525| 149 | 1,264 8,905
South Central
Division 2,713 866 3,687 2,458 | 14,376} 12,314 | 1,314 236 267 14359 3x] 328 3935
‘Western
vision.......... 11,228 | 1,026 943 1,713 | 16,865} 24,914 | 1,140] 10,420 | 445] 95,477 | 1,665| 605 9,076
* Includes Asia not specified.
POSTAL SAVINGS-BANKS are savings-
banks (g. v.) conducted in connection with
post-offices and under the management of the
State. The United States and Germany, alone
among the great civilized countries of the
world, do not have postal savings-banks.
The establishment of post-office savings-
banks was first effectually mooted in England
in 1860 by Mr. C. W. Sykes of Huddersfield,
whose suggestion was ‘cordially received by
Mr. Gladstone, then chancellor of the ex-
chequer.
A bill—entitled “‘ An Act to grant additional
facilities for depositing small savings at inter-
est, with the security of Government for the
due repayment thereof”—received the royal
assent on the 17th of May, 1861, and was
brought into operation on the 16th of Sep-
tember. The banks first opened were situated
in places theretofore unprovided with private
savings-banks. Within two years nearly all
the money-order offices of the United King-
dom became savings-banks; about 367,000
new deposit accounts were opened, repre-
Postal Savings-banks.
senting an aggregate payment of £4,702,000,
including a sum of more than £500,000 trans-
ferred from trustee savings-banks, the accounts
of which were closed.
In 1891, on a single day, there were as many
as 72,869 persons making deposits, who laid
by in one day $790,110. The daily average
number of deposits was 29,412, and the aver-
age amount of deposits each day was $350,900.
During the year there were 992,155 new ac-
counts opened. The total number of persons
idn the United Kingdom using the privilege is
Over 5,000,000.
An interesting department of the English
postal savings-banks is thus described in a
recent report of the British office :
“Tt will be remembered that on the rst of September
last an act came into operation which relieved parents
from the obligation of paying fees for the education
of their children in elementary schools, and that the
deficiency thereby caused in the income of the various
schools is now made good by grants from the public
exchequer, representing in the aggregate over £2,000,-
ooo per annum. It was desired by the Government
that strenuous efforts should be made to divert into
the savings-banks some portion, at least, of this large
sum, and that parents should be induced to train their
children at the earliest age to take advantage of the
various opportunities for thrift offered by the post-
office. Accordingly . .. on the day on which school
pence used formerly to be paid the manager receives
the pence brought by the children and gives in ex-
change acorresponding amount of stamps affixed to
slips, which the children take home to their parents
as evidence of the transaction. At certain intervals
these slips are collected, and a clerk from the near-
est post-office attends at the school for the purpose
of opening accounts and receiving further deposits
in the individual names of the children. About 1400
schools adopted the scheme, and others are added
daily. It is estimated that the school children had
within three months deposited a sum of about £14,000,
and it is anticipated that savings of over £60,000 will
have been received by the end of the year.”
Steps have been taken, too, to interest railway em-
ployees in a similar plan. Inthe Colonies, too, it has
had great success. In India, as in England, the use of
the postal savings-banks has extended the opportunity
of thrift into many parts of the country where, other-
wise, it would be impossible to afford such accommo-
dation without incurring a cost too great to be borne
by the business of the district. ee
One of the minor advantages of the system is that it
gives the Government a sum to be borrowed in case
oe Teeeesity as the cheapest and most popular form
of loan.
IN ENGLAND.
The principal features of the regulations governing
the service are as follows: :
Postal savings-bank offices are open for the receipt
and payment of money eee Si
At these offices ordinary deposits of one shilling, or
any number of shillings, will be received, subject to
the limits of £30 in one year, ending December 31, and
4200 in all, inclusive of interest. A depositor may,
not more than once in any savings-bank year, deposit
money to replace money previously withdrawn in one
entire sum during that year. In addition, deposits
will be received for immediate investment in govern-
ment.stock, and in connection with government
insurance and annuities. ee
Any person desirous of saving one shilling by means
of penny contributions for deposit in the postal sav-
ings-bank may do so by purchasing with any penny
so saved a penny stamp, and affixing it to a form to be
obtained at any post-office. Instructionsas to this form
are printed thereon. 7
On opening an account a person must state his
Christian name or names and surname, occupation,
and residence. He must also sign a declaration to
the effect that he takes no benefit from any savings-
bank account, unless it be as personal representative
of a deceased depositor, or as a member of a friendly
society. If such declaration, or any art thereof, is
not true, the deposits will be liable to forfeiture.
Every deposit must be entered at the time in the de-
1067
Postal Savings-banks.
positor’s book by the postmaster, or other person
receiving it, who must affix to the entry his signature
and the stamp of his office.
In addition to the receipt in the book, the depositor
will receive an acknowledgment by post from the
savings-bank department in London.
Interest at the rate of £2 10s. per cent. per annum,
which is at the rate of 6d. a year, or 4d. a calendar
month for each complete pound) is allowed until the
sum due to a depositor amounts to £200. When the
balance declared on ordinary account, inclusive of
accumulated interest and dividend, exceeds £200, no
interest is allowed on the amount in excess of £200.
The calculation of interest is made from the first day
of the calendar month next following the day on
which a pound has been deposited or completed, up
to the last day of the calendar month preceding the
day on which a warrant for repayment is issued; and
after each 31st day of December the interest is added
to the principal.
When a depositor wishes to make a withdrawal
from his account, he should fill up and forward to the
savings-bank department a notice of withdrawal,
which he can obtain at any postal savings-bank office.
He will then receive by post a warrant, which he
should present, together with his book, at the post-
office where payment is to be made, and the post-
master will take from the depositor a receipt on the
warrant.
IN FRANCE.
Of all the departments of the Government the post-
office is the one which is known best, and whose
services are most highly appreciated.
Private savings-banks can, in the majority of cases,
only have their windows open for deposits and pay-
ments for two or three hours per week. The 7000 post-
offices, however, which are branches of the postal
savings-banks, are open every day, including Sundays
and holidays, and during the greater part of the day.
The public can draw money and pay money at every
post-office, and can draw at one post-office money
deposited in another.
esides these highly appreciated facilities, the
direct management of the postal savings-bank by the
Government, represented by the administration of
posts, offers absolute security to depositors.
By reason of these facilities and this security the
postal savings-bank has been enabled to prosper and
develop, altho it only pays 3 per cent. interest; a
lower rate than that paid by private savings-banks,
which existed before the estabiishment of the postal
savings-bank, and which still exist.
Even communes where there is no post-office, and,
therefore, no agency of the savings-bank, are visited
at least once a day by the rural letter-carriers, who
can serve as intermediaries between the post-offices
and the depositors for making deposits. It may,
therefore, be said that there is not a commune and
not a hamlet in France where savings cannot be
collected.
STATISTICS OF POSTAL SAVINGS-BANKS.
pos “
di ¥|
4 8 Lg wo
a| © ar
Countries. |eg| 5) 2g Deposit Value.
25/28) ors.
Sag 2
Pp} Sn °
IF" la 2
England...... 1861}1893] 2831] 4,456,0862 | $121,763,910
Scotland. » | +. |1893) 272 172,435? 3170753952
Ireland.. 1893) 181 198,790? 7197453359
1865}1893! 854 960, 468 78,030,3354
1875 1802| 4666 | 2,523,796 45,138,648
«+ [1881 1893| 70008} 2,809,442 122,152,324
Austria.. {1883]1893) 5095 004,977 33:237,1234
Sweden.. 1884/1890| .. 276,4227 1, 417,9272
Hungary.. 1886|1893) 3895 211,310 2,967,2034
Netherlands... }1886/1889) .. 5454779 45595183429
Finland....... 1885) 1889 31,204! 152,861
Russia......-.
Totals for 11 countries... | 12,689,410 | $420,237,895
13890. % Accounts of the end of 1890. 3 Received
in 1893. 4 Amount at end of 1893. ® Deposits during
1892. ® Post-offices in France an
cies in 1882, 7 Deposits in 1890.
® Accounts opened in 1889.
11 Deposits in 1889.
Algiers made agen-
8 Deposited in 1890.
19 Deposited in 1889.
Postal Service.
These statistics are taken for the latest years from
the Statesman’s Year Book for 1895, and for the earlier
years from Mr. Wanamaker’s investigation of the
subject, described in his report as postmaster-general
in 1892. They show that, in Europe alone, over 12,-
000,000 of people use the postal savings-banks and
deposit some $420,000,000 a year. Remembering those
who use this system in Australia, India, and other
colonies it is small wonder that Mr. Wanamaker
recommended that the United States should adopt
the system and that several bills to that effect are
now pending in Congress. ;
See Report of the Postmaster-General for 1892.
POSTAL SERVICE.—I. History. The
earliest postal service of the world was proba-
bly that of the trained runners or couriers who
carried official and military messages between
the cities of Greece and Rome, developing
into the heralds and nuncios and embassies
between governments in later times.
At first they carried simply official messages. Grad-
ually they came to carry private messages.
letters of the fifteenth and perhaps the fourteenth cen-
tury in England evidently were carried by a system
of messengers. The University of Paris organized a
system of messengers in the thirteenth
century. Sir Brian Tuke, in 1533, is
described as Master of the Messengers.
In 1635 Thomas Witherings was author-
ized to run a post mer and day be-
tween London and Edinburgh, “to go
thither and back again in six days.’’ Eight lines of
post were established. The postage was ad. for less
than 80 miles, 8@. to any place in Scotland. In 1685
a penny post was established in London and suburbs.
It was a private speculation, but, on succeeding, was
annexed to the Crown. In 1783 mail-coaches were
substituted for boys on horseback. In 1837 Rowland
Hill published a pamphlet, analyzing the postal sys-
tem and showing £282,308 as the probable outgoings
for receipt and delivery and £144,209 as the probable
outgoings for transit. In other words, the expendi-
ture which hinged upon the a@zstance the letters had to
be conveyed was £144,000, and that which had nothing
to do with distance was £282,000. Applying to these
figures the estimated number of letters and news-
papers (126,000,000) passing through the office, there
Tesulted a prnbeule average cost of #4 of a penny for
each, of which 4% was cost of transit and Be cost of
receipt, delivery, etc. Taking into account, however,
the much greater weight of newspaper and franked
letters as compared with chargeable letters, the ap-
parent average cost of ¢raustt became, by this esti-
mate, but about 7§s, or less than 7; of a penny.
From this Hill argued that as it would take a nine-
fold weight to make the expense of transit amount to
one farthing ; he further inferred that, taxation apart,
the charge ought to be precisely the same for every
packet of moderate weight, without reference to the
number of its enclosures.
Parliament was induced to appoint a committee,
which sustained Mr. Hill and showed that postage was
extensively evaded by all classes of society, corre-
spondence suppressed, more especially among the
middle and working classes of the people, and thus,
in consequence, the cost unnecessarily
high. As a result, Rowland Hill was
History.
Cheap placed in charge. A bill was passed,
‘Postage enabling reforms to be put into effect.
ge. A penny was adopted as the uniform
rate for every inland letter not above
half an ounce. Facilities for prepay-
ment were afforded by the introduction of postage-
stamps, and double postage was levied on letters not
prepaid. Arrangements were made for the registra-
tion of letters; and the money-order office, by a re-
duction of the commission charged for orders, became
available to an extent which it had never been before.
As far back as 1792 a money-order office had been
established as a medium for sailors and soldiers to
transmit their savings, and its benefit had afterward
been extended to the general ublic; but the com-
mission charged had been so high that it was only
employed to a very limited extent. The immediate
result of the changes introduced in 1840 was an enor-
mous increase in the amount of correspondence, aris-
ing in part from the cessation of the illicit trafic in
letters, which had so largely prevailed before; but
1068
Then all -
Postal Service.
for some years there was a deficit in the post-office
revenue. :
With the development of the railway system came
the carriage of letters by train, adding to the expenses
of the post-office, but gradually the
former gross revenue of the post-office
was exceeded in 1851, and the net rev-
enue in 1863. Many reforms were intro-
duced : (1) Phe establishment of postal
savings-banks (1861); (2) the transfer to
the State of the telegraphic service (1870); (3) the
introduction of postal cards (October, 1870); and (4)
the establishment (1883) of a parcel post.
The French postal system was founded by Louis XI.
(1464). In 1627 France originated a. postal money,
transmission system. Mazarin’s edict ae
of 3d December, 1643, shows that France
England.
at that date had a parcel post as well as S
a letter post. ober postal reforms The Conti
in France are: The extension of postal nent.
facilities to all the communes of the
country; the adoption of postage
stamps (1849); the organization of an excellent system
of not only transmitting but insuring articles of de-
clared value, whatever their nature (1859); the issue
of postal notes payable to bearer (1860); the establish-
ment of a post-office library (1878); the creation of
postal savings-banks (1880).
The German postal system also began early. In
Strasburg a messenger code existed as early as 1443.
A postal service was organized at Nuremberg in 1570.
he Prussian system began with the Great Elector,
and with the establishment, in 1646, of a government
post from Cleves to Memel. Frederick II. largely
extended it. The first mail steam-packet was built in
1821; the first transmission of mails by railway was
in 1847; the beginning of the postal administration of
the telegraphs was in 1849; and, by the treaty of
postal union with Austria, the germ was virtually set
of the International Postal Union.
The first postal service established in any
portion of what is now the United States was
probably made by the General Court of Massa-
chusetts in 1639.
In 1672 the government of the Colony of
New York established a ‘‘ post to goe monthly
from New York to Boston”; and notice was
given to ‘‘those that bee disposed to send
letters, to bring them to the secretary's office,
where in a lockt box they shall bee preserved
till the messenger calls for them, all persons
paying the post before the bagg bee sealed up.”
In 1692 the English Government put the
colonial postal service in charge of a deputy
postmaster-general, and in 1710, by formal
act of Parliament (9 Queen Anne, chap. x.),
the first organized system for the transmission
of the mails in the Colonies was created.
In 1753 Benjamin Franklin, who had been
postmaster at Philadelphia, was made post-
master-general. A penny post
was established at Philadelphia ;
in 1756 the first stage, probably,
in the Colonies began to carry the
mails between Philadelphia and
New York. In 1758 newspapers,
which previously had been carried in’ the
mails free, were charged with postage. Other
reforms and improvements were begun, so
that in 1774, the last of Franklin’s administra- ©
tion under the Crown, the net revenue of the
postal service was over £3000. On January 30
of that year Franklin was removed from
office, as he himself calls it, “by a freak of
the ministers,” due to his pronounced advo-
cacy of the cause of the Colonies; but in July,
1775, he was appointed, by the Second Conti-
nental Congress, ‘‘ Postmaster-General of the
United Colonies.” When the Constitution
The United
States,
Postal Service.
went into operation, Congress, by act of
September 22, 1789, provided for the ‘‘ tem-
porary establishment of the post-office,” the
regulations to be ‘‘ the same as they last were
under the resolutions and ordinances of the
late Congress.”
In 1792 an act was passed to establish a
general post-office. :
So insignificant was this department that in
1790 Samuel Osgood, in a letter to Alexander
Hamilton, gravely discussed the question
whether the Postmaster-General should not
be required to occupy the room at the seat of
government where the mails were received
and dispatched, in order that he. might per-
sonally superintend the work.
But the service rapidly
better rates were granted. In 1834 railroads
were first used. In 1851 a great advance was
made toward cheap postage. Letters not
over one-half ounce, prepaid, could be sent
3000 miles for three cents. In 1855 the regis-
try system was authorized ; in 1863 the free
delivery system; in 1864 the money order
system; in 1885 the special delivery. Other
reforms have been the introduction of railway
post-offices and, very recently, electric street
postal cars; the system of delivery, postal
cards, and return cards, etc., etc.
In 1874 a Universal Postal Union was
formed, mainly owing to the efforts of Dr. von
Stephan of Germany, tho it had
been proposed to the various coun-
grew. In 1816
ae tries by the United States in 1862.
atch The approximate number of let-
ters and postal cards transmitted
annually in the mails of European
countries is as follows : Great Britain and Ire-
1069
Postal Service.
land, 1,500,000,000 ; Germany, 1,200,000,000 ;
France, 700,000,000; Austria-Hungary, 600,-
000,000 ; Italy, 250,000,000 ; Russia, 200,000,000;
Belgium, 130,000,000; Spain, 120,000,000; Switz-
erland, 110,000,000 ; Netherlands, 100,000,000 ;
Sweden, 100,000,000.
The number of pieces of postal matter of all
kinds which pass through the mails of the
United States annually is about 3,800,000,000.
The annual aggregate number of letters trans-
mitted through the post-offices of the world
may be estimated at 8,000,000,000, and of
newspapers, 5,000,000,000.
_ The United States transmits 71 pieces of
mail per capita to its population; Great
Britain, 61; Germany, 41, France, 37.
The main expenses of the department in 1894 were
railroad transportation ($25,661,567), payment of post-
masters ($15,889,709), free delivery serv-
ice ($11,239,251), clubs ($8,759,386), railway
clubs ($6,878,194), star routes (contract
routes) ($5,896,855), railway postal car
service (Seer os. mail messenger serv-
ice ($1,208,972), foreign mails ($1,250,154).
The Postmaster-Generals assert the cause of the de-
ficiency in the department is that so much matter for
other departments is carried free. The report for 1894
says (p. 4): ‘If the free business transacted by this de-
partment for the other departments of the Government
were paid at regular rates, as has at times been sug-
gested, the post-office department would be self-sus-
taining.’ Says Mr. Wanamaker in his Report (1893):
“Bundles of wire six feet high, and six feet around,
bags of seeds, supplies for the army, tons of docu-
ments packed in wooden cases that
sometimes require three men to handle
them, millions of blanks of the census
office, are piled into the post-offices.
.... The reason for it is, that the Post-
Office Department is compelled to carry
anything sent under a penalty frank,
and finally franks are used by all the departments and
their agents for the purpose of carrying everything
they choose to send.”
Expenses,
. Cause of
Deficiency.
II. Statistics.
The following data for the United States are taken from the annual reports of the Pustmaster-
General:
Revenue of Railway Mail Service.
Year Ending June 30 Post-Offices. ance oe the Depart- Total Expend-
OST OMiee ment. Number of | Annual Ex-| jture of the
Employees. | penditure. | Department.
Number. Miles. Dollars. Dollars. Dollars.
27,106 2335731 18,344,511 1,129 973560 23,698,132
28,492 231,232 19,772,221 1,106 1,109,140 23,998,838
30,045 238,359 20,037,045 1,382 1,441,020 24,390,104
31,863 251,398 21,915,420 1,647 1,709,546 26,658,192
335244 256,210 224996742 1,895 1,958,876 29,084,946
341294 269,097 26,471,072 25175 2,186,330 32,126,415
359547 277,873 26,791,361 2,242 2,410,490 33,611,309
36,383 281,798 28,644,198 2,415 2,504,140 331263, 488
379345 292,820 27,531,585 2,500 2,484,846 33,486, 322
391258 301,966 29)277)517 2,608 2,579,013 34,165,084
40,855 316,711 30,041,983 2, 2,624,890 33)419)899
42,989 343,888 33)3151479 25946 2,850,980 36,542,804
44.512 344,006 36,785,398 30177 3,108,801 39)592,566
46,231 343,618 41,876,410 35570 3,486,779 40,482,021
47,858 3531166 45,508,693 31855 3:972,07E 43,282,944
50,017 3591530 4313351958 31963 3,688,032 4712245500
51,252 365,251 42,500,843 45387 45246,210 50,046,235
53,614 368,660 43,948,423 45573 4:467,717 51,004,744
551157 3739142 48,837,610 4,851 41694,562 53,006, 194
571376 403,977 526955177 51094 41981, 366 56,468,315
58.999 416,159 56,175,615 51448 512505838 61,376,847
62,401 427,999 60,882,097 51836 515625844 651930717
64,329 439,027 65,931,786 6,032 5,904,381 71,662,463
67,119 447,591 7049301476 6,417 6,480,684 76,323,762
68,403 453,833 75,896,933 6,645 6,7331410 81,074,104
69,805 4541746 75,080, 479 6,852 6,989,449 84,324,414
70,069 76,983,128 86,790,172
Postal Service.
Mr. Bissell in his Report for 1894 says, that the one
great, and in his opinion unnecessary loss of revenue
to the department arises from the undue amount of
mail matter transmitted at second-class rates (one cent
a pound). The 256,000,000 pounds of this matter carried
in 1893, added to the 44,000,000 carried free, was, he says,
about two-thirds of the weight of the mails. He says
this rate is abused to carry trashy serials, advertising
sheets, bogus papers, sample copies, etc., etc. He
recommends the careful modification of this law, to
distinguish between real journals and publications and
advertising sheets, etc. (But see below.)
July 1, 1893, there were 610 free delivery offices.
July 1, 1894, there were 19,264 domestic money-order
offices, which transmitted, the 12 months previous,
$138,793,579. There were 2625 international money-
order offices which transmitted abroad $13,792,455, and
received $6,568,493. There were issued 7,765,310 postal
notes valued at $12,649,094. The grossrevenue received
from the money-order business was $960,341. The
number of pieces of mail matter received at the dead
letter office was 7,101,044, of which 2,975,098 were re-
stored to their ownerscontaining money or notes, ex-
clusive of merchandise valued at $1,000,663. The sale
of stamps, cards, etc., was $70,239,910 in
value, There ae a at pound
: . rates, papers and periodicals aggregat-
Miscellane ing 254,790,306 pounds; 44,962,995 pounds
ous Statistics. of matter were carried’ free. There
were mailed 2,383,730,000 letters ; 468,490,-
ooo postal cards; 1,429,450,000 pieces of
second-class matter; 589,180,000 pieces third-class ;
48,240,000 fourth-class ; 23,166 post-office appointments
were made, 1928 being Presidential post-office appoint-
ments; 351 post-office’ burglars were arrested; 1621
offices were burglarized during the year; 558 offices
burned ; 50 postal cars burned and wrecked: 48 mail
trains and stages robbed; 5926 complaints were re-
ceived concerning registered mail, and 56,877 concern-
ing unregistered ; of 41,419 cases investigated, no loss
occurred in 6731 cases, leaving 56,072 with a claimed
loss—this is less than one complaint for 87,000 pieces
eee 29,614 employees were on the civil service
ist.
“The employees of the Post-office are expected to
work eight hours a day besides what Sunday work is
necessary. Overtime is paid for, though
too often the employees have to con-
test for suchpay. Their wages are $600,
$800, $850 and $1000, according to the
time they have worked in the depart-
ment. The number of postmasters is
about 67,368; clerks, 111,875; letter carriers, 10,892; sub-
contractors,11,478 ; mail messengers and railway postal
clerks, 13,762.” (The Story of Our Post Office.)
The number of post-offices in the United Kingdom
March, 1894, was 20,016. The staff o
officers was 74,819 (10,908 women), be-
sides 61,000 who did not hold permanent
positions. There were delivered the
year ending March 31, 1894, 1,812,000,000
letters ; 248,500,000 post cards ; 574,300,000
book packages ; 164,900,000, newspapers;
547,000,000 parcels ; 10,524,774 money orders valued at
#28,720,829. The revenue exclusive of the postal tele-
graph was £ 10,472,875 ; the expenses, £7,738,602. There
are 46 miles of pneumatic tubing in London.
(See also POSTAL SAVINGS BANKS and TELEGRAPH.)
III. Posta, Rerorms.—In his report for 1892
Mr. Wanamaker outlines his ideal postal sys-
tem :
“My ideal for the American postal service is a sys-
tem modeled upon a district plan, with fewer offices,
and those grouped around central offices and under
thorough supervision. By this means at least 20,000
offices could be abandoned that produce no revenue to
the department. In the place ol every abolished non-
money-order and non-registry office might be put an
automatic stamp-selling machine and a letter-box to
receive mail. ith the money saved should be insti-
tuteda system of collection and delivery by mounted
carriers, bicycles, and star-route and messenger con-
tractors, and the free delivery gradually spread all
over the country. The classes of postage should be
reduced to three, and the rate of postage the world
over to one cent for each half-ounce, for the average
wee oe feteer : nore three-eighths of an ounce. I
indemnify, to the extent
Popiatered lentes ent of $10, for every lost
Mr. Wanamaker goes on to recommend
Employees.
Great
Britain.
1070
Postal Service.
postal telegraph and telephone, pneumatic
tubes, etc. Many would go much further, Mr,
J. L. Cowles, in his A General
Freight and Passenger Post
(1896), advocates the government Government
ownership of postal, baggage, and Railroad
express cars, and the operation of © Service,
these services by the government,
paying the railroads a reasonable
sum for hauling the cars. He shows (p. 112)
that the annual saving to the people would be
$22,670,257 per year, or more than enough to
pay the entire equipment in a single year, after
which there would be a clear gain of $22,000,000
annually, and far better service than now. ~
He shows from Postmaster-General Vilas’s report for
1887, that the Government then paid the railroads
merely for vent of the 432 postal cars then in use
besides the 8 cents a penns for transportation),
1,881,240 Ber year, while the cars could easily be re-
duplicated for $1,600,000. On one line alone $50,037
tea ba per year for rent of cars that could be built,
Or $17,500. a
He shows (p. 68) that for transportation the Govern-
ment pays the railroads on an average 8 cents a
pound for an average haul of not over 4.42 miles; yet
the express companies deliver goods from houses in
New York to houses in Chicago for $3 per hundred
pou’ and certain transcontinental roads have been
ghting for nine years for the legal right to carry
foreign books, carpets, cutlery, etc., from New Orleans
to San Francisco at eight-tenths of a cent a pound,
Some trains (he says) get their entire cost from their
receipts from the Post Office. Yet people wonder that
the post-office has a deficit.
Extreme individualists would take the post-
office out of government operation.
Mr. Frederick Millar, in 4 Plea for Liberty
(chap. ix.), criticizing the English postal sys-
tem, argues that all the reforms in the post-
office system have been forced on it from
without ; that the very monopoly enjoyed by
the State is a tacit acknowledgment of its
inability to compete with private enterprise ;
that postage is still very much dearer than it
need be; that its operations are
not conducted in a business way ; .
that in 1887 the postmaster-gen- Individual-
eral declared that the theft of ist View.
postal orders had ‘reached por-
tentous dimensions”; that the
authorities of the post-office are unjust to their
employees, and the employees arbitrary and
impudent to the public; that there have been
strikes in the post-offices, as in any business ;
that the parcel. post has failed to compete with
the railroads ; that the postal savings-banks
are not as well managed as private banks, are
not open at hours convenient for the working-
classes ; that the telegraph service does not
pay ; that at Christmas-time the post-office is
disorganized ; in a word, that the State post-
office stands ‘‘ self-condemned.”
To this it is answered by socialists that the
above writer, living where both post and tele-
graph are in government hands,
has not had much experience of
the delights of private ownership
of the means of communication.
The telegraph rates of the pri-
vate Western Union Company of
the United States are more than twice those
of England (State system), and the accommo-
dation, or lack of accommodation, the private
Socialist
View.
Postal Service.
telegraph gives to the small places is well-
nigh atrocious. In the larger cities, where it
pays, private companies might give better
accommodations (tho usually they do not)
than the State, but the State thinks of the
whole people, and provides accommodation
where it doesnot pay. The United States has
70,064 post-offices ; the private Western Union
Company has not half that number of offices.
The United States postal service carries pack-
ages to small places as cheap as the private
express companies do to larger places, and to
thousands of places where there is no private
express service. Undoubtedly, no postal serv-
ice is perfect and reforms everywhere can be
made, but the United States postal service has
been more progressive than private companies,
pays its employees higher wages, charges lower
rates, has its offices open longer hours, for
example, than the private telegraph offices,
and accommodates far more of the population.
(See TELEGRAPH ; TELEPHONE ; INDIVIDUALISM ;
SocIALIsM. )
References: Reports of the Postmaster-general ;
M. Cushing’s The Story of Our Post-office (Boston,
1893); J. W. Hyde’s A Hundred Years by Post (Lon-
don, 1891); J. L. Cowles’ 4 General Freight and Pas-
senger Post (1896).
POVERTY. For the statistics of poverty,
see PaupERISM ; WEALTH (section, Distribution
of) ; UNEMPLOYMENT ; WAGEs.
We consider here the meaning of poverty,
the causes of poverty, and the means proposed
for its prevention or relief.
I. WHAT POVERTY MEANS.
We quote upon this point a statement, writ-
ten by Mr. Ira Steward, and published in the
Fourth Annual Report of the Massachusetts
Bureau of the Statistics of Labor (1873). He
says:
‘Poverty is the great fact with which the
labor movement deals. The problems that
now most disturb and perplex mankind will
be solved when the masses are no longer
poor. Poverty makes the poor poorer, and
independence impossible. It corrupts judges,
ministers, legislators, and statesmen. It de-
cides marriages, shortens human life, hinders
education, and embarrasses progress in every
direction: It gives rise, directly and indt-
rectly, to more anxiety, suffering, and crime
than all other causes combined. Poverty crams
cities, and their tenement houses, with people
whose conduct and votes endanger the Re-
public. The dangerous classes are always
poor. There is a closer relation between
poverty and slavery than the average aboli-
tionist ever recognized. . . . The anti-slavery
zdea was that every man had the right to go
and come at his will. The labor movement
asks how much this abstract right is worth,
without the power to exercise it... . The
laborer instinctively feels that something of
slavery still remains, or that something of
freedom is yet to come, and he is not much
interested in the anti-slavery theory of liberty.
He wants a fact, which the labor movement
undertakes to supply.
1071
. Poverty.
“But has not the middle class its poverty—
a poverty that should excite the most anxiety,
and the most searching inquiry?
They are a large majority of the
people, and their poverty is gen- Poverty
erally carefully concealed. . . . Affects All.
The middle classes have the strong-
est motives for never making any
parade or public complaint of their poverty.
To advertise oneself destitute, is to be with-
outcredit. . . . Poverty that publishes or ar-
gues one’s incapacity closes many a door to
more profitable or advantageous situations or
promotions. The more expensive and supe-
rior style of living adopted by the middle
classes, must, therefore, be considered in the
light of an zzvestment, made from the sound-
est considerations of expediency. . . . Very
few among them are saving money ; many of
them are in debt; and all they can earn for
years is, in many cases, mortgaged, to pay
such debt—‘ debt that increases the load of
the future, with the burden which the present
cannot bear.’ . . . The poverty of the great
middle classes consists in the fact that they
have only barely enough to cover up their
poverty, and that they are within a few days
of want, if through sickness or other misfor-
tune employment suddenly stops. .. .
‘‘ But the most alarming fact concerning the
poverty of the matzve middle classes in this
commonwealth is that, for two or three dec-
ades past, marriages and births have so far .
decreased among them that we are nearly
or quite justified in saying that they are now
dying faster than their children are being
born; and that it is to foreign sources (and to
Americans born in other States), and to the
lower class of native-born, we must credit the
present increase in our census returns. .. .
With the mass of intelligent people, early or
late marriages, and few or no children, is
largely a question of poverty and wealth... .
‘“Poverty, however, falls most crushingly
on woman. In all countries, andin all ages,
among the lower and middle classes, she has
worked harder, and for less pay, than men.
A woman who has no resources for a living
except from the labor of her.own hands, is
tolerably sure to become in time, either the
poor man’s slave, or the rich man’s play-
thing ; to marry for a home, or
do worse. To make prostitution pe cause
unnecessary is a part of the prob- ‘or tntem-
lem of social science ; but prosti- perance.
tution means getting a living.
The science that will solve this
problem will easily dispose of war, intemper-
ance, financial convulsions, and a dozen other
evils that now disturb the peace of the race.
Poverty is the mainspring of selfishness, for
it is the destitution of the mass of mankind
that prevents them from thinking and doing
for others. As Mill says, ‘all their thoughts
are required for themselves,’ . . . The two
classes most peculiarly open to the temptation
of intemperance are the very poor and the
very rich young men. . . The steps of
some young men turn finally to the light,
warm, welcome saloon, not from force of ap-
petite, for they have never yet drunk enough
Poverty.
to create the craving for stimulating bever-
ages, nor because it is fashionable, for their
wages are not sufficient to lift them up to that
level ; but because they are without homes,
and are starving for society.
‘The sons of the wealthy have homes, and
all that money can bring for their entertain-
ment. But in many cases they have nothing
whatever todo. They are corrupted by idle-
ness, and it is their extreme wealth that makes
their hours of idleness possible. The
most terrible of all stagnations is idleness. It
means moral and _ social rottenness, and
intemperance is only a single manifestation
ofit. ... ;
“No one is fully educated until the discip-
line of hard labor has been added to the cul-
ture of books, travel, and good society, and,
on the other hand, no one is educated who has
had no chance to learn anything but to work
hard and steadily, and to‘ knowhisplace.’.. .
The law of ‘supply and demand,’ so often
quoted as regulating wages and prices, means
nothing, more nor less, than the great fact of
the poverty of the poor, and the power and com-
parative independence of the wealthy.
Starving men will always bid for wages at
starvation prices. The law of supply
and demand is said to regulate the price of
commodities, but the ‘ demand’ is limited by
the great fact of the poverty of the mass of
consumers. ‘A glut in the market’ has
never yet meant anything more than that
millions of people are too poor to pay for the
food, clothes, houses, books, and opportunities
that are waiting for customers. ;
“Tt is poverty that compels one man to
borrow of another, and the price paid for the
use of the money loaned is what we call inter-
est—so that interest on money is poverty
again. It is the enormous profits made
directly upon the labor of the wage classes,
and indirectly through the results of their
labor, that, first, keeps them poor, and, second,
furnishes the capital thatis finally loaned back
to them again. .. .
‘It is clear that the large fortunes accumu-
lated by the wealthy can only be defended
upon the theory that their services are actually
worth the compensation they receive. Are
their services worth the price charged? ... .
If it is fair to ask hands how much they could
do without brains, it is just as fair to ask
brains how long they could live without
hands. The alternative presented to man-
kind, in case the services of managers were
withdrawn, is a reduced rate of production,
which means poverty. But, on the other hand,
the alternative presented to those who man-
age labor, in case the so-called brainless
workers were withdrawn, is death, or hard
work with their own hands, for fields were
never tilled, nor houses reared, nor garments
made, nor food cooked, without
Poverty ™anual labor. The capital
Causes Low °f the capitalist is not simply the
Wages, wealth he has somehow acquired,
tho this is, indeed, a very im-
portant part of his capital. The
other part, without which the first would be
worthless, and to which the political economist
1072
Poverty.
seldom, or never, refers, but to which we
now call special attention, is the great and
terrible fact of the poverty of the masses. It
is their poverty, destitution, and consequent
dependence, that compel them, every day of
their lives, to make the best terms possible
with those who hold in their possession the
surplus wealth of the world. . . .”
Il. CAUSES OF POVERTY.
As to the causes of poverty there are various
views. Professor A. G. Warner, in his Amer-
zcan Charities, has collected and tabulated the
findings of a large number of investigations of
the causes of actual cases of poverty in the
United States, England, and Germany. He
includes in his table practically all the find-
ings, as to actual cases of poverty, thus far
made in a scientific way by trained investi-
gators. His table embodies the results of
investigations by the charity organization
societies of Baltimore, Buffalo, and New York
city, the associated charities of Boston and
Cincinnati; the studies of Charles Booth in
Stepney and St. Pancras parishes in London ;
the statements of Bohmert (Armenwesen in 77
Deutschen Stddten) for 77 German cities,
published in 1886. It will be seen that here,
if anywhere, we have a scientific analysis of
the facts of the case, as collected by persons
without any particular bias, certainly not
socialists. The conclusions, and especially
the averages of even this table, however,
should not be used without reading the ex-
planations that follow it. We give Pro-
fessor Warner’s table, quoting, however, only
his percentages.
Of this table Professor Warner says : (pp. 36,
37).
“The first duty of one presenting such a table
as this is to indicate clearly what it does not show.
It deals, as already indicated, only with the exciting
causes of poverty; and yet this fact is not kept clearly
in mind, even by careful workers.: Mr. Booth, for
instance, includes ‘pauper association and heredity’
in this list of causes; and the American societies in-
clude ‘nature and location of abode.’ Both of these
are by their nature predisposing causes, rather than
immediate or exciting causes; and it is confusing to
mix the two. Secondly, many of the persons whose
cases are here tabulated have been, as
Mr. Booth says, the football of all the
causes in the list. Under such circum-
stances to pick out one cause, and call
it the most important, is a purely arbi-
trary proceeding. Any one of the
causes might have been inadequate to :
roduce pauperism, had not others cooperated with
it. A manis drunk and breaks his leg; is the cause
‘accident’ or ‘drink’? When this question was sub-
mitted to a group of charity organization workers, it
was very promptly answered by two of them; but
their answers were different. A man has been shift-
less all his life, and is now old; is the cause of poverty
shiftlessness or old age? A man is out of work be-
cause he is lazy and inefficient. One has to know him
quite well before they can be sure that laziness is
the cause. Perhaps there is hardly a single case in
the whole 7000 where destitution has resulted from
asingle cause... .
“The impossibility of giving an accurate statistical
description of the facts is still clearer when we try to
separate the causes indicating misconduct from those
indicating misfortune. Back of disease may be either
misconduct or misfortune. The imprisonment of the
bread-winner indicates misconduct on his part, but
may only indicate misfortune on the part of wife and
children. The same is true in the case of abandoned
children and neglect by relatives. This particular
classification is made in deference to popular inquiry
Explanation
of Table.
Poverty.
1073
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68
Poverty.
only. Inthe writer’s opinion its chief value consists
in showing how little it is worth.
‘But after all possible allowance has been made for
the ‘personal equation’ of the investigator, and for
all the inevitable inconclusiveness of the figures,
there is a residuum of information to be got from the
tables. They give, as well as such statistics can, the
conclusions reached by those who are studying pau-
perism at first hand. If the figures furnished by all
the investigators were added together into one great
total, and this only were put before him, the author
would indeed hesitate to base any conclusions what-
ever upon it. But when it is found that different
investigators, at different times, in different places,
reach conclusions which, while varying in many and
often inexplicable ways, are yet in agreement as
regards certain important facts, we can but think
that the figures to some extent reflect actual
conditions.”
It will be seen from this table that the chief
single cause of poverty, as here studied, is
sickness or death in the families of the poor.
Lack of work stands second, altho, if the
averages as to lack of work, insufficient work,
and poorly paid work be added together, as
well they might be, they form the supreme
cause of poverty. Drink stands third, tho only
one-half as great a cause as unemployment.
Says Professor Warner (pp. 60 and 65):
“Probably nothing in the tables of the causes of
poverty, as ascertained by cold counting, will more
surprise the average reader than the fact that intem-
Beane is held to be the chief cause in only from one-
fteenth to one-fifth of the cases, and that where an
attempt is made to learn in how many cases it had
a contributory influence, its presence cannot be traced
at all in more than 28.1 per cent. of the cases.” (See
INTEMPERANCE.) Professor Warner sums up the
case by saying: ‘‘The general conclusion regarding
drink as a cause of poverty is sufficiently well formu-
lated by Mr. Booth. ‘Of drink in all its combinations,
adding to every trouble, oe ae every effort
after good, destroying the home and cursing the
young lives of the children, the stories tell enough.
It does not stand in apparent chief cause in as many
cases as sickness and old age; but if it were not for
drink, sickness and old age could be better met.’”’
It will also be seen from the table that
causes indicating misconduct average only
21.3 per cent., while causes indicating mis-
fortune average 74.4, or over three times as
much. Four per cent. of the cases are not
classified; but the causes indicated as un-
classified belong to causes indicating mis-
fortune much more than misconduct, at least
as far as the individual studied is con-
cerned. How far poverty is the result of
other people’s misconduct or hereditary mis-
conduct is not here shown. But as for the
persons immediately concerned, misfortune is
shown to be nearly four times as much the
cause of poverty as their misconduct.
This seems to be the most careful analysis
of the causes of poverty yet made ; but not all
will accept its conclusions. Certain schools
of thought are apt to find the especial evil
they attack the main cause of poverty. The
followers of Mr. Henry George, for example,
are apt to believe that poverty mainly exists
because, on the one hand, the landowner re-
ceives the lion’s share of the annual product
of the community, and, on the other hand,
private property in land prevents the opening
up of natural opportunities. (Fora discussion
of this, see SincLE Tax.) A large number of
people believe drink to be the main cause
of poverty (see INTEMPERANCE). In another
school of thought overpopulation is the main
1074
Poverty.
cause (see MALTHUSIANISM). Socialists usually
believe that poverty mainly exists because
under a competitive system the capitalistic
classes take from the producing classes a large
share of their product. Theologians are wont
to declare that all poverty comes primarily
from sin. Individualists usually assert that
poverty mainly comes from the inefficiency
of the workers in one form or another—shift-
lessness, lack of thrift, unwillingness to save,
éte., ete.
Professor F. H. Giddings of Columbia Col-
lege, in his essay on the Ethecs of Social
Progress, argues that the poor are poor to-day
because society does not need them and they
contribute little or nothing to production. He
says: :
‘“Neither oppression nor greed has been at any time
the first cause of legal bondage or of economic depend-
ence. Both are secondary causes, induced by experi-
ences with a slavery already existent.
“Modern civilization does not require, it does not
even need, the drudgery of needle-women or the
crushing toil of men ina score of life-destroying oc-
cupations. If these wretched beings should drop out
of existence, and no others stood ready to fill their
places, the economic activities of the
world ould not pet sullen A
thousan' evices latent in inventive i
brains would quickly make good any Inefficiency
momentary loss. The true view of the and Poverty.
facts is that these people continue to
exist after the kinds of work that they
know how to perform have ceased to be of any con-
siderable value to society. Society continues to em-
ploy them for a remuneration not exceeding the cost
of getting the work done in some other and perhaps
better way.
“The economic law here referred to is one that has
been too much neglected in scientific discussion. It
ought to be repeated and illustrated at every oppor-
tunity, for at present it stands in direct contradiction
to current prepossessions. We are told incessantly
that unskilled labor creates the wealth of the world.
“It would be nearer the truth to say that large
classes of unskilled labor hardly create their own sub-
sistence. The laborers that have no adaptiveness,
that bring no new ideas to their work, that have no
suspicion of the next best thing to turn to in an
emergency, might be much better identified with the
dependent classes than with the wealth-creators.
Precisely the same economic law offers the true inter-
pretation of ancient slavery. In strictness civiliza-
tion did not rest on slavery. It was not in any true
sense maintained by slavery. The conditions that
created the civilization created economic dependence,
and they are working in the same way, with similar
results, to-day. ... The condition and assurance of
freedom to-day is the ability to devise new things, to
create new opportunities, to make not only two blades
of grass grow where one grew before, but to make a
hundred kinds of grass grow where before grew only
one kind.
“ Accordingly, the practically unfree task-workers
of this present time are those who, unaided, can ac-
complish none of these new things. They are those
who might do well in old familiar ways, but who have
nothing to turn to when their ways cease to be of
value to the world. To live they must force depre-
ciated services upon society on any terms that society
can continue to pay. They are unfree task-workers,
not because society chooses to oppress them, but be-
cause society has not yet devised or stumbled upon
any other disposition to make of them. Civilization,
therefore, is not cruel. It is ever supporting, andtry-
ing in many ways to utilize, the wrecks and failures of
its own imperfect past.”’
Mr. Robert Treat Paine, in an address read
at the International Congress of Charities,
Correction, and Philanthropy, at Chicago, in
1893, said :
“Has not the new charity organization movement
too long been content to aim at a system to relieve or
even uplift judiciously single cases without asking if
Poverty.
there are not prolific causes permanently at work to
create want, vice, crime, disease, and death; and
whether these causes may not be wholly or in large
degree eradicated? If such causes of pauperism
exist, how vain to waste our energies on single cases
of relief, when society should rather aim at removing
the prolific sources of all the woe.
“The four great causes of pauperism and of de-
graded city life have long seemed to me to be these:
x. Foul homes. 2. Intoxicating drink. z Neglect of
child life. 4. Indiscriminate almsgiving.”
Mr. Charles Booth counts up twenty-three
principal causes of pauperism (Pauperzsm
and the Endowment.of Old Age, p. 9):
Crime, vice, drink, laziness, pauper associa-
tion, heredity, mental disease, temper,
incapacity, early marriage, large family,
extravagance, lack of work. trade misfortune,
restlessness, no relations, death of husband,
desertion, death of father or mother, sickness,
accident, ill luck, oldage. He says, ‘‘ that, as
causes, old age stands first, sickness next, and
then comes drink” (p. 148).
Among 1610 cases, however, of the poor and
very poor in London, he shows 4 percent. due to
“loafing,” 14 to drink, 27 to illness, large fam-
ilies, or other misfortunes, 55 to ‘‘ questions of
employment” (Labor and Life of the Peo-
ple, vol i. p. 147). A large part of this lack
of employment may be among the old.
Mr. J. G. Godard in his Poverty, Its Genesis and
Exodus, argues that waste of wealth, poverty itself,
are prominent causes of poverty, but that the main
cause is unequal distribution. e argues that men
must be poor, either because there is not enough pro-
duced for all, because some of it is wasted, or because
some get too much. He shows for England that, tho
relatively the number of the poor is somewhat less
to-day than it was, the annual wealth produced is
nearly double what it was three generations ago, and
‘‘never in the whole history of England, excepting
during the disastrous period at the beginning of the
century, has the absolute number of the very poor
been so great asitisnow” (J. A. Hobson’s Problems
of Poverty, p. 26, 1891). Is there then, he asks, not
enough produced? He shows that the total annual
income of the United Kingdom in round numbers
\may be placed at £1,350,000,000(Mr. Giffin in his Assays
-on Finance, vol. ii. Bp. 460-72, estimating it in 1886 at
41,270,000,000). Dividing this by :the population of the
‘census returns for 1891 (37,740,283), he gets £35 per an-
num ($175) for each individual, or £175 ($805) for each
family of 5. He says, “Insufficient production of
wealth may then be regarded as an actual cause of
poverty, but one of minor influence.’’ A more im-
portant cause of poverty he considers to be the waste
of wealth. He quotes Professor Marshall as saying
(Principles of Economics, vol. i. p. 731), ‘ Perhaps
{100,000,000 annually are spent even by the working
classes, and £400,000,000 by the rest of the population
‘ of England, in ways that do little or
J nothing toward making life nobler or
| Unequal truly happier.” This means a waste of
Distri over one-third of the whole. Poverty
istribution. itself, he shows, causes much poverty.
It checks profitable production; it
causes large amounts of waste; leads
to unequal distribution, compelling the poor to
work for low wages. But, above all, he considers
njust distribution the main cause of poverty. He
i
‘
i
I
ays (giving authorities for his conclusion), ‘‘One |
hirty-eighth of the population possess on the average
§sooo per head, and thirty thirty-eighths of population
possess on the average £6 per head. Inequality of
distribution can scarcely be carried much further.”
f the annual income he says, ‘* Thirty million weekly
wage-earners obtain £500,000,000 only ; the remaining
eight million persons thus receiving £850,000,000. This
means that the average annual income of the one
class is less than £17 per head, and the average an-
nual income is more than £106 per head.” (For other
statements on this point_and for authorities, and for
similar facts as to the United States, see WEALTH,
DISTRIBUTION OF.)
1075
Poverty.
III. PREVENTION AND RELIEF OF POVERTY.
The ways in which it has been or is proposed
to prevent or relieve poverty are numerous as
the causes assigned for it. One’s conception
of its main causes must obviously affect one’s
belief as to the way it may best be relieved or
prevented. Thus the followers of Henry
George believe that the solution lies along the
lines of the Single Tax (g. v.; see also Anri-
Poverty Society). Those who find its main
cause in intemperance find its main cure in
temperance (g. v.). Socialists find the only
way out in socialism (g. v.). Many, and
perhaps most trade-unionists, believe the
main cure to be the eight-hour movement.
(See SHorT Hour Movement.) Individualists
largely look for the solution to education
(7. v.), the cultivation of thrift, etc. (See
NDIVIDUALISM.) For a study of allthese views
we must refer the reader to their especial
topics. (See also ANARCHISM; COOPERATION ;
UNEMPLOYMENT ; CHRISTIANITY AND SOCIAL RE-
FORM, etc.)
We review here some of the proposals for
the relief of poverty which have been proposed
by those who are identified with no one par-
ticular school of thought.
Mr. Charles Booth (g. v.), who perhaps has
studied the facts of modern city poverty as care-
fully as any other one man, divides the resi-
dents of the poorer sections of London into
eight classes: (A) The lowest class of occa-
sional laborers, loafers, and semi-criminals ; (B)
the very poor, with casual earnings ; (C) those
of intermittent earnings; (D) of small regular
earnings ; (E) those of regular standard earn-
ings, above the line of poverty ; (F) the higher
classes of laborers ; (G) the lower middle class ;
(H) the upper middle class. Class A he thinks
could be ‘‘ harried out of existence” (Life and
Labor of the People, vol. i. p. 169). Class B
he thinks presents the main problem. It is
de trop. The competition of B drags down
C and D, and that of C and D hangs heavily
upon E. We gain nothing from B. All that
B does could be done by C and D in their now
idle hours. To bring Class B under
State regulation would be to control the springs
of pauperism. Hence he would put them un-
der State control. He says: ‘‘ These people
should be allowed to live as families in indus-
trial groups, planted wherever land and build-
ing materials were cheap, being well housed.
well fed, and well warmed; and taught, trained,
and employed from morning to night on work
indoors and out, for themselves or on Govern-
ment account; in the building of their own
dwellings, in the cultivation of the land, in the
making of furniture. There would be
no competition with the outside world... .
What is the poor-law system? It is a limited
form of socialism—a socialistic community
(aided from outside) living in the
midst of an individualist nation.
My idea is to make the dual system, Views of
“cae : Be ate Charles
socialism in the arms of individ- Booth
ualism, under. which we already
live, more efficient by extending
somewhat the sphere of the former, and mak-
ing the division of function more distinct. Our
Poverty.
individualism fails because our socialism is
incomplete. In taking charge of the lives of
the incapable, State socialism finds its proper
work, and by doing it completely would relieve
us of a serious danger.”
More recently Mr. Booth, in his Pauperism
and the Endowment of Old Age, finding
pauperism largely a problem of the aged (see
above) has proposed a vast scheme for pension-
ing all aged persons. (See OLD AGE PEN-
SIONS.)
The Rev. Samuel Barnett of St. Jude’s,
Whitechapel, London, is even more radical.
He says (Practicable Socialism, revised edi-
tion, pp. 101-107): ‘‘ Individuals have given
their money and their time, their failure is
notorious, and societies have been formed to
direct their efforts. The failure of these
societies is not equally notorious, but few
thinkers retain the hope that societies will
reform society and make the conditions of
living such that people will be able to grow in
wisdom and in stature to the full height of
their manhood. If it wereasight to make men
and angels weep, to see one rich man struggling
with the poverty of a street, making himself
poor only to make others discontented paupers,
it is as sad a sight to see societies hopelessly
beaten and hardened into machines with no
reach beyond their grasp. The deadness of
these societies or their ill directed efforts have
roused, in the shape of charity organization
workers, a most striking missionary enterprise.
The history of the movement as a mission has
yet to be written; the names of its martyrs
stand in the list of the ‘unknown good,’ but
the most earnest members of a charity organi-
zation society cannot hope that organized
almsgiving will be powerful so to alter condi-
tions as to make the life of the poor a life worth
living. Societies which absorb much wealth,
and which relieve their subscribers of their
responsibility, are failing ; it remains only to
adopt the principle of the education act, of the
poor-law, and of other socialistic legislation,
and call on society to do what
societies failtodo. There is much
A oan f which may be urged in favor of
Barnett, Stichacourse. Itis only society,
or to use the title by which society
expresses itself in towns, it is only
town councils which can cover all the ground
and see that each locality gets equal treat-
ment, . The first need is better dwell-
ings. - Insanitary conditions and high
rents are the points to which consideration
must be directed. . Wise town councils,
conscious of the mission they have inherited,
could destroy every court and crowded alley,
and put in their places healthy dwellings ;
they could make water so cheap, and bathing
places so common, that cleanliness should no
longer be a hard virtue ; they could open play-
grounds and take away from a city the re-
proach of its gutter children ; they could
provide gardens, libraries, and conversation
rooms ; they could open picture galleries and
concerts ; they could light and clean the streets
of the poor quarters ; they could give medi-
cine to heal the sick, money to the old and
poor, a training for the neglected, and a home
1076
Poverty.
for the friendless. he first practical work is
to rouse the town councils to the sense of their
powers ; to make them feel that their reason of
being is not political but social, that their duty
is not to protect the pockets of the rich, but to
save the people. . . If it be urged that when
town councils do for social reform all which
can be done, the condition will still be unsatis-
factory, I agree ; . . nosocialreform will
be adequate which does not touch social rela-
tions, bind classes by friendship, and pass
through the medium of friendship the spirit
which inspires righteousness and devotion.
If therefore the first practical work of reform-
ers be to rouse town councils, their second is
to associate volunteers who will work with the
official bodies. As arule it may be laid
down that the voluntary work is most effective
which isin connection with official work. ...
Teetotal advocates will preach in vain that
drunkenness is the root of all evil, and that a
nation of abstainers will be either a healthy,
ahappy, or a thoughtful nation. Thrift will
be seen to be powerless to.do more than to
create asmug andtransient respectability. ...
The nationalization of luxury must be the
object of social reformers.”
Mr. Robert Treat Paine, in the address
above quoted, opposes Mr. Booth’s plan, but
is almost equally radical. He says:
“The problem of poor relief in great cities has got
to be restated in ampler terms. The diseases of
society are more aggravated, the dan- .
gers are graver, the need of radical
remedies is more absolute than the Robert
new charity has yet fully and fairly 5
faced... . Treat Paine.
“When the poor sink below their ~
poverty into pauperism, and pauperism
becomes hopeless and degraded and brutal; when
powerful and prolific causes are at work to swell the
rising tide;—the day has gone when it is enough to go
on dealing with details. ...
“Pauperism is assuming a new and more terrible
type in the largest cities, where paupers have lived
so long in this condition that they know nothing
better. . . . Strong drink is almost the sole solace
of their dull routine... .
“Crimes of violence, crimes of lust, crimes against
property not only prevail, but cease to shock, where
the general level of life has lapsed into a new phase
of barbarism. :
‘“ What hope for boys and girls Fiennes up in such
atmosphere of sin, in overcrowded cities from which
playgrounds have been excluded by rising rents}
playgrounds for the innocent outpouring of the boys
animal spirits which will have some vent, if not in
hockey and football, then in breaking into empty
buildings, stealing lead pipes and stoning dispensary
doctors or police with even-handed delight. .. .
“With population rents rise so that the average
man—that is, the mass of the people—is forced to
live in utterly unfit homes, fearfully overcrowded ;
hence, low vitality of body and soul, diseased morals
and diseased bodies. .. .
“Repression alone is a failure... . 3
“In some cities all these evils are aggregated into
great masses.
“Merely to deal, no matter how wisely, with single
cases of distress or crime, as they arise, is infinitely
insufficient. ...
“In the largest cities, where conditions are worse
and the evils of pauperism, grown chronic and con-
tagious, are blended with habits of drunkenness and
other vice, breaking out into crimes against the law,
pauperism cannot wisely be considered alone, but the
problem of how to uplift ee level of life must
be studied as one whole problem, especially as to the
causes of the evils. ...
“The methods of dealing with pauperism hitherto
applied are impotent against this swelling tide of
brutal, degraded pauperism. .. .
Poverty.
“Who does not know,’ says Professor H. C.
Adams, ‘that much of our so-called philanthropy
tends to perpetuate those conditions which seem to
make philanthropy necessary?’ Professor W. G.
Tucker, in his Phi Beta oration at Harvard last June,
compels us to seek more radical cure, by more radical
measures, when he says: ‘The philanthropy which is
content to relieve the sufferer from wrong Social con-
ditions, postpones the pou enrene which is deter-
mined at any cost to right those conditions.’ . . .
““Pauperism, vice, and crime are common factors
of the inseparable and tremendous problem how to
uplife the general conditions of life among the poor.”
Mr. Paine then states what he believes to
be the causes of poverty (see above) and then
says:
“Which of the two causes dragging down the con-
ditions of life among the masses, foul homes or in-
toxicating drink, is more potent, I do not know.
Each leads surely to the other.
“Everywhere the conviction gains ground that it
is impossible to elevate the conditions of the lower
class of working people above the condition of their
homes. ...
“Would to God my words could strengthen the
conviction of every delegate to this Congress, as he
goes home to his own city, that slums must be
abolished !
“Probably no city has been wholly inactive. But
Iam sure no large city in this country has begun to
act up to the standard required for the health or
morals of the poor, or by economy to the public, or
by principles of justice and right.
“Boards of health probably have power in all cities
to vacate dwellings unfit for human habitation. All
that is needed is aroused public interest to learn the
unspeakable horrors of the homes of the wretched
Boor to-day, and then to insist on a higher standard of
abrtability.
“Boards of health will follow the public command
and the public conscience. . . .
“Three agencies directly deal with the task of fitly
housing the people:
“‘y, Philanthropic agencies which aim to improve
the condition both of tenants and of the tenements
they occupy.
‘‘2, Economic agencies providing decent homes,
often in model buildings. :
“3, Municipal agencies aiming to abolish the worst
evils and to destroy foul homes. :
“High above each and all of these three agencies
in its influence and promise of grand results I place
the rising ambition of working men themselves to
own their own homes... .
“Tf this laudable ambition is lacking among the
lowest class, so also do both of the powerful agen-
cies at work to provide model homes, whether by
philanthropic or invested capital of which I have just
spoken, shoot over their heads.
“The agency which must be invoked to rescue the
very poor, whether virtuous and struggling or de-
graded and indifferent, is che municipal power to
destroy utterly unfit abodes of habitation.
“Sad, indeed, is the fact that when charity aids
some wretched family to move out of a vile basement
or dark and nasty slum, presently some other like
family moves in.
“The growth of public sentiment toward practical
unanimity in this decision has been marked by im-
portant measures in London, Glasgow, and other
cities of Great Britain. (See TENEMENT PROBLEM.)
“Intoxicating drink is the second great cause of
pauperism, crime, and many other wretched condi-
tions of degraded life.
“The temperance reform makes perceptible head-
way, altho the most powerful passions of mankind
oppose its progress. In the last ten years England
has seen a great improvement in the conditions of the
working people in this respect.
“In the United States prohibition, or high license,
or restricted license, or the Gothenburg system, or
that new State system in South Carolina, or local
option which secures no license in many cities and
towns—all these movements mark a great popular
awakening to the terrible influence of drunkenness
upon the welfare of the people. . . . :
“My object here is to propose and stimulate an
alliance of these two forces, the friends of temperance
and all the other forces working to improve the con-
ditions of the poor. Such an alliance will strengthen
1077
Poverty.
both and lead each party to see the broader scope of
their task. (See TEMPERANCE.) 7 .
‘The third prolific cause of pauperism is found in
the conditions of neglect or maltreatment of child-life
in great cities. The Hon. A. S. Hewitt, in his address
at the opening of the United Charities building of
New York (Charities Review, April, 1893, Pp: 304), SAYS:
‘In this city a large number of children of both sexes
live in an atmosphere of poverty and vice, and even
crime, which educates them to be paupers and crim-
inals instead of training them to become honest work-
men and good citizens. And for this result, which is
generally no fault of their own, they are punished,
and, along with them, the industrious class of the
community is also punished by taxation for the sup-
port of poorhouses, hospitals, and criminals. Gangs
of young men, not yet twenty-one years of age, are to
be found in many parts of the city who, not having
been permitted to learn trades, or having been denied
the opportunity to follow some useful occupation,
have grown up in idleness, and expend their animal
energies in excesses which make them a terror to the
neighborhood and a trial to the police, the only
barrier between them and crime. In time most of
them necessarily become criminals, and they are
very sure to breed criminals.’ (See DEPENDENT
CHILDREN.) ;
“Jndiscriminate almsgiving is the fourth and a
TAgeL potent cause of pauperism. ... ss
“ Three reforms of the abuses of outdoor relief should
receive universal sanction, and will effect in ver
large measure the end which all parties desire: deal-
ing with the unworthy, those out of work, and the
inefficient.
“First. To the unworthy, rigid prohibition of all
relief, public or private, so that, abandoning all
hope of it, they shall seek their own support. This in-
cludes the lazy, idle, shiftless, extravagant, or vicious
aupers, as also in most cases those with relatives or
riends.
“Second. The provision for men or women out of
work demands most serious study of ablest econ-
omists and statesmen. (See UNEMPLOYMENT.)
“Third. The third and grand reform aims to recre-
ate the inefficient, always in great cities a numerous
class, into self-support by skill and cheer, and to
save them from gratuitous relief as deadly poison.
. .. One of the best standards to-day to test the
progress of constructive Christian charity of the
various towns and cities of our own or any country,
is to see what practical measures have been devised
to convert the inefficient into an efficient worker.”
(See INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION.)
Mr. H. M. Boies, in his Przsoners and Pau-
pers, argues that one of the first things society
should do is to stop the breeding of paupers
and criminals. (See CriminoLocy.) Of ille-
gitimates he says:
“The first object society has to consider in the
matter is to stop this illegitimate increase. The
second is the reformation of the mother and of
the father, if he can be caught. The third, the rear-
ing of the children into the condition of independent
good citizens... .
“Homeless children are a still larger class of
paupers needing special care and attention. The
deserted waifs of our city streets, the
neglected offspring of the criminal and
drunkard, orphans and half-orphans of H. M. Boies.
the indigent, who may be unable or
unfit to properly rear them, constitute
an important and growing element of
our denser communities, and require the immediate
consideration of legislators for the protection of
society. The pressure of necessity has compelled
charitable societies and individuals to establish
houses of correction and refuge, juvenile asylums,
homes for the friendless, children’s aid societies, and
similar institutions here and there; but they are
managed without any general, regular, or complete
system, according to the ideas and ability of their
benevolent promoters, and afford but a ‘local and
sporadic relief. (See DEPENDENT CHILDREN.)
““We have yet the third class of paupers for whom
to provide. These are the wounded, maimed, ex-
hausted, and sick in the battle of life; the true objects
of charity and benevolence. Many of these have
fallen out in the march from inherited weakness, or
incapacity, but they have bravely undertaken the
struggle, and are entitled to social and human sym-
Poverty.
pathy andcare. The sterner restrictions of legislative
enactments are unnecessary, except to secure to them
the aid and relief they may be unable alone to obtain.
There are two methods of bestowing this in common
use: one known as ‘outdoor relief’; the other as
‘almshouse treatment.’
“Public ‘outdoor relief’ is liable to serious abuse
and imposition. Almost universally it makes con-
firmed paupers of the zeripiea who soon come to
depend upon, and demand it as a right due them
from the oe treasury. On these accounts ‘out-
door relief’ is regarded with disfavor by the public
and humanitarians. As the administering officials
are generally unable to properly investigate applica-
tions, they encourage fraudulent claims, waste the
public funds, or pervert them to political purposes,
thus stimulating instead of reducing pauperism. .. .
Public outdoor relief should be prohibited by law,
except in cases of sudden calamity, and to assist
honest, hard-working children to maintain indigent
parents at home; or indigent widows to keep their
children under their own care. All other proper
objects of charity should be provided for either in the
almshouse or by private benevolence. This latter
should be allowed opportunity, as a public necessity,
to foster the birth and growth of divine charity in the
human heart. For upon the development and dif-
fusion of this spirit depends all human progress. In
order that private benevolence may be wisely and
efficiently administered in these days of steam and
electricity, when those best able to give are least able
to investigate, because of the incessant pressure of
personal affairs upon their time, a system and organ-
ization are necessary. For it must be accepted as an
axiom that every dollar that is given for the mere
asking is worse than wasted... .
‘How then shall the real objects of charity, our
third class of heteronomics, be provided for? That
is, those whom age, disability, infirmity, or mis-
fortune have rendered permanently dependent?
“Proper legislation might materially reduce the
number of these also, by enforcing the support of the
aged and children by the next of kin wherever it is
possible. . . . [As for the remainder] experience and
theory agree in an indisputable demonstration that
they must be cared for in public almshouses. It is
unwise and unsafe to attempt regular and permanent
relief to them in any other way, for any other plan
inevitably results in neglect and suffering to the
worthy, in great imposture and abuse of charity, and
in the increase of pauperism to an insupportable
extent. It must be accepted as an axiom of public
relief that, when it isto be continuous and regular, the
aid mtst be rendered in a regularly organized institu-
tion. To this the applicant for assistance must be
transferred before public support by taxation can be
conferred. As the duty of maintenance rests upon
society in general, the response must be from the
social organization, and not from private charity; by
equal taxation of all, rather than the benevolence of
a few, however large their interest.”
A full discussion of these various measures
will be found under their respective heads.
It should, however, here be plainly stated that
many question the efficiency of many of
these reforms, at least so far as they
are carried alone. The importance of tem-
perance as an effectual element in social prog-
ress no thinking man can question, but many
economists hold that, dy ztse/f, temperance
would not raise the wages of the poorer paid
workmen as a class. Here and there if indi-
viduals give up drinking, they are able to save
more, but if enough should give up drinking
to make it affect the general class, it would
probably lower their wages by the amount
they would save in drink, for the simple rea-
son that, under competition, laborers cannot
get wages much above the cost of living in
their class. If any employer should pay
higher wages, some rival employer would get
workmen—and under competition could get
workmen—at a lower price, and so be able to
produce cheaper, sell cheaper, and thus drive
the more generous employer out of the market.
1078
Poverty.
Employers, therefore, under competition, have
no choice. They must pay wages enabling
employees to live about on the standard of
living of their trade and class. If, therefore,
by temperance you lower the cost of living of
a class, you will lower the price of wages by
about the same amount. |
So, toaless extent, with model dwellings and
artizans’ dwellings. Since the poorest often
cannot be got to pay for their own house, or to
occupy a model dwelling, the plan for work-
men to own their homes, or occupy model
dwellings, simply enables a somewhat high
grade of labor to live more cheaply on the im-
proved level, and so eventually to bring down
their wages. Once more, workmen owning
their homes cannot move to suit the shifting
demands of the market. Nor can they strike.
They are, therefore, much more under the
power of their employer and compelled to ac-
cept what wages the employers are willing to
give. Most trade-union leaders discourage
men from owning their homes.
So, too, with technical education, says J. A.
Hobson (Problems of Poverty, p. 179):
“Tn so far as technical education or general educa-
tion enables a number of men who would otherwise
have been unskilled laborers to compete for skilled
work, it will no doubt enable these men to raise them-
selves in the industrial scale; but the addition of their
number to the ranks of skilled labor will imply an in-
crease in supply of skilled labor, anda decrease in sup-
ly of unskilled labor ; the price or wage for unskilled
abor will rise, but the wage for skilled labor will fall,
assuming the relation between the demand for skilled
and unskilled labor to remain as before.”
It should be remembered, however, that
these objections are not objections to the
propositions in themselves, but to relying on
them a/one to meet the problems of poverty.
As a part of social programs, together with
other reforms studied elsewhere (see SOCIALISM;
INDIVIDUALISM; SHORT Hour MoveMEnt; SIN-
GLE Tax), all admit these propositions to have
their place. Says Mr. Hobson (dem, p. 181):
“There are those who seek to retard all social prog-
ress by a false and mischievous dilemma, which takes
the following shape: No radical improvement in in-
dustrial organization, no work of social reconstruction
can be of any real avail, unless it is preceded by such
moral and intellectual improvement in the condition
of the mass of workers as shall render
the new machinery effective; unless
the changein human nature comes first, J. A. Hobson
a change in external conditions will be °' .
useless. On the other hand it is evi-
dent that no moral or intellectual edu-
cation can be brought effectively to bear upon the
mass of human beings, whose whole energies are nec-
ery absorbed by the effort to secure the means of
bare physical support. Thus it is made to appear as
if industrial and moral progress must each precede
each other, which isimpossible. ... The falsehoodin
the above dilemma consists in the assumption that in-
, dustrial reformers wish to proceed by a sudden lea
from an old industrial order to a new one. Such sud-
den movements are not in accordance with the grad-
ual growth which nature insists upon as the condition
of wise change. But itis equally in accordance with
nature that the natural growth precede the moral.
Not that the work of reconstruction can lag far be-
hind. Each step in this industrial advancement of
the poor should, and must, if the gain is to be perma-
nent, be followed closely and secured by a correspond-
ing advance in moral and intellectual character and
habits. But the moral and religious reformer should
never forget that, in order of time, material reform
comes first.’
References: Charles Booth, Labor and Life of the
People (new edition, 4 vols., 1892); A. G. Warner’s
Powderly.
American Charities (1894); General Booth’s Jn Darkest
England; Mackay’s Fhe English Poor (1889); Mr.
S. A. Barnett’s, Practicable Soczalism (revised ed. 1895;
R. T. Paine’s Paupertsm tn Great Cities (1893); J. A.
Hobson's Problems of Poverty (1891).
(See also Poor-Laws; Otp AcE PEnsIons;
UNEMPLOYMENT; CHILD Lazor; CiT1Es; CHaR-
ITY ORGANIZATION ; SLuMs ; PAUPERISM, etc.)
POWDERLY, TERENCE VINCENT,
long General Master Workman of the Knights
of Labor, was born at Carbondale, Pa., Janu-
ary 24, 1849, of Irish parentage. He attended
school six years, and at 13 became a switch-
tender for the Delaware & Hudson Coal Com-
pany, entering its machine shop ayear later.
In 1869 he went to Scranton, Pa., and shortly
afterward joined the Machinists and Black-
smiths’ National Union, soon becoming its
president. His study of the labor problem led
him to join the Knights of Labor, in which
order he held various offices in the local and
district assemblies. In January, 1879, he was
chosen General Worthy Foreman, and in Sep-
tember of the same year was elected General
Master Workman, which office he held 13°
years. Mr. Powderly was Mayor of Scranton
for two years, but declined a renomination in
1884. He practically reorganized the Knights
of Labor (g. v.), and gave his whole time and
talents to the cause.
In 1892, owing to dissensions in the order,
he was defeated for reelection, and Mr. J. B.
Sovereign was chosen in his place. The order,
however, had long before this begun to de-
cline, owing mainly to opposition to the policy
of the Knights, in failing to sufficiently respect
the autonomy of each trade, and in concen-
trating too much power in the General Execu-
tive Board. It was this policy which has given
Mr., Powderly many enemies in the labor
movement, but no one has questioned his
ability and long usefulness to the cause of
labor.
PREEMPTION LAW. See Pustic Do-
MAIN.
PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH AND SO-
CIAL REFORMS, THE.—The Presbyterian
Church is committed to the cause of social
reforms, first of all, by the principles on which
such reforms rest. They were first most
clearly enunciated and sharply defined by
John Calvin. Mr. Froude says of him,
‘There was no reformer in Europe so reso-
lute to tear out and destroy what seemed to
be false, and so resolute to establish what was
true in its principles and make truth to its last
fiber the rule of practical life.” These char-
acteristics of the stern leader were so wonder-
fully impressed on his followers that they
wrought for the good of man and from the
highest motives. Mr. Froude says again,
““The Calvinists abhorred, as no other body
of men has ever abhorred, mendacity, all im-
purity, all moral wrong of every kind as they
could recognize it. Whatever exists at this
_moment in England or Scotland of the fear of
doing evil is the remnant of the convictions
branded by the Calvinists into the people’s
hearts.”
~
1079
Presbyterian Church. -
Green, in his Hzstory of the English People,
recognizes truly the genius of the new life of
Europe and of the Reformation,
when he says, ‘‘A vast and con-
secrated democracy, it stood in Calvinism,
contrast with the whole social and
political framework of the Euro-
pean nations. Grave as we count the faults of
Calvinism, alien as its temper may be in many
ways from the temper of the modern world, it
is in Calvinism that the modern world strikes
its roots, for it was Calvinism that first re-
vealed the worth and dignity of man. Called
of God and heir of heaven, the trader at his
counter and the digger of the field suddenly
rose into equality with the noble and the
king.” The idea of the Reformation which is
traceable to Calvin has often been regarded
as largely theological in its character, and as
dealing with speculative rather than practical
truths. This is not true. The Reformation
was not more of a theological than of a social
and public reform. It was an endeavor to
deliver people from their ignorance and sin,
first by giving them right views of the truth
and then adjusting their relations with one
another. Consequently the nerve ideas dis-
tinctly traceable to Geneva and John Calvin
have secured our modern civilization. Demo-
cratic government, free institutions, free
schools, and popular education—these are the
great pillars on which our social reforms rest.
The struggle for these constituted the great
battles in Holland, France, England, and
later, in the United States. It required a
revolution in all of these countries to establish
these institutions, and our own Revolution was
nothing, as Bancroft has said, ‘‘ But the appli-
cation of the principles of the Reformation to
our civil government.” The history of the
Presbyterian Church has been a history of the
struggle for the rights of man. It was a
body of Presbyterians who wrote the Mecklen-
berg Declaration—the pen stroke that in 1775
separated one county in North Carolina from
the British Crown, and which first asserted
the principle that Americans are, and of right
ought to be, free and independent. Dr.
John Witherspoon was not more eminent as
a theologian than as a patriot. The Synod of
New York and Philadelphia was the first
religious body to favor open resistance to
England. Many of the Presbyterian minis-
ters were actually engaged in civil service for
their country. The blood of the Covenanter
fought in the battles of the Revolution. The
things at stake in these battles are the things
at the bottom of all social reform. There is
no progress of man without constitutional
government, popular education, and deference
. to the rights of the people.
The Presbyterian Church, then, by reason of
her principles, and of her history in illustrat-
ing and defending them, should
be actively committed to every
phase of social reform. Her pro-
tests against every evil have been
constant and emphatic. Take, for
example, the temperance reform, the center
of all social reform ; in this the Presbyterian
Church has been unwavering in her testimony.
History.
i
Presbyterian Church.
Even as far back as 1854 the General Assembly
took the following action :
“ Resolved, That the General Assembly con-
tinue to view with deep interest the progress
of the temperance reformation, most inti-
mately connected with the vital interests
of men for time and eternity, and that they
do especially hail its new phase through
the action of several State legislatures, by
which the tariff in intoxicating liquors as
a beverage is entirely prohibited. They com-
mend this new system of legislation to the
attention and support of all ministers and
churches connected with this body for its
blessed results already experienced, and as
able, if universally adopted, to do much to seal
up the great fountains of drunkenness, pauper-
ism, and crime, and relieve humanity of one
of its most demoralizing and distressing evils.”
Then, as late as 1885, the same General
Assembly adopted the following résolution :
‘““This General Assembly repeats the un-
varying testimony of preceding assemblies
against this wide-spread and destructive vice.
That in the view of the evils wrought by this
scourge of our race, this assembly would hail
with acclamations of joy and thanksgiving
the utter extermination of the traffic in intoxi-
cating liquors as a beverage, by the power of
the Christian conscience, public opinion, and
the strong arm of the civil law.”
- Nochurch can take a position more advanced
and radical upon this subject than has steadily
been taken by the Presbyterian Church.
In the matter of the anti-slavery reform the
Presbyterian Church encountered peculiar dif-
ficulty because she was strong in the slave-
holding States and the anti-slavery agitation
divided the Church. But at a time when other
churches had taken no strong general action
upon this subject—namely, as early as 1818—
theGeneral Assembly took the following action:
“The General Assembly of the Presbyterian
Church, having taken into consideration the
subject of slavery, think proper to make
known their sentiments upon it to the ¢hurches
and people under their care. We consider the
voluntary enslaving of one part of the human
race by another as a gross violation of the
most precious and sacred rights of human
nature, as utterly inconsistent with the law of
God, which requires us to love our neighbor
as ourselves, and as totally irreconcilable with
the spirit and principle of the gospel of Christ,
which enjoin that ‘all whatsoever you would
men-should do unto you, do ye even so to
them.’ Slavery creates a paradox in the moral
system : it exhibits rational, accountable, and
immortal beings in such circumstances as to
scarcely leave them the power of moral action.
It exhibits them as dependent on the will of
others whether they shall receive religious
instruction; whether they shall know and
worship the true God; whether they shall
enjoy the ordinances of the gospel ; whether
they shall perform the duties and endearments
of husbands and wives, parents and children,
neighbors and friends; whether they shall
preserve their chastity and purity or regard
the dictates of justice and humanity. Such are
some of the consequences of slavery—conse-
1080
‘
Presidency.
quences not imaginary, but which_connect.
themselves with its very existence. The evils
to which the slave is ever exposed often take
place in fact, and in their very worst degree
and form ; and where all of them do not take
place,—as we rejoice to say, in many instances,
through the influence of the principles of hu-
manity and religion on the minds of the
masters, they do not,—still, the slave is de-.
prived of his natural right and degraded as
a human being, and exposed to the danger of
passing into the hands of a master who may
inflict upon him all the hardships and injuries
which inhumanity and avarice may suggest.”
Surely this early declaration, repeatedly
affirmed by subsequent assemblies, may be
regarded as the moral seed which finally,
through fire and flood, ended in the harvest.
of the emancipation.
In the various lines of moral reform, both
in society and in the State, the Presbyterian.
Church is probably doing her full share. She
is striving to apply the highest power of her
principles to the deepest needs of man. . The
ethical possibilities of Christianity are about.
to be proven as never before. Strong men are
rising up to attack the wild beasts of evil
passions that so long have had their hands on.
the nation’s throat—the beasts of intemper-
ance, licentiousness, greed of money, prosti-
tution of official position, tyranny of the
strong over the. weak. These beasts have
made our fair cities bloody with their rage
and assaulted the fair name of our country as.
the home of liberty and the friend of man.
And these reforms are being pushed forward.
in the name of the Lord of hosts. And in this
forward movement Presbyterian ministers and
laymen have been, as they should be, con-
spicuous. They had been false to the historic
glory of Presbyterians if they had not stood
valiantly against every form of oppression and
of unrighteousness.
CuHar.Les L. THOMPSON.
PRESIDENCY (UNITED STATES).—
For the present constitutional functions of the
office of the President of the United States,
see article Constirution; for the present
method of electing the President, see ELxc-
TORAL COLLEGE.
We give in this article for. conveniences of
reference, first, the electoral and popular votes.
for Presidents at the different elections, and,
secondly, a statement of various views as to:
the presidency and the prominent suggestions
that have been made as to reforms in the
office. We give, first, the electoral and pop-
ular votes from 1824 to 1892; second, the votes.
by States in the recent elections; and, third,
the elections from 1789 to 1820.
It will be remembered that the President and Vice-
President of the United States are chosen by officials
termed “Electors’’.in each State, who are, under
existing State laws, chosen by the qualified voters
thereof by ballot, on the first Tuesday after the first
Monday of November of every fourth year preceding
the year in which the Presidential term expires. |
The Constitution of the United States prescribes
that each State shall ‘‘ appoint,’’ in such manner as the
Legislature thereof may direct, a number of Electors
equal to the whole number of Senators and Represent-
atives to which the State may be entitled in Congress.
The various votes have been as follows:
Presidency. 1081 Presidency.
ELECTORAL AND POPULAR VOTES.
¢ Vear of Candidates for Pre :
Election. President. States. Politica] Party. Po a Plurality. Heetersl
1824........| Andrew Jackson......... Tennessee....... Republican,... ...... 155,872 0,552 a
Jena Q. Adams*... -| Massachusetts... Republican. ‘| deal gk oe. ‘ oe
enry Clay........ sense. Kentucky....... Republican. 46,587 37
William H. Crawford....| Georgia... .....| Republican.. 44,282 aioe 4t
1828........| Andrew Jackson*. -| Tennessee. . -| Democrat..... ass ara ta 647,231 138,134 178
John Q. Adams.. Massachusetts..| National Republican 509,097 as 83
1832,.......| Andrew Jackson*. Tennessee.......; Detnocrat.........05. 687,502 157,313 219
Henry Clay........ Kentucky. .| National Republican 530,189 ae 49
eta PON cass ctawias ve Georgia... .| Independent......... Iz
illiam Wirt......... ...| Maryland... Anti-Mason... | 33,108 aot { 7
1836. +0005 Martin Van Buren*...... New York.. Democrat... 761,549 24,893 172
William H. Harrison....} Ohio....... 73
Hugh L. White........... Tennessee.......| Whig.....ccccceeeeeee 26
Daniel Webster... .| Massachusetts. . 736,656 14
Willie P. Mangum North Carolina. IL
1840........| William H. Harrison*...} Ohio....... $ 1,275,017 146,315 234
Martin Van Buren.. New York 1,128,702 3 60
ames G. Birney.. New York 7,059 Biasite ie
1844... ...| James K. Polk*.... Tennessee 143371243 38,175 170
enry Clay........ Kentucky.......| Whig..... 1,299,068 areas 105
janet G. Birney.. New York.. 62,300 aise’ aie
1848........| Zachary Taylor*.. Louisiana. ais 1,360, 101 139,557 163.
Lewis Cass.......... Michigan.. Democrat....... 1,220,544 nates 127
Martin Van Buren.. New York...... Free Soil.... 291,263 axe ae
1852........| Franklin Pierce*.... New Hampshire] Democrat. 1,601,474 220,896 254
Winfield Scott..... New Jersey..... Whig.......... 1,380,576 aie 43
ohn P. Hale....... New Hampshire] Free Democrat.. 156,149 eye a8
1856........| James Buchanan*. Pennsylvania...| Democrat... 1,838,169 496,905 174
ohn C. Fremont.. California. Republican.. 1,341,264 aac Tig
illard Fillmore.... New York. American... 874,538 eons 8
1860........| Abraham Lincoln*.. Illinois... Republican.. 1,866,352 491,195 180
Stephen A. Douglas......| Illinois.. .. Democrat... 143759157 saws 12
ohn C. Breckinridge....| Kentucky. Democrat... 845,763 72
ohn Bell..........-+ Tennessee.. Union....... 589,581 San 39
1864........| Abraham Lincoln*.......] Illinois..... Republican... 2,216,067 407,342 (0) 212
George B. McClellan.....| New Jersey Democrat... . 1,808,725 a saye 2I
1868........| Ulysses 8. Grant*... Illinois...... Republican. 3,015,071 305,456 (c) 214
Horatio Seymour. New York Democrat... «-] 2,709,615 as 80
1872.....++.| Ulysses S. Grant*, Illinois....... ...| Republican.......... 31597,070 762,99 286.
Horace Greeley. Democrat and Labor] 2,834,079 aisieis (dq) ..
Charles O’Conor “ Democrat..... 29,408 a
ames Black...........665 Temperance .. 5,608 ots
homas A. Hendricks... Democrat..... sais 42°
B. Gratz Brown.......... Missouri... Democrat... 18
Charles J. Jenkins Georgia.. Democrat..... 2
David Davis....... ..| Illinois..... Independent.. eens Koay I
1876........| Samuel J. Tilden......... New York. Democrat..... 4,284,885 250,935 184
Rutherford B. Hayes*... i Republican. 41033,950 mena (e) 185,
Peter Cooper a Greenback.. 81,740 ue
Green Clay Smith. Prohibition. 91522 2
ames B. Walker.. American... 2,636 ciibieee x
TOBO....0008 ames A. Garfield*. Republican. 4449,053 7,018 214
. 8S. Hancock.... Democrat. 4442035 Mea 155
ames B. Weaver. Greenback.. 307,306 < zat
eal Dow........ Prohibition. 10,305 .
John W. Phelps... American... 707 soit a
1884........| Grover Cleveland*. Democrat... 4,QII,O17 62,683 219
ames G. Blaine... Republican. 4,848,334 seats 182
ohn P. St. John... Prohibition. 151,809 ar
enjamin F. Butler Massachusetts..| People’s..... 133,825 18
P. D. Wigginton.... California....... American. sen any we
1888..... ...| Grover Cleveland........| New York......| Democrat... 55381233 98,017 168
Benjamin Harrison*..... Indiana........ ..| Republican. 51440216 rene 233
Clinton B. Fisk.. ..| New Jersey..... Prohibition. .. 249,907 mi
Alson J. Streeter. Tllinois..... .| United Labor. 148,105 .
R. H. Cowdry... Tllinois..... United Labor 2,808 -
James L. Curtis.... New York. American. 1,591 hard “3
1892........| Grover Cleveland*... New -York... Democrat... 5,550,918 380,810 277
Benjamin Harrison.. Indiana..... Republican.... 5)176, 10 er 145
ames B. Weaver....- Iowa........ »| People’s. ¢ s+ +s 1,041,028 22
John Bidwell.. ..| California....... Prohibition. ..... oa 264,133 ie
imon Wing.....seeeeeeee Massachusetts..| Socialist Labor...... 21,164 vee
* The candidates starred were elected.
of Representatives elected Adams. (6) Eleven Sout
(c) Three Southern States disfranchised.
(e) There being
vote.
electors scattered their vote.
and South Carolina, they were referred by Congress
and seven Democrats, which, by a strict party vote,
hern States, bein
(a) No candidates having a majority of the electoral vote, the House
within the belligerent territory, did not
(2) Horace Greeley died after_election, and Democratic
a dispute over the electoral votes of Florida, Louisiana, Oregon,
to an electoral commission, composed of eight Republicans
awarded 185 electoral votes to Hayes, and 184 to
ilden.
Presidency.
1082
Presidency.
‘The following was the popular and electoral vote for President in 1896 by States :
LECT
POPULAR VOTE. as EE TowAh
STATES AND TER-
RITORIES. ms .
. Lev- Mat- ao] hm.
Bryan, |McKinley, | Palmer, . Bentley, tine: BS 1 gen
Dem. Rep. . Dem.| BRS | Nat. s Tee Pluraiue &S s gS
Alabama .......... 130,307 545737 6,462 25147 sis mas 75,570 B Ir a
Arkansas .... 110,103 375512 aio 839 893 ee 72,591 B 8 ie
‘California ... 1439373 146,170 1,730 25573 1,046 1,611 2,797 McK I 8
Colorado..... 161,153 26,271 I 1,717 386 159 134,882 B 4 .
‘Connecticut. 56,740 110,285 41334 1,808 1,223 53545 McK of 6
Delaware... 135424 16,804 877 355 gains 3,630 McK a 3
‘Florida ... 32,736 11,288 654 1,778 sees 21,448 B 4 RY
Georgia . 94)232 60,091 2,708 5,613 34,141 B 13 oe
‘Idaho.. 23,192 6,324 iene 179 sane iets 16,868 B 3 is
Illinois... 464,632 607,130 6,390 95796 793 1,147 143,098 McK a 24
Indiana . 3055573 3235754 2,145 31056 2,267 324 18,181 McK ne 15
Towa... 2235741 289,293 45516 31192 352 453 65,552 McK a 13
Kansas... 171,810 159.541 1,209 1,921 630 ais 12,269 10 5
Kentucky . 217,890 218,171 Sy1T4 45781 Sie re 281 McK I 12
Louisiana . IN175 22,037 1,834 sean Ae 55,138 B 8 ans
Maine ............ 34,588 80,465 1,870 1,570 estas ai 45,777 McK He 6
Maryland....... ... 2045735 136,959 2,507 5,918 136 587 32,224 McK j| .. | 8
Massachusetts.... 105,711 278,976 11,749 2,998 Garis 2,114 173,265 McK 15
Michigan....... 2365714 293,582 1879 51025 1,995 297 56,868 McK || .. 14
Minnesota. 139,626 193,501 3,202 49343 wees 867 531875 McK || .. 9
‘Mississippi 63,859 5,130 1,071 » 485 arate ose 58,729 B 9 i
Missouri. 363,667 304,940 2,355 2,169 293 596 58,727 B 7 fe
‘Montana... 42,190 9,998 ep QI Hens zie 32,192 B 3 “i
Nebraska 115,762 102,292 2,708 1,193 738 170 13,470 B 8 es
Nevada ..c.cecsirenes 8,377 1,938 aes Sune Seis oe 1439 3 a
New Hampshire.... 21,050 571444 31520 179 49 228 35,794 McK || .. 4
New Jersey... 133,675 221,367 6,373 5,614 ieate 31985 87,692 McK ae 10
New York....... 551,369 819,838 18,950 16,052 aia 17,667 268,469 McK 209 36
North Carolina.. 174,488 155,222 578 675 247 mages 19,266 B Ir a
‘North Dakota.. 20,686 26,335 Aisi ‘358 diets ee 5,649 McK oe 3
ORIOs 355, sieges 4771494 525,991 1,857 5,068 2,716 1,167 47,497 McK ay 23
‘Oregon ... 46,662 48,779 977 919 oi ese 2117 McK we 4
‘Pennsylvania 433228 728,300 11,000 195274 1,683, 295,072 McK a 32
Rhode Island. 145459 375437 1,166 1,160 558 22,978 McK sf 4
South Carolina... 58,798 9,281 828 as wise 49,517 B 9 ae
South Dakota.... 41,205 41,022 ieeross 691 a 183 B 4 A
‘Tennessee..... 166,268 148,773 1,951 3,098 ae 17,495 B 12 of
‘Texas ..... 3705434 167,529 5,046 1,786 foes: 202,914 B 15 .
‘Utah.... 64,851 13,461 ne aia wate's 51,390 B 3 te
“Vermont . 10,637 51,127 34332 733 ots 40.490 McK ae 4
Virginia...... 1545709 1355368 2,129 2,350 seze 108 19,341 12 an
‘Washington...... 51,557 39,124 14499 805 111 whe 12,433 B 4 oie
‘West Virginia. . 92,927 104,414 677 1,203 cree awa 11,487 McK i 6
‘Wisconsin ..... 165.523 268,135 45584 7509 346 15314 102,612 McK ta 12
“Wyoming... 10,655 10,072 seis 136 patel ase 583 B 3 es
Totaldes sx eevee] 654541943 741053959 132,870 131,748 13,873 S0;260) ||) eixanied 176 271
‘Popular vote, McKinley over Bryan.. 651,016
‘Popular vote, McKinley over all, 336,265
Pluralities, McKinley a 1,516,602
‘Pluralities, Bryan..... cc. ce eee eee 9655586
Electoral vote, McKinley over Bryan... 95
Straight Fusion vote for Bryan.. .... . 6,304,300
Straight Populist vote for Bryan.. 150,643
SDotal, Popular Vote 21896 .c.9 css siessiasgiy eioavaeis eg aaisanis, o06.5 aifieintiaiels Glaslh g@aGinlarrnaaimisles B aeUddaeaaigvadion selesey 13,875,653
It can be seen from the above table that 20,259
‘more votes for Bryan instead of McKinley would
have givenBryan the election if thus distributed ;
141 in Kentucky giving him 12 more electoral
votes (he received 1 electoral vote in Kentucky) ;
i059 1n Oregon with 4 electoral votes ; 1399 in
California giving him 8 more electoral votes (he
received 1 electoral vote in California) ; 2825 in
North Dakota with 4 electoral votes ; 5744 in
West Virginia with 6 electoral votes, and gogl
in Indiana with 15 electoral votes. Or 40,518
votes in those States for Bryan instead of some
other candidate than either McKinley or Bryan
would have elected Bryan,
McKinley carried 23 States and Bryan 22, be-
sidés gaining an electoral vote each in 2 States
reckoned in McKinley’s 23.
The candidates in 1896 for Vice-Presidents
were Garret A. Hobert, of New Jersey, Repub-
lican, who received 271 electoral votes, and was
elected ; Arthur Sewall, of Maine, Democrat,
who received 176 electoral votes ; Thomas E.
Watson, of Georgia, Populist ; Hale Johnson,
of Illinois, Prohibitionist ; Simon B. Buckner,
of Kentucky, National Democrat; Matthew
“ Maguire, of New Jersey, Socialist Labor Party ;
James H. Southgate, of North Carolina, National
(Free Silver Prohibition Party).
1083 Presidency.
Presidency.
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Presidency.
The record of any popular vote for electors
prior to 1824 is so meager and imperfect that a
compilation would be useless. In most of the
States, for more than a quarter century follow-
ing the establishment of the Government, the
State legislatures ‘‘ appointed” the Presiden-
tial electors, and the people, therefore, voted
only indirectly for them, their choice being
expressed by their votes for members of the
legislature. In this tabulation only the aggre-
gate electoral votes for candidates for Presi-
dent and Vice-President in the first nine
quadrennial elections appear.
1789. Previous to 1804, each elector voted for two
candidates for President. The one who received the
largest number of votes was declared President, and
the one who received the next largest number of votes
was declared Vice-President. The electoral votes for
the first President of the United States were: George
Washington, 69; John Adams of Massachusetts, 34;
ee Jay_of New York, 9; R. H. Harrison of Mary-
and, 6; John Rutledge of South Carolina, 6; John
Hancock of Massachusetts, 4; George Clinton of New
York, 3; Samuel Huntingdon of Connecticut, 2; John
Milton of Georgia, 2; James Armstrong of Georgia,
Benjamin Lincoln of Massachusetts, and Edward
Telfair of Georgia, 1 vote each. Vacancies (votes not
cast), 4. George Washington was chosen President,
and John Adams Vice-President.
1792. George Washington, Federalist, received 132
votes; John Adams, Federalist, 77; George Clinton
of New York, Republican,* 50; Thomas Jefferson of
Virginia, Republican, 4; Aaron Burr of New York,
Republican, 1 vote. Vacancies, 3. George Washing-
ton was chosen President, and John Adams Vice-
President.
1796. John Adams, Federalist, 71; Thomas Jeffer-
son, Republican, 68; Thomas Pinckney of South
Carolina, Federalist, 59; Aaron Burr of New York,
Republican, 30; Samuel Adams of Massachusetts,
Republican, 15; Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut, In-
dependent, 11; George Clinton of New York, Repub-
lican, 7; John Jay of New York, Federalist, 5; James
Iredell of North Carolina, Federalist, 3; George
Washington of Virginia, John Henry of Maryland,
and S. Johnson of North Carolina, all Federalists, 2
votes each ; Charles Cotesworth Pinckney of South
Carolina, Federalist, 1 vote. John Adams was chosen
President, and Thomas Jefferson Vice-President.
1800. _ Thomas Jefferson, Republican, 73; Aaron
Burr, Rep ean, 73; John Adams, Federalist, 65;
Charles C. Pinckney, Federalist, 64; John Jay, Feder-
alist, r vote. There being a tie vote for Jefferson and
Burr, the choice devolved upon the House of Repre-
sentatives. Jefferson received the votes of ro States,
which, being the largest vote cast for a candidate,
elected him President. Burr received the votes of
four States, which, being the next largest vote, elected
him Vice-President. There were 2 blank votes.
1804.
been amended, the electors at this election voted for
a President and a Vice-President, instead of for two
candidates for President. The result was as follows:
For President, Thomas Jefferson, Republican, 162;
Charles C, Pinckney, Federalist, 14. For Vice-Presi-
dent, George Clinton, Republican, 162; Rufus King of
New York, Federalist, 14. Jefferson was chosen
President, and Clinton Vice-President.
1808. For President, James Madison of Virginia,
Republican, 122; Charles C. Pinckney of South Caro-
lina, Federalist, 47;_ George Clinton_of New York,
Republican, 6. For Vice-President, George Clinton,
Republican, 113; Rufus King of New York, Federal-
ist, 47; John Langdon of New Hampshire, 9; James
Madison, 3; James Monroe, 3. Vacancy, 1. Madison
“ee chosen President, and Clinton Vice-President.
1612.
For President, eon Madison, Republican,
128; De Witt Clinton of New York, Federalist, 89. For
Vice-President, Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts,
Republican, 131; Jared Ingersoll of Pennsylvania,
Federalist, 86. acancy, 1. Madison was chosen
President, and Gerry Vice-President.
1816. For President, James Monroe of Virginia,
Republican, 183; Rufus King of New York, Federal-
ist, 34. For Vice-President, Daniel D. Tompkins of
* The first Republican Party is claimed by the pres-
ent Democratic Party as its progenitor. " P
1084
The Constitution of the United States having ©
Presidency.
New York, Republican, 183; John Eager Howard of
Maryland, Federalist, 22; James Ross of Pennsylvania,
H John Marshall of Virginia, 4; Robert G. Harper of
aryland, 3. Vacancies, 4. Monroe was chosen
President, and Tompkins Vice-President.
1820. For President, James Monroe of Virginia,
Republican, 231; John Q. Adams of Massachusetts,
Republican, 1. For Vice-President, Daniel D, Tomp-
kins, Republican, 218; Richard Stockton of New Jer-
sey, 8; Daniel Rodney of Delaware, 4; Robert G.
Harper of Maryland, and Richard Rush, of Pennsyl-
vania, 1 vote each. Vacancies, 3. James Monroe was
chosen President, and Daniel D. Tompkins Vice-
President.
As to the talaga of the present constitu-
tional conception of the President’s office,
there are various views. Mr. James Bryce
(The American Commonwealth, the first edi-
tion, chap. vii.) $:
‘““Altho the President has been, not that inde-
pendent good citizen whom the framers of the Consti-
tution contemplated, but, at least during the last 60
years, a party man, seldom much above the average
in character or abilities, the office has attained the
main objects for whichit wascreated. Such mistakes
as have been made in foreign policy, or in the conduct
of the administrative departments, have been rarely
owing to the Constitution of the office or to the errors
of its holder.”
Nevertheless he tells us that this must not
make us overlook certain defects incidental to
the American Presidency. He says:
“In a country where there is no hereditary throne
nor hereditary aristocracy, an office raised far above
all other offices offers too great a stimulus to ambition.
This glittering prize, always dangling before the eyes.
of prominent statesmen, has a power stronger than
any Ja under a European crown to lure them (as
it lured Clay and Webster) from the path of straight-
forward consistency. One whoaimsat the Presidency
—and all prominent politicians do aim at it—has the
strongest possible motives to avoid making enemies.
Now a great statesman ought to be prepared to make
enemies. It is one thing to try to be popular—an
unpopular man will be uninfluentif—it is another
to seek popularity by courting every section of your
party. This is the temptation of Presidential as-
pirants. :
“A second defect is that the Presidential election,
occurring once in four years, throws the country for
several months into a state of turmoil, for which there
may be nooccasion. Perhaps there are no serious
party issues to be decided, perhaps the best thing
Toad be that the existing administration should pur-
sue the even tenor of its way. The Constitution, how-
ever, requires an election to be held, so the whole
costly and complicated machinery of agitation is put
in motion; and if issues do not exist, they have to be
created.... :
‘Again, these regularly recurring elections produce
a discontinuity of policy. Even when the new Presi-
dent belongs to the same party as his predecessor, he
usually nominates a new cabinet, having to reward
his special supporters. ...
“Fourthly. The fact that he is reeligible once, but
(practically) only once, operates unfavorably on the
President. Heis tempted to play fora
renomination by so pandering to active
sections of his own party, or so using
his patronage to conciliate influential
oliticians, as to make them put him
orward at the next election. On the
other hand, if he is in his second term of office, he has
no longer much motive to regard the interests of the
nation, because he sees that his own political death is
Defects,
MEAP. 5. fos
“Fifthly. An outgoing President is a weak Presi-
dent. During the four months of his stay in office
after his successor has been chosen, he declines, ex-
cept in cases of extreme necessity, to take any new
departure, to embark on any executive policy which
cannot be completed before he quits office. This is, of
course, even more decidedly the case if his successor
belongs to the opposite party.
“Lastly. The result of an election may be doubtful,
not from equality of votes, for this is provided against,
but from a dispute as to the validity of votes given in
or reported from the States. This difficulty arose
Presidency.
‘between Mr. Hayes and Mr. Tilden, disclosing the ex-
istence of a set of cases for which the Constitution had
not provided. | At will not recur in quite the same
form, for provision has now been made by statute for
dealing with disputed returns. But cases may arise in
which the returns from a State of its electoral votes
will, because notoriously obtained by fraud or force,
fail to be recognized as valid by the party whose can-
didate they prejudice. No Presidential election passes
without charges of this kind, and these charges are
not always unfounded. Should manifest unfairness
coincide with popular excitement over a really impor-
tant issue, the self-control of the people, which in 1877,
when no such issue was involved, restrained the party
passions of their leaders, may prove unequal to the
Strain of such a crisis.”
Another evil which Mr. Bryce refers to’ in
another chapter has been recently much min-
imized by civil service reform (g.v.), but is yeta
very great tho perhaps to some extent a neces.
sary evil—the presidential appointing power.
It is probably necessary that a president re-
sponsible to an extent for the whole federal ad.
ministration should appoint his own Cabinet
and heads of departments, subject to the ap-
proval of the Senate, as required by the Consti-
tution ; but it is not necessary that these offices
should be looked upon as the natural rewards
for party service, and that from the day of his
election till long after his inauguration the time
of a president should be almost wholly occupied
by considering rival claims for office. Yet this
is the almost inevitable result under the present
Constitution, which gives the President so much
power—a power far more in many respects than
have most European monarchs. Says Mr. Bryce
(¢@em, chap. vi.) : i
“Artemus Ward’s description of Abraham Lincoln
swept along from room to room in the White House
by arising tide of office seekers is hardly an exagger-
ation. From the 4thof March, when Mr. Garfield
came into power, till he was shot in the July following,
he was engaged almost incessantly in questions of
patronage. Yet the President’s individual judgment
as little scope. He must reckon with the Senate; he
must requite the supporters of the men to whom he
owes his election; he must so distribute places all
over the country as to Keep the local wire-pullers in
good humor, and generally strengthen the party by
doing something’ for those who have worked or will
work for it. Altho the minor posts are practically
left to the nomination of the Senators or Congress-
men from the State or district, conflicting claims give
infinite trouble, and the more lucrative offices are
numerous enough to make the task of:selection labor-
ious as well as thankless and disagreeable. ... No
one has more to gain from a thorough scheme of Civil
Service Reform than the President. The present sys-
tem makes a wire-puller of him. It throws work on
him unworthy of a fine intellect, and for which a man
of fine intellect may be ill qualified. On the other
hand the President's peleenese is, in the hands of a
skilful intriguer, an engine of far-spreading potency.
it he can oblige a vast number of persons, can
bind their interests to his own, can fill important
places with the men of his choice. Such authority as
he has over the party in Congress, and therefore over
the course of legislation; such influence as he exerts
on his party in the several States, and therefore over
the selection of candidates for Congress, is due to his
atronage. Unhappily, the more his patronage is used
or these purposes, the more it is apt to be diverted
from the aim of providing the country with the best
officials.”
Professor E. J. James dissents on certain
points from the views of Mr. Bryce. He says
(Annals of the American Academy of Polite-
cal and Social Sctence, May, 1896) :
“The term ‘responsible,’ in political science and in
constitutional discussions, has come to have a definite
technical meaning which makes it improper to use it
in describing the relations of the officials in the United
States to the people.
1085
Presidency.
_ ‘Looking fora moment at the President alone, there
is no sense in which the term ‘responsible’ is used in
the discussions of political science in which the Presi-
dent can be fairly said to be responsible to the people
atall. He is elected for a period of four years and
during that period is as completely and absolutely out
of the reach of law and legal process, in his official
capacity as President, as even the crowned heads of
Europe. Itistrue that if the President desires to be
reelected, he may shape his policy with reference to
the impression it will produce upon the voters of the
country, or, at Jeast, upon the politicians ; but, so the
German Emperor, if he desires to secure the passage
of a bill through the German legislature, will act in
such a way as, in his opinion, will contribute to that
end, but he is not for that reason responsible, in any
political sense, to the people. Even if the President
might be said, in a certain sense, to be responsible in
his first term—that is, so faras he may be affected by
the desire to influence public sentiment in favor of
securing a second term—certainly this cannot be said
of his conduct during his second term with reference
toathird. He knows full well that no conduct of his
would be likely to secure a third term in the present
temper and with the present political traditions of the
people of the United States.
‘‘No power is given to individual citizens, or to the
citizens taken collectively, or to the States individu-
ally, or to the States taken together, to control or
supervise in any way the actsof the President. Heis,
so far as any of these elements in our political system
are concerned, absolutely irresponsible. Nor can he
be reached by any process of the court, and he is,
therefore, in this sense, as truly above the courts and
free from responsibility tothem as any king in Europe.
Indeed one may say that ina certain sense the crowned
heads of Europe are more immediately responsible to
pee outside of themselves than is the Presi-
ent,
Of Mr. Cleveland’s bond issues, the Detroit
Tribune says:
“Until Cleveland proved by trial what a President
could do, few persons, doubtless, were aware that
money could be borrowed upon the public credit, for
the payment of the ordinary expenses of the Govern-
ment, without consultation of the legislature of the
people. It would appear incredible that an intelligent
and watchful nation should let its Government get
into such shape as that the matter of public expend-
iture was not controlled by the parliamentary as-
sembly. It was incredible until the object-lessons’
compelled belief.... By the existing law the Ex-
ecutive is given a legal way of getting money without
asking the people for it. If that is not a dangerous
situation, it will be hard to find dangerous situations.”
In the United States discussion as to con-
stitutional reforms in regard to the Presidency
have turned mainly upon the method of elect-
ing Presidents, their length of term, and their
appointing power.
Concerning the method of electing Presi-
dents it is proposed first that the President be
elected by direct vote of the people. This is
the plan advocated by two out of four con-
tributors to a symposium on the subject in the
North American Review (vol. exl. p. 97). It
would give every man a chance to express his
wish, not compelling him to vote for nominees
of aparty. It is claimed that it would put the
President in closer touch with the people, and
make him more independent of party ma-
chines; that it would lessen the opportunity
for corruption. On the other hand it is ar-
gued that, as there would have to be concert
of action to elect a candidate, there would
be practically no more freedom of personal
choice than now, while secret and corrupt
concerted action would have more chance.
As to the objection that the present electoral
system often elects a candidate who has not
received the popular majority, it is answered
Presidency.
that a popular majority might often be a
sectional majority and not represent the
whole country any more truly. It is, there-
fore, secondly, suggested that the President
be elected by the national legislature, as in
France.
Mr. D. B. Eaton (North American Review,
vol. cliv. p. 691) would lengthen the term
of office from four to six years, making the
elections less frequent, and then forbidding
a second term.
Mr. George T. Curtis (Century, vol. vii.
p. 124) would have the Electoral Commission
meet as an electoral chamber, competent to
judge of the qualifications and returns of its
own members, and then allowing this body to
elect the President as responsible men, not as
the mere automata of parties.
Mr. Albert Stickney (4 True Republic,
chap. ix.) would make changes in the power
to be given the office, and make the President
responsible to the legislature, who should
have direct power of removing him, without a
hearing, if they think public interests demand
it, by a two-thirds vote of both Houses sitting
as one body. He asks if anyone ever heard
of such a thing as insuring efficient work from
a man who could not be removed instantly, so
soon as, for any reason, he failed to do his
work well. Mr. Stickney, through all portions
of administrative departments, from the top
to the bottom, would give all official responsi-
bility for one work to one man. He would
give the President the sole appointing and
removing power for all heads of departments
and no more. Each department head should
be solely responsible for his department, each
subordinate head being responsible for those
under him; the President, finally, being re-
sponsible to the legislature. This system
would take from the chief executive any voice
in the appointment or removal of the great
number of subordinate officials which he now
has. It would free him to appoint his depart-
ment heads without a two-thirds vote of the
Senate. For any misconduct or failure he
could himself be removed. If not removed,
he could hold the office for life.
In the Swiss republic the executive power is
not lodged with one man, but in a federal coun-
cil (Bundesrath), elected for a term of three
years by an assembly of the two Houses of
legislature sitting together. This assembly
also elects the President and Vice-President
of the Bundesrath, but the President is given
little more power that his colleagues, and can
only serve one term. Rotation in the office is
rigidly carried out. The main duty of the
President, as distinguished from his colleagues,
is to represent the Bundesrath and to receive
the ministers of foreign powers.
Very many believe that the Presidents of
the United States have too much power. At
the time of the Pullman strike, when Mr.
Cleveland called out the Federal troops to pro-
tect the mails, railroads, etc., Governor Altgeld
publicly protested against the act; claiming
that the State authorities were doing all that
was necessary, and that if the President could
send troops into a State which had not called
for help, it made him a tyrant over the land.
1086
Price.
Some radicals believe in the abolition of the
Presidency. Says a memorial addressed to
Congress :
“1, The Presidency is a copy of royalty: it is an
essentially unrepublican institution ; for it exalts an
individual into ruling power over all the rest of the
population, bringing them into a relation of subjec-.
tion toward him, and accustoming them to monarchial
ideas.
‘>, It is thoroughly anti-democratic in nature; for
it does not only ignore the direct authority of the
popular will, but opposes an independent and auto-
cratic front to the representative thereof—the
legislature.
‘3. It maintains the false, illogical, disorganizing
theory—born in monarchy, and Pelee. denying
democracy—of the ‘partition of powers.’ In’ the
democratic polity, all powers are derived from the
people, and are no more capable of partition from and
against each other than are the people. . . .
_ '*4. It is a constantly menacing, constantly grow-
ing cause of danger to the republic—whose eventual
ruin it must inevitably occasion.
“'s, If it do not cause such ruin by direct, violent
subversion, it must eftect the same through corrup-
tion ; for the Presidential office is the source, the con-
stantly growing source, of universal corruption: ...
“Yo avoid these dangers, the undersigned suggest
that Congress propose an Amendment to the Con-
stitution, abolishing the Presidency, arfd transferring
the executive functions to an administrative com-
mission, or Congressional ministry, to be chosen by
Congress from their own body, or from among other
competent citizens; and to be supervised and in-
structed, during the adjournment of Congress, by
a standing committee, who are to be in permanent
session during that time, and who are to be author
ized to call extra sessions of Congress when needed.”
(See also ELEcTIons ; ELECTORAL COLLEGE ;
CoNSTITUTION.)
PRICE.—For a discussion of the important
and much debated economic laws which govern
price and value, see Vatue. For tables of
prices, see Prices. The whole subject of price,
from the economic standpoint, is so involved
with the subject of value that we cannot dis-
cuss it advantageously separately from that
subject. When we speak of the price of an
article we popularly mean the amount of
money that we have to pay for it in open
market; by value people usually mean an
estimate of a commodity’s usefulness or worth.
But some economists use the word value in
the sense not of any estzmate of worth, but
the amount an article will exchange for meas-
ured by any standard, while they use the
word price of the value of a commodity meas-
ured by the standard of money. Price is
thus a particular case of value, and there is
here no distinction between price as a given
fact in the market and value as an estimate.
Both price and value are facts dependent on
intricate laws. The so-called Austrian or psy-
chologic school, which has a large hold in
the United States, is differentiated from the
orthodox economic school very largely by its
concept of value, and the Fabian socialists
differ from German socialists on the same
point. We give here some representative
definitions which show why the subject cannot
be separated from that of value. Says Pro-
fessor Fawcett (Polztecal Economy, book iii.
chap. i.):
“Price is a particular case of value. If the value of
a commodity is estimated by comparing it with those
precious metals which civilized countries employ as
money, then it is said that the price, and not the value
of a commodity, is ascertained.”
Price.
Says John Stuart Mill (Polstzcal Economy,
book iii. chap. i. § 2):
“The words value and price were used as synony-
mous by the early political economists, and are not
always discriminated even by Ricardo. But the most
accurate modern writers, to avoid the wastful expen-
diture of two good scientific terms on a single idea,
have employed price to express the value of a thing i
relation to money; the quantity of money for which it
will el By the price of a thing, therefore, we
shall henceforth understand its value in money; by
the value or exchange value of a thing, its general
power of purchasing, the command which its pos-
session gives over purchasable commodities in
general.”
Says Professor Marshall (Elements of Eco-
nomics of Industry, book i. chap. i. § 5):
“ Civilized countries generally adopt gold or silver
or both as money. Instead of expressing the values
1087
Prices.
of lead and tin, and wood and corn, and other things
in terms of one another we express them in terms of
money in the first instance, and call the value of each
thing thus expressed its price. If we know that a ton
of lead will exchange for 15 sovereigns at any place
and time, while a ton of tin will exchange for go sov-
ereigns, we say that their prices then and there are
415 and £90 respectively, and we know that the value
oe a ton of tin in terms of lead is six tons then and
ere.
PRICES.—For a discussion of prices, see
VaLuz. We give here from authoritative
sources tables of the rise and fall of prices.
in recent times. Senate Report No. 1394,
second session, Fifty-second Congress, gives.
the following table of relative prices in gold *
for groups of articles in the United States,
1840-91 :
GENERAL AVERAGE PRICES.
YEAR. Lumber
Food. Cloths and] Fuel and panies and build-|Drugs and panne Miscella- a
clothing. | lighting. meni: ing mete chemicals. goods. neous. articles.
96.6 110.7 395-8 123.5 110.0 145.8 116.4 147-1 116.8
94-4 113-4 208.9 123.7 111.8 141.3 116.4 147-1 115.8
82.9 100.9 202.0 118.7 108.8 131.6 116.4 170.6 107.8
79:3 99:9 187.5 114.7 105.4 121.4 100.3 123.5 IOI.5
81.6 105.0 119.7 133-3 103.0 119.7 102.3 129.5 101.9
87.3 97-1 239.6 110.8 106.7 121.0 102.3 114.8 102.8
94.6 95-3 143-8 116.9 106.2 123.9 III. I11.0 106.4
94-7 97-6 110.7 120.6 108.2 112.5 120.3 121.7 106.5
83.5 87.5 106.1 119.7 105.3 113.0 121.7 125.6 IOI.g
79.0 82.2 100.0 124.9 97-6 III. 120.5 109.8 98.7"
85.5 gI-3 102.6 114.8 102.2 123.6 125.6 107.7 102. 3.
90.6 94-7 93-3 I1g.2 97-2 125.8 120.0 102.7 105.9
88.7 88.7 97°5 117.7: 100.4 111.8 IIl.g 100.5 102.7
IOI.2 98.6 101.6 122.8 103.2 107.0 118.7 109.2 109.1
105.9 97-4 106.8 125.6 IIg.E 110.7 121.2 108.4 II2.Q:
111.8 94:7 121.1 117.8 103-4 129.2 121.2 I15.2 113.1
IIo.4 100.6, 126.4 II5.3 102.8 135-5 115.5 121.6 113.2
117.5 106.0 113-3 II0.4 105.0 126.8 116.8 110.0 112.5
94.6 98.0 TII.4 IO1.3 103.8 116.0 108.7 97-1 101.8
98.8 IOL.I 98.8 100.1 98.7 104.2 103.2 100.8 100.2
100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
95.8 94.9 103-5 102.5 108.9 IOl.3 96.8 100.7 100.6
107.7 121.1 94-8 T14.3 145-6 113.6 87.3 IOT.2 II4.9,
91.7 132.0 73.8 96.5 122.1 101.0 84.8 89.0 102.4
106.6 167.7 I15.9 115.6 142.3 109.5, 105.9 99:3 122.5
100.1 138.4 II0.0 88.5 84.2 123.6 83.8 93-8 100.5
124.1 161.7 200.2 122.1 133-4 164.3 132.3 122.1 136.3
121.8 133-7 145-8 119.8 132.8 156.9 118.2 119.9 127.9"
118.6 106.0 157-9 108.7 125.8 128.4 97-4 118.5 TI5.Q°
120.1 108.8 152.5 104.2 122.3 118,7 89.0 I1g.7 113.2
126.8 114.9 162.0 105.4 122.3 123.3 100.2 122.6 117.3.
152.9 120.4 130.2 II0.4 136.8 125.9 116.1 134.4 122.9-
122.2 131.1 136.8 117.3 153-0 - 122.8 112.9 121.6 127.2
115.2 121.5 IIQ-4 T15.2 152.5 125.6 96.8 117.5 122.0"
118.0 114.8 134.3 108.7 139-0 131.8 98.3 116.5 IIQ.4
116.0 106.8 139.1 104-4 127-7 128.2 84.4 109.2 113.4
109.1 95:3 128.2 96-1 121.7 108.0 77:3 IOI.2 104.8
113.3 95-9 101.7 94-2 118.5 115.2 74-4 T1I.3 IO4.4
105.5 91.9 QI-7 90.8 115.2 112.6 73-3 110.2 99-9
Q7- QI.r 95-3 88.4 I15.1 110.9 68. 102.1 06.6
107.6 104.5 100.2 96-3 130-9 I13.1 85.2 109.8 106.9
110.9 99:9 113-7 QI.I 131-3 II0.4 77:6 108.8 105.7
118.8 98.7 I10.I g1.-2 137-5 107.6 78.1 114.6 108.5
118.8 94.8 IIg.2 87.5 134-3 98.1 77-5 117.3 106.0-
108.9 88.9 102.4 81.0 129.5 95-7 76.3 TIT.g 99-4
98.7 84.8 809.6 7-4 126.6 86.9 70.4 97-5 93-0"
99-5 85.2 86.2 75.8 128.5 83.9 68.4 91.3 91.9
104.2 84.7 88.6 74:9 126.5 83.6 66.4 88.6 92.6:
109.4 84.7 94-9 74:9 124.8 86.0 66.9 89.3 94.2
I1I.9 83.6 95-3 72.9 124.0 88.8 70.0 88.8 94.2
104.6 82.4 92.5 73-2 123-7 87.9 69.5 89.7 92.3
103-9 81.1 gI.0 14-9 122.3 86.3 70.1 95-1 92.2
*In converting currency prices into gold we have used the value of $100 gold in currency as given for
January of each year in the American Almanac for 1878, as follows: 1862, 102.5; 1863, 145.1; 1864, 155.5; 1865, 216.2;
1866, 140.1} 1867, 134.6; 7868, 138.5; 1869, 135.6; 1870, 121.3; 1871, 110.7} 1872, 109.1; 1873, 112.7} 1874, 111.4; 1875, 112.5; 1876, 112.83,
1877, 106,2; and 1878, ror.4.
Prices.
1088
Prices.
The Statistical Abstract of the United States for 1894, prepared by the Bureau of Statistics,
gives (p. 417) the following table :
Prices oF Leapinc ARTICLES oF Domestic PropucTION EXPORTED FROM THE UNITED STATES
FROM 1870 TO 1894.
(The values of the goods represent their market value at the time of exportation.)
a oe 3 *, ea - ‘i oak a rd C a a 3 Y
Zl y8]sel50/8. eects | B/SE|ZEl sel sel] Sl szlos | ss
wa | Qa} ou ae ag (BS olGa He | He} ee | Ae) as] eS | as [ha 9
YEAR ENDING | 85 | “3 | 88 2) ee (sea | 29 |/ dS /g9 io). or | O98 3 | $8
Tones | S| 38) 2 | g2| 22 [eee .ag] BB BA) BA) oe) ge) EY | se) oe) ge
: . H 1 oO - 5 ah th at 9 o
E jz [28/2 |e" eeslges] 3 |Z2/98/2 /2 |B |e (28) 28
Oo JF |B |o [A Fema a [a jm ja |O ja fa lave
Dols.| Dols.| Cts. | Cts. | Cts. | Cts. | Cts. | Cts. | Cts.| Cts. | Cts. | Cts. | Cts. | Cts. | Cts.
1.29 | 6.12 | 23.5 | 28.5 | 30.5 | 15-7 | 16.6 | 13.2 7-3 | 29-3 | 15-5 | 39-6 8.2 | 12.6 | m4
1.32 | 6.59 | 14.9 | 25-3 | 25-7 | 11-4 | 13-2 | 109 | 8.7 | 215 | 13.7 | 285 6.6 | 13.2 g.2
1.47 | 7-1% | 19.3 | 23-7 | 24-9 8.6 | 10.1 7:2 7.0 | 194 | 11.7 | 20.3 5-0 | 12.6 | 10.3
1.31 | 7-57 | 18.8 | 25.3 | 23-5 8.8 9.2 7.8 7.7 | 2u.r | 13.1 | 26.6 53 | 116 | 107
1.43 | 7-14 | 15-4 | 25.2 | 17-3 9.6 O-4 8.2 8.2 | 25.0 | 13.1 | 22.1 5-7 | 10.5 9.6
1.12 | 5.97 | 15-0 | 26.0 | 14.1 | 11.4 | 13.8 | 10.1 8.7 | 23-7 | 13-5 | 25.6 6.0 | 10.8 | 11.3
1.24 | 6.22 | 12.9 | 26.2 | 14.0 | 12.1 | 13.3 | 10.6 8.7 | 23.9 | 12.6 | 28.0 5-4 | 107 | 10.4
r.17 | 6.49 | 11.8 | 23.9 | 21.1 | 10.8 } 10.9 9.0 7.5 | 20.6 | 11.8 | 25.9 52 | 11.6 | 10.2
1.34 | 6.36 | rx.x | 27.8 | 14.4 8.7 8.8 6.8 7.7 | 180 | 11.4 | 15.8 4:7 | 10.2 8.7
1.07 | 5-25 9-9 | 20.4 | 10.8 6.9 7-0 57 6.3 | 14.2 9.8 | 15-5 42 8.5 7:8
1.25 | 5.88 | 11.5 | 23.3 8.6 6.7 74 6.1 6.4 | 17-1 9-5 | 16. 43 9-0 7
I.Ir | 5.67 | 11.4 | 22.6 | 10.3 8.2 9-3 77 6.5 | 19.8 | r1.r | 17.2 47 9-2 8.3
1.19 | 6.15 | 11.4 | 20.9 Q.I 9-9 | 11.6 9.0 8.5 | 19.3 | 11-0 | 19.2 4.8 o-7 8&5
1.13 | 5.96 | 10.8 | 27.2 8.8 | 11.2 | 11.9 9-9 8.9 | 18.6 | 11.2 | 20.9 4-6 9.2 8.3
1.07 | 5-59 | 10.5 | 20.6 g.2 | 10.2 9-5 7-9 7.6 | 18.2 | 10.3 | 21.2 45 71 ger
-86 | 4.90 | 10.6 | 19.8 8.7 9-2 7-9 7.2 7.5 | 16.8 9-3 | 21-5 4.0 6.4 9-9
-87 | 4.70 9-9 | 19.9 8.7 75 6.9 5-9 6.0 | 15.6 8.3 | 18.3 4-1 6.7 9-6
+89 | 4.52 9-5 | 18.7 7.8 79 7.1 6.6 5.4 | 15.8 9-3 | 16.3 3.8 6.0 | 8.7
-85 | 4.58 9-8 | 17.3 7.9 8.6 7 74 5-3 | 18.3 9-9 | 15.9 35 6.3 8.3
+90 | 4.83 9-9 | 16.6 7:8 8.6 8.6 74 5-5 | 165 9-3 | 13-9 3.8 7.6 | 88
-83 | 4.66 | 10.1 | 16.0 74 7 7.1 6.0 54 | 14-4 g-0 | 15.4 4 7.0 8.6
+93 | 4-82 | 10.0 | 16.4 7.0 7-6 6.9 5-9 5-6 | 14-5 9-0 | 17.7 37 5-7 8.7
1.03 | 4.96 8.7 | 16.0 5-9 8.1 7.2 6.0 5-7 | 16.0 9-4 | 18.0 3.1 4.6] 8.4
+80 | 4.54 8.5 | 15.0 4-9 g.I 9.5 7.8 5-4 | 19-0 9-4 | 23.2 3-2 47 9.0
-67 | 4.11 7-8 | 15.1 4.2 9.6 9-0 8.0 5:7 | 17-6 9-7 | 16.9 3.2 44 85
* Upland.
For Great Britain, Mr. Angus Sauerbeck, the eminent statistician, gives the following tables
quoted in the special publication of the United States Bureau of Statistics for 1895.
Movements OF 45 CoMMODITIES IN THE UNITED KINGpoM (PRODUCTION AND ImporRTS).
Nominal values Z Ratio of
Estimated actual | at average prices] Movement of | Movement of quan- | prices accord-
YEARS. value in each of 1867-77, show- | quantities, tities from period ing to this
period. ing increase in 1848-50= 100. to period. table, 1867-77
quantities. =100.
Average, 1848-50...... 219,800,000 4294,800,000 FOO. wane aye 74.6
1859-61. +200 350,100,000 382,700,000 130 go per cent. over 1849 O15
1869-71. 456,600,000 - 484,600,000 _ 164 27 per cent. over 1860 94.2
1874-76. 537,800,000 538,400,000 TAZ. file ba serene paw 99-9
1879-81. 489,700,000 578,500,000 196 1g per cent. over 1870 84.6
1884-86. 445,700,000 610,100,000 207 hedaaee 73-0
1889-91. §04, 100,000 685,200,000 233 18 per cent. over 1880 73-6
ABOB saa sxicavies 12m 482,900,000 686,500,000 233 wroyaissae’s 6 = 70,3
1893. 445,800,000 655,300,000 223 sistevehele. ate 68.0
894 Fe stcintae es Raper 448,400,000 696,800,000 236 2 per cent. over 1890 64.3
* 1894 subject to correction after publication of the mineral produce returns.
Mr. Sauerbeck says :
“The nominal values at the uniform prices of
1867-77 Show the exact movement of quantities in the
aggregate. The quantities have remained practically
unchanged on the average of the last six years;
-during the three years, 1889-91, they were 18 per cent.
Jarger than in 1880, and 133 per cent. larger than in
1849. There was a considerable decrease in 1893, prin-
«cipally owing to diminished supplies of coals and
cotton, while the figure for 1894 is barely 2 per cent.
higher than in 1889-91. The actual value in 1894 was
less than the average of 1869-71, altho the quantities
were 44 percent. larger. . . .”
The following table shows the course of
prices of 45 commodities during the last 17
years as compared with the standard period
of Ir years, 1867-77, which in the aggregate
is equivalent to the average of the 25 years
1853-77 (see the Royal Statistical Society’s
Journal, 1886, pp. 592 and 648, and 1893,
Pp. 220 and 247):
Prices.
SumMMary oF INDEX NuMBERS.
1089
Primitive Property.
Groups oF ARTICLES, 1867-77=100.
d +
@é g j a a a =
as |-8 | «| 8 | ¢{4t/./| s/] 21. | 2 | esd lest
Years. | 5/85/9853] 3 3s 3 ee | 25 | 38 e ao | 09 |euSet
wog |Log | Sey 3 Q = Us as g 2 o4 | 82a |e ews
eso|ese|'ss| 8 | 2 | & | ea | $a) | 2 | a8 | oes |Psas
> < ae & a a | & eb 1S a) 8 |e ae
9s IOr go 96 74 78 88 8x 87 86.4 108 srs 32
7 94 87 ge 73 74 85 78 3 84.2 64 97 2
39 Ior 88 94 79 8r 89 84 88 85.9 93 983 2}
4. I0r 84 gr 77 77 86 80 85 85.0 97 100 3a
84 104 76 89 79 73 85 80 84 84.9 100 100% 45
82 103 17 89 76 70 84 77 82 83.1 93 ro1zy 3r8
7 97 63 719 68 68 8r 3 76 83.3 103 Io 3
68 88 63 74 66 65 76 7o 72 79-9 108 90x 3
65 87 60 72 67 63 69 67 69 74-6 93 I
64 79 67 70 69 65 67 67 68 73:3 110 rorg 3i5
67 82 65 72 78 64 67 69 70 70.4 96 IOI 3ro
65 86 75 75 75 70 68 7o 72 70.2 103 98 3i5
65 82 70 73 80 66 69 qt 72 78.4 106 964 ats
75 8r 7 17 76 59 69 68 72 74-1 108 ost 3
65 84 69 73 7 57 67 65 38 65.4 or 96 ars
59 85 75 72 68 59 68 65 68 58.6 90 98% 3r5
55 80 65 66 64 53 64 60 63 47-6 106 Tor 2%5
1885-94.- 65 83 68 72 71 62 68 67 69 69.2 Tor 99 38
1878-87..] 79 95 76 84 73 7£ 8r 76 79 82.1 97 998 3r6
* Silver 60.84d. per ounce=1o00.
+ Wheat harvest in the United Kingdom, 1878-83, 28 bushels per acre=100; from 1884, 29 bushels=roo.
+ Consols and bank-rate actual figures, not index numbers; consols 23 per cent. from 1889.
The index number for all commodities was
63, against 68 in 1893, and was therefore 7%
per cent. below the preceding year, 9 per cent.
below the average of the preceding Io years,
20 per cent. below the Io years 1878-87, and 37
per cent. below the standard period, 1867-77.
The decline during the past year extended to
all groups of commodities, and in no case was
it less than 6 per cent. A number of articles
showed records of lowest prices during the
century; thus, wheat and flour, oats, rice,
sugar, lead, cotton, jute, flax, manila, hemp,
merino wool, silk, and soda, in fact, 16 out of
45 descriptions, while some others, such as tea,
copper, and petroleum were on the average of
the year as low or lower than in any preced-
ing year.
PRIMITIVE PROPERTY.—According to
some sociological writers, the present system of
private ownership in land was preceded by a
system of collective or communal ownership
and cultivation. The main authorities for this
view are Sir Henry Maine, in his Amczent
Law; G. L. von Maurer, in his Ezwlectung
zur Geschichte der Mark,—Hof- Dorf- und
Stadtverfassung (1854); _P. Viollet, in his
Bibliotheque de Ecole des Chartes (1872),
and Em. Laveleye, in his De ¢a Propriété
de ses Formes Primitives (1874), well known
to English readers in Marriott's translation,
Primitive Property (1878). Maine says in the
above work (p. 268):
“ Property once belonged not to individuals, nor even
to isolated families, but to larger societies.” Maurer
says (p. 93): ‘‘ All land in the beginning was common
land and belonged to all; that is tosay, to the people.
Violet says (p. 503): ‘‘ Land was held in common before
it became private property in the hands of a family or
an individual.” De Laveleye says: ‘' The arable land
was cultivated in common ; private property grew up
afterward out of this ancient common ownership.
Maurer builds his argument from certain expres-
5 69
sions in Cesar, Tacitus, and other Latin authors, and
from certain words and phrases like communza and
ager publicus in classic and medieval formularies,
laws, etc. He studies the subject simply in regard to
Germanic peoples.
Viollet finds communal property described or re-
ferred to among the Greeks and Romans, by Plato,
Vergil, Justin, Tibullus, and other writers. He sees
arelic of it in the public meals of Sparta, the feasts
of the Athenian gryfanes, and of the Roman curz@.
De Laveleye traces such communal property in the
Javan dessa, the Russian mr, the Indian village com-
munity, the German Mark, the family communities
of Bosnia, Servia, Bulgaria, Champagne, and Au-
vergne, in the Swiss .4//menden, the Scotch township,
the common lands of France, Belgium, and_ other
countries. De Laveleye does not write asan admirer
of the ‘primitive communism.” He argues, in his
introduction, that inequality overthrew Greece and
Rome and threatens us in still more critical form, and
then says: ‘ The object of this book is not to advocate
areturnto the primitive agrarian community, but to
establish historically the natural right of property as
claimed by philosophers, as well as to show that own-
ership has assumed various forms and is consequently
susceptible of progressive reform.” According to De
Laveleye, land was first unappropriated at all. Then
certain tribes laid claim to certain portions of territory
for grazing purposes. Next, portions began to be
claimed for cultivation by the tribe. Then this was
parceled out among the families of the
tribe for cultivation. Next the parcels
were claimed for occupation by patri-
archal families. Finally, individual
hereditary property appears. For a
discussion of the Russian 2227, see MIR ; >
for the German J/arh, see MARK, for the Allmend,
see SWITZERLAND. Of the Slavic family communities
De Laveleye gives a specially interesting account.
Under this system land belongs to the gmina. (Ger-
man Gemeinde, or commune), which divides the land
among the patriarchal families, according to their
size. At the head of each family isa gospodar. Heis
elected by the community and transacts its business.
He is the executive, but acts only with the advice of
the community. The wife of the gospodar or some
other chosen woman is the domatchica, and regulates
the domestic interests. The houses cluster around
the central house of the gosfodar. In this house all
take their meals. Each communicy has 20 to 30 persons,
and occasionally more. There are usually three gen-
erations. When the community becomes too large it
divides. The young women usually pass into their
husbands’ family-community. The fruits of the agri-
cultural labor are usually held in common, but of
De Laveleye.
Primitive Property.
industrial labor, individually. Eachcomrmunity owns
about goacres. The aged and infirm are cared for in
common. The women take turns in the common
work. Communities aid each other. In the evenings,
the community meets for songs and dance. Members
are allowed to leave. Thesystem allows of division of
Jabor, union of capitaland labor, and simple fraternal
life. But it is dying before the forces of self-seeking
and western individualism.
Similar communities, De Laveleye says, were devel-
oped all through Europe in the Middle Ages, and
existed till our own day in Brittany, Auvergne, and
various secluded territories.
This view of primitive property in land,
however, has been severely criticized by other
scholars ; notably by Fustel de Coulanges in an
essay on The Origin of Property m Land,
first appearing in the Revue des Questions
Historigues for April 1889, and translated
under the above title by Margaret Ashley
(1891).
M. de Coulanges argues that Maurer and Viollet
have forced the meaning of the classic authors they
quote and that common meals and family communities
by ‘no means prove the communal ownership of land.
De Coulanges says in summing up his essay (p. 149):
“ Are we to conciude from all that has gone before that
nowhere and at no time was land held incommon? By
no means. To commit ourselves to so absolute a
negative would be to go beyond the purpose of this
work. The only conclusion to which we are brought
by this prolonged examination of authors, isthat com-
munity in land has not yet been historically proved.
... M. Viollet has not brought forward a_ single
piece of evidence which proves that the great cities
ever practised agrarian communism. M. de Jubain-
ville Bas not brought forward one which proves
communism in Gaul. Maurer and Lamprecht have
not produced one which shows that the Mark was
common land. ... National communism has been
confused with the commonownership of the family ;
tenure in common has been confused with ownership
in common; agrarian communism with village
commons.”
Such are the two opposing schools. Some
argue that the correct balance of truth is that
atproperty was not originally held either by
individuals or communally, but by bodies of
men under some ‘‘strong man’”—despot, tyrant,
or at best patriarch. - This would be far from
communism, but perhaps equally far from
individual ownership.
Professor Ch. Letourneau in his Property
and its Origin and Development (Contempo-
rary Science Series, 1892) finds the origin of
property in a biological root, which begins
among the animals.
“The instinct of property,’ he says (p. 2), ‘tis but
one of the manifestations of the most primordial of
needs—the need of self-perservation, of existing, and
securing existence to offspring. The banquet of na-
ture is very irregular, and sometimes very niggardly ;
the guests are numerous, hungry,and often brutal.
Yet, under pain of death, a place must be gained there,
defended, and. as far as possible, retained; for con-
tinually recurring needs must constantly be satisfied.
The severity of the struggle for existence may be
greater or less, but it goes on without a truce; there-
ore the more intelligent the organized being, whether
man or animal, the more he takes thought for the
future, the more he tries, by securing some sort of
property, to reduce the element of chance in his life.
-_; But this may be done in various ways: sometimes
selfishly, in isolation, if the individual is gifted enough
or eee armed with force or cunning to suffice
unto himself; sometimes collectively, if those con-
cerned are sufficiently intelligent, suftidiently sociable,
to supplement their native feebleness by combining,
by creating a powerful cluster through the union of
small individual energies. These two very different
methods of understanding property are found in the
animal kingdom, and each of them makes its own
mark upon the manners, tendencies, and mentality of
the species.”” Letourneau then goes on to trace the
1090
Prisoners.
development of the instinct of property in the animals.
which lay claim to certain tracts of territory, exactly
as do nomadic tribes, or to dens, lairs, or nests, ex-
actly like primitive men. Weaker animals, like bees
and ants, have to think of the future. They develop
sociability and intelligence, and organize armies and
clusters, with officers and laws. From the animal, Le-
tourneau passes to man and finds some men lower than
the brute in the instinct of property. He notices the
property of anarchic hordes, the savages of Borneo, the
eddahs of Ceylon, the sociability of the Bushmen,
the solidarity of the Fuegians, the Australian clans.
Among them all property is, as a rule, communal and
not private, though the instinct of private property is
developing in the private ownership of a weapon oran
ornament. Often theseare burned or buried with the
dead owner. For the property in women, see FAMILY.
Among the republican tribes of America, Letourneau
finds the same, from the communism of the North
American Indian to the developed kingdom of the
Incas;see PERU. Astep up we cometo the monarchic
tribes, where despotic heads develop caste and
as Here wives are made to toil as the prop-
erty of the monarchs, and upon fields owned by the
monarchs. In New Zealand there were three kinds of
prepricrons, “te tribe, the family, and the individual.
n Polynesia, Generally, primitive equality, has been
ately left behind, and property is owned by chiefs.
In Africa the aborigines have developed out of
equality, but the degrees are not fixed. In southern
Asia we find the Javanese dessa and Indian communal
village. This is perhaps due to the necessity of col-
lective irrigation of rice-fields. In ancient Egypt we
have a kingdom something like that of the Incas; all
nominally owned by kings, but divided into kings’
lands, priests’ land, and warriors’ lands. Beneath
these grades are herdsmen, artizans, and slaves. In
China land is nominally owned by the king, but
allotted to families. It must be tilled, or can be for-
feited. Land isinalienable. Village communities are
traceable. In nomadic Arabia, a system of combined
individual andcommunal property exists. Among the
Hebrews, land was divided among all, by families.
The early Aryan races seem to have practised the
ase community, and this brings us to historic
imes.
References: See the books quoted above.
PROPERTY ; LAND; COMMUNISM.)
(See also
PRISONERS.—For a study of the so-
ciological questions connected with crime and
prisoners, see CRIME; CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY;
CriminoLocy. For the treatment of prisoners,
see PrNoLocy; Convict Laspor; ELmira RE-
FORMATORY; JUVENILE REFORMATORIES.
We give here tables of statistics as to the
number, distribution, and birthplace of prison-
ers in the United States, as reported by the
census of 1890:
PRISONERS IN THE UNITED STATES IN 1890, CLASSIFIED
By SEX AND BY ELEMENTS OF THE POPULATION.
Aggre- Wo-
_ ELEMENTS. gate, | Men. | men.
The United States..........] 82,329 | 75,924 6,405
WICC: & sieasiniss censtenwis at savenes! 875310 | 52,894 | 4,416
Native sicsiis visviameii sa iccgeic eee] 40.471 | 38,156 2315
Both parents native........] 21,037 | 20,r0z 936
One parent foreign.... 2 2,882 25729 152
Both parents foreign.. «| 12,60 | 11,766 835,
One or both parents un-
known.... sata «| 3,952 3.560 392
Foreign born......... ose seal 15,932 | 13,869 2,003
Birthplace unknown.......... 907 869 28
COlOred. sc. ceeeeeeeseeeeseeeeeeee| 25,019 | 23,030 | 1,989
Negroes... ...seceeeeeeesenees| 24,277 | 22,305 1,972
Chinese... .. 407 406 I
Japanese is 13 12 I
TIAN. ... cee see ences crersanes . 322 307 1g
Prisoners.
As to the nativity of 57,310 white prisoners (52,894
men and 4416 women), 40,471 (38,156 men and 2315
women) were born in the United States, 15,932 (13,869
men and 2063 women) were born abroad, and the
birthplace of 907 (869 men and 38 women) is unknown.
Omitting those whose nativity is not given, the
percentage of native whites is 71.75, and of foreign
whites 28.25.
The Chinese and Japanese were, of course, born
abroad, while the negroes and Indians may be sup-
1091
Production.
Of the 40,471 whites born in the United States, 21,037
(20,101 men and 936 women) had a native father and
a native mother, 12,601 (11,766 men and 835 women) had
both parents foreign born, 2881 (2729 men and 152
women) had one native and one foreign parent, and
the parentage of 3952 (3560 men and 392 women) is
unknown as to one or both parents.
Omitting the latter, the percentage of native whites
of purely native origin is 57.61; of purely foreign
origin, 34.50; and of mixed origin, 7.89.
posed to have been born in this country. References: See CRIMINOLOGY.
PRISONERS OF ALL CLASSES.
Inmates of
STATES AND TERRI- uvenile
TORIES. ee e é wie Tee Ratio per eforma-
eniten- ounty ity ork- 1,000,000 tories.
tiaries, Jails. Prisons. | houses, | Other-*| Total. of Popu-
lation.
The United States.... 459233 19,861 3,264, 9,968 82,329 3,315 14,846
North Atlantic Division.. 145777 6,764 791 5,644 28,258 1,624 7,388
Malti ess ienciscasie er intiesns 170 302 17 arte 512 774 169
New Hampshire. a 116 113 79 as 321 853 102 -
Vermont......... Ba gr 30 I 57 200 602 86
Massachusetts. ay 1,530 954 IOI 25553 51227 25335 698
Rhode Island... 122 229 3 206 560 1,621 270
Connecticut 340 675 Iz ages 1,026 1,375 626
New York. 8,190 1,292 470 1,217 11,468 1,Q12 3,675
New Jersey. 1,557 783 37 einen 2,455 1,699 608
Pennsylvania.... 2,301 2,386 72 . 1,611 6,489 1,234 1,154
South Atlantic Division.. 6,466 3,019 670 695 559 11,409 1,288 1,293
Delaware.....cscccsseree ova 139 ae Salen ais 139 825, 45
Maryland aa 690 486 3 323 anes 1,502 14441 1,001
District of Columbia... etd 213 II 269 3 496 2,153 187
Virginia... si 1,167 390 443 eee one 2,000 1,208 sie
West Virgi 278 153 I 12 6 450 590
North Carolina. 1422 442 10 * 495 68 2,033 1,257
South Carolina 806 374 4 nee mies 1,184 1,029 erase
Georgia ........ “ 14729 552 179 478 2,938 1,599 oie
PIOTIA Ss «.oicseeioise aps dd 374 270 Ig 4 667 1,704 dees
North Central Division... 10,990 45225 798 3,002 839 19,854 888 51451
Ohio..... es 1,652 502 119 627 9 2,909 792 1,529
Indiana 1,416 464 20 88 abate 1,988 907 636
Illinois.. 2,057 727 106 955 gr 33936 1,029 383
Michigan. 1,108 309 48 480 120 2,155 1,029 696
Wisconsin.. 530 345 5 230 8 1,118 663 591
Minnesota.. 432 208 169 211 2 IyOqT 800 284
TowWasrssc 623 327 37 wade 29 1,016 531 527
Missouri...... és 1,701 505 4Ir 2 2,833 1,057 360
North Dakota 65 25 in 7 97 531 hae
South Dakota 97 72 ve 9 178 541 duis
Nebraska..... 391 219 6 655 619 237
Kansas....... g18 432 i 537 1,928 1,352 208
South Central Division... 9,241 4,118 582 323 1,820 16,084 1,466 359
Kentucky < 1,235 646 55 a as 174 2,110 1,135 273
Tennessee 1,484 654 62 It 2,451 1,387 agar
Alabama.. 1,086 573 133 726 2,518 1,664 oraiace
Mississippi 429 284 10 454 1.177 933 ives
Louisiana . 856 524 228 cays en 1,608 1,438 86
Texas..... 35319 1,040 73 83 232 45747 2,123 ens:
Oklahoma. a nas ae Sine es ae auesate sae bis
Arkansas...... Siayraab atau 832 307 2 223 1,473 1,306 eaike
Western Division.. 4,059 1,735 423 304 203 6,724 2,221 355
Montana.. 225 193 Iz aagaes 3 432 3,269 was
Wyoming. Io 59 3 sees 2 74 1,219 esa
Colorado.... 526 275 or 3 Io go2 2,188 149
New Mexico 112 85 8 3 on 205 1,335 bates
144 97 2 : 7 250 41193 sites
180 43 44 a 2 269 1,294 see
96 54 bene f 2 152 3,322 ie Yana
102 45 eee . 3 150 1,778 vee
251 142 57 3 452 1,294 eee
362 61 12 ee 5 440 1,402 ‘sfgie-c
2,051 682 195 304 166 3,398 2,813 206
* Including prisoners ‘‘ leased,” in ‘‘ military prisons,” and in insane asylums.
PRODUCTION may be popularly defined move things, and make them useful. This all
as the creation of wealth. Strictly speaking,
pear is only the creation of utilities.
an can create no new matter. He can only
producers do. The farmer is sometimes con-
sidered more really a producer than the manu-
facturer, but he is not. Both only move
Production.
things, and both produce utilities. Wecan go
farther, says Professor Marshall (Zconomics
of Industry, Pp. 57):
“Tt is sometimes said that traders do not produce;
that while the cabinet-maker produces furniture, the
g furniture-dealer merely sells what is
already produced. But there is no
scientific foundation for this distinc-
tion. They both produce utilities,
and neither of them can do more; the
furniture-dealer moves and rearranges
matter so as to make it more serviceable than it
was before, and the carpenter does nothing more.
The sailor or the railway-man who carries coal
above ground produces it, just as much as the miner
who carries it underground ; the dealer in fish helps
to move on fish from where it is of comparatively
little use to where it is of greater use, and the fisher-
man does no more. It is true that if there are more
traders than are necessary there is waste. But there
is also waste if there are two men to a plow which
can be well worked by one man; in both cases all
those who are at work produce, tho they may produce
but little.”
Professor Marshall says, elsewhere :
“Productive labor cannot generally be divided off
by a clearly defined line from unproductive. A min-
ister of religion is often classed as an unproductive
laborer, but if by exerting moral influence he makes
laborers more sober, honest, and efficient, he is so far
productive of personal wealth. Again, since some
recreation is necessary for the highest efficiency of
labor, it is quite posslble that a musician may indi-
rectly increase the wealth of a nation, and be indirectly
productive.”
Nevertheless, most economists have under-
taken to distinguish between productive and
unproductive labor. Says Mill (Polztical
Economy, book i. chap. iii. § 1): :
“Labor is indispensable to production, but has not
always production for its effect. There is much
labor, and of a high order of usefulness, of which pro-
duction is not the object. Labor has accordingly
ne distinguished into productive and unproduc-
LV. 5
“Many writers have been unwilling to class any la-
bor as productive, unless its result is palpable in some
material object, capable of being transferred from
one person to another. There are others (among
whom are Mr. McCulloch and M. Say) who, looking
upon the word unproductive asa term of disparage-
ment, remonstrate against imposing it upon any labor
which is regarded as useful—which produces a benefit
or a pleasure worth the cost. The labor of officers of
government, of the army and navy, of physicians,
lawyers, teachers, musicians, dancers, actors, domes-
tic servants, etc., when they really accomplish what
they are paid for, and are not more numerous than is
required for its performance, ought not, say these
writers, to be ‘stigmatized’ as unproductive; an ex-
pression which they appear to regard as synonymous
with wasteful or worthless. But this seems to be a
misunderstanding of the matter in dispute. Produc-
tion not being the sole end of human existence, the
term unproductive does not necessarily imply any
stigma ; nor was ever intended to do so in the present
case. The question is one of mere language and
classification.”
More important is the discussion ‘as to what
compose the elements of production. Adam
Smith divided the price of commodities and
the revenue of the community into the wages
of labor, the profits of stock, and the rent of
land. J. B. Say, carrying out this idea, di-
vided the requisites of production into labor,
land, and capital, and this division ever since
has prevailed all but universally. Professor
Jevons (Polztical Economy Primer) tells us
that there are, as is ‘ commonly and correctly
said, three requisites of production ; before we
can, in the present state of society, undertake
to produce wealth, we must have land, labor,
capital. In production we bring these things
Producers.
1092
Productivity.
together ; we apply labor to the land, and we
employ the capital in assisting the laborer
with tools and feeding him while he is engaged
on the work.”
Nevertheless, all do not agree to this. Some
make only labor and land the elements of. pro-
duction. Some say it is only labor that pro-
duces wealth. Says John Stuart Mill (Podz.
£con., book i. chap. i. § 1): ‘The requi-
sites of production are two, labor and appro-
priate natural objects.” This is the view
usually taken by land reformers,
and particularly by the advocates
of the Single Tax. They do not Elements of
deny the necessity of capitalinpro- Production.
duction, but they say—correctly,
undoubtedly—that capital comes
from land, natural opportunities, and labor,
so that fundamentally land and labor are the
only requisites to production. This is un-
questionably true ; nevertheless, capital plays
such a large and growing part in production,
and the laws which govern its action are so
different from those that govern the rent of
land and the rewards of labor, that most econo-
mists, as stated above, believe it wiser to make
it a distinct and separate element of produc-
tion. They claim that while no one denies
the fundamental truth that capital comes from
human activity applied to natural opportu-
nities, practically the Single-Tax men are led
into errors and absurdities due to minimizing
the importance of capital. Mill does not. He
says (zdem, book i. chap. iv. § 1):
“Besides the primary and universal requisites of
production, labor, and natural agents, there is another
requisite without which no productive operations
beyond the rude and scanty beginnings of primitive
industry are possible; namely, a stock, previously
accumulated, of the products of former labor. This
accumulated stock of the produce of labor is termed -
capital. The function of capital in production it is of
the utmost importance thoroughly to understand,
since a number of the erroneous notions with which
our subject is infested originate in an imperfect and
confused apprehension of this point.”
The statement sometimes made that labor
is the only necessity to production is based on
a peculiar use of the word wealth, identifying
it with value, and can, therefore, best be dis-
cussed under Value (g. v.). No one denies
that, in order to produce commodities and
utilities, itis necessary to have natural objects
to work upon.
For a discussion of the different elements
entering into production, see Lanp; Lasor;
CaPITAL.
For the cost of production, see CosT oF
PRODUCTION.
For development in capacity for production,
see PRODUCTIVITY.
PRODUCTIVIT Y.—General statistical
statements as to the present industrial pro-
ductive power of the world, and especially as
to the enormous growth in productive power,
have been repeatedly made, but it must be
remembered that such statistics are apt to
mislead, in regard to particular industries,
because of the very great variations in produc-
tivity, and particularly, because of the still
greater variations in the increase in produc-
tivity between industry and industry.
Productivity.
The following statement of the steam and
water power of the United States, as based
upon the census of 1880, appears in the Fzys¢
Annual Report of the Comméssioner of Labor
(1886, p. 87) :
“The mechanical industries of the United States
are carried on by steam and water power, represent-
ing, in round numbers, 3,500,000 horse-power, each
horse-power equaling the muscular labor of 6 men;
that is to say, if men were employed to furnish the
power to carry on the industries of this country, it
would require 21,000,000 men, and 21,000,000 men repre-
ent a population, according to the ratio of the census
of 1880, of 105,000,000. The industries are now carried on
by 4,000,000 persons, in round numbers, representing
a population of 20,000,000 only. There are in the
United States 28,600 locomotives. To do the work
of these locomotives upon the existing common roads
of the country, and the equivalentt of that which has
been done upon the railroads thé past year, would
require, in round numbers, 54,000,000 horses, and
13,500,000 men. The work is now done, so far as men
are concerned, by 250,000, representing a population
of 1,250,000, while the population required for the num-
ber of men necessary to do the work with horses
would be 67,500,000. o do the work, then, now ac-
complished by power and power machinery in our
mechanical industries, and upon our railroads, would
require men representing a population of 172,500,000,
in addition to the present population of the country
of 55,000,000, or a total population, with hand processes
and with horse-power, of 227,500,000, which population
would be obliged to subsist on present means. In an
economic view the cost to the country would be
enormous. The present cost of operating the rail-
roads of the country with steam-power is, in round
numbers, $502,600,000 per annum ; but to carry on the
same amount of work with men.and horses would
cost $11,308, 500,000.”
Mulhall, writing in the North American
Review for June, 1895, says:
“The working-power of the United States was at
various dates approximately as follows:
| MILLIONS OF FOOT-TONS DAILy.
YEAR.
| Hand. | Horse. | Steam. | Total.
753 31300 240 45293
1,406 12,900 3.940 17,346
2,805 22,200 14,000 39,005
4450 36, 600 30340 775399
6,406 551200 67,700 129,306
“The working-power, or number of foot-tons daily
per inhabitant, has almost doubled since 1840, and the
absolute effective force of the American people is
now more than three times what it was in 1860. Of
the three great elements of energy above enumer-
ated that which shows the most rapid growth is
steam-power, which consists of three classes, viz.:
1093
Productivity.
MILLIONS OF FOOT-TONS FOot-
. DaILy. TONS PER
INHABI-
Hand.| Horse./Steam.| Total. | TANT.
Unit'd St’tes) 6,406 | 55,200 | 67,700 | 129,306 1,940
Gr’t Britain.| 3,210 6,100 46.500 ee lio fine
Germany ...} 4,280 | 11,500 | 29,800 45,580 go2
France......| 3,380 | 9,600 | 21,600 34.580 gro
Austria 3,410 9,900 9,200 22,510 560
Italy... «+| 2,570 4,020 4,800 | 11,390 380
SPain. scsieccn 1,540 5,500 | 3,600 | 10,640 59°
As to the productivity of agricultural labor
in the United States, compared with other
countries, Mr. Mulhall (zd@em) gives the follow-
ing table :
PRODUCTS
“a Tons oF|Tons or|_PER Hanp.
pLoyep,| GRAIN. | MEAT. [Grain | Meat,
bush. | lbs.
United
States....} 8,760,000 |76,600,000 | 4,830,000 | 350 | 1,230
United
Kingdom.| 2,469,000 75330,000 | I,140,000 T19g 1,090
France ....| 6,910,000 |16,900,000 | 1,200,000 98 350
Germany .| 8,120,000 }15,100,000 | 1,370,000 75 380
Austria. . .|10,680,000 |17,100,000 | 1,080,000 64 230
Italy.... 51400,000 | 5,300,000 360,000 39 150
HORSE-POWER OF STEAM.
1840. 1860, 1880. 1895.
Fixed..........! 360,000 800,000 | 2,186,000 | 3,940,000
Locomotives. ..| 200,000 | 1,800,000 | 5,700,000 |10,800,000
Steamboats....] 200,000 00,000 | 1,200,000 | 2,200,000
Total. scccss «| 760,000 | 3,500,000 | 9,086,000 |16,940,000
‘‘In the above statement, the ‘fixed’ horse-power
employed in mines and factories in 1880 is accord-
ing to the census returns; the same item cannot be
precisely ascertained for the other years, but if it
existed in proportion to the number of operatives, as
may be fairly supposed, it wasas shown above. More
than three-fourths of the total steam-power of the
Union is employed for traction purposes, on railways
and in steamboats, which is not surprising when we
remember that the area of activity is as vast as Eu-
rope, and that the merchandise transported by rail in
the United States is shown by official returns to be
double the amount of land-carriage (at least by rail-
way) of all the other nations of the earth collectively.
f we would compare the energy or working-power
of the Unit d States with that of other nations, the
following te cle would suffice to show it at a glance:
‘‘An ordinary farm-hand in the United States raises
as much grain as three in England, four in France,
five in Germany, or six in Austria; which shows what
an enormous waste of labor occursin Europe, because
farmers are not possessed of the same mechanical
appliances as in the United States.”
Edward Atkinson gives the following state-
ments of the industrial productivity of the
United States : .
‘‘One thousand barrels of flour, the annual ration
of 1000 people, can be placed in the city of New York,
from a point 1700 or 2000 miles distant,
with the exertion of the human labor
equivalent to that of only four men, The United
working one year in producing, milling, Stat
and moving the wheat. It can then tates.
be baked and distributed by the work
of three more persons, so that seven __ F .
ersons setve 1000 with bread’ (Zhe Distribution of
roducts, Pp. 15). 4 ’
“The average crop of wheat in the United States
and Canada would give one person in every 20 of the
population of the globe a barrel of flour in each year,
with enough to spare for seed. The land capable of
producing wheat is not occupied to anything like one-
twentieth ofits extent. Wecan raise grain enough on
a small part of the territory of the United States to
feed the world” (Distribution of Products, p. 22). |
“The general conclusion at which I have arrived is
that in the year 1880, the census year, when the popula-
tion of the United States numbered a little over 50,000,-
ooo, the annual product had a value of nearly, or quite
$10,000,000,000, at the points of final consuniption, in-
cluding, at market-prices, that portion which was
consumed upon the farm, but which was never sold.
Omitting that consumed upon the farm, it was about,
$9,000,000,000" (Distrzbution of Products, p. 27). ,
“At an average of 200 pounds per head in the
United States, the largest consumption of iron of any
nation, we may yet find that the equivalent of one
man’s work for one year, divided between the coal-
mine, the iron-mine, and the iron furnace, suffices for
the supply of soo persons. One operator in the cotton
factory makes cloth for 250; in the woolen factory for
300; one modern cobbler (who is anything but a cob-
bler), working in a boot and shoe factory, furnishes
1ooo men, or more than 1rooo women, with all the boots
and shoes they require for a year” (Déstribution of
Products, Pp. 77-78).
Of the comparative industrial productivity
of the workmen in various countries, various
calculations have been made.
Dr. Schulze-Gaevernitz (Der Grossbetrieb,
Productivity.
p. 151) gives the following comparison be-
tween Switzerland and Germany, England,
and America as regards weaving :
ae te aw
ps 8} 3 oe ay
go, 4| “3 | es | wh
On aq He
OF Oo ga aa os
PAA] oA og ae
e 3 x B
; Yards iS, Gs
Switzerland and Ger-
many 466 0.303 12 mz 8
England. 706 0.275 9 16 3
America........ 1200 0.2 Io 20: 33)
It will be noted that while wages in Amer-
ica are higher than elsewhere, they are not so
much higher as the productivity of their labor
exceeds that of other workmen. Mr. Hobson
says upon this point (Evolutzon of Modern
Capitalism, p. 277) :
“Tho it may be better for a weaver to tend four
looms during the English factory day for the mod-
erate wage of 16s. a week than to earn 11s. 8a. by
tending two looms in Germany for 12 hours a day, it
does not follow that it is better to earn 20s. 1a. in
America by tending six, seven, or even eight looms
for a ten-hours’ day, or that the American’s condition
would be improved if the eight-hours’ day was pur-
chased at the expense of adding another loom for
each worker.
“The gain which accrues from high wages and
a larger amount of leisure, over which the higher
consumption shall be spread, may be more than
counteracted by an undue strain upon the nerves or
muscles during the shorter day. his difficulty, as
we have seen, is not adequately met by assigning the
heavier muscular work more and more to machinery,
if the possible activity of this same machinery is
made a pretext for forcing the pace of such work as
devolves upon machine tenders.”
Of another line of production, the Szr¢h
Annual Report of the Commissioner of Labor
(1890, pp. 590-591) says:
“The preceding tables also show quite clearly the
variation in efficiency between different localities.
In pig-iron in the northern district of the United
States 43 of the 45 establishments have an efficiency of
.o8 of a ton or more, one ranging as high as.16 and
under .17, 34 being concentrated in the four groups
that begin with .o8 and end under.12; while in the
southern district of the United States 14 of the 21 have
an efficiency under .o8, and. of the seven above this
figure five are under.ro. Inthe northern district for
those of .o8 and above, the average earnings per man
per hour ranges from 14.1 cents to 18.7, increasing
uite generally with the increase of efficiency, while
those below .o8 have earnings from 11.1 cents to 12.8.
In the southern district the tendency of efficiency and
earnings to move together is not so marked, tho the
two most efficient have earnings above the average.
In Great Britain three establishments are given, two
of which have a high efficiency, both being between
-12 and .14 tons and accompanied by earnings of g and
zo cents, while the remaining one, with an efficiency
between .o7 and .o8 tons, has earnings of but s.8 cents.
The five establishments for the continent of Europe
have an efficiency rather lower than the northern dis-
trict of the United States, agreeing, perhaps, more
nearly with the southern. No connection between
efficiency and earnings is traceable in them. In muck
bar iron the United States, Great Britain, and the
continent of Europe are about on a par as to effi-
ciency, tho the number of establishments from the
foreign countries is too few for an emphatic con-
clusion. The connection with earnings is here readily
apparent. In steel ingots five of the seven United
States establishments have an efficiency between .10
and .13 tons, three being in the group of .12 and under
-13, the same position as is occupied by one of the two
for Great Britain and one of the three for the con-
tinent of Europe. The remaining three for the for-
eign countries stand very low in the scale, being
under .o7 tons, a position occupied by only one of the
seven United States establishments. High earnings
1094
Productivity.
are here also, generally found with high efficiency.
For steel rails the United States is represented by
two concerns, the continent of Europe by five, and
Great Britain by one. The difference in efficiency
here is very marked. The two for the United States
have an efficiency equal to between .12 and .13 tons of
product per man per hour, and the five for the con-
tinent of Europe all fall under .o6 tons, ranging down
even to under .o2 tons, while the single establishment
for Great Britain shows an efficiency of between .o8
and .og of a ton. No connection between high pro-
ductive power and high wages is apparent.”
Mr. E. R. L. Gould, speaking of wages and .
productivity in the manufacture of bar iron
in the United States (Contemporary Review,
January, 1893), says:
‘“The wages of such skilled workmen as beaters
and rollers are twice as great as in Great Britain and
nearly threefold higher than in France
and Belgium. The average wage to all
ae pe of laborers in the pdr ete Compara-
is also twice as great as in Great 4; 5
Britain, three times as high as in tive Produe
France, and four times larger than in tivity.
Belgium. Compare these figures with a
the labor cost of a similar unit of
manufacture and we find quite different proportions.
It is only a trifle more than in France, where daily
wages are about one-third as high; one-eighth dearer
than in Great Britain, with wages only half as high,
and 54 per cent. greater than in Belgium, where wages
are cnen to one-fourth. In the manufacture of steel
rails the same general law is evident. With the
average wage of the establishment 4o per cent.
greater than in England, the labor cost is only ro per
cent. more. In comparison with the continent of
Europe wages are go per cent. and labor cost but 50
per cent. higher. We must note also that for bar iron
the proportion of the labor cost to the total cost is less
in the United States than in Great Britain and France,
and for steel rails less than in England. What infer-
ences are we to draw from the foregoing statistics?
Unmistakably this, that higher daily wages in Amer-
ica do not mean a correspondingly enhanced labor
cost to the manufacturer. But how so? Some say
because of the more perfect mechanical agencies put
into the hands of the workman in American rolling-
mills. There is reason in this answer if we take the
average conditions, but it does not represent the
wholetruth. Moreover, it cannot_be used in a com-
parison between England and the United States, since
in the former country mechanical processes. have
been perfected almost to the same degree as in the
latter. . . . The real explanation I believe to be that
greatet physical force, asthe result of better nourish-
ment, in combination with superior intelligence and
skill, make the working man in the United States more
efficient. His determination to maintain a high stand-
ard of life causes him to put forth greater effort, and
this reacts to the benefit of the employer as well as
to his own. We should give the principal credit of
the higher wage in America neither to the manufac-
turer, the tariff, nor any other agency but the work-
ing man himself, who will not labor for less than will
enable him to live on a high social plane. That he
can carry out his policy with little disadvantage to his
employer in economic competition teaches a lesson of
far-reaching importance. . . . There is one consid-
eration we must not overlook. The American ma
not always equal the naturalized European in physi-
cal power, but he greatly surpasses him in nerve
force. . . . It isa fact of common experience in the
United States that, in a machine shop, for ene
three-fourths of the fitters will be foreign born, while
among the machinists 75 per cent. will be native
Americans.”
Of the recent development of industrial
power, Mr. J. A. Hobson says (Evolution of
Modern Capitalism, pp. 171-173) :
“The earlier inventions in the textile industries,
and the general application of steam to manufacture,
and to the transport services, have played the most
dramatic part in the industrial revolution of the last
hundred years. But it should be borne in mind that
it is far from being true that the great forces of inven-
tion have spent themselves, and that we have come
to an era of small increments in the growth of pro-
ductive power. On the contrary, within thislast gen-
eration, a number of discoveries have taken place in
almost all the chief industrial arts, in the opening up
Productivity.
of new supplies of raw material, and in the improve-
ment of industrial organization, which have registered
enormous advances of productive power. In the
United States, where the advance has been most
marked, it is estimated that in the rs or 20 years pre-
ceding 1886, the gain of machinery, as measured by
“displacement of the muscular labor,’ amounts to
more than one-third; taking the aggregate of manu-
factures into account. In many manufactures the
introduction of steam-driven machinery and the fac-
tory system belongs to this generation. The substi-
tution of machinery for hand labor in boot-making
signifies a gain of 80 per cent. for some classes of
goods; 50 per cent. for others. In the silk manufac-
ture there has been a gain of 50 per cent.; in furniture
some 30 per cent.; while in many minor processes,
such as Moon Paes tin cans, wall-papers, soap,
patent leather, etc., the improvement
of mechanical productiveness per la-
Increase of borer is measured as a rise of from 50
Produc- [© 300 per cent.,or more. The gain is,
tivit however, by no means confined to an
ivity. extension of ‘power’ into processes
formerly produced by human muscle
and skill. Still more significant is the
increased mechanical efficiency in the foundational in-
dustries. In the manufacture of agricultural imple-
ments, the increase is put down at from so to 70 per
cent.; in the manufacture of machinesand machinery,
from 25 to 4o per cent.; while ‘in the production of
metals and metallic goods, long-established firms
testify that machinery has decreased manual labor
334 per cent.’ The increase in the productive power
of cotton mills is far greater than this. From 1870 to
1884 the make of pig-iron rose 131 per cent. in Great
Britain, and 237 per cent. in the rest of the world. ‘In
building vessels an approximate idea of the relative
labor displacement is given as 4 or 5 to 1—that is, four
or five times the amount of labor can be performed
to-day by the use of machinery in a given time that
could be done under old hand methods.’
‘In England the rise in productiveness of machinery
is roughly estimated at 40 per cent. in the period 1850
to 1885, and there is*no reason to suppose this is an
excessive estimate. In the shipping industry, where
more exact statistics are available, the advance is
even greater. The diminution of manual labor re-
quired to do a given quantity of work in 1884, as com-
pared with 1870, is put down at no.less than 7o per cent.;
owing in large measure to the introduction. and in-
creased application of steam-hoisting machines and
grain elevators, and the employment of steam-power
in steering, raising the sailsand anchors, pumping, and
discharging cargoes. In the construction of ships
enormous economies have taken place. A ship which
in 1883 cost £24,000, can now be built for £14,000. In
the working of vessels the economy of fuel, due to the
introduction of compound engines, has been very
large. A ton of wheat can now be hauled by sea at
less than a farthing per mile. Similarly with land
haulage the economy of fuel has made immense re-
ductions in cost. ‘In an experiment lately made on
the London and North Western Railway, a compound
locomotive dragged a ton of goods for one mile by
the combustion of two ounces of coal.’” :
Of the relation between productivity and
wages, Dr. Schulze-Gaevernitz (Der Grossbe-
trieb, p. 132) gives the following tables, tak-
ing the spinning and weaving industries as
wholes in England :
SPINNING.
“og 9
‘o8 ofR) Ba) 8 2
ao payee 7 | 8 oF
So 2 | b6G8) OR] us do
sa Oued | oom Om oo
OH Bea | Ue] oy oa
es8 | 65a) 3s] 88 o
Be Ba | BE] Of 2p
oy a Au oO . That the traffic in intoxicating beverages is a
dishonor to Christian civilization, inimical to the best
interests of society, a political wrong of unequaled
enormity, subversive of the ordinary objects of gov-
ernment, not capable of being regulated or restrained
by any system of license whatever, but imperatively
I1I7
Prohibition Party.
demanding for its suppression effective legal Prohibi-
tion, both by State and National legislation.
_ ‘*3. That in view of this, and inasmuch as the exist-
ing political parties either oppose or ignore this great
and paramount question, and absolu‘ely refuse to do
anything toward the suppression of the rum traffic,
which is robbing the nation of its brightest intellects,
destroying internal prosperity, and rapidly under-
mining its very foundations, we are driven by an im-
perative sense of duty to sever our connection with
these political parties and organize ourselves into a
National Prohibition party, having for its primary
object the entire suppression of the traffic in intoxicat-
ing drinks.
“4. That while we adopt the name of the National
Prohibition Party, as expressive of our primary ob-
ject, and while we denounce all repudiation of the
ea debt, and pledge fidelity to the principles of the
eclaration of Independence and the Federal Consti-
tution, we deem it not expedient at present to give
prominence to other political issues.
““s. That while we recognize the good providence of
Almighty God in supervising the interests of this
nation from its establishment to the present time, we
would not, in organizing our party for the legal pro-
hibition of the liquor traffic, forget that our reliance
for ultimate success must be upon the same omnipo-
tent arm.
“6. That a Central Executive Committee of one
from each State and Territory and the District of
Columbia be appointed by the Chair, whose duty it
shall be to take such action as, in their judgment, will
best promote the interests of the party.”
At the fall elections of 1869 Ohio was the
only State returning votes for the Prohibition
party as a distinct organization, 679 being
reported from that State. But Maine and
Minnesota each cast votes for ‘‘ Republican-
Prohibition” candidates—the former 4743 and
the latter 1061.
In 1870 support was received at the polls in
six States, as follows: Illinois, 3712; Massa-
chusetts (Lieutenant-Governor), 8692; Michi-
gan, 2170; New Hampshire, 1167; New York,
1459; Ohio, 2812—total, 20,012. In Massachu-
setts the Prohibition candidate for Governor
this year was Wendell Phillips, and, being
indorsed by the Labor party and Independent
Republicans, he polled 21,946 votes—many
more than were cast for the other candidates
of the Prohibitionists.
Only a few of the States held elections
in 1871. Five returned Prohibition votes:
Massachusetts, 6598; New Hampshire, 314;
New York, 1820; Ohio, 4084, and Pennsyl-
vania, 3186—total, 16,002. In New York the
party took the name of ‘“ Anti-Dram-shop.”
In Pennsylvania it appeared for the first
time.
The first National Nominating Convention
was held on Washington's Birthday (Feb-
ruary 22), in 1872, at Columbus,
O. James Black of Pennsyl- First
vania, and John Russell of Michi- Presidential
gan, were unanimously nominated N pean
for President and Vice-President,
respectively. Besides the planks
on temperance there were planks favoring
a_ sound currency, convertible into gold or
silver, suffrage irrespective of color or sex,
low rates of travel and transportation, direct
vote for Presidency and Vice-Presidency, pro-
motion of immigration, transportation, and
purity of office. For the result of Presidential
elections, see the end of this article.
Throughout these early years of independ-
ent political agitation, and for nearly 10
years more, there was practically no general
Prohibition Party.
acceptance of the claims of the National Pro-
hibition Party. Operations were confined to
separate States, and the results gained, while
promising in a number of cases, were tem-
porary and were not followed up. The elec-
tion returns frequently describe the Prohibition
votes of this period as ‘‘ Temperance” or
‘* Anti-Dram-shop.” In Rhode Island the
Prohibition question changed the face of poli-
tics for several years. A legislature and a
Governor friendly to Prohibition were chosen
in 1874, and aprohibitory law was accordingly
enacted. A conspiracy to annul it was imme-
diately instituted, and the parties were split
into factions for and against repeal. In 1875,
on the question of repeal, three candidates for
Governor were nominated, and the candidate
committed to the retention of the measure
(Howard, Republican and _ Prohibitionist)
received a plurality, but the liquor men car-
ried the legislature and seated an anti-Prohi-
bition Governor. The political complications
growing out of the developments of 1875 con-
tinued until 1880, and in each year the Prohi-
bition element polled a heavy vote, ranging
above 6000.
The second National Nominating Conven-
tion met in Cleveland on the 17th of May,
1876. Green Clay Smith of Ken-
tucky was nominated for Presi-
1876+01880, dent, and Gideon T. Stewart of
hio, for Vice-President. ‘‘ The
National Prohibition Reform
Party ” was substituted for the old name.
Without resources or encouragement, the
party conducted no canvass in 1876. This
was the exciting Tilden-Hayes year, and
electors were especially unwilling to break
away from their old parties. But the Prohibi-
tion vote, tho light, was distributed over 18
States; twice as many States as had furnished
support in any former year.
The intention of continuing the national
struggle was shown in 1877, when a national
conference of the party was held in New York
City (September 26 and 27).
The elections of 1877 were signalized by
votes of 10,545 in Iowa (a State that had
ignored the movement), and 16,354 in Massa-
chusetts. Iowa’s action proved to be of far-
reaching importance ; the bold step taken by
her Prohibitionists alarmed the Republican
leaders and prepared the way for the Consti- ~
tutional Amendment agitation and the subse-
quent submission and legislation.
The third National Nominating Convention
met at Cleveland, June 17, 1880. Neal Dow
of Maine was nominated for President, and
Hey, H. A. Thompson of Ohio, for Vice-Presi-
ent.
Sixteen States gave votes in 1880 as against
18 in 1876. Again the party was too feeble to
make a formal campaign. Votes for State
candidates in 1880: Connecticut, 488; Massa-
chusetts, 1059; Michigan, 1114; New Jersey,
5 ; Ohio, 2815; Pennsylvania, 1898—total,
7489.
_ The years 1881 and 1882 mark a new epoch
in the history of the National organization.
At the Lake Bluff convocation (held near Chi-
cago) in August, 1881, some of the influential
1118
Prohibition Party.
Prohibition leaders who had not been very
actively identified with the party, or had held
aloof from it, decided to secure, if possible, a
more vigorous championship, and a stronger
support for it. George W. Bain of Kentucky,
. Jutkins of Illinois, Miss
Frances E. Willard of Illinois, and
“
R. W. Nelson of Illinois, were Home
: : -. Protection
appointed a committee to organize Party,”
a so-called ‘‘Home Protection
Party” as ‘‘a political party whose
platform is based on constitutional and statu-
tory Prohibition of the manufacture and sale
of alcoholic beverages in the State and nation.”
A call for a National convention, joined in by
the others interested, was issued, and the
body met in Farwell Hall, Chicago, August
23 and 24, 1882; 341 delegates being present
from 22 States. A new name, the ‘‘ Prohibi-
tion Home Protection Party,” was adopted.
There was substantial growth at the State
elections of 1881, 1882, and 1883; the more
encouraging because it was the consequence
of steadily rising sentiment.
The Nominating Convention of 1884 was
called to meet at Pittsburg, May 21. But it
was desired by some of the new leaders, and
by many who had not fully made up their
minds, to make a final test of the tendencies
of the other political parties before entering
the field. The date was changed to July 23,
and prominent representatives of
the movement were sent to the
Republican National Convention 18984t0 1888.
(at Chicago, June 5), and the
Democratic National Convention
(at Chicago, July 10) to appeal to those bodies
to favorably recognize the temperance ques-
tion as one of the political issues of the day.
The platform committees of the two conven-
tions, after listening with scant courtesy to
the advocates, ignored their requests. Many
who had hoped that the Republican or the
Democratic party would take up the cause in
due time, were now convinced of the hostility
of both these organizations, and when the
Prohibition convention assembled at Pitts-
burg, on the 23d of July, it was evident that
a profound impression had been made on the
country. Thirty-one States and Territories
(including the District of Columbia) sent 465
accredited delegates. The name of the party
was once more changed, the original name of
‘«Prohibition Party” being restored. John B.
Finch of Nebraska was placed at the head of
the National committee. The temperance
women were given special representation in
the committee, by the selection of Miss Fran-
ces E. Willard of Illinois, and Mrs. Stewart
of Ohio, as members-at-large.
Woman suffrage, however, was left to the
discretion of the States, and the platform
devoted almost purely to Prohibition and the
results of intemperance on the nation at large.
With the Presidential campaign of 1884, the
National Prohibition party ceased to be a
merely nominal organization, and began its
active career. A headquarters was opened at
Chicago, and an energetic canvass was made.
Mr. St. John and numerous other able speakers
addressed large audiences in many States.
Prohibition Party.
The party was strengthened by cooperation
from certain elements of voters who conscien-
tiously opposed both Mr. Cleveland and Mr.
Blaine, on grounds of personality, and who,
recognizing in Mr. St. Johna pure man, andin
his cause a movement of good aspirations,
sustained the Prohibition ticket because (from
their points of view) no other acceptable one
was presented. :
This campaign brought fresh vigor to the
Prohibition press. The first number of The
Vorce was issued September 25, 1884. After
the November election it was sus-
pended until the 1st of January,
1885, and since that date its publi-
cation has been continued without
interruption, under the general
supervision of I. K. Funk, D. D., and, for the
most of the time, the directing editorship of
Mr. E. J. Wheeler. Among the other journals
which have advocated the principles of the
party are, The Lever of Chicago, The New
Era of Springfield, O., The Wetness of New
York City, The Constctution of New York
City, The Indiana Phalanx, Indianapolis,
Ind.
Thirty-four of the 38 States yielded votes in
1884. There was a marked advance through-
out the principal States of the North. New
York decided the Presidential election in favor
of Cleveland, but by a very small plurality
(1040); and, assuming that the accessions to
the Prohibition party came chiefly from the
Republicans, it is evident that the result in
the country at large would have been reversed
if no Prohibition ticket had been run. As a
result, the attacks upon the Prohibition party
by Republicans at this time were very bitter.
They aided the party, however. .
After the election of 1884, it was a com-
mon remark among the advocates of the Pro-
hibition party that they had ‘elected their
issue ” to a conspicuous place in national poli-
tics. Their hope was that it would soon be
made the dividing issue, and that a reconstruc-
tion of parties would be accomplished. Many
believed that the expected result would come
to pass at the Presidential contest of 1888.
But the rising interest in the tariff discussion
interfered with their plans.
The party held its national convention at
Indianapolis on the 3oth and 31st of May.
Forty-two States and Territories, and the
District of Columbia, sent delegates. The
nominations for President and Vice-President
were given, respectively, to General Clinton
B. Fisk of New Jersey, and John A. Brooks of
Missouri.
After a protracted struggle a woman’s suf-
frage plank was put back into the platform;
planks were also introduced on arbitra-
tion, restriction of immigration, civil service,
uniform marriage and divorce laws, tariff for
revenue only, defense of the Sabbath, etc.
Great energy and zeal characterized the
Fisk and Brooks campaign. Zhe Vozce raised
from its readers funds that enabled the pub-
lishers to send that paper to 60,000 clergymen
of the country, and (for several weeks) to 500,-
ooo farmers. Votes were polled in every State
but South Carolina.
Journals,
1119
Prohibition Party..
The convention of 1892 was held in Cincin--
nati, June 30. John P. St. John of Kansas.
was chosen temporary chairman,
and Eli F. Ritter of Indiana per-
manent chairman. General John 1892 to 1896..
Bidwell of California was nomi-
nated for President, and J. B.
Cranfill of Texas for Vice-President. The
platform declared for Prohibition, woman suf-
frage, currency reform, anti-monopoly laws,
restriction of immigration. It contains, be-
sides, the following planks :
All men should be protected by law in their right to
one day of rest in seven.
Arbitratlon is the wisest and most economical and:
humane method of settling national differences.
Speculations in margins; the cornering of grain,
money, and products; and the formation of pools,
trusts, and combinations for the arbitrary advance-
ment of prices should be suppressed.
We pledge that the Prohibition party, if elected to
power, will ever grant just pensions to disabled veter-
ans of the Union Army and Navy, their widows and
orphans.
e stand unequivocally for the American public
school and opposed to any appropriation of public
moneys for sectarian schools. e declare that only
by united support of such common schools, taught in
the English language, can we hope to become and.
remain a homogeneous and harmonious people.
Samuel Dickie was continued chairman of
the National committee, and William T. Ward-
well of New York made secretary.
Since 1893 there have been a number of im-
portant Prohibition victories in the election of.
municipal governments, notably in Norfolk,
Va.; Williamsport, Pa.; Albion, Mich., and
Wellsville, O.; all of these four cities having
elected Prohibition mayors and councils.
Of late years there has been a growing dis-
sension in the party over the attitude to be
taken in respect to issues other than Prohibi-
tion. One division, styled ‘‘ broad-gage,” has.
contended for declarations on all the important
political issues, while the other division, called
“ narrow-gage,” has sought to confine the
party’s declarations more and more closely to-
the single issue. This controversy has made
itself felt with more or less intensity in a
number of national conventions, but culmi-
nated in that of 1896 in a split and the forma-
tion by seceding ‘‘broad-gagers” of the
National party. The convention at which
this occurred met in Pittsburg May 27 and 28,
39 States and Territories being represented by
810 delegates. A. A.Stevens of Pennsylvania
was temporary, and Oliver W. Stewart of
Illinois, permanent chairman. The committee
on resolutions brought in two reports, and the
real conflict came on thecurrency plank. The
majority report (‘‘narrow-gage”’), presented
by I. k. Funk, was silent on the currency
question, while the minority report (‘‘broad-
gage”), represented by John P. St. John,
included the following :
“That all money be issued by the Government
only, and without the intervention of any private citi-
zen, corporation, or banking institution. It should be:
based upon the wealth, stability, and integrity of the
nation, and be a full legal tender for all debts, public’
and private, and should be of sufficient volume to
meet the demand of the legitimate business interests
of the country. Forthe purpose of honestly liquidat-
ing all our outstanding coin obligations, we demand
the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold ata
ratio of 16 to 1, without consulting any other nation.’”
Prohibition Party.
This plank was voted down by a vote of 387
to 427. Robert H. Patton of Illinois then
offered, as a substitute for all that was before
the convention from the committee on resolu-
tions, a declaration for Prohibition alone, and
this was adopted as the platform. It was as
follows:
“The Prohibition party, in national convention
assembled, declares its firm conviction that the manu-
facture, exportation, importation, and sale of alcoholic
beverages, has produced such social, commercial,
industrial, and political wrongs, and is now so threat-
ening the perpetuity of all our social and political
institutions, that the suppression of the same by a na-
tional party organized therefor is the greatest object to
be accomplished by the voters of our country, and is
of such importance that it, of right, ought to control
the political actions of all our patriotic citizens until
such suppression is accomplished. |
“The urgency of this course demands the union,
without further delay, of all citizens who desire the
prohibition of the liquor traffic ; therefore, be it
‘\ Resolved, That we favor the legal prohibition, by
State and national legislation, of the manufacture,
importation, and sale of alcoholic beverages, That
we declare our purpose to organize and unite all the
friends of Prohibition into one party, and in order to
accomplish this end, we deem it of right to leave
every Prohibitionist the freedom of his own convic-
tions upon all other political questions, and trust our
et ee to take such action upon other politi-
cal questions as the sae occasioned by Prohibition
and the welfare of the whole people shall demand.”
Joshua Levering of Maryland, and Hale
Johnson of Illinois, were nominated for Presi-
dent and Vice-President. After the nomina-
tions, Mrs. Ella A. Boole of New York
attempted to add a woman suffrage plank to
the platform, but, objection being made, she
offered it as a simple resolution, and in that
form it was adopted by a large majority. The
‘ broad-gage ” element held a meeting on the
night of May 30, and led by John P. St. John,
R.S. Thompson, Helen M. Gougar, and L. B.
Logan, formed the National Party, nominated
Charles E. Bentley of Nebraska, and James
H. Southgate of North Carolina, and adopted
a platform containing, in addition to a Prohi-
bition plank, one in favor of woman suffrage,
the money plank discarded by the regular
convention, and numerous others. The regu-
lar organization (National Prohibition Party)
reelected Samuel Dickie chairman, and Will-
iam T. Wardwell secretary of the national
committee. The new organization (National
Party) constituted L. B. Logan chairman and
Dow J. Thomas secretary.
Recwen | by E. J. WHEELER.
The following is the Presidential vote of the
Prohibition party from 1872 to 1892:
STATE. 1872 | 1876] 1880] 1884 1838 1892
Alabama....cssfecseslescec{eeees 613 583 239
Arkansas ......[eceeeleceeefeeees teat me 614 113
California. egoatana'ller 406 61] 2,960] 5,761 8,096
Colorado. 761 2,491 1,652
Connecticut. 205] 378] 409] 2,305 45334 4,026
Delaware.......J..... SB 3 64 400 564
Florida 72 417 561
Georgi 168 | 1,808 988
Idaho. bern aisie(|paegco-niptniers 288
Illinois. . 12,07. 21,695 | 25,870
Indiana. peas 3,028 | 9,881 | 13,050
TOWaivisiciceccanien|ieets 1,472 3)550 6,340
Kansas......... a Sa 45495 6,779 45553
Kentucky......]..... 818] 258] 3,139 5,225 6,442
1120
Property.
STATE. 1872 | 1876] 1880] 1884 1883 1892
Louisiana...... arg o-leeiaie ee cee 328 DOO |hirsiaisre eae
Maine areal eck Cia dadtevars 93| 2,160 2,691 3,062
Maryland.......[..... TO pei 2,827 | 4,767 | 5,877
Massachusetts.|..... 84| 682] 9.923] 8,701 | 74539
Michigan...... ‘
Minnesota. ie state
Mississippi.
Missouri.
Montana.
Nebraska
Nevada....
N. Hampsh
New Jersey.... 1g1| 6,153 75939 8,131
New York..... +329/1,517) 24,999 | 30,231 | 38,193
North Carolina]..... atansiosel lla 58% 454 2,787 2,636
alee seeveeealevencas 899
1,169 | 24,356 | 26,012
492 1,677 2,281
Pennsylvania. .}1,630/1,319|1,319| 15,283 | 20,447 | 25,123
Rhode Island..|..... 68] 20 928 1,251 1,654
South Carolina}..... as
South Dakota. aise oor| aiesbugti sien east ies baecoeeal| ene ana i
TONNESSCE 4008 [5. 5:6 016] vaigais ewes 1,131 55969 4:856
TORBS xs samacaen|s vera! weews)|esane 3)534 45749 2,165,
Vermont sis seca. |e se call cetienreliais vain 1,752 1,460 1,424
Virginia.... Gidcehe 13 1,682 2,798
Washington. sieiea'lAusiaie tent igiass eis] 25553
West Virginia..}.....]..... ieee 939 1,084 2,145
Wisconsin.. 151} 69! 7,656 | 14,277 | 13,132
Wyoming.. saasin ligation. vi seeciliae'a aie 530
Total.........15.607/9,737/9,678| 150,626 | 249,945 | 270,710
(See ProuIBITIon. )
PROLETARIAT.—Derived originally from
the Latin Jroletari, the name given in the
census of Servius Tullius to those who were
only of value to the state as the rearers of
offspring (pro/es); in other words, they were of
no importance either for wealth, or position,
or exceptional ability; hence the term has
been applied to the common people. Formerly
used as aterm of contempt—as being of the
lowest and meanest order of men—the term
in its French form has latterly been given a
distinct meaning, and is used by writers and
speakers on social questions, to denote those
who, destitute of land or accumulated wealth,
are entirely dependent upon selling their
labor ; the working people, as opposed to the
bourgeoisie and the aristocracy. In_ the
modern sense of the term, the proletariat is an
outcome of the changed conditions of industry ;
it was not until the division of labor began,
and one man became dependent on another
for his living, that the condition was pos-
sible ; and not until the latter part of the eight-
eenth century, after the great revolution caused
in industry by the introduction of machinery
and the factory system, was the separation of
the great mass of working people from the
land so complete as it is at present.
PROPERTY (from Latin proprzus, own,
peculiar) may be defined in its economic
sense as ‘‘any object of value that a person
may lawfully use, acquire, or hold” (Standard
Dictionary). Says J. S. Mill, ‘‘ Property de-
notes in every style of society the largest
powers of exclusive use or exclusive control
over things, and sometimes unfortunately over
persons, which the law accords or which cus-
Property.
tom in that state of society recognizes”
{Essays on Soctalism).
The Roman law defines property as follows:
Dominium est jus ulend? et abutendi re sud,
guatenus juris ratio patitur.
aa The code civil francais says,
Definitions. ‘‘ Property is the right of dispos-
ing and of enjoying things in the
mést absolute manner, provided
that no use is made of these prohibited by
laws and regulations.”
All these definitions imply the idea that the
right of holding property is dependent upon
law and therefore not superior to law. This
is, however, not the view of all publicists.
Very various views have been and are held as
to what is the basis of property.
ist. Roman jurists, and many modern ones,
consider the occupancy of things without an
owner as the principal title con-
ferring property. ‘Quod enim
nulltus est, t@ ratione naturalz
occupant? conceditur,” says the
Digest. Grotius argues that God
after the creation conferred on
the human race a general right to everything,
and then says: ‘‘This was done that each
might take for his. use whatever he wished,
and consume what it was possible for him to
use. Matters remained thus until, from
the increase in the number of men, as well as of
animals, the land, which was formerly divided
by nations, began to be divided among families,
and since wells are a supreme necessity in dry
countries, and are not equal tosupplying a large
number, each appropriated what he was able
to seize.” This, as far as man goes (whatever
one thinks as to creation), is undoubtedly a
generally accurate account of the actual way in
which property originated ; it simply exalts an
historic fact into a natural law. But whethera
just title to ownership can be gained in this
way is another thing. Law undoubtedly has
recognized such a title, but whether it should
raises other questions. J. S. Mill (Polztécal
Lconomy, book ii. chap. il.) defends a title to
possession which has not been legally ques-
tioned within a moderate number of years, but
says this is no argument for unjust present
laws. He says:
“It is necessary to the sconnty of rightful possess-
ors, that they should not be molested by charges of
wrongful acquisition, when by the lapse of time wit-
nesses must have perished or been lost sight of, and
the real character of the transaction can no longer be
cleared up. Possession which has not been legally
questioned within a moderate number of years ought
to be, as by the laws of all nations it is, a complete
title. Even when the acquisition was wrongful, the dis-
possession, after a generation has elapsed, of the prob-
ably dona fide possessors, by the revival of a claim
which had been long dormant, would generally be a
greater injustice, and almost always a greater private
and public mischief, than leaving the original wrong
without atonement. It may seem hard that a claim,
originally just, should be defeated ys mere lapse of
time; but there is a time after which (even looking at
the individual case, and without regard to the general
effect on the security of possessors) the balance of
hardship turns the other way. With the injustices of
men, as with the convulsions and disasters of nature,
the longer they remain unrepaired, the greater become
the obstacles to repairing them, arising from the
after-growths which would have to be torn up or
broken through. Inno human transactions, not even
in the simplest and clearest, does it follow that a thing
is fit to be done now, because it was fit to be done sixty
71
Property
Based upon
Ownership.
Tr2t
Property.
years ago. It is scarcely needful to remark that these
reasons for not disturbing acts of injustice of old date
cannot apply to unjust systems or institutions; since
a bad law or usage is not one bad act in the remote
past, but a perpetual repetition of bad acts as long as
the law or usage lasts.”
2d. Many make labor the basis of property.
This is the theory usually adopted by those
economists who, like Adam Smith
and his followers, both socialists
and individualists, attribute to oe
labor the production of all wealth. eke
This theory, however, is far older
than Adam Smith. Locke (Czvz/
Government, chap. iv.) states this theory in
brief, substantially as follows: Every one has
an exclusive right over his own person. The
labor of his body is, therefore, likewise his
property. His labor, withdrawing objects
from the state of community, makes them his.
This, however, must be limited by reason and
equity. ‘(If any one exceeds the bounds of
moderation and takes more than he has need
of, he undoubtedly takes what belongs to
others.” Locke’s great principle is, ‘‘ Every
one ought to have as much property as is neces-
sary for his support.” ;
The majority of writers try to base the
whole right of property upon labor. Says
Mill (Podlztzcal Economy, book ii. chap. ii.):
“The institution of property, when limited to its es-
sential elements, consists in the recognition in each per-
son of aright to the exclusive disposal of what he or
she have produced by their own exertions, or received
either by gift or by fair agreement, without force
or fraud, from those who produced it. The founda-
tion of the whole is the right of producers to what
they themselves have produced. It may be objected,
therefore, to the institution as it now exists, that it
recognizes rights of property in individuals over
things which they have not produced. For example,
it may be said that the operatives in a manufactory
create, by their labor and skill, the whole produce;
yet, instead of its belonging to them, the law gives
them only their stipulated hire, and transfers the prod-
uce to some one who has merely supplied the funds,
without perhaps contributing anything to the work
itself, even in the form of superintendence. The answer
to this is that the labor of manufacture is only one of
the conditions which must combine for the production
of the commodity. The labor cannot be carried on
without materials and machinery, nor without a stock
of necessaries provided in advance, to maintain the
laborers during production. All these things are the
fruits of previous labor. If the laborers were pos-
sessed of them they would not need to divide the prod-
uce with any one; but while they have them not, an
equivalent must be given to those who have, both for
the antecedent labor and for the abstinence by which
the produce of that labor, instead of being expended
on indulgences, has been reserved for this use. The
capital may not have been, and in most cases was not,
created by the labor and abstinence of the present
possessor ; but it was created by the labor and absti-
nence of some former person, who may indeed have
been wrongfully dispossessed of it, but who, in the
present age of the world, much more probably trans-
ferred his claims to the present capitalist by gift or
voluntary contract.
“The right of property includes, then, the freedom
of acquiring by contract. The right of e&ch to what
he has produced implies a right to what has been pro-
duced by others, if obtained by, their free consent ;
since the producers must either have given it from
good will, or exchanged it for what they esteemed an
equivalent, and to prevent them from doing so would
be to infringe their right of property in the product of
their own industry.”
But this basis for property is open at least
to confusion. Labor to-day, even in its sim-
plest forms, is largely asocial process. Aman
builds a house with his own hands, but, even if
Property.-
he has no architect, he is largely indebted to
his fellows for his ideas of house-building ;
government protects him from molestation
during the process; he gets the wood or
stone in one place, the nails or mortar in
another, the paint in another. He uses gas
which a company furnishes, or oil that some-
body else has supplied. A man writesa book,
but all his ideas, with much of the language,
may be gotten from his neighbor’s conversa-
tion or from other books in his library. It is
easy to say that labor has produced the work,
but whose labor ?
“ Nine hundred and ninety-nine parts out of
the thousand of every man's produce are the
result of his social inheritance and_environ-
ment.” So says Edward Bellamy (Conxtempo-
rary Review, July, 1890); and Mr. Kidd adds,
«This is so; and itis, if possible, even more
true of the work of our brain than of the work
of our hands” (Soczal Evolution, p. 267). All
attempt, therefore, to divide produce accord-
ing to individual contribution to the result
must be impossible; or, if it were possible to
say exactly what is produced by a man’s own
labor, is it fust that a man, favored perhaps
by circumstances for which he has no credit, is
given favorable opportunity to labor and so
produces much, should have property, while
another equally willing and competent to labor,
but deprived of the opportunity, due to circum-
stances over which he has no responsibility,
should be left to starve and possess nothing?
3. Property is based on a convention,
whereby men agreed to abandon the primitive
community. Some, like Kant, do not claim
that this is a historic fact, but speak of it as
a juristic necessity, or a fact the justice of
which demands respect. It is, however, as
Kant admits, impossible to show that there
ever was such a compact, while, as for the
juristic necessity, the view leads to one
of the two following views, a basis in law or in
utilitarianism.
4. Many writers of many shades. of thought
. maintain that property is the creature of law.
Says Bossuet (Petzt Tirée de l’Ecrit, sec. 1,
art. 3, 4, propos): ‘‘ Banish governments,
and the earth and all its fruits are as much
the common property of all mankind as the
air and light.” Montesquieu says (Esprit des
Lots, lib. xxvi. chap. 15): ‘‘As men have re-
nounced their natural independence to live
under political laws, they have also renounced
the natural community of goods to live under
civil laws. The formerlaws give them liberty,
the latter property.”
Bentham says (Zveatise on Legislation):
‘Property and the law were born together
and will perish together. Before law there
was no property ; banish law, and all property
ceases.” Butif the law justifies property, what
justifies the law? This view, therefore, sim-
ply leads to the next view.
5. Certain economists, such as Roscher, Mill,
Courcelle-Seneuil, say that human nature is
such as to require property, for without this
there would be no stimulus to labor or saving.
But many deny this fact. The soldier, the
scholar, the artist, continually labor and save,
not in the least from any stimulus of hope of
I122
like Proudhon, call property theft.
Property.
property. They labor for the love of honor, it
may be, and they save in order to labor more
effectually. Again, heroes and the humane
continually labor for the good of others. The
utilitarian view can by no means be univer-
sally proven, if one be content with utilitari-
anism.
6. Some regard property as a natural right.
Fichte says, in his book on the French Revo-
lution, ‘‘ The transformation of materials by
our own efforts is the true juridical basis of
property and the only natural one. .. . Every
man has over the material world a primordial
right of appropriation, and a right of property
over such things only as have been modified
by him.” In his Grundlage des Naturrechts
Fichte says every man has an inalienable right
to live by labor, and consequently to find the
means of employment. Hegel says (Rechts
Meta deed § 49): ‘‘ Every one has a right to
e possessed of property.” M. H. Ahrens in
his Maturrecht says :
“Law consists in the group of conditions necessary
for the physical and spiritual development of man, so
far asthese conditions are dependent on human will:
For every man’s property is a condition of his
existence and development. It is based on the actual
nature of man, and should therefore be regarded as
an original, absolute right, which is not the result of
any outward act, such as occupation, labor, or con-
tract. The right springing directly from human
nature, the title of being a man is sufficient to confer
the right of property.”
But who knows about natural rights? Most
publicists to-day have given up the theory of
natural rights (g. v.). Some may maintain
that man has a natural right to property,
others may assert the contrary. Who can
decide between them ?
Thus something can be said against every
basis for property. Says Professor Cunning-
ham (in an essay on The Church's Duty ix
Relation tu the Sacredness of Property):
‘““There are so many conflicting opinions; and the
opposing parties, in regard to any proposal where the
rights of property are affected, seem to have no
ground in common. There hardly seems to be any
recognized principle which is generally accepted, and
on which it is possible to take a stand. Even the best
established maxims on which property rests seem to
be turned into new weapons to attack it. The title to
property by right of conquest earns no respect. Why
should not the man who took things violently, be vio-
lently dispossessed? The title by prescription, long and
undisturbed possession, seems to have little weight.
If you have enjoyed a large estate for a long time, it
may be retorted, isn’t it fair that some one else should
have a turn? So the ground seems to be cut awa
from the old legal principles, and we are set adrift
into a troubled sea where conflicting interests strug-
gle to assert themselves and changing tides of senti-
ment prevail.’ Discussions are so apt to resolve
themselves into arguments from expediency. The
optimist and the pessimist make different forecasts as
tothe probable effects of some measure, and there
seemsto be no means of deciding between them, or of
convincing either of right and wrong apart from con-
siderations of consequences. We never seem‘to get
to a firm foundation of any sort at all.”
Professor Cunningham proceeds to argue
as to religious duty. Most economists to-day,
however, discuss the question as to property,
simply on the basis of utility. For this see Com-
MUNISM; SOCIALISM; and INDIVIDUALIsM. Some,
however, argue from this conflict of views as to
the basis of property against all property, and,
For Prou-
dhon’s view, see ProupHon. For the impor-
Proportional Representation.
tant and especial form of property,—property
in land,—see Lanp.
References: Charles Letourneur’s Progerty, /¢ts
Origin and Development, 1872; E. H. G. Clark’s Man's
Birthright, or the Higher Law of Property (1885) ; P.
. Proudhon’s What ts Property ? (Tr.) 1876. (See also
OMMUNISM; INDIVIDUALISM; PRIMITIVE PROPERTY.)
PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTA- -
TION.—John Stuart Mill wrote in his Cox-
siderations on Representative Government:
“The pure idea of democracy, according to its defi-
nition, is the government of the whole people, by the
whole people, equally represented. Democracy, as
commonly conceived and hitherto practised, is the
government of the whole people by a mere majority
of the people, exclusively represented. The former is
synonymous with the equality of all citizens; the lat-
ter, strangely confounded with it, isa government of
privilege, in favor of the numerical majority, who
alone possess practically any voice in the State. This
is the inevitable consequence of the manner in which
the votes are now taken, to the complete disfranchise-
ment of minorities.”
No one, who has not analyzed the statistics
of political elections, can realize how defective
is the electoral machinery of most countries.
The late Mr. Thomas Hare, who was known
in England as the ‘“ Father of Proportional
Representation,” calculated that no less than
two-fifths of the voters were wholly unrepre-
sented in Parliament, while in this country
Mr. Salem Dutcher, to whom we owe an
excellent work on ‘‘ Proportional Representa-
tion,” curiously enough found the same propor-
tion of two-fifths to be true also for the fortieth,
forty-first, and forty-second Congresses of the
United States. In Switzerland the statistics
for the years 1881, 1884, and 1887 of the elec-
tions to the National Council, which corre-
sponds to our House of Representatives, reveal
the same unjust state of affairs. As matters
now stand in these countries, the powers of
government are intrusted to a majority of the
majority, who may be a minority of the whole
electorate. If, for instance, three-fifths of the
electors only are represented in a certain legis-
lature, and one-half plus one of the represent-
atives, or say two-thirds, in order to leave a
little margin, regulate the character of legisla-
tion, then the majority in that legislature,
which frames the laws, represents a minority
of the electors; for 2 x 8 = 5% or 2, which is
less than one-half. Mr, Garfield, while still a
Congressman, described this unjust feature of
our political machinery with characteristic
clearness in a speech delivered before the
House of Representatives on the 23d of June,
1870. ‘*In my judgment,” he said, ‘‘ it is the
weak point in the theory of representative
government, as now organized and adminis-
tered, that a large portion of the voting
people are permanently disfranchised. . . .
Take my own district as an example; I have
never been elected by less than gooo majority.
Sometimes the majority has ex-
eek e ceeded 12,000. There are about
Injustice of 16.900 Democratic voters in my
Present district, and they have been vot-
Methods. ing there for the last 4o years,
without any more hope of having
a representative on this floor than of having
one in the Commons of Great Britain.” ;
Every reader can supply illustrations of sim-
1123
Proportional Representation.
ilar injustices, either from his own electoral
district or from the wider field of national
politics.
To be more explicit, take the election of
Congressmen in the United States in 1892.
There were in round numbers twelve million
votes polled; of these, six and a half million
secured representation, while five anda half
million were unsuccessful.
What do these figures reveal ?
1. That a vast minority, including almost
one-half of the voters, were disfranchised in
that election. Nay, we can go further, and
say that these five and a half million were not
only wzzrepresented, but actually mzzsrepre-
sented by their opponents elected from their
districts.
2. That the injustice of ‘‘ taxation without
representation” flourishes as unchecked as it
did before the American Revolution, since
five and a half million continue to pay taxes,
altho unrepresented.
3. That majority rule is not in force in the
United States, for the Democratic majority
elected to Congress represented only 25 per
cent. of the whole electorate, and a bare ma-
jority in Congress only 21.4 per cent., so thata
small minority were actually making laws to
govern the whole.
How hopelessly faulty voting in electoral
districts can become may be seen from the re-
sults of this same election in Iowa: 219,215
Republican votes sent 10 Republican Con-
gressmen to Washington, whereas 201,923
Democratic votes sent only one Congressman.
Undoubtedly the habit of manipulating the
boundaries of electoral districts for party pur-
poses also tends to aggravate these discrep-
ancies. This abuse is called by the Germans
wahlkreisgeometrie, or the geometry of elec-
toral districts. In the United States it has
been nicknamed the gerrymander (g. v.).
But even if dishonest electoral districts were
never created, there would still remain a high
percentage of unrepresented voters. The truth
is, the whole system of electing representatives,
as now practised the world over, cannot be
made to produce accurate results. It is evi-
dent that a radical reform is demanded—one
which shall make the vote of every elector
effective, by applying the principle of propor-
tional representation.
The various systems proposed are all based
upon what is known technically as the electoral
quota.
Suppose an imaginary State to contain 1000
voters, with 1o representatives to elect. Now,
if 1000 votes elect 10 as
tives, then 7, of 1000 ought to ;
elect 1 representative. Thus, a
1999, or 100, will be the electoral Revreenta.
quota. Every candidate who can Then
muster 100 votes will be declared
elected, and every party will be
entitled to as many representatives as 100 is
contained in its total vote.
To illustrate by actual example:
In the Congressional election of Indiana for
1892 the total vote was 549,405. Of these the
Republicans cast 253,640; the Democrats,
' 259,184; the Populists, 24,223; and the Prohibi-
Proportional Representation.
tionists, 12,358. There were 13 representatives
to elect. Now, if 549,405 votes elect 13 repre-
sentatives, ~; of 549,405 ought to elect 1 rep-
resentative. Thus, 42,26142, or, for the sake
of simplicity, 42,262 will be the electoral quota.
The 253,640 Republican votes, divided by this
quota, give six full quotas and a remainder of
68 votes; the 259,184 Democratic votes, six full
quotas and a remainder of 5612. As neither
of the remaining parties has enough votes to
fill a quota, the thirteenth representative is
taken from the part having the largest unfilled
quota, the Populist. This would have made
the Indiana delegation 6 Republicans, 6 Dem-
ocrats, and 1 Populist, instead of the 2 Repub-
licans and 11 Democrats who were actually
elected.
The presence of unused fractions and re-
mainders shows that the system of the elec-
toral quota, without further provisions, is not
infallible. But it guarantees an approximate
accuracy which cannot be attained under pres-
ent conditions, as the above example of the
election in Indiana conclusively proves.
A variety of systems have been based upon
this principle of the electoral quota, differ-
ing from each other in minor
. oints: 1. Personal Representa-
Various tion allows voters to select any
Systems. candidates they may choose, irre-
spective of party or locality.
2. The Cumulative vote allows
each elector to distribute his vote as he
chooses, or cumulate them all upon one candi-
date. 3. The Limited vote gives the elector a
less number of votes than there are candidates
toelect. 4. The so-called Hare System works
in the following manner: The voters receive
ballots containing a greater number of names
than there are representatives to be elected;
say 12 instead of 6. The voters mark 6 names
of the 12 inthe order of their preference. In
counting, the electoral quota is first ascer-
tained by dividing the total number of ballots
cast by the number of candidates to be elected.
The candidates who have received at least the
electoral quota are declared elected. The
ballots of the successful candidates over and
above the electoral quota are transferred to the
candidates marked as second choice. When
the surplus votes of successful candidates are
exhausted, the ballots of candidates having
least votes are transferred in the same manner
to candidates marked upon them as second
choice. Whenever the candidate marked as
second choice is already elected, the ballot is
transferred to the candidate marked as third
choice, and so on until the necessary six rep-
resentatives are elected. If the number of
representatives should still remain incomplete
after this process, the candidate receiving the
" number of ballots nearest to the electoral quota
is declared elected. This method is far sim-
pler in practise than any description of it can
be. Miss Catherine H. Spence of Adelaide,
South Australia, in using the Hare system
with audiences at lectures, found that, out of a
total of 3824 votes cast in about 50 trials, only
144 votes were unused, because they were for
candidates either already elected or impossible
to elect. 5. The so-called Grove system re-
124
Proportional Representation.
sembles the foregoing, except that the candi-
dates are required to announce before election
to whom their possible surplus votes must be
transferred. 6. The Free List system is in
use in Switzerland. It has been adopted suc-
cessfully by four cantons—Ticino, Neuchatel,
Geneva, and Zug. It differs from the Hare
system in giving greater scope to party organ-
izations, and is, therefore, a less radical de-
parture from prevailing electoral methods.
The American Proportional Representation
League assembled in Chicago at the Con-
gress on Government in August, 1883, decided
to advocate both the Hare and the Free List
systems for experiment. (But see below.)
On that occasion a sample bill was drawn up
for the election of members of the United
States House of Representatives by the Free
List system. As the lawsregulating the prac-
tise of this system in Switzerland contain
much matter which is foreign to the methods
in vogue in the United States, this sample bill
will serve as a clearer illustration of the
principle: :
Resolved: ‘That the members of the House of
Representatives shall be voted for at large in their
respective States.
“A ticket composed of any number of candidates
may be nominated by any body of electors in any
State which polled at the last preceding election x per
cent. of the total vote for Congressmen, or by a peti-
tion of voters amounting to1 per cent. of such total
yore These tickets shall be printed on the official
allot. .
“Each elector has as many votes us there are Rep-
resentatives to be elected, which he may distribute as
he pleases among the candidates, giving not more
than one vote to any one candidate, Should he not
use the entire number of votes to which he is entitled,
his unexpressed votes are to be counted for the ticket
which he shall designate by title. aa
“The votes given to candidates shall count individ-
ually for the candidates as well as for the tickets to
which the candidates belong.
“The sum of all the votes cast in any State shall be
divided by the number of seats to which such State is
entitled, and the quotient to the nearest unit shall be
known as the quota of representation.
“The sums of all the votes cast for the tickets of
each party or political group nominating candidates
shall be severally divided by the quota of representa-
tion, and the units of the quotients thus obtained will
show the number of representatives to which each
body is entitled ; and if the sum of such quotients be
less than the number of seats to be filled, the body of
electors having the largest remainder—after division
of the sums of the votes cast by the quota of, repre-
sentation, as herein specified—shall be entitled to the
ag ee and so on until all the vacancies are
ed.
“ The candidates of each body of electors nominating
candidates, and found entitled to representation un-
der the foregoing rules, shall receive certificates of
election in the order of votes received, the candidate
receiving the highest number of votes the first certifi-
cate, and so on; but in case of a tie, with but one
vacancy to be filled, the matter shall be determined by
lot between the candidates so tied. aa
“Tf a member of the House of Representatives
shall die or resign, or his seat become vacant for any
reason, the remainder of his term shall be served by
the candidate having the next highest vote of the
body of electors to which such member belongs.”
Enough has been said to show that the
problem of proportional representation is by
no means simple. The underlying principle
that a legislature should reflect every phase of
public opinion is undoubtedly just; the neces-
sity for an electoral quota is self-evident-
but the practical application of this reform
requires careful methods. Absolute accu-
racy cannot probably be attained under any
Proportional Representation.
system, but surely nothing could be worse
than the rough-and-ready electoral machinery
now in general use.
Some of the systems quoted above have
been tried at various times in various coun-
tries, but on the whole the work-
ing of the Free List in Switzerland
has, so far, proved the most suc-
cessful in politics. For instance:
before the adoption of propor-
tional representation in the Can-
ton of Ticino, the elections of 1889 to the
Grand Council resulted as follows: There
were 112 deputies to elect; of these, the Con-
servatives, with 12,653 ballots, returned 77,
while the Liberals, with 12,008 ballots. z. ¢.,
with only a few hundred less than their oppo-
nents, only 35. After the adoption of the Free
List the two parties returned an almost equal
number of deputies. Entirely satisfactory re-
sults have been obtained also in the other
antons, and the reform is, therefore, spread-
ing to all parts of the Swiss Republic. No
relief can come from merely rearranging
electoral districts. Every redistricting bill
must be a mere makeshift, for the time always
comes when the work has to be done over
again. How much better, then, to seek a per-
manent solution of the difficulty in some plan
of proportional representation! Such a sys-
tem is at once stable, because pivoted upon a
great principle; and elastic, because, from its
very nature, it expands with the growth of
the State.
In that day, when minorities have their
own spokesmen in our legislative halls, great
reforms will no longer be ignominiously swept
aside as rubbish by the so-called practi-
cal politicians. Every school of reformers, if
they can muster a sufficient following, will
have a chance to demonstrate the value of
its ideas. Someone has said that the pres-
ent representative system may be likened to
that of protection of trade, in that it artificially
protects majorities against the competition of
minorities, In fact, the dead level of medi-
ocrity which characterizes our legislatures
would be effectually broken. Their whole
tone would be raised by the introduction of
new reforms at the hands of chosen cham-
pions; principles, not personalities, would
become the chief issues; and men of talent,
experts in certain branches of science, which
are indispensable to the conduct of good gov-
ernment, would then willingly take up politics
as a profession, instead of, as now, shrinking
from serving their country, because it has be-
come an occupation of evil repute. Propor-
tional representation will, of course, like every
great act of justice, be scouted asa wild theory.
The wire-pullers of the party or parties, who
may happen to be in power, will oppose its
introduction with all the means at their dis-
posal, for it would prevent them from perpet-
uating their rule by gerrymandering; but
eventually it must be adopted, if the repre-
sentative system itself is to stand. Let not
John Stuart Mill’s word of warning be forgot-
ten: ‘‘It is an essential part of democracy
that minorities should be adequately repre-
sented. No real democracy, nothing but a
Practical
Working.
1125
Proportional Representation.
false show of democracy, is possible without
Meee G W. D. McCracxkan.
The following recent information is abridged
from Professor John R. Commons’ Profor-
tzonal Representation, Copyright by Thomas
Y. Crowell, Boston and New York. He says
(pp. 237-264) :
‘In the third and fourth decades of the present cen-
tury a remarkable wave of democracy culminated in
our Western civilization. ...
‘““The years 1844 in America and 1846 in Switzerland
mark the first attempts of individual minds to inquire
into the real basis of true representation. Mr.
Thomas Gilpin published at Philadelphia, in the for-
mer year, his prophetic work, of which little notice
was then taken, On the Representation of Minori-
ties of Electors to act with the Majority in Elected
Assemblies. In 1846 Victor Considérant, the distin-
guished leader of the socialist school of Fourier, ad-
dressed an open letter to the Grand Council of Geneva,
entitled, De la Sincérité du ,Gouvernement Repré-
sentatif, ou Exposition de [Election Vértdigue. In
this brochure M. Considérant proposed Tne Prat
a plan of election almost indentical with that of
Thomas Gilpin. Each voter wastocast one vote for a
party, and then to indicate the names of the candi-
dates of his party whom he preferred. The propor-
tion of representatives to which each
party should be entitled was to be de-
termined by the rule of three, and the
successful candidates by the order of
their preferences. Something akin to
this plan had been suggested some
twelve years before by Considérant’s master, Charles
Fourier; and its publication in 1846 preceded by one
ear the wide extension of the suffrage in Geneva.
here was as yet no feeling of serious need for it,
and it therefore lay dormant 15 years... .
“In September, 1864, Professor Ernest Naville pub-
lished his first brochure addressed to the Federal
Council and the Swiss people, showing that the vio-
lence of the elections, which threatened the sta-
bility of Swiss institutions and inspired throughout
Europe a dread of the new democracy of 1848, was but
the natural outcome of the general ticket and exclu-
sive majority rule. Professor Naville from that date
has been the recognized leader of the reform in Swit-
zerland; and his numerous publications, besides pre-
senting cogent arguments, afford a complete history
of Proportional representation to the present time.
‘"In 1867 was formed 1’Association Réformiste de Ge-
néve, composed of Professor Naville and six associates.
But the time was not yet ripe.... The movement
for the referendum and initiative as a decidedly
practical and thoroughgoing deadlock upon their un-
representative assemblies absorbed the thought of
the people. ... In the year 1876 the national Associa-
tion Suisse pour la Représentation Proportionelle was
organized, with branches at Berne and Geneva.
Hearings were obtained from time to time before leg-
islative and constitutionalassemblies. Butit required
a crisis to force public attention upon the reform.
““The crisis came in 1890 in the Italian canton of
Ticino. The Conservative party in 1889, with 12,65
votes, elected 77 of the 112 members of the Gran
Council while the Liberals, with 12,008 (a handful less),
elected only 35. Out of a total vote of 24,671, it was
calculated that 9157 were unrepresented. Finally, in
1890, an insurrection broke out. The Liberals seized
upon the arsenal, and overthrew the Conservative
Government. Federal troops were dispatched to put
down the revolt. Then it was that the Federal Gov-
ernment recommended to the canton the adoption of
proportional representation. The suggestion was
acted upon, a commission was created, and in 1891 the
Free List was adopted in the form approved by the
Swiss Association. ...
‘From Ticino the reform has spread rapidly to other
cantons. The initiative and referendum have helped
it very much. The French Protestant canton Neu-
chatel adopted it in 1891; the large canton of Geneva in
1892; the Catholic Fribourg, for municipal elections, in
1894; the German Catholic Zug in 1894, which combined
the ‘free ticket’ with cumulative voting; finally the
German Catholic Soluthurn in March, 1895, the first to
introduce the Droop quota (the votes divided by the
number of representatives zzcreased by one). “In a
few cantons and cities the reform has been rejected
by referendum. The city of Basle rejected it a few
years ago, but the people are now demanding it anew
History.
Proportional Representation.
by initiation.... England and America, however,
have actually preceded Switzerland by 20 to 25
years in the adoption of certain forms of minority
representation. ...
“Tn 1854, in the discussion of the second Reform Bill,
Lord John Russell moved in Parliament, on the sugges-
tion of Professor Fawcett, that in the newly created
electoral districts returning three members no elector
should vote for more than two candidates. ...
“In 1854 Mr. James Garth Marshall published at Lon-
don his Mayjorities and Minorities: Their Relative
Rights, wherein he proposed for the first time_the
cumulative vote which has been so popular in Eng-
lish and American reforms. The limited vote of Lord
Russell, however, did not find legislative enactment
until 23 years after its first proposal; and the cumu-
lative vote was first employed in 1870.
Two events prepared the way for this
adoption. The first was the discussion
inaugurated by Mr. Thomas Hare in
1859, when he published his volume en-
titled The Election of Representatives,
Parliamentary and Municipal, which was followed in
1862 by John Stuart Mill’s profoundly philosophical.
Considerations on Representative Government, Mr.
Mill speaks of Thomas Hare as ‘a man of great ca-
pacity, fitted alike for large general views and for
the contrivance of practical details’; and of his plan
as ‘among the very greatest improvements yet made
in the theory and practise of government.’
“Certainly no discussions have equaled these trea-
tises of Mill and Hare in placing before the thinking
people of all countries the true nature of representa-
tion under universal suffrage and political parties. ...
“In 1870, when the English Government began its
wide extension of free schools, the cumulative vote
was introduced in the election of the new local boards
of education. This was by way of concession to the
supporters of private and sectarian schools, who
wished to retain their hold in the distribution of pub-
lic funds, and in the administration of their schools.
“With this Act the progress of proportional repre-
sentation in England ceased. When the suffrage was
extended in 1884 to agricultural laborers, an attempt
was again made to introduce the reform, but after
considerable discussion the amendment was defeated.
The next year was organized the eee Propor-
tional Representation Society, of which Sir John Lub-
bock is president, and several of the members of
Parliament are members. The society advocates the
Hare system in constituencies electing five to fifteen
representatives.
‘In the United States the work of Thomas Gilpin
followed close upon the Act of Congress of 1842, which
for the first time took the control of elections for Con-
gressmen from the several States, and provided,
among other things, that the single-membered dis-
trict should be universal. This was an attempt to
give representation in Congress to the minority, who
were practically disfrarichised by the laws of certain
States wherein Congressmen were elected ona gen-
eral ticket. Gilpin’s essay grew out of the discussion
upon this measure.
“Not until the period following the Civil War was
public opinion ready to discuss the principles of rep-
Tesentation, nor, indeed, was there any pressing occa-
sion. The writings of Mr. Hare and Mr. Mill were
widely read in the United States; and the pending
reconstruction of the States lately in rebellion, and
the agitation for the enfranchisement of the freed-
men, brought the problems of representation sud-
denly to a focus. There were only two plans which
reached practical adoption—the limited vote and the
cumulative vote.... The most important action was
that taken by the constitutional convention of the State
of Illinois, which met December, 1869. The convention
adopted the a of a committee of which Mr. James
Medill was chairman, dividing the State
into 51 senatorial districts, each elect-
ing a single senator, but creating a
ower house of 153 members, ‘to be
elected in the senatorial districts by
threes by the cumulative vote. This
section was voted upon separately by
the people, July 2, 1870, and carried by a vote of 99,022
in favor, and 70,080 against.
The action of the New York Legislature and the
veto by Governor Hoffman in April, 1872, of the bill
providing for the cumulative vote in the election of
aldermen in New York City, mark the highest point
attained in America in the discussion of minority
Tepresentation. eae
“The arguments of Governor Hoffman against mi-
England.
United
States.
41126
Proportional Representation.
nority representation in the Board of Aldermen are
not altogether invalid, and his objections to a similar
representation in the administrative departments are
well considered. Later experience has shown that
administrative boards are incompetent as compared
with single heads of departments, and that bi-partizan
boards are not superior to those composed of members
of a single party. Minority representation in an ex-
ecutive department dissipates the energy and respon-
sibility of administration ; but minority representation
in the legislative branch is necessary to enable the
minority ‘‘to watch the governing body; to expose its
wrong-doing, if any; to restrain it by this vigilance
and exposure.’’ Professor Commons here describes
other similar movements, and then says : ‘These va-
rious experiments with crude forms of minority repre-
sentation furnish in part an explanation of the entire
subsidence of the movement since 1874... .
‘CA revival of interest in proportional representation
has begun within the past five years. The civil
service reformers of the country, with unanimity,
have espoused it. This interest took definite shape
in 1893, through the organization at Chicago of the
American Proportional Representation League. and
the launching of the Proportional Representation
Review. Magazine articles have appeared, two or
three books have been published, bills have been in-
troduced into legislatures and Congress, and an en-
thusiastic and capable agitation has been inaugurated,
“Tn 1891 the people of South Dakota voted upon a
minority representation clause to their constitution,
copied after the Illinois system, which they rejected
by a vote of 46,200 against 24,161.
“The cumulative vote has been applied by the con-
stitutions of the x1: States of Illinois, Nebraska,
California, Pennsylvania, West Virginia, Missouri,
Mississippi, Idaho, Kentucky, North Dakota, and Mon-
tana, to the election of directors of private corpora:
tions.’
Of the various systems of proportional representa
tion Professor Commons says:
“The single transferable vote has become the
classical form of proportional representation, from
the great ability with which it was presented by its
author, Mr. Thomas Hare, and advocated by John
Stuart Mill. It was also devised independently by the
Danish statesman, M. Andrae, and introduced by him
into the election of a portion of the members of the
‘Rigsraad’ in 1855, and for the ‘Landsthing’ in 1867.
It is advocated by the English Proportional Repre-
sentation Society, of which Sir John Lubbock is
president.
“There is a practical difficulty, almost insurmount-
able, in the appl ion of this system to large constit-
uencies, in the fact that all the votes of the entire
constituency must be brought together to the central
bureau for counting. They cannot be counted by the
various precinct officials, leaving only the totals to be
handled by the central board. The Hare system
doubtless works well in a constituency of a thousand
voters, as in the Mechanics’ Institute of San Fran-
cisco, where it has been successfully employed in
three elections, or in constituencies electing only
three to seven candidates by a restricted suffrage, as
in the Danish law of M. Andrae; but when ten thou-
sand, or a hundred thousand, or a half million votes
are to be counted, and a large number of the ballots
must be recounted to make the proper transfers, the
task is too heavy.
“The Hare system is advocated by those who,
in a too doctrinaire fashion, wish to abolish polit-
ical parties. They apparently do not realize the
impossibility of acting in politics without large
groupings of individuals; nor do they perceive that
the Hare system itself, tho apparently a system of
personal representation, would, nevertheless, result in
party representation. And this from the fact that
voters who act rationally, and wish to see their own
views most strongly represented in leg-
islation, would always transfer their
secondary choices to candidates of the Hare
same party as the ones who receive
their first choices. The only way in System.
which the oyster could lessen party co-
hesion would be to require the names of 3
candidates to be printed in alphabetical order, as in
the present Massachusetts and California ballot laws,
and not by party tickets, so that the voters would be
compelled to search through the entire ballot for the
candidates of their own party. This would doubtless
encourage independent voting, but would by no
means abolish parties. ...
“With the present organization of parties in the
Proportional Representation.
United States, and with the customary method of
‘printing party tickets on the so-called Australian bal-
lot, there is reason to believe that the Hare system
would be forced into the service of parties.
“In 1870 M. Borély of Nimes, France, proposed that
each elector should himself indicate his preferences by
numbering the candidates 1, 2, 3, etc. In this form
the plan was adopted in 1871 by the Association Ré-
formiste of Geneva, Switzerland, and became known
as the /iste libre, or * free ticket.’ ...
“This combination of the cumulative vote and the
‘free ticket’ answersin most respects the ideal of elec-
toral reform. It gives to the voter the widest free-
dom of choice between all the individual candidates
on all the tickets, avoids the waste and the consequent
_‘machine’ supremacy of the simple cumulative vote,
and opens the way for independent movements within
and without the dominant parties. There are, how-
ever, two minor objections. If voters are allowed
to write on their ballots the figures 1, 2, 3, etc., against
individual candidates, it becomes easy
to make those ‘distinguishing marks’
which the laws against bribery seek to
prohibit. This objection would not
hold against a plan by which the voter
gives but one vote to a candidate or one
toa ticket. Again, the cumulation in-
volvesa waste of votes between the groups or factions
within the party corresponding to the waste which
the simple cumulation permits between parties. Vot-
ers ofa given faction who cumulate on their own first
choices of their party candidates, and who fail to dis-
tribute their votes soas to aid the secondary candi-
dates of the same faction, would be at a disadvan-
tage, and minor but shrewder factions would secure
disproportionate influence in the party representa-
tion. The cumulative vote with the ‘free ticket’
amendment has been adopted by the Canton Zug in
Switzerland, and is favored by Professor Ernest
Naville, the leading advocate of proportional repre-
sentation in that country. Itis simpler than the plan
finally agreed upon by the Swiss and American advo-
cates of the reform, and would, perhaps, secure all
the advantages of the latter.”
References: ThomasGilpin, The Representation of
Minorities of Electors to act with the Majority in
Elected Assemblies, Philadelphia, 1844; Victor Consid-
érant, De la Sincérité du Gouvernement Représenta-
Zip, ou Exposition de ? Election Vértdigue, Geneve. 1846;
Thomas Hare, The Machinery of Representation. Lon-
don, 1857 (Mr. Hare's first publication); The Election
A Representatives, Parliamentary and Muntcrpal.
hird Edition, Philadelphia, 1867, 350 pages, the
classical treatise; John Stuart Mill, Cozs¢derations on
Representative Government, New York, 1882; C. R.
Buckalew, Proportional Representation, Philadelphia,
1872; J. R. Commons, Progortional Representation,
New York, 1896. Containsa full discussion of the sub-
ject and the most recent information, also texts of
bills, and lists of books and periodicals on the subject.
Proportional Representation Review, published quar-
terly by the American Proportional Representation
League, Stoughton Cooley, secretary, Chicago; 50
cents a year.
Swiss
System,
——~ PROSTITUTION is not an evil peculiar
to any age, country, or civilization. Herodi-
tus tells us of an extent and infamy of pros-
titution in ancient Babylon almost beyond
belief. Prostitution in terrible and unnatural
forms was a part of the religious cultus of
goddesses or gods worshiped under different
names in Phcenicia, Syria, Phrygia, Egypt,
and the adjacent countries. Similar rites en-
tered into the idolatry which repeatedly led
the children of Israel astray, and are con-
nected with the ‘‘ groves” and ‘‘pillars,” and
other terms under which the English Old Tes-
tament covers the literal meaning of the
Hebrew original. In Greece and at Athens,
as wellas in Corinth, we find the same sexual
worship and prostitution made a matter of
civic glory and religious gain. Unnatural
vice we find openly practised and defended
by Greece’s sages, heroes, and statesmen.
Prostitution was taught asan art. The most
1127
Prostitution.
educated women of Greece were courtesans,
In Rome, if vice was made less beautiful, it ©
was more unbridled. Women of the highest
rank, even of the imperial purple, enrolled
themselves as common prostitutes. Orgies
took place in the baths and in the temples.
Obscenity ruled the stage.
We find the evil in every portion of the
globe; in India, in Japan, in Hawaii, and every-
where about in proportion to our knowledge of
the life of the age and country. We find it in
the Middle Ages alike in hovel and in palace ;
in cloister and in hall. If under the Puritan
régime it was temporarily restrained, it broke
out in the Restoration in a wilder carnival of
vice. (See Crime.) It exists to-day in modern
Babylons as in the old ; if it is now publicly
condemned and the number of the pure is
enormously increased, there are those who be-
lieve that itis eating to-day under the surface
far more than is generally known. At the Na-
tional Purity Congress in Baltimore (October,
1895), it was stated that the number of prosti-
tutes in the United States was 230,000, and
that this implied at least 1,150,000 prostitute-
men, which is probably far under the truth.
Prostitutes are mainly found in the cities,
Their male companions live not only in the
cities, but also in the towns and villages,
whose residents go to the cities for business,
or pleasure, or both.
When Dr. Sanger wrote of prostitution in
1858, the number of women living as prosti-
tutes in the city of New York,
from information given by the
then chief of police, and obtained
from other reliable sources, was
estimated to be 6000. Ina paper
prepared for the World’s Congress on Social
Purity, held in Chicago in June, 1893, Hon.
Elbridge T. Gerry states that Superintendent
Byrnes, of the police department, and himself
compared notes with exactly the same result,
and, viewing the matter from two different
standpoints, they were agreed that the present
number of prostitutes in New York city is at
least 40,000.
Some think this estimate too high. The
Rev. F. M. Goodchild, writing in Tze Arena
for March, 1896, says :
Extent.
“Tt has been declared that in New York city there
are between 40,000 and 50,000 such women. That
would make one habitual prostitute for every nine
mature men in the city. As it is estimated that
every fallen woman means on an average five fallen
men to support her, it would appear that more than
half our men are regular contributors to the brothel,
which I should hesitate very much to believe. Eight
years ago the superintendent of the Florence Night
Mission estimated that there were then 15,000 prosti-
tutes in New York city. The number has not in-
creased by more than 10,000 certainly, probably not
by more than 5000. An army of 20,000 such hapless
creatures is ghastly enough not to need exaggera-
tion.”
Mr. Goodchild, however, appears to forget
that prostitutes in New York city are not sup-
ported by residents of that city alone, so that
there may be 40,000. Nor is there any reason
for believing that New York is much, if any,
worse than other places in proportion to their
size.
A volume entitled Chicago’s Dark Places,
Prostitution.
which is the result of careful investigations,
made by a corps of specially appointed com-
missioners, men and women of large expe-
rience in mission work among the degraded
and criminal classes of the city, says:
“There are several sections in Chicago almost en-
tirely devoted for whole blocks to houses of prostitu-
tion. One of these localities is known as the Black
Hole, and it does not belie its name.” The details
iven of the ways inwhich young girls are victim-
ized and enslaved in these vile places, and of the
hard pressure brought to bear upon dependent work-
ing girls, making them an easy prey to the seducer,
are harrowing in the extreme. But this shameless
vice is not confined to the slums. One section of the
south side is mentioned in which sundry localities are
devoted entirely to houses of prostitution. The major
portion of these houses, says the commissioner, ‘‘are
‘gilded palaces.’ They are elegantly decorated and
elaborately furnished, and to these ‘the visitors gen-
erally come in carriages’; 14 carriages having been
counted by the commissioner at one time on a single
block. The reports upon the lower type of theaters,
concert halls, and museums, are remarkable chapters,
showing a close and direct connection between these
so-called ‘amusements,’ strong drink, and social vice.
In one of them in exterior a cheap theater, the com-
missioners, in a circuitous way, were introduced to
girls ‘in decollete costume,’ who invited them ‘down
stairs’ to ‘see the can-can danced by 12 naked young
ladies.’ The exhibition consisted of ‘a most disgust-
ing dance, performed by over a dozen girls ina state
of absolute nudity,’ and ended, when the dance was
over, with ‘open and personal solicitations from these
abandoned women.’ In this vile place, where was
also a ‘bar, which did a thriving business,’ they
found on their arrival ‘some 10 or 12 men, most of
them respectable looking, some of them young and
some old, allin eager expectancy awaitin¥ the arrival
of the ‘ ladies.’
‘The reports.on the ‘immoral dives’ and ‘obscene
pictures, books, and advertisements,’ are striking
exhibits of the numerous and ingenious ways in
which the young of both sexes are systematically
corrupted, and vice promoted.”
Of ‘Philadelphia Mr. Goodchild writes (see
above) :
“There are not less than rooo houses of ill fame in
the city, and as many as 5000 women live among us
by the sale of their bodies. I wish I might have con-
fidence that the estimate is too high; but nearly six
years of observation make me fear that the figures
are muchtoo low. This does not include, of course,
the vast multitude of poor girls whose labor yields
scarcely enoughto keep body and soul together,
many of whom fail victims tothe lecherous men who
are always on the watch for ' new cases.’”’
But the older cities of Europe are probably
even worse. General Booth of the Salvation
Army in his Darkest England chart esti-
mates the number of prostitutes in London -
at 30,000. They have been estimated at from
60,000 to 80,000. On certain squares and
streets at midnight they literally crowd and
block the sidewalks for square after square.
In Berlin a commission appointed by the
Society of Medicine, with Professor Virchow
as president, found 4364 prosti-
tutes in that city recognized by
the police, and estimated the total
number at from 40,000 to 50,000.
(Addresses of National Purity
Congress, Baltimore, pp. 250-252). The pre-
fect of police of Paris is quoted as saying that
there were in Paris over 100,000. (Addresses,
as above, p. 310.)
Of the evils connected with prostitution
there is scarcely need to speak. Many careful
students are coming to believe that the sexual
Europe.
1128
Prostitution.
evil, in its various forms, is greater even than
that of intemperance. Says Professor A. G.
Warner (American Charities, p. 66), ‘‘ Care-
ful observers believe it to be a
more constant and fundamental
cause of degeneration than in-
temperance. It certainly effects
degeneration of a more or less
pronounced type in a much larger
number of persons. It persists almost to the
end in the most degenerate stock, while at the
same time it is operative among the healthier
classes. ...” Intemperance is, however, all
but universally the companion of prostitution.
It has been frequently said that girls rarely
can, and men rarely do, continue a fast life
without drink. If the saloon is often literally
the entrance to a brothel, the brothel as fre-
quently leads to the saloon. An eminent law-
yer is quoted, on p. 121 of the published
Addresses of the National Purity Congress at
Baltimore (1895), as saying: .‘‘ It is my delib-
erate conviction, based upon facts coming to
my knowledge in the course of 20 years’ prac-
tise, that more boys are converted to drink-
ing habits in houses of ill fame than in the
saloons.”
Of the physical evils attendant upon prosti-
tution, perhaps more than enough has been
said. Yetan evil that at any time may, and
repeatedly does, reduce Poult to premature,
helpless, old age ; transform the body into a
rotten shell; affect not only the sinner, but his
posterity ; make the kiss of love the means of
carrying contagion and foul disease to pure
brides and innocent children, it is difficult to
describe too strongly. Yet the extent of the
evil may be seen by the following quotations
from a paper read by Dr. A. F. Currier. be-
fore the Section on Public Health and Legal
Medicine of the New York Academy of
Medicine, and published in the Philanthropist
for May,. 1891. :
Amount of
Evil.
“In the class for diseases of women at the Outdoor
Poor Department of Bellevue Hospital, 1802 new cases
were received from February 1, 1890, to January 1,
1891. In this number there were 68 cases of syphilis
and ror of other forms of venereal disease. In the
class for diseases of the skin and venereal disease
there were at least as many more cases. Approxi-
mately there were 260cases of venereal disease among
600 women. There are more than 30 dispensaries in
ew York in which such diseases are treated, and the
average number of cases of venereal disease for each
would not fall far short of 250 cases. Thus there are
probably 6000 to 7oo0 cases of this kind which are an-
nually receiving dispensary treatment. Probably as
many more cases are treated in hospitals, in private
practise, or receive no medical attention. A very large
number of these cases include prostitutes with diseases
which are in a contagious condition. It would hardly
be unreasonable to say that there are 10,000 women in
New York City who are in a condition to propagate
actively venereal diseases. There are peasy as
many more men who are in the same condition. ‘his
grand army of disease producers represents a portion
of the baneful results of prostitution in our midst,
with no laws to restrict or regulate the evil. In
countless cases sexual intercourse is indulged in by
those who are alware of the infectious character of
their disease. In many other individuals there is
ignorance that they are the subjects of infectious
disease.” = :
One of the most atrocious evils connected
with prostitution are the abominations of child
prostitution. Says the Hon. E. T. Gerry (Ad-
Prostitution.
dresses, as above, p. 340):° ‘‘ Few have the
remotest idea of the extent to which sexual
vice exists among children at the
present time. I use the word
Child Pros- ‘sexual vice’ as including both
titution. self-abuse and prostitution. .. .
Nothing but the vigilance of
parents and guardians can detect
the solitary vice, and hence statistics are very
difficult to obtain, excepting when the one vice
leads up to the other. But in the other case,
the figures show a frightful prevalence, at the
present time, of juvenile prostitution. True,
under the stringent laws which have been
enacted in the various States of our Union, at
the instance of Societies for the Prevention of
Cruelty to Children, those who utilize little
children for the simple gratification of lust are
made to suffer a felon’s imprisonment, and
while the effect has been to practically denude
the brothels of youthful victims, still the vice
exists, more especially among the lower
classes, to a degree hardly credible in this
civilized country. A large number of the
brothels, at the present time, are replenished
by juvenile prostitutes, rather than by those
who have fallen but once. . . . That the
disease is spreading is unquestioned.”
In a paper on the subject of Child Prostitu-
tion, read at the World’s Social Purity Con-
gress in Chicago in 1893, Mr. Gerry states that
there is a fearful theory existing in this coun-
try, tho more particularly among foreigners,
according to which, if any male who has con-
tracted disease through indulgence, can secure
a perfectly pure child as his victim, the disease
will pass from him to the child. Nor is it
only among the poor that these grosser evils
exist. Ifone is to credit the sad whispers of
grave officials of the Church as to the morals
in boy choirs, or in private and public schools,
one finds fearful evidence of the existence,
in alt ranks of society, of various forms of
unnatural vice. As for prostitution itself, the
head of a well-known university settlement in
an-Eastern city names a prominent fashion-
able avenue lined with the apartments of the
kept mistresses of business men. A writer in
the Westminster Review (May, 1895) signifi-
cantly gives among the causes of prostitution :
“The luxurious and semi-idle lives led by many
members of the well-to-do classes.
“The fact that certain forms of immorality are
reckoned among what may be called fashionable vices.
Drunkenness is gone out of fashion, and some of the
lower forms of sport; but itis still by no means un-
fashionable for the so-called ‘man of the world’ to
have his experiences in the ‘half-world,’ tho it is true
that its inhabitants can no cooeee hope to bask, as
formerly, in the sunshine of good society.”
Akin to this evil is that of the organized
traffic in girls, which is declared by all who
have investigated the subject, to be carried on
around the world. A few years ago it was
stated to the House Committee
which was investigating the immi-
grant question in New York, by
the President of the Woman’s
National Industrial League, that
‘syndicates exist in New York
and Boston, for the purpose of supplying fresh
young girls from immigrants arriving in this
Traffic
in Girls.
1129
Prostitution.
country, for houses of ill fame; agents of the
business go abroad and assist in this nefarious.
business. Immigrants arriving in New York
furnish 20,000 victims annually.” If this is an
exaggeration it is at least the exaggeration of
a very great evil. In very many cities agents.
of houses of ill fame meet girls coming to the:
cities on the railroads and on the boats. They
advertise for girls wanted for light work and.
good pay. When the girls come they are de--
tained. Agents go out to solicit boys and men.
as patrons.
A book, The Traffic in Girls and Florence
Crittenton Mzsszons, exposes many of the
traps laid for unwary girls. The schools, pri-
vate as well as public; are often made the main
place for promoting child prostitution, dissem-
inating obscene literature, and obtaining fresh
victims.
Mrs. Charlton Edholm said at the Baltimore:
Congresses (Addresses, p. 153): ‘I stand.
here in the presence of God, to say that of the:
230,000 erring girls in this land, three-fourths
of them have been snared and trapped, and
bought and sold.”
When one realizes that the average life of a
prostitute is said to be but five years, one can
understand what a traffic it must be to obtain
the 230,000 for the United States alone, while
alike in Germany and Japan, in France and in
England, the traffic goes on.
It is now necessary to ask what are the:
causes of prostitution, as a means to asking”
how the evil’can be met. Dr. San-
ger, in the book referred to above,
attributes out of 2000 cases, 525 to
destittition, 513 to inclination, 258
to seduction, 181 to drink.
Different writers differ from this. The
most thorough statistical study was made by
the Bureau of the Statistics of Labor for
Massachusetts in 1888. It says:
Causes.
“The statistical method is notthe best under which
to determine moral conditions ; yet, as an auxiliary, it.
has great efficiency. Statistical science can only be
employed to show the results of the lives of the peo-
ple; it cannot show the inner motives which lead to:
Tesults....
“Observation is not sufficient, and personal inter-
views might lead to difficulties greater than those be-
longing to observation alone. The force of statistics.
in such conditions is rather negative than positive,
and this negative quality is brought into use here.
“It is often flippantly asserted that the shopgirls,
those comprising the class under investigation, recruit.
the ranks of prostitution... . Of course, sucha charge:
cannot be entirely removed when applied to any class.
The only question here is, Does it apply to the class.
against which it is brought?
“A few statistics of a negative character have been
collected, relating to prostitution. This partialinves-
tigation has been made as to how far the ranks of
prostitution are recruited from girls belonging to the
industrial classes. It should be distinctly borne in
mind that this partial investigation was applied only
to what may be called professional prostitutes ; for no-
statistical investigation can disclose the amount of
immoral conduct of any class of people. So that quiet,
unobtrusive, and unobserved prostitution, which ex-
ists in all communities, has no place inthe present
consideration.
“ Original investigation was made in the following
cities: Brooklyn, Buffalo, Chicago, Cincinnati, Cleve-
land, Indianapolis, Louisville, Newark, New Orleans,
New York, Philadelphia, Richmond, St. Louis, and San
Francisco.
‘In 1884 the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of
Labor made a report as to the previous occupations of
170 professional prostitutes in the city of Boston, and
Prostitution.
the sons then given have been incorporated in this
report.
: eThe number of prostitutes as stated in the follow-
ing table, for any one of the cities named, falls far be-
lJow the total number of Prosuiuntes in that city, but
the number and variety of those from whom informa-
tion has been received are sufficient to insure repre-
sentative results, Thusin Chicago, for example, there
are, or were at the time of the investigation of the
department, 302 houses of ill fame, assignation houses,
and ‘ rooming’ houses, known tothe police, containing
1og7 inmates. This investigation involved 557 of this
number. ...
“The facts as to marriage are shown by the foliow-
ing brief table, which gives the number of prostitutes
furnishing information in the cities referred to, the
mumber reporting themselves as having been mar-
ried, and the per cent. of the total number who were
married:
Number of Biome Ger et Per cent. of
City Trostitutes PB married
a oni ported as
furnishing having been of total
information. married number.
Boston... 170 13 7-65
Chicago... 557 143 25.67
Cincinnati..... 382 17 20.16
Louisville..... 263 70 26.62
New Orleans. 167 4 2.40
Philadelphia.. 100 3 3-00
San Francisco 323 81 25.08
“It is hardly worth while to take space at this
time to give the occupations of all those who have
entered prostitution from the different cities involved.
“ The number of prostitutes giving information was
3866, and the following summary exhibits the occupa-
tions of this number preceding their entry upon their
resent life. For this purpose, occupations similar
in character have been grouped, and no occupation or
group containing less than ro persons has been in-
cluded in the classification—those numbering under
zo being put into the general classification of ‘various
occupations’:
Actresses, ballet girls, circus performers, singers,
UC wee eee r eee e ee renee tee rarer ete eeeanenenees wanes 52
Bead-trimming makers, embroid
STS ccistniavsi gies 6 heimidjmuelb sss: eee ene . 2r
Bookbinders.. 18
Bookkeepers, clerks, cop
typewriters, etc... 3r
Candy factories............. Sis tbeagacals ets ratane cae 20
Cigarette, cigar, and tobacco factories. 2:1
Corset factories.... .......eeee sca foralacnta stacateyet G's iden, 426)
‘Dressmakers, seamstresses, employees of cloak
and shirt factories, button-hole makers, etc.... 505
Hair-dressers and hair-workers.....-..secceeeeeee 15
Housework, hotel-work, table-work, and cooking 1155
Laundry-work................ isan + 70
Milliners and hat-trimmers.. ‘ 71
‘No previous occupation (home)........... 1236
Nurses (hospital and house), and nursegirls 22
‘Paper-box factories........... 32
Rope and cordage factories.. ou. 12
Saleswomen and cashiers.... 126
Shoe factories.........:. ce eeee ees 43
Students (at schools or convents). I4
Teachers, governesses, etc.......++. 23
‘Telegraph and telephone operators... IL
Textile factOries..scovscecssavcsesies a ne 164!
Various occupations. ....cseceeeeeevees Giana y SisaaN 2mr
_ “ The following list shows the character of the more
important occupations, omitted from the foregoing
summary, with the number of women who had been
employed in each, and which are included under
‘various occupations’:
Artificial flower-iakersiies vs cvuwa vied venwen’ sheng
Button factories
Farmwork......
Canning establishments
Necktie-makers..
Housekeepers..
Straw sewers.......
Hat and cap factories.
Bag PACtOT Sra cir ive Po
Canvassers.......eeeee Sia tad tion ease Geiadie ss arerayayetasla;s aps
UM ANN BDHDOO
1130
Prostitution.
Clock and watch factoriesS....ccseseeeseneceeeeeeeenes
Box factories (wooden).. ee
Chewing-gum factories.
Florists....... Perret ern
Feather curlers
Restaurant.....ceceeeeeeees
“The preceding figures are exceedingly instruct-
ive. By them it will be seen that the largest number
coming from any occupation has been taken from
those doing housework, hotel-work, and cooking;
this number, 1155, being 29.88 per cent. of the whole
number comprehended in the statement,
“The next largest number, so far as occupation is
concerned, ranks with the seamstresses, including the
dressmakers, employees of cloak and shirt factories,
etc., this number being sos.
‘CA fact which strikes one sadly is the large number
who enter prostitution directly from their homes.
This number is 1236, being 31.97 per cent. of the whole
number comprehended. .
“It cannot be said, therefore, so far as this investi-
gation shows, that the employees in workshops are
to be burdened with the charge of furnishing the chief
source whence the ranks of prostitution are recruited.
“The experience of the writer in ee an exami-
nation in many cities, both in the United States and
in Europe, sustains the statement, but more strongly
than the figures here given, that working women do
not recruit the houses of prostitution.
“Nor does the investigation show that employers of
labor are guilty of reducing their employees to a con-
dition of prostitution, as is often alleged. Only in the
rarest cases can one meet with a whisper that this is the
case. And these whispers, followed to their source,
have rarely disclosed any facts which would lead to
the conclusion that employers make bargains based
on the loss of character of their employees... .
“Working women are not street-walkers. They
could not carry on their daily toil and walk the streets
too. A captain of police expressed the matter
well when he said that people who charge the work-
ing women with walking the streets at night for evil
purposes do not know what they are talking about.
ight-walkers are, all of them, hardened professionals.
The prostitutes, some of them, may have been hard-
working women, but no working woman ever walks
the streets as a prostitute. This captain said that,
when a girl falls from virtue, she has first to graduate
asa ‘parlor’ girl, and then serve some time in a still
lower house, before she is hardened enough to take to
the streets.” i
PRA RAU
Before, however, drawing inferences from
this table, it must be remembered that it is
only drawn from the facts as to
girls in houses of ill fame. Shop-
girls, working girls, are, as a rule,
not there. If investigation was
made of girls occupying rooms by
themselves, quite another story
might be found. Even of the bagnios there
is another side. Mr. Stead, in his Jf Chrest
Came to Chicago, gives the testimony of
Dora Claflin, the ‘‘Madam” of a house of ill
fame. She says:
* Prostitution is an effect, not a careless, voluntary
choice on the part of the fallen, Girls do not elect to
cast themselvesaway. They are driven to the haunts
of vice. The more distinctively womanly a girl is—
and I mean by that the more she has beauty, delicacy,
love of dress and adornment, feminine weakness—the
easier a mark she is for the designing. And the
designers are not wanting.
‘Girls, and I say this emphatically, are not seducers.
They have innate delicacy and refinement. I say
honestly that I do not believe that one woman in 10,000
would cast herself at the feet of lust except under
duress or under the force of circumstances.
“The recruiting grounds of the bagnio are the
stores, where girls work long hours for small pay;
the homes that have few comforts, and practically no
pleasure; the streets, where girls are often cast, still
unknown to sin, but in want and without shelter; in
a word, places outside the levee, where distress and
temptation stand ever present as a menace to purity
and rectitude; behind every effect there is a cause.
In the case of prostitution, the real cause lies not in
the girls who fall, but in the social conditions that
Economic
Cause,
Prostitution.
make the fall easy, and the men who tempt to the
step and furnish the money to support degradation
after the step has been taken. Before reform in the
levee is possible, there must be reform in the home,
on the mart.”
All writers on the subject agree in the fact
that poverty leads to much prostitution, and
that in stores, factories, and offices, salesgirls,
working girls, and typewriters are drawn or
lured by the lack of money or the desire for
money. One speaker at the Baltimore con-
gress considered the factory a mill for the
production of prostitutes. Says the Rev. F.
M. Goodchild (The Arena, March, 1896) :
“The money returns furnish a very great tempta-
tion to girls to part with their virtue. Some fall be-
cause they cannot find work ; some because they do
not wish to work. Many a girl who is strong, and
healthy, and comely, and lazy, learns that there is a
market for such as she; that she can earn more in a
night by sin than she can in a week ora month by
work, and she sells herself accordingly. Mr. Stead
reminded the Woman’s Club of Chicago that the pe-
culiar temptation of a woman is that her virtue is a
realizable asset. This vice costs a man money; to a
woman it yieldsmoney. Mr. Boothsaysthat the num-
ber of young women who receive $2500 in one year for
the sale of their persons is larger than the number of
women of all ages, in all businesses and professions,
who make a similar sum by honest industry. In sin
the prizes come first; in honest callings only after
long and painful toil. Even in the common houses on
Bainbridge Street, at a 50-cent rate, girls often make
$20 or more a week.”
Yet, on one point, one must be guarded in
reading these facts. Even if it be true, of
which we are not sure, that women of impure
life average $20 a week by their vice, it by no
means proves that the average woman can get
$20 per week. A few women of the dem7
monde, mistresses, and even prostitutes, have
hundreds, and, perhaps, thousands of dollars
squandered on them in a brief while. This
enormously raises the average income of their
class, but the great mass of these women may
get vastly less. At best, their income is but
for a few years, and vast, vast multitudes
never live in luxury, but in utter want. Per-
haps few things have done more harm than
the painting of the average life of the prosti-
tute asone of luxury. Suchis only exception-
ally the case. Many of their homes, many
houses of ill fame are said, on the best author-
ity, not only not to be attractive, but to be
often poorly furnished, and not seldom loath-
some. It must be remembered that the wages
of sin rise and fall with the market, and with
the conditions of different countries. If in
‘‘good times” men throw money away reck-
lessly ; in hard times, when women are most
tempted to prostitution for profit, they do
not. Instances are not unknown where girls
have left situations with low wages for the
reported “high wages” of the prostitute, and
have found, as actual fact, that, as prostitutes,
they earnedeven less than before. Prostitutes
starve ; prostitutes are ‘‘ unemployed,” even as
in any trade. All this must not be forgotten,
even while it remains true that an enormous
amount of prostitution is due to the economical
conditions which often make it next to impos-
sible for a single woman to earn a decent
living, and throw thousands of women on the
streets, and bring immorality within easy reach
of almost any man.
The throwing of the sexes together in fac-
1131
Prostitution.
tory andin store, and quite as much in private
counting-rooms and offices, has its dangers.
Co-education in the halls of learning is win-
ning its way. Working together in communi-
cation, where morals are often at their lowest,
is another thing. The evil lies not in the
mingling of men and women, but in the evil
environment.
The stage, the concert hall, and the ball, bear
a large responsibility. From the spectacular
play and from the ball, with the under-dressed
women at the one, and the under-dressed
women and the wine at the other, men hurry
to the brothel. It by no means follows that
the cure lies in the abolition of the theater or
the dance (tho some think so), yet the part in
this matter played by the present stage and
fashionable society cannot be denied. ‘The su-
preme social cause of prostitution, however, we
believe, has not yet been mentioned. This is
the crowdedtenement. When boysand young
girls have no attractive home, and no healthy
playground, they musz¢ be on the streets. A
child cannot be kept in the house all day, and
live. When a girl comes from a school or
from the store, to the crowded living room or
flat, and finds the narrow quarters redolent with
the steam of washing and the fumes of cooking,
she must (in the cities) goon the street for
fresh air. There bad company captures more
girls than in any other one way. Not many
girls, we are convinced, sell themselves, for
the first time, for money ; after the first great
downward step, money directly plays its part,
but the supreme social cause of prostitution
we believe to be the bad housing of the poor,
resulting from low wages, and the poverty of
the great masses in our cities.
REFORM,
There is a very general consensus of opin-
ion that licensing and inspecting houses of
ill fame do no good, even in protecting the
community from venereal diseases.
M. Lecour, the official head of the Police des Mceurs
of Paris, says: .
“The administration has redoubled its activity ; it
has multiplied its acts of repression with regard to
prostitutes, and it has definitely suc-
ceeded in maintaining a satisfactory
condition of the sanitary state of public Licensing
registered girls, and yet sanztary statis-
tics prove that prostitution ts tncreas- #nd Inspec-
tng, and that 7z¢ zs becoming more tion a
dangerous to the public health.” Prob- Pailure
ably no European official has ever had .
amore extended experience in the ad-
ministration of the regulation system
than M. Lecour in Paris, and his practical condemna-
tion of it is as significant as itis emphatic. In Berlin,
the German Emperor himself being witness, regula-
tion is a most conspicuous failure, intensifying the
evils incident to social vice. Indeed, one of the
most important and influential moral movements
of modern times in European countries is the In-
ternational Federation for the Abolition ,of State
Regulation of Vice, of which the late Emile de
Laveleye of Belgium was for several years the
official head. At the Geneva congress of this in-
ternational federation, Professor Stuart, M. P., of
London, thus summarized the progress of the Euro-
pean movement for the abolition of the regulation
system: ‘‘In England itis clean gone altogether ; in
most of the English colonies it_is gone ; in India it is
under sentence of death; in Paris it is in ruins; in
Italy we have gained a step—there the compulsory
examination and LE of women are abolished ;
in Holland repeal has been gained in many, towns,
Prostitution.
and in the whole country the system totters where-
ever it is retained. In Sweden and Norway, and
Denmark and Belgium, the question is before the
parliaments of each country, and repeal is at last
within measurable distance.’
It was in 1864 that by act of Parliament, supple-
mented by additional legislation in 1866, and again in
1869, the regulation system was introduced in Great
Britain, under the name of the ‘‘ Contagious Diseases
Acts.” They were applied to sundry military districts,
ostensibly to promote the health of
the army, but with the purpose on the
part of their projectors, later avowed,
ultimately to extend them also to the
civil population. When their real char-
acter and object became known, a vig-
orous repeal agitation was begun, under the leadership
of a gifted, noble woman, Mrs. Josephine E. Butler,
which was continued for 20 years. At the end of the
two decades the repeal movement was triumphant,
and the acts were swept from the statute-books.
During the prolonged contest the battle of statistics
was many times fought, and with great earnestness
on both sides. Figures were employed to prove both
the hygienic success and failure of the acts.
It was quite clearly shown that at some of the
military stations, under the acts, there was a decline
in the percentage of venereal maladies after their
adoption. But it was quite as clearly shown, also, that
this decline, from other causes, had begun prior to
the passage of the acts, and that it was even greater
after their passage in sundry districts not under their
control. Dr. John Chapman, inthe Westminster Re-
view, in an able summary of the testimony given be-
fore a royal commission on this subject, says: ‘The
average annual ratio of admissions to hospital on
account of primary venereal sores was lessening at 10
out of 14 stations under the acts before they became
operative ; andin the course of definite periods before
they did so, equal in length to the periods which have
elapsed since the acts were put in force, the average
annual ratio of admissions at those ro stations dess-
ened 2.8 per cent. more rapidly than it did during the
corresponding periods since the acts were applied.”
In the districts under the acts it was claimed by
the advocates of regulation, and figures were cited to
verify the claim, that there was a generally decreas-
ing number of registered prostitutes and of houses
of prostitution. On the other hand, it was shown that,
while regular prostitutes decreased, clandestine pros-
titutes increased; that prostitutes in the districts
under the operation of the acts, who refused to regis-
ter, migrated in large numbers to the adjacent dis-
tricts, wherein the acts were not in force,and continued
to ply their vocation. More absolute power was
asked for, over the persons of all single or suspected
women, to the end that prostitution might thus be
controlled. :
But the acts were opposed, and their repeal was
demanded by many distinguished men and women.
John Stuart Mill spoke strongly against them and the
irresponsible power delegated by them, declaring:
“It is wrong to give men powers liable to abuse, and
then assume that they will not be abused.”
Dr, Nevins, after a most careful and exhaustive
examination of the whole subject, summarizes the
sanitary results of the acts, as follows: ‘After 16
years’ adoption, the rate of improvement in the pri-
mary venereal sores, in the subjected portion of the
home army, was reduced from 6.7 per cent. yearly for
the 6 recorded years before the acts, to 0.65 per cent.
yearly during the 16 years of the acts.
“Tnefficiency in the navy (20,000 strong), increased
from 172 men daily, to 230 men daily.
_' Venereal disease rose among the registered pros-
titutes by above 39 per cent. (from 121.6 to 169.5).’
In America there have been attempts to
introduce the registration system in almost
all the larger cities, but only in St. Louis has
it ever been tried for any length of time, and
was there given up after about four years.
“It was in 1870 that the license system was inaugu-
rated in St. Louis. The authority for it was obtained
by a legislative trick: the interpolation,
leat oe oe of the bea words, ‘or
. regulate,” into an amendment of the
In America. city charter, intended, as was generally
supposed, to suppress prostitution. The
legal effect of this amendment, as was
subsequently decided by the Supreme Court of the
State of Missouri, was to repeal all State laws prohib-
In Englaxd,
1132
Prostitution.
iting prostitution, so far as St. Louis was concerned,
and to give toit a business status asa legitimate indus-
try. A German municipal office-holder was deputed
to visit Europe, to familiarize himself with regulation.
laws there. An ordinance was subsequently adopted,
requiring the registry of prostitute women.
“The regulationists of St. Louis, especially those
connected with its Board of Health, attempted to show
by the figures of the earlier registrations, made at
intervals of a few months, a diminution in the num-.
ber of prostitutes. Dr. William G. Eliot, the honored
president of Washington University of St. Louis, who
madea most thorough, impartial investigation of the
whole matter, says of this claim of a diminished num-
ber of prostitutes, that: ‘In fact, they had scotched
the snake, not killed it, and in all probability the
number of prostitutes had not been diminished at all.
To scatter a nest of hornets,’ he says, ‘is a very
different thing from its destruction,’
“The results during the progress of the experiment.
proved an increase of 34 per cent. in the number of
brothels, and an increase in the number of registered
women of more than 35 percent. There was also an
undoubted increase, meanwhile, of clandestine pros-
titution. Concerning the sanitary aspect, Dr. Eliot.
says: ‘What is still more startling, when the stamp-
ing out process is examined, it appears that while the
number of diseased women under treatment in 1871
was 18 out of 480, or 33% per cent., it has risen now
[1873] to an average of goout of 653, or over 6 per cent.,
showing the remarkable fact, to which, however, we
can find a parallel in Paris itself, that even among the
registered and regularly inspected prostitutes the
hateful disease may increase, a result which, though
unexpected, ought not surprise us so long as the male
prostitutes are themselves exempt from medical in-
spection.’ How incomplete was the registration, and
of how little practical value, in a sanitary point of
view, the system of medical inspection was, may _be
seen from the significant figures presented by Dr.
Eliot, taken from the reports of the chief of police of
St. Louis, for the years 1871 and 1872. Hesays: ‘The
year 1871, ending March 31, shows that out of 3722
females arrested 1526 were prostitutes, and 218 keepers.
of bawdy houses (the Board of Health report of the
same date shows 480 registered prostitutes and 99
keepers!) being a total of 1744, or 46 per cent. of all
females arrested. The year 1872 shows that out of
3187 females arrested, 2613 were prostitutes and 71
keepers of houses, or a total of 2684, being over 64 per
cent. of all females arrested, and an increase Of 940
prostitutes arrested, or 18 per cent. more than the
previous year.’
‘‘When it was discovered what had been accom-
plished by legislative legerdemain, avigorous agita-
tion for repeal began. A petition for repeal was
signed by four thousand women of St. Louis, and pre-
sented to the Missouri legislature. The archbishop,
bishop, and Catholic clergy, nearly all the Protestant
clergy, and a majority of the St. Louis bar were
enlisted inthe cause of repeal, over 150 lawyers and
physicians. é
“The legislature of 1873-74, after a prolonged and
embittered discussion, finally voted the repeal by
a vote of three-fourths of all the members of the Sen-
ate, and the House by go to 1.”
The Philanthropist, to which we are in-
debted for the above details, thus sums up some
of the evils of the license system :
“rst. It confers the sanction of law upon the barba-
rous trade in women.
‘Cod. It subjects these tempted and often coerced
helpless women to the atrocity of continuous compul-
sory examination by men, and the conspicuous post-
ing of their names as having been thus systematically
outraged. 4 ares
“ad. It fosters vice instead of ‘ preventing’ it, in
that it contemplates opportunity, facilities, and safety
for the ‘ guests,’ who are more than equal participants.
‘ath. It fails to protect health for the community,
because it does not adopt any precaution against the
spread of venereal contagion by the ‘guests’ for
whose indulgence it provides. It makes no provision
for their examination and cure, tho they are much
more numerous and dangerous than their victims, as
transmitters of disease.
“sth, It makes a permitted trade of the cruel and
Saray occupation of the procurer and procuress.
“6th. It grants permits at a price that will not pro-
hibit the dreadful trade, but will invite to it.”
Prostitution.
On the other hand there seems little use in
the mere effort to suppress houses of prostitu-
tion.
In New_York City, owing to the agitation con-
ducted by Dr. Parkhurst, hundreds of prostitutes have
been turned out of their houses and the houses closed
‘by the police. It is considered a triumph of morals,
and other cities are following the exam Te.
But where have the women gone? Have they been
redeemed to virtue? If they have, have their male
partners in vice been redeemed? If not, even if the
women have been redeemed, these men remain fo
seduce other women to take the place of thetr victims
that have been rescued from them. But no informed
mind fancies that closing disorderly houses redeems
their inmates to virtue. Where then are they? Inthe
flats of the upper middle class and among the tene-
ments of the poor. Formerly they were brought little
in contact with home life and childhood. Now they
are scattered among the homes and children of New
York. Is this a triumph of virtue? Driving sinful
women to continue their trade among homes and chil-
dren, and letting men go free,—is this reform? Dr.
Rainsford well says that you might ie as well take
cases of smallpox, and say they should not be allowed
in houses by themselves, and therefore scatter them
around among homes.
Nor are these results imaginary. Says the
report of the New York Tenement-House
Committee of 1894 (p. 88) :
“The presence of many immoral women in the tene-
ment-houses, where they are thrown in contact with
Tespectable people, and, worse than that, with large
numbers of ignorant and innocent children, forms a
most deplorable condition. There has been a manifest
increase in this condition during the past year or
eighteen months, and there is no doubt that the influx
of prostitutes into actual residence in tenement-houses
is due to the police raids, which have closed most
of the houses of ill fame in the tenement-house dis-
tricts. Under the old order of things, no matter what
its evils ay have been, the immoral women occupied
houses by themselves. At present they form a part of
the life of the great tenement-houses, and thus their
contaminating influence is felt far more directly by
the general public than was formerly the case. The
tenements always have had, and probably always will
have, their share of immoral women—of a class pecu-
liar to them and separate from the professional prosti-
tutes driven of late into them, from houses of ill fame.
Most of this tenement class consists of women who
hhave been abandoned by their husbands, and who, in
order to support themselves and their
legitimate children, are driven to de-
Mere Raiding pend to some extent upon evil sources
: of income. Such abandonment is dis-
a Failure. tressingly common among certain for-
eign nationalities. Probably 50 cases
have been brought to your secretary’s
attention. These women, however, generally work
when they can, and turn to prostitution only as a last
resource. They are surrounded by none of the glamour
of the professional prostitute ; do not ordinarily live
or dress more elaborately than other inmatesof the
house in which they live, and are generally regarded
with more pity than envy or resentment by their
neighbors and their neighbors’ children. Thus they
are not so especially dangerous to the morals of the
house. But an apartment full of such prostitutes as
have now been driven into the tenements, where they
are surrounded by comparative luxury, and live lives
of apparent ease, in the midst of a houseful of adults
and children, whose frugal, honest living is obtained
only by the hardest of work and the most rigid econ-
omy, can scarcely be less dangerous to the moral
health of the house than an apartment full of cholera-
infected persons would be to the physical welfare.””
Some persons, therefore, like Dr. Rainsford,
would not license or inspect houses of ill fame,
but simply, if they do not become too bold,
allow them within certain limits by themselves
and try to fight the evil by lifting up the gen-
eral standard of the community.
But the complete districting of the evil
seems impossible, if desirable. Mr E. T.
Gerry, in The Philanthropist (March, 1895),
1133
Prostitution.
thus describes the results of the two main ex-
periments in this direction :
“In the winter of 1885-87, while at the City of Rome,
Italy, I had a personal interview with Cardinal Sime-
oni, which lasted over two hours, chiefly in reference
to the course pursued by the Italian Government
while in the hands of the Vatican, in the matter of
regulating prostitution. The Cardinal stated to me
that the experiment of attempting to confine sexual
vice within a specified district had been most thor-
oughly tried. A portion of the city, remote itself and
not particularly attractive for purposes of residence,
had_been selected.... At the same time a very
strict cordon of police was placed around the geo-
graphical boundary, and any attempt
on the part of females who had once
entered the district to escape therefrom Sodas
was followed by prompt andimmediate Districting
arrest. The idea wassonovelthatatfirst Failure.
quite a number of registered prostitutes
entered the district, hired and occupied
the houses, and attempted to ply their vocation there.
But the district soon became very notorious. The
thieving, the lawless, and the seditious found their way
there, and became permanent residents. They brought
with them very little money, and as the sole means
which the inmates of the district had of supporting
themselves was by the sale of their persons, it was
obvious that their custom must come from without
and not from within, as men generally did not care to
be known as inhabitants of the district. And as soon
as the fact of its establishment was made public, men
were very wary about entering the district for fear of
identification. ... It was not long before the store-
keepers complained that they could not makea living.
Even the women found that the money did not flow in
upon them as it did when they practised their calling
unrestricted by geographical limits, and it was not
long before escapes from the district became impossi-
ble of prevention by the police, and some of the most
notorious women in Rome, after having been put
there, and sent there, made their escape and were
found in other quarters, plying their trade... .
“The Cardinal stated to me that the attempt to dis-
trict vice was in his judgment a stupendous failure;
that the Church had used every effort to reclaim
the fallen when so environed by the police and placed
in a locality where it could put its hand upon them,
but to no purpose.
‘““One further effort for localization of the social
evil deserves to be noticed, that of the Yoshiwara in
apan. For a long time previous to the contact of
apan with the enlightened nations of the earth, the
social evil was looked upon as one necessary and un-
avoidable, and the government took entire charge of
the matter. In a suburb adjacent to the Capital
(Tokio) large houses were built for the purpose, some
of them elaborate in construction, and the whole
guarded most thoroughly by the soldiery. The num-
ber of prostitutes in Tokio alone is said to be about
so00. The children of the poor are usually utilized for
the purpose and sold by their parents, who receive a
stipulated income as the result. It is not an unusual
thing for these girls to marry, and they are not looked
upon as outcasts or pariahs of society by any means.
The girls in these establishments range in age from 10
to 18, and owing to the developing influences of the
climate, at the latter age they are as mature as most
of our women at 25 to 30. These are the regular, so to
speak, licensed or recognized prostitutes. The women
are permitted to leave and marry when they choose.
This number of course does not include the kept mis-
tresses of foreigners or others, who occupy small
houses at the expense of their maintainers. Of these
districts, which are known as Yoshiwara, there are
five in Tokio and two in Yokohama, the latter possess-
ing probably the largest and best known. he gov-
ernment has entire charge of the system, derives
extensive revenue as the result, and under the Japa-
nese code of morals, from which sexual morality is
practically excluded, it is said to be a success so far as
engendering public peace and quietness. Such a
course naturally destroys all appreciation of the vice
as vice.
Yet, on the other hand, there seems little
hope in leaving the evil alone.
In London there is neither license, examination, nor
practical restriction. After sunset there are certain
streets in the most public part of London, notably
Regent Circus, where not only a seething throng of
Prostitution.
prostitutes openly solicit from that time up to mid-
might and even later, but where a decent woman can
hardly walk with a male escort without being in-
sulted, and often an effort made to separate them.
The police usually limit their attempt to keep the
peace to etn these women to move on, and as
passers-by do not care to make complaints against
them, they simply do move on. A large number of
the brothels are situated on the outskirts of London, in
such places as St. John’s Wood, Pimlico, and the like,
which are easy of access by cabs and the railways.
Most of these street prostitutes are said to be dis-
charged from the Continent, because infected with
disease. So far as New York city is concerned its
streets are absolutely decent, compared with those of
either London or Paris.
It is thus easier to show what not to do than
what todo. With the means of reaching the
evil through personal work, relig-
_ ious or ethical, we are not, in this
Ethical encyclopedia, concerned. Many,
Means. however, believe that this is the
main thing to do, to raise a higher
standard of personal purity, and,
above all, an equal standard of purity for both
sexes,
The writer of the article in the Westmznster
Review, quoted above, says:
“One aim most, if not all, schemes of reform have
in common, and that is the establishment of an egual
standard of sexual morality for both sexes. On all
sides it seems to be agreed that the existing dual
standard of morality is, or will be, doomed, now that
society, and especially the female portion of it, is be-
coming so keenly alive to its evils. It is also felt that
unless masculine morality is raised to a higher level,
feminine morality may fall from the exalted position
it has held for so long, as it awakes to the full value of
the fact that its purity is only playing into the hands
of the impurity which it encounters in the other sex.
The proposed paths toward the desired goal are very
wide apart, but there are a few main ideas on the sub-
ject.which can be briefly described.
“First, there is the movement started by those per-
sons who believe that the purification of our social
morals can only be attained by setting up for men the
same high standard of chastity and pureness of living
as that which has been hitherto considered as binding
only upon women of the protected and wife-supplying
classes. ...
“Then there are those who take an exactly opposite
view, and who believe that the end is to be reached by
some extension of sexual freedom to all classes of
women. They regard the attempt to raise men to
that high level of morality hitherto reserved for
women as a natural impossibility or utopian dream,
and they would seek for equality by lowering the
standard for women, and thus bridge over the wide
gulf which now exists between the average sensual
man and the average chaste woman, and still more
between the average chaste woman and the woman of
the streets.”
The writer sympathizes with neither of these ex-
treme views, and favors what he regards asthe middle
course, vzz.: reform of sexual morality through more
liberal divorce laws. He believes that erring human-
ity ought to have the opportunity of retrieving even
its matrimonial mistakes and failures, and that the
sacrifice of individuals to an absolute system is neither
moral nor expedient. The current objections to lib-
eral divorce laws he regards as based on religious
prejudices rather than on utilitarian social considera-
tions.
For the contrary view, see Divorce.
The resolutions adopted at the Baltimore
Congress were as follows:
“That chastity, a pure, continent life alike for men
and women, is consonant with the best condition of
physical, mental, and moral health.
“That prostitution is a fundamental violation of the
laws of health, is degrading and destructive to the indi-
vidual, a menace to the home and to the nation.
_ ‘That State or municipal regulation of prostitution
is morally wrong ; is worse than a sanitary failure; is
cruel and unjust to woman, creates a shocking traffic
in girlhood.
1134
Prostitution.
“That all possible effort should be made to educate
public opinion and maintain a high equal standard of
morals for both men and women.
“That facilities should be provided for the treatment
of venereal diseases, as readily as all other diseases,
in all hospitals under the control of municipalities or
other public bodies, as well as in those supported by
voluntary contributicns.
“That homes should be everywhere established by
municipal and State, as well as by voluntary aid, as
agencies for the reclamation and rehabilitation of
erring girls.
“That the State should punish by imprisonment
rather than fine, organized prostitution, procurism,
the keepers of the houses of prostitution, and the rental
of houses or other dwellings for such purposes.”
Various speakers emphasized the responsi-
bility of parental teaching. Said the Rev.
S. S. Steward, ‘‘ We must begin in the earliest
infancy.” The whole of his valuable address
(see Addresses, as above, p. 202) gives most
practical suggestions to parents. Says the
Rev. F. M. Goodchild (Avena, March, 1896):
“The first thing to do, probably, is to arouse the
people to a sense of the enormity of the evil as it exists
amongus... .’
“The best mitigation, probably, must come from
our homes. Parents have been criminally negligent.
Ignorant innocence leads most girls
astray. A prudish silence lands many
a girl in the brothel, and provides her
customers as well. It ought to be pos-
sible to impart to our children some
instruction about these most important
relations of life, without mantling the cheeks of parent
or child with a blush. It is little short of criminal
to send our young people into the midst of the ex-
citements and temptations of a great city with no
more preparation than if they were going to live in
Paradise.
“And I cannot escape the conviction that women
hold in their hands the key to the solution of this
problem. They are cruel in their severity toward
their fallen sisters, but they are criminally indulgent
toward the men who cause their fall. The woman
sinner is reprobated. But the man sinner is made a
hero, is welcomed into respectable homes, is permitted
to marry a pure girl and make her the mother of chil-
dren, cursed before they are born with lecherous
appetites. Let woman’s attitude be changed.”
Yet, undoubtedly, organized society can do
something. It can prohibit solicitation on the
street alike for men and women. It can arrest
and expose men as well as women in disorderly
houses, condemning them to punishment and
exposure, and not merely to a fine. It can
change the laws and make them bear equally
on men and women (see AGE OF ConsENT ; MAR-
RIAGE; Divorce; Woman). There is no ques-
tion that fear of exposure does deter many
men from visiting these houses. _
Yet many reformers, all socialists, all ex-
treme individualists, and a growing number
of earnest men and women of all
schools of thought, believe that
none of these legislative reforms
go to the bottom social cause of
prostitution. As they find the
cause of prostitution in poverty ,
they would remove prostitution by attacking
poverty. (See Ercur-Hour Puitosopny ; SIn-
GLE Tax; SOcIALIsM; TRADE-Unions;, UNEMPLOY-
MENT; CoopPERATION.) If the supreme social
cause of prostitution is, as we have stated
above, the crowded home—the supreme social
means of attacking the evil is by improving
the dwellings of the masses in our cities, and
giving well-paid work to all. (See SocrALisM ;
MuniciratisM; SINGLE Tax; TENEMENTS; Fam-
ity; Divorces; MarriaGE; AGE OF CONSENT.)
The Home.
Economic
Reform.
Protection.
References: Zhe History of Prostitution, tts Ex-
tent, Causes, and Effects, by W. W. Sanger, M. D.
(1858), last edition, with an appendix for facts as to
New York downto date (1895); Zhe National Purtt
Congress, tts Papers and Addresses, edited by A. N.
Powell (1895); Zhe Female Offender, by C. Lombroso
(1895). (See also FAMILY ; WOMAN; WOMAN’S WAGES;
SLUMS, etc.)
PROTECTION.—An opinion prevails in
some circles that, while free trade is scientific
and founded upon natural law, protection is
artificial, devoid of philosophy, and but a
scheme of selfishness. Protectionists claim
that this is untrue ; that the theory of protec-
tion is, to say the least, as philosophical as
that of free trade; that it is more natural,
because built upon self-defense, which is the
first law of nature; that it promotes, rather
than hinders, the development and enjoyment
of natural business opportunities ; that it co-
ordinates national existence, and forms the
chief reason for it; that it is less selfish than
free trade, because it is necessarily coopera-
tive, and that it is more universal, because it
is applicable to all the industries of a people,
while free trade unavoidably sacrifices some
to others.
A, HISTORY.
The history of protection is the history of
civilization. Every group of humanity that
has risen a degree above barbarism has adopted
some form of protection. Preparations for
war, tho sometimes provocative of war, are
generally regarded as protective to peace,
Washington advised this precaution in his
farewell address. Anciently a nation’s com-
merce, industry, and existence depended upon
its readiness for instant defense; nowadays
strength in all the resources for war is more
important than weapons in hand. An indus-
trial policy which makes the unit man self-
reliant and resourceful, and not dependent
upon others, is commended by free traders ; it
is equally claimed by protectionists in its ap-
plicability to groups. The people who pur-
chase ore, or wheat, or wool, because it is
temporarily easier or cheaper to exchange for
them lumber, or fish, or furs, than it is to raise
them, never become strong for either peace or
war. a /e oe
ge oF oO ” Ooms
a Oo 4 a pee
New South
woe «-| 2,531 |£36,611,336|£ 2,878,204 |£ 1,567,589] 54.46
ew ea-
land....... 2,168 | 16,142,667] 1,150,852 732,160] 63.62
oe 21379 | 16,469,722/ 931,903! 580,477] 62.28
ou us-
tralia...... 45792 eats ake went what
vy iotoria. +++] 3,020] 37,558,563] 2,726,159] 1,639,419] 60.00
estern |
Australia. | 1,150 aga nai an
These statistics are for financial years clos-
ing in 1894.
III. Raitroap PrRoBLEMs.
Perhaps the most serious railroad problem
in the United States and elsewhere is the rela-
tion of the railroad to the State. A railroad
under present laws must receive a charter
from the State, and usually it looks to the
State for valuable concessions and grants,
which are given because railroads are sup-
posed to aid, and beyond all possible doubt have
uncalculably aided, the material development
of the community. They are thus in one
sense creatures of the State. In another
sense they threaten to be masters of the
State ; and this condition has grown, it should
be remembered, not out of any special evil
or tyrannical intent or conspiracy on the part
of railroad corporations, but almost inevitably
out of the present situation. Railroad busi-
ness in perfectly legitimate channels. assumes
vast proportions; a charter or a
certain bill, or the defeat of a cer-
tain bill, may be worth to a rail- ee aa
road thousands or even millions State
of dollars. The legislators know
this. They see an immense possi-
bility for personal gain. Even a single vote
for or against a bill may be worth to a rail-
road corporation many thousands of dollars,
for the bill may turn upon a few votes, per-
haps upon a single vote. The temptation to
the legislator to sell that vote and the tempta-
tion to the railroad to gain votes by direct, or
by indirect yet equally effective corruption,
becomes almost irresistible to average human
nature. In a country like the United States
especially, where the tendency has been to
minimize the function of the State and to
magnify the function of the private individ-
Railways.
ual or corporation, government has not as
a rule attracted the best men to its service.
Legislators are often composed of second or
third rate men. Opportunities for corruption
in public life, and the very complexity and
frequency of elections, have attracted to it
politicians of the worst sort. They have not
been superior to the enormous temptations to
grant franchises and other railroad legislation
for a consideration. The system once estab-
lished, it has become almost impossible for
a railroad corporation to be pure, if it desired
to be. To secure an honest franchise or
measure, honest means have become well-nigh
‘impracticable. If one corporation will not
‘buy its legislation another will, and the
honest corporation is handicapped. Legisla-
tion goes to that corporation able and willing
to give the most, not to the State or to the
community, but to the legislature. The rail-
road lobby, by no peculiar viciousness of
railroad men, but by the very necessary mag-
nitude of its interests, becomes the worst and
most corrupt lobby. This attracts to the
business the shrewdest and least conscien-
tious men. The public denounces the railway
and the railway magnate. It forgets that the
men are but the perfectly natural and almost
inevitable result of the situation. Companies
are formed to secure legislation, and bills
introduced, with no thought of securing
action, but to gain a franchise or a grant to
be sold, or with which to blackmail some exist-
ing corporation. The situation becomes com-
plicated and corrupt in the last degree. For
ssome detailed evidence, see PLutocracy. Of
the United States, said Charles Francis Adams
in 1880:
“T consider the existing system nearly as bad as
any canbe. Studying its operations, as I have done
long and patiently, Iam ready to repeat now, what
Ihave repeatedly said before, that the most surpris-
ing thing about it to me is that the business com-
munity sustains itself under such conditions.”
The report of the Hepburn Committee in
New York State says of railroad abuses, that
they are ‘‘so glaring in their proportions as to
savor of fiction rather than acual history.”
Such conditions have occasioned the efforts
for the State to control the railroads. Inter-
state commissions have been cre-
ated, but these have failed (see
Section I. of this article ; also see
INTERSTATE COMMERCE CoMMIS-
ston). They have often but given
the occasion, and under the pres-
ent system almost the necessity, of the rail-
roads to ignore the Commission, to violate
the laws, or, more frequently, to secure repre-
sentation in the legislatures, and
sometimes to make restraining
State Com-
missions,
Railway jaws of no effect. Meanwhile
se other problems spring up. The
ions.
railways are combining. Finding
competition disastrous and rail-
way pools ruinous, the inevitable result is con-
solidation and combination.
The following table, taken from the reports
of the Interstate Commerce Commission for
the given dates, shows the statistics of consoli-
dation :
1163
Railways.
RAILROADS. 1890. | 1891. | 1892. | 1893. | 1894. | 1895.
Abandoned....... 15 16 9 19 16 14
Merged se] 34 53 9 28 15 9
Consolidated......] 50 39 6 16 14 28
Owned by....... 7 5 I IL 3 1
No longerin
ence .. 2 I I 6 I It
Total..........] 108 | x1q 46 80 49 63
Thus in six years 460 railways have disappeared as
separate roads, an average of 75 a year. ‘There were
in 1894 only 745 independent operating companies. Nor
does even this show the real situation, for according
to the report of 1895, 43 roads in the United States, or
scarcely 2 per cent. of the whole number of railroads
reported, owned 100,714 miles of road, or 55.67 per cent.
of the total mileage. Over one third of the total
mileage had been swallowed up by other roads in six
vo besides the large amount of mileage which has
een “ reorganized,” and very often virtually consoli-
dated in the process,
That the tendency of the times, as well as
the law, is toward the still more rapid accu-
mulation of the vast railroad interests in the
hands of the few, is evidenced in the state-
ments of the most experienced of railroad man-
agers themselves. Mr. McLeod, president of
the Reading Combine, in his testimony before
the committee of the New York Legislature,
admitted that the competition of the roads
that were not consolidated with the Reading
was the only thing that could prevent the
combine from advancing the price of coal to
such figures as its managers saw fit to name.
He also emphatically stated that freight rates
had in no way been regulated or interfered
with by the Interstate Commerce Commission,
and that the logical consequences would be
that if all the roads in the country were un-
der the practical management of one corpora-
tion, the public would be correspondingly
benefited. C. P. Huntington recently ex-
pressed the opinion that all roads in the United
States should be under the management of
one syndicate having absolute control, With
such governmental control as we have had,
there is nothing, except the will of the railway
directors, to prevent the consolidation of all
railroad interests under one management.
How widespread and universal is the re-
straint of competition by railway corporations
may be seen by the following pithy words,
penned by Charles Francis Adams, president
of the Union Pacific Railway :
“Irresponsible and secret combinations among rail-
ways always have existed, and, so long as the railroad
system continues as it now is, they unquestionably al-
ways will exist. No law can make two corporations,
any more than two individuals, actively undersell
each other in any market, if they do not wish to do so,
But they can only cease doing so by agreeing, in pub-
lic or private, on a price below which neither will sell.
If they cannot do this publicly, they will assuredly do
it secretly. Thisis what, with alternations of conflict,
the railroad companies have done in one way or an-
other; and this is what they are now doing, and must
always continue to do, until complete change of con-
ditions is brought about. Against this practice, the
moment it begins to assume any character of respon-
sibility or permanence, statutes innumerable have
been aimed, and clauses strictly interdicting it have of
late been incorporated into several State constitu-
tions. The experience of the last few years, if it has
proved nothing else, has conclusively demonstrated
how utterly impotent and futile such enactments and
provisions necessarily are.”
Railways.
Nor, economically, is the combination of
roads in all ways to be deplored. No one can
travel on small roads absorbed by large ones
without realizing that accommodations are
improved, new and better depots built, fares
at least frequently reduced. Few economists
to-day look to competition as the means of
lowering railway fares. In the first place,
competition, for the large majority of railway
stations, cannot exist. Says C. W. Baker, in
his Monopolies and the People:
“There are now [1889] in the United States about
$7,000 railway stations where freight and passengers
are received for transportation. Now, from the na-
ture of the case, not more than zo per cent. of these
are or can be at the junction of two or more lines of
railway. (By actual count, on January 1, 1887, 8 per
cent. of existing stations were junction points).
Therefore, the shippers and buyers of goods at nine-
tenths of the shipping points of the country must al-
ways be dependent on the facilities and rates offered
by asingle railway. Such rates of transportation as
are fixed, be they high or low, must be paid, if busi-
ness is carried on at all. And when we consider the
ro per cent. of railway stations which are, or may be,
junction points, we find that at least three-fourths of
them are merely the junction of two lines owned by
the same company. Consolidation of railway lines
has gone on very rapidly within the past few years,
and is undoubtedly destined to go much further. Of
the 158,000 miles of railway in the country, about 80
per cent. is included in systems soo miles or more in
extent; and a dozen corporations control nearly half
of the total mileage. The benefits which the public
receive from this consolidation are so vast and so
necessary that no one who is familiar with railway
affairs would dream of making the suggestion that
further consolidations be stopped or that past ones be
undone. ...
“ Assuming that the total number of railway junc-
tion points in the United States is 3000, we find, on ex-
amination, that at about two-thirds only two lines
meet, and at more than half the remainder only three
lines meet. It is plain that in the vast majority of
cases where two roads intersect, and in many cases
where three or four come together, the lines meet
perhaps at right angles and diverge to entirely differ-
ent localities. The shipper bringing goods to the sta-
tion, then, may choose whether he will send his goods
north, or east, perhaps; but only in the few cases
where two lines run to the same point does he really
have the choice of two rates for getting his produce
tomarket. Practically, then, there are not, and never
can be, more than a few hundred places in the coun-
try where shippers will be able to choose different
routes for sending their goods to market. We say
there never can be, because the building of a line of
railway to parallel an existing line able to carry all
the traffic is an absolute loss to the world of the capi-
tal spent in its construction, and a constant drain
after it is built in the cost of its operation. This fact
is now, fortunately, generally appreciated.”
Competition, too, implies great waste. In
his Questions of the Day, Professor Richard
T. Ely, referring to the building of great rail-
ways with closely paralleled roads, makes this
point, and says of two of these roads alone—
the Nickel Plate and the New York, West
Shore, and Buffalo:
“It is estimated that the money wasted by these
two single attempts at competition amounts to $200,-
000,000. Let the reader reflect for a moment what this
means. It will be admitted that, taking city and
country together, comfortable homes can be con-
structed for an average of $1000 each. Two hundréd
thousand homes could be constructed for the sum
wasted, and two hundred thousand homes means
homes for one million people. I suppose it is a very
moderate estimate to place the amount wasted in the
construction of useless railroads at $1,000,000,000,
which, on the basis of our previous calculations, would
construct homes for five millions of people. But this
is probably altogether too small an estimate of even
the direct waste resulting from the application of a
faulty political economy to practical tite. When the
indirect losses are added, the result is something
1164
Railways.
astounding, for the expense of a needless number of
trains, and what would otherwise be an excessively
large permanent force of employees. must be added.
Of course, nothing much better than guess-work is
possible, but I believe that the total loss would be
sufficient to provide the greater portion of the people
of the United States with homes.”
Of this Mr. Baker says:
“But it seems quite possible to make a closer esti-
mate of the wealth wasted by the construction of un-
needed railways than the general one above. There
are now, in round numbers, 158,000 miles of railway in
the United States. ‘The two lines named above have
a total extent of nearly 1000 miles ; and while they are
the most flagrant examples of paralleling in the coun-
try, there is no small number of other roads in various
parts of the country which, except for their competi-
tion with roads already constructed, would never
have been built. Considering the fact that the paral-
leling has been done in regions where the traffic was.
heaviest and where the cost of construction was.
greatest, it seems a conservative estimate to say that
5 per cent. of the capital invested in railways in the
nited States has been spent in paralleling existing
roads. But the total capital invested in the railways
of the United States is about $9,200,000,000; 5 per cent.
of which is $460,000,000. It is also to be remembered
that this 7500 miles of needless road has to be main-
tained aa operated at an average expense per mile
er annum of $4381, or a total annual cost of nearly
33,000,000. Taking Professor Ely’s estimate of $1000 as.
the cost at which an average-sized family can be pro-
vided with a comfortable home, and we find that the
cost of these unneeded railways would have provided
460,000 homes, sufficient to accommodate 2,300,000 peo-
ple. Say that 3 per cent. of the cost of these homes is
required annually to keep them in repair; then this
could be furnished by the $33,000,000 now paid for the
operating expenses of needicss railways, and an an-
nual margin of about $19,000,000 would be left, or
enough to provide each year homes for nearly 100,000
more people in addition. Of course, this is merely a
concrete example of what possible benefits we have
been deprived by wasting our money in building
needless railways.
“Asa matter of fact, the money we have spent on
unprofitable railways, as well as those totally useless,
has wrought us an amount of damage far in excess of
their actual cost. It is generally agreed by financiers
that the periods of industrial depression during the
past score of years have been largely due to excessive
railway-building;. for, in a period of active railway
construction, roads are built whose only excuse for
existence is that they will encroach upon the territory
of some rival.”
Akin to this problem is the question of rail-
way pools and railway discriminations. The
history of the early railway pools has been
referred to above. Latterly the law has en-
deavored to prevent pooling, and popular prej-
udice has been strong against it.
The fifth section of the Inter-
state Commerce Act attempts to
perpetuate competition by making
it illegal for any carrier operating
over a rail or rail-and-water route :
to enter into any combination or agreement
with other carriers for the pooling of freights
or the division of all or any portion of the gross
or net earnings from competitive traffic.
The law has been occasionally evaded, but
has generally been observed, perhaps because
it has seemed impossible to bind the roads to
any published rates. This year, however, the
Joint Traffic Association, composed of 32 great
railroad systems, has effected an agreement,
and Judge H. H. Wheeler of the Circuit Court
Southern District Court of New York, has
ruled that it does not violate any Federal
statute. Appeal will probably be taken to the
Supreme Court, and it is uncertain how the
case will come out. But it is by no means
clear that pooling is against the publicinterest.
Railway
Pools.
Railways.
The New York 7rzbune quotes Chauncey M.
Depew on the decision, in part as follows :
“This is the best agreement for the people, the rail-
roads, the business men, and every one in general that
has ever been effected. It helps the Interstate Com-
merce Commission, if they would only see it.
“Under the old system of cutting rates, the traffic
was distributed snea telly, and transportation facili-
ties were disorganized. hen the railroad presidents
of this country took hold of the matter last summer
they found the country demoralized as far as trans-
portation was concerned, and everything ina chaotic
condition. The cutting of rates was such that a small
shipper could not get the benefit of lower rates, but it
was the heavy shipper, who shipped great quanti-
ties, that could demand and get a lower rate. The
railroads suffered, the people suffered, and the whole
tendency was to build up great trusts and tear down
the small dealer. By this cut rate the heavy shipper
could undersell the man with a small capital and a
small business. The producer was also in a bad
plight. He could go but to one market—that of the
trust—and get only what they chose to pay, and the
trust in turn could sell for what they wished: It was
ruinous to the small but honest dealer, and bad for the
producer, and in turn it was centralizing the capital
and trade. While the trusts do not control the Inter-
state Commerce Commission, yet it was the trusts
that were indirectly behind this attempt to tear down
the agreement. It isa good thing all around that the
agreement stands, It gives the railroads a fair and
equitable toll for carrying freight; it gives the man
with a small business and a small capital the same
chance that any great organization has; it gives the
producer the chance to sell his goods ata price buoyed
up by legitimate competition, and keeps things nor-
mal. The conditions are ironclad and will stand. It
is far and away the best thing for the country, as far
as transportation goes, that the country has ever
seen.
Mr. H. T. Newcomb in the Polztical Sczence
Quarterly for June, 1896 (p. 203), says the in-
sertion of the clause against pooling in the
Interstate Commerce Act ‘‘is now generally
considered to have been a serious mistake.”
Nevertheless there is another side to rail-
way pools. They may prevent discrimina-
tions and so put the small shipper on equality
with the large, but usually, as a matter of
fact, they do not. Says Mr. Hudson (Razt-
ways and the Republic, p. 221): ‘‘In practise
the pool simply strengthens the arbitrary and
unrestrained power of railway officials over
part of their traffic, and thus facilitates all
vital and injurious forms of discrimination.
. .. It is their exemption from competition,
too, which enables them to establish arbitrary
and unjust differences between shippers whose
traffic is extended and strengthened by the
pool.” He quotes the New York Court of
Appeals as saying of a pool, ‘‘ that the freight-
ers and passengers would be ill-served just in
proportion that carriers would be well paid.”
Competition is regarded by few to-day as a
possible panacea for railway ills, but it does
not follow that it is safe to trust the commerce
of the country to a sovereign and irresponsible
private railway pool.
Unjust discrimination, however, between
shippers is a worse evil than railway pools.
Says Mr. Hudson (zdem, p. 38): ‘‘ Discrimina-
tion between different localities
or cities involves the daily exer-
Railway ~~: 7 : au
scorimina. cise by railway officials who a
eee just freight tariffs of a power
greater than that possessed by
any civilized government, except,
perhaps, that of Russia.” Mr. Hudson in-
stances rates against cities that made it
1165
Railways.
cheaper at one time for merchants of Pitts-
burg, in shipping freight to Texas or Califor-
nia, to ship it first to New York and then to
the West. Butter, he says, was at one time
charged 65 or 75 cents per tub from a point 165
miles from New York, and 30 cents from Elgin,
Ill., 1000 miles away. Special rates to favored
shippers is even a grosser evil.
Says Mr. H. T. Newcomb (Polztical Sctence
Quarterly, June, 1896, p. 209) :
“ Prior to the enactment of the Interstate Com-
merce Law so common was the practise of granting
special rates to particular shippers that instances in
which full published rates were charged have been
declared by a high authority to have been the excep-
tion rather than the rule. Where the traffic was of
great importance and the competition between rival
roads exceptionally strenuous, each railway has been
known to select a particular shipper, with whom ar-
rangements for reciprocal favors were made. By
means of such an arrangement a single firm was able
practically to control for a considerable period all
shipments of cornovera great trunk railway and to
one of the principal ports from which that cereal is
forwarded to foreign countries. The number of dis-
criminations of this kind is known to have been mate-
tially reduced in consequence of the operation of the
Interstate Commerce Law. They continue, however,
to be one of the most effective weapons in competition
for traffic between particular points, and will be an
important factor in the railway situation as long as
competition is a controlling element in rate-making.
It is not even certain that they are not more harmful
now than when more common; and it may be found
that their baneful effects are accentuated by the fact
that instead of being made, as formerly, for nearly
every applicant, concessions from established rates
are now granted only to powerful traders who are
able to control vast shipments, and to traffic that
yields a revenue that is of almost vital importance to
the carrying companies. That such discriminations
were a principal factor in the development of the pe-
troleum monopoly, is generally understood. How far
other great monopolies, such as those controlling
beef and pork products and the sugar supply, have
been so favored, is problematic, tho their ability suc-
cessfully to demand such aid is undoubted... .
“The whole region south of the Potomac and Ohio.
andeast of the tssccipyi, has continuously suffered
from discriminations of this kind, through the system
of making charges toa few selected cities the basis
for through rates to all other points. Through rates
are made to and from about two hundred of the larger
towns, including Atlanta, Birmingham, Chattanooga,
Meridian, Vicksburg, New Orleans, and Mobile, and
traffic shipped from or to all other points is charged
the rate to one of these basing points plus the local
rate from such basing point to final destination.”
Says the Hon. Thomas M. Cooley, formerly
chairman of the Interstate Commerce Com-
mission :
“When the number of railroads which are now
merely subsidiary to other and stronger lines, either
through being brought into the same interest or from
being leased or otherwise effectually controlled, are
left out of account, there are something like five
hundred in this country still remaining whose boards
have the power to make rates for the carriage of
passengers and property. These boards are by the
law left to exercise in the first instance what is prac-
tically a free and unlimited authority in the making
of rate sheets. They may make them high or low,
just or unreasonably discriminating as between per-
sons and property, or different classes of property,
or between different centers of trade, at pleasure.
... It was at first thought by those who made the
laws for the building and management of roads that
to leave the authority thus unrestricted was the best
possible condition of things ; that it would lead to
active competition in rates, of which the general
public would have the benefit ; that the competition
would, as a matter of course, force the rates down to
a reasonable point; in short, that the competition
would act ey, as it does in other lines of busi-
ness. Experience has shown that this idea of rail-
road competitionis a mistaken one; that it cannot be
Railways.
compared with competition in the channels of com-
merce in general; that there are no such tests of the
value of railroad service as can fix the limit down to
which a road may go without inevitable loss upon
its business as an aggregate ; that it may carry some
classes of its business at impolitic if not in fact at
losing rates, and yet make profits upon its whole op-
erations by charging toother classes of its business
rates which may perhaps seem excessive and yet can-
not clearly be shown to be So because of the absolute
TmDoERbilty of making distinct apportionment be-
tween the cost of service rendered to one class and
that rendered tothe other. . . . Butso inextricably
are the railroads of the country intermingled in in-
terest; in so many ways dothey form routes from
business center to business center, from the
Lakes to the Gulf and from ocean to ocean; so
easy is it for almost any seemingly unimportant road
to be made a part of some direct or indirect route
which shall constitute a great channel of commerce,
that any considerable change inthe rate sheets by any
one of these 500 boards is not only likely to affect the
business and the rate sheets of the roads which are
its immediate rivals, but to reach out also in its influ-
ence from road to road in all directions, not over
small neighborhoods, but from State to State, until
what seemed to be the action, and was, perhaps, the
hasty and reckless action of a mere local board may
become almost of continental importance. . . . This
then is the railroad problem.” (Address to Third An-
nual Convention of Railroad Commissioners.)
It should be remembered, however, that
railroads can often afford to carry a commod-
ity from a large center at half the price for
carrying the same commodity a far less dis-
tance from a smaller place. From the center
cars are going continually, and a commodity
can be carried on a train, and perhaps in a
car that would have to be hauled in any case.
To carry the commodity from the small place
means, perhaps, an extra car; perhaps, even
an extra train. It may be, too, that empty
cars have to be returned to certain central
points, and can carry goods back in them at
scarcely any extracost. This rarely happens
in small places. Similarly, railroads can
afford to carry large orders at cheaper rates
than small orders. Discrimination against
small shippers and small places is thus often
natural, and in this sense just. Competition
must favor the large shipper and the central
point. The question of railway discrimina-
tions, then, is more complex than it at first
seems.
Some railway men even claim that the real
railway problem is how to earn anything at
all. Such men say that the great
trouble with the railroad business
is the hostility of the public in
trying to tax them more than the
business will allow, and in seeking
through legislation to prevent
combinations and pools, with the result that
competitive rates drive them into bankruptcy
or fraudulent understandings and arrange-
ments. Says Mr. T. B. Blackstone, president
of the Chicago and Alton Railroad, one of the
more conservative roads, in his Thirty-second
Annual Report (February, 189s, pp. IO-II):
“It is now from 30to ine jori
Tailroads of this eonnten Gene cometicred ne andr
the expense of corporations, to whom the several
States had, by a covenant in their respective charters,
or by general laws, granted the right to charge and
collect reasonable rates for transportation, and it is
bole 25 years since such States, especially in the
est, inaugurated the policy of reducing railway
tates by the instrumentality of parallel and competing
lines, for which there is not now, and has n
a public necessity. : ere
Railway
Losses,
1166
Railways..
“The several States, by reason of having authorized.
the construction of such lines, are morally responsible
for conditions which have caused reasonable rates to
be unattainable. |
“Many laws have been enacted by State legislatures.
and by Congress during the last-named period, which
provide for rules, regulations, and reduced rates,
under which, in combination with the subdivision of
traffic which has naturally been caused by the con-
struction of the parallel and competing roads, above
referred to,a large majority of Western roads have
been forced to bankruptcy....
“As to about three-fourths of the railroads in the:
United States, no comparison can be made between
the amount of taxes and earnings available for
dividends, for the reason that there are no such
earnings.
“From the statistics published by the Interstate:
Commerce Commission for the year ending June 30,
1893, it appears that the owners of railroad stocks, to-
the amount of more than two thousand eight hundred.
and fifty-nine millions of dollars ($2,859.334,572), or
6175 per cent. of all such stocks, received no dividends
and that the owners of more than four hundred and.
ninety-two millions of dollars ($492,276,999), Or 10x95 per’
cent. of all railroad bonds, received no interest in.
that year.
‘We learn from the same source that taxes amount-.
ing to $36,514,689 were paid by railroad companies,
which sum is equal to 36y4% per cent. of the amount of
all dividends paid to railroad shareholders in that.
year, which was a year of at least an average volume
of business in all parts of the country.”
The report of the Commission of December,
1895, shows the number of roads in the hands.
of receivers. It says:
“Never in the history of transportation in the
United States has such a large percentage of railway
mileage been under the control of receiverships as on
June 30, 1894.. There were on that date 192 railways in
the hands of receivers, of which 126 had been con-
signed to receiverships during the previous 12 months,
and 35 during the year ending June 30, 1893. These 192
roads may be classified as follows: Thirty-one were
roads operating over 300 miles of line : 37 were roads.
oe from 100 to 300 miles of line; 69 were roads.
of less than roo miles in length; 4 were roads not in
‘operation, and the remaining 51 were subsidiary roads,
parts of systems. The mileage of line operated
by these defaulting companies was 40,818.8: miles.
Seventy-eight per cent. of this mileage is accounted
for by the 31 important lines, each operating over 300
miles of line. The total capitalization of roads in the
hands of receivers was about $2,500,000,000 ; that is to.
say, one-fourth of the total railway capitalization of
the country. This, asa record of insolvency, is with-
out a parallel in the previous history of American
railways, except it be in the period from 1838 to 1842.
It is undoubtedly a result of the general business
depression through which the country is passing.”
There is, however, another side to this. In
the Banker's Magazine appears an article on
Railroads in Default, in which the writer,
presumably the editor, seeks to correct the
impression current throughout this country
and Europe that a large proportion, not less
than’ one-third, of the railroads of the United
States are in default on their bonds. The
writer furnishes figures to show that this im-
pression is erroneous, and that the number of
separate companies in default is 109 out of 679,
being thus only 16 per cent. of the steam rail-
roads in the country, while the total amount
of bonds now in default is about $976,000,000,
out of some $5,600,000,000 railroad bonds out-
standing in 1894, or less than 17% per cent.
of the whole.
The following table gives a summary of the
number of roads classified territorially and
the amount of bonds in default.
It will be seen that the main roads in de-
fault are lesser roads in the South and West,
while the large amount of bonds in default are
the Pacific roads.
Railways.
NUMBER | AMOUNT
OF ROADS.| OF BONDs.
New England States.......... I $15,000,000
Middle States... ices (4 pcennans 8 92,529,400
Middle Western and Western
fee DEATE Snes ze smnoiniarny acrnaie 3 32 100,921,290
Southern States.... 39 129,385,175
Southwestern States 7 29,907,000
Pacific Railroads. 17 579,765,000
Pacific States 5 28,515,000
Grand Total.......cecseeee 109 $976,022,865
Says the-writer :
“On June 30, 1894, the report of the Interstate Com-
merce Commissioners gave the railroads in receivers’
hands at 156, of which 106 had failed during 1893-94
and 28 during the year ending June 30, 1893. The
mileage operated by these defaulting companies
was 38,869, of which 80 per cent. was operated by 28
companies... .
“In such times of panic and depression as this coun-
try has passed through during the past two years
there is an unfortunate tendency to exaggerate evils,
and to overstate figures purporting to represent the
extent of the troubles, especially in those branches of
business where there are no government figures, nor
any other statistics kept up with a reasonable degree
of accuracy. It may, therefore, be somewhat reassur-
ing to investors to know that only about 18 per cent.
of the United States railroad bonds are now failing to
yield promptly their interest as it falls due, and even
this overstates the case, for the interest on quite a
number of bonds embraced in the table above is paid
a few months after it becomes due, and the default in
each instance is only temporary.”
All the facts contradict the ‘‘ poverty ” talk
of the roads, Van Oss’ American Railroads
as Investments says upon this point (pp. 138
and 139):
“The mere fact that American railroad bonds pay
an average of 4.36 per cent. suffices to show that water
is not detrimental to the investor of to-day. These
bonds represent no par investment ; the average price
at which they reached the first investor did not exceed
67, no matter what somebody who buys them to-day
must give for them. Hence American bonds now
actually return an average of 6.50 upon the real
investment. . . . The above relates only to bonds,
but we will show that the same conclusion must be
arrived at concerning shares. Shares, according to
Poor's Manual, now pay 1.80 per cent. on the average
—apparently no high figure. . . . But for $4,650,000,000
shares now in existence, the original investors cer-
tainly paid not more than $465,000,000, or 10 per cent.
of their face value, and probably less. Hence shares
now return at least 18 per cent. per annum upon the
actual tnvestment.”
The italics are not ours. Mr. Van Oss
writes, not as a Western anti-monopolist, but
as an English investigator who approves of
the methods by which American railroads
conceal their profits from the general public.
When railroads fail it is usually because of
speculation, the bulling and bearing of rail-
road stock, financial railroad-wrecking, or the
depreciating of stock in order to buy it up,
etc., etc. Says Professor R. T. Ely (The ln-
dependent, August 28, 1890):
“Private railways are to be condemned because
they have been so managed that they have defrauded
thousands upon thousands of their
property. Bankruptcies ef railway
: corporations are an every-day occur-
Railway rence; and there is not a town of any
Speculation. size in the United States where you
cannot find people whose hard-earned
savings have been swallowed by rail-
ways; often the widow and orphan are sufferers.
From 1876 to 1889 nearly 450 railways in the United
States were sold under foreclosure. When one person
has suffered from dishonest or inefficient government
1167
Railways.
management of finances, 100 have suffered from dis-
honest or inefficient management of railways.
‘‘ American railways have frequently been managed
by those who wished to bankrupt them for one pur-
pose or another.. I have a concrete instance in mind.
A railway was recently, as was brought out by certain
business transactions, purposely losing something
like a thousand dollars a day to bankrupt it. It is
often desired to bankrupt a railway to buy it in cheap
and to ‘freeze out’ certain interests. Sometimes
towns, cities, and States contribute to the expense of
railway construction and take stock ; now if the com-
pany becomes bankrupt and is sold at auction to the
bondholders for the amount of the bonds, the stock-
holder is ‘frozen out’ and has lost his entire invest-
ment. Some farmers not long ago took stock for the
land they sold to a railway company, and in the fore-
closure proceedings all stockholders were ‘frozen out.”
It was considered a good joke!”
We have not, however, exhausted all the
problems of the railway. Thus far we have
been considering the relations of the railroads.
to the public. There is, however, the question
of the relation of the railway to its employees.
United States railroads have won, in the first:
place, an unsavory reputation for murdering
theiremployees. Ifthisseemsastrong phrase,
it is unfortunately justified by the facts. For
proof of this, see RaiLway Accipents. Next
to the question of the lives of employees comes
that of the wages of employees.
Wages of railroad employees in the United
States are higher than those in Europe, but
not so much higher as is sometimes thought,
and not so much higher as first appears, Ac-
cording to the Report of the Inter-
state Commerce Commission for
1894, the wages of engineers in
the United States were $3.61 per
day ; of conductors, $3.04 ; of fire-
men, $2.03; of switchmen, flagmen, and
watchmen, $1.75. The Report of the United
States Commissioner of Labor for 1889, com-
paring English and United States wages, says.
the English engineer receives only from $1.34
to $1.95 per day, and the fireman only from
85 cents to $1.10 per day. This is certainly
lower, and yet deceptive. According to the
commissioner’s report itself, by no means all
employees on American roads have work alk
the year. Fifty-eight and eight-tenths per
cent. of them, it says, were employed less than
half the year. For the 58.8 per cent. of em-
ployees, therefore, this would reduce their
wages more than one-half, or below the English
rates, and reduce the wages of all consider-
ably. Doubtless English wages would have
to be somewhat similarly reduced, but by no
means to the same extent. On some English
roads, if an engineer is not given 60 hours’
work a week, he can complain to the foreman.
The amount of employment is often a more
serious question to a wage-earner than his rate
of wage. Other questions, too, come in—as to
general treatment, etc. Most of the great rail-
road strikes of the United States have turned
on other questions than the rate of wages.
In the United States, in 1894, wages were
slightly lowered, and many employees dis-
charged, because of the hard times, yet, at the
very same time, the salaries of the general
officers were raised. Zhe Statzstics of Razt-
ways tn the United States for 1894 (p. 37),
published by the Interstate Commerce Com-
mission, gives the facts as follows :
Wages.
‘Railways.
AVERAGE DAILY WAGES.
1892. 1894.
ral officers..... $7.62 $9.71
pies office clerks 2.20 2.34
Station agents..... 1.81 1.75
CONAUCCOTS ...eeeeeee eres 3-07 3-04
Engineers..... 3-68 3-61
Firemen......- 2.07 2.03
LADOLELS. eee cece teers 1.67 1.65
1168
In France, according to a United States
‘consular report, dated May 31, 1894, engine-
drivers, on the Paris, Lyons, and Mediter-
tanean road, as a sample road, receive from
$33 to $50 per month; firemen, from $23 to
‘$28 ; switchmen, $21.75, but besides this the
company maintains a pension fund, to which
the men contribute somewhat, but the com-
‘pany considerably more.
have had relief departments for their em-
ployees since 1850. Inthe United States the
Baltimore and Ohio road organized such a
relief organizationin 1880. It was compulsory
upon its employees, like the Canadian and
European relief departments. Since then the
Pennsylvania, Reading, and Burlington roads
have organized relief departments, while the
Northern Pacific and Lehigh Valley, and some
lesser roads, have relief funds. The general
principle is of a fund contributed to by both
employees and the roads, from which sick, ac-
cident, and death benefits are paid. The four
great railways having relief departments oper-
ate one-eighth of the total railroad mileage
of the country, and their departments include
‘92,275 men, somewhat over one-tenth of
the employees of the country. Some of the
roads also maintain physicians, hospitals, etc.,
for their men. By the railway employees’
organizations these railway relief departments
are usually opposed, as tending to make the
employees too dependent on the railroads, and
‘preventing independent unions, which can
agitate for higher wages or shorter hours.
In no country are the wages suited to the
long hours often required. The mental strain
of long hours of duty, where men are kept con-
tinually on the road, with little or no oppor-
tunity to rest, and the irregular hours for sleep
and rest, even under the most favorable con-
ditions, makes the life of a railway employee
a hard one.
Nevertheless, in realizing these evils, the
reader should not forget the good that rail-
toads have accomplished, and, above all, the
good accomplished by the great through
toads. Without them modern commerce
would be impossible. They have developed
cities ; opened up large tracts of territory ;
turned deserts into gardens. They bind
together States and countries. They unite
friends, and are the arteries of public life.
Mr. Atkinson calls Mr. Cornelius Vanderbilt
a communist, because of his service to the
public, and says of American railroads:
“They have r i
flour a fieecaanT ae i ee tiae ie can
hardly be measured in a loaf of bread, at a margin of
profit which is less than the value of
at the end of the line.” ont enen ey ee
English railways
Railways:
And again :
“The commerce of the world now turns from one
side of the globe to the other on a mar-
gin of a cent ona bushel of grain, a
dollar a tonof metal, a quarter of 8 Benefits to
cent on a textile fabric, or the sixteenth C
of acent a pound on sugar. A cube of ommerce,
coal which would pass through the rim
of a quarter of a dollar will drive a ton .
of food two miles onits way from the producer to the
consumer.”
Yet in realizing what American railroads
have done, it must not be fancied that they
lead the world in public service. American
freight rates are lower than thése of Europe,
but passenger fares are cheaper in Europe, es-
pecially on the State-owned roads. Mr. W.
M. Acworth of England, comparing English
and American Railways (Paper 16, in Com-
pendium of Transportation Theorzes), puts
the average third-class railway fare in England,
which is used by the overwhelming majority of
English travelers, and which he considers fully
as comfortable as the average American car, at
1.8 cents per mile, compared with the American
average of overtwocents. On theother hand,
the extra price for Pullman cars in America he
considers considerably lower than the differ-
ence between first and third class fares in
England. Professor Hadley gives in /ohn-
son's Cyclopedia, the following average rates
for 1887.
PASSENGER:| FREIGHT:
COUNTRY. CENTS PER | PER TON
MILE. PER MILE.
United States..........ceeee 2.16 +94
Great Britain ..........e000e about 2 less ifan 2
Pan Ce ies iia ncwinaearaaairesvcaver 1.39 1.77
1.22 1.43
1.54 1.85
+54 1.36
But the average American haul is 127 miles,
and the English under 25 ; so that terminal ex-
penses per ton-mile enter five times as much
into the English rate as the American. Be-
sides, a large proportion of English rates
include cartage and delivery, even
of rough goods, which in New
York cost a dollar or two per ton. arlene
Again, English rates are essen- ‘“parey,
tially retail, at high speed and
frequent intervals. American
rates are essentially wholesale, at such speed
and intervals as suit the railways. :
According to United States Consular reports
dated in 1894, railway fares in France also are
cheaper than in America, and freight rates
higher. Fares are, first class, 3.6 cents per
mile; second class, 2.6, and third class, 1.6.
Goods weighing under 88lbs. are charged 8.5
cents per ton per mile; up to 6614 lbs., 13.6
cents ; up to 40,492 lbs., 27 cents. Coal, timber
for building purposes, are charged 2.03 cents
per ton per mile.
In Germany, fares on the Prussian state
roads are 3.09 cents per mile (first-class) ; 2.01
(second class) ; 1.29 (third class) ; 1.08 (fourth
class) ; wheat and flour cost for rooo kilometers
(621 miles), $10.99 per ton: iron plates, ma-
chinery, etc., $8.61 ; pig-iron and coal, $5.52.
Railways.
For one kilometer, they all cost 20 cents, vary-
ing in proportion to the distance. Fares on
Belgium’s state roads, according to Professor
Hadley, are the lowest in the world, save
those in India. Since Professor Hadley’s book
Hungary’s state zone system has lowered
rates there to a marked degree.
As for the speed of trains, America probably
runs a few of the fastest trains in the world.
Nevertheless, one or two English trains occa-
sionally run faster, and the average express
trains in England, with their fine
road-beds and lack of grade cross-
ings, exceed the speed of American
expresses. According to Mr. The-
odore Voorhees, General Superin-
tendent of the New York Central and Hudson
River Railroad (Paper 17, Compendium of
Transportation Theorzes), that road has one
train (the Empire State Express) which covers
440 miles at 52 miles an hour, but the average
express between New York and Chicago, Bos-
ton, etc., makes about 41 miles per hour, while
England has many trains at over 50 miles per
hour...+ On the Continent few trains make 4o
miles per hour, while 30 is nearer the express
average.
The following table gives the comparative
railway mileage of different countries :
Speed.
MILES OF MILES PER
RAILROAD. | 1000 INHABS.
225,582
148,230
24,102
13,067
7,695
418,676
178,709 26.7
27,863 5:5
¢ : " 24,455 6.4
Russia and Finland... ... 20,785 2.1
Great Britain and Ireland 20,641 5-3
British India... fi ie 18,268 0.6
Austria Hungary. wifes 18,119 4.2
British North America... 15,768 BLT
The Argentine........ ete 8,357 19.3
Victoria.......... es 2,974 25.4
New South Wales. 2,564 20.8
ueensland ........- 2,379 55-1
ew Zealand....... oe 2,101 313
South Australia........... 1,822 52.5
IV. Rattway REFORMS.
The ways in which it is proposed to meet the
above problems are very diverse. Someargue
for the maintenance of the present system, with
more and wiser public control; others, for a
nationalization of the road-beds of railways,
with private operation ; still others for complete
nationalization.
A. IMPROVED PRIVATE MANAGEMENT.
The report of the Interstate Commerce Com-
mission for 1895 says (p. 15):
“The tendency toward railway federation is very
marked, and indicatesa future combination of carriers
wielding such extraordinary power as to constitute, in
the estimation of many people, a serious menace to
commercial freedom. That power will be deprived of
its principal danger if the authority of the State to
prevent excesses and inequalities finds ample expres-
sion in enforceable methods for fixing the standard of
charges. The business in which railway carriers are
74
1169
Railways.
engaged is a public service of universal and constant
necessity, and public authority is bound to see that
the terms upon which that service is rendered are not
burdensome or unequal. This implies vastly more
than enforcing conformity to the published tariff and
the prevention of discriminations between persons
entitled to like treatment; it involves the determina-
tion of what the tariff shall be, due regard being had
to the rights of shippers and carriers alike.”
But see p. 131.
“The Commission is not to be understood as advo-
cating at this time an enlargement of the general
scope of the act, or as asking any radical change in its
eneral structure. Those who have given most re-
ection to the subject of government regulation are
aware that the laws now in force are more or less ten-
tative and experimental, and such persons anticipate
that the evolution of railway control by public agen-
cies will sooner or later result in a more comprehen-
sive and direct exercise of the power possessed by
Congress to regulate our internal commerce. But the
time has probably not arrived for new departures in
this field of legislation, and the Commission is careful
to confine its recommendations within the limits and
aims of the original enactment. The distinct object,
therefore, of the amendments now urged upon your
attention is to give to the statute the degree of com-
pleteness and effectiveness which it was designed to
have, and to provide the means whereby its purposes
can be fairly accomplished. It certainly cannot be
believed that Congress, having once assumed to exer-
cise a measure of control over railway carriers, will
allow that control to become ineffectual by withhold-
ing the legislation found necessary to secure the
results expected. We desire to make it specially plain
that the amendments asked for at this time are in-
tended simply to make the substance of the law mean
what it was supposed to mean at the time of its pass-
age. Experience has demonstrated the respects in
which the statute is inadequate, and that demonstra-
tion discloses, we submit, the duty of Congress to cor-
rect its proven deficiencies. Ifthe policy of regulating
railroads by fublic authority is to be permanently
continued, it is obvious that laws should be provided
to make that regulation efficient and useful.’
The objections to this plan, however, are
numerous, but mainly based on the impossi-
bility of controlling private railroads. Says
oe Thomas V. Cator in a tract on rail-
roads :
‘““How then can the public control them without
owning them? It is idle to say you will favor owner-
ship by the Government if control fails,
because every effort to control them
has, and of necessity must, fail, untilthe
people own and operate them. How
can you expect to join such inconsistent
things as private ownership and public
control? The right to control, to fix rates, isthe very
essence of property and of ownership. He who cannot
control does not in fact own property. If we seek,
by boards, commissions, legislatures, congresses, or
courts, to frame methods and sources to control rail-
roads, the inevitable law of self-interest will imme-
diately induce the owner to own also these boards of
control, by which, as we have seen, all such commis-
sions, legislatures, congresses, and courts are elected,
packed, owned by that monopoly.”
Mr. C. W. Davis says in The Arena for Au-
gust, 1891:
“The president of the Union Pacific tells us that
‘The courts are open to redress all real grievances of
the citizen.’
“There is probably no man in the United States
better aware than is Sidney Dillon that no citizen, un-
less he has as much wealth as the president of the Union
Pacific, can successfully contest a case of any im-
portance in the courts with one of these corporations
which make a business, as a warning to other possible
plaintiffs, of wearing out the unfortunate plaintiff with
the law’s costly delays; and, failing this,‘do not hesitate
to spirit away the plaintift’s witnesses, and to pack
and buy juries—retaining a special class of attorneys
for this work—the command of great corporate rev-
enues enabling them to accomplish their ends, and to
utterly ruin nearly every man having the hardihood
to seek Mr. Dillon’s lauded legal redress, and when
they have accomplished such nefarious object, the
Objections,
Railways.
entire cost is charged back to the public and collected
in the form of tolls upon traffic.
“Referring to traffic associations, and their vain
endeavors to keep the corporations within sight of
commercial ethics, the Interstate Commerce Commis-
sion says: ‘But the most important provisions of the
law have not so often been directly violated as they
have been nullified through devices, carefully framed
with legal assistance—here is one of the places where
the high-priced lawyer gets in his work—with a view
to this very end, and in the belief that when brought
to legal test the device hit upon would not be held by
the courts to be so distinctly opposed to the terms of
the law as to be criminally punishable.’”’
There is also serious reason to doubt whether
the courts will to-day allow the Government to
fix rates. Says Mr. Cator in the tract quoted
above : :
“The courts have emphatically decided that neither
Congress nor the States, by legislation or commission,
can provide for or put into operation any schedules of
rates or tolls to bind a railway which cannot be re-
strained by injunction, and declared void either by a
State or United States court, if, upon hearing, such
court deems it unreasonable. The courts say that if
the schedules fixed by the power of law are not, in the
opinion of the court, reasonable, then it amounts toa
taking of private yo for public use without just
compensation, and is forbidden by the Constitution of
the United States. This has been decided by the
Supreme Court of the United States in the case of
Stone vs. The Farmers’ Company, 116 U. S. Rep., p.
307, and in Dow ws. Beidleman, r25 U. S. Rep., p. 680;
also in United States Circuit Court, in 35 Fed. Rep.
880-886 ; also by decisions of the courts of fest resort of
many States, which are quoted in the late case of
Water Works vs. San Francisco, 82 Cal. Rep., p. 286,
where it was held that even where the constitution
empowered a board to fix rates absolutely, it could be
restrained by the court if it thought other and higher
rates proper,
“The final absolute decision of our courts, there-
fore, is that the power to fix rates is in the courts, and
cannot be placed elsewhere. What, then, is the rule
adopted by the courts? Itisthis: That the rates must
pay—first, the interest on the railway debts; second
all its operating expenses; and third, a fair dividen
on its capital stock as fixed or increased ; fourth, the
expenses of operation shown by the books of the com-
a oe no one is in a position to disprove these
ooks, evenif falsely kept, as to operating accounts.
“This amounts therefore to allowing the company
to fix its own rates, despite and in defiance of any
attempt to regulate. Soif the Farmers’ Alliance were
in possession of every branch of government in States
and nation, it would be helpless to regulate or con-
trol railways. Every law or schedule would be im-
mediately stayed by the injunction of a court.
“This was done when Judge Brewer, by injunction,
forbade the State of Iowa to put its schedule of rates
into operation, at the suit of the Chicago and North-
western Railway Company. It was done when the
Supreme Court of California prohibited the city of
San Francisco from putting its schedule of water rates
into operation—and that such is to be the course
wherever control is attempted, is squarely asserted
by C. P. Huntington in an interview published in the
wcaminer at San Francisco on April 4, 1892. When he
was asked what would be done if any political action
should be taken by the Merchants’ Traffic Association
to compel a reduction of rates, his answer was as
follows: ‘I will say that the association may or may
not draw the company into politics, I think not; but
if the legislature of the State passes acts tending to
destroy the value of our property, we shall have to
call for protection upon the judicial arm of the Gov-
ernment.’
“This proves that henceforth the above doctrine
established by the courts is to be the shield of monop-
olies. They can increase stock and bonds at pleas-
ure, so that no income would be so large but that
they could show that it was required to pay interest,
operating expenses, and dividends. They have the
Supreme Court of the United States committed to this
doctrine.”
B. NATIONALIZED ROAD-BEDS.
It is proposed that competition be attempted
in another form; that the nation own the
roads, and, under proper conditions, allow
1170
Railways.
competing parties to run cars upon them,
treating our railroads exactly as highways.
The best plan for this has been presented by
James H. Hudson in his The Ratlways and
the Republic. He says in substance :
“Under this plan the trains may be owned, loaded,
and forwarded by different carriers, but all trains
would be under thecontrol of atraindispatcher, The
carrier wishing to run a train of his own could be
required to run a regular train on schedule time, or to
follow a regular train with an extra, just as extra
trains are now run onevery roadinthe country. |
“With the right of all carriers to transport freight
over any railroad fully recognized, it might be per-
missible to leave the movement of trains in the control
of the railroad corporation. The company might be
allowed to inspect the rolling stock sent over its road,
and to exclude all rolling stock that did not meet the
requirements of safety and dispatch. ‘
“Even a small capital could compete on fair terms
with the greatest. An engineer and a conductor,
being qualified and licensed, could buy a locomotive,
and engage in the business of hauling loaded cars
belonging to one or a dozen shippers. Repeatedly,
even now, more than one railroad company have used
a track jointly for a term of years.
“The question of tolls under this plan of free com-
petition presents but little practical difficulty. The
toll should be a reasonable and uniform rate per ton
per mile for freight, and per car per mile for empty
cars; such as will, in the aggregate, yield revenue
enough to repair and maintain the track, to pay tixed
charges, and leave a fair dividend upon the dona fide
capital invested.
“Tf any one carrier, or all the carriers, were to
grant special rates and train accommodations to cer-
tain shippers, the shippers discriminated against
could, by investing a few thousand dollars, secure the
carriage of their freight at nearly first cost. Any com-
munity discriminated against by the projectors of a
railroad could construct a short line of its own to the
discriminating railroad, and freely use the tracks of
the latter. hatever differences of rates arise, under
the natural and legitimate conditions of transporta-
tion, would remain under free competition. Whatever
differences are produced by the monopoly of the
railroads as carriers would be abolished.”
The objections to this plan are many. It
would produce most of the evils of the com-
plete national ownerships of roads,
without many of its advantages.
If the nation owned and managed Objections. + -
the road-beds, and controlled the
running of the trains, as it would mmo
have to, in order to secure safety, it would
have in its employ, and under its control, vast
numbers of men, where all the evils of political
corruption could creep in, and yet not owning
the rolling stock, and allowing any one to run
trains, it would have only a partial responsi-
bility ; that is, less power to prevent corrup-
tion. It is hard to imagine conditions more
favorable to corruption. Divided responsi-
bility is invariably the corruptor’s opportunity.
Again, it would hardly be possible, under this
system, to prevent the combination that pro-
duces the evils of to-day. Large companies
could own large quantities of rolling stock,
and could easily, in a hundred ways, drive out
small competitors. If competition could be
easily and cheaply commenced, it could also
be easily and cheaply bought up. In the
very nature of the case, to secure safety, speed,
and economy, there would have to be such an
agreement as to the dispatching of trains as
to make combination almost a necessity.
Other difficulties could be mentioned.
C, RAILWAY NATIONALIZATION.
A growing number of persons favor com-
plete railroad nationalization. This is favored
‘
€
Railways.
by socialists, but it is not necessarily socialis-
tic. (See Sociatism.) Says Professor Ely (7he
Independent, August 28, 1890) :
“Government ownership of railways must be re-
garded as a part of a general scheme for public
ownership of all monopolies. It isin the direction of
individual liberty, and does not lead to socialism. It
may be regarded even as anti-socialistic. It has
shown no tendency to promote socialism where it has
been tried. It is, to be sure, a part of the scheme of
socialists, but it is likewise desired by many anti-
socialists. It does not of necessity mean centraliza-
tion of power, but it is compatible with an extension
-of the sphere of States and local political units.”
There are many arguments in favor of na-
tionalizing railroads. First, it would be
cheaper. Professor Frank Parsons says in the
American Fabian for February, 1896:
‘The cheap transportation of persons and products
is of the utmost importance to every people. It means
an increase of travel and traffic, which adds to intelli-
gence, sympathy, freedom, strength, safety, and
wealth.
“Traffic increases in geometric ratio with the reduc-
tion of rates. Public enterprise serves the people at
cost, reducing the rates to the lowest practicable fig-
ure, while private enterprise keeps prices up to the
highest practicable limit.
“Tf the postal service had been left in private hands
we probably would still be obliged to pay 25 cents on
a letter or book, as we do to the private express com-
panies, no matter how small the package. If, on the
other hand, the business of the railroads had been
turned over to the nation, freight rates and passenger
rates would have been reduced from time to time, as
the postal rates have been, and we would now be en-
abled to ride at a cost of one-tenth of a cent a mile, or
less, and send our freight at one-half a cent per ton
er mile. With the increase of traffic which is sure to
ollow low rates, it is probable that the cost of trans-
portation would fall even lower than this.
“Trains have been run inthis country atevena lower
cost than one-tenth of a cent a passenger mile.
“Tf the nation owned the railways wecould go from
New York to San Francisco and return, for a five-
dollar bill. These things would be possible, because
of the great economies that would be effected by pub-
lic ownership—economies that would save the people
more than half of what they pay for railway service
and reduce the actual cost of operation by at least a
third. Here are the items:
Savings. In Millions. Authority. .
By abolishing all but one
of the presidents with
their staffsiis visi eacews
By abolishing the high-
priced managers and
their staffs............66 4
By abolishing attorneys
and legal expenses....
By abolishing competi-
tive advertising..... ss 5
By abolishing traffic
associations employed
25 C. Wood Davis.
12
to adjust matters
between competing
TODS <2 seversinise dercereeie.s-ce 4 “ ss
By exclusive use’ of the
shortest routes..
By consolidation
working cepots,
ces, and sta ©
By uniforinity of
cars, machinery, etc.,
cheapening their man-
ufacture, etC........ee 5
By avoiding strikes and
developing a _ better
spirit among em-
ployees
By abolishing
25
20
Parsons,
“
railway
corruption funds....... 30 Thomas V. Cater.
By having norent or
terest to pay.......-..- 309 Poor’s Manual.
By having no dividends
LO PA's. os ge a salen . go wa cS
By putting the surplus in
the people’s treasury.. 20 te a
1171
Railways.
“Total savings by public ownership of railways, 661,-
000,000 a year—a Saving of more than half the $1,200,-
000,000 yearly paid to the railways by the people.
Second. Public safety demands public
ownership of the railways.
Says Professor Parsons in the same article :
“It is seven times as dangerous to be a railroad em-
Se in the United States as in Austro-Hungary, and
eight times as dangerous to be a passenger in the
United States asin Germany. It was less of a risk to
your life to enlist in the Union armies during the Re-
bellion than to enlist in the railway train service of the
United States to-day. One train man out of 12 is in-
jured every year inthe United States, and one out of
ro in the South. The managers are too anxious for
dividends to care much about buying safety couplers
or automatic brakes for freight cars, or even to pro-
vide for the safety of their crossings. The railway
murders at the crossings in Chicago alone foot up to
Over 4oo a year.
‘““A railway strike is a publ calamity; paralysis
playing about the heart ofthenation. The great strike
of '87, destroying millions of property and tying up
hundreds of miles of road, opened the eyes of the peo-
ple to some extent. but it took the Chicago strike to
show our people the real quality of the institution.
Since that, nine men out of tenI talk with are ready for
public ownership. And no wonder: that strike cost
the roads $5,358,000, and the strikers $1,739,000.
“The interests of employees are always better cared
for in public employment than in private employment
of similar nature. ighty-five per cent. of all railway
employees get less than $2a day. Baggagemen aver-
age $1.50, switchmen the same, flagmen $1.13, and
railway laborers $1.24. On the other hand, Uncle
Sam's mail carriers get $600 the first year, $800 the
second, and $1000 the third, and work but eight hours,
while railway men work 10 to 14, and brakemen often
16 hours a day.” a
Third. Perhaps the main argument for
nationalizing the railroads is that it would
take out of industry the great combined inter-
ests that are to-day dominating commerce and
threatening democratic institutions. Says
the Interstate Commerce Commission Report
for 1895 (p. 63): ‘‘ Few persons appreciate the
extent to which railway corporations are en-
gaging in business outside the legitimate serv-
ice of transportation.” Forfurther statements
of how railroads control to-day the coal busi-
ness, the oil business, the lumber trade; of how
they own vast tracts of territory in the West,
and are buying real estate in the East, see arti-
cles WEALTH; PLurocracy; Monopo.y; Trusts.
Says E. P. Alexander in Railway Practise ;
“The great majority of the phenomenal for-
tunes of the day are the result of what may be
called lucky gambling. ... Wall Street is
its headquarters, and millions upon millions
of dollars are accumulated there to meet the
wants of the players. Railroad stocks are its
favorite cards to bet upon, for their valuation
is liable to constant fluctuation on account
of weather, crops, new combinations, wars,
strikes, deaths, and legislation. They can
also be easily affected by personal manipula-
tions.” (See PLurocracy. For the extent to
which they dominate and corrupt legislation,
see the same article.) They own many legis-
lators and some legislatures. They control
Senators, are represented in the cabinet, and
on the judicial bench. (For proof of all these
statements, see PLurocracy.) They laugh at
the laws of States and the Interstate Com-
merce Commission confesses that it is power-
erless before them. (See INTERSTATE COMMERCE
Act.) The one supreme reason for nationaliz-
ing railroads, is that control without ownership
.
Railways.
is impossible, so that, if the country does not
own the roads, the roads will own the country.
Says Professor R. T. Ely (The Ludependent,
August 28, 1890) :
“No government railways in the world are so thor-
oughly in politics as the American private railways.
You cannot turn in any direction in American politics
without discovering the railway power. It is ‘the
power behind the throne. It is a correct popular in-
stinct which designates the leading men in our rail-
ways, railway magnates, or kings. If not already the
real rulers of the country, they are becoming so; and
already in the industrial world they wield a power
which the ordinary political king does not possess. It
is no wonder that they look upon Government with a
certain contempt ; for have they not their agents in all
departments of Government? The danger which is to
be dreaded is that of all despotic power; ... butofall
despotisms, that which finds its source in the control of
indispensable economic resources is most dangerous.
In other words, if the ascendency of private railways
becomes complete, it will be worse than the despot-
isms of history in several respects. It is more secret
and insidious inits operations. Its power ramifies in
every direction, its roots reaching counting-rooms,
editorial sanctums, schools, and churches, which it
supports with a part of its revenues, as well as courts
and legislatures. It is not an open, avowed power, but
an underhanded one, which unawares throws its coils
about us.... Itcan safely be said that no depart-
ment of our Federal Government could long be man-
aged so dishonestly as our railways. Public manage-
ment is necessarily open. It comes before the people ;
the minutest details are dragged into the light. Noe
people are afraid to say what they know about rail-
ways; but under ownership by Government there is
always a powerful party, supported by a strong press,
whose interest it is to search out every abuse and
make it appear even worse than it is. Practices which
may now be indulged in with impunity would then
send a man to the penitentiary. There would not,
under public management, be the same temptation to
dishonesty.
“ An elevation of the character of our civil service
must inevitably result from government ownership of
railways. Private employment would no longer offer
all the great prizes to business talent. Probably near-
ly all the present able managers, who are in so many
respects an admirable class of men, would remain in
railway service, but they would then exercise their
talents in the interest of the public, and not for private
interests, and, after all, public service tends to en-
noble character in a morally sound community. Pub-
lic ownership would necessarily be the death of the
spoils system in politics, for it could not live when its
real significance would become so plain. All would
see what the nature of the spoils system is. Where
Government does most, as a matter of fact, we find
the best civil service, the least interference of civil
servants in elections, and the greatest individual lib-
erty of civil servants. We may expect something
like a military organization of the railway department
of the public service, and that kind of organization is
the one neededin railways. Private corporations seek
it and desire it; but it is dangerous in their hands,
ee be allowed, even if it would prevent
strikes.
The result of the last national election could
have been changed by a change of 21,000 votes
in California, Oregon, North Dakota, West
Virginia, and Indiana. (See PresipENncy.) That
enough political influence in those States was
cast by the railroads to secure those votes for
Mr. McKinley, no one acquainted with the facts
will deny. We do not refer of necessity to cor-
tupt influence, but to the natural influence of
vast corporations employing so many men.
Railroads in the United States employ directly
800,000, and according to O. D. Ashley of the
Wabash Railroad, railroads support and there-
fore have a controlling power over 1,200,000.
The federal armies of the United States at the
end of the war numbered only 1,000,516 men.
Is it safer to trust such armies to the national
government responsible to the people, or to
1172
- life.
Railways.
private corporations largely irresponsible? And
railroad corporations kill. In the terrible battle
of Gettysburg, 2834 Union men were killed and
13,713 wounded ; in the year 1894, 2147 persons
were killed by railroad accidents (1823 of these
being employees, mainly brakemen) and 26,476
were injured. The main power of the railroads
is, however, financial. Their capitalization, June
30, 1894, was $10,796,473,813, Or over six times
the national debt. This enormous power is
practically controlled by a few men controlling
a few ruling corporations.
“In America,’’ says the English writer Ac-
worth, ‘' the railway rate is a matter of life and
death. In America rates vary from day to day
as wildly as the price of fish at Billingsgate.
An Oriental despot, a Baber, or an Aurungzebe
did not make and unmake cities with more ab-
solute and irresistible power than did an Amer-
ican railway king.
‘* We are told that the American railways have
tuined the English farmer ; people forget that
they have ruined the American farmer also.”’
Says Mr. Stickney :
“This power, like a government, has authority to
make tariffsand to enforce their collection. It claims
a right which no civilized government claims, and no
sovereign has dared to exercise for centuries, of re-
bating a portion of its tariff, and thus discriminating
between its subjects in the collection of its revenues,
It is safe to say that if the Congress of the United
States should enact a law which established on Bay
commodity one impost duty for the city of New Yor
and a different duty for other cities, or one duty for
one firm and another duty for another firm, no matter
how ee the difference, the people would resort to
arms, if need be, rather than submit.” (See A. B.
Stickney’s Razlway Problem, page 31.)
Says Mr, Bryce:
“These railway kings are among the greatest men,
perhaps I may say are the greatest men, in America,
They have power, more omer ae is, more oppor-
tunity to make their will prevail, than patna any
one in political life,except the President or the Speak-
er, who, after all, hold theirs only for four years and
two years, while the railroad monarch holds his for
When the master of one of the great Western
lines travels toward the Pacific in his palace car, his
journey is like a royal progress. Governors of States
and Territories bow before him; legislatures receive
him in solemn session ; cities and towns seek to pro-
pitiate him, for has he not the means of making or
marring a city’s fortunes?” (Bryce’s American Com-
monwealth, 1st ed., vol. ii., page 515.)
Says Mr. J. L. Cowles (4 General Freight
and Passenger Post, p. 38):
“According to the Razlroad Gazette of March 20,
1896, the New York, New Haven and Hartford Rail-
road now owns all Southern New England, with its
fast-growing cities, as in fee simple. It has not only
absorbed our principal lines of land transportation ; it
has also obtained nearly complete control of almost
every important wharf in our chief New England har-
bors and of almost every competing steamboat line
that plies along our coast. It has already seized more
than one of the trolley lines which were built to secure
to local travel a reasonable service, at reasonable rates,
and a decree has gone forth from the railroad capi-
tal, in the city of New Haven, that not another electric
tramway shall ever be laid down on any of the high-
ways which the people of Connecticut have built and
which the tracks of this road parallel. There is to be
no avenue of escape from the burdensome taxes which
this corporation sees fit to levy upon its subjects. Re-
cent events would seem to indicate that even the
church is not to be free from its encroachments. 7
‘Henceforth the presiding council of this Imperial
Railroad Government are toregulate all the conditions
of life in New England. The wages of New England
labor, the profits of New England business, are to be
determined by their will. Her cities, towns and vil-
lages are to wither and dry up or to grow and flourish
Railways.
at their pleasure. It will be of no avail for the fac-
tories of the interior to move to the seaboard, for this
railroad despotism rules the sea as well as the land.
It completely dominates the navigation of Long Island
Sound, the great ship canal that bathes our southern
border. A view taken from the top of Bunker Hill
monument will show that almost every dockin Boston
Harbor is in its control. From Eastport, Me., to New
York City the tariff laws of this de facto consolidated
government have infinitely more influence upon life
and upon business than have the tariff laws of Con-
gress. :
“Notwithstanding the fact that the New York, New
Haven and Hartford Railroad Company, with its com-
paratively level track and few curves, can haul the
heaviest loads at the lowest cost of almost any road in
the country, its average freight rate per mile is among
the highest in the country. It is nearly double the
average rate in the United States; if is more than
double the average rate in the Middle States, in Ohio,
Illinois, Indiana, and Michigan. ...
“The passenger fares on the various lines of this con-
solidated road are, in most cases, nearly as high as
they were in 1850, and in some cases consolidation has
very much increased the fares.”
These great corporations, too, are, as many
believe, one of the great causes of the develop-
ment of other trusts and monopolies. Says Al-
bert J. Stickney in his Razlway Problem:
“A railway manager finds it more convenient to
deal with one man or one corporation than to deal
with a number of individuals; the manager therefore
commences operation by giving to some enterprising
party an advantage over his neighbor in rates. The
favored individual, of course, soon obtains a complete
monopoly in his particular trade; it may be in the
product of mines or of oil wells, of farms or of fac-
tories. After atime the grantees of these monopolies
become rich, and instead of receiving rebates as a
favor, they become masters of the railways, and, by
piaying one against another, they practically dictate
the rates they pay.”
Says Mr. Depew :
“They parcel the United States out among them-
selves, and they send their products by any railwa
they see fit. To-day they send it over the New Yor
Central ; to-morrow they arbitrarily change it to the
Pennsylvania Railroad. One of these privileged deal-
ers, for instance, is able to send 5 or ro cars of first-
-class goods per day from Chicago to New York. The
regular rate is75 cents per roo, but in order to get his
trade, the railways offer hima rate of 35 or 4o cents.”
Says Mr. Cowles (as above, pp. 28-29) :
“Taking a carload of first-class freight at ro tons,
this great firm, at a rate of 35 cents, receives an ad-
vantage over its competitors of $80 per car, from $400
to $800 a day, and from $125,200 tu $250,400 for the work-
ing year of 313 days, according as it ships 5 or 10 cars
aday. In November, 1891, the Federal grand jury re-
turned an indictment against Swift & Co., dressed-beef
shippers of Chicago, for having received $30,000 in re-
bates in the previous six months from the Nickel Plate
Road alone. Is it any wonder that in a short time the
competitors of such a firm are wiped out?”
To put such power in private hands makes
talk of liberty in America almost absurd. On
the other hand, Mr. J. L. Cowles shows how
cheap freight and passenger transportation could
be if the railroads were managed as is the pos-
tal service by the nation. He says (Preface,
xi.-xii.):
“With the transportation business pooled under
the control of the post-office, with a demurrage limit
of eight hours—the demurrage limit of Holland and
Belgium—and with trains sent from the starting point
to destination over the shortest and most level routes,
a uniform prepaid rate of $1 a ton on box-car freight
and 4o cents a ton on products carried in open cars
would furnish an ample revenue from freight traffic.
And is it not also reasonable to believe that $1
would pay the full cost of the service for the average
trip by ordinary cars on the fastest express, and that
five cents a trip would meet the cost by way trains?”
To prove this he says (p. 76) :
“The essential facts to be considered in the railway
1173
Railways.
business are as follows: When once a railroad is
built, trains must run, and it makes very little differ-
ence in the cost of the business whether the cars go full
or empty, or whether a locomotive runs alone or with
a long and heavily laden train behind it; neither does
it make a measurable difference in the cost whether a
part of the train-load is left at one station or at
another. Are the rates so high that only a royal per-
sonage can purchase aticket? Then that single indi-
vidual must bear the entire expense of the train that
carries him. On the other hand, are the rates so
low that 100 persons can avail themselves of the
opportunity to travel? Then each traveler will be
obliged to pay but a hundredth part of the cost of the
train, and that cost will be increased only by the inter-
est and wear and tear of one additional car during the
trip. The expense of moving the train will be prac
tically the same in either case, and it will hardly make
a whit difference whether one passenger or all the
passengers leave the train at the first station at which
it stops or go through to the end of the journey.
When once a train has started from Boston to San
Francisco, there is not a man living can tell the differ-
ence in the cost of running that train, whether a
passenger gets off at the first station out of Boston or
goes through to the Golden Gate. At every station
some passengers will leave the train, others will take
their places. One traveler in 1000, perhaps, will go the
whole journey. ... . 3
“Mr. Wellington (in his Economic Theory of Railway
Location) estimates that the addition of 30 tons dead
weight (and live weight isno heavier than dead weight)
to a train of five cars will not increase the cost for
coal in this country over one cent a mile; and since
all the passengers that can be squeezed into five cars
will not weigh 30 tons, it theretore follows that the
variation in the haulage cost of a five-car train carry-
ing 300 or goo passengers and an empty five-car train is
but onecentamile....
“Taking the entire expenses of an eight-car passen-
ger train, on the New York, New Haven and Hartford
Railroad main line, at $1 a mile (the cost of the aver-
age passenger train on that road for the
year ending June 30, 1893, was less than
98 cents a mile), the total cost for a 100- Cost of
mile trip is $100, or less than 20 cents for Transpor-
each of its 52> seats for the whole dis- tation,
tance, The average trip of the traveler
on this road, however, is but 17.04 miles,
so that the average train empties itself five and eight-
tenth times on a soo-mile journey, and therefore the
actual seating capacity of an eight-car way-train on
such a trip is over 3000, and the cost of each seat for
the average ride of 17.04 miles, some of the travelers
going the whole distance, others but from one station
to the next, is less than three and one third cents;
and even if the train is but half filled, the cost per
passenger per trip is but seven cents. But the modern
locomotive can haul a twelve-car train on this road at
almost the same speed that it can haul eight cars, and
with an additional expense, including extra brakemen
and use of the extra cars, of certainly less than $15
for the roo-mile trip, and these cars will afford accom-
modation for 1500 more passengers for the average 17-
mile ride at acost to the railroad of less than one cent
for each seat.
“These figures are astonishing enough, but the
following statement made by theconservative William
M. Acworth, the highest railway authority in England,
goes far beyond my estimates. Mr. Acworth says
that if a passenger who would otherwise have stayed
at home were induced to go from London to Glas-
gow by the offer of a first-class ticket for 3d (six
cents), the company would, unless indeed there was no
first-class seat available on the train, secure a net
profit of two and three quarter pence (five and one
half cents), for the remaining farthing (one half a cent)
is an ample allowance for the cost of haulage. The
exact figures in detail are as follows: For coal, three
sixteenths of a penny ; the remaining one sixteenth of
a penny is more than sufficient to pay for the extra
oil, and stores, and water consumed, making a total of
one fourth of an English penny or one half of an Amer-
ican cent. Add, say, another half a cent for the wear
and tear of the seat, and you have one cent. Upto the
capacity of the railway trains of a country, the cost of
the additional passengers who could be induced to
travel by low fares would not be over one cent fora
distance of 410 miles. (See ‘‘ Taxes on Transport,”
Nineteenth Century Magazine, January, 1892.) .. .
“As to freight, the Razlroad Gazetfe tells us that at
‘times during the summer of 1895 the New York Cen-
tral and Hudson River Railroad hauled grain from
Buffalo to New York (440 miles), for 3.96 cents per 100
Railways.
pounds, less than 80 cents a ton, and these low rates
resulting in train-loads of 1800 tons, 60 cars of 30 tons
each earned for the road over $3.24 a train mile, or
more than double the average earnings per freight-
train mile of the country, Br-557441 in 1894, and far more
than the earnings per mile of its own average freight
train. It is safe to say that even now grain can be
transported from Buffalo to New York over the New
York Central and Hudson River Road for 50 centsa
ton at a very handsome profit ; 1800 tons at so cents a
ton equals $900. The cost of running the average
freight train on this road in 1893 was $1.38654 per
mile, and for 440 miles, $610.08, leaving a profit on
trains of 1800 tons,.at 50 cents a ton, of nearly $300 per
train trip.
“But if this be true now, what will not be possible
with the new locomotives of Mr. Westinghouse, which
promise to do the same amount of work as the feoeenk
engines, with but one eighth the amount of fuel?...
“The statement of H. T. Newcomb, in the Worth
American Review of July, 1896, that the oo freight
car of this country now does little over 12 full days’
work in the course of a year, goes far in the support of
these conclusions. With a reasonable system of classi-
fication, it would seem possible to reduce the trans-
portation tax on coal and products of its class to 25
cents per ton per haul.
‘Four days out of five our freight cars lie absolutely
idle, obstructing side-tracks and rotting under the in-
fluence of sun and wind and rain. They will not
average 73 paying hauls a year, and
they earn less than $590 a year. ‘The
Possible average car-movement of the country
Freight is absurdly small,’ says the editor of the
8 Railway Review, ‘and it is so mainly
Charges. because of the misuse of the cars by the
railways themselves.’ The car account-
ant of the West Shore Road, Mr. W. W.
Wheatly, estimates the waste of capital in this mis-
“used equipment at over $124,000,000, with an interest
account of at least $5,000,000 and an annual expendi-
ture of about $10,000,000, to say nothing of track room
to hold them, locomotives to move them, and the
other minor but necessary expenses which their exist-
ence involves. ...
“Our total railroad freight revenues for the year
ending June 30, 1894, were $699,490,913, less than $1.10
per ton for the 638,186,553 tons handled. - a
“If the 1,205,169 cars belonging to the railroads had
made but two paying hauls a week in that year, at
$7 per Gee ee haul, they would have earned over $877,-
000,000, and an average load of 12 tons, at an average
rate of but 60centsa ton, would have produced $7.20
per car,
“Ts there anything so very wild in a plan that leaves
first-class freight at $1.20 a ton, second-class at 80
cents, and the cheapest service at 40 cents a ton?”
Of possible passenger fares, Mr. Cowles says :
“The people of the United States take hardly half
as many railroad trips during the year as do their
English brethren. Our 60,000,000 people, with their.
170,000 miles of railway, took less than 532,000,000 rail-
way trips in 1891, as against over 845,000,000 by the
English, with less than half our population, and with
less than one eighth of the railway facilities. Will
you have the reason for it? Is it not manifestly due
to the cheap fares on the English working men’s trains
and to their numberless excursion trains?...
“Tt is to be remembered that even now, with aver-
age train-loads of but 44 persons, the average passen-
ger fare of the country is but 53 cents, and the same
locomotive that hauls these 44 persons
can haul 500 at practically the same cost.
Possible (The excursion trains on the Cleveland,
Passenger Canton, and Southern Railroad, in
§ August, 1895, hauled 700 passengers at
Fares. very little more cost than that of their
average passenger trains and at practi-
cally the same speed.) The average
passenger train, moreover, can easily make twice as
many trips during the year as at present. The present
average train-load of 44 persons earns on its average
26.43-mile trip about $23. A train of roo first-class
passengers at 20 cents a trip, and of 100 second-class
passengers at 5 cents would earn $25 in the 26.43-mile
journey ; but these rates would so stimulate the Short-
distance travel that under such conditions the train
would probably empty itself every 13 miles, and the
return would probably be nearer $50 than $25.
“Palace-car travelers, we are told, do not pay one
half the cost of their transportation, and yet these are
the travelers best able to bear the burden of railway
1174
Railways.
expenditure; their cars weigh at least a third mcre
than ordinary cars; they cost a third more, while they
carry hardly half as many passengers. Palace-car
fares ought certainly to be from four to six times ordi-
nary fares. Even in this case, however, this class of
fares will probably be lower than they are to-day. If
palace cars and sleeping cars do not pay there are two
reasons for it: first, the unnecessarily high prices paid
by the railways to such private concerns as the Pull-
man Car Company for the use of its cars; and, sec-
ond, the fares which are so high that only one seat in
six, perhaps, is occupied. Those whose ‘good-will’ is
Uppy regarded by our railway managers cannot
afford to travel in palace cars. J
“It was for the common interest, however, that rail-
ways were built, and the common interest demands
the extension of the sphere of the post-office to cover
‘this whole business, with passenger and freight
schedules, something as follows:
PASSENGER SCHEDULE. Fares per Trip.
Palace or first-class cars
Baggage, per piece,
Tegulation size and
weight or less, per
railway trip..
Baggage, domicile to
omicile, by post....
$ .05
$ .2oto .30
$ 05
$ .10 to .20
The objection most frequently raised to na-
tional ownership is that to put 700,000 people
into government service would
give infinite opportunity for polit-
ical corruption, through the ap-
pointing power and through the
political power that an unprinci-
pled administration might gain by compelling
its employees to vote in one way. But the ap-
pointing power could be abolished, the be-
lievers in nationalizing the roads say, through
a rigid civil service, which is to-day being
adopted in all government departments ; while
the political danger might be avoided by re-
fusing to allow public employees to vote. If
there should be evil, it must be remembered
that there is evil to-day when private corpora-
tions frequently practically compel their em-
ployees to vote in one way. Says Mr. C. Wood
Davis in Zhe Arena for July, 1891:
‘“The second objection is that there would be con-
stant political pressure to make places for the strikers
of the party in power....
“That this objection has much less force than is
claimed is clear from the conduct of the postal depart-
ment, which is, unquestionably, a political adjunct of
the administration; yet but few useless men are em-
ployed, while its conduct of the mail service is a model
of efficiency, atter which the corporate-mandged rail-
ways might well pattern. Moreover, if the Trailways
are put under non-partizan control, this objection will
lose nearly, if not quite, all its force.”
Objections,
Professor Parsons sums up the matter in a
word when, to the objection that public owner-
ship would put the roads in politics, he says:
‘‘ They are in politics now, in the worst possi-
ble way.’’ One advantage of public owner-
ship would be publicity of management and
of accounts. To-day no one knows about rail-
road management.
The second objection to nationalized railroads
is that they might be too costly. Says Mr,
Davis on this point :
“Possibly this would be true, but they would be
much better built and cost far less for maintenance
and ‘ betterments,’ and would represent no more than
actual cost; and such lines as the Kansas Midland,
costing but $10,200 per mile, would not, as now, be
capitalized at $53,024 per mile; nor would the presi-
dent of the Union Pacific (as does Sidney Ditlon in
Railways.
the North American Review for April) say that ‘A
citizen, simply as a citizen, commits an impertinence
when he questions the right of a corporation to cap-
italize its properties at any sum whatever,’ as then
there would be no Sidney Dillons who would be presi-
dents of corporations, pretending to own railways
built wholly from government moneys and lands, and
who have never invested a dollar in the construction
of a property which they have now capitalized at the
modest sum of $106,000 per mile.
“The seventh objection to State-owned railways is
that they are incapable of as progressive improve-
ments as are corporate-owned ones, and will not kee
pee with the progress of the nation in other respect&.
here may be force in this objection, but the evidence
points to an opposite conclusion. When the nation
owns the railways, trains will run into union depots, the
equipment will become uniform and of the best char-
acter, and so sufficient that the traffic of no part of the
country would have to wait while the worthless loco-
motives of some bankrupt corporation were being
patched up; rior would there be the present difficulties
in obtaining freight cars, growing out of the poverty
of corporations which have been plundered by
the manipulators, and improvements would not be
hindered by the diverse ideas of the managers of vari-
ous lines in relation to the adoption of devices in-
tended to render life more secure or to add to the
public convenience. Instead of national ownership
being a hindrance to improvement and enterprise, the
results in Australia prove the contrary, asin Victoria
the government railways are already provided with
interlocking plants at all grade crossings, and one
line does not have to wait the motion of another, but
all are governed by an active and enlightened policy
which adopts all beneficial improvements, appliances,
or modes of administration that will add either to the
public safety, comfort, or convenience.”
The third objection is that it would cost the
people too much to buy the roads. To this
those who favor the nationalization of roads
answer that it need not cost the people a dol-
lar. Says Professor Ely (in the article quoted
above):
“Existing lines should be purchased, and a good,
fair price, to be settled by arbitration, ought to be
paid. There is no reason why an attempt should be
made to get this property for less than its present
value ; on the contrary, there is every reason why a
just price should be paid. The Government should
build paraltel lines only in case an honest price is re-
fused. Thus the railways could be brought to terms.
A sinking fund to repay the bonds issued must be a
part of any scheme of government purchase, and
charges for freight and passenger traffic should be
high enovgh to pay all expenses and make payments
to the sinking fund, and should be reduced from time
totime to prevent a surplus. It is interesting to no-
tice that in Prussia the financial success of govern-
ment ownership has surpassed anticipations.””
Professor Ely believes in paying a good
price for the roads; firstly, in justice to the
stockholders, who have honestly bought rail-
road stock ; secondly, from reasons of expedi-
ency, in that a contrary policy would throw
the interests of present railroad corporations,
as well as the stockholders, so strongly against
railroad nationalization that it is doubtful if
the measure could be carried save by revolu-
tion. Most nationalizers agree with this view.
Even so, however, the purchase would cost
the country nothing, as the railroads would
earn enough to more than pay interest on the
purchase. i
Some, however, favor more radical methods
of purchase. They at least believe that the
Government should be very careful what it
pays for the railroads, since so much of their
present valuation is watered. . ,
According to Mr. Henry V. Poor, in Poor's
Manual of Raittroads for 1884, the average
cost per mile of the railroads in the United
1175
Railway Accidents.
States did not exceed $30,000. Accepting
that estimate, the 178,708 miles in the United
States, according to the report of the Inter-
state Commerce Commission of December,
1895, represented $5,361,240,000, instead of
$10,796,473,813. Thatis, the capitalization was
more than one-half water.
If the Government bought the roads at their
cost value by issuing bonds, and paid interest
at 3 per cent. on the bonds, the annual charge
would be $160,000,000.. In the depressed year
ending June 30, 1894, the gross earnings of the
TOAGS WETE.... 2c. cece eee cette $1,073,361,797
and the gross expenses.......... 731,414,322
leaving ......... Dieta avecvewidiete (stabs $341,947,475
Subtracting the interest from this, the nation
could pay the interest on the bonds and clear
$180,000,000 a year, which, applied to a sink-
ing fund, would pay off the principal in 30
years and enable the nation, without a dol-
lar’s expense, to have a net income of $340,-
000,000 annually. This is based on the de-
pressed profits of 1894, and makes no allowance
for economy through nationalization, which is
estimated above at hundreds of millions of
dollars, and makes no allowance for putting
the sinking fund at interest.
References: C. F. Adams, Jr’s., Ratlroads, their
Origins and Problems (1878); also his Chapters on Erte
(1872); E, Atkinson's The Railway, the Farmer, and
the Public (1885); Albert Fink's l’arzous Reports, Ar-
guments, and Testimonies, before Congressional and
other committees; A. T. Hadley’s Razlroad Trans-
portation (1885); J. F. Hudson’s Zhe Ratlways and
the Republic Lene} Poor’s Manuals ; Ex-President
Stickney’s Razlway Problems; reports of the Inter-
state Commerce Commission, etc., etc.; Compendium
of Transportation Theories (1893); George Findlay’s
orking and Management ofan English Ratlway (1891);
J.L.Cowles'A General Fretght and. a Pree
RAILWAY ACCIDENTS.—In the year
closing January 30, 1894, there were killed in
the United States by railway accidents, 324
passengers and 1823 railway employees; 3034
passengers were injured and 23,422 employees.
One out of every 156 employees was killed and
one out of every 12 injured. One passenger
was killed out of every 1,668,791 carried, or
one for each 44,103,228 miles traveled, and one
passenger injured for every 178,210 passen-
gers, or one for each 4,709,771 miles. In Great
Britain in 1894, 479 employees were killed and
2711 injured, or one for every 796 and every
140 employees.
safe to be a railroad employee in Great
Britain, as far as life was concerned, and
eleven times as safe as far as life and limb
were concerned. And this was a favorable
year for the United States, due, says the re-
port of the Interstate Commerce Commission,
from which the facts for the United States are
taken, partly, it is hoped, to the increased
use of safety appliances, but partly to the
decreased number of men employed. Ha-
zell’s Annual for 1896, from which our facts
for Great Britain are taken, says: ‘‘ Relative
to the total train movement, the railways
of the United Kingdom have in six years
killed about four and one-half times fewer
passengers than those of the United States,
but our lines cost something like five times as
much to construct.” This is not, however, to
That is, it was five times as°
.
Railway Accidents.
say that railroad fares or running expenses in
England are so much more than in the United
States. (See Raitways.)
In Belgium, under State management, only
93 passengers and employees have been killed
by collisions or derailments, from 1835-91,
2032 have been killed in stations, and 1062 have
lost their lives by being run over; 3187 in 56
years—less than in the United States in two
years. As the United States has about five
times as many miles of road for her population
as Belgium has for hers, 3187 accidents in Bel-
gium would be equivalent to about 16,000 in
the United States, so that Belgium has killed
in 56 years, proportionately, what the United
States has in eight years ; both employees and
passengers taken together. For employees
alone, the figures are far worse.
In France, according to the Annuaire de
’ Economique Politique, there were killed on
French railways, in 1893, 514 persons to the
United States 34,556 in that year.
The United States has about four times as
many miles of road for her population as
France has for hers, so that 514 accidents
in France correspond to 2056 in the United
States.
Germany in 1889-90, according to the report
on Germany of the (English) Royal Commis-
sion on Labor, killed 1 employee to every 500
on her railways to the United States 1 for
every 156 in the favorable year of 1894.
The cause for these enormous differences is
that the railroads of Europe are far better built
than those of the United States, far better
manned, and far more carefully managed.
The only advantage on the part of the
United States is that her roads cost less to
build and have cheaper freight rates.
As far as passengers are concerned, the
safety in England as compared with America
is mainly due to the absence in England of
grade crossings and the general adoption of
the block system, which is now being intro-
duced in the United States. As far as em-
ployees are concerned, the slaughter of men in
the United States is mainly of brakemen, who
couple freight cars with inadequate and anti-
quated couplings. In 1894 only 27 per cent. of
the freight cars of the United States had auto-
matic couplers, and only 22 per cent. train
_ brakes.
RAILWAY EMPLOYEES’ ORGANIZA-
TIONS.—Under this head we consider the
organizations of railway employees of all kinds,
from the conservative Brotherhood of Locomo-
tive Engineers to the American Railway Union.
The first railway men to organize were the
engineers. After early ineffectual efforts at
organization, May 8, 1863, 12 engineers at
Detroit formed a Brotherhood of
the Footboard, which has since
Brotherhood grown into the Brotherhood of Lo-
of — comotive Engineers. By August
Locomotive a Grand National Division was
Engineers, organized, with W. D. Robinson,
sometimes called the Father of
the Brotherhood, as Grand Chief
Engineer. The first strike of the Brother-
hood took place in 1864, on the Fort Wayne
1176
Railway Employees.
and Chicago road, and was defeated. In 1864
the name Grand International Brotherhood of
Locomotive Engineers was adopted. In 1866
The Locomotive Engineers’ Journal was es-
tablished, and in the ensuing years various or-
phans’ and disabled members’ funds. In 1872
the Brotherhood voted to expel all members en-
gaging inastrike without the direction of their
divisions. In 1874 Mr. P. M. Arthur (g. v.) was
chosen chief of the Brotherhood, and has held
the office down tothe present time. His policy
has been to manage the Brotherhood on purely
‘business ” principles, strictly in the interests.
of its members alone, and not to unite with
any other labor organization unless it could be:
shown directly for the interests of the Brother-.
hood. This policy has often gained for him
the hostility of other organizations and the
praise of business men for his conservatism.
Nevertheless the Brotherhood has had a num-
ber of strikes. The Brotherhood, as its records.
abundantly show, first exhausts all pacific
means, and then stops the trains at such hours
as to cause as-little inconvenience as practicable
to the traveling and business public. The
Brotherhood has been generally successful in
securing a compliance with its requests with-
out much delay. Sometimes the struggle has.
been protracted, the officials refusing at first
to even recognize the Brotherhood. But event-
ually they have been compelled todoso. Ina
few instances strikes have been unsuccessful,
owing usually to the assistance rendered by
other companies. 1n commenting on the result
of one strike, which cost the company at least.
half a million dollars, Chief Arthur said:
“Tt is not the money that has been paid the engineers.
that has bankrupted so many railroads. It isthe pecu-
lation, fraud, and mismanagement of those high in
authority. If all the legitimate earnings of the rail-
road companies found their way into their treasury,
they could afford to pay their employees liberal wages.
and declare a fair dividend to their stockholders.”
According to the third biennial report of the:
Minnesota Bureau of Labor Statistics (p. 335),
the Brotherhood has paid out through its.
mutual life assurance associations, from the
organization of this fund in 1867 to March 31,
1892, $3,778,169. In 1892 the receipts of the
Brotherhood, with about 33,000 members, were:
$118,663, and its disbursements $82,270, the
grand dues of the Brotherhood being $2 per
ear.
p In 1868 the Order of Railway Conductors of
America was organized at Mendota, Ill. It.
has a mutual insurance depart-
ment which in 1890 received
$724,317 for 4680 members, and Other
paid out $680,078. The total Railway
membership of the order in 1890 Organiza-
was 15,769. tions,
The Brotherhood of Locomotive
Firemen was organized in an old
car-shed at Port Jervis, N. Y., December 1,
1873. By 1877 there were 78 lodges, but its.
growth was checked by the railroad strikes of
that year. (See Srrikes.) It has since, how-
ever, grown. It has now 472 lodges, and a
strong insurance system, with 26,000 members,
in 1892. Its official head is F. P. Sergeant of
Terre Haute, Ind.
Railway Employees.
The first lodge of Railroad Trainmen was
organized September 23, 1883, at Oneida,
N.Y. By 1885 it had nearly 7000 members,
and 20,409 members in 1890.
The Switchmen’s Railroad Aid Association
of North America was organized in Chicago in
1886, and had 6453 members in 1891.
All of these organizations have well-man-
aged insurance departments.
The American Railway Union is a new or-
ganization, and much more radical than the
others. It was organized in Chicago, June 20,
1893, under the lead of Eugene V. Debs (g. v.).
The report of the Commission on the Pullman
strike (see PuLLMAN) says of this union :
‘The theory underlying this movement is that the
organization of different classes of railroad employees
(to the number of about 140,000) upon
the trade-union idea has ceased to be
useful or adequate ; that pride of organ-
The ization, petty jealousies, and the con-
American flict of views into which men are trained
Railwa in separate organizations under differ-
Union y ent leaders, tend to defeat the common
object of all, and enable railroads to
use such organizations against each
other in contentions over wages, etc.;
that the rapid concentration of railroad capital and
management demands a like union of their em-
ployees for the purpose of mutual protection; that
the interests of each of the 850,000 and over railroad
employees of the United States, as to wages, treat-
ment, hours of labor, legislation. insurance, mutual
aid, etc., are common to all, and hence all ought to be-
long to one organization that shall assert its united
strength in the protection of the rights of every
member....
“In the American Railway Union there are depart-
ments of literature and education, legislation, coopera-
tion, mediation, insurance, etc. The organization
consists of a general union and of local unions. The
general union is formed by representatives of local
unions, who elect a board of nine directors quadren-
nially. This board has authority to ‘issue such or-
ders and adopt such measures as may be required to
carry out the objects of the order.’ Any ten white
persons employed in railway service, except super-
intendents, etc., can organize a local union. Each
local union has its board of mediation, and the chair-
men of the various local boards upon a system of
railroads constitute a general board of mediation for
that system. S
“The constitution provides that:
“ All complaints and adjustments must first betakeu
up by the local union; if accepted by a majority vote,
it shall be referred to the local board of mediation for
adjustment, and. if failing, the case shall be submit-
ted to the chairman of the general board of mediation ;
failing in which, they shall notify the president of
the general union, who shall authorize the most avail-
able member of the board of directors to visit and
meet with the general chairman of the board of medi-
ation and issue such instructions as will be promul-
gated by the directors.
“Under these provisions it is claimed that no strike
can be declared except by order of a majority of the
men involved.”
The union is said to number about 150,000.
(For an account of the relation of the A. R. U.
to the Pullman strike, see Puttman Strike.)
Such are the main organizations of railway
employees in the United States. There are
others, and there are continual efforts to get
these organizations to unite, but as yet no per-
manent union has been effected. At times of
strikes they often, however, acttogether. (See
STRIKES.)
The great English railway employees’ or-
anizations are the Amalgamated Society of
ailway Servants, and the Railway Workers’
Union.
The former, established in 1872, is a trade
I177
Reclus, Jacques Elisée.
friendly society of the old type, with high dues
and extensive benefits. It had 30,000 mem-
bers in 1891. The latter, established in 1889 as
a rival to the Amalgamated, represents the
new trade-unionism. It voted, November,
1890, ‘‘ That the union shall remain a fighting
one, and shall not be encumbered with any
sick or accident fund.”
Besides these is the Associated Society of
Locomotive Engineers and Firemen, estab-
lished in 1880, and with 7ooo members. (See
also FRANCE; GERMANY.)
RAILWAY STRIKES. See StrikEs.
RAU, KARL HEINRICH, was born in
Erlangen in 1792. In 1818 he became professor
at Erlangen, and in 1832 at Heidelberg.
From 1837 to 1840 he was in the first chamber
of the Grand Duchy of Baden, and later a
counsellor of the Duchy. He died in 1870.
His Lehrbuch der Politischen Oekonomie
(1864) was until 1874 recognized in Germany
as an authority, and almost an encyclopedia
in economic studies.
RECEIVERS are persons appointed by
the courts to receive rents, issues, or profits
of land, or other property which is in question
between the parties to a litigation, or which
belongs to one who is legally incompetent, as
aninfant. They are appointed in justice asa
benefit for all concerned. Railroad receivers
are given power which receivers of all cor-
porations are not, since railroad corporations.
are of quasi-public character. They are al-
lowed to borrow money to conduct the railroad.
But this trust is not unfrequently abused.
Says the Report of the Interstate Commerce
Commission for 1894 (1895), (pp. 84-85): ‘‘ The
conduct of many receivers in the management
of railroad property justifies such reliance in
a very slight degree.”
RECIPROCITY in trade is an agreement.
made between two countries, whereby they
agree to make reciprocal or equivalent reduc-
tions in the duties on certain articles. This
policy has been considerably advocated in the
United States, and prominently by James G.
Blaine. By the third section of the act of
Congress of 1890, called the McKinley act, it
was provided that, ‘‘with a view to secure
reciprocal trade,” sugars not above 16 Dutch
standard, molasses, coffee, and hides should
be admitted into the United States free of
duty, unless the President should become
satisfied that reciprocal favors will not be
granted to the products of the United States.”
Arrangements of this character were con-
cluded with Brazil, Honduras, Salvador,
Guatamala, Nicaragua, Austria-Hungary, Ger-
many, Spain (for Cuba and Porto Rico), and
Great Britain (as to British Guiana and cer-
tain of the British West Indies), These ar-
rangements were superseded by the tariff act
of August, 1894. :
RECLUS, JACQUES ELISEE, was born
at Sainte Foy la Grande in 1830, and studied
in Rhenish Prussia, and at Berlin. Coming to
Reclus, Jacques Elisée.
Paris, his exteme republican views caused
him to leave the country after the coup a’état
of December 2, 1851. ‘Till 1857 he traveled
in England, Ireland, the: United States, and
New Granada, and in 1857 returned to
Paris, and published his geographical re-
searches. He wrote various scientific works,
contributing, however, as well to anarchist
and radical journals, Taking part with the
Paris Communards in 1871, he was arrested,
and tho defended by eminent scientists, was
sentenced to transportation for life, a sentence
afterward changed to one of banishment,
‘Going to Switzerland, he was admitted to the
benefits of amnesty in 1879. In 1882 he ini-
tiated the anti-marriage movement, his two
daughters marrying without religious or civil
ceremony. In 1892 he was appointed profés-
sor of comparative geography at the University
of Brussels. The first volume of his Geographze
Universelle was published in 1875, the seven-
teenthin1891. His main anarchist writings are
Anarchy by an Anarchist (1884), and Evolu-
tion and Revolution (1891). In 1878 he wrote
toacongress of anarchists at Freiberg: ‘‘We
are revolutionaries because we desire jus-
tice. Progress has never resulted from
mere peaceful evolution. We are anar-
chists who recognize no oneas our master. .. .
There is no such thing as morality without
liberty. . Weare also International Col-
lectivists, for we are aware that the very ex-
istence of human beings necessarily implies a
certain social grouping.”
RED CROSS SOCIETY, THE, was or-
ganized in Europe, at Geneva, in Switzer-
Jand, in 1866; in the United States in 1884.
Its organization in Switzerland was due to the
efforts of Mr. Henri Dunant. The name
ee from its flag, a red cross on a white
eld.
“It is a confederation of relief societies in
different countries, the aim of which is to
ameliorate the condition of sick and wounded
soldiers in time of war; and its operations
extend over nearly the entire civilized world.”
This is from the original constitution of the
society in Europe. In this country, compara-
tively exempt from the danger of war, its
scope is enlarged. The constitution contains
an article in that of no other of the 39 nations
organized under this treaty. It is ‘‘ that our
society shall have for one of its objects aid to
the suffering in times of great national calam-
ities, such as floods and cyclones—visitations
to which we are peculiarly liable—great fires,
pestilence, earthquake, local famines.” Its
work has been almost exclusively in line of
these calamities.
During our Civil War the first organized
work in this line commenced, and, with Miss
Clara Barton at its head, did noble service in
alleviating the suffering of the sick and
wounded. It was not, however, until after
the close of our war, when Miss Barton, broken
in health, was ordered to Europe to recuper-
ate, that the question of our joining in the
Red Cross movement with foreign nations
was seriously considered. A committee of the
“International Society of Switzerland,” the
1178
Referendum and Initiative.
’
original society, waited upon Miss Barton to
ask why our country held aloof from the Red
Cross movement. She had not before heard
of it, became very much interested, and, as
soon as possible after her return to the United
States, presented the matter to the Govern-
ment, and it was favorably acted upon.
Twelve great national calamities have
claimed the services of the Red Cross in the
United States. After the great forest fires of
Michigan came the floods in Ohio and Missis-
sippi in 1882; the Mississippi cyclone; the
floods of 1884; the Virginia epidemic; the
Texas drought ; the Charlestown earthquake ;
the Mount Vernon (Illinois) cyclone; and the
great Johnstown disaster. The society also
ministered to the peasants of Russia during
the great famine there, and, at this writing,
Miss Barton is in Turkey, aiding the Arme-
‘nians, tortured and plundered by the Turks.
As soon as acalamity becomes known, the
president of the society and her associate
helpers start for the scene of the disaster,
taking with them supplies of every sort—food,
clothing, materials, and tools for building, .
household utensils, etc.
REFERENDUM AND INITIATIVE,
THE.—For the general principles involved in
the Referendum and the Initiative, and for the
reasons for their advocacy, see Direcr Lucis-
LATION.
The Referendum may be defined in general
as the referring of legislation to the people for
final rejection or acceptance ; the Initiative, as
the giving to the people the right of proposing
legislation to be acted upon.
According to the Referendum, as it is now
generally advocated, no law, save a strictly
defined class of urgent measures for the public
peace, health, and safety, which require a two-
thirds or three-quarters majority to pass,
would go into effect without wait-
ing a fixed time, say go days. If,
during this time, a part of the vot-
ers, Say Io per cent., sign a petition
for the Referendum on that law,
it would not go into effect till the next regular
election, when the people would vote on it,
and if a majority voted no, it would not be a
law.
By the Initiative, if a certain percentage of
the voters, say 10 per cent., sign a petition for
a law and file it with the proper official, it must
come before the legislature, and perhaps be
referred to the people. Sometimes the law
requires that legislation be referred to the peo-
ple, whether they petition for it or not. This
is called the compulsory Referendum. Where
the Referendum is taken only when a certain
number petition for it, it is called the optional
Referendum. Together the Referendum and
the Initiative furnish direct legislation.
Says Mr. J. W. Sullivan (Derect Legisla-
tion, p. 17):
“There is a radical difference between a democracy
and a representative government. In a democracy,
the citizens themselves make the law and superintend
its administration ; ina representative government, the
citizens empower legislators and executive officers to
make the law and to carryit out. Underademocracy,
sovereignty remains uninterrupedly with the citizens,
Definitions,
Referendum and Initiative.
or rather a changing majority of the citizens; under a
Tepresentative government, sovereignty is surren-
dered by the citizens, for stated terms, to officials. In
other words, democracy is direct rule by the majority,
while representative government is rule by a succes-
sion of quasi-oligarchies, indirectly and remotely re-
sponsible to the majority.”
Says Mr. W. D. McCrackan (The Swiss Ref-
erendum) :
‘Phis Swiss Referendum must not be confounded
with the French plebiscite, and deserves none of the
odium which attaches to that destructive institution.
The latter isatemporary expedient, illegal and abnor-
mal, used only at moments of great national excite-
ment when the popular vote has been carefully
prepared and ascertained by unscrupulous adven-
turers. The plebiscite has invariably proved itself to
be a device invented by tyrants to entrap the people
into giving assent to their usurpations, whereas the
Referendum acts poet regular channels, estab-
lished by law, sanctioned by the people and therefore
constitutional.”
_ The home of the Referendum and the Initia-
tive is the Swiss Republic, where from times
almost immemorial the people of at least some
of her cantons, and notoriously of Uri and Ap-
penzell and the two Unterwalds, have met, in
assemblies, or landsgemeinden, in the open,
and decided laws by a direct popular vote. As
however the cantons (see SwITZERLAND) grew
in population, and the confederation took in
towns and cities, this was not al-
ways possible, tho the custom still
obtains in Uri, Appenzell, Glarus,
and the two Unterwalds. Yet
even in the cities at various times
all the citizens were asked to vote
on certain measures, as in Berne and Ziirich at
the time of the Reformation, to see how many
were Protestants. Berne, from 1469 to 1524 is
said to have taken 60 Referendums. The Ref-
erendum appears too in a rudimentary form as
early as the sixteenth century in the cantons
of Graubiinden or Grisons and Valais, before
History in
Switzerland,
those districts had become full-fledged mem-*
bers of the Swiss confederation, and while
they were still known as Zugewandte Orte, or
Associated States. Delegates from their sev-
eral communes met periodically, but were al-
ways obliged to refer their decisions to the
communes themselves for final approval. In
the same manner the delegates from the
various cantons to the old Federal Diet, or as-
sembly of the Swiss confederation, referred
their votes to these States. In 1802 the con-
stitution of the Helvetic Republic was referred
toa popular vote. Most of the Swiss cantonal
constitutional changes have been made by the
Referendum, and their constitutions now usu-
ally require that all such changes be thus made.
St. Gall gave the people the right to prevent
a law coming into force in 1831; rural Basle
in 1832 ; Valais, 1839 ; Lucerne, 1841. Valaisin
1842 passed a measure referring all laws to the
people, but the people voted against the law.
‘Vaud in 1845, and Berne in 1846, adopted the
optional Referendum. In 1868, after an agita-
tion largely led by the socialist, Karl Burkli
(g. v.), the compulsory Referendum was
adopted and the Initiative, if one-third of the
members of the Great Council, or 3000 citizens,
demanded it. Thurgau, Berne, Schaffausen,
soon followed, till the Referendum exists to-
day in all the Swiss cantons except Fribourg.
1179
Referendum and Initiative.
Ten have the compulsory, eight the optional
Referendum, six the Landsgemeinde.
The Federal Referendum was established in
1874. Itis optional, The demand for it must
be made by 30,000 citizens or by eight cantons.
The petition for a vote under it
must be made within go days after
the publication of the proposed _ Federal
law. Itis operative with respect Referendum,
either to astatute, as passed by the
Federal Assembly, or a decree of
the executive power. Of 149 Federallaws and
decrees subject to the Referendum, passed up
to the close of 1891 under the constitution of
1874, 27 were challenged by the necessary 30,-
ooo petitioners, 15 being rejected and 12 ac-
cepted. The Federal Initiative was established
by a vote taken on Sunday, July 5, 1891. It
requires 50,000 petitioners, whose proposal
must be discussed by the Federal Assembly
and then sent, within a prescribed period, tothe
whole citizenship for a vote. The Initiative is
not a petition to the legislative body; it is a
demand made on the entire citizenship. :
The Federal constitution may be revised at
any time. Fifty thousand voters petitioning
for it, or the Federal Assembly (Congress) de-
manding it, the question is submitted to the
country. If the vote is in the affirmative, the
council of States (the Senate) and the National
council (the House) are both dissolved. An
election of these bodies takes place at once;
the Assembly, fresh from the people, then
makes the requirecl revision and submits the
revised constitution tothecountry. To stand,
it must be supported by a majority of the
voters and a majority of the 22 cantons.
From its establishment in 1874, to January,
1895, the Federal Assembly passed 180 bills of
a general character. For these the Referen-
dum was demanded for 18; the people ac-
cepted 6, and rejected 12.
The Federal Initiative was adopted by a
vote taken July 5, 1891.
The following is the Swiss Federal Referen-
dum and Initiative Law (from United States
Consular Report, vol. xlvi. No. 170):
L. The Referendum.
“ ARTICLE 1. Federal laws, as well as federal enact-
ments which are binding, if not of an urgent nature,
shall be submitted to the vote of the people on the de-
mand of at least 30,000 Swiss citizens, or of the govern-
ments of at least eight cantons.
‘ART, 2. The Federal Assembly will decide whether
a federal act is binding or urgent, and the decision has
in every case to be expressly incorporated in said act.
In such case, the Federal Council will provide for the
execution of the law, and have it entered onthe statute
book.
“ ART. 3. All federal laws, as well as acts, which do
not conflict with Article 2, are to be published immedi-
ately after their enactment, and a sufficient number of
copies must be sent to the cantonal governments.
‘ART. 4. If the referendum is demanded by the peo-
ple, or by the cantons, the same must be filed within go
days, counting from the day of the publication of the
law or the enactment, in the official organ of the con-
federation.
“ ART. 5. The demand for an election is to bein writ-
ing and addressed to the Federal Council; citizens who
wish to sign the demand must do so in person ; any one
signing another’s name shall be subjected to punish-
ment for forgery; the authorities of the respective
communities must certify as to the voting right of
electors whose signatures are appended to the referen-
dum demand; no fee shall be collected for such
certificates.
Referendum and Initiative.
“ART. 6. If a number of cantons make the demand
(referendum), it has to be made through the canton
councils, provided that the cantonal constitution does
not prescribe other rules.
“ART. 7. If, after the expiration of the go days
dating from the first publication of a federal law or
enactment in the official federal organ,
no demand for an election has been
made by the people, or if such demand
has been made within the period named,
but the official count shows that the
Tequisite 30,000 signatures, or eight can-
tonal governments, have not been ob-
tained, the Federal Council will declare the respective
law or enactment in force, and will order the same in-
corporated in the statutes.
“The signatures asking fora referendum will be pub-
lished in the federal organs, showing the number of
signatures from each canton or community ; further,
the demands made by the cantonal governments in
accordance with Article 6 will be published. More-
over, the Federal Council will report the result to the
Federal Assembly at its next meeting, and submit the
records relating thereto.
“ ART. 8. If, on the other hand, it is found upon ex-
amination of the application, that the request has been
signed by the requisite number of cantons, then the
Federal Council will order the question submitted to
the vote of the people. It will alsoinform the cantonal
governments thereof, and order the enactment refer-
ring thereto to be published without delay.
“ART. g. All the citizens of Switzerland will cast
their vote on the same day, which will be named by
the Federal Council.
“ ART. 10. Every male Swiss citizen, who has attained
his 2oth year, is entitled to vote, provided he is not de-
barred therefrom by the law of the canton of which he
is a resident.
‘‘ART. 11. Each canton has to provide for the election
within its territory, in accordance with the federal pre-
scriptions relative thereto.
“ART. 12. Arecord of the vote shall be kept in each
community or each district. Such record must contain
the exact number of persons entitled to vote, and the
number of yeas and nays that have been cast for or
against the law in question.
“ ART. 13. The cantonal governments must send these
tally lists, within rodays, to the Federal Council, hold-
ing the ballots at_the disposal of said Council. By
these records the Federal Council will determine the
result of the election.
“ART. 14. The federal law or the federal enactment
is to be regarded as in force if a majority of the votes
cast have been found in favor of the same. In such
cases, the Federal Council will order the same enacted
and incorporated in the federal statutes.
“ ART. 15. If, on the contrary, a majority is found to
be against the law, the same will be declared rejected,
and, therefore, void.
“ART. 16. In both cases the Federal Council will pub-
lish the result of the election, and inform the Federal
Assembly thereof at its next meeting. |
“ ART. 17. The Federal Council is charged with the
execution of the present law.”
IT, The Initiative.
“ ARTICLE 1. A revision of the federal constitution,
as a whole or in part, can at any time be demanded by
way of the initiative. (See Articles 118, 120, and 121 of
the constitution.)
‘“ ART. 2. If any one desires to use this franchise, an
application signed by at least 50,000 voters, who must
be Swiss citizens, is to be addressed in writing to the
Federal Council, who will submit the same to the Fed-
eral Assembly. This application must contain the
subject of the initiative.
“ART. 3. Any citizen wishing to make such applica-
tion must sign it personally. Any one signing an-
other’s name will be indicted for forgery and punished
accordingly.
“ART, 4. Each list containing the signatures must
name the canton andthe community of which the ap-
plicants are residents. To be valid it must also
specify: (1) The text of the initiative; (2) the text of
Article 3 of this law ; (3) a certificate of the city authori-
ties, properly dated, showing the applicants to be
entitled to vote on federal laws, and that they are quali-
fied electors in their communities. No fee shall be
collected for this certificate.
“ ART. & Having received the revision demand, the
Federal Council will canvass the signatures and deter-
mine the number entitled tovote. Debarred from vot-
ing will be: (1) Those whose signatures have not been
The Swiss
Law.
1180
4
Referendum and Initiative.
certified to, within the period of six months, dating
retrogressively from the day on which the revision de-
mand is received by the Federal Council ; (2) the sig-
natures contained in an unvalid list (see Article
4); (3) those signatures, the registration of which is
missing, incomplete, or incorrect. Any signatures
showing to be in the same handwriting are classed as
invalid, and will not be counted. The Federal Council
will issue reports in its official organ showing the re-
sult of the investigation, and will submit the same to
the Federal Assembly at its first meeting, together
with all other acts relating thereto.
““ ART. 6. If a demand for a revision, or an initiative
eee a total revision of the constitution is found
valid, the question whether this revision shall take
effect must be determined by the vote of the whole
Swiss people. Ifthe majority is in favor of revision,
both the State Council and the National Council must
be reelected, and the new incoming councils must pro-
ceed to revise the constitution zz foo.
“ART. 7. If the initiative demands the repeal, abolition
or change of certain articles of the constitution, and i
the same is framed in the form of a general bill, both
councils will have to decide within one year whether
they agree with the demandornot. Ifthey agree, they
will provide for the necessary legislation in accordance
with Article 121 of the constitution, If they reject the
demand, or cannot come to a decision within the stated
period, the Federal Council will then call a general
election. If the majority of Swiss citizens vote in favor
of the demand, the Federal Assembly shall, without
delay, take the matter in hand and make the required
revision, after which the revised articles will be again
submitted to the vote of the whole Swiss voters.
“ART. 8. If, on the other hand, the demand is in the
form of an elaborate project, the two councils shall de-
cide, within a Deriea not exceeding one year, whether
they agree with this project or not.
“ART. g. If the two councils cannot come to a unani-
mous conclusion regarding said project, it will be sub-
jected to the vote of the Peale, and the vote of the
cantons, as also is the case if the Federal Assembly
concludes to agree to the project.
“ART. 10. If the Federal Assembly decides not to
agree to the demand, the people will vote on the ques-
tion. The Federal Assembly has a right, however, to
recommend to the people the rejection of the project,
or propose a new one Dre ared by the Assembly.
‘““ART. 11. In case the Federal Assembly proposes a
special elaborate project, in opposition to the demand
for revision, the people will have to vote on the two
questions, as follows ; (1) Do you accept the project for
revision demanded by the Initiative? or (2) Do you ac-
cept the project of the Federal Assembly ?
ART. 12. The blank and invalid ballots are not
counted in determining the result of the vote. Ballots
which answer one question with “yes,” and the other
with ‘‘no,” or both questions with ‘‘no,” are valid.
Belless which answer both questions with ‘tyes’ are
void.
“ ART. 13. The project which is accepted by the ma-
jority of the voters and the majority of the cantons will
become a law.
“ART. 14. The records of the vote must contain the
number of residents in the community entitled to vote,
the number of ballots, the number of invalid votes, and,
finally, the number of yeas and nays for each of the
questions.
“ART. 15. If, on the same article of the constitution,
several demands for revision have been made, they
must be voted on separately in accordance with the date
of their filing. p
“ART. 16. As for the rest, the prescriptions of the
federal law of June 17, 1874, relative to federal election
laws and regulations, must be followed.
“ART. 17. The federal law of December 5, 1867, rela-
tive to the constitutional revision demand, is hereby
repealed, as well as the Federal Council's prescriptions
dated May 2, 1879.
“ART. 18. The Federal Council shall publish this law
and the date of its enactment in accordance with the
prescriptions of the federal law ef June 17, 1874, relative
2 rey election laws and decisions of the Federal
ouncil.
Few people who have not made special -
study of this question, realize how firmly the
principles of direct legislation are rooted in
the United States.
The New England town meeting in itself is
at once the simplest and best known example
Referendum and Initiative.
of the principle underlying the Initiative
and Referendum. Constitutional amendments
are referred to the people in every State of
the Union, except Delaware. Local Option is
a form of the Referendum.
In 15 States no law changing the location of
the Capital is valid until submitted to a pop-
ular vote; in seven, no laws establishing
banking corporations; in 11, no laws for the
incurrence of debts, excepting such as are
specified in the Constitution, and no excess
of ‘* casual deficits” beyond a stipulated sum ;
in several, no rate of assessment exceeding a
figure proportionate to the aggregate valua-
tion of the taxable property. Without the
Referendum, Illinois cannot sell its State
canal; Minnesota cannot pay interest or prin-
cipal of the Minnesota railroad; North Caro-
lina cannot extend the State credit to aid any
person or corporation, excepting to help cer-
tain railroads unfinished in 1876. With the
Referendum, Colorado adopted woman suf-
frage and may create a debt for public build-
ings. Texas may fix a location for a college
for colored youth; Wyoming may decide on
the sites for its State university, insane asy-
lum, and penitentiary.
It is becoming more and more the custom to
seek popular ratification for popular measures,
as in the Massachusetts State elections of No-
vember, 1893, the so-called Aldermanic and
Rapid Transit Bills were voted upon at the
polls. For a number of years past, many of
the labor unions have used the Initiative and
Referendum in their organizations.
_ The working of the Referendum and Initia-
tive, many believe, has been on the whole to-
ward conservatism rather than radicalism.
In Switzerland the Federal Referendum has
rejected more legislation than it has accepted.
Says Professor Wuarin of the University of
Geneva (Aunats of the American Academy of
Political and Social Sctence, November, 1895):
“The right of initiative, it is alleged, has thus far
only resulted in federal matters—and, cantonally, it
must work in much the same way—in bringing about
strange results. In its first operation, two years ago,
it introduced a law against the Jewish mode of
slaughtering cattle; in the second one, on the 3d of
+ June, 1894, it endeavored to have the ‘ right toemploy-
ment’ acknowledged by the Constitution; this was
rejected. Before coming to the third and last opera-
tion, let us pause a moment. Here our answer, in
presence of such facts, is that the right of initiative,
especially at the outset, was expected to have some
awkward consequences. But where is the serious
harm it may be instrumental in doing? It can incor-
porate in the Constitution things of a queer appear-
ance, such as the butchery ordinance of 1893,* but
these apparently awkward measures happen to be in
accordance withthe popular wish. This
is democracy. It can also deal with
Conservative Proposals of an impractical, dangerous,
Tendenci socialistic character, as the right to
endencles. jabor, but inan enlightened community
such schemes are sure to meet with a
decisive opposition, and in such circum-
stances the resort to the plebiscite has the effect of
*A short explanation may here be required. In
spite of an undeniable dash of antisemitism to be re-
gretted, that regulation, now aconstitutional amend-
ment sanctioned by the citizens, must be regarded as
an important step in a new direction. The Swiss peo-
ple declared that public law should not neglect ques-
tions of humanity, even toward animals. If local or
cantonal authorities had in that respect given satis-
faction to the feeling of the people, the strange ordin-
ance would never have been thought of.
1181
Referendum and Initiative.
purging the political atmosphere of chimerical and
distracting elements. This clearing the ground has
been generally acknowledged to be most useful.
‘But let us come now to the third and last case
in which, upto the present time, the right of popular
initiative was resortedto. The question at issue orig-
inated among the Catholic and some Protestant Con-
servatives, and was soon known under the very
appropriate name of the ‘Spoils Campaign’ (Beu-
pitta The bill framed on this occasion by the initi-
ators aimed at obtaining money from the Federal
Treasury for the different cantons, which was to be
apportioned at the rate of two francs per head of
population. kj
“The chances of success for the new crusade were
great at the start. The Federal Government had
caused some dissatisfaction by exaggerated expenses
and by somewhat undemocratic conduct toward the
wishes of the people. A few days before the popular
vote, there appeared in one of our periodicals a dis-
cussion of the question by M. Numa Droz, late presi-
dent of the Swiss Confederation. He said that the
Referendum was good for the welfare of our common-
wealth as a means of controlling the work of the law-
makers, but he considered the introduction of the
right of initiati#e as the beginning of the era of dema-
gogy. Ifthe ‘Spoils Campaign’ should succeed, said
he, the basis of our public law would be altered and
shaken, and no other resource would remain to the
friends of democracy than to call together a conven-
tion in order to frame a new Swiss constitution, doing
away with such exaggerations of democracy. Never
since the agitation of 1848 had Switzerland experienced
such a vital crisis.
“But the ‘Spoils Campaign’ was defeated by more
than two to one in the vote of the 4th of November
last. The atmosphere suddenly cleared. The fears
expressed by M. Droz vanished. Every one felt that
the Swiss people was ready for direct democracy.
The 7emps of Paris echoed such views and said that
a Swiss democratic institutions were now proven
safe.
Indeed the working of the Initiative and
Referendum in Switzerland has been so ‘‘safe”’
that many socialists believe it reactionary.
Says a resolution printed in the (English)
Fabian News for April, 1896, to be presented
to the Socialist Congress of 1896 :
*' Resolved, That this Congress warnsassociations of
the working classes throughout the world to scrutin-
ize with great care all proposals for transferring
direct legislative and administrative power, including
the appointment of public officials, from representa-
tive bodies to the mass of the electors. The people
can only judge political measures by their effect when
they have come into operation: they cannot plan
measures themselves, or foresee what their effect will
be, or give precise instructions to their representa-
tives; nor can any honest representative tell, until he
has heard a measure thoroughly discussed by repre-
sentatives of all other sections of the working class,
what form the measure should take so as to keep the
interests of his constituents in due subordination to
those of the community. It isto be considered, fur-
ther, that intelligent reformers, especially workmen
who have grasped the principles of socialism, are
always in a minority: they may address themselves
with success to the sympathies of the masses and gain
their confidence ; but the dry detail of the legislative
and administrative steps by which they move toward
their goal can never be made interesting or intelligi-
ble to the ordinary voter. For these reasons the Ref-
erendum, in theory the most democratic of popular
institutions, is in practise the most reactionary, andis
actually being strenuously advocated in England by
noted leaders of anti-socialist opinion with the openly
declared intention of using it to stop all further prog-
ress toward social-democracy.”
Nevertheless, the reasons for favoring
direct representation within reasonable lim-
its are all but overwhelming. Its advocates
believe it to be the deathblow of corrupt leg-
islation, which is so frightfully prevalent in
modern democracies. (See Direcr LEcIs-
LATION. )
References: See DIRECT LEGISLATION,
Religion in the Public Schools.
REFORMATORIES. See PENoLOoGY;
CriMINoLocy ; ELMIRA REFORMATORY; JUVE-
NILE REFORMATORIES,
REFUNDING.
RELIGION IN THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS.
—One of the most difficult problems, and one
arousing to-day most bitter animosities in all
countries not under the complete domination
of one State Church, is that of religion in the
public schools, Radical minds usually hold
that the public schools should have nothing to
dowith religion. Most Christians, however, con-
tend that the State is lost unless it teach mo-
rality, and that morality cannot be taught
unless it teach religion ; while the majority of
Roman Catholics, some Anglicans, and a few
of other religious communions go still further
and say that morality cannot be taught except
by giving the definite religious teaching of
their respective churches. There are thus at
least three distinct views held, and an indefi-
nite variety of shades of opinion and of inten-
sity of conviction. To each party (radicals not
excepted) itis toa large extent a matter of faith
or of principle to carry out theirview. From
time to time various compromises are effected,
such as allowing representatives of different
faiths to teach in the public schools the children
of their communion, ordividing the publicfunds
between denominational schools. But these
compromises rarely satisfy any party, and
bitter feeling continually breaks out, as at
present in Manitoba, Canada, in the A. P. A.
(g. v.) movement in the United States, and
over the Education Bill, now before Parliament,
in Great Britain (1896). The lines on which
the question will ultimately be settled no one
cantell. Each party tothe controversy appears
to think that ultimately the world will be con-
verted to its view, and the problem be settled
in its favor. In the mean while the best
that can be hoped now is for each side to try
and understand the feelings of its opponents,
and submit to the action taken by the majority
in power.
The radical view is that the province of the
State is wholly secular ; that itstrue attitude is
of absolute neutrality toward all forms of re-
ligious belief and unbelief; and that to teach
religion in any form is to do violence to the
rights of certain classes of citizens.
The Jewish Exponent for August 16, 1889,
quotes Rabbi Calisch as saying :
“The public schools are an outgrowth of our broad
American republicanism, which, in the interest of
freedom, forbids any union or partner-
ship of Church and State. Hence, in
the name of the Jewish brotherhood all
over this country, and in the name of
persons of differing views on religious
matters everywhere, I wish to protest
against the manner in which our public
schools are conducted. It is a favorite claim of the
churches,”’ he continues, ‘‘that this isa Christian coun-
try, and this, so far as it is confined to the church
instruction or family instruction, is unobjectionable
and right. The idea of Christ, however, is not con-
fined to such teaching. It is, with all its religious
dependencies, made a part of our public-school in-
struction. It is to be denounced as in violation of the
fundamental theory of our government. I demand, in
the name of justice, that the principle of law, designed
to protect allin their religious freedom, be recognized.”
See CurRRENCY.
Radical
View.
1182
” Religion in the Public Schools.
The platform of the Liberal League of the
United States contains the following :
“We demand that all religious services now sus-
tained by the Government be abolished, and espe-
cially that the use of the Bible in the public schools,
whether as a text-book or avowedly asa book of relig-
ious worship, shall be prohibited.”
This is the view held by almost all socialists
and by radicals of almost every description.
They hold that religion is a personal matter,
to be taught in the family or the home. They
do not admit that this prevents ethical and
moral teaching in the schools.
The view of Roman Catholics, and other be-
lievers in parochial or denominational schools,
is that morals cannot be taught
without religion; that religion can-
not be taught in public schools, fants
since itis unjust to tax a Jew to View
support the teachings of Chris-
tianity, or wzce versa, and that
therefore the only way out is to have paro-
chial schools where morals and religion can
be taught. Such advocates usually claim that
money should be raised for education by the
school authorities and then that in some-way
it should be divided among the various denom-
inational or secular schools in proportion to
the pupils in each.
Said Archbishop Ireland, in his address to:
the National Educational Association (St. Paul,
July, 1890,:
“There is and there can be no positive religious.
eee where the principle of non-sectarianism
rules.
Says the Catholic Review of August 31,
1889:
“The parochial school is necessary because Cath-
olic children cannot be brought up Catholic and attend
the public school. This isa recognized fact. ... At
the present moment the Catholic Church in America
depends more on the faith of the Catholic immigrant
than on the faith of the generation which has received
its education in the public schools... . We see no
way of making them (young Americans) Catholics
than by the parochial school. Our conscience forces
us to take up the work.”
Dr. Josiah Strong (Our Country, revised
edition, p. 74) gives authoritative utterances
defining the Roman Catholic attitude to public
schools:
‘Pius IX says it is an error to hold that, ‘The entire
direction of public schools .... may and must ap-
pertain to the civil power, and belong to it so far that
no other authority whatsoever shall be recognized as
having any right to interfere in the discipline of the
schools, the arrangement of the studies . . . . or the
choice and approval of teachers.’* Andagain: ‘Itisan
error that, ‘‘The best theory of civil society requires
that popular schools . . . . should be freed from all
ecclesiastical authority, government, and interference,
and should be fully subject to the civil and political
power in conformity with the will of rulers and the
prevalent opinion ofthe age.”’+ Again: ‘Itisanerror,
that “ This system of instructing youth, which consists
in separating it from the Catholic faith and from the
ower of the Church... . may be approved by
atholics.” ’¢ Bishop McQuaid, in a lecture at Horti-
cultural Hall, Boston, February 13, 1876, declared :
* Syllabus of Errors, December 8, 1864. Proposition
No. 45. Allocution, Jz Consistortalz, November 1,
1850.
+ Ibzd., Proposition No. 47. Letter to the Archbishop
of Fribourg, Quum non sine, July 14, 1864.
t /o7d., Proposition No. 48. Letter to the Archbishop
of Fribourg, Quum non sine, July 14, 1864.
Religion in the Public Schools.
‘The State has no right to educate, and when the
State undertakes the work of education it is usurping
the powers of the Church.’”
There are various ways or compromises in
which it has been proposed to meet the Roman
Catholic position, but the fundamental propo-
sition is always the same.
On the other hand, another school of thought
claims that, while the public schools cannot
teach denominational religion, they should
teach religion. Says Dr. Strong (Our Country,
p. 101):
“In his ‘Institutes of International Law,’ Judge
Story says, ‘One of the beautiful traits of our munici-
pal puTieprugenge is that Christianity is
part of the common law from which it
‘i , Seeks the sanction of its rights, and by
Undenomi- which it endeavors to regulate its doc-
i trine.’ Says the great interpreter of
ae the Constitution, ebster: ‘There is
41810U8 nothing we look for with more cer-
Views.” tainty than the general principle, that
Chrstianity is part of the law of the
land .. general, tolerant Chris-
. tianity, independent of sects and par-
ties.’* Many other authorities to the same effect
might be cited.
‘“When the fathers added to the Constitution the
principle of strict separation of Church and State, they
did not intend to divorce the State from all velzgvon.
Says Judge Story, speaking of the time when the
Constitution was adopted, ‘The attempt to level all
religions, and make it a matter of State policy to hold
all in utter indifference, would have created universal
disapprobation if not universal indignation.’+ The
principle of the separation of Church and State un-
doubtedly forbids sectarian instruction in the State
schools; but we have the highest legal and judicial
authority for saying that it does not forbid undenom-
inationai religious teaching. . . . Why does the State
take money from your pocket to educate es child?
Not on the ground that education is a good thing for
him, but on the ground that his ignorance would be
dangerous to the State. . . . In like manner the State
must teach in its schools fundamental religious truths,
not because the child should know them in prepara-
tion for a future existence—the State is not concerned
with the eternal welfare of its citizens—but because
immorality is perilous to the State, and popular mo-
reny cannot be secured without the sanctions of
reli ,
“The philosopher Cousin, in a report upon public
instruction in Germany, referring to the fact that it is
based on the Bible, says: ‘Every wise man will re-
joicein this; for, with three-fourths of the population
morality can be instilled only through the medium o
religion.’”’
Daniel Webster in a Fourth of July oration
said:
“To preserve the Government we must also pre-
serve morals. Morality rests on religion. If you
destroy the foundation, the superstructure must fall.
When the public mind becomes vitiated and corrupt,
laws are a nullity and constitutions are waste
paper... .
“Of course parents and the Church may give as
much added instructions as they wish, but for the
State to go beyond the inculcation of the fundamental
truths common to all monotheistic religions would
probably lead to the division of the school fund, which
would be a great calamity. On the other hand, to
secularize the schools is to invite the corruption of
popular morals and thus endanger the very founda-
tions of our free institutions.”
In the United States various ways of com-
promise with the Roman Catholic view have
been tried. As early as1823 in New York. a
conflict arose about the division of public
funds. In 1831 a grant of $1500 was made for
a Roman Catholic Orphan Asylum. In 1868
in New Haven, Conn., a Roman Catholic
* » vi f
+ aoe Se eon inline of the United
States. Boston, 1883. Subject discussed at length,
PP. 680 seg.
1183
Religion in the Public Schools.
school taught by Sisters of Charity was sus-
tained by public funds. Roman Catholic:
schools were sustained in the same way in.
Waterbury, Conn., Manchester, N. H., and
notably at Poughkeepsie, N.Y. New Yorkin
1888 spent $1,672,000 for sectarian charities,
$989,000 for Roman Catholic charities. Re-
cently a liberal movement has appeared among
the Roman Catholics in the United Statex
Of this movement Dr. Lyman Abbott said in
a sermon preached in Plymouth Church,
January 22, 1893:
“Tt maintains that the Roman Catholic Church can
be an American Church; that the Roman Catholic
Church is adapted to American institutions; that
Roman Catholic children shall learn the American
language; and now it has gone further, and insists-
that they shall be received into the pub-
lic schools, and that the public schools
shall be maintained with the sanction ‘
and the moral support of the Roman Faribault
Catholic Church. In August, 1891, Plan.
this proposition first appeared in a
practical form, in what is now known
as the Faribault experiment. The Faribault experi-
ment, deriving its name from the town in Minnesota
where the event took place, was simply this: Under
the auspices and with the approval of Archbishop Ire-
land, a parochial school belonging to the Church of
the Immaculate Conception, was handed over to the
school authorities of the State for a rental of one dol-
lar ; all the teachers, all the text-books, all the work of
the school to be carried on under the authority of the
State, without any limitation or qualification of any
kind whatever. I desire to put this very emphatically
before you, because, in a great deal of discussion that
has gone on, it has been assumed that there wasakind
of agreement that the public-school authorities should
appoint Roman Catholic teachers, and so maintain in
some way Roman Catholic discipline. Both the offi-
cial documents and the positive assertion by the
Roman Catholic father on the one hand and the school
authorities on the other, negative this assertion.”
This action has aroused intense excitement,
and not least among Roman Catholics. It
was defended and condemned. The Pope,
therefore, sent a papal ablegate who came be-
fore a meeting of the archbishops and bishops.
gathered to discuss this educational question,
and submitted to them certain propositions,
apparently with the approval of the Vatican.
These propositions include such as these—
that the Church of Rome does not disapprove
of the public schools; that it absolutely for-
bids priests or bishops to excommunicate
parents because they send their children to
the public schools, or to deprive their chil-
dren of the sacraments because they go to
the public schools; that, so far from disap-
proving of public schools, it approves them,
provided they can be carried on in such a way
that the moral and religious training of the
children can be provided for. Three ways are
suggested by which that provision can be
made: First, by religious education by the
Church in the school building out of school
hours; secondly, by religious education by
the Church, not in the school building, but in
a building provided for the purpose; and,
finally, where neither of these methods are
practicable, then in the family.
This position was attacked notably, if
secretly, by Archbishop Corrigan of New York.
city, but the ablegate seems to have been sup-
ported by the Pope.
Such is the present position, complicated by
the recent movement of the A. P. A. (g. v.),
Religion in the Public Schools.
leading to violence in Boston, Mass., and bit-
ter feeling elsewhere.
In Canada, in England, and in Continental
Europe, the situation is even more complicated
on account of the relations of Church and
State. Onthe Continent, State grants to the
various religious bodies for-various purposes
are the rule, but are denounced by most social-
ists and radicals.
In England, where ‘‘ Board” [Public] Schools
are just developing, the situation is at this
‘writing too uncertain to allow of characteriza-
tion. (For the condition that has prevailed,
see EDucATION.)
(See also AMERICAN PROTECTION ASSOCIATION
and Roman CatHoLic CHurcH AND SOCIAL
REFORM.)
RENT (F. rente, It. rendeta, income;
‘Latin rendare, to return) is used, in political
economy, specifically for ‘‘ that portion of the
produce of the earth which is paid to the
landlord for the use of the original and inde-
structible powers of the soil ’ (Ricardo, PoJztz-
cal Economy, chap. ii.). The wordis sometimes
used, even in political economy, in other senses,
‘but in that case the use is explained by the
author as something different from the ordi-
nary use, as when one speaks of the rent of
ability, the rent of money, the rent of apiano,
ete. In this sense, rent is simply payment for
the use of any natural or other commodity.
When, however, the word rent is used, with-
out explanation, in political economy, it means
invariably only the price paid to a landlord
for the natural and undestructible powers of
the soil. The word “soil,” however, must not
‘be taken too strictly. It is meant to include
all the surface of the earth and that which is
‘beneath or within the soil. It includes all the
“natural” advantages of the earth, unim-
proved by labor. Itincludes, therefore, mines,
streams, water-power, harbors (so far as they
are natural), and what is often of greatest im-
portance, it includes the natural advantages of
situation, as land for example in the heart of
agreatcity, or at the corner of two great thor-
oughfares.
Such being the economic use of the word,
-we pass on to consider the laws and principles
~which affect rent, and how these are variously
.conceived by representative writers. 3
Rent appears on the pages of Adam Smith’s
Wealth of Nations almost incidentally, and
not always consistently treated. It is consid-
ered as ‘naturally a monopoly price” (bk.
i. chap. xi. pp. 66-67 a) to be taken as a matter
of course rather than to be explained. Adam
Smith says elsewhere, ‘‘ as soon as the land
of any country has all become private property,
the landlords, like all other men, love to reap
where they never sowed, and demand a rent
even for its natural production” (bk. i. chap.
vi. p. 23 a). Rent, he argues, depends on
prices; the fact that the rent of
land varies with its fertility and
Adam Smith, situation he treats as an obvious
commonplace, needing little con-
sideration. We have here some
of the elements of the Ricardian doctrine of
rent, but wholly undeveloped. Beginning,
1184
Rent.
however, with Anderson and_ continuing
through Buchanan, Malthus, and Ricardo, we
have the development of that theory of rent,
which is usually associated with Ricardo’s
name and has played so large a part in eco-
nomic science (seé Rricarpo). It is not, how-
ever, Ricardo’s. Dr. Ingram, in his Hzstory of
Political Economy, says Ricardo
“distinctly states in the preface to the Principles,
that ‘in 1815 Mr. Malthus, in his /xguzry into the Na-
ture and Progress of Rent, and a fellow of University
College, Oxford, in his Essay on the Applicatiou of
Capital to Land, presented to the world, nearly at the
same moment, the true doctrine of rent.’ The second
writer here referred to was Sir Edward West, after-
ward a judge of the pre court of Bombay. Still
earlier than the time of Malthus and West, as M’Cul-
loch has foe out, this doctrine has been clearly
conceived and fully stated by Dr. James Anderson in
his /nguiry into the Nature of Corn Laws, published
at Edinburgh in 1777. That this tract was unknown
to Malthus and West we have every reason to believe;
but the theory is certainly as distinctly enunciated
and as satisfactorily supported in it as in their trea-
tises; and the whole way in which it is put forward by
Anderson strikingly resembles the form in which it
is presented by Ricardo.”
It is this theory which has entered into all
modern discussions and affected the theory of
wages and profits and lies at the basis, not
only of the /azssez-faire economics, but of
Henry George’s Single Tax and most modern
socialism. John Stuart Mill says of this
theory : j
“Tt is one of the cardinal doctrines of political
economy ; and until it was understood, no consistent
explanation could be given of many of the more com-
plicated industrial phenomena.”
Of the critics of the theory, Mills says:
“A remark is often made, which must not be
omitted here, tho, I think, more importance has been
attached to it than it merits. Under the name of
rent, many payments are commonly included which
are not a remuneration for the original powers of the
land itself, but for capital expended on it. The addi-
tional rent which land yields in consequence of this
outlay of capital should, in the opinion of some
writers, be regarded as profit, not rent. But before
this can be admitted, a distinction must be made.
The annual payment by a tenant. almost always
includes a consideration for the use of the buildings
on the farm; not only barns, stables, and other out-
houses, but a house to live in, not to speak of fences
and the like. The landlord will ask, and the tenant
will give, for these whatever is considered sufficient
to yield the ordinary profit, or rather (risk and trouble
being here out of the question) the ordinary interest,
on the value of the buildings; that is, not on what it
has cost to erect them, but on what it would now cost
to erect others as good; the tenant being bound, in
addition, to leave them in as good repair as he found
them, for otherwise a much larger payment than
simple interest would of course be required from him.
These buildings are as distinct a thing from the farm
as the stock or the timber on it; and what is paid for
them can no more be called rent of land than a pay-
ment for cattle would be, if it were the custom that the
landlord should stock the farm for the tenant. The
buildings, like the cattle, are not land, but capital,
regularly consumed and reproduced; and all pay-
ments made in consideration of them are properly
interest.
“But with regard to capital actually sunk in im-
provements, and not requiring periodical renewal,
but spent once for all in giving the land a permanent
increase of productiveness, it appears to me that the
return made to such capital loses altogether the char-
oe of profits, and is governed by the principles of
rent.
“Some writers, in particular Mr. H. C. Carey, take
away still more completely than I have attempted to
do the distinction between these two sources of rent,
oy rejecting one of them altogether and considerin:
all rent as the effect of capital expended. In proo’
of this Mr. Carey contends that the whole pecuni-
Rent.
ary value of all the land in any country, in Eng-
land, for instance, or in the United States, does not
amount to anything approaching to the
sum which has been laid out, or which
it would even now be necessary to lay
out, in order to bring the country to
its present condition from a state of
primeval forest. This startling state-
ment has been seized on by M. Bastiat
and others as a means of making out a stronger case
than could otherwise be made in defense of property
inland. Mr. Carey’s proposition, in its most obvious
meaning, is equivalent to saying that if there were
suddenly added to the lands of England an unre-
claimed territory of equal natural fertility, it would
not be worth the while of the inhabitants of England
to reclaim it; because the profits of the operation
would not be equal to the ordinary interest on the
‘capital expended. To which assertion, if any answer
could be supposed to be required, it would suffice to
remark that land not of equal but of greatly inferior
quality to that previously cultivated is continually
reclaimed in England, at an expense which the subse-
quently accruing rent is sufficient to replace com-
pletely in a small number of years. The doctrine,
moreover, is totally opposed to Mr. Carey’s own
economical opinions. No one maintains more strenu-
ously than Mr. Carey the undoubted truth that, as
society advances in population, wealth, and combina-
tion of labor, land constantly rises in value and price.
This, however, could not possibly be true if the
‘present value of land were less than the expense of
clearing it and making it fit for cultivation; for it
must have been worth this immediately after it was
cleared, and according to Mr. Carey it has been rising
in value ever since. When, however, Mr. Carey
asserts that the whole land of any country is not now
worth the capital which has been expended on it, he
does not mean that each particular estate is worth
less than what has been laid out in improving it, and
that, to the proprietors, the improvement of the land
thas been, on the final result, a miscalculation. He
means, not that the land of Great Britain would not
now sell for what has been laid out upon it, but that
it would not sell for that amount pe the expense of
‘making all the roads, canals, and railways. This is
probably true, but is no more to the purpose, and no
More important in political economy, than if the
statement had been that it would not sell for the sums
laid out upon it plus the national debt, or plus the
«cost of the French Revolutionary war, or any other
expense incurred for a real or imaginary public
advantage. The roads, railways, and canals were not
constructed to give value to land; on the contrary,
their natural effect was to lower its value by rendering
other and rival lands accessible; and the landhold-
ers of the southern counties actually petitioned Parlia-
ment against the turnpike roads on this very account.
‘The tendency of improved communications is to lower
existing rents by trenching on the monopoly of the
‘land nearest to the places where large numbers of
‘consumers are assembled. Roads and canals are not
intended to raise the value of the land which already
‘supplies the markets, but (among other purposes) to
cheapen the supply by letting in the produce of other
-and more distant lands; and the more effectually this
purpose is attained the lower rent will be. If we
could imagine that the railways and canals of the
United States, instead of only cheapening communi-
«cation, did their business so effectually as to annihi-
late cost of carriage altogether, and enable the
‘produce of Michigan to reach the market of New
“York as quickly and as cheaply as the produce of
Long Island—the whole value of the land of the
‘United States (except such as lies convenient for
“‘building) would be annihilated; or, rather, the best
would only sell for the expense of clearing, and the
government tax of a dollar and a quarter per acre;
-since land in Michigan, equal to the best in the United
States, may be had in unlimited abundance by that
amount of outlay. But it is strange that Mr. Carey
should think this fact inconsistent with the Ricardo
theory of rent. Admitting all that he asserts, it is
still true that as long as there is land which yields no
‘rent, the land which does not yield rent does so in
consequence of some advantage which it enjoys, in
fertility or vicinity to markets, over the other; and
the measure of its advantage is also the measure of
‘this rent. And the cause of its yielding rent is that it
possesses a natural monopoly ; the quantity of land,
as favorably circumstanced as itself, not being suffi-
cient to supply the market. The propositions consti-
stute the theory of rent laid down by Ricardo, and if
75
Carey’s
Views.
i185
Rent.
they are true, I cannot see that it signifies much
whether the rent which the land yields at the present
time is greater or less than the interest of the capital
which has been laid out to raise its value, together
with the interest of the capital which has been laid
out to lower its value.”
Professor Marshall, representing the later
political economy, accepts the Ricardian the-
ory in the main, but with some qualifications.
He states his view thus (Economics of Indus-
try, bk. ii, chap. iii.) :
“ Suppose a farmer to have £500 which he is think-
ing of applying in extra cultivation of his farm, and
to have calculated that it will only just answer his
purpose to do so. He has calculated, that is, that if
he applies this extra £500 he will, after paying for
labor, seed, taxes, etc., get an extra net produce of
the value of £40; 2. e., at the rate of 8 per cent. on the
extra outlay. This is, we suppose, just sufficient to
remunerate him; so that if he expected to get less,
the chance of the improvement turning out unsuc-
cessful and the Picepeet of additional trouble in
working it, would induce him to invest the money in
railroad stock or some other securities.
‘He hears at this time that a small adjacent farm of
so acres is to let, and he is asked what rent he would
be willing to pay for it. His £500 would be just
enough for working this farm, and he could work it
with the same trouble that it would give him to apply
the extra £500 to the farm he already has. He calcu-
lates that taking one year with another he may expect
to get from it £100 worth of net profit after paying for
labor, seed, taxes, etc.
“So he will pay just £60 rent for the use of this
land. If he can get the land for this he will take it;
but he will not give any more for it, and it will not be
likely to be worth any one else’s while to offer more.
So the landlord cannot get more than this forit. If
he puts up the farm to competition and plays off one
farmer against another, he may just get £60: and this
is then the competition rent, or, as it is sometimes
called, the economic rent of the farm. Many disturb-
ing circumstances, such as custom, the absence of an
active spirit of competition on the part of the farmers,
generosity or sluggishness on the part of the land-
lord may cause the actual rent to be less than this.
But £60 is the rent that will be obtained if there is
a perfectly good market for the hire of the land ; that
is, if on the one hand the landlord exerts himself to
get the best rent he can for the land, and, on the other
hand, there are competent men in the neighborhood
who are ready to rent farms.
‘This illustration shows us that the economic rent
of a piece of land is found by subtracting from the
value of its annual produce an amount
sufficient _to return the farmer’s outlay
with profits. :
““Of course allowance must be made Economie
for the risk of bad harvests. This is Rent,
done by assuming that the harvest is
an average one. It must also be sup- 2
posed that the farmer has neither more nor less skill
and enterprise than most others in his neighborhood,
or, as we may Say, that he is an average farmer. The
rent, then, is the surplus return which the land gives
in an average harvest, after repaying the average
farmer’s outlay with profits, provided he has applied
so much capital to it as to make this surplus return as
large as he can. If he has applied less than this
amount of capital some one else who intends to apply
more than he has done, and thus obtain a larger sur-
plus return, may offer to pay a higher rent.
“Further, the above illustration shows that the
amount of produce which a farmer must retain, in °
order to be remunerated for his outlay, can be dis-
covered by observing what amount of additional
return is just sufficient to induce him, or another
farmer in the same neighborhood, to apply extra
capital tohis land... . nade
“Tt may happen that there is in the neighborhood
land for which no rent can be obtained, because the
return to the capital applied to this land remunerates,
but only just remunerates, the farmer, In this case
we may say that the amount of produce which a
farmer must retain, in order to be remunerated for his
outlay, is equal to the produce that could be raised
by the same amount of capital from an adjacent piece
o? land that pays no rent, but yet is cultivated.
“The law of rent may therefore be stated thus: The
rent of a piece of land isthe excess of its produce over
Rent.
the produce of an adjacent piece of land which is
cultivated with an equal amount of capital, and
which would not be cultivated at all if rent was
demanded for it.”
Of one important deduction from the Ri-
cardian law of rent Professor Fawcett has
made a clear explanation. He says (AZanual
of Political Economy, bk. ii. chap. iii.):
“Prom Ricardo’s theory of rent there can be de-
duced the very important proposition, that rent is
not an element of the cost of obtaining agricultural
roduce. Ano less eminent writer than the late Mr.
uckle has assured his readers that the proposition
just stated can only be grasped by a comprehensive
thinker ; we, however, believe that it may be made
very intelligible by a simple exposition. If rent is not
an element of cost of production, food would be no
cheaper if all land were arbitrarily made rent free.
Let us, therefore, inquire if this would be the case. It
has been frequently stated in this chapter that there
is always some land in cultivation so poor that it can
only afford to pay a nominal rent; the produce it
yields being no more than sufficient to reimburse the
expenses of cultivation. “
“Let us now suppose that all land is made rent-free
by an arbitrary edict of theGovernment. Suchanact
of spoliation, altho it would unjustly interfere with
property, would not cause any diminution in the con-
sumption of food; the same quantity of agricultural
produce would be required as before; the same area of
land would,therefore, haveto becultivated. Thatland
would still require to be tilled which previously only
paid a nominal rent ; but if food wasrendered cheaper,
by making land rent-free, this land, which before only
paid nominal rent, would be cultivated at a loss. No
person, however, will continue to apply his labor and
capital if he does not obtain in return the ordinary
rate of profit, and, therefore, if food became cheaper,
such land as we have just described would cease to be
cultivated ; but this cannot be, because the demand of
the country for food is such that the produce which
this land yields cannot be dispensed with. Itis there-
fore manifest that food would not become cheaper,
even if land were made rent-free. Rent consequently
is not anelement in thecost of production. The value
of food is, ceterts partbus, determined by the demand
for it, because the demand for food reguiatesthe mar-
gin of cultivation. Altho the payment of rent does
not influence the cost of producing food, yet the
amount of rent paid indicates the position of the mar-
gin of cultivation, and the value of food must rise as
this margin of cultivation descends.”
(For a discussion of this, see PRopucTION.
For the facts of modern rent and the important
part played by rent incommercial and indus-
trial life, and for land reforms, see articles
Lanp, and SINGLE Tax.
REPUBLICAN PARTY, THE.—The Re-
publican party was formed to oppose the ex-
tension of slavery. The policy of compromise
of the Whig party (g. v.) no longer satisfied
the strong sentiment against slavery that had
sprung up in the free States, and the Whigs
met with utter defeat in the elections of 1852.
The Freesoil party (g. v.) had obtained prom-
inence in the election of 1848, and became the
natural predecessor of the Republican party.
Events favored a new party.
The Democrats, during the administration
of President Pierce, took the important step
of repealing ‘‘the Missouri Compromise.”
Under this law Kansas, which lay north of
the parallel of 36° 30’, would have been, of
necessity, a free Territory. But the Kansas-
Nebraska bill, which repealed the compromise,
was passed by Congress in 1854. It asserted
the principle of non-intervention by Congress
with slavery in States or Territories. Thus
all the public domain was left open to slavery,
1186
Republican Party, The.
and, in Kansas, anarchy and civil war fol-
lowed. The slave-holders and the free-state
party fought with each other for
the control of the Territory. In
1859 Kansas finally adopted a
constitution which excluded slav-
ery, but she was not admitted
to the Union as a State till 1861, when the
Republicans had come into power. There
was felt to be need of a new party, which
should take up the old Federal and Whig:
policy, favoring a strong Federal government.
and protection, but utterly opposed to slavery.
The Michigan State Convention of 1854 is.
generally admitted to have first used the name.
Republican, from a suggestion of Horace:
Greeley (g. v.), but it was quickly caught up,
and, in 1854, enough ‘‘ Republicans” were
elected to Congress to control the House and
choose Nathaniel Banks speaker.
The first Republican National Convention
was held at Pittsburg, February 22, 1856; the
first nominating convention at Philadelphia,
June 18, 1856. The plan was to unite in one
organization the opponents of the proslavery
Democracy, without regard to former party
ties. Hence, the new organization was made
up of antislavery Whigs, whom the Kansas-
Nebraska bill had driven from the party, of
Abolitionists, Independent Democrats, and, in
fact, of all those who were opposed to the ex-
tension of slavery. The platform adopted was.
reported by David Wilmot, and denied that.
there was any authority competent to give
legal existence to slavery in any Territory of
the United States. The only planks not re-
ferring to slavery favored national aid to a
Pacific Railway and liberal river and harbor
appropriations. John C. Fremont of Califor-
nia was nominated for President, and W. D.
Dayton for Vice-President. The leading rival
to Dayton was Abraham Lincoln. The result
of the elections greatly encouraged the new
party, for, altho Buchanan, the Democratic
candidate, was elected, Fremont had a large
plurality over him on the popular vote, and
114 electoral votes.
Public sentiment in favor of Republican
principles continued to grow, and events fa-
vored the party. The Dred-Scott decision of
the Supreme Courtin 1857 intensified Northern
feeling. It made void all prohibitions of
slavery in the public domain, and recognized.
the right of every citizen to carry slaves there.
During Buchanan’s administration the South-
ern leaders were preparing for secession. On
the other hand, the famous Douglass-Lincoln
debate in 1859 helped to commit.
the Republican party to a refusal
of all compromise, while the John
Brown raid had a strong influence
on the public mind of the North.
- The antislavery sentiment be-
came thoroughly consolidated, and the Demo-
crats hopelessly split. The Republican
Convention met at Chicago, and nominated
Abraham Lincoln for the Presidency, and Han-
nibal Hamlin for Vice-President. William
H. Seward of New York had been the first
choice of many, but some in the East, led by
Greeley, with the Western men, nominated
Origin.
Campaign
of 1860.
Republican Party, The.
Lincoln. He was triumphantly elected with
180 electoral votes.
In their platform the Republicans declared
._ the new dogma, that the Constitution of its
own force carries slavery into any or all of the
Territories of the United States, to be a dan-
gerous political heresy. They reaffirmed the
positions of the convention of 1856. A decla-
ration was made also in favor of such an
adjustment of imports as to encourage the de-
velopment of the industrial interests of the
whole country—the party thus definitely com-
mitting itself to a policy of protection.
Soon after the election South Carolina
passed an ordinance of secession, and other
Southern States quickly followed. When
Lincoln was Gaedeueaiea: in 1861, the govern-
ment of the Confederate States of America,
so called, had already been organized. The
efforts of President Lincoln for reunion were
fruitless, and with the bombardment of Fort
Sumter by Southern troops in April, 1861, the
Civil War began.
As the Republican party now controlled all
branches of the Government, upon it fell the
responsibility of prosecuting the war. It was
distinctively the war party, tho sustained by
the general sentiment of the North. In the
treatment of the great questions that had to
be decided its policy became settled, and its
future was determined. The Morrill tariff
was early enacted—a high protection measure,
which successfully raised a large revenue for
carrying “on the war. Acts were also passed
which provided for the issuing of bonds and
of a legal-tender paper currency. At the end
of the war the national debt amounted to
$2,700,000,000.
At first the Republicans had no intention of
interfering with slavery in the rebellious
States. The preservation of the
Union was the aim of the war.
‘But it soon became clear to Presi-
dent Lincoln that, to obtain this
object, slavery must be attacked.
Accordingly he issued, January 1, 1863, the
famous Emancipation Proclamation, by which
all slaves in the rebellious States were de-
‘clared free. This action was taken only ‘“‘asa
necessary war measure,” but it was heartily
indorsed by Republicans, and later enforced
by civil legislation.
In June, 1864, President Lincoln was re-
nominated, with Andrew Johnson of Tennessee
as Vice-President, on a platform declaring it
necessary that slavery should be utterly ex-
terminated from the soil of the republic. The
party pronounced in favor of continuing the
struggle with the South until it should submit.
The Democrats, on the other hand, declared
that efforts should be made for a cessation of
hostilities. The elections of 1864 resulted in
the indorsement of the Republican policy,
and President Lincoln secured 212 out of 233
electoral votes. Soon after his second inaugu-
ration the main army of the Confederacy
surrendered to General Grant at Appomattox.
The work of reconstruction had now to begin,
and it was known that President Lincoln
would pursue a liberal policy toward the rebel-
lious States. But on April 15 he was assas-
Slavery.
1187
Republican Party, The.
sinated. His loss plunged the nation into
mourning, and deprived his party of its great-
est leader.
An amendment to the Constitution—the
Thirteenth—abolishing slavery, was passed by
Congress, and finally became a law December
18, 1865. The Fourteenth Amendment, which
gave citizenship to the negro, was submitted
to the people in June, 1866, and became a law
July 28, 1868. Vice-President Johnson, who
succeeded Lincoln, quarreled with the Repub-
lican party in Congress, and was finally im-
peached. But on his trial before the Senate,
the votes for conviction lacked one of the nec-
essary two-thirds. Notwithstanding the veto
of the President, a Reconstruction Act was
passed March 2, 1867, admitting the seceded
States to their former standing in the Union
under certain conditions. Each State, for ex-
ample, was obliged to adopt the Fourteenth
Amendment, and to elect representatives who
had not been concerned in the rebellion.
President Johnson favored less stringent con-
ditions. Under such provisions the seceded
States were restored to their former position,
so that all but three of them took part in the
campaign of 1868, when the Republicans nom-
inated and elected General Grant and Schuy-
ler Colfax. ‘
Early in Grant’s administration the Fifteenth
Amendment, which gave the suffrage to the
negro, was adopted March 30,
1870. This was a purely Repub-
lican measure, and was generally General
opposed by the Democrats. To Grant.
insure the carrying out of its pro-
visions in the South, additional
legislation was passed in 1871, and again in
the next Congress—the Forty-second—the
so-called Force Bill was enacted. This legisla-
tion greatly increased the powers of the Fed-
eral courts and officers, and also of the
President. The Democrats being more nu-
merous in the Forty-second Congress than in
the previous ones, brought forward an Am-
nesty bill. Under a compromise with the
Republicans it was finally passed May 22, 1872,
certain prominent Confederate leaders being
excepted. Grant’s administration was dissat-
isfactory tomany Republicans who connected
it with “carpetbag” corruption in the South
and connivance with political scandals in the
North. As a result, a Liberal Republican con-
vention met and nominated Horace Greeley
and B. Gratz Brown, the nomination being ac-
cepted by the Democrats. The regular Repub-
licans nominated Grant, with Henry Wilson for
Vice-President. The platform contained dec-
larations in favor of civil-service reform, of a
speedy return to specie payments, and against
any repudiation of public debts. General
Grant was reelected. His second term was
marked by the struggle over the ‘inflation ”’
policy, which was that of issuing more paper
money and postponing a return to specie pay-
ments (see Currency). Trouble having arisen
in Louisiana from the existence of two State
governments, Congress recognized the Kel-
logg, or Republican government.
Owing partly to the corruption in office that
had been for some years prevalent, the Demo-
Republican Party, The.
cratic party developed great strength in the
electaes of 1876, and both sides claimed a
victory, the Republicans having nominated _
B. Hayes and W. A. Wheeler, the Democrats
S. J. Tilden and T. A. Hendricks. The TaN
ocrats unquestionably had the mei OEy © 4 a
popular votes. The House of Representa oe
having now a Democratic majority, some - a
promise between the parties had to be effected.
‘An electoral commission was agreed upon
which, by astrictly party vote, declared Hayes,
: the Republican candidate, to have
and Tilden 184. By this
185 votes,
Campaign decision bloodshed was probably
of 1876. averted. President Hayes was-
not in full accord with his party,
owing to his policy of concession
to the South, and of civil-service reform. Nev-
ertheless he withstood the attempts of the
Democratic House to force a modification of
Federal election supervision by adding politi-
cal riders to appropriation bills. The most
notable act of his administration was the re-
sumption of specie payments on January 1,
1879.
In 1880 the Republicans nominated James
A. Garfield of Ohio and Chester A. Arthur of
New York, and succeeded in electing their
candidates. Inthe respective platforms of the
parties the question of the tariff comes into
prominence. The Garfield-Conkling quarrel
followed the new President’s inauguration,
and soon after this occurred the assassination
of Garfield, and the administration of Presi- .
dent Arthur, who succeeded to the Presiden-
tial chair. His policy was acceptable to the
Republican party; nevertheless, James G.
Blaine was nominated for the Presidency in
1884, in preference to him, with General
Logan for Vice-President. The issues were
largely the same as before; yet, for various
reasons, the principal among which was the
opposition to Blaine of ex-Senator Conkling
in New York, the Democratic candidate,
Cleveland, was elected.
The executive department of the Govern-
ment had been controlled by the Republicans
for 24 years. Now they had only the Senate,
the House being Democratic. Under the cir-
cumstances, however, no Democratic measures
could be enacted. Yet the Mills bill, a radical
tariff-reform measure, passed the House of
Representatives, and the tariff became the
leading issue of 1888. The Democratic party
declared for radical reform of the tariff on the
basis of less protection, and renominated
President Cleveland. The Republicans as-
serted the necessity of a policy of ‘' protection
to home industry.” The Republican candi-
dates, Benjamin Harrison and Levi P. Morton,
received 233 electoral votes to Cleveland’s
168, and the party also secured the House
of Representatives.
, During the Fifty-first Congress, the Repub-
licans, being in power in all branches of the
Government, passed a number of important
bills. First among them is the so-called Mc-
Kinley tariff bill, which enacted a high tariff.
The McKinley bill became a law, October 1,
1890. The Dependent Pension bill, largely
increasing the class of pensioners, and a silver
1188
Representatives, House of.
. idi 1 the purchase of silver, and
bill, proviGiiS treasury notes thereon, were
assed. Parliamentary practise in the House
ae reformed by the rulings of Speaker Reed,
In 1890, however, the Democrats secured a:
large majority in the House, and Republican
legislation ceased with the expiration of this
Congress.
The Presidential campaign of 1892 was
hotly contested and the issue, as before, was
chiefly the tariff, the Democratic
convention going so far as to
declare all protection unconstitu-
tional. The Republicans renom-
inated General Harrison, with
Whitelaw Reid for Vice-President.
The result of the struggle was the election of
Mr. Cleveland. The House and Senate being
now in its hands as well, the Democratic party
had full control of the Government for the
first time since before the war. Its most im-
portant legislation has been the so-called Wil-
son bill, a tariff measure whichlowered duties,
and put many articles on the free list. It was,
however, so altered by conservative Demo-
crats in the Senate, that President Cleveland
repudiated all responsibility for it, and it be-
came a law without his signature. A terrible
wave of depression in business came over the
country early in the year 1893 and has not yet
passed (1896). Asa result, in the elections of
November, 1894, when the Democratic tariff
legislation was the issue, the Republicans won
an overwhelming victory, and secured the
next House of Representatives by a large
majority. aes
For the campaign of 1896, the Republican
party managers thought it best to make the
tariff the issue, and consequently Mr. McKin-
ley, the stoutest Protectionist, was generally
favored, and by astute political maneuvering
received the support of the majority of the
representatives elected by the States to the St.
Louis convention of June 18, and was there
nominated for the Presidency on the first bal-
lot, with Mr. Hobart of New Jersey for Vice-
President. Meanwhile the silver issue (see
SILvER) more and more forced itself upon the
attention of the country and became the en-
grossing theme in all conventions. The gold
monometallists being in a large majority at St.
Louis, some of the silver delegates, headed
by Senator Teller, bolted the convention and
issued a declaration to the country, condemn-
ing the Republican party as selling the inter-
ests of the producers of the country to the
interests of the ‘‘gold bugs” of Wall Street.
(See Sttver.) For the platform adopted at St.
Louis see Appendix.
Campaign
of 1892,
REPRESENTATIVES, HOUSE OF, IN
THE UNITED STATES.—The United
States Constitution says of the House of Re-
presentatives :
“ART. I, SEC. 2. The House of Representatives shall
be composed of members chosen every second year by
the people of the several States, and the electors in
each State shall have the qualifications requisite for
electors of the most numerous branch of the State
le, slate:
o person shall be a Representative who shall not
have attained the age of twenty-five years, and been
Representatives, House of.
seven years a citizen of the United States, and who
shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State
in which he shall be chosen. «
_‘‘ [Representatives and direct taxes shall be appor-
tioned among the several States which may be included
within this Union, according to their respective num-
bers, which shall be determined by adding to the
whole number of free persons, including those bound
to service for aterm of years, and excluding Indians
not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons.]* The
actual enumeration shall be made within three years
after the first meeting of the Congress of the United
States, and within every subsequent term of ten years,
in such manner as they shall by law direct. Thenum-
ber of Representatives shall not exceed one for every
30,000, but each State shall have at least one Repre-
sentative; and until such enumeration shall be
made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled
to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and
Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New
York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Dela-
ware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina
five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.
‘““When vacancies happen inthe representation from
any State, the executive authority thereof shall issue
writs of election to fill such vacancies.
“The House of Representatives shall choose their
Speaker and other officers ; and shall have the sole
power of impeachment.”
(For articles bearing both on the Senate and
the House, see article ConcrEss.)
Article xiv. of the Amendments, Section 2,
Clause 1, says: ‘‘ Representatives shall be ap-
portioned among the several States according
to their respective numbers, counting the whole
number of persons in each State, excluding
Indians not taxed.”
The original Constitution included in this
basis of representation three-fifths of the
slaves. Here was one of the compromises
between the free States and the slave States
in the formation of the Constitution.
The first Congress went into operation March
4, 1789; the members of the House holding
their seats for two years. On the 4th of March,
therefore, in every second year,—in other
words, in all the odd years,—a new Congress
begins itsterm. _
The number of representatives, which is
fixed by a law of Congress once in Io years, has
increased from 65, in 1789, to 360 for the decade
1893 to 1903. The population for one repre-
sentative has increased from 33,000 in 1789 to
173,901, in 1893.
The salary of representatives is $5000 a
year, $125 a year additional for stationery,
and mileage at the rate of 20 cents a mile to
and from Washington at every session of
Congress. Unexcused absence causes a de-
duction from the salary. The House of
Representatives chooses its Speaker and other
officers. The power of the Speaker is enor-
mous. Unless otherwise ordered by the
House (which is seldom the case) he appoints
all committees, and the method of the House
in transacting its business renders the com-
mittees of first importance. All measures are
referred to the standing committees, and their
power over the life or death of a bill is practi-
cally unlimited. A majority of the members
elected constitutes a quorum. The House has
sole power of impeachment; all bills for rais-
ing revenue must originate in the House, and
on it falls the duty of electing the President
* The clause included in brackets is amended by the
XIVth Amendment, 2d section.
1189
Representatives, House of.
of the United States when the vote of the
electors fails to result in a choice.
According to the apportionment of 1893 the
representation of the separate States was as
follows :
Ratio of Representation..............006
173,90r
ALA DAI Aisie a sisicrajsiaid siguipibeeieieers asses ae een 9
Arkansas... 6
California 7
Colorado. 2
Connecticut 4
Delaware. I
POGUE Scare sjercsa: care-n.¥ gninaiasesine a cetedie 2
Geor Qa se sasiaiiars saad nesses Ir
TO ANOS sscisinsgiaccrsigaiynaveis asoroarenstan asia I
TMAN OIG aga oa sareinvin 34-0 oni ease 14 22
INdiana: cajanseixes secwenss va seies on 13
LOW cscirevsit 5 sicbsreidesieieie be gcc tse: eas aidh Iz
OATS AS jcasonessi later daca olerarsiere digs ahavemtarsie 8
RONGUCKY pis p:eiyredinnin sielasprsiacece ie auevesnacey . Ir
LOwiSi ana sce iiisinsss vend aecetsacaersiesece . 6
Maine...... : 4
Maryland...... . 6
Massachusetts. 3 13
Michigan....... - 12
Minnesota.. ‘ “
Mississippi .......ssseeeeeeereees
Missourl.... I.
Montana..
Nebraska.
Nevada
New Hampshire..
New Jersey........
New York....
North Carolina
w
wo vn
PHOPRHONWOKNNONHHOBR ONHAHHNNY
South Carolina..
South Dakota....
Tennessee........
MOKA isch Seaicaticeer
Vermont.....
Virginia......
Washington..
West Virginia.
Wisconsin......
Wyoming.... ‘
TerritOTies #5 ts mesemseate’s sxaaiemrnas we cenisels
RL]
"
48
S
2
w
&
* Without a vote.
The Speaker is the presiding officer of the
House, and the other officers are: (1) clerk ;
(2) sergeant-at-arms; (3) door-keeper; (4)
postmaster ; (5) chaplain,
The following critical review of the House
is condensed from Professor Bryce’s The
American Commonwealth (chaps. 13 and 14):
“The House of Representatives, usually called for
shortness the House, represents the nation on the
basis of population, as the Senate represents the
States.
“But even in the composition of the House the
States play an eleva part. . . Congress allots so
many members of the House to each State. . . leav-
ing the States to determine the districts within its own
area for and by which the members shall be chosen.
These districts are now equal, or nearly equal, in size;
but in laying them out there is ample scope for the
process called ‘gerrymandering’ (g. v.), which the
dominant party in a State rarely fails to apply for its
own advantage. Where a State legislature has failed
to redistribute the State into congressional districts.
after the State has received an increase of representa-
tives, the additional member or members are elected
by the voters of the whole State on a general ticket,
and are called ‘representatives at large.’
“Setting extraordinary sessions aside, every Con-
ress has two sessions, distinguished as the First, or
ong, and the Second, or Short. The long session
begins in the fall of the year after the election of a
Representatives, House of.
Congress, and continues, with a recess at Christmas,
till the July or August following. The short session
begins inthe December after the July adjournment,
and lasts till the 4th of March following. The whole
working life of a House is thus from 10 to 12 months.
Bills do not, as in the English Parliament, expire at
the end of each session ; they run on from the long ses-
siontothe short one. All, however, that have not been
passed when the fatal 4th of March arrives perish forth-
with, for the session, being fixed by statute, cannot be
extended at pleasure. There is consequently aterrible
scramble to get business pushed through in the last
week or two of a Congress.
‘““The number of bills brought into the House every
year is very large, averaging over 7ooo. Inthe Thirty-
seventh Congress (1861-63) the total number of bills
introduced was 1026, viz.: 613 House bills, and 433
Senate bills. In the Forty-sixth it had risen to 9481, 0
which 7257 were House bills, 2224 Senate bills ; showing
that the increase has been much larger in the House
than in the Senate. In the Forty-ninth Congress
(1885-87) the number was rising still further, the num-
ber up to July, 1886, being 12,906, exclusive of 277 joint
resolutions. In the British House of Commons the
total number of bills introduced was, in the session of
1885, 481, of which 202 were public, and 279 private bills.
America is, of course, a far larger country, but the
legislative competence of Congress is incomparably
smaller than that of the British Parliament, seeing
that the chief part of the field, both of public bill and
“private bill legislation, belongs in America to the sev-
eral States. By far the larger number of bills in Con-
gress are what would be called in England ‘private’
or ‘local and personal’ bills; 2. ¢., they establish no
eneral rule of law, but are directed to particular'cases,
uch are the numerous bills for satisfying persons
with claims against the Federal Government, and for
giving or restoring pensions to individuals alleged to
have served in the Northern armies during the War of
Secession. It is only to a very small extent that bills
can attempt to deal with ordinary private law, since
nearly the whole of that topic belongs to State legisla-
tion. It is needless to say that the proportion of bills
that pass to bills that fail is a very small one; not one-
thirtieth. One is told in Washington that few bills are
brought in with a view to being passed. They are
presented in order to gratify some particular persons
or places, and it is well understood in the House that
they must not be taken seriously. The Speaker has
immense political power, and is permitted, nay ex-
pected, to use it inthe interests ofhisparty. Incalling
upon members to speak he prefers those of his own
side. He decides in their favor such points of order as
are not distinctly covered by the rules. His authority
over the arrangement of business is so large that he
can frequently advance or postpone particular bills or
motions in a way which determines their fate. Al-
though he does not figure in party debates in the
House, he may and does advise the other leaders of his
party privately; and when they ‘ go intocaucus’ (2. e.,
hold a party meeting to determine their action on some
pending question) he is present and gives counsel. He
is usually the most eminent member of the party who
has a seat in the House, and is really, so far asthe con-
fidential direction of its policy goes, almost its leader.
His most important privilege is, however, the nomina-
tion of the numerous standing committees already
referred to. In the first Congress (April, 1789), the
House tried the plan of appointing its committees by
ballot ; but this worked so ill that in January, 1790, the
following rule was passed: ‘All committees shall be
appointed by the Speaker, unless otherwise specially
. directed by the House.” This rule has been readopted
by each successive Congress since then.”
(For the working of these committees, and
how bills are often practically passed or re-
jected by these committees of which the public
a little, rather than by Congress, see Con-
GRESS.
_ REVENUE.—For the principles involved
in problems of revenue, see FINANCE; TAXa-
TION; FREE TRADE ; ProTEcTION; SOCIALISM ;
Strate. We give in this article an outline of
the development of the revenues of the United
States.
The American colonies gained their rev-
enues in various ways: the proprietary States,
Revenue.
11gO
ennsylvania and Delaware, paid
5 ee dutics to the proprietaries, raising
other revenues by various direct taxes, excise,
light customs, and tonnage duties. Rum,
tobacco, and slaves were gen-
erally taxed. Quit-rents were a :
general source of revenue. In Colonial
New England taxation was levied Revenues,
onall property without distinction.
Anad valorem s percent. duty was
Jevied on all imports. The expenses of goy-
ernment, except in New York, were very low.
Additional expenditures were, however, fre-
quently necessary, and the custom developed
of meeting these by the issue of credit notes
(see CurRENCY), and these gradually came to be
relied on for the growing expenses of the colo-
nies. The War of Independence was met
by means of the issue of the Continental
currency (see CuRRENCY). The States contrib-
uted somewhat, but fitfully, and in small
amounts. Loans were obtained
from abroad. In the latter part of
the war the Bank of North Amer-
ica was established, and loaned
money to the Government. The
successful management of these
loans was mainly due to Robert Morris,
elected Superintendent of Finances. - After
the close of the war and the adoption of
the Constitution, Hamilton (g. v.), elected
Secretary of the Treasury, was mainly in-
fluential, against no little opposition, in insti-
tuting a strong national policy ; assuming the
State debts, and funding the main portions of
the national and State debts ; paying a heavy
interest, and yet slowly reducing the principal
by import duties and by internal revenue
taxes. Jefferson’s administration repealed the
internal taxes, but imports increased. The
war of 1812 was fought under the guidance of
Gallatin, by making new loans, doubling im-
port duties, which, however, brought in little
more revenue, and levying internal revenue.
taxesagain. Treasury notes were also issued.
After the war debt was renewed, and in 1834
the last debt was extinguished. The internal
revenue system was repealed in 1817 and not
revived until 1861. After the discharge of
the debt, there was a surplus ($337,468,819),
which in 1837 Congress voted to distribute
among the States in proportion to their popula-
tion. Three-fourths of the amount were paid
when a financial panic swept over the land (see
Banks and BANKING), and the Government
was left unable to pay its ordinary bills. Once
more Treasury notes were issued, and during
the Mexican war loans were contracted ; the im-
port duties, however, soon repleted the Treas-
ury again. In1857 the tariff was lowered, the
revenues were reduced, and by the close of
Buchanan’s administration there was a debt of
$60,000,000.
The expenses of the War of the Rebellion
were met partly by loans, partly by the issue
of Treasury notes (see CurRENCY), in small part
by direct taxes, with a large development of
duties and taxes of various kinds. September,
1865, deducting the amount in the Treasury
the debt of the nation was $2,756,431,57I.
(For the discussions and important problems
The War
of Inde-
pendence,
Revenue.
connected with the Treasury notes, loans,
etc., see CurRENcy.) The general policy fol-
lowed was to replace temporary
loans by long loans at lower in-
Warofthe terest. In 1870 afunding law was
Rebellion, passed whereby the Treasury de-
partment was able to do this.
Two hundred and fifty million
dollars was sold at 4 per cent.; later, Mr.
Sherman, as Secretary of the Treasury, sold
$737,691,550 at 4 per cent.; then a portion was
continued in 1881 at 3% per cent., and again
IIQI
Revenue.
in 1882 a large quantity was sold at 3 per cent.
After 1873, for a short period reduction of the
debt was slow, but later went on more rap-
idly. (See Dest.) Since 1892 financial ills
have reduced the income, while expenses have
not declined. The policy of keeping a gold
reserve has been sustained by loans, for an ac-
count of which see SynpicaTE Loans.
The following tables, from the reports of
the Treasurer of the United States, give the
best résumé of the state of the revenue since
1870:
RECEIPTS OF THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT—1I870 TO 1895.
Internal ; Public . Gross
YEAR Customs, Reventic. Direct Tax. Lands. Premiums. Loans. Receipts.
$194,538,374-44 | $184,899,756.49 | $229,102.88 | $3,350,481-76 |$15,295,643.76 | $285,474.496.00 | $696,729,973-63
206,270,408.05 143,098, 153.63 580,355.37 2,388,.646.68 8,892,839.95 | 268,768,523.47 652,092, 468. 36
216,370,286.77 | 130,642,177-72 tees 2)575)714-19 | 91412,637.65 | 305,047,054.00 679,1531921.56
188,089, 522.70 113,729,314.14 315)254.51 2,882,312.38 | 11,560,530.89 | 214,931,017.00 548,669, 221.67
163,103,833.69 | 102,409,784.90 sees 1,852,428.93 | 5,037)065.22 | 439,272,535-46 744s251,291.52
157,167,722.35 110,007,493-58 sees 1,413,640.17 3)9791279-69 | 387,971,556.00 665,971,607.10
148,071,984.61 116, 700,732.03 93,798.80 1,129,406.95 4,029,280.58 | 397,455,808.00 6914551,673.28
130,956,493-07 | 118,630,407.83 tees 976,253-68 405,776.58 | 348,871,749.00 630,278,167.58
130,170, 680.20 I10,581,624.74 ett 1,079,743-37 317,102.30 | 404,581,201.00 662, 345,079.70
137)250,047.70 113,561,610.58 seats 924,781.06 505,047.63 | 792,807,643.00 | 1,066,634,827.46
186,522,064.60 | 124,009,373-92 30.85 1,016, 506.60 110.00 | 211,814,103.00 5451340,713.98
198, 159,676.02 135,264, 385.51 1,516.89 2,201,863.17 sees 113,750534-00 4741532,826.57
220, 410,730.25 | 146,497,595-45 160,141.69 41753)140.37 . 120,9451724.00 5241470,974.28
214,705,496.93 | 144,720,368.98 | 108,156.60 71955 )864.42 sees 5551942, 564.00 9541230,145.00
195,067,489.76 121,586,072.51 70,720.75 g,810,705.01 tifeieis 206,877,886.00 55533979755-94
181,471,939-34 | 112,498,725.54 er 51705y986.44 245) 196,303.00 568,887,209. 38
192,905,023.44 | 116,805,936.48 | 108,239.91 51630,999-34 tees 116,314,850.00 4525754)577-06
217,286,893-13 | 118,823,391.22 32,892.05 91254,286.42 1541440,900.00 525,844,177-66
219,091,173.63 124,296,871.98 1,565.82 II,202,017.23 eee 285,016,650.00 664,282,724.76
223,832,741.69 130,881, 513.92 sees 8,038,651.79 eos 245) 111,350.00 632,161, 408.84
229,658,584.57 142,606,705.81 6,358,272.51 245)293,650.00 648, 374,632.63
219,522,205.23 | 145,686,249.44 . 41029,535-42 3731208,857-75 705)821,305.06
1771452,904-15 | 153)971,072.57 tees 3)261,875.58 381, 463,512.00 730, 401,296.24
203) 355,010.73 161,027,623.93 ees 3,182,089.78 arate 247,051,586.00 732,871,214.78
131,818,530.62 147, 111,232.81 sees 1,673,637.30 8,633,295-71 | 417,653 )223.50 724,006, 538.46
152749)405-53 143,567, 463.78 eee I, 103,347-00 sails wale ways
EXPENDITURES OF THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT—1870 TO 1895.
War. Navy. Pensions.
Premiums.
Gross Ex-
Principal of
Debt. penditures.
Interest.
$28,340,202.17
341443,894.88
28, 533,402.76
29,359)426.86
29,038, 414.66
29,456,216.22
28,257,395-69
275963, 752-27
27,137,019.08
351121, 482.39
505777517444
§0,059,279.62
61,345,193-95
66,012,573-64
551429 228.06
56, 102,267.49
63,404,864.03
75029; 101.79,
80,288, 508.77
87,624,779-11
106,936,855.07
1241415,951-40
1341583,052.79
159)3571557-87
141,177,284.96
141, 391,623.64
$21, 780,229.87
19,431,027-21
21,249,809.99
23,526,256.79
30,932)587.42
21,497,626.27
18,963, 309.82
1419595935-36
17) 365) 301-37
15,125, 126.84
13536,984-74
15,686,671.66
15,032,046.26
15,283,437-17
17,292,601.44
16,021,079.67
13,907,887.74
15,141, 126.80
16,926,437-65
21,378,809. 31
22,006,206.24
26, 113,896.46
29,174,138.98
30,130,084. 43
315701 ,293+79
28,800, 335-11
$57,655,675.40
3517991992.82
3513721157-20
46,323,138. 31
424313,927-22
41,120,645.98
38,070, 888.64
37,082,735-9°
32,154)147-85
40) 425,660.73
38,116,916.22
40,466, 460.55
431570)494-19
48,911, 382.93
39,429,603. 36
42,070,578.47
343245 152-74
38,561,025.85
38,522,436.11
44)435)270-85
44,582,838.08
48, 720,065.01
46,895,456. 30
49,641,773-47
541567,929-85
51,820,304.58
1894...
1895..++
$15,996, 555-60
17,292,362.65
20, 304,224.06
10,401, 220.61
$129,235,498-00 | $393,254,282-13 | $702,907,842.88
91016,794-74 | 125)576,565-93 | 399)503,670.65 | 691,680,858.90
6,958,266.76 | 117,357,839.72 | 405;007,307.54 | 682,525,270.21
511051919-99 | 104,750,688.44 | 233,699,352-58 | 524,044,597-91
422,005,060.23
49713771492. 48
449) 345,272.80
323,965,424.05
3537676,944.90
6991445)809. 16
4321590,280. 41
165)152,335+05
271,646,299. 55
590,083,829.96
260, 520,690.50
211,760, 353-43
205,216,709. 36
271, QOT, 321.15
249,760,258.05
318,922, 412.35
312,206, 367.50
365, 3521470.87
23)378,116.23 | 338,995,958.98 | 684,019,289.56
27,264,392.18 | 389,530,044.50 | 773,007,998.99
27,841,405.64 | 331,383,272.95 | 698,908.552.78
30,915,919.88 sees tees
724,698, 933-99
682,000,885.32
714.446, 357-39
565,299,898.91
590,641,271.70
966, 393,692.69
700,233)238.19
425,865,222.64
529,627,739.12
8551491,967.50
504,646,934.83
471,987,288. 54
447,699,847.86
5391833, 501.12
517,685,059. 18
618,211,390.60
630,247,078. 16
731,126, 376.22
I07,119,815.21
103,093)544-57
100, 243,271.23
971124,511.58
vane 102,500,874.65
tees 105, 327)949.00
25795)320-42 | 95)577)575-E1
1,061,249.78 82,508,741.18
wee 71,077,206.79
ats 59) 160,131.25
54)578:378.48
te 51,386, 256.47
tees 50, 580,145-97
475741)577-25
445715,007-47
41,001, 484.29
36,099,284.05,
37)547)135-37
143951073-55
8,270,842-46
Revenue.
The following table gives
months—1893, 1894, 1895.
I1g2
Ricardo, David.
the government receipts, expenditures, and gold. reserve by
{All figures in millions of dollars.]
1893. 1894. 1895.
; . \ dj . : , d Cc s
MONTHS. 2 J 3 d A r= 8 b i 3 é b
Bae] § |@e | B ) ee | 8 | we | BT de | 2 | as
8 aw & Ue 3 an 38 DF 3 Ot & we
o xo Cy oo a xo 3 og o Kao 3 oe
04 me fa om i] Be sa) o 4 aA? a o
fanuaty. ageavewetel| 380 38.3 -3.3 108.2 24.1 31.3 7.2 65.7 27.8 34.5 -6.7 44-7
ebruary.. 29-7 30.9 ~1.2 103.3 22.3 26.7 4.4 106.5 22.9 25.7 -2.8 87.1
March..... 34-1 31.6 2.5 106.9 24.8 3I.1 -6.3 106.1 25.5 25-7 -.2 90.5.
April.... 28.4 33-2 4.8 97:0 22.7 32.1 9.4 100.2 24.2 33-0 -8.8 gi.2.
May..... see] 30.9 30.2 7 95-0 23-1 29.8 6.7 78.7 25.3 28.6 3-3 99.2
a seeee| 307 28, Lg 95-5 26.5 25.6 9 64-9 25.6 21.7 3-9 107.5.
UY scien js'eersiegial| 3300 39:7 -8.8 99-2 44.8 36.6 -1.8 55:0 29. 38.5, 4. 107.2
August........056| 23.9 33-3 9-4 96.0 50.4 31.7 8.7 55:2 28.9 32.6 3-7 100.3
September.. 24.6 25.5 -.9 93-6 22.6 30.3 -7-7 58.9 27.5 24.3 3.2 92.9
October.. 24.6 29.6 -5.0 84.4 1g. 32-7 -13-6 614 27.9 3455 -6.6 92.9
November, -| 24.0 31.3 -7.3 83.0 19-4 28.5 9.1 105.4 26.0 27.2 -1.2 79-3
December..... emai! | 2243 go.r -7.8 80.9 21.9 27. -5.2 86.2 26.3 25.8 5 63.3
Viear is vicajsceuslll 330.2 382.5 | -43-4 o 301:7 363-5 61.8 o 317.0 352.1 34-1 .
The total receipts of the United States from the The expenditures for the same period
beginning of the Government, 1789, to 1895 have been:
rom customs, $7,415,871,509; internal Tevenue,
41716, 760,904; direct tax, $28,131,994; public lands,
289,726,591 ; miscellaneous, $763,202,129 ; total, exclud-
1 loans, $23:22310449756. ;
he total expenditures of the United States from the
beginning of the Government, 1789, to 1895 have been:
For eivil and miscellaneous, $2,767.569,284 ; War,
$4,980,773,259 ; Navy, $1,327,407,789 ; Indians, $309,200,40r;
ensions, $1,950,403,063; interest, $2,791,537.714; total,
14,126,891, 510.
The following table from the report of the
Treasurer gives the details for the fiscal year
1894.
The revenues of the Government from all
sources for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1894,
were:
From internal revenue ......... euecenvees $147,121, 232.84
From CustOMsS.....s.seeeeseeeene 131,818, 530.62
From the District of Columbia 3y7451422.83
From fees—consular, letters patent, an
land..... Sid cists wiussistaisieie 1S Sate Suanbcetejetesr task ‘ 2,765,699.41
From sinking fund for Pacific railway 1,916,314.12
From sales of public lands.......... 1,673,637.30
From tax on national banks “re 1,610,867.56
From sale of navy-yard lands, Brook-
Lym pclNis Noe quejeaiaia a guile oreeraiereeew atoete's Sonslesis “ 1,190, 531.01
From navy pension and navy hospita
funds, etc........,. OhG 8 54 SuWeuMing seas nee 1,059,964.64
From repayment of interest by Pacific
TailwayS........0.- sissies ecioisvetens aes sjatex esses 926,420.09
From profits on coinage, bullion de-
posits, and assays..... siguawed Mewse ets 870,016.78
From miscellaneous sources........ 772,148.18
From customs fees, fines, penalties,
forfeitures.......... edisseiois ‘ 682,041.48
From sales of Indian lands..... aioayediare ne i 399,811.36
From bequest of General Cullum for
Memorial Hall, West Point..... arene! Sega 237,500.00
From immigrant fund..... sitio yeast C 214,142.47
From sales of Government property..... 201,970.88
From Soldiers’ Home, permanent fund.. 191,382.15
From sale of old custom-house, Mil-
waukee, Wis..... Was Cae See alinale sieancignnies 107,680.00
From deposits for surveying public
lands 103,424.87
From sales of ordnance mat oe 60,159.92
From reimbursement by Internat
Union of American Republics.......... 26,243.75
From sale of abandoned military
TESCRVALIONS sie criiniiss 80 censure ay veremeates . 22,202.14
From depredations on public lands...... 8,774.05
From sales of condemned naval vessels. 51400.85
From tax on sealskins............ Sua Sree . 500.00
From postal service,.... De de tslductpste + es -75,080,479.04
seeeaeceeeee $372,802, 498.29
Total receipts.........
were:
For the civil establishment, including
foreign intercourse, public buildings,
collecting the revenues, deficiency in
pose revenues, refund of direct taxes,
ounty on sugar, District of Columbia,
and other miscellaneous expenses...... $101,943,884.07
For the military establishment, includ-
ing rivers and harbors, forts, arsenals,
and seacoast defenses.......seessseveoee 4,567,929. 8:
For the naval establishment, including Sap eee
construction of new vessels, machin-
ery, armament, equipment, and im-
provements at navy-yards.....cseeee » — 31,701,293-79
For Indian service........ 10, 293,481.52
For pensions..... aris 141,177,284.96
For interest on the p " 27,841, 405.64.
For postal service.....c...esereeee sesneees — 75,080,479.87
Total expenditures..... aden a ahnes ++ $442,605,758.04.
For the receipts and expenditures of other
nations, see the different nations.
REYBAUD, MARIE ROCHE LOUIS,
was born in Marseilles in 1799. He went to
Paris in 1829, and became the leading historian
of the socialist school. A novelist as well as an
historian, in 1850 he was elected a member of
the Academy. His Atudes sur les Réforma-
tion ou Socialistes Modernes (2 vols. 1840-47)
was the first work to bring the word soczalzsm
into general use.
RICARDO, DAVID, was born in London in
1772, the son of a Jewish member of the Stock
Exchange. At the age of 14 he entered his
father’s office; but, when 21, he separated from
his father’s family and entered the Church of
England. Commencing business for himself,
he was a man of wealth at 25. In 1799 he be-
came interested in Adam Smith’s great work,
and henceforth devoted himself mainly to.
economic studies. In 1809 he wrote a series of
articleson monetary questions to the Morning
Chronicle, which led to considerable contro-
versy. In1815 he published an essay on the In-
fluence of the Low Price of Corn, or the Profit
of Stock, in which he first stated the views as
Ricardo, David.
torent afterward connected with his name,
but which he explicitly states he derived
mainly from Malthus (see Rent). In 1817 ap-
peared Ricardo’s great work, his Principles of
Political Economy and Taxation. In i819 he
entered Parliament, and was soon recognized
as an authority in economics, and a strong
supporter of the battle for free trade. In 1822
he published a tract on Protection to Agrt-
culture, and in’ 1824 was published, after his
death, his Plan for the Establishment of a
National Bank. Ricardo died September 11,
1823, James Mill saying of him, that he knew
not a better man.
Professor Ingram says of Ricardo (Hzstory
of Polttical Economy):
‘A sort of Ricardo-mythus for some time existed in
economic circles. It cannot be doubted that the exag-
gerated estimate of his merits arose in part from a
sense of the support his system gave to the manufac-
turers and other capitalists in their growing antago-
nism to the old aristocracy of land-owners. The same
tendency, as well as his affinity to their too abstract
and unhistorical modes of thought, and their eudz-
monistic doctrines, recommended him to the Ben-
thamite group, and to the so-called philosophical
radicals generally. Brougham said he seemed to have
dropped from heaven—a singular avatar, it must be
owned. His real services in connection with questions
of currency and banking naturally created a prepos-
session in favor of his more general views. But, apart
from those special subjects, it does not appear that,
either in the form of solid theoretic teaching or of val-
uable practical guidance, he hasreally done much for
the world, while he admittedly misled opinion on
several important questions. De Quincey’s presenta-
tion of him as a great revealer of truth is now seen to
be an extravagance. J. S. Mill and others speak of his
‘superior lights’ as compared with those of Adam
Smith ; but his work, as a contribution to our knowl-
edge of human society, will not bear a moment’scom-
parison with the Wealth of Nations.”
Of Ricardo’s views he says:
“The principle which he puts first in order, and
which is indeed the key to the whole, is this—that the
exchange value of any commodity, the supply of which
can be increased at will, is regulated, under a régime
of free competition, by the labor necessary for its
production. Similar propositions are to be found in
the Wealthof Nations, not to speak of earlier English
writings. On this basis Ricardo goes on to explain
the laws according to which the produce of the land
and the labor of the country is distributed among
the several classes which take part in production.
[Professor Ingram then goes on to show where Ricardo
got his theory of rent, and then says:]
‘“The essence of the theory is that rent, being the
price paid by the cultivator to the owner of land for
the use of its productive powers, is equal to the excess
of the price of tie produce of the land over the cost of
production on that land. With the increase of popu-
lation, and therefore of demand for food, inferior soils
will be taken into cultivation; and the price of the
entire supply necessary for the community will be
regulated by the cost of production of that portion of
the supply which is produced at the greatest expense.
But for the land which will barely repay the cost of
cultivation, no rent will be paid. Hence, the rent of
any quality of land will be equal to the difference be-
tween the cost of production on that land and the cost
of production of that produce which is raised at the
greatest expense. ...
“The great importance of the theory of rent in Ri-
eardo’s system arises from the fact that he makes
the general economic condition of so-
ciety to depend altogether on the posi-
Ricardian tion in which agricultural exploitation
stands. This will be seen from the fol-
Law of Rent. jowing statement of his theory of wages
and profits. The produce of every ex-
penditure of labor and capital being
divided between the laborer and the capitalist, in pro-
portion as one obtains more the other will necessarily
obtain less. The productiveness of labor being given,
nothing can diminish profit but a rise of wages, or in-
II93
** Rings.’”
crease it but a fall of wages. Now, the price of labor,
being the same as its cost of production, is determined
by the price of the commodities necessary for the
support of the laborer. The price of such manufac
tured articles as he requires has a constant tendency
to fall, principally by reason of the progressive appli-
cation of the division of labor to their production.
But the cost of his maintenance essentially depends,
not on the price of those articles, but on that of his.
food ; and, as ee of food will in the prog-
ress of society and of population require the sacrifice
of more and more labor, eee will rise; money
wages will constantly rise, and with the rise of wages.
profits will fall. Thus it is to the necessary gradual
descent to inferior soils, or less productive expendi-
ture on the same soil, that the decrease in the rate of
profit which has historically taken place is to be attrib-
uted (Smith ascribed this decrease to the competition
of capitalists, tho in one place, bk. i. chap. ix., he
had a piimipes of the Ricardian view). This gravita-
tion of profits toward a minimum is happily checked
at times by improvements of the machinery employed
in the production of necessaries, and especially by
such discoveries in agriculture and other causes as.
reduce the cost of the prime necessary of the laborer ;.
but, here again, the tendency is constant. While the
capitalist thus loses, the laborer does not gain: his
increased money wages only enable him to pay the:
increased price of his necessaries, of which he will
have no greater and probably a less share than he
had before. In fact, the laborer can never for any
considerable time earn more than what is required to
enable the class to subsist in such a degree of comfort.
as custom has made indispensable to them, and to per-
petuate their race without either increase or diminu-
tion. That is the ‘natural’ price of
labor; and if the market rate tempo-
rarily rises above it, population will be
stimulated, and the rate of wages will Wages
again fall. Thus, while rent has a con- and
stant tendency to rise and profit to fall, Profit.
the rise or fall of wages will depend on
the rate of increase of the working
classes. For the improvement of their condition, Ri-
cardo thus has to fall back on the Malthusian remedy,
of the effective application of which he does not, how-
ever, seem to have much expectation. The securities
against a superabundant population to which he
inclines are the gradual abolition of the poor-laws—for
their amendment would not content him—and the de-
velopment among the working classes of a taste
for greater comforts and enjoyments.
“Tt will be seen that the socialists have somewhat
exaggerated in announcing, as Ricardo’s ‘iron law’
of wages, their absolute identity with the amount
necessary to sustain the existence of the laborer and.
enable him to continue the race. He recognizes the
influence of a ‘standard of living’ as limiting the
increase of the numbers of the working classes, and so:
keeping their wages above the lowest point. But he
also holds that, in long-settled countries, in the ordi-
nary course of human affairs, and in the absence of
special efforts restricting the growth of population,
the condition of the laborer will decline as surely, and
from the same causes, as that of the landlord will be
improved.”
“RINGS.”"—The New York Natzon (xiii.
333) says ‘‘a [political] ring is, in its common
form, a small number of persons who get pos-
session of an administrative machine and dis-
tribute the offices or other good things connected
with it among a band of fellows of greater or
less dimensions, who agree to divide with
them whatever they make.” The most famous
rings in America have been the Tweed ring
(7. v.), the Whisky ring, and the Philadelphia
gas ring. To the Philadelphia gas ring,
which he treats as a typical ring, Professor
Bryce devotes an especial chapter in his
American Commonwealth, According to this
account the Republican party in Pennsylvania
during the war fell into the control of obscure
and corrupt citizens, in part, at least, because
the best citizens were absorbed in national
issues. A clique developed with ramifications
** Rings.”
at Washington, Harrisburg, and Philadelphia.
In the latter city they gave it complete con-
trol. Says Mr. Bryce:
‘‘They sometimes placed men of good social stand-
ing in the higher posts, but filled the inferior ones,
which were very numerous, with their own creatures,
“The water department, the highway department, the
tax department, the city treasurer’s department, the
county commissioner’s office, fell into their hands. A
mayor appointed by them filled the police with their
thenchmen till it became a completely partizan force.
But the center of their power was the gas trust, ad-
ministered by trustees, one of whom, by his superior
activity andintelligence, secured the command of the
~whole party machinery, and reached the high position
of recognized Boss of Philadelphia. This gentleman,
Mr. James M’Manes, having gained influence among
the humbler voters, was appointed one of the gas
trustees, and soon managed to bring the whole of
that department under his control. It employed (I
was told) about 2000 persons, received large sums, and
gave out large contracts. Appointing his friends and
dependents to the chief places under the trust, and re-
quiring them to fill the ranks of its ordinary work-
men with persons on whom they could rely, the Boss
cequired the control of a considerable number of votes
and of a large annual revenue. He and his confeder-
ates then purchased a controlling interest in the prin-
cipal horse-car (street tramway) company of the city,
whereby they became masters of a large number of
additional voters. All these voters were of course
expected to act as ‘workers,’ z. ¢., they occupied them-
selves with the party organization of the city, they
knew the meanest streets and those who dwelt therein,
‘they attended and swayed the primaries, and when an
election came round, they canvassed and brought up
the voters. Their power, therefore, went far beyond
their mere voting stregth, for a hundred energetic
‘workers’ mean at least a thousand votes. With so
much strength behind them the gas ring, and Mr.
M’Manes at its head, became not merely indispensable
to the Republican party in the city, but in fact its
chiefs, able therefore to dispose of the votes of all
those who were employed permanently ortemporarily
in the other departments of the city government—a
‘number which one hears estimated as high as 20,000.
Nearly all the municipal offices were held by their
nominees. They commanded a majority in the
Select Council and Common Council. They managed
the nomination of members of the State legislature.
Even the Federal officials in the custom-house and
post-office were forced intoa dependent alliance with
them, because their support was so valuable to the
‘leaders in Federal politics that ithad to be purchased
by giving them their way in city affairs. ‘here was
no getting at the trust, because ‘its meetings were
held in secret, its published annual report to the city
councils was confused and unintelligible, and (as
‘was subsequently proved) actually falsified.’* Mr.
M’ Manes held the pay rolls under lock and key, so that
no one could know how many employees there were,
and it was open to him to incréase their number to any
extent. The city councils might indeed ask for infor-
mation, but he was careful to fill the city councils with
‘his nominees, and to keep them in humor by ashare of
whatever spoil there might be, and still more by a
Share of the patronage... .
_*See Report of the Committee of One Hundred, pub-
‘lished November, 1884. A leading citizen of Philadel-
phia, from whom I have Sought an explanation of the
way in which the gas trust had managed to intrench
itself, writes me as follows: ‘When in 1835 gas was
first introduced in Philadelphia, it was manufactured
by a private company, but the city reserved the right
‘to buy out the stockholders. When this was done, in
1841, with the object of keeping the works ‘out of poli-
tics,’ the control was vested in a board of twelve, each
serving for three years. These were constituted trus-
‘tees of the loans issued for the construction and en-
largement of the works. Their appointment was
lodged in the hands of the city councils; but when, on
more than one occasion, the councils endeavored to
obtain control of the works, the courts were appealed
to and decided that the board, as trustees for the
bondholders, could not be interfered with until the
dast of the bonds issued under this arrangement had
matured and had been paid off. Thirty-year loans
under these conditions were issued until 1855, So that
ait was not until 1885 that the city was able to break
within the charmed circle of the trust.”
1194
*‘ Rings.”
“ But how was reform to be effected? Three method$
presented themselves. One was to proceed agains:
the gas trustees and other peculators inthe courts o
the State. But to make out a case the facts must first
be ascertained, the accountsexamined.... The pow-
ers which should have scrutinized them, and compelled
a fuller disclosure, were vested in the councils of the
city, acting by their standing committees, But these
councils weré mainly composed of members or nomi-
nees of the ring, who had a direct interest in suppress-
ing inquiry, because they either shared the profits of
dishonesty or had placed their own relatives and
friends in municipal employment by bargains with
the peculating heads of departments. They therefore
refused to move, and voted down the proposals for in-
vestigation made by a few of their more public-spirited
colleagues.
‘Another method was to turn out the corrupt offi-
cials at the next election. The American system of
short terms and popular elections was originally due
to a distrust of the officials, and expressly designed to
enable the peeve to recall misused powers. The
astuteness of professional politicians had, however,
made it unavailable. Good citizens could not hope to
carry candidates of their own against the tainted
nominees of the ring, because the latter, having the
‘straight’ or ‘regular’ party nominations, would com-
mand the vote of the great mass of ordinary party
men, so that the only effect of voting against them
would at best be to let in the candidates of the oppo-
site, 2 ¢, the Democratic party. These candidates
were usually no better than the Republican ring... .
The third avenue to reform lay through the action of
the State legislature. ... But this avenue was closed
even more completely than the other two by the con-
trol which the city ring exercised over the State leg-
islature. The Pennsylvania House of Representatives
was notoriously a tainted body, and the Senate no
better, or perhaps, as some think, worse.”
Only by a long, desperate struggle of the
better citizens, who were aroused to disgust,
was the-ring finally overthrown by the forma-
tion of a Committee of One Hundred, the
ceaseless efforts of a few citizens, the rousing
of a general feeling, leading at last to the elec-
tion of a reform Democrat, and the final con-
viction of some of the officials in the courts.
On the situation Professor Bryce quotes two
eminent Philadelphians. One says:
“Those who study these questions most critically,
and think the most carefully, fear more for the repub-
lic from the indifference of the better classes than the
ignorance of the lower classes. We hear endless talk
about the power of the labor vote, the Irish vote, the
German vote, the granger vote, but no combination at
the ballot box to-day is as numerous or powerful as
the stay-at-home vote.”
The other, Mr. Henry C. Lea, the distin-
guished historian, says:
“Your expression of surprise at the maladminis-
tration of Philadelphia is thoroughly justified. Inex-
isting social conditions it would be difficult to conceive
of a large community of which it would appear more
safe to predicate judicious self-government than ours.
Nowhere is there to be found a more general diffusion
of Property or a higher average standard of comfort
and intelligence—nowhere so large a proportion of
land-owners bearing the burden.of direct taxation,
and personally interested in the wise and honest ex-
penditure of the public revenue, In these respects it
1s almost an ideal community in which to work out
practical results from democratic theories. I have
often speculated as to the causes of failure without
satisfying myself with any solution. Itis not attribu-
table to manhood suffrage, for in my reform labors I
have found that the most dangerous enemies of reform
have not been the ignorant and poor but men of
wealth, of high social position and character, who had
nothing personally to gain from political corruption,
but who showed themselves as unfitted to exercise the
tight of suffrage as the lowest proletariat, by allowing
their partizanship to enlist them in the support of can-
didates notoriously bad who happened, by control of
party machinery, to obtain the ‘regular’ nomination.
“The nearest approach which I can make to an ex-
planation is that the spirit of party blinds many,
- while still more are governed by the mental inertia
Ritchie, David G.
which renders independent thought the most labor-
ious of tasks, and the selfish indolence which shrinks
from interrupting the daily routine of avocations.”
(See also CorrupTION ; ELECTIONS.)
RISK. See InTErEsr.
RITCHIE, DAVID G., was born at Jed-
burgh, Scotland, in 1853, and received’ his
school education there. He was graduated
with honors from the University of Edinburgh
in 1874, and the same year matriculated at
Balliol College, at Oxford, attending, among
other lectures, those of Professor T. H. Green.
He was elected to an open fellowship in Jesus
College, and since 1879 he has been college
lecturer and tutor in logic (in the widest sense
of the term).
In politics Professor Ritchie has been a
Radical, largely favoring State socialism.
Besides many review articles and essays, he
has written Darwinism and Polztics (Sonnen-
schein, 1889); second edition, with two addi-
tional Essays on Human Evolution (1891); of
this little book, in its original form, two un-
authorized reprints (one of them under the
same cover with Professor Huxley's Admznzs-
trative Nzihilism) have appeared in the
United States of America ; The Principles of
State Interference; Four Essays on the Po-
litical gor of Mr. Herbert Spencer,
J- S. Mill, an z Hf. Green (Sonnenschein,
1891); Darwin and Hegel, with other philo-
sophical studies (1893).
ROADS.—The importance of good roads to
a community is evident, tho not always re-
membered. Traffic, industry, communication,
are dependent upon them.
The roads of the Roman empire were
expensive and have endured, but can be im-
proved upon by modern engineering. Twen-
ty-nine military roads centered at Rome, and
had, according to Antoninus, a total length of
52,964 Romanmiles. Ancient Peru and Mexico
had good roads. In the Middle Ages roads
were neglected. In 1350, in England, certain
roads were given to private companies, to
repair and collect tolls. In the eighteenth
century, in the United States, turnpikes were
maintained by private companies, and this
custom still remains in some places, tho with
poor results. In 1796 an act of Congress
authorized a road from Baltimore westward,
which was completed for 650 miles.
In Europe roads to-day are very much bet-
ter than in America, tho an agitation has now
commenced in the United States for better
roads. Where the roads are cared for by the
farmers their time and money are often
wasted. Civil engineering is at first expen-
sive, but in the long run cheaper, and far
better. The cost of macadamized roads va-
ries from $3000 to $9000 per mile. An organi-
zation has been effected, called the National
League for Good Roads, which publishes
useful literature.
References: Streets and Highways in Foreign
Countries, a collection of consular coe (1891) ;
Byrne's Highway Construction (1892) ; Good Roads, a
monthly magazine published in New York ; see also
COXEY. .
1195
Rodbertus, Karl Johann.
ROCHDALE PIONEERS, the name given
to the weavers of Rochdale (England), who
started the great Rochdale cooperative move-
ment. A rainy night in November, 1843, 12
men met in the back room of a mean inn, and
commenced this cooperative movement by or-
ganizing themselves as ‘‘ The Rochdale Society
of Equitable Pioneers,” They agreed to pay 20
pence a week into a common fund, tho only a
few of the 12 were able to pay their pence
that evening.
They began by buying a little tea and sugar
at wholesale prices, which they sold to their
members at little more than cost. Ina year
their number had grown to 28, and they had
collected £28, with which they rented a little
store, and stocked it with £15 worth of
flour. For their after history, and the suc-
cess of the cooperative movement which
has grown out of this beginning, see CoorEr-
ATION.
RODBERTUS, KARL JOHANN (or Rod-
bertus-Jagetzow, as he is sometimes called,
from his estates), was born in 1805 at Griefs-
wald; his father beimg a professor. He was
educated at Berlin, Gottingen, and Heidel-
berg. After practising law, and traveling,
he bought, in 1836, the estate of Jagetzow in
Pomerania. Here he devoted himself to eco-
nomic and other studies, and became prom-
inent in Prussian politics. In June, 1848, he
was for a fortnight Cabinet Minister for Public
Worship and Education; but differences in
opinion caused him to resign. He was elected
in 1849, once for the First Chamber, and
twice for the Second. Defeated as a candi-
date for the first North German Diet, he re-
tired from politics, and Lassalle, who wrote
him, could not.induce him to combine his so-
cialism with a political agitation. His first
great work, published in 1842, Zur Kenut-
miss unserer staatswirthschaftlichen Zus-
¢tdnde, outlines his position. He was a Ri-
cardian, and from this position, before Marx,
deduced socialistic economics. Many modern
economists call him a greater socialist econo-
mist than Marx. He died on his estates, 8th
December, 1875. Professor Wagner calls Rod-
bertus ‘‘ the first, the most original, and the
boldest representative of scientific socialism in
Germany,” and ‘‘the most distinguished
theorist of the purely economic side of
scientific socialism.”
Rodbertus speaks of his economic theories as a
“logical development of the proposition introduced
into science by Smith, and established more firmly by
Ricardo’s school, that all commodities can only be
considered economically as the product of labor, and
cost nothing but labor.” This proposition he places
at the beginning. He argues that, however the pro-
ductivity may increase, the laborers are ever thrown
back by the force of trade upon a rate of wages which
does not exceed the necessary subsistence. e defines
rent as that income which is derived by virtue of a
ossession, and without labor, and he divides rent
into rent from land and rent from capital. The food
and means of subsistence paid to the laborers from
the produce of the land are their wages, and the rest
of the commodities produced are the rent retained by
the owner of the land; this is land-rent. Similarly,
capital-rent is all the income which remains to the cap-
italist after deduction of wages paid to his laborers.
But all produce is the produce of labor, and with free
competition the value of every commodity gravitates
Rodbertus, Karl Johann.
toward the value of the labor expended upon it; so
that the relationship between the values of the raw
and manufactured products is, on the
whole, only regulated by the amount of
so labor expended upon each. Rodbertus
Economic points out that a change in the sum of
Analysis. a nation’s productive force; in other
words, a change in the number of labor-
ers—apart, of course, from an alteration
in productivity, or in the division of the produce—only
changes the sum of the national produce and the
amounts (not the proportions) which fall to rent and
wages. According as the sum of the productive forces
employed increases or decreases, will more or less
rent be received by the land-owners, and more or less
profit by the capitalists. Wages will not be higher
with increased production, because, productivity and
division being supposed the same, the increased prod-
uce falling to the laborers will be shared by the larger
population. There can be no rent, then, first, unless
the labor produce more than is necessary in order that
the laborer may continue his labor, and second, un-
less institutions exist for depriving the laborer of this
surplus, wholly or in part, and giving it to others, who
do not themselves work, since the laborer is primarily
in possession of the produce of his labor. This is
especially seen in the case of slave-labor, where the
laborer is allowed just so much of the produce as is
necessary tothe continuation of his labor. In modern
times the arbitrary measures of the slave-owner have
been replaced by the wage system or contract; but,
says Rodbertus, “this contract is only formally and
not actually free, and hunger fully takes the place of
the whip. What used to be ealled food is now called
wages. ... A very large part of the people is no
longer able to live upon its own means, but is in some
way or other thrown on the support of the other part
of society.... This fact runs parallel with another
equally indubitable, and making the first still more
striking; the national wealth has simultaneously in-
creased. Not only has the national income be-
come greater, because the population has increased
and the increased population has therefore produce
more ; butif the increased national wealth be divided
between the increased population there is a larger
sum per head.”’ These remarkable facts go together:
(x) the impoverishment in a nation increases out of
proportion to the growth of population,
while simultaneously (2) the ae
income increases at greater ratio than
The Present. the population, and the national wealth
also tends to grow. This phenomenon
Rodbertus holds to be unique in history.
The social condition of the working classes should be
raised to the level of their political condition; but all
that has been done so far has been to press it lower
down. Rodbertus has no patience with the egotism
which, ‘‘clothing itself too often in the garb of moral-
ity,” says that the vices of the working classes are the
causes of their misery and of pauperism. People call
out to the laborer, Ora ef Lora, and enjoin upon
him the duty of temperance and providence; but the
fact is, says Rodbertus, that thrift is an impossibility,
and to preach thrift where there is no chance of saving
is pure cant andcruelty. Not, indeed, that morality is
not to be enjoined on the working classes. Morality
should never cease to enforce its categorical impera-
tive everywhere, powerless as the human will is to at-
tain to perfection ; but the policy of merely reiterating
the duty of morality is useless. He who gives bread
to the hungry man, he remarks, protects him far more
surely from stealing than he who repeats the com-
mand, ‘Thou shalt not steal.” Nor hashe much more
respect for the /azssez-fatre school of economists. He
sneers at the argument of “natural laws.’’ Only in
nature do natural laws act of themselves intelligently.
For society, which is not natural, laws must be made.
Rodbertus proposes to abolish the present wage-
contract and to introduce in its place a normal work-
day with a normal form of wages; then
to introduce labor-note money, the issue
of which should be entirely in the hands
of the State; and finally to establish a
system of warehouses for commodities
to be paidas wages. These contrivances
would provisionally leave property in
land and capital as at present, except that for the
future the laboring classes would share in the in-
creasing productivity; but the ultimate goal is the
replacement of this form of property by a property
of income alone, which would inaugurate a new and
a higher State order than any that has gone before.
But Rodbertus’ work-day does not mean with him
what it means with most socialists—a legally deter-
Socialist
Views.
1196
Rogers, James Edwin Thorold.
mined number of hours’ work daily. He expressly
says in one place that the expectation that such a nor-
mal work-day will protect the laborers from the greed
of their employers. and secure them fair wages, is en-
tirely without foundation. Nor does he regard the
legal limitation of the period of labor in the case of
adult males as tenable on practical grounds, or de-
fensible when regarded from the standpoint of per-
sonal right, though he makes an exception with
females and children. ‘‘As much as Iam for the sub-
ordination of the individual to the State,” he says, “I
still maintain that the State has no right to say toa
free man, ‘ You shall work no more than so and so many
hours.’ ” The proper thing isto increase wages, and
then, if the workman finds that he can earn in four
hours enough to keep him for the day, there will be
little fear of his working twelve. Even if the State
were to restrict the hours of labor to eight, and to de-
cree that wages should not be reduced, the material
position of the working classes would not be improved.
‘Legislation which ox/y restricts the hours of labor
merely lopsthe branches ofa poisontree. Legislation
which at once fixes a definite amount of labor, or
rather a definite performance (Letstungsquantum),.
lays the ax at its roots, plants in its place a healthy,
fruitful tree, which it can then allow to shoot and.
blossom as freely as it will.” ‘‘ The way is long,” he
remarks in one of his letters, but for that reason it is.
desirable that the journey shall be begun without de-
lay. Justice and prudence alike urge the necessity
for movement, since the social question is fast taking
this form: ‘Are the proprietors of the soil to be
driven out, asina migration of the nations, by those
who are without property?” But the cost! ‘Cer-
tainly, the solution of the social problem will cost
more than the printer’s ink of a police order, pple
because it zs the social problem.’”’ Heis confident that
this problem will never be settled ‘‘in the street b:
means of strikes, paving-stones, or petroleum ;” tha’
social ills will not be ‘‘relieved, much less healed, by
camomile tea.” Permanent social peace, a strong ex-
ecutive power, enjoying the confidence and attach-
ment of the working classes, and extensive prepara-
tions made in quiet and order, are all necessary ps
liminariesto the final settlement of a difficulty which
becomes more dangerous the longer it is ignored.
Rodbertus’ most important works, besides
the above named, are Sozzale Briefe an v.
Kirchmann (1850-51); Zr Erkldérung und
Abhiilfe der heutigen Kreditnoth des Grund-
besitzes (1868-69); Der normale Arbettstag
1871).
: any best English account of Rodbertus is to
be found in W. H. Dawson's Soczalism and
Ferdinand Lassaille, from which our account
is abridged.
ROGERS, JAMES EDWIN THOROLD,
was born in Hampshire, England, in 1823. He
matriculated at Magdalen Hall, Oxford, in
1842, and was graduated in 1846. He took
holy orders, but later renounced them, In
1862 he was elected professor of Political
Economy at Oxford, but failed of reelection in
1868, owing to his radical views. From 1880
to 1886 he sat in Parliament, and was reinstated
professor at Oxford in 1888, where he died in
1890. Commencing as an economist of the
orthodox economic school, he devoted himself
to economic historical research, and his inves-
tigations soon convinced him that orthodoxy
in this case was very radically wrong; and
this conviction grew still more upon him, and
was stated with still greater force, as years
went on.
With the conclusions that he drew from his
labors in social and industrial history, later
economists have felt themselves often com-
pelled to disagree, but his learning and capac-
ity for research none can question. ‘
Professor Rogers’ main results are found in
Rogers, James Edwin Thorold.
his 1-vol. Stx Centurzes of Work and Wages
(1885), and more comprehensively and minutely
in his 6-vol. Hestory of Agriculture and Prices
(1886-88). Twenty years of patient investiga-
tion he put into his Hzstor of. Agriculture and
Prices. He has collected thousands and thous-
ands of records of prices actually paid for differ-
ent commodities, or for various kinds of labor;
has put together the records of the different
kinds belonging to the same year; has averaged
these, has then averaged these averages for
decades, and finally these decade averages for
period averages; and has thus obtained results
it is impossible to question, because based
on statements written with no thought of the
use to which they would be put.
Professor Rogers found these records in old
exchequer bills, the college records, the manor
rolls, the farm accounts preserved, as it were
by accident, in the state, university, and
municipal archives of English libraries. It
was almost by accident that Professor Rogers
discovered them and saw their unique value.
His other works were The Economic Inter-
pretation of History (1888) and The [ndus-
trial and Commercial History of England
(1892), edited by his son.
ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH AND
SOCIAL REFORM.—As the best statement
of the attitude of the Roman Catholic Church
to social reform, we print in full the Encyclical
Letter of Pope Leo XIII., dated May 15, 1891,
on the condition of the working classes, and a
portion of the Encyclical of January 10, 1890,
on the chief duties of Christians as citizens.
For the attitude of the Roman Catholic Church
in education, see article, RELIGION IN THE
Pusiic ScHoots. Forthecontributions of the
Roman Catholic Church to social reform in
the past, see articles, CHuRCH AND SocIAL
REFORM; CHRISTIANITY AND SociAL REFORM;
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM; MIDDLE AGEs; Usury;
INSTITUTIONAL CHURCHES, etc. The textof the
following translations is taken from the vol-
ume, 7he Pope and the People, edited by the
Rev. W. H. Eyre, S. J., and approved by
the Archbishop of Westminster, London:
““THE CONDITION OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
“That the spirit of revolutionary change, which has
long been disturbing the nations ofthe world, should
have ee beyond the sphere of politics and made
its influence felt in the cognate sphere of practical
economics is not surprising. The elements of the
conflict now raging are unmistakable, in the vast
expansion of industrial pursuits and the marvelous
discoveries of science; in the changed relations be-
tween masters and workmen; in the enormous for-
tunes of some few individuals and the utter poverty
of the masses; in the increased self-reliance and closer
mutual combination of the working classes; as also,
finally in the prevailing moral degeneracy. The
momentous gravity of the state of things now obtain-
ing fills every mind with painful apprehension ; wise
men are discussing it; practical men are proposing
schemes; popular meetings, legislatures, andrulers of
nations are all busied with it—and actually there isno
question which has taken a deeper hold on the public
mind,
“Therefore, Venerable Brethren, as on former occa-
sions when it seemed opportune to refute false teach-
ing, we have addressed you in the interests of the
Church and of the common weal, and have issued let-
ters bearing on Political Power, Human Liberty,
The Christian Constitution of the State, and like mat-
1197
Roman Catholic Church.
‘ters, so have we thought it expedient now to speak on
The Condition of the Working Classes. Itisa subject
on which we have already touched more than once,
incidentally. Butin the present letter the responsi-
bility of the Apostolic office urges us to treat the
question of set purpose and in detail, in order that no
misapprehension may exist as to the principles which
truth and justice dictate for its settlement. The dis-
cussion is not easy, nor is it void of danger. Itisno
easy nratter to detine the relative rights and mutual
duties of the rich and of the poor, of capital and of
labor. And the danger lies in this, that crafty agita-
tors are intent on making use of these differences
of opinion to pervert men’s judgments and to stir
up the people to revolt.
“But all agree, and there can be no question what-
ever, that some remedy must be found, and found
quickly, for the misery and wretchedness pressing so
heavily and unjustly at this moment on the vast
majority of the working classes.
‘“For the ancient working men’s Gilds were abol-
ished in the last century, and no other organization
took their place. Public institutions and the very
laws have set aside the ancient religion. Hence, by
degrees it has come to pass that working men have
been surrendered, all isolated and helpless, to the
hard-heartedness of eer and the greed of un-
checked competition. The mischief has been increased
by rapacious usury, which, although more than once
condemned by the Church, is nevertheless, under
a different guise, but with the like injustice, still prac-
tised by covetous and grasping men. To this must be
added the custom of working by contract, and the
concentration of so many branches of trade in the
hands of a few individuals ; so that a small number of
very rich men have been able to lay upon the teeming
masses of the laboring poor a yoke little better than
that of slavery itself.
““To remedy these wrongs the socialists, working on
the poor man’s envy of the rich, are striving to do
away with private property, and con-
tend that individual possessions should
become the common property of all, to
be administered by the State or by
municipal bodies. They hold that by
thus transferring property from pri-
vate individuals to the community, the present mis-
chievous state of things will be set to rights, inasmuch
as each citizen will then get his fair share of whatever
there isto enjoy. But their contentions are so clearly
powerless to end the controversy that, were they car-
ried into effect, the working man himself would be
among the first tosuffer. They are moreover emphat-
ically unjust, because they would rob the lawful pos-
sessor, bring State action into a sphere not within its
competence, and create utter confusion in the com-
munity.
“It is surely undeniable that, when a man engages
in remunerative labor, the impelling reason and mo-
tive of his work is to obtain property,
and thereafter to hold it as his very
Socialism,
own. If one man hires out to another Private
his strength or skill, he does so for the
purpose of receiving in return what is Property.
necessary for sustenance and educa-
tion ; he therefore expressly intends to
acquire a right full and real, not only to the remuner-
ation, but also to the disposal of such remuneration,
just as he pleases. Thus, if he lives sparingly, saves
money, and, for greater security, invests his savings
in land, the land, in such case, is only his wages under
another form; and, consequently, a working man’s
little estate thus purchased enceld be as completely at
his full ae ee as are the wages he receives for
his labor. ut it is precisely in such power of dis-
posal that ownership obtains, whether the property
consist of land or chattels. Socialists, therefore, by
endeavoring to transfer the possessions of individuals
to the community at large, strike at the interests of
every wage-earner, since they would deprive him of
the liberty of disposing of his wages, and thereby
of all hope and possibility of increasing his stock and
of bettering his condition in life.
“What is of far greater moment, however, is the
’ fact that the remedy they propose is manifestly against
justice. For every man has by nature the right to
possess property as hisown. This is one of the chief
points of distinction between man and the animal
creation, for the brute has no power of self-direction,
but is governed by two main instincts, which keep his
powers on the alert, impel him to develop them in
a fitting manner, and stimulate and determine him to
action without any power of choice. One of these
e
Roman Catholic Church.
instincts is self-preservation, the other the propaga-
tion of the species. . Both can attain their purpose by
means of things which lie within range; beyond their
verge the brute creation cannot go, for they are
moved to action by their senses only, and in the spe-
cial direction which these suggest. But with man it is
wholly different. He possesses, on the one hand, the
full perfection of the animal being, and hence enjoys,
at least as much as the rest of the animal kind, the
fruition of things material. But animal nature, how-
ever perfect, is far from representing the human
being in its completeness, and isin truth but human-
ity’s humble handmaid, made to serve and to obey.
It is the mind, or reason, which is the predominant
element in us who are human creatures; it is this
which renders a human being human, and dis-
tinguishes him essentially and generically from the
brute. And on this very account—that man alone
among the animal creation is endowed with reason—it
must be within his right to possess things not merely
for temporary and momentary use, as other living
things do, but to have and to hold them in stable and
permanent possession ; he must have not only things
that perish in the USE but those also which, though
they have been reduced into use, continue for further
use in after time.
“This becomes still more clearly evident if man’s
nature be considered a little more deeply. For man,
fathoming by his faculty of reason matters without
number, and linking the future with the present, be-
coming, furthermore, by taking enlightened fore-
thought, master of his own acts, guides his ways
under the eternal law and the power of God, whose
Providence governs allthings. Wherefore it is in his
power to exercise his choice not only as to matters
that regard his present welfare, but also about those
which he deems may be for hisadvantage in time yet
tocome. Hence man not only can possess the fruits
of the earth, but alsothe very soil,inasmuch as from
the produce of the earth he has to lay by provision
for the future. Man’s needs do not die out, but recur;
although satisfied to-day, they demand fresh supplies
for to-morrow. Nature econ owes to man a
storehouse that shall never fail, affording the daily
supply for his daily wants. And this he finds solely
in fhe inexhaustible fertility of the earth.
‘Neither do we, at this stage, need to bring into ac-
tion the interference of the State. Man precedes the
State, and possesses, prior to the formation of any
State, the right of providing for the sustenance of his
body. Now to affirm that God has given the earth
for the use and enjoyment of the whole human race
is not to deny that private property is lawful. For
God has granted the earth tomankind in general, not
in the sense that all without distinction can deal with
itas they like, but rather that no part of it has been
assigned to any one in particular, and that the limits
of private possession have been left to be fixed by
man’s own industry, and by the laws of individual
races. Moreover, the earth, even though apportioned
among private owners, ceases not thereby to minister
to the needs of all, inasmuch as there is no one who
does not sustain life from what the land produces.
Thosé who do not possess the soil contribute their
labor ; hence it may truly be said that all human sub-
sistence is derived either from labor on one’s own
land, or from some toilsome calling, which is paid
for either in the produce of the land itself, or in that
which is exchanged for what the land brings forth.
“Here, again, we have further proof that private
ownership is in accordance with the law of nature.
Truly, that which is required for the preservation of
life, and for life’s well being, is produced in great
abundance from the soil, but not until man has
brought it into cultivation and expended upon it his
solicitude and skill. Now, when man thus turns the
activity of his mind and the strength of his body to-
ward procuring the fruits of nature, by such act he
makes his own that portion of nature's field which he
cultivates—that portion on which he leaves, as it
were, the impress of his individuality ; and it cannot
but be just that he should possess that portion as his
very own, and have a right to hold it without anyone
being justified in violating that right.
_ ‘So strong and convincing are these arguments that
it seems amazing that some should now be setting up
anew certain obsolete opinions in opposition to what
is here laid down. They assert that it isright for pri-
vate persons to have the use of the soil andits various
fruits, but that it is unjust for any one to possess out-
right either the land on which he has built, or the es-
tate which he has brought under cultivation. But
those who deny these rights do not perceive that they
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are defrauding man of what his own labor has pro--
duced. For the soil which is tilled and cultivated.
with toiland skill utterly changes its condition ; it was.
wild before, now it is fruitful; was barren, but now
brings forth inabundance, That which has thus al-
tered and improved the land becomes so truly part of
itself as to be in great measure indistinguishable and
inseparable from it. Is it just that the fruit of a man’s.
own sweat and labor should be possessed and enjoyed
by any one else? As effects follow their cause, so is it
just and right that the results of labor should belong
to those who have bestowed their labor.
_‘‘ With reason, then, the common opinion of mankind,
little affected by the few dissentients who have con-
tended for the opposite view, has found in the careful
study of nature, and in the laws of nature, the foun-
dations of the division of property, and the practise
of all ages has consecrated the principle of private
ownership, as being preeminentlyin conformity with
human nature, and as conducing in the most unmis-
takable manner to the peace and tranquillity of human
existence. The same principle is confirmed and en-
forced by the civil laws—laws which, so long as they
are just, derive from the law of nature their binding
force. The authority of the Divine Law adds its.
sanction, forbidding us in severest terms even to
covet that which is another’s: Thou shall not covet
thy neighbor's wife; nor his house, nor his field, nor
his manservant, nor his maidservant, nor his ox,
nor his ass, nor anything which ts his.*
“The rights here spoken of, belonging to each indi-
vidual man, are seen in much stronger light when
considered in relation to man’s social
and domestic obligations. In choosing
a state of life, it is indisputable that all
are at full liberty to follow the counsel
of Jesus Christ as to observing virgin-
ity, or to bind themselves by the mar-
riage tie. No human law can abolish the natural and
original right of marriage, nor in any way limit the
chief and principal purpose of marriage, ordained by
God’s authority from the beginning. J/xcrease and
multiply. Hence we have the family: the ‘society’
of a man’s house—a society limited indeed innumbers,
but noless a true ‘society,’ anterior to every kind of
State or nation, invested with rights and duties of
its own, totally independent of the civil community.
“That right of property, therefore, which has been
proved to belong naturally to individual persons,
must likewise belong to a man in his capacity of
head of a family ; nay, such a person must possess this
right somuch the more clearly in proportion as his
osition multiplies his duties. For it is a most sacred
awof nature that a father should provide food and
all necessaries for those whom he has begotten; and,
similarly, nature dictates that a man’s children, who
carry on, so tospeak, and continue his own person-
ality, should be by him provided with all that is need-
ful to enable them to keep themselves honorably from
want and misery amid the uncertainties of this mor-
tal life. Now, in no other way can a father effect this
except by the ownership of lucrative property, which
he can transmit to his children by inheritance. A
The Family.
‘family, no less than a State, is, as we have said,a
true Society, governed by a power within its sphere,
that isto say, by the father. Provided, therefore, the
limits which are prescribed by the very purposes for
which it exists be not transgressed, the family has at
least equal rights with the State in the choice and
pursuit of the things needful to its preservation and
its just liberty. i
“We say, at least equal rights; for inasmuch asthe
domestic household is antecedent, as well in idea as
in fact, to the gathering of men into a community,
the family must necessarily have rights and duties
which are prior to those of the community, and
founded more immediately innature. If the citizens
of a State—in other words the families—on entering
into association and fellowship were to experience at
the hands of the State hindrance instead of help, and
were to find their rights attacked instead of being up-
held, such association should be held in detestation,
rather than bean object of desire.
“Thecontention, then, that the civil government
should at its option intrude into and exercise intimate
control over the family and the household, is a great
and pernicious error. True, if a family finds itself in
exceeding distress, utterly deprived of the counsel of
friends, and without any prospect of extricating itself,
itis right that extreme necessity be met by public
* Deuteronomy Vv. 21.
+ Genests i. 28.
Roman Catholic Church.
aid, since each family is a part of the commonwealth.
In like manner, if within the precinets of the house-
hold there occur grave disturbance of mutual rights,
public authority should intervene to force each party
to yield to the other its proper due, for this is not to
deprive citizens of their rights, but justly and prop-
erly to ere and strengthen them. But the
rulers of the Statemust go no furtlier; here nature
bids them stop. Paternal authority can be neither
abolished nor absorbed by the State; for it has the
same source as human life itself. ‘The child belongs
to the father,’ and is, as it were, the continuation of
the father’s personality; and, speaking strictly, the
child takes its place in civil society, not of its own
right, but in its quality as member of the family in
which it is born. And for the reason that ‘the child
belongs to the father,’ it is, as St. Thomas of Aquin
says, ‘before it attains the use of free will, under
power and charge of its parents.’* The socialists,
therefore, in setting aside the parent and setting upa
State supervision, act against natural justice, and
break into pieces the stability of all family life.
“And nct only is such interference unjust, but it is
quite certain to harass and worry all classes of citi-
zens, and subject them to odious and intolerable
bondage. It would throw open the door to envy, to
mutual invective, and to discord; the sources of
wealth themselves would run dry, for no one would
have any interest in exerting his talents or his in-
dustry; and that ideal equality about which they
entertain pleasant dreams would be in reality the
leveling down of all toa like condition of misery and
degradation.
“Hence it is clear that the main tenet of socialism,
community of goods, must be utterly rejected, since
it only injures those whom it would seem meant to
benefit, is directly contrary to the natural rights of
mankind, and would introduce confusion and disorder
into the commonweal. The first and most funda-
mental principle, therefore, if one would undertake
to alleviate the condition of the masses, must be the
inviolability of private property. This being estab-
lished, we proceed to show where the remedy sought
for must be found.
“We approach the subject with confidence, and in
the exercise of the rusts which manifestly appertain
to us, for no practical solution of this
question will be found, apart from the
intervention of religion and of the
Church. It is we who are the chief
guardian of religion, and the chief
dispenser of what pertains to the
Church, and we must not by silence neglect the duty
incumbent on us. Doubtless this most serious ques-
tion demands the attention and the efforts of others
besides ourselves—to wit, of the rulers of States, of
employers of labor, of the wealthy, aye, of the work-
ing classes themselves, for whom we are pleading.
But we affirm without hesitation that all the striving
of men will be vainif they leave out the Church. It
is the Church that insists, on the authority of the Gos-
pel, upon those teachings whereby the conflict can be
brought to an end, or rendered, at least, far less bit-
ter; the Church uses her efforts, not only to enlighten
the mind, but to direct by her precepts the life and
conduct of each and all; the Church improves and
betters the condition of the working man by meansof
numerous useful organizations ; does her best to en-
list the services of all ranks in discussing and endeav-
oring to meet, in the most practical way, the claims
of the working classes; and acts from the positive
view that for these purposes recourse should be had,
in due measure and degree, to the intervention of the
law and of State authority. Let it, then, be taken as
granted, in the first place, that the condition of things
human must be endured, for it is impossible to reduce
civil society to one dead level. Socialists may in that
intent do their utmost, but all striving against nature
is in vain. There naturally exist among mankind
manifold differences of the most important kind;
people differ in capacity, skill, health, strength ; an
unequal fortune is a necessary result of unequal con-
dition. Such inequality is far from being disadvan-
tageous, either to individuals, or to the community.
Social and public life can only be maintained by
means of various kinds of capacity for business, and
the playing of many parts; and each man, as a rule,
chooses the part which suits his own peculiar do-
mestic condition. As regards bodily labor, even had
man never fallen from ¢he state of tnnocence, he would
not have remained wholly unoccupied; but that
which would then have been his free choice and his
*St. Thomas, Summa Theologica, 2a 2% Q. x. Art. 12.
Religion.
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delight became afterward compulsory, and the pain-
fulexpiation for his disobedience. Cursed be theearth
tn thy work, in thy labor thou shalt eat of tt all the
days of thy life.* In like manner, the other pains and
hardships of life will have no end or cessation on
earth; for the consequences of sin are bitter and hard.
to bear, and they must accompany man so long as life
lasts. To suffer and to endure, therefore, is the lot of
humanity ; let them strive as they may, no strength
and no artifice will ever succeed in banishing from
human life the ills and troubles which beset it. If
any there are who pretend differently—who hold out.
to a hard-pressed people the boon of freedom from
pain and trouble, and undisturbed repose, and con-
stant enjoyment—they delude the people and impose-
upon them, and their lying promises will only one day
bring forth evils worse than the present. Nothing is-
more useful than to look upon the world as it really
is—and at the same time to seek elsewhere, as we
have said, for the solace to its troubles.
“The great mistake made in regard to the matter
now under consideration is totake up with the notion
that class is naturally hostile to class,
and that the wealthy and the working
men are intended by nature ® ive in Class
mutual conflict. o irrational and so
false is this view that the direct con- eed
trary isthetruth. Just asthe symmetry
of the human frame is the resultant of
the disposition of the bodily members,
so in a State is it ordained by nature that these two
classes should dwell in harmony and agreement, and
should, as it were, groove into one another, so as to
maintain the balance of the body politic. Each needs
the other; capital cannot do without labor, nor labor
without capital. Mutual agreement results in pleas-
antness of life and the beauty of good order; while
perpetual conflict necessarily produces confusion and
savage barbarity. Now, in preventing such strife as.
this, and in uprooting it, the efficacy of Christian in-
stitutions is marvelous and manifold. First of all,
there is no intermediary more powerful than religion.
(whereof the Church is the interpreter and guardian)
in drawing the rich and the poor bread-winners to-
gether, by reminding each class of its duties to the
other, and, especially, of the obligations of justice.
Thus religion teaches the laboring man and the artisan.
to carry out honestly and fairly all equitable agree-
ments freely entered into; never to injure the prop-
erty, nor to outrage the person, of an employer;.
never to resort to violence in defending their own
cause, nor to engage in riot or disorder; and to have:
nothing to do with men of evil principles, who work
upon the people with artful promises, and excite:
foolish hopes which usually end in useless regrets,
followed by insolvency. Religion teaches the wealthy
owner and the employer that their work people are
not to be accounted their bondsmen; that in every
man they must respect his dignity and worth as a
man andasa Christian; that labor is not a thing to be
ashamed of, if we lend ear to right reason and to
Christian philosophy, but is an honorable calling, en-
abling a man to sustain his life ina way upright and
creditable; and that it is shameful and inhuman to
treat men like chattels to make money by, or to look
upon them merely as so much muscle or physical
power. Again, therefore, the Church teaches that, as
religion and things spiritual and mental are among
the working man’s main concerns, the employer is
bound to see that the worker has time for his religious.
duties ; that he be not exposed to corrupting influences.
and dangerous occasions; and that he be not led away
to neglect his home and family, or to squander his
earnings. Furthermore, the employer must never
tax his work people beyond their strength, or employ
them in work unsuited to their sex or age. His great
and principal duty isto give every one a fair wage.
Doubtless, before deciding whether wages are ade-
quate, many things have to be considered; but
wealthy owners and all masters of labor should be
mindful of this—that to exercise pressure upon the in-
digent and the destitute for the sake of gain, and to
gather one’s profit out of the need of another, is con-
demned by all laws, human and divine. To defraud
any one of wages that are his due is a crime which
cries to the avenging anger of Heaven. Behold, the
hire of the laborers... . . which by fraud hath been
Rept back by you, crteth aloud , and the cry of them hath
entered into the ears of the Lord of Sabaath.t Lastly,
the rich must religiously refrain from cutting down
the workmen’s earnings, whether by force, by fraud,
* Genests iii. 17.
+ St. James v. 4.
Roman Catholic Church.
or by usurious dealing ; and with all the greater rea-
son because the laboring man is, as a rule, weak and
unprotected, and because his slender means should, in
proportion to their scantiness, be accounted sacred.
“Were these precepts carefully obeyed and fol-
lowed out, would they not be sufficient of themselves
to keep under all strife, and all its causes?
“But the Church, with Jesus Christ as her Master
and Guide, aims higher still. She lays down precepts
yet more perfect, and tries to bind class to class in
friendliness and good feeling. The things of earth
cannot be understood or valued aright without taking
‘into consideration the life to come, the life that will
know no death. Exclude the idea of futurity, and
forthwith the very notion of what is good and right
would perish; nay, the whole scheme of the universe
would become a dark and unfathomable mystery.
‘The great truth which we learn from Nature herself
is also the grand Christian dogma on which religion
ests as on its foundation—that when we have given
up this present life, then shall we really begin to live.
‘God has not created us for the perishable and transi-
tory things of earth, but for things heavenly and
everlasting ; he has given us this world as a place of
exile, and not as our abiding-place. Asforriches and
tthe other things which men call good and desirable,
whether we have them in abundance, or lack them
altogether—so far as eternal happiness is concerned—
it matters little; the only important thing is to use
them aright. Jesus Christ, when he redeemed us with
plentiful redemption,* took not away the pains and
sorrows which in such large proportion are woven
together in the web of our mutual life. He trans-
formed them into motives of virtue and occasions of
‘merit ; and no man can hope for eternal reward unless
‘he follow in the blood-stained footprints of his Sa-
vior. Jf we suffer with Him, we shall also reign with
Him. “Christ’s labors and sufferings, accepted of his
-own free will, have marvelously sweetened all suffer-
ing and alllabor. And not only by his example, but
‘by his grace, and by the hope set forth of everlasting
recompense, has he made pain and grief more easy to
endure ; for that which zs at present momentary and
hight of our tribulation, worketh for us above measure
exceedingly an eternal weight of glory.t
“Therefore, those whom fortune favors are warned
that freedom from sorrow and abundance of earthly
riches are no warrant for the bliss that shall never
end, but rather are obstacles;|| that the rich should
tremble at the threatenings of Jesus Christ—threaten-
ings so unwonted in the mouth of Our Lord §—and
that a most strict account must be given to the Su-
‘~preme Judge for all we possess. The chief and most
excellent rule for the right use of money is one which
the heathen philosophers hinted at, but which the
‘Church has traced out clearly, and has not only made
known to men’s minds, but has impressed upon
their lives. It rests on the principle that it is one
thing to have a right to the possession of money, and
another to have a right to use money as one wills.
Private ownership, as we have seen, is the natural
right of man; and to exercise that right, especially as
members of society, is not only lawful; but absolutely
necessary. ‘Itis lawful,’ said St. Thomas of Aquin,
“for a man to hold private property; and it is also
necessary for the carrying on of human existence.’ |
But if the question be asked, How must one’s posses-
sions be used? the Church replies without hesitation
in the words of the same holy doctor: ‘Man should
not consider his outward possessions as his own, but
as common to all, so as to share them without hesita-
tion when others are in need. Whence the Apostle
saith, Command the rich of this world.... to offer
with no stint, to apportion largely.’ ** True, no one is
commanded to distribute to others that which is re-
quired for his own needs and those of his household;
nor even to give away what is reasonably required to
ae up becomingly his condition in life: ‘for no one
ought to live other than becomingly.’+t But when
what necessity denies has been supplied, and one’s
‘Standing fairly taken thought for, it becomes a dut
to give to the indigent out of what remains over. OF
that which remaineth, give alms.tt Itisa duty, not of
justice (save in extreme cases), but of Christian char-
ity—a duty not enforced by human law. But the laws
and judgments of men must yield place to the laws
and judgments of Christ, the true God, who in many
‘ways urges on his followers the practise of alms-
* 2 Timothy ii. T § St. Luke vi. 24, 25.
t 2 Corinthians iv. 17. { 2a 2c Q. Ixvi. Art. 2.
f2 Corinthians iv. 17. ** Joid., Q. Ixv. Art. 2.
| St. Matthew xix. 24 24, +t Tbtd., Q. xxxii. Art. 6.
tt St. Luke xi. 41.
I200
Roman Catholic Church.
ivine—Jé ts more blessed to give than to recetve;*
ie oh count a kindness done or refused to the
poor as done or refused to himself—As long as you did
zt to one of my least brethren, you did tt to me.t To
sum up then what_has been said: Whoever has
received from the Divine bounty a large share of
temporal blessings, whether they be external and cor-
poreal, or gifts of the mind, has received them for the
purpose of using them for the perfecting of hisown na-
ture, and, at the same time, that he may employ them,
as the steward of God's Providence, for the benefit of
others. ‘He that hath a talent,’ says St. Gregory the
Great, ‘let him see that he hide it not; he that hath
abundance, let him quicken himself to mercy and
generosity ; he that hath art and skill, let him do his
best to share the use and the utility thereof with his
neighbor.’} '
“As for those who possess not the gifts of fortune,
they are taught by the Church that in God’s sight
poverty is no disgrace, and that there
is nothing to be ashamed of in one’s
seeking one’s bread by labor. This is
enforced by what we see in Christ
who himself, whereas he was rich, for
our sakes became poor;'’ and who,
being the Son of God, and God himself, chose to
seem and be considered the son of a carpenter—nay,
did not disdain to spend a great part of his life as a
carpenter himself. Js not this the carpenter, the son
of Mary?§ From contemplation of this Divine ex-
emplar, it 1s more easy to understand that the true
worth and nobility of man lies in his moral qualities,
that is, in virtue ; that virtue is moreover the common
inheritance of men, equally within the reach of high
and low, rich and poor; and that virtue, and virtue
alone, wherever found, will be followed by the rewards
of everlasting eee Nay, God himself seems to
incline rather to those who suffer misfortune ; for Jesus
Christ calls the poor ‘blessed’; 4 he lovingly invites
those in labor and grief to come to him for solace ; **
and he displays the tenderest charity toward the lowly
and the oppressed. These reflections cannot fail to
keep down the pride of those who are well-to-do, and
to embolden the spirit of the afflicted ; to incline the
former to generosity, and the latter to meek resigna-
tion. Thus the separation which pride would set u
tends to disappear, nor willit be difficult to make ric:
and poor join hands in friendly concord.
“But, if Christian precepts prevail, the respective
classes will not only be united in the bonds of friend-
ship, but also in those of brotherly love. For they
will understand and feel that all men are children of
the same common Father, who is God; that all have
alike the same last end, which is God himself, who
alone can make either men or foes absolutely and
perfectly happy ; that each and all are redeemed and
made sons PF God, by Jesus Christ, the first-born
among many brethren; that the blessings of nature
and the gifts of grace belong to the whole human race
in common, and that from none except the unworthy is
withheld the inheritance of the Kingdom of Heaven.
If sons, heirs also; heirs indeed of God, and co-heirs
of Christ.tt . ae
“Such is the scheme of duties and of rights which is
shown forth to the world by the Gospel. Would it not
seem that, were society penetrated with ideas like
these, strife must quickly cease? _ Fone
“But the Church, not content with pointing out the
remedy, also applies it. For the Church does her ut-
most to teach and to train men, and to
educate them; and by the intermediary
of her bishops and clergy diffuses her The Church
The Poor.
salutary teachings far and wide. She
strives to influence the mind and the oie
heart so that all men may willingly Society.
yield themselves to be formed and
uided by the commandments of God.
t is precisely in this fundamental and momentous
matter, on which everything depends, that the Church
possesses a power peculiarly herown. The agencies
which she employs are given to her by Jesus Christ
himself, for the very purpose of reaching the hearts
of men, and derive their efficiency from God. They
alone can reach the innermost heart and conscience,
.* Acts xx. 35.
+ St. Matthew xxv. 40.
{St. Gregory the Great, Hom. ix. in Avangel. n. 7.
2 Corinthians viii. 9.
§ St. Mark vi. 3.
(St. Matthewv.3: Blessed are the poor in spirit.
** [bid., xi. 28: Come to me all you that labor and ave
burdened, and I will refresh you.
tt Romans viii. 17.
Roman Catholic Church,
aand bring men to act from a motive of duty, to resist
their passions and appetites, to love God and their
fellow-men with a love that is singular and supreme,
and to break down courageously every barrier which
impedes the way of a life of virtue.
“On this subject we need but recall for one moment
the examples recorded in history. Of these facts
there cannot be any shadow of doubt; for instance,
that civil society was renovated in every part by the
teachings of Christianity ; that in the strength of that
renewal the human race was lifted up to better things
—nay, that it was brought back from death to life, and
to so excellent a life that nothing more perfect had
been known before, or will come to be known in the
ages that have yet to be. Of this beneficent transfor-
mation, Jesus Christ was at once the first cause and the
final end; as from him all came, soto him was all to
be brought back. For when the human race, by the
light of the Gospel message, came to know the grand
mystery of the Incarnation of the Word and the re-
demption of man, at once the life of Jesus Christ,
God and Man, pervaded every race and nation, and
interpenetrated them with his faith, his precepts, and
his laws. And if society is to be healed now, in no
other way can it be healed save by a return to Chris-
tian life and Christian institutions. When a society
‘is perishing, the wholesome advice to give to those who
would restore it is td recall it tothe principles from
which it sprang ; for the purpose and perfection of an
association is to aim at and to attain that for which it
was formed ; and its efforts should be put in motion
and inspired by the end and object which originally
gaveit being. Hence to fall awayfrom its primal con-
stitution implies disease; to go back te it, recovery.
And this may be asserted with utmost truth, both of
the State in general, and of that body of its citizens—
a, far the great majority—who sustain life by their
abor,
“Neither must it be supposed that the solicitude of
the Church is so preoccupied with the spiritual con-
cerns of her children as to neglect their temporal and
earthly interests. Her desire is that the poor, for ex-
eon should rise above poverty and wretchedness,
and better their condition in life; and for this she
makes a strong endeavor. By the very fact that she
‘calls men to virtue and forms them to its practise, she
promotes this inno alent degree. Christian morality,
when adequately and completely practised, leads of
itself to temporal prosperity, for it merits the blessing
of that God who is the source of all blessings ; it pow-
erfully restrains the greed of possession and the thirst
for pleasure—twin plagues, which too often make a
man who is void of self-restraint miserable in the
midst of abundance;* it makes men supply for the
lack of means through economy, teaching them to be
content with frugal living, and further, keeping them
out of the reach of those vices which devour not small
incomes merely, but large fortunes, and dissipate
many a pecay inheritance.
‘“The Church, moreover, intervenes directly in be-
half of the poor, by setting on foot and maintaining
many associations which she knows to be efficient for
the relief of poverty. Herein again she has always
succeeded so well as to have even extorted the praise
of her enemies. Such was the ardor of brotherly love
among the earliest Christians that numbers of those
who were in better circumstances despoiled them-
selves of their possessions in order to relieve their
brethren; whence xetther was there any one needy
among them.+ Tothe order of deacons, instituted in
that very intent, was committed by the Apostles the
‘charge of the daily doles; and the Apostle Paul, tho
burdened with the solicitude of all the churches, hesi-
tated not to undertake laborious journeys in order to
carry the alms of the faithful to the poorer Christians.
‘Tertullian calls these contributions, given voluntarily
by Christians in their assemblies, deposits of piety;
because to cite his own words, they were employed
‘in feeding the needy, in burying them, inthe support
of youths and maidens destitute of means and de-
rived of their parents, in. the care of the aged, and
the relief of the shipwrecked. ’t¢ :
“Thus by degrees came into existence the patri-
mony which the Church has guarded with religious
care as the inheritance of the poor. Nay, to spare
them the shame of begging, the common Mother of
rich and poor has exerted herself to gather together
funds for the support of the needy. The Church has
aroused everywhere the heroism of charity, and has
* The desire of money ts the root of all evils.—t
Timothy vi. to.
t+ Acts iv. 34. ;
t Apologia Secunda, XXxix.
46
1201
Roman Catholic Church.
established congregations of religious and many other
useful institutions for help and pierey so that hardl
any kind of suffering could exist which was not af-
forded relief. At the present day many there are
who, like the heathen of old, seek to blame and con-
demn the Church for such eminent charity. They
would substitute in its stead a system of relief organ-
ized by the State. But no human expedients willever
make up for the devotedness and self-sacrifice of
Christian charity. Charity, as a virtue, pertains to
the Church ; for virtue it is not, unless it be drawn
from the Sacred Heart of Jesus Christ ; and whoso-
ever turns his back on the Church cannot be near
to Christ.
“It cannot, however, be doubted that to attain the
purpose we are treating of, not only the Church, but
all human agencies must concur. All who are con-
cerned in the matter should be of one mind and
according to their ability act together. It is with
this, as with the Providence that governs the world;
the results of causes do not usually take place save
where all the causes cooperate.
“Tt is sufficient, therefore, to inquire what part the
State should play in the work of remedy and relief.
“By the State we here understand,
not the particular form of government
prevailing in this or that nation, but
the State as rightly apprehended ; that
is to say, any government conformable
in its institutions to right reason and
natural law, and to those dictates of the Divine wis-
dom which we have expounded in the Encyclical on
The Christian Constitution of the State. The foremost
duty, therefore, of the rulers of the State should be to
make sure that the laws and institutions, the general
character and administration of the commonwealth,
shall be such as of themselves to realize public well-
being’and private prosperity. This is the proper
scope of wise statesmanship and is the work of the
heads of the State. Now, aState chiefly prospersand
thrives through moral rule, well-regulated family life.
respect for religion and justice, the moderation and
equal allocation of public taxes, the progress of the
arts and of trade, the abundant yield of the land—
through everything, in fact, which makes the citizens
better and happier. Hereby, then, it lies inthe power
of a ruler to benefit every class in the State, and
among the rest to promote to the utmost the interests
of the poor; and this in virtue of his office, and without
being opento any suspicion of undue interference—
since it isthe province of the State to consult the com-
mon good, nd the more that is done for the benefit
of the working classes by the general laws of the
country, the less need will there be to seek for specia]
means to relieve them.
“There is another and deeper consideration which
must not be lost sight of. As regards the State, the
interests of all, whether high or low, are equal. The
poor are members of the national community equally
with the rich; they are real component living mem~-
bers which constitute, through the family, the living
body; and it need hardly be said that they are in
every State very largely in the majority. It would be
irrational to neglect one portion of the citizens and
favor another ; and therefore the public administra-
tion must duly and solicitously provide for the welfare
and the comtort of the working classes; otherwise
that law of justice will be violated which ordains that
each man shall have his due. Tocite the wise words
of St. Thomas of Aquin: ‘As the part and the whole
are in a certain sense identical, the part may in some
sense claim what belongs to the whole.’* Among the
many and grave duties of rulers who would do their
best for the people, the first and chief is to act with
strict justice—with that justice which is called by the
schoolmen @és¢rzbu¢:ve—toward each and every class
alike.
“But altho all citizens, without exception, can and
ought to contribute to that common good in which
individuals share so eS to themselves,
et it should not be supposed that all can contribute
inthe like way and to the same extent. No matter
what changes may occur in forms of government,
there will ever be differences and inequalities of condi-
tioninthe State. Society cannot exist or be conceived
of without them. Some there must be who devote
themselves to the work of the commonwealth, who
make the laws or administer justice, or whose advice
and authority govern the nation in times of peace, and
defend it in war. Such men clearly occupy the fore-
most place in the State, and should be held in highest
estimation, for their work concerns most nearly and
* 2a 2@ Q, Ixi. Art. 1 ad 2.
The State,
Roman Catholic Church.
effectively the general interests of the community.
Those who labor at a trade or calling do not promote
the general welfare in such measure as this; but they
benefit the nation, ifless directly, in a most important
manner. Still we have insisted that, since the end
of society is to make men better, the chief good that
society can possess is virtue. Nevertheless, in all
well-constituted States it is in no wise a matter of
small moment to provide those bodily and external
commodities the use of which zs necessary to virtuous
action.* And in order to provide such material well-
being, the labor of the poor—the exercise of their skill,
and the employment of their strength, in the culture
of the land and in the work-shops of trade—is of great
account and quite indispensable. Indeed, their coop-
eration is in this respect so important that it may be
truly said that it is only by the labor of working men
that States grow rich. Justice. therefore, demands
that the interests of the poorer classes should be care-
fully watched over by the administration, sothat they
who contribute so largely to the advantage of the
community may theseecloes share in the benefits
which they create—that being housed, clothed, and
enabled to sustain life, they may find their existence
less hard and more endurable. It follows that what-
ever shall appear to prove conducive to the well-being
of those who work should obtain favorable considera-
tion. Let it not be feared that solicitude of this kind
will be harmful to any interest ; on the contrary, it
will be to the advantage of all; for it cannot but be
good for the commonwealth to shield from misery
those on whom it so largely depends.
_ ‘We have said that the State must not absorb the
individual or the family ; but should be allowed free
and untrammeled action so far as is
consistent with the common_ good
State and the interests of others. Rulers
should, nevertheless, anxiously safe-
Interference. guard the community and all its mem-
bers: the community, because the
conservation thereof is so emphatically
the business of the supreme power that the safety of
the commonwealth is not only the first law, but itisa
government’s whole reason of existence; and the
members, because both philosophy and the Gospel
concur in laying down that the object of the govern-
ment of the State should be not the advantage of the
ruler, but the benefit of those over whom heis placed.
The gift of authority derives from God, and 1s, as it
were, a participation in the highest of all sovereign-
ties ; and should be exercised as the power of God is
exercised—with a fatherly solicitude which not only
guides the whole, but reaches also to details.
‘““ Whenever the general interest or any particular
class suffers, or is threatened with mischief which can
in no other way be met or prevented, the public
authority must step in to deal with it. Now, it inter-
ests the public, as well as the individual, that peace
and good order should be maintained ; that family
life should _be carried on in accordance with God’s
laws and those of nature; that religion should be
reverenced and obeyed; that a high standard of mo-
tality should prevail, both in pebie and private life ;
that the sanctity of justice should be respected, and
that no one should injure another with impunity ; that
the members of the commonwealth should grow upto
man’s estate strong and robust, and capable, if need
be, of guarding and defending their country. If by
a strike, or other combination of workmen, there
should be imminent danger of disturbance to the pub-
lic peace ; orif circumstances were such as that among
the laboring population the ties of family life were re-
laxed ; if re.igion were found to suffer through the
operatives not having time and opportunity afforded
them to practise its duties ; ifin work-shops and fac-
tories there were danger to morals through the mixing
of the sexes or from other harmful occasions of evil ;
or if employers laid burdens upon their workmen
which were unjust, or degraded them with conditions
Fepugnant to their dignity as human beings; finally,
if health were endangered by excessive labor, or by
work unsuited to sex or age—in such cases, there can
be no question but that, within certain limits, it would
be right to invoke the aid and authority of the law.
The limits must be determined by the nature of the
occasion which calls for the law’s interference—the
principle being that the law must not undertake more,
nor proceed further, than is required for the remedy
of the evil or the removal of the mischief.
“Rights must be religiously respected wherever
they exist; and it is the duty of the public authority
*St. Thomas of Aquin, De Regimine Principum,
I. 15.
.
1202
Roman Catholic Church.
to prevent and to punish injury, and to protect every
one in the possession of hisown. Still, when there is
question of defending the rights of individuals, the
poor and helpless have a claim to especial considera-
tion. The richer class have many ways of shielding
themselves, and stand less in need of help from the
State ; whereas those who are badly off have no re-
sources of their own to fall back upon, and must
chiefly depend upon the assistance of the State. And
itis for this reason that wage-earners, who are un-
doubtedly among the weak and necessitous, should be
specially cared for and protected by the Government.
“Here, however, it is expedient to bring under
special notice certain matters of moment. It should
ever be borne in mind that the chief thing to be real-
ized is the safe-guarding of private property by legal
enactment and public policy. Most of all it is essen-
tial,amid such a fever of excitement, to keep the
multitude within the line of duty; for if all may
justly strive to better their condition, neither justice
nor the common good allows any individual to seize
upon that which belongs to another, or, under the
futile and shallow pretext of equality, to lay violent
hands on other people’s possessions. Most true it is
that by far the larger part of the workers prefer to bet-
ter themselves by honest labor rather than by doing
any wrong to others. But there are not a few who
are imbued with evil principles and eager for revolu-
tionary change, whose main purpose is to stir_up
tumult and bring about measures of violence. The
authority of the State should intervene to put re-
straint upon such firebrands, to save the working
classes from their seditious arts, and protect lawful
owners from spoliation.
‘““When work-people have recourse toa strike, it is
frequently because the hours of labor are too long, or
the work too hard, or because they consider their
wages insufficient. The grave inconvenience of this.
not uncommon occurrence should be obviated by
ublic remedial measures; for such paralyzing of
abor not only affects the masters and their work-
people alike, but is extremely injurious to trade and
to the general interests of the public; moreover, on
such occasions, violence and disorder are generally
not far distant, and thus it frequently happens that
the publie peace is imperiled. he laws should fore-
stall and proven such troubles from arising ; they
should lend their influence and authority to the re-
moval in good time of the causes which lead to con-
flicts between employers and employed.
“But if owners of property should be made secure
the working man, in like manner, has property and
belongings in respect to which he should be pro-
tected ; and foremost of all, his soul and mind. ife
on earth, however good and desirable in itself, is not
the final purpose for which man is created; it is only
the way and the means to that attainment of truth and.
that practise of goodness in which the full life of the
soul consists. t is the soul which is made after
the image and likeness of God; itis in the soul that
the sovereignty resides in virtue whereof man is com-
manded to rule the creatures below him and to use all
the earth and the ocean for his profit and advantage.
Fill the earth and subdue tt ; and rule over the fishes of
the sea, and the fowls of the atr, and all living creatures
which move upon the earth.* In this respect all men
are equal; there is no difference between rich and
poor, master and servant, ruler and ruled, for the
same Lord ts over allt No man may with impunity
outrage that human dignity which God himself treats.
wzth reverence, nor stand in the way of that higher
life which is the preparation for the eternal life of
heaven. Nay, more; no man has in this matter
power over himself. To consent to any treatment
which is calculated to defeat the end and purpose of
his being is beyond his right; he cannot give up his
soul to servitude; for it is not man’s own rights which
are here in question, but the rights of God, the most
sacred and inviolable of rights. .
“From this follows the obligation of the cessation”
from work and labor-on Sundays and certain holy-
days. The rest from labor is not to be understood as.
mere giving way to idleness; miuch less must it be an
occasion for spending money and for vicious indul-
gence, as many would have it to be; but it should be
test from labor, hallowed by religion. Rest (com-
bined with religious observances) disposes man to
forget for a while the business of this every-day life,
toturn his thoughts to things heavenly, and tothe wor-
ship which he so strictly owes to the Eternal God-
head. Itis this, above all, which is the reason and
* Genesis i. 28.
t+ Romans x. 12.
Roman Catholic Church.
motive of Sunday rest; a rest sanctioned by God’s
reat law of the Ancient Covenant—Remember thou
eep holy the Sabbath day,* and taught to the world by
his own mysterious ‘rest’ after the creation of man:
He rested on the seventh day from all His work which
He had done.t If we turn now to things external and
corporeal, the first concern of all is to save the poor
workers from the cruelty of greedy speculators, who
use human beings as mere instruments
for money-making. It is neither just
The Regu- nor humaneso to grind men down with
lation of excessive labor as to stupefy their
Lab minds and wear out their bodies. Man’s
a@bor. povetss like his general nature, are
imited, and_beyond these limits he
cannot go. His strength is developed
and increased by use and exercise, but only on con-
dition of due intermission and proper rest. Daily
labor, therefore, should be so regulated as not to be
rotracted over longer hours than strength admits.
ow many and how long the intervals of rest should
be, must depend on the nature of the work, on cir-
cumstances of time and place, and on the health and
strength of the workman. Those who work in mines
and quarries and extract coal, stone, and metals from
the bowels of the earth should have shorter hours in
poe as their labor is more severe and trying to
ealth. Then, again, the season of the year should
be taken into account; for not unfrequently a kind of
labor is easy at one time which at another is intolera-
ble or exceedingly difficult. Finally, work which is
quite suitable for a strong man cannot reasonably be
required from a woman orachild. And, inregard to
children, great care should be taken not to place them
in work-shops and factories until their bodies and
minds are sufficiently developed. For just as very
rough weather destroys the buds of spring, so does
too early an experience of life’s hard toil blight the
young promise of a child’s faculties, and render any
true education impossible. Women, again, are not
suited for certain occupations; a woman is by nature
fitted for home work, and it is that which is best
adapted at once to preserve her modesty and to pro-
mote the good bringing up of children and the well-
being of the family. Asa general principle it may be
laid down that a workman ought to have leisure and
rest proportionate to the wear and tear of his strength;
for waste of strength must be repaired by cessation
from hard work.
“In all agreements between masters and work-peo-
ple, there is always the condition expressed or under-
stood that there should be allowed proper rest for soul
and body. To agree, in any other sense, would be
against what is right and just; for it cannever be just
or right to require on the one side, or to promise on
the other, the giving up of those duties which a man
owes to his God and to himself.
‘“We now approach a subject of great and urgent
importance, and one in respect of which, if extremes
are to be avoided, right notions are ab-
solutely necessary. Wages, as we are
The Liv- told, are regulated by free consent, and
. therefore the Sup loree when he pays
ing Wage. what was agreed upon, has done his
part and seemingly is not called upon to
do anything beyond. The only way, itis
said, in whichinjustice might occur would be if the
master refused to pay the whole of the wages, or if the
workman should not complete the work undertaken.
In such cases the State should intervene, to see that
each obtains his due—but not under any other cir-
cumstances.
“ This mode of reasoning is, to a fair-minded man, by
no means convincing, for there are important con-
siderations which it leaves out of account altogether.
To labor is to exert oneself for the sake of pro-
curing what is necessary for the purposes of life, and
chief of all for self-preservation. Jz the sweat oa,
thy brow thou shalt eat thy bread.t Hence a man’s
labor bears two notes or characters. First of all, it
is personal, inasmuch as the exertion of individual
strength belongs to the individual who ‘puts it forth,
employing such strength to procure that personal
advantage on account of which it was bestowed. Sec-
ondly, man’s labor is zecessary; for without the re-
sult of labor a man cannot live ; and self-preservation
is a law of nature, which it is wrong to disobey.
Now, were we to consider labor so far as it is personal
merely, doubtless it would be within the workman’s
right to accept any rate of wages whatsoever ; for in
the same way ashe is free to work or not, so is he free
to accept a small remuneration or even none at all.
* Exodus xx. 8. + Genest's ii. 2. + Genest’s iii. 19.
1203
Roman Catholic Church.
But this isa mere abstract supposition; the labor of
the working man is not only his personal attribute,
but it is zecessary; and this makes all the difference.
The preservation of life is the bounden duty of one
and all, and to be wanting therein is a crime. It fol-
lows that each one hasa right to procure what is re-
quired in order to live; and the poor can procure it in
no other way than through work and wages.
“Let it be then taken for granted that workman
and employer should, asarule, make freeagreements,
and in particular should agree freely as to the wages,
nevertheless, there underlies a dictate of nature more
imperious and more ancient than any bargain between
man and man, namely, that the remuneration must be
sufficient to support the wage-earner in reasonable
and frugal comfort. If through necessity or fear of a
worse evil the workman accept harder conditions
because an employer or contractor will afford him no
better, he is made the victim of force and injustice.
In these and similar questions, however,—such as, for
example, the hours of labor in different trades, the
sanitary precautions to be observed in factories and
work-shops, etc.,—in order to supersede undue inter-
ference on the part of the State, especially as circum-
stances, times, and localities differ so widely, it is
advisable that recourse be had to societies or boards
such as we shall mention presently, or to some other
mode of safe-guarding the interests of the wage-earn-
ers; the State being appealed to, should circumstances
require, for its sanction and protection.
‘“If a workman’s wages be sufficient to enable him to
maintain himself, his wife, and his children in reasona-
ble comfort, he will not find it difficult, if he be a sensi-
ble man, to study economy; and he will not fail, by cut-
ting down expenses, to put by some little savings and
thus secure a small income. Nature and reason alike
would urge him to this. We have seen that this great
labor question cannot be solved save by assuming as a
principle that private ownership must be held sacred
and inviolable. The law, therefore, should favor
piciepa s and its policy should be to induce as many
as possible of the humbler class to become owners.
“Many excellent results will follow from this; and
first of ail PEePaty will certainly become more equi-
tably divided. For the result of civil change and
revolution has been to divide society into two widely
differing castes. On one side there is the party which
holds power because it holds wealth ; which has in its
grasp the whole of labor and trade; which manipu-
lates for its own benefit and its own purposes all the
sources of supply, and which is even represented in
the councils of the State itself. On the other side
there is the needy and powerless multitude, broken-
down and suffering, and ever ready for disturbance.
If working people can be encouraged to look forward
to obtaining a share in the land, the consequence will
be that the gulf between vast wealth and sheer pov-
erty will be bridged over, and the respective classes
will be brought nearer to one another. A further con-
sequence will result in the greater abundance of the
fruits of the earth. Men always work harder and
more readily when they work on that which belongs
to them; nay, they learn to love the very soil that
yields, in response to the labor of their hands, not only
food to eat, but an abundance of good things for
themselves and those that are dear to them. That
such a spirit of willing labor would add to the produce
of the earth and to the wealth of the community is
self-evident. And a third advantage would spring
from this: men would cling to the country in which
they were born; for no one would exchange his coun-
try for a foreign land if his own afforded him the
means of living a decent and happy life. These three
important benefits, however, can be reckoned on only
tae that a man’s means be not drained and ex-
austed by excessive taxation. The right to possess
private property is derived from nature, not from
man ; and the State has the right to control its use in
the interests of the public good alone, but by no
means to absorb it altogether. The State would
therefore be unjust and cruel if, under the name of
taxation, it were to deprive the private owner of more
than is fitting.
“In the last place—employers and workmen may of
themselves effect much in the matter we are treating,
by means of such associations and or-
ganizations as afford opportune aid to
those who are in distress, and which
draw the two classes more closely to-
gether. Among these may be enumer-
ated societies for mutual help ; various
benevolent foundations established b
sons to provide for the workman, an
Association.
private per-
for his widow
Roman Catholic Church.
or his orphans, in case of sudden calamity, in sick-
ness, and in the event of death; and what are called
*patronages,’ or institutions for the care of boys and
girls, for young people, as well as homes for the aged.
“The most important of all are working men’s
unions; for these virtually include all the rest. His-
tory attests what excellent results were brought about
by the artificers’ gilds of oldentimes. They were the
means of affording not only many advantages to the
workmen, but in no small degree of promoting the
advancement of art, as numerous monuments remain
to bear witness. Such unions should be suited to the
requirements of this our age—an age of wider educa-
tion, of different habits, and of far more numerous
requirements in daily life. It is gratifying to know
that there are actually in existence not a few associa~-
tions of this nature, consisting either of workmen
alone, or of workmen and enipleyers together ; but it
were greatly to be desired that they should become
more numerous and more efficient. e have spoken
of them more than once; yet it will be well to explain
here how notably they are needed, to show that they
exist of their own right, and what should be their
organization and their mode of action.
“The consciousness of his own weakness urges man
to call in aid from without. We read in the pages of
Holy Writ: J¢ zs better that two should be together
than one, for they have the advantage of their society.
Tf one fall he shall be supported by the other. Woe to
him that ts alone, for when he falleth he hath none
to lift him re And further: A brother_that is
helped by his brother zs like a strong city.t It is this
natural impulse which binds men together in civil
society ; and it is likewise this which leads them to
join together in associations of citizen with citizen;
associations which, it is true, cannot be called societies
in the full sense of the word, but which, notwithstand-
ing, are societies.
“These lesser societies and the society which con-
stitutes the State differ in many respects, because their
immediate purpose and aim are different. Civil society
exists for the common good, and hence is concerned
with the interests of all in general, albeit with indi-
vidual interests also in their due place and degree.
It is, therefore, called public society, because by its
agency, as St. Thomas of Aquin says, ‘Men establish
relations in common with one another in the setting
up of a commonwealth.’ But societies which are
formed in the bosom of the State are styled private,
and rightly so, since their immediate purpose is the
private advantage of the associates. ‘ Now, a private
society,’ says St. Thomas again, ‘is one which is
formed for the purpose of carrying out private objects ;
as when two or three enter into partnership with the
view of trading in common.’|| Private societies, then,
altho they exist within the State, and are severally
part of the State, cannot nevertheless be absolutely,
and as such, prohibited by the State. For to enter
into a ‘society’ of this kind is the natural right of
man ; and the State is bound to protect natural rights,
not to destroy them; and if it forbid its citizens to
form associations, it contradicts the very principle of
its own existence ; for both they and it exist in virtue
of the like principle, namely, the natural tendency of
man to dwell in society.
“There are occasions, doubtless, when it is fitting
that the law should intervene to prevent association;
as when men join together for purposes which are
evidently bad, unlawful, or dangerous to the State.
In such cases public authority may justly forbid the
formation of associations, and may dissolve them
if they already exist. But every precaution should be
taken not to violate the rights of individuals and not
to impose unreasonable regulations under pretense of
public benefit. For laws only bind when they are in
accordance with right reason, and hence with the
eternal law of God.§
“ And here we are reminded of the Confraternities,
societies, and religious orders which have arisen by
the Church’s authority and the piety of Christian men.
The annals of every nation down to our own days bear
* Ecclestastes iv. 9, 10.
+ Proverbs xviii. 19.
; (ease tmpugnantes Det cultum et religionem, ii.
Za.
§ “Human law is law only by virtue of its accord-
ance with right reason; and thus it is manifest that it
flows from the eternal law. And in so far as it de-
viates from right reason it is called an unjust law; in
such case it is no law at all, but rather a species of
violence.”"—St. Thomas of Aquin, Summa Theolostaa,
1a 2% Q. xciii. Art. 3.
1204
Roman Catholic Church,
witness to what they have accomplished for the human
race. It is indisputable that on grounds of reason
alone such associations, being perfectly
blameless in their objects, possess the
sanction of the ce of nature, 28 thelr Ecclesias-
religious aspect, they claim rightly to 4; .
be qespeusibee ‘to the Church alone. tiea 1 Asso
The rulers of the State accordingly Ciation.
have no rights over them, nor can they
claim any share in their control;
on the contrary, it is the duty of the State to respect
and cherish them, and, if need be, to defend them
from attack. It is notorious that a very different
course has been followed, more especially in our own
times. In many places the State authorities have laid
violent hands on these communities, and committed
manifold injustice against them ; this has placed them
under control of the civil law, taken away their rights
as corporate bodies, and despoiled them of their prop-
erty. In such property the Church had her rights,
each member of the body had his or her rights, an
there were also the rights of those who had founded
or endowed these communities for a definite purpose,
and, furthermore, of those for whose benefit and as-
sistance they had their being. Therefore, we cannot
refrain from complaining of such spoliation as unjust
and fraught with evil results; and with all the more
reason do we complain because, at the very time
when the law proclaims that association is free to all
we see that Catholic societies, however peaceful and
useful, are hampered in every way, whereas the
utmost liberty is conceded to individuals whose pur-
poses are at once hurtful to religion and dangerous to
the State.
“* Associations of every kind, and especially those of
working men, are now far more common than hereto-
fore. As regards-many of these there is no need at
present to inquire whence they spring, what are their
objects, or what the means they employ. There is a
good deal of evidence, however, which goes to prove
that many of these societies are in the hands of secret
leaders, and are managed on principles ill according
with Christianity and the public well-being; and that
they do their utmost to get within their grasp the
whole field of labor, and force working men either to
join them or to starve. Under these circumstances
Christian working men must do one of two things:
either join associations in which their religion will be
exposed to peril or form associations among them-
selves—unite their forces and shake off courageously
the yoke of so unrighteous and intolerable an oppres-
sion. No one who does not wish to expose man’s
chief good to extreme risk will for a moment hesitate
to say that the second alternative should by all means
be adopted.
‘Those Catholics are worthy of all praise—and they
are not a few-—-who, understanding what the times re-
uire, have striven, by various undertakings and en-
deavers. to better the condition of the working class
without any sacrifice of principle being involved.
They have taken up the cause of the working man,
and have spared no efforts to better the condition
both of families and individuals; to infuse a spirit of
equity into the mutual relations of employers and
employed ; to keep before the eyes of both classes the
precepts of duty and the laws of the Gospel—that Gos-
pel which, by inculcating self-restraint, keeps men
within the bounds of moderation and tends to estab-
lish harmony among the divergent interests and the
various classes which compose the State. It is with
such ends in view that we see men of eminence meet-
ing together for discussion, for the promotion of con-
certed action, and for practical work. Others, again,
strive to unite working men of various grades into
associations, help them with their advice and means,
and enable them to obtain fitting and profitable em-
ployment. The bishops, on their part, bestow their
ready good will and support; and with their approval
and guidance, many members of the clergy, both
secular and regular, labor assiduously in behalf of the
spiritual and mental interests of the members of such
associations. And there are not wanting Catholics
blessed with affluence, who have, as it were, cast in
their lot with the wage-earners, and who have spent
large sums in founding and widely spreading benefit
and insurance societies, by means of which the work-
ing man may without difficulty acquire through his
labor not only many present advantages, but also the
certainty of honorable support indaystocome. How
greatly such manifold and earnest activity has bene-
fited the community at large is too well known to re-
gue us to dwell upon it. We find therein grounds
or most cheering hope in the future, provided always
Roman Catholic Church.
that the associations we have described continue to
grow and spread, and are well and wisely adminis-
tered. Let the State watch over these societies of
citizens banded together for the exercise of their
tights; but let it not thrust itself into their peculiar
concerns and their organization; for things move and
live by the spirit inspiring them, and may be killed
by the rough grasp of a hand from without.
“In order then that an association may be carried on
with unity of purpose and harmony of action, its or-
anization and government should be
: rmandwise. All such societies, being
Catholic free to exist, have the further right to
Associa- @dopt such rules and organization as
if may best conduce to the attainment of
tions. their respective objects. We do not
judge it expedient to enter into minute
articulars touching the subject of or-
ganization; this must depend on national character,
on practise and experience, on the nature and aim of
the work to be done, on the scope of the various
trades and employments, and on other circumstances
of fact and of time—all of which should be carefully
considered.
“To sum up, then, we may lay it down as a general
and lasting law, that working men’s associations
should be so organized and governed as to furnish
the best and most suitable means for attaining what
is aimed at, that is to say, for helping each individual
member to better his condition to the utmost in body,
mind, and property. It is clear that they must pay
special and chief attention to the duties of religion
and morality, and that their internal discipline must
be guided very strictly by these weighty considera-
tions ; otherwise they would lose wholly their special
character, and end by becoming little better than
those societies which take no account whatever of
religion. What advantage can it be toa working man
to obtain by means of a society all that he requires,
and to endanger his soul for lack of spiritual food?
What doth tt profit a man tf he gain the whole worla
and suffer the loss of his own soul?* This, as Our
Lord teaches, is the mark or character that .distin-
guishes the Christian from the heathen.
J.B?!
‘“““The following is the document, which we are
asked to insert as leaded matter on the editorial page;
in other words, asa statement made by the /zfer- Ocean.
“«“ The Greenback Party has offered, through its
managers, to sell out to the Democrats and here-
after to work in Democratic harness if a few of their
leaders can be provided for. This shows how much
dependence there is to be placed on the leaders of
the lunatics who clamor for money based on nothing.”
‘““«We insert this, but we shall send no bill for it.
We shall send no bill because, in the first place, we
do not follow directions about leading it; secondly,
we can't believe a word of the statement to be true.
‘We do not know who is managing the affairs of the
American Bankers’ Association; but, whoever he is,
we advise that body to get rid of him without delay.
The attempt to thus maliciously destroy the Green-
back Party, without submitting a word of proof, is a
piece of effrontery which ought to be beneath any
body of commercial gentlemen, and especially the
American Bankers’ Association. We refuse to believe
that such an extraordinary document was authorized
by that body.’
‘*In the Now York Sux (Dem.) of October 2s, 1877,
only four days earlier, appeared notice of the receipt
of a similar letter requesting that the following be
inserted :
“The prospect is that in six months there will not
be a Greenback leader in all the land. Overtures
have been made by the leaders of the Greenback
movement to President Hayes to abandon the green-
back asa lost cause, provided that he will give good
official positions to about twenty of the most blatant
of the clamorous for money that is based on nothing.’
“Tt is but proper to say that James Buell is dead
and cannot speak for himself; but others, at that
time officers of the American Bankers’ Association
of New York city, deny that such circulars were ever
issued by authority of the association.
‘In the words of Mrs. Emery :
““ Conspiracy No. 7.—This act, passed January 24,
1875, authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to
destroy the fractional currency, and issue silver
coin in like denominations to take its pla¢e. The
people had found the fractional currency conve-
nient, not only as a medium of exchange at home,
but especially cheap and convenient for small re-
mittances in trade. The destruction of this money
was a serious injury to the business men of the
country. For without fractional currency even small
remittances incurred the expense of a draft or money-
order. But Congressappeared to be looking after the
interest of the money-monger, and not to the pros-
perity of the country. f
‘““*It next became necessary to issue bonds with
which to purchase the silver bullion authorized for
coinage. Let it be remembered that
these were SE eee eae
. bonds, and of suc arge denomina-
Resumption, tions that only capitalists were able to
carry them, while to the debt-ridden
eople was added the interest of these
very bonds, which could only exist by the destruc-
tion of the greenbacks and fractional currency upon
which the people paid no interest.
79
1249
Silver.
“«The restoration of silver as a medium of ex-
change was a great triumph to the unthinking
masses, and greatly increased their confidence in the
govermental policy, but to those who studied the
situation the jingle of silver was another death-knell
to the prosperity of the country.’
“This Senator Sherman calls ‘the pride and boast
of the Government of the United States,’ since it
resulted in ‘the restoration of our notes, long after the
war was over, to the standard of coin.’
‘““These are the seven acts of government, which
Mrs. Emery calls the ‘Seven Financial Conspira-
cies,’ but which Senator Sherman in reply declares
to be ‘the seven great pillars of our financial credit,
the seven great financial measures by which the
Government was saved from the perilsof war, and by
which the United States has become the most flour-
ishing and prosperous nation in the world.”
Thus far Mr. Waldron’s condensation of
Mrs. Emery’s charges and Senator Sherman’s
reply. It will be seen that as to conspiracy
Mrs. Emery has not made out her case, and
that the less Populist writers say about the Haz-
zard circular, Mr. Seyd’s alleged bribery, and
the so-called Buell circular, the better for their
cause. Nevertheless, he who does not read
between the lines vital truths accompanied by
occasional mistakes, can scarcely realize the
situation, Whatever one thinks about the
necessity of making the greenbacks not good
in payment of duties or the interest on the
public debt, only protectionists will accept
Senator Sherman’s glib answer that foreign-
ers pay the duties on imports, while many
will question the statement that we could
only find a market for bonds by making them
payable in gold. As for the creation of our
present national banking system ; contraction
of the currency; the so-called ‘credit
strengthening act”; the refunding of the
debt; the demonetization of silver ; resump-
tion of specie payments—Mrs. Emery’s con-
cluding seven points—no person can deny
that they took place; that they were each
one pushed through Congress by the influence
of the moneyed classes, and that they were
every one in pursuance of a settled policy of
gold monometalism. (For a discussion of
them see Currency.) The Populists have a
grievance, and a bitter one, if all economists
are right, that falling prices do depend on the
quantity of the currency; that falling prices
are fatal to prosperity, and that an expanded
currency can raise prices. They have seen
millionaires flourish and agriculturists suffer ;
they have steadily seen corporations and trusts
fatten, and prices fall; they have seen great
syndicates hand in glove with Presidents and
controlling Congress. All they desire is the re-
turn of prices to where they were when most
debts were contracted, and then, on that basis,
the establishment of a just and scientific cur-
rency. Such, in brief, is the Populists’ argu-
ment. ‘It is with them an intensely moral one,
and acry forjustice. Iftemporarily the mone-
tization of silver should raise prices for the
working classes before it raised their wages,
Populists believe that, by raising prices, silver
monetization will so stimulate industry that
workmen will be employed all the time instead
of on half time, as they are largely to-day, and
so better off, even with higher prices. Invest-
ors in savings-banks, etc., will not be robbed,
because they believe the talk of a 50-cent dollar
Silver.
to be a false argument raised by interested
classes and caught up by a deceived public.
They believe that silver will be made equal
with gold and that with quickened industry,
living prices, the country can go on to a sci-
entific currency, which shall be better than
either silver or gold. If, on the other hand, the
producers of factory and field do not unite
against the gold interest, Populists believe
that money must continue to contract, prices
continue to fall, anda suffering result which
may leave the workers almost helpless. Said
President Walker, who is not a Populist (Ad-
dress before the American Economic Asso-
ciation, December 26, 1890) :
“The money supply is not a matter of no conse-
uence. Alike considerable excess and considerable
deficiency inevitably become the source of direful ills
and woes unnumbered. If of an irredeemable and
fluctuating paper currency, that alcohol of commerce,
it can be said that ‘it biteth like a serpent and stingeth
like an adder,’ with equal truth may it be added that
strangulation, suffocation are not words too strong to
express the agony of the industrial body when em-
braced in the fast-tightening folds of contracting
money supply.”
References: Jnternational Bimetalism, by Francis
A. Walker (1896); Ax Honest Dollar, by President E. B.
Andrews (1889); Cozz’s Financial School, by W. H.
Harvey (1894). Also the books and magazine articles
quoted above. 2
SINGLE TAX, THE.—A statement of the
fundamental principles of the reform bearing
the name of the Single Tax, and prepared for
the Financial Reform Almanack of England,
for the year 1891, by the great apostle of the
movement, Henry George, is herewith pre-
sented. For a necessarily brief exposition,
nothing more comprehensive and authoritative
has been written. Speaking for himself and
his associates, Mr. George says:
‘“We propose to abolish all taxes save one
single tax levied on the value of land, irre-
spective of the value of improvements in or
on it,
‘““What we propose is not a tax on real
estate, for real estate includes improvements,
Nor is it a tax on land, for we would not tax
all land, but only land having a value irre-
spective of its improvements, and would tax
that in proportion to that value.
‘Our tax involves the imposition of no new
tax, since we already tax land values in taxing
realestate. To carry it out we have only to
abolish all taxes save the tax on real estate
and to abolish all of that which now falls on
buildings or improvements, leaving only that
part of it which now falls on the value of the
bare land. This we would increase so as to
take as nearly as may be the whole of the
economic rent, or what is sometimes styled
the ‘unearned increment of land values.’
‘That the value of land alone would stiffice
to provide all needed public revenues—munic-
ipal, county, and national—there is no doubt.
To show briefly why we urge this change, let
me treat (1) of its expediency, and (2) of its
justice.
‘(1) It would dispense with a whole army of
tax-gatherers and other officials which present
taxes require, and place in the Treasury a
much larger proportion of what is taken from
the people, while, by making government
1250
Single Tax-
i cheaper, it would make it pureT-
jeodld eet rid of taxes which necessarily PTO-
mote fraud, perjury, bribery, and :
corruption; which lead men into :
temptation, and which tax what Expediency,
the nation can least afford to spare
—honesty and conscience. Since
Jand lies out of doors and cannot be removed,
and its value is the most readily ascertained of
all values, the tax to which we would resort
can be collected with the minimum of cost and
the least strain upon public morals.
“It would enormously increase the produc-
tion of wealth :
‘‘A, By the removal of the burdens that
now weigh upon industry and thrift. If we
tax houses, there will be fewer and poorer
houses; if we tax machinery, there will be
less machinery; if we tax trade there will be
less trade; if we tax capital there will be less
capital; if we tax savings, there will be less
savings. All the taxes, therefore, that we
would abolish, are taxes that repress industry
and lessen wealth. But if we tax land values,
there will be no less land.
‘«B, On the contrary, the taxation of land
values has the effect of making land more easily
available by industry, since it makes it more
difficult for owners of valuable land, which
they themselves do not care to use, to hold it
idle for alarger future price. While the aboli-
tion of taxes on labor and the products of
labor would free the active element of produc-
tion, the taxing of land values in taxation
would free the passive element by destroying
speculative land values and preventing the
holding out of use of land needed for use. If
any one will but look around to-day and see
the unused or but half used land, the idle
labor, the unemployed or poorly employed
capital, he will get some idea of how enormous.
would be the production of wealth were all
the forces of production free to engage.
‘©C. The taxation of the processes and prod-
ucts of labor on the one hand, and the insuf-
ficient taxation of land values on the other,
produces an unjust distribution of wealth
which is building up in the hands of a few for-
tunes more monstrous than the world has
ever before seen, while the masses of our peo-
ple are steadily becoming relatively poorer.
These taxes necessarily fall on the poor more
heavily than on the rich; by increasing prices,
they necessitate larger capital in all businesses,
and consequently give an advantage to large
capitals; and they give, and in some cases are
designed to give, special advantages and’ mo-
nopolies to combinations and trusts. On the
other hand, the insufficient taxation of land
values enables men to make large fortunes by
land speculation and the increase in ground
values—fortunes which do not represent any
addition by them to the general wealth of the
community, but merely the appropriation by
some of what the labor of others creates.
‘This unjust distribution of wealth develops.
on the one hand a class idle and wasteful, be-
cause they are too rich, and on the other hand
a class idie and wasteful, because they are too.
poor—it deprives men of capital and opportu-
nities which would make them more éfficient
Single Tax.
producers.
duction.
‘‘D, The unjust distribution which is giving
us the hundred-fold millionaire on the one
side, and the tramp and the pauper on the
other, generates thieves, gamblers, social par-
isites of all kinds, and requires large expend-
iture of money and energy in watchmen,
policemen, courts, and prisons, and other
means of defense and repression. It kindlesa
greed of gain and a worship of wealth, and
produces a bitter struggle for existence which
fosters drunkenness, increases insanity, and
causes men whose energies ought to be de-
voted to honest production to spend their
time and strength in cheating and grabbing
from each other. Besides the moral loss, all
this involves an enormous economic loss which
the single tax would save.
‘““E. The taxes we would abolish fall most
heavily on the poorer agricultural districts,
and thus tend to drive population and wealth
from them to the great cities. The tax we
would increase would destroy that monopoly
of land which is the great cause of that dis-
tribution of population which is crowding peo-
ple too closely together in some places and
scattering them too far apart in other
places. Families live on top of one another in
cities, because of the enormous speculative
prices at which vacant lots are held. In the
country they are scattered too far apart for
social intercourse and convenience, because,
instead of each taking what land he can use,
every one who can grabs all he can get, in
the hope of profiting by the increase of value,
and the next man must pass further on. Thus
we have scores of families living under a sin-
gle roof, and other families living in dug-outs
on the prairies afar from neighbors—some
living too close to each other for moral, men-
tal, or physical health, and others too far
separated for the stimulating and refining in-
fluences of society. The waste in health, in
mental vigor, and in unnecessary transporta-
tion results in great economic losses which the
Single Tax would save.
‘“(2) Let us turn to the moral side, and con-
sider the question of justice. The right of
property does not rest on human
laws; they have often ignored and
violated it. It rests on natural
laws—that is to say, the law of
God. It is clear and absolute,
and every violation of it, whether committed
by a man or a nation, is a violation of the
command, ‘Thou shalt not steal.’ The man
who catches a fish, grows an apple, raises a
calf, builds a house, makes a coat, paints
a picture, constructs a machine, has, as to any
such thing, an exclusive right of ownership,
which carries with it the right to give, to sell,
or bequeath that thing. But who made the
earth that any man can claim such an owner-
ship of it, or any part of it, or the right to
give, sell, or bequeath it? Since the earth
was not made by us, but is only the temporary
dwelling-place on which one generation of
men follows another; -since we who find our-
selves here are manifestly here with the equal
permission of the Creator, itis manifest that no
It thus greatly diminishes pro-
Justice.
T25f
Single Tax.
one can have any exclusive right of ownership
in land, and that the rights of all men to land
must be equal and inalienable. There must
be an exclusive right to possession of land for
one to reap the products of his labor. But
this right of possession must be limited by the
equal right of all, and should therefore be
conditioned on the payment to the community
by the possessor of an equivalent for any spe-
cial valuable privilege thus accorded him.
‘“When we tax houses, crops, money, furni-
ture, capital, or wealth in any of its forms, we
take from individuals what rightfully belongs
to them. We violate the right of property,
and in the name of the State commit robbery.
But when we tax ground values we take from
individuals what does not belong to them, but
belongs to the community, and which cannot
be left to individuals without the robbery of
other individuals.
“Think what the value of land is. It has
no reference to the cost of production, as has
the value of houses, horses, ships, clothes, or
other things produced by labor; for land is
not produced by man, it has been created by
God. The value of land does not come from
the exertion of labor on land, for the value
thus produced is a value of improvement.
That value that attaches to any piece of land
means that that piece of land is more desir-
able than the land which other citizens may
obtain, and that there are more willing to pay
a premium for permission to use it. Justice,
therefore, requires that this premium or value
shall be taken for the benefit of all, in order
to secure to all their equal rights.
‘Consider the difference between the value
of a building and the value of land. The
value of a building, like the value of goods, or of
anything properly styled wealth, is produced
by individual exertion, and therefore properly
belongs to the individual; but the value of
land only arises with the growth and improve-
ment of the community, and therefore prop-
erly belongs to the community. It is not
because of what its owners have done, but be-
cause of the presence of the whole great popu-
lation, that land in New York is worth millions
anacre, This value, therefore, is the proper
fund for defraying the common expenses of
the whole population; and it must be taken
for public use, under penalty of generating
land speculation and monopoly, which will
bring about artificial scarcity where the Crea-
tor has provided in abundance for all whom
his providence has called into existence. It
is thus a violation of justice to tax labor, or
the things produced by labor, and it is also
a violation of justice not to tax land values.
“These are the fundamental reasons for
which we urge the Single Tax, believing
it to be the greatest and most fundamen-
tal of all reforms. We do not think it
will change human nature. That man can
never do; but it will bring about condi-
tions in which human nature can develop
what is best instead of, as now in so many
cases, whatis worst, It will permit such an
enormous production of wealth as we can now
hardly conceive. It will secure an equitable
distribution. It will solve the labor problem,
Single Tax.
and dispel the darkening clouds which are now
gathering over the horizon of our civilization.
It will make undeserved property an unknown
thing. It will check the soul-destroying greed
of gain. It will enable men to be at least as
honest, as true, as considerate, and as high-
minded as they would like to be. It will
remove temptations to lying, false swearing,
bribery, and law-breaking. It will open to all,
even to the poorest, the comforts and refine-
ments and opportunities of an advancing
civilization. It will thus, so we reverently
believe, clear the way for the coming of that
kingdom of right and justice, and consequently
of abundance and peace and happiness, for
which the Master told his disciples to pray
and work. It is not because it is a promising
invention or cunning device that we look for
the Single Tax to do all this; it is because it in-
volves a conforming of the most fundamental
adjustments of society to the supreme law of
justice, because it involves the basing of the
most important of our laws on the principle
that we should do to others as we would be
done by.”
Although the present political and social
agitation of the land question, now active and
increasing in every nation where
representative government exists,
dates only from the year 1879, when
Henry George, the unknown Cali-
fornia printer, published his great
work, Progress and Poverty, the
primary principles had been already recog-
nized and enunciated by statesmen and think-
ers. First among these were the famous
_physiocrats, to whom Mr. George dedicates
his book on Protection or Free Trade, as fol-
lows: ‘To the memory of those illustrious
Frenchmen of a century ago, Quesnay, Tur-
got, Mirabeau, Condorcet, Dupont, and their
fellows, who in the night of despotism foresaw
the glories of the coming day.” These econo-
mists were far in advance of Adam Smith,
desiring the abolition not only of protective
duties but all taxes direct or indirect, except a
single tax upon land values. In England the
true philosophical statement of ‘‘The Right
to the Use of the Earth” was first popularly
presented by Herbert Spencer, in the famous
ninth chapter of his work on Soczal Statics,
published in 1850. At that time the practi-
cal applications of the principles enunciated
seemed infinitely remote, and were treated as
interesting abstract speculations. Since the
publication, however, of Progress and Pov-
erty, which brought the question of land mo-
nopoly into a practical relation with politics,
making it ‘‘a burning question,” Mr. Spencer
has taken occasion in his latest volume of /us-
tice, to modify and apologize for his early
utterances. Nevertheless, the original state-
ment stands and will continue to stand as the
most complete ethical expression of the sub-
ject yet formulated. For a comprehensive
consideration of Herbert Spencer’s change of
attitude, the reader is referred to A Perplexed
Philosopher by Henry George (1892).
Others also of less note had discerned and
enunciated the principle underlying the Sin-
gle Tax, but it remained for the author of
Historical
Develop-
ment.
1252
Single TaXs
orress and Poverty, by that work of genius,
ean the world's aentiot to it. - a a
succinct and orderly idea of the origin an i €-
nomenal growth of the organized Single-Tax
movement, the reader is referred to the files
of The Standard of New York, whose publi-
cation, beginning January 9, 1887, and ending
August 31, 1892, covers the pioneer period.
Its continuance was not deemed essential, for
the reason that the press of the country could
no longer avoid the discussion. In its place
several journals in different parts of the coun-
try now (1894) devote themselves exclusively
to the Single-Tax propaganda,
The ethical statement of the reform seldom
meets with objection. It cannot be denied
that justice demands equal access to natural
opportunity for all human beings who must
live upon this earth. It is indisputable that
landis a bounty of the Creator and not the
product of man; and that all wealth is de-
rived from land by the application of man’s
labor. This truth once granted it follows logi-
cally that land must be separated from wealth,
altho law and custom have mixed the two,
confusing private property with natural oppor-
tunity. The distinction is clear and simple.
What the individual makes is his. What na-
ture supplies is the birthright of all. Hence,
land ceases to be rightfully private property.
It is for use, not for ownership. The Single
Tax has the distinction of pointing out how,
without disturbing existing titles, or weaken-
ing possession, or lessening security, justice
may be done impartially. Access to land be-
ing a common right, private monopoly is a
universal wrong, unless the user pays the
community for the privilege. As sites vary
in desirability, grading from those which are
now useless to the New York lot which re-
cently sold at the rate of $15,000,000 per acre,
the difference is distinguished as rent, a value
created by the growth of the community and
the demand for special situations. This pref-
erential difference, or economic rent, made by
and belonging to the people, is a natural fund,
ample to sustain necessary government. By
every one who uses land paying a proper
rental for the privilege—not to the landlord,
who now claims it, but to the Government,
who dispenses it for the general good—sub-
stantial equity is secured.
The objections urged against the Single Tax
are various, beginning with an expression of
doubt concerning its beneficent
working, and ending with the
charge of confiscation. Granting Objections
that exact results are beyond Answered,
human power of prediction, it
may be safely affirmed that if the
principles of the reform are correct, the result
may be left to take care of itself. Every great
movement in behalf of human welfare, like
the abolition of the corn-laws or the emanci-
pation of the American slave, has been forced
to meet the same prophesies of evil, duly
proved to be groundless.
As regards “ confiscation,” to give that name
to the action of society-in taking the value
which it creates and which belongs to it,
altho that value has for generations been
Single Tax.
tmhisappropriated by individuals, is to misuse
terms and confuse sacred rights. The Single
Tax aims only to stop the present confiscation.
It does not ask indemnity for the past, but
security for the future. All it proposes is to
take every year that value which society in its
collective sense creates during that year, leav-
ing untaxed everything made or produced by
the individual.
The advocates of the Single Tax, while
recognizing the justice and propriety of gov-
ernmental control of certain natural monopo-
lies, such as franchises belonging to all of the
people, and now generally bestowed without
compensation on private corporations, are by
no means socialists. They would not substi-
tute paternalism for individual freedom. The
Single Tax aims at equality of opportunity
and not of possessions. With fair play and
an open field, it would trust results. It
does not fear competition, but has no faith in
the stability of a society where free competi-
tion is denied. It repudiates the game where
part of the players use loaded dice. It has
more faith in the people than in their rulers,
and does not think that any combination,
whether it calls itself a trust or agovernment,
can manage private affairs half as well as the
people can do it themselves. Rather it de-
mands less government and more freedom.
For a comprehensive discussion of the Sin-
gle Tax, touching all points at issue, the
reader is referred to the works of Henry
George, notably Progress and Poverty; So-
cial Problems, Protection or Free Trade,
The Land Question ; The Condition of Labor
(An Open Letter to Pope Leo XIII); and A
Perplexed Philosopher. W.S. Garrison,
OBJECTIONS TO THE SINGLE TAX.
Objections to the Single Tax usually come
from two opposite standpoints, from conserva-
tives who believe in private property in land,
and from socialists or other radical thinkers,
who consider the Single Tax an inadequate
way of meeting the land problem. The two
classes of objections may be briefly summa-
rized as follows:
First, conservatives argue against the Single
Tax as in the first place based on false
assumptions in justice. Mr. George bases his
argument on the assumption that since, to use
his words, ‘‘ Land values arise from the pres-
ence of all . . the land belongs equally to
all.” This is of course a zon seguztur. The land
does not belong equally to all unless its value
is contributed to equally by all, which is no-
toriously not the case. As Mr. Spahr points
out in The Political Science Quarterly (vol.
vi. No. 4), there are many individuals whose
presence on land lowers its value, while there
are many more whose presence increases land
values very slightly. He instances in America,
the North American Indians and the Hunga-
rians and Italians, who pour into New York
City. It depends on how much land is im-
proved, whether the presence of people gives
it value. It is even questionable whether,
were it not for improvements, land would have
any value. Undoubtedly unimproved lots
surrounded by improved lots have often im-
1253
Single Tax.
mense value, but remove a// improvements
and how much value would they have? There-
fore it is said to tax land values is as much to
tax labor as any other tax, and like any other
tax to tax an earned increment. Thus, the
foundation in justice of the Single Tax is over-
thrown.
Secondly, conservatives argue that the
Single Tax is unjust because it distin-
guishes between forms of labor. Here is a
man who has put all his earnings into land;
another has invested his in manufactures.
Neither themselves work, yet the Single Tax
would take the whole income of the one and
not touch the income of the other.
Thirdly, conservatives argue that the
Single Tax would work ill, because it would
weaken at its very vital point the sense of
private ownership in the soil, which has been
the very keystone of society. (For a discus-
sion of this, see LAND.)
Fourthly, conservatives argue that the Single
Tax would not raise sufficient revenue for the
government to enable it to do away with all
other taxes, and so the whole theory of the
Single Tax would be upset. Says Mr. Spahr
(¢dem) :
“As regards England, we have fortunately at hand
the statistics prepared by Mr. Giffen in his paper be-
fore the Statistical Society in December, 1889, in which
he was not considering the subject of the Single Tax,
and is therefore not open to the charge of special
pene The value of the farm lands of Great
ritain in 1885 was $8,400,000,000. The value of the
houses was $9,500,000, 000. we assume that 60 per
cent. of the value of the English houses was the value
of the land on which they stood, then the total value
of all the land in England was but $14,000,000,000. The
taxation of England in 1885 was $750,000,000, of which
not to exceed $100,000,000 rests upon land. The ques-
tion then is, could the land of England support an
additional tax of $650,000.000? The answer isobvious
when we remember that Mr. Giffen arrived at the total
land value by multiplying rentals by thirty ; that is,
the average rental of land in England is 3% per cent. |
Three and one-third per cent. upon $14,000,000,000
would be but $470,000,000. In other words, the Single
Tax in England, even if the entire rentals of the land
inclusive of improvements incorporated within the
soil were taken, would produce a deficit of $200,000,000
annually.
“Jn America the aggregate deficit is less clear. Yet,
here we find that in most of our Eastern States the
local taxes alone have for years been much greater
than the aggregate increase in the values of the land.
For example, in Connecticut during the past 15 years,
the assessed value of the land has increased $36,000,000.
The aggregate taxes paid have been more than $70,-
000,000. As these taxes have been contributed by
the property-owners, the latter have already more
than paid for the increment which they have received.
The logical application of the Single-Tax theory would
require that the property-owners receive back the
taxes they have advanced, and turn over to the public
the increment that has arisen. This would leave the
public vastly in debt to the property-owners, instead
of the property-owners vastly in debt to the public.”
Fifthly. It is argued that the Single Tax
rests on a complete misreading of present
facts. Mr. Spahr continues in the above ar-
ticle :
“The fundamental mistake of Mr. George and the
Single-Tax advocates is their conception that in the
value of the land the community has a vast element of
wealth which has somehow come of itself, without
the expenditure of labor or capital. A correlative
error is their assumption that another amount equally
vast may now be created without labor, by adopting
their system. Their platform promises that the Sin-
gle Tax would make it impossible for speculatorsand
monopolists to hold opportunities unused or only half
used, and would throw open to labor the illimitable
Single Tax.
field of employment which the earth offers to man. It
would thus solve the labor problem, doing away with
involuntary poverty, raise wages in all occupations,
and cause Such an enormous production of wealth as
would give to all comfort, leisure, and participation
in the advantages of an advancing civilization. :
“Here it is assumed that if the taxes now levied
upon houses and improvements were repealed, there
would at once be an immense addition to the national
wealth. Allthe unimproved farm land would at once
be brought under cultivation ; all the vacant building
lots would at once be covered with houses. This were
indeed a consummation devoutly to be wished, but
this isthe most absurd portion of the entire Single-
Tax program. Houses cannot be built except out
of new savings, unless capital can be withdrawn from
other enterprises. To withdraw capital from other
enterprises where it is more remunerative, and put it
into the building of houses which will not be needed
by the community for years, or into the improving of
farms whose cultivation is not yet demanded, would
be the most enormous possible waste of our national
wealth. There is no vast fund of wealth in the air
which can be brought to earth by the touch of Mr.
George’s magic wand. The amount of wealth which
society can produce is limited by the amount of labor
and capital which society has at its disposal. Any
plan to turn this investment out of its natural channel
involves an economic loss. Except in trivial and ex-
ceptional cases, there is no wealth which is not the
product of labor, and no wealth can be created except
as the product of labor.”
Lastly, conservatives argue that rent is not
the enormous evil it is considered by land re-
formers, and that what evil it does do will not
be removed by the Single Tax. Mr. W. T.
Harris, writing in the Boston TZvranscript,
November 21, 1895, argues that judging by
data derived from the United States census,
and State census of Massachusetts for 1885,
the total value of land in 1880 was $10,000,000,-
ooo, and the total rent in the neighborhood of
$400,000,000, or little over two cents per day
for each inhabitant. Of the inability of the
Single Tax to remove the evils of ren{ for the
city poor, Professor Seligman says (Single-
Tax discussion before the American Social
Science Association, September 5, 1890) :
“ How is the Single Tax going to relieve the inhabit-
ants of the slums? They will not go to the suburbs,
where there is plenty of land, for the same reasons
that they do not go there now. Rent inthe suburbs
or uptown districts is at the present moment vastly
less than in the crowded slums, and yet the slums are
crowded. The average workman prefers to be near
his work, prefers to enjoy the social opportunities of
contact with his fellow-workman, evenings as well as
daytimes. All careful students of the problem of
housing the poor have come to the conclusion that it is
in the crowded centers where there is no unoccupied
land, and not in the suburbs where rents are low, that
the problem must be solved. Now, when we look at
the thing from a practical standpoint, how is the tene-
ment-house workman to derive any benefit from the
Single Tax? His rent will be just exactly as high as
at present; for his rent isa veritable rack-rent, fixed by
the stress of competition. The competition for rooms
will be not a whit less when the State becomes the
landlord. And how are his wages to be increased?
Wages can be increased in only one of three ways—
through the increase of capital, through the increased
efficiency of the laborer, or through the increased
standard of living, which will enable the workman
to compel higher wages. But the Single Tax can
accomplish none of these three things. Totake away
economic rent and to turn it over to the State, will
not increase capital one whit, will not decrease the
monthly rent of the tenement-house population by
one iota. Into what does all this fair dream of eco-
nomic felicity resolve itself? Into mere mist, into mere
nothingness. The tenement-house population, no
more than the American farmer, will derive no advan-
tage from the Single Tax.”
The socialist objections to the Single Tax
are different. They agree absolutely with the
Single-Taxers, that the natural values of the
1254
Single Tax.
soil should belong to no individual. They
favor land nationalization, and many of them
believe that the Single Tax would be a good
way to introduce such a measure, but they do
not believe in the taxation of land values as a
Single Tax, nor that by itself the Single Tax
would do much good, nor even that it should
be favored as a practical first step toward
socialism. They favor only the increasing
taxation of land values in connec-
tion with other reforms, as is being -
done in Australia as a part of a
socialist programme. They object
to the Single Tax by itself or even
as a first step, first, because by
itself, or even by itself for a while, it would do
little good. As Professor Seligman has shown
above, it would not lower rerit in the cities,
but only transfer rent to the government. It
might throw suburban land held for specula-
tion on to the market ; but only those could
buy this land who had capital with which to
improve it. Poor men could not get the land,
But rich men could hire labor to improve it,
and this would employ labor. Yes, but at
what prices? Only by withdrawing capital
from other investments and attracting laborers
from other cities, which would mean a compe-
tition changing, rather than raising wages.
The attracted laborers too would have to live
somewhere. ‘They could not buy the land,
nor live far from their work, hence they would
crowd into the already overcrowded slums,
and thus raise rents. Landlords could put up
cheap tenement-houses, make profits from
them, and still pay all the land values to the
government.
A deeper socialist objection is that the
Single Tax, presented as it usually is as a sub-
stitute for socialism, would simply rivet the
chains of the working man. Single-Taxers
usually claim that if land values were taxed,
land would be thrown open to all, all would
have opportunity to labor and could secure
the full return of their labor ; the smart getting
much, and the less able less, but each accord-
ing to his deserts. This is not at all the case.
Taxing land values would not throw land open
to all, but only to those with capital, for ac-
cording to the theory, those offering most for
the land would get it, and capitalists could
offer most. Even if all did get land, they
could not keep it. Men are not equal in
ability. Smart men with land would make
better use of it than others. They could af+
ford to buy machinery ; other men could not.
With that advantage they could undersell and
eventually drive out the feebler folk, who would
have to toil at wage labor as to-day. The
smart men could leave money to their children,
and so children, even tho not smart them-
selves, could live in idieness, while others
toiled for them as to-day. The Single-Taxers’
glorification of competition plus a Single Tax
calls for the competition of equals, to be just.
In practice it would be the competition of un-
equals, which means the rule of smartness,
shrewdness, and force, which is not just.
Some argue that it is just that the strong
should get the good of their strength and that
the weak should suffer for their weakness.
Socialist
Objections.
Single Tax.
This possibly would be just, if men wholly
made themselves, but men do not. They are
largely modified by environment. The well-
fed son of a capitalist can get land and live in
idleness, hiring the sickly son of a sickly
working man to toil for him. Is this just?
Thirdly, socialists deny any such distinction
between land values and other values as the
Single Tax claims. If individuals alone have
not produced the land, they also have not
alone produced other things. All production
as well as that of land values belongs to all.
Says Professor Seligman (zdem.) :
“Individual labor, I venture to say, has never by
itself produced anything in civilized society. Let us
take the workman, fashioning a chair. The wood
he certainly has not produced. The tools that he uses
are the result of the contribution of others. The house
in which he works, the clothes he wears, the food he
eats (all of which are necessary to the making of a
chair in civilized society), are the result of contribu-
tions of the community. His safety from robbery and
pillage—nay, his very existence—is dependent on the
ceaseless cooperation of the society about him. How
can it be said, in the face of all this, that his own indi-
vidual labor wholly creates anything? If it be an-
swered that it pays for his tools, his clothing, his
protection, etc., I say, So does the land-owner pay for
the land he purchases. Nothing, I repeat, is wholly
the result of unaided individual labor. No one hasa
right to say, This belongs completely and absolutely
to me, because I alone have produced it. In truth,
this is the groundwork of socialism. The socialists
have been far more logical than Henry George. They
deny the existence of any difference, save that in
degree, between property in land and property in
other capital. That is the reason why the English
enthusiasts are leaving land nationalization and en-
rolling themselves under the banners of socialism.
That is the reason why, in this country, the growth of
Bellamy’s nationalism marks the gradual decadence
of the Single-Tax movement. That is thereason why
any one who has to do with laboring men throughout
the country is now meeting in every center hundreds
who were formerly Georgites, but who now have
become converted to the newer forms of socialism.”
SISMONDI, JEAN CHARLES LEO-
NARD SIMONDE DE, was born in Geneva,
Switzerland, in 1773. Educated in his native
town he became a clerk in Lyons, but political
disturbances drove him into exile and he lived
in England and Italy for some years. He
settled in Geneva in 1800, and devoted himself
to literature, politics, and economics. He mar-
ried an English wife in 1819. He died in
Geneva in 1842.
He wrote first a treatise De la Richesse
Commerciale (1803), in which he followed
strictly the principles of Adam Smith. But
he afterward came to regard these principles
as insufficient and requiring modification.
He contributed an article on political economy
to the Edmburgh Encyclopaedia, in which
his new views were partially indicated.
They were fully developed in his principal eco-
nomic work Nouveaux Principes d'Economie
Politigue, ou dela Richesse dans ses Rapports
avec la Population (1819), and Etudes sur
les Sciences Sociales (3 vols., 1836). He be-
came, however, best known as a historian with
his Hestoire des Républigues Italiennes des
Moyen Age (16 vols., 1807-18), his Azstozre des
Frangazs, 31 vols. (1821-49), and lesser works.
SLAVERY.—Slavery is the first condition
in which laborers as a class appear in history.
In the hunter period of our human history the
1255
Slavery.
conqueror does not enslave his vanquished
foe, but slays him at once; in the pastoral
period slaves are generally captured only to be
sold; but when sedentary life begins, slavery
originates. Especially where warlike habits
prevail, slaves are procured to provide food
for their military masters. Slavery was modi-
fied wherever theocratic organizations became
established, and only reached its extreme
form where the military order dominated the
sacerdotal. Slavery was an advance on what
went before. It was infinitely better than
cannibalism, or the wholesale slaughter of the
captives in war. It may be said here that
slave was originally a national name; it meant
aman of Slavonic race captured and made a
bondman by the Germans. Its ultimate deri-
vation is from s/ava, glory.
Wherever slavery has existed, it has meant
wrong, injustice, violence, brutality, engen-
dered both in master and slave.
Prisoners of war, held for debt, or
self-sold—slaves have had little but
cruel treatment until their emanci-
pation by death. Hebrew slavery
was milder than that of any
other nation. The law protected the slave
from violence and from permanent bondage.
Every slave was to be emancipated at the
seventh year. (See Jupaism.) In Greece we
find slavery fully established in the Homeric
period. War captives are enslaved, -sold, or
held at ransom. Sometimes the women only
are saved from slaughter. Pirates occasion-
ally kidnaped free persons and sold them for
slaves in other regions. Not unfrequently the
slave would be of nobler birth than his owner.
The men slaves were made to till the ground
and tend the cattle, and the women slaves to
perform the domestic duties.
It is, however, most interesting and impor-
tant to study slavery asit appeared later in his-
toric Greece, and especially at Athens. The
sources of slavery in Greece were: (1) Birth,
the enslavement of slaves’ children. This was
not a common source, as it was found cheaper
to buy a slave than to rear one. (2) Sale of
children by their free parents. (3) Through
indigence freemen sometimes sold themselves;
and at Athens, before Solon, an insolvent
debtor became the slave of his creditor. (4)
Capture in war. After Thebes was taken by
Alexander, 30,000 women and children are
said tohave been sold. (5) Commerce. There
was a systematic slave-trade. The principal
slave-markets were Athens, Chios, Cyprus,
Samos, and Ephesus. Thrace was the chief
source of supply. Servile labor gradually dis-
placed free labor, not only in agriculture but
in manufactures and commerce aswell. Spec-
ulators either directly employed slaves or hired
them out for profit. Athenzeus gives the num-
ber of Athenian slaves as 400,000 ; Hume how-
ever says it should be 40,000.
The condition of the slaves at Athens was
not as bad as in many other countries. Privi-
leges were allowed them which in Rome would
have been termed license. Says Dr. Ingram:
Early
Slavery.
“The slave was introduced with certain customary
rites into his position in the family ; he was in prac-
tise, though not by law, permitted to accumulate a
Slavery.
private fund of his own; his marriage was also recog-
nized by custom; though in general excluded from
sacred ceremonies and public sacrifices, slaves were
admissible to religious associations of a private kind ;
there were some popular festivals in which they were
allowed to participate ; they had even special ones for
themselves, both at Athens and in other Greek centers.
Their remains were deposited in the family tomb of
their master, who sometimes erected monuments in
testimony of his affection and regret.”
The Athenian law afforded some protection
to the slave. He had an action for outrage,
like a freeman; and if killed by a stranger was
avenged as acitizen. If a masterslewa slave,
it was atoned for by exile and religious expia-
tion. Even when the slave struck back and
killed his master, he had to be handed over to
the magistrate for punishment. There were
several ways in which a slave might become a
freeman: by buying his freedom, by having
his name inscribed in the public registers, by
sale or donation to certain temples, by procla-
mation in the theater, law court, or other
public place, or by being freely emancipated
by his master. The condition of the Helots of
Laconia was peculiar. They were owned by
the State, which gave their services to indi-
viduals. The domestic servants of Sparta
were all Helots, who were generally serfs,
living in country villages and cultivating the
land of their masters. They had
homes, wives, and families; could
acquire property, and could not be
sold out of the country. They
were employed in public works,
and also served as light-armed
troopsinwar. They were never trusted by the
Spartans, and on one occasion two thousand
Helots, who had distinguished themselves by
their courage on the battle-field, were foully
massacred.
But it was in Rome that slavery found its
most natural and relatively legitimate state—
Rome in its later rather than in its earlier
days, when the farmer and his slave worked
in the field side by side. But the growth of
wealth through conquest created a demand for
slave labor, and separated the owners from
the necessity to labor. Immense numbers of
slaves were sold after every war. Cesar on
one occasion in Gaul sold 63,000; and in Epirus
150,000 were sold by Paulus after his victory.
By the Jewish war the Romans acquired 97,000
slaves, besides slaughtering thousands in the
arena. The Roman writers speak of some
masters who possessed 4oo slaves, and of one
who owned as many as 4116. Blair fixes the
proportion of slaves to freemén as three to one
in the Roman world. According to this calcu-
lation there would have been in Italy, in the
reign of Claudius, 6,944,000 freemen and 20,-
832,000 slaves. The original Roman law
allowed the master the power of life and death
over his slaves; he was an absolute and irre-
sponsible despot. The slave could not legally
possess property, though in practise he was
often permitted to enjoy and even accumulate
chance earnings. Slave marriage was toler-
ated without being made legal; and thus a
slave was not deemed capable of the crime of
adultery. By general sanction and custom,
however, the marriage relation was strength-
Classic
Period.
1256
Slavery.
ened, and the names of husband and wife were
commonly used in reference to slaves. For
committing any state offense they were pun-
ished with death. In law they could not be
examined as witnesses, except by torture. An
accused slave could not invoke the aid of the
tribunes; nor could he accuse his master except
on the gravest crimes.
As to their treatment, many Romansfavored
a certain familiarity and friendliness of inter-
course with their bondmen, but not such as to
diminish the profit derived from their labor.
The wide extent of the rural estates rendered
personal knowledge or oversight of the slaves
difficult, and by degrees chains came to be
used, worn day and night. Even in private
houses the porter was chained near the door.
The master had his domestic favorites, and
sometimes the attachment was one of mutual
affection. During the wars slaves showed in
noted instances the most noble and devoted
fidelity to their owners. The bondmen who
were outside the household had, however, the
greater freedom of action.
In the mines, where slaves were sent by
speculators, men and women worked half
naked, in chains, and goaded by the curse and
lash of overseers. Cato advised the farm lords
to get rid of their old oxen and old slaves, as
well as of their sick ones. Sick slaves were
commonly exposed on an island in the Tiber.
In the arena slaves were exposed to every tor-
ture and indignity that the devilish invention
of their conquerors could devise. To furnish
an hour’s amusement to the titled aristocrats
and languid idlers of ‘‘ society,” they were torn
and mangled into bloody shapelessness by wild
beasts from Africa, and compelled to stab, hack,
strangle, and disembowel each other. Noone
has fully written, or will ever write, their suffer-
ings. Slaves are not historians, and those
whose scanty and unsympathetic chronicles
comprise our only information saw little in
their system of bondage to deplore. As com-
pared with Greece, Rome provided greater
facilities of emancipation. ‘‘ No Roman slave,”
says Blair, ‘‘needed to despair of becoming
both a freeman and a citizen.” It was often a
pecuniary advantage to the master to liberate
his slave ; he obtained a payment which en-
abled him to purchase a substitute, and at the
same time gained a client.
But it is not until the second century of the
Christian era that we notice a marked change
with respect to the institution of slavery, not
only in sentiment but in lawas well. The
victory of moral ideas became apparent. Dio
Chrysostom, the adviser of Trajan, is the first
Greek writer who has pronounced the principle
of slavery to be contrary to the law of nature.
When Rome felt that industrial was soon to
succeed military activity, it gradually prepared
the way for the abolition of slavery by honor-
ing the freedmen, by facilitating manumis-
sions, and by protecting the slave from his
master. Diocletian forbade a free man to sell
himself. Man-stealers were punished with
death. The insolvent debtor was withdrawn
from the power of the creditor. The atrocious
mutilation of boys and young men was stopped.
Hadrian abolished the underground prisons
Slavery.
and took away from the masters the power of
life and death. In the reign of Nero magis-
trates had been instructed to hear the com-
plaint of an ill-treated slave. Marcus Aure-
_lius brought the relations between master and
slave more directly under the ‘control of law
and public opinion; and while a slave’s oath
could not be taken, he was allowed to speak.
While the Christian church did not at once
denounce slavery as a social crime; while it
recognized the institution, and allowed eccles-
jastics to own slaves, it created sentiments
favorable to their humane treatment, and
Ee the seeds from which emancipation
finally sprang. (See CuuRCH AND SociAL RE-
FORM.
Gradually the slave came to be regarded as
merely a servant tied to the soil, z e., a serf.
(See Feupauism.) The early forms of serfdom
differed little from mild slavery, but by de-
grees improved, till at last serfdom itself dis-
appeared. Yet, soon after this, the new system
of colonial slavery appears, which was no nec-
essary stage of human development, buta
monstrous moral, political, and social aberra-
tion, which resulted in nothing but evil. In
1442 the Portuguese began to trade in slaves,
fitting out a number of ships, and building
forts on the African coast. After the discov-
ery of America, Columbus proposed an ex-
change of his Carib prisoners for live stock.
He urged that by this exchange infidels would
be converted, the royal treasury enriched by a
duty on Caribs, and the colonists supplied
with live stock free of expense. In 1494
he sent home 500 Indian prisoners; but Isa-
bella humanely ordered them to be sent back.
The bishop of Chiapa, to protect the Indians
from cruelty, advised the importation of
negro slaves into the Spanish colonies,
and his advice was unfortunately adopted.
Some Genoese merchants bought the right of
supplying America with negroes, and thus be-
gan that odious commerce between Africa and
America, which increased to such an amazing
extent.
Captain John Hawkins was the first Eng-
lishman who engaged in the hateful traffic,
tho for a long time the English
traders supplied only the Spanish
Modern settlements with slaves. In 1620
Times. slavery began in Jamestown, Va.,
among the tobacco planters. It
increased rapidly until, in 1790,
the State of Virginia alone contained
200,000 negroes. For a long time the Brit-
ish slave-trade was in the hands of exclu-
sive companies, but by an act of the first
year of William and Mary it became free
and open to all. Between 1680 and 1700
about 140,000 negroes were exported by the
African Company, and 160,000 more by private
adventurers. The total import, from 1680 to
1786, into all British Colonies in America, has
been estimated at 2,130,000. Shortly before
the War of Independence the British slave-
trade reached its utmost extension, the num-
ber of slave-ships being at least 192. During
the war the trade decreased, but revived atits .
More than half the trade was at
termination.
The demand for
this time in British hands.
1257
Slavery.
slaves by European colonies reduced the:
tribes of the African sea-coast to a pitiable
condition. All that was shocking in the bar-
barism of the savage was multiplied and in-
tensified by the horrors of the traffic. There
was the utmost recklessness of human life, and
indifference to misery and torture. The mode
of capturing slaves killed its thousands; and.
the middle passage its tens of thousands.
Exclusive of the slaves who died before they
sailed from Africa, 12% per cent. were lost
during their passage to the West Indies ; at.
Jamaica 4% per cent. died while in the har-
bors or before the sale, and one-third more in
the ‘‘seasoning.” Thus, out of every lot of
100 shipped from Africa, 17 died in about nine
weeks, and not more than so lived to be effective
laborers in the islands. The circumstances.
of their subsequent life on the plantations.
were not favorable to the increase of their
numbers. In Jamaica there were, in 1690, 40,-
ooo; from that year till 1820 there were im-
ported 800,000; yet at the latter date there:
were only 340,000 in the island.
But when, in the latter part of the seven-
teenth century, the nature of the slave-trade:
began to be understood, all that was best in.
Great Britain was shocked at its atrocities.
The honor of taking the first practical action.
against slavery belongs to the Quakers, and.
especially to their founder—George Fox. ;
In 1727 they declared it to be ‘‘not a com-
mendable or allowed” practise ; in 1761 they
excluded from their society all who should be:
found concerned in it, and issued appeals to.
their members and the public against the sys-
tem. In 1783 there was formed among them.
an association ‘‘for the relief and liberation
of the negro slaves in the West Indies, and
for the discouragement of the slave-trade on
the coast of Africa.” This was the first society
established in England for the purpose. The
Quakers in America had taken action on the
subject still earlier than those in England.
(For America, see ABOLITIONISTS.)
In 1787 a committee for the abolition of the
slave-trade was formed, with Granville Sharp:
as president, and after 20 years of persistent
labor it met with complete success. On
March 25, 1807, a bill was passed which en-
acted that no vessel should depart for slaves.
from any port within the British dominions
after May 1, 1807; and that no slave should.
be landed in the colonies after March 1, 1808.
As to France, the abolition of its slave-trade
was preceded by stormy struggles and de-
plorable excesses. The French law was, with.
regard to the treatment of slaves, humane in
its general spirit, but was habitually disre-
garded by the planters. In 1788 a society
was formed in Paris under the presidency of
Condorcet, which aimed to suppress slavery
itself. The motive and impulse of this move-
ment were not avowedly Christian, as in
England; but its cause was rather the en-
thusiam for humanity which pervaded France
during the Revolutionary period. In spite of
the “ Declaration of the Rights of Man” in
August, 1789, the French system of negro
slavery continued. St. Domingo or Hayti
was the chief French colony employing slaves.
Slavery.
In 1791 there were 480,000 blacks, 24,000 mu-
lattoes, and only 30,000 whites. In August of
this year a rebellion of the negroes broke out,
marked by brutal excesses on both sides.
For years it raged with varying success, until
in 1798 the negroes, under Toussaint ]’Ouver-
ture, secured entire possession of the govern-
ment. This African liberator has been called
the noblest type ever produced by the negro
race. Slavery was abolished, and the whole
population began to rise in civilization and
comfort. In 1825 the independence of the
island was formally recognized by France ;
and thus the negro race obtained its first
independent settlement outside of Africa,
To Denmark belongs the honor of first
abolishing the slave-trade, which it did by
a royal prohibition on May 16,1792. In 1794
the United States first forbade American citi-
zens to participate in the foreign trade in
slaves; and in 1808 an act came into force
which prohibited the importation of slaves.
It was provided at the Vienna congress that
the trade should be abolished as soon as possi-
ble. As soon as the English slave-trade was
stopped, several circumstances combined to
greatly increase the traffic and aggravate its
evils,
In consequence of the activity of the British
cruisers the traders made great efforts to
carry as many slaves as possible in every
voyage, and practised atrocities to get rid of
the slaves when capture was imminent. It
was, besides, the interest of the cruisers, who
shared the price of the captured slave-ship,
rather to allow the slaves to be taken on board
than to prevent their being shipped at all.
Thrice as great a number of negroes as before,
it was said, was exported from Africa, and
two-thirds of these were murdered on the
high seas. It was found also that the aboli-
tion of the British slave-trade did not lead to
an improved treatment of the negroes in the
West Indies. The slaves were overworked
now that fresh supplies were stopped, and
their numbers rapidly decreased.
It became increasingly evident that the evil
could be prevented only by total prohibition
: of the whole traffic. The con-
science of the nations began to
awaken; and the lawfulness of
slavery became a matter of dis-
cussion. Buxton, in response to
an appeal from Wilberforce, moved, in 1823,
that the House should consider the state of
slavery in British colonies. His project was
one of gradual abolition, by introducing a kind
of serfdom, and freeing the children of the
slaves. Although the struggle was continued
by many noble and able men, it made little
progress until 1828, when free negroes were
placed on a footing of legal equality with the
whites. Two years later, the British public
aroused itself at last; and in 1833 Earl Grey
carried a motion through the House for com-
plete abolition. This received the royal
assent August 28. A sum of $100,000,000 was
_ voted as compensation to the planters; and a
system of apprenticeship for seven years estab-
lished as a transitional preparation for liberty.
All children under six years of age were to be
Abolition,
1258
Slavery.
at once free, and provision made for their in-
struction. Immediate liberatien was carried
out in Antigua, and public tranquillity was
never so unbroken as during the following
year. This led to the shortening of the transi-
tion period in the other colonies, and gave
freedom to all the slaves in August, 1838.
The other European States one by one fol-
lowed this example; France in 1848, and the
Dutch in 1863. After this last date, there still
remained three countries in which the slave
system was still undisturbed—Brazil, Cuba,
and the United States. The fathers of the
American States were by no means defenders
of slavery. Washington provided in his will
for the emancipation of his slaves, and said t6é
Jefferson that it was among his first wishes to
see some plan adopted by which slavery in his
country might be abolished by law. John
Adams declared his abhorrence of the system ;
while Franklin, Madison, Hamilton, and Pat-
rick Henry reprobated the principle of it.
Jefferson declared that in the presence of the
institution he trembled for his country, when
he remembered that God was just. In the
Constitution which was drawn up at Philadel-
phia, 1787, the sentiments of the framers were
against slavery ; but through the insistence of
Georgia and South Carolina, it was recognized.
The words ‘‘slave” and ‘‘slavery,” though,
were excluded from the Constitution, because,
as Madison explained, they did not choose to
admit the right of property in man, zz dzrect
terms. Soon after the Union was formed the
Northern States, beginning with Vermont,
either abolished slavery or adopted measures
that led to abolition ; but this simply trans-
ferred the slaves to the markets of the South.
Step by step the slave power for a long time
increased in influence.
The acquisition of Louisiana—including the
State so named, Arkansas, Missouri, and
Kansas—(1803), though not made in its inter-
est; the Missouri compromise (1820), the an-
nexation of Texas (1845), the Fugitive Slave
Law (1850), the Kansas-Nebraska bill (1854),
the Dred Scott decision (1856), the attempts to
acquire Cuba (1854) and to reopen the foreign
slave-trade (1859-60), were the principal
steps—only some of them successful—in its
career of aggression. They roused a deter-
mined spirit of opposition, founded on deep-
seated convictions. The pioneer of the more
recent abolitionist movement was Benjamin
Lundy. He was followed by William Lloyd
Garrison, Elijah P. Lovejoy, Wendell Phillips,
Charles Sumner, John Brown, all of whom
were in their several ways leading apostles or
promoters of the cause. The best intellect of
America outside the region of practical poli-
tics has been on the anti-slavery side. William
E. Channing, R. W. Emerson, the poets Bry-
ant, Longfellow, pre-eminently Whittier, and
more recently Whitman, have spoken on this
theme with no uncertain sound. The South,
and its partizans in the North, made desper-
ate efforts to prevent the free expression of
opinion respecting the institution, and even
the Christian churches in the slave States
used their influence in favor of the mainte-
nance of slavery. Butin spite of every such
&.
Slavery.
effort opinion steadily grew.
ISTS.)
Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe (g. v.) in her
Uncle Tom’s Cabin, deeply stirred the public
sentiment of the North against slavery.
Finally it became evident that the question
could not be settled without an armed conflict.
When Abraham Lincoln was made President
in November, 1860, this was the signal for the
rising of the South. While the North took up
arms at first simply to maintain the Union, it
was soon recognized that the real issue of the
conflict was the life or death of the slave sys-
tem. In 1862 the slave system of the Territories
was abolished by Congress ; three years later
the war closed ; and on January 1, 1863, Lincoln
issued his proclamation of freedom. A con-
stitutional amendment was passed in 1865 abol-
ishing and forever prohibiting slavery through-
out the United States.
In Brazil there were, in 1835, 2,100,000 slaves.
In 1880 Joachim Nabuco, the leader of the
anti-slavery movement, introduced a bill for
the more rapid liberation of slaves, and for the
final extinction of slavery in Brazil by January
I, 1890. This plan was carried into effect.
In Russia the original rural population con-
sisted of slaves, free agricultural laborers, and
peasants proper. Czar Paul (1796-1801) com-
manded that serfs should work for their mas-
ters only three days a week; but no decisive
measures were taken until the reign of Alex-
ander II. (1858). That emperor set a plan in
motion which resulted in the abolition of serf-
dom in March, 1861. (See Russia.)
Slavery, as it exists in the Mohammedan East,
is not of the field, but of the household.
Slaves are treated as members of
the family, with tenderness and
(See ABOLITION-
Modern affection. The Koran _ teaches
Times. kindliness and sympathy, and
encourages manumissions. But,
standing behind this compara-
tively mild and humane bondage, is the slave-
trade with all its cruelties. Turkey has
frequently declared slavery to be illegal, but
has been too lax and nerveless to enforce its
declarations.
The principal centers from which slaves are
now furnished to Egypt, Persia, Turkey, and
Arabia are three in number: (1) The Sou-
dan, south of the Great Desert, seems to be
yet a vast hunting-ground; 10,000 annually
are marched to Fezzan, enduring unimagi-
nable sufferings. The desert highways are
white with their bones. The total number of
slaves in Morocco is about 50,000. (2) The
basin of the Nile, extending toward the great
lakes. Sir Samuel Baker and Colonel Gor-
don checked the traffic here for a while, but
since the Soudan revolt slave-capturing has
flourished almost unmolested. (3) The Por-
tuguese possessions on the East African coast.
The Portuguese appear to be the most deter-
mined upholders of the system, and are in-
tensely hated by the natives. In 1880 it was
estimated that about 3000 slaves were ex-
ported annually from this region.
Both Clarkson and Buxton realized that the
only effectual preventive of slavery would be
the establishment in Africa of legitimate com-
1259
Sliding Scale.
merce. It was hoped that Sierra Leone and
Liberia would serve this purpose; but they
have not been successes in that line. In Sep-
tember, 1876, King Leopold of Belgium called
a conference of geographers to consider the
question of the exploration and civilization of
Africa by means of commerce, and the abo-
lition of the slave-trade. An International
African Association was formed, six European
nations being represented. Various expedi-
tions have been made through the inland dis-
tricts, the most notable being that of Stanley
along the Congo. The Congo Free State was
formed. In 1884 an international conference
held at Berlin declared that ‘these regions
shall not be used as markets or routes of tran-
sit for the trade in slaves, no matter of what
race; we bind ourselves to put an end to this
trade and punish those engaged in it.” The
population of the Congo Free State is estimated
at 42,608,000. Stations have been built at
points extending for 1500 miles inland. This
plan of operations has its advantages and its
dangers. Disputes and jealousies may arise
between the various powers concerned; and
the greed of commerce may strangle Africa
with its new forms of oppression. However,
the enterprise appears to have begun with a
pure and benevolent motive, and may succeed
in removing some of the evils under which the
negroes have suffered. The agitation of the
questions by Cardinal Lavigerie, and the es-
tablishment in the Sahara of the Soldier
Monks of the Sahara to put down the slave-
trade and rescue slaves, are well known. In
1890 a general act was agreed upon by all
parties (including Turkey, Persia, Congo Free
State, and Zanzibar, with the United States
and all the greater European powers) on the
following programme:
(1) A civilized protectorate over the admin-
istration of the African territories.
(2) The establishment of strong stations by
each power in its own territory to repress slave-
hunting.
(3, 4, 5) The devetopment of Central Africa
by roads, railways, steamboats, with fortified
posts and telegraphs.
(6) The organization of expeditions and
flying columns to protect them and support
repressive action
(7) The restriction of the importation of
modern firearms and ammunition through the
slave-trade territory.
On the Indian Ocean and along Madagascar
the powers also agreed to put down slave-
trading in small vessels.
(See also ABOLITIONISTS ; CHRISTIANITY ; So-
CIAL REFORM.)
References: 4A Astory of Slavery and Serfdom
(x895), by J. K. Ingram, an expansion of his article in
the Encyclopedia Britannica on which this article is
mainly based. H. N. Casson.
SLIDING SCALE.—Wages are said to be
on a ‘sliding scale” when an agreement is
made between an employer and employees that
the wages shall rise and fall with selling prices
in the trade concerned. This form of wage
agreement has been considerably favored by
some of the older and stronger trade-unions of
I
=
Sliding Scale.
England and America, particularly in the min-
ing and iron and steeltrades. It was long ago
adopted by the Amalgamated Association of
Iron and Steel Workers (g. v.), and has often
prevented wage disputes. Ithasnot, however,
proved itself perfectly satisfactory, because
there is nothing to prevent prices going solow
as to carry wages below the living point.
Hence the agitation for the ‘‘ Minimum Wage”
(g. v.).
SLUMS.—The word slum (probably a cor-
ruption from slump, a swamp) is a name
loosely given to dirty back streets or alleys oc-
cupied by the poor and wretched, and-often by
criminals or semi-criminals, There is no clear
line between slums and poor tenements, and
the problem, therefore, of the housing of the
poor we consider under Tenements. We here
merely condense a few statistics reported by the
United States Commissioner of Labor in his
seventh special Report, 1894, and based upon a
special investigation authorized by Congress
in 1892. The investigation was confined to
four cities—Baltimore, Chicago, New York,
and Philadelphia—and in each of these cities
no attempt was made to cover the whole of
the population living in the slums, but only
those living in certain districts These were
in number, April 1, 1893: In Baltimore,
18,048; in Chicago, 19,748; in New York,
28,996; in Philadelphia, 17,060; making the
total of individuals covered by the investiga-
tion, 83,852. ‘According to the best esti-
mates,” says the Report (p 12), ‘‘ the total
slum population of Baltimore is about 25,000 ;
of Chicago, 162,000; of New York, 360,000;
of Philadelphia, 35,000, The districts selected
are among the worst in the cities, and may
be denominated as the center of the slum
population.”
_ We give first what are called in the Report
itself general results of the investigation.
Says the Report (pp. 14, 15, and 17):
“In the city of New York there was, at the time of
the investigation, one liquor saloon to every 200 per-
sons; but in the slum district canvassed there was
one saloon to every 129 persons. In Philadelphia, in
the city at large, there was one liquor saloon to every
870 persons; but in the slum district canvassed there
was one such saloon to every soz persons. In Balti-
more, in the city at large, there was one saloon to
every 229 persons; but in the slum district canvassed
there was one saloon to every 10s persons. In Chicago,
in the city at large, there was one saloon to every 212
persons, while in the slum district canvassed there
was one saloon to every 127 persons. . . .
“In the year 1893 (that in which the investigation
under consideratlon was made) there was in the whole
city of Baltimore one arrest to every 14
persons, while in the eastern police dis-
trict, with a population of 51,767 at the
United States census of 1890, there was
one arrest to every g persons. In
Chicago, in the city at large, there was
one arrest to every 11 persons, while in
the second and twenty-first police precincts, with a
Population of 117,503 at the United States census of
1890, there iwas one arrest to every 4 persons. In
New York, in the city at large, there was one arrest to
every 18 persons, while in the sixth and tenth police
recincts, with a population of 52,130 at the United
tates census of 1890, there was one arrest to every 6
persons. In Philadelphia, in the city at large, there
was one arrest to every 18 persons, while in the second
olice district, with “a population of 71,872 at the
nited States census of 1890, there was one arrest to
every 13 persons.
“The total foreign-born in the city of Baltimore is
General
Conditions.
15.88 per cent. of the total population, but in the slum
1260
Slums.
district canvassed it is 40.21 per cent,; in Chicago, the
total foreign born in the city at large constitutes 40.98
per cent. of the total population, while in the slum
district it is 57.51 per cent.; in New York, the foreign
born is 42.23 per cent. of the total population, while in
the slum districts it is 62.58 per cent.; and in Philadel-
phia, the foreign-born constitutes 25.74 per cent. of the
total population and 60.45 per cent. of the slum popu-
lation (p. 18). : . ;
“The proportion of the persons who live in the
slums, who are illiterates, is also exceedingly sug-
gestive.” [As used in the report, the word ‘illiterate’
is used for those ten years old or over who neither
read nor write English or any other language, em-
pracing also the very small number who can read but
cannot write.] (Reports, p. so.)
“In the whole city of Baltimore the illiterates are
9.79 per cent. of the population; in the slum districts
they are 19.60. In the whole city of Chicago the illit-
erates are 4.63 percent. of the population; in the slum
districts they are 25.37. Inthe wholecity of New York
the illiterates are 7.69 per cent.-of the population; in
the slum districts they are 46.5. In the whole city of
Philadelphia the illiterates are 4.97 per cent. of the
population; in the slum districts they are 37.07. (Re- |
port, p. 18.)
“In addition, there is alarge proportion of the popu-
lation who are not classed among illiterates, because
they can read or write their own language, who yet
cannot read or write English. The proportion of
these to the entire slum population is, in Baltimore,
18.72 per cent.; in Chicago, 22.19 per cent.; in New
York, 16.51 per cent.; in Philadelphia, 18.58 per cent.”
As to the earnings of the slum population
the conclusion reached is as follows:
“The earnings of the people living in the slum dis-
tricts canvassed are quite up to the average earnings
of the people generally. (/egort, p. 19.)
“In the slum districts canvassed in Baltimore it is
found that 7441 persons were engaged in remuner-
ative occupations, and that the average
weekly earnings per individual were
$8.65%4. In Chicago 8483 persons earned
on an average $9.88% each per week.
In New York 12,434 persons earned on an
average $8.36 each per week. In Phila-
delphia 7257 persons earned on an average $8.68 each
per week. As has been shown already on p. 53 (of
the Report), those engagedin remunerative occupa-
tions in the several cities constitute the following pro-
portions of the total population_of the slum districts
canvassed: Baltimore, 41.23; Chicago, 42.96; New
York, 42.88, and Philadelphia, 42.54. :
“Reducing the average weekly earnings to the basis
of earnings per family per week, it is found that in the
slum district canvassed in Baltimore, 4028 families
earned on an average $15.99 each per week ; in Chicago,
881 families, $2r.60% each ; in New York, so12 families,
ar7.58 each; in Fatladelphis, 3313 families, $19.01%
each. These figures, it should be borne in mind, are
for the whole number of families in the slum districts
canvassed,
“Now for the weekly average of hours that these
workers labored to get these earnings.
“From the summary relating to the hours of labor,
it is seen that the average hours of labor per week for
the persons in the district canvassed were, in Balti-
more, 64.21; in Chicago, 60.94; in‘New York, 62.55, and
in Philadelphia, 62.47. The average hours for the
males and females differ very slightly, except in
New York, where the average for males is 63.65, and
for females, 58.86. In each city by far the greatest
number is found in the class working 60, or under 66
hours per week. A large number is found in the
classes working less than 60 hours per week, while the
number in the class working the longest hours, go or
over per week, isconsiderable. (Report, p. 64.) ‘
“ The question of earnings should always be consid-
ered in connection with the amount of annual em-
ployment. On p. 66 of the Report is given a short
summary of the number of workers in the slums out
of employment and the number of months they aver-
aged out of employment; no notice being taken of
workers under 15 years of age, or of workers who
were out of employment less than a half month. The
inquiry concerned the year ending March 31, 1893—a
year, it will noted, of what might fairly be called TOS-
perous times. From this table we find that in Balti-
more 1564 workers were out of employment an average
of 3.6 months. In Chicago 3135 were out of employ-
ment an average of 3.1 months. In New York 2615
Wages.
Slums.
persons were out of employment an average of 3.1
months. In Philadelphia 2s91 persons were out of oan
ployment an average of 2.9 months.
“To say nothing of individual cases of hardship, it
will be seen at once that this unemployment consti-
tutes a considerable reduction in the average earnings.
The amount actually lost is probably considerably in
excess of this, as the loss is on the wages of the
workers who are in every case over 15 years of age,
and takes no account of any other loss except that
specified.
“But, reckoning for only this reduction, it brings
the average weekly earnings of the slum family in
New York to $16.66, which, as the family averages
{p. 44 of the Report) 4.09 persons, means $3.40 for each
person; and in Chicago it brings the average weekly
earnings of the slum family to $r9.607, which, as the
family averages 5.09 persons, means $3.85 for each
person.”
The results reached by the investigation as
to the health of those living in the slum dis-
tricts are at once surprising and gratifying.
Says the Report (p. 19):
“The agents and experts employed in this investi-
gation were nearly unanimous in the opinions they
expressed relative to the health of the
people of the slum districts. It should
be remembered that this investigation
was conducted in the most thorough
census manner; each and every house
and every tenement in every house be-
ing visited and the facts taken down for each and
every individual living in the slum districts. The
testimony of the agents, therefore, relative to general
conditions is most valuable. The statistics drawn
from the schedule replies show no greater sickness
prevailing in the districts canvassed than in other
parts of the cities involved, and while the most
wretched conditions were found here and there, the
small number of sick people discovered was a sur-
prise to the canvassers. It may be that owing to the
time cf year (late spring) the people were living with
open windows, and thus not subjected to the foul air
which might be found in the winter.”
Hygiene.
The Report says (p. 100): -
“The extraordinary freedom from sickness in the
slums of New York reflects great credit on the health
board of that city.”
Since this statement was made the Report of the
Tenement-house Committee, as transmitted to the
Legislature of the State of New York, has thrown ad-
ditional light upon the case, and shows in how large a
degree the gratifying results reached are owing to
the Board of Health of thatcity. We quote from this
Report (p. 36):
1855-1874. 1875-1884. 1885-1864.
Average population.... 893,335 1,202,945 1,685,094
Average annualdeaths, 27,041 31,894 40,557
Average annual death
LALO es nee eeeeweace neice 30.27 26.51 24.07
“The total deaths for 1894 were 41,175, giving adeath
rate of 21.03 upon an estimated population of 1,957,452.
“The figures relating to the number of families or
individuals, classified by rooms, are very important.
In Baltimore 530 families, or 13.16 per cent., consisting
of 1648 individuals, are living in one room, with an
average of 3.15 personstoaroom. In Philadelphia 4o1
families, or 12.10 per cent., are living in one room, with
an average of 3.11 persons to each room. In this point
these towns are worse than both Chicago and New
York. The percentage of families living in two rooms
is different. Here New York comes first, with 44.55
per cent.; Baltimore, 27.88 per cent.; Philadelphia, 19.41
per cent.; and Chicago, 19.14 per cent. In Philadelphia
53-91 per cent. of all families live in houses of one ten-
ement, or, in other words, occupy the whole house;
Baltimore follows with 36.25 per cent. of families;
Chicago with 9.53 per cent.; while in New York only
1.84 per cent. of families have a house to themselves.
The number of persons to a dwelling for each of the
four cities as a whole, by the United States census, is:
Philadelphia, 5.60; Baltimore, 6.02; Chicago, 8.60; New
York, 18.s2 persons. The figures for the slum _ dis-
tricts are invariably larger: Philadelphia, 7.34; Balti-
more, 7.71; Chicago, 15.51; New York, 36.79, Another
table shows the number of occupants of sleeping-
rooms, and the cubic feet of air-space per individual,
and the number of outside windows. As regards this
last point, 25 persons in Baltimore had no outside win-
1261
Smith, Richmond Mayo.
dow in their sleeping-room, and two of these rooms
had six occupants; in Philadelphia, 49 persons; in
Chicago, 811 persons. Three of thes: windowless
rooms in this last city had ten, nine, and eight occu-
pants respectively. In New York, 657) persons, out of
a total of 28,050, are reported as sleeping in rooms
without an outside window; the majority of the rooms
containing two or three occupants. The great mass
of the remaining people in the four cities sleep in
rooms with one or two outside windows, and two oc-
cupants to a room is most frequent. In the matter of
air-space, New York takes the lowest place. There
5891 persons have under 200 feet, 6517 under 300 feet,
and 4639 under 4oo feet, out of 28,050 persons. This isin
spite of the strenuous efforts of the Board of Health
to obtain at least yoo feet for every individual, though
600 feet is considered the desirable space for an adult.
In Chicago, also, the great majority have less than
goo cubic feet, but in Baltimore and Philadelphia the
eae mass of people have between 300 feet and 600
eet.
References: See TENEMENTS.
P. W) SPRAGUE.
SMITH, ADAM, was born at Kirkcaldy in
1723, the son of Adam Smith, comptroller of
the customs. Ofa weak constitution he was
carefully reared by a devotedmother. Study-
ing in the local school he showed a great
fondness for books. In 1837 he went to Glas-
gow University where he attended the lectures
of Dr. Hutcheson, and in 1740 went to Baliol
College, Oxford, with a view to taking orders
in the English Church. Returning, however,
to Kirkcaldy for two years, he went to Edin-
burgh in 1748, and lectured on belles-letters
under the patronage of Lord Kames, and
forming the friendship of David Hume. In
1851 he became professor of logic at Glasgow,
and in 1852 professor of moral philosophy.
His first work as an author were two articles
in1755inthe Famburgh Review of that period.
In 1759 appeared his Theory of Moral Sentz-
ments. In 1762 he was made doctor of laws,
and in 1763 he took charge of the young Duke
of Buccleuch on his travels. He spent nearly
two years in south France, andin a short time
in Paris met the brilliant writers there. In
1766 he returned to England, and for ten years
lived at Kirkcaldy with his mother, working
on his great work, An /nguiry into the Nature
and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, which
appeared in 1776. (Concerning its teachings
and Adam Smith’s economic position, see
PouiticaL Economy.) The next two years were
spent in London in literary society, but in 1778
he was appointed one of the commissioners of
customs in Scotland, and fixed his residence in
Edinburgh. In 1787 he waselected lord rector
of the university of Glasgow, but his health
gradually failing he died, after a painful ill-
ness, in 1790.
(See Poririca, Economy.)
SMITH, RICHMOND MAYO, was born in
Troy, O.,in 1854. He was graduated at Am-
herst College in 1875, and studied at the
universities of Berlin and Heidelberg, 1875-77.
He was assistant teacher of history in Colum-
bia College, 1877-78 ; adjunct professor, 1877-
83, and since 1883 professor of political economy
and social science. He has published Sfa/Zzs-
tics and Economics (1888); Emigration and
Immugration (1890); Statistics and Soctology
(Part I., 1896).
Social Contract. ‘
SOCIAL CONTRACT .—According to J.
J. Rousseau (g. v.), a State is founded by a
“social contract” between its members,
whereby they, tho formerly living in a ‘‘ state
of nature” without laws, agree for their mutual
good to form themselves into a social body and
obey its constituted laws. His theory is a de-
velopment of the teachings of Hobbes, Locke,
and early thinkers, and is therefore best dis-
cussed in connection with other views. (See
articles NATURAL RiIcHTs ; POLITICAL SCIENCE ;
RovussEau ; STATE.)
SOCIAL-DEMOCRATIC FEDERA-
TION, THE (English), was founded in Lon-
don in 1881, under the name of the Democratic
Federation, and through the efforts of H. M.
Hyndman (g¢. v.), Herbert Burrow, Miss Helen
Taylor (step-daughter of J. S. Mill) and
others. In 1884 it became an avowed socialist
body and tookits present name. It entered at
once upon strenuous agitations, and was prom-
inent in the agitation of 1886, with the so-
called Trafalgar Square demonstrations, etc.
To-day it has small but enthusiastic branches
in all the prominent English cities and centers
of trade. William Morris, and afew others at
first connected with it, left it, however, in 1885
to form a Socialist League, on the lines of a
more communal and less parliamentary con-
ception of socialism. John Burns, Tom Mann,
and others have also left it because of the
policy of the Federation in antagonizing all
trade-union and political agitation not avow-
edly connected with, and politically supporting
its type of Marxist socialism. Its leading spirit
from the first has been H. M. Hyndman. Its
organ is /ustzce, long under the editorship
of Henry Quelch (¢. v.), and published at 374
Clerkenwell Green, E. C., London. It has of
late years nominated many political candi-
dates, but has polled but a small vote, since
it refuses to work with the Independent Labor
Party or any other reform party, believing
that it alone stands for the socialism which
can save England. Its present platform is as
follows : ;
** Object.—The common or collective ownership of
the means of production, distribution, and exchange,
to be controlled by a democratic State in the interests
of the entire community, and the complete emancipa-
tion of labor from the domination of capitalism and
landlordism, with the establishment of social and
economic equality between the sexes.
“ Program.—lI. All organizers or administrators to
be elected by equal direct adult suffrage, and tobe
maintained by the community.
“TI, Legislation by the peoplein such wise that no
project of law shall become binding till accepted by
the majority of the people.
“II. The abolition of a standing army, and the es-
tablishment of a national citizen force ; the people to
decide on peace or war.
“IV. All education, higher no less than elementary,
to be compulsory, secular, industrial, and gratuitous
for all alike.
““V. The administration of justice to be free to all.
“VI. The means of production, distribution, and ex-
change, including the land, to be declared and treated
as collective or common property.
“VII. The production and distribution of wealth to
be regulated by the community in the common inter-
ests of all its members.
“ Palliatives.—As measures called for to palliate the
evils of our existing society, the Social-Democratic
Federation urges for immediate adoption: The com-
pulsory construction of healthy dwellings for the peo-
ple; such dwellings to be let at rents to cover the cost
1262
Socialism.
of construction and maintenance alone, Free secu.
lar and technical education, compulsory upon all
classes, together with free maintenance for the chil-
dren in all State schools. No child to be employed in
any trade or occupation until 16 years of age, and
heavy penalties to be inflicted on employers infring-
ing this law. Eight hours or less to be the normal
working-day fixed in all trades and industries by leg-
islative enactment, or not more than 48 hours per
week, penalties to be inflicted for any infringement
of this law. Cumulative taxation upon all incomes
exceeding £300 a year. State appropriation of rail-
ways, municipal ownership and control of gas, elec-
tric light, and water supplies; the organization of
tramway and omnibus servicesand similar monopolies
in the interests of the entire community. The exten-
sion of the post-office banks so that they shall absorb
all private institutions that derive a profit from oper-
ations in a or credit. Repudiation of the
National debt. ationalization of the land, and or-
Benteetion of agricultural and industrial armies under
tate or municipal control on cooperative principles.
“As means for the peaceable attainment of these
objects, the Social-Democratic Federation advocates:
Payment of Members of Parliament and of all local
bodies. Payment of official expenses of elections out
of the public funds. Adult suffrage. Annual Parlia-
ments. Proportional representation. Second ballot.
Abolition of.the monarchy and the House of Lords.
Disestablishment and disendowment of all State
churches. Extension of the powers of county, town,
and district councils. The establishment of adequate
pensions for the aged and infirm. Every person
attaining the age of 50 to be kept by the community,
work being optional after that age. The establish-
ment of municipal hospitals, municipal control of the
food and coal supply. Abolition of the present work-
house system, and the provision of useful work for
the unemployed. State control of the lifeboat service.
Legislative independence for all parts of the empire.”
SOCIALISM (from Latin soczus, a com-
rade, an associate) is a word first used in con-
nection with the later agitation of Robert
Owen from 1830-40, and first popularized in
Reybaud’s Etudes’ sur les Rilosmatenvs ou
Soctalistes Modernes (1840), to express the
general tendency to develop a communal or
cooperative organization of society in place of
the existing competitive state of society. The
word, however, in the evolution of social re-
form, has come—at least in Germany, Eng-
land, and the United States—to be limited in
general use to that effort for the cooperative
organization of society which would work
through government (national, State, or local).
This is by no means to identify
socialism with a mere expansion
of the functions of the State, no
matter what the State is. Social-
ists only believe in the fraternal
State. Paternal State socialism all socialists
unanimously oppose, save as possibly they
may induce existing paternal governments to
introduce measures leading toward fraternal
social cooperation. In Germany, where the
government is essentially paternal, the phrase
State socialism is used for the expansion of its
paternal functions, andis strenuously opposed
by the socialists. In the United States and
England, where the ideal of government is
democratic, socialists usually declare them-
selves State socialists. Says a report issued
in 1896 by the Fabian (socialist) Society of
London (see FABIAN SOCIETY):
“The socialism advocated by the Fabian society
is State socialism exclusively. The foreign friends of
the Fabian society must interpret this declaration in
view of the fact that since England now possesses an
elaborate democratic State machinery, graduated
from the Parish Council or vestry up to the central
Definitions.
Socialism.
Parliament, and elected under a franchise which en-
ables the working-class vote to overwhelm all others,
the opposition which exists in the Continental
monarchies between the State and the people does
not hamper English socialists. For example, the
distinction made between State socialism and _ social
democracy in Germany, where the municipalities and
other local bodies are closed against the working-
classes, has no meaning in England.”
I. DEFINITIONS, :
By the derivation of the word, by its his-
tory, by its use by socialists themselves,
socialism is the very opposite of paternalism.
1263
Socialism.
pedias, the scholars, the authorities, sccialists
themselves, are all agreed as to what social-
ism is, as may be shown by the following
quotations, which, tho using different phrase-
ologies, are in almost absolute agreement.
Says the Century Dictionary:
“Socialism is any theory or system of social organ-
ization which would abolish entirely or in great part
the individual effort and competition on which mod-
ern society rests, and substitute for it cooperative
action; would introduce a more perfect and equal
distribution of the products of labor, and would make
land and capital, as the instruments and means of
production, the joint possession of the members of
All great socialists have been democrats and‘ the community.”
have opposed paternalism. Owen, Fourier,
Blanc, Marx, Engels, Lassalle, Kingsley, Mau-
rice, Hyndman, Morris—where is there a
governmental paternalist among the great
socialists? In Germany the socialists invari-
ably vote against the State insurance schemes
of the imperial government; in France the
socialists favor the maintenance for the present
of peasant proprietorship, fearing that till the
government becomes thoroughly socialized, to
nationalize land would give the government
too much power.
This is so much the case that, down to about
1880, the word socialism was commonly used,
everywhere, and in Continental Europe out-
side of Germany, is still often used, to cover
all efforts for a cooperative organization of
society, to be developed through the State or
otherwise. But beginning mainly with the
teachings of Karl Marx, who based his idea on
the evolutionary doctrine of the century,
socialism has become, as above stated, in Ger-
many, England, and the United States, a term
usually limited to the conception of a coop-
erative commonwealth to be evolved out o
and through existing government, and this
idea is growing everywhere through Europe.
With this general conception of socialism,
one may see how modern socialism is neither
onthe one handa vague dream of a millennium
of love, nor, on the other hand, a cast-iron
paternal system of society.
* Friedrich Engels says (Dze Entwicklung
des Sozialismus von der Utopie zur Wissen-
schaft):
“The first act in which the State really appears as
the representative of society as a whole, namely, the
seizure of the means of production in the name of so-
ciety, is at the same time its last independent act asa
State. Interference of the State in social relations
gradually becomes superfluous in one department
after another, and finally of itself ceases (goes to
sleep). The place of government over persons is
taken by administration of things and the manage-
ment of productive processes.”
Bebel (Dze Frau und Soztalismus, pp. 312-
314) argues that, under socialism, ministers,
parliaments, armies, police, courts, attorneys,
taxation, will all disappear, their place being
taken by administrative colleges or boards.
Nor, on the other hand, can socialism be con-
sidered a loose word, used in so many senses
that nobody knows what it means. It is,
indeed, undoubtedly loosely used by some sen-
timental would-be friends of socialism and
more sensational opponents of socialism; but
there is no dispute, among even ordinarily
informed people who use words with reason-
able care. The modern lexicons, the encyclo-
Says the Encyclopedia Britannica (article
Socialism, by Thomas Kirkup):
‘‘Whereas industry is at the present carried on by
private capitalists served by wage labor, it must be
in the future conducted by associated or cooperating
workmen jointly owning the means of production.
On grounds both of theory and history this must be
accepted as the cardinal principle of socialism.”
Says Professor Schaffle (Quzntessenz des So-
gtalismus):
“The Alpha and Omega of socialism is the trans-
formation of private and competing capitals into a
united collective capital.”
Says Professor Richard T. Ely (Soctalesm
and Social Reform, p. 19):
“The results of the analysis of socialism may be
brought together in a definition which would read
somewhat as follows: Soczali’sm ts that contemplated
system of tidustrial society which proposes the abolt-
tion of private property in the great matertal instru-
ments of production, and the substitution therefor of
collective property ; and advocates the collective man-
agement of production, together with the distribution
of soctal income by soctety,and private property tn the
‘arger proportion of thes soctal income.”
Coming to those who call themselves so-
cialists, the English Fabian Society (in the
above-mentioned Report, 1896), says:
‘Socialism, as understood by the Fabian Society,
means the organization and conduct of the necessary
industries of the country, and the appropriation of
all forms of economic rent of land and capital, by the
“nation as a whole, through the most suitable pub-
lic authorities, parochial, municipal, provincial, or
central.”
Says the American Fabian Society (tract,
What Soctalism Is):
“Socialism is that mode of social life which, based
upon the recognition of the natural brotherhood and
unity of mankind, would have land and capital owned
by the community collectively, and operated cooper-
atively for the equal good of all.”
Says a recent manifesto of the joint commit-
tee of all English socialist bodies :
““Our aim, one and all, is to obtain for the whole
community complete ownership and control of the
means of transport, the means of manufacture, the
mines, and the land. Thus we look to put an end for-
ever to the wage system, to sweep away all distinc-
tions of class, and eventually to establish nationaland
international communism on a sound basis.”
Says Friedrich Engels (Marx's lifelong
friend and the editor of his literary remains),
describing socialism in his Soczalism, Utopian
and Scientific, translated by E. Aveling:
‘““With the seizing of the means of production by
society, production of commodities is done away with,
and simultaneously the mastery of the product over
the producer. Anarchy in social production is re-
placed by. systematic, definite organization. The
struggle for individual existence disappears. A
The whole sphere of the conditions which environ
man, and which have hitherto ruled man, now comes
under the dominion and control of man, who now for
the first time becomes the real conscious lord of Na-
ed
\
‘Socialism.
ture, because he has now become master of his own
social organization. ... It isthe ascent of man from
the kingdom of necessity to the kingdom of freedom.”
Says Paul Lefargue of France, Marx’s son-
in-law (in Le Figaro):
“Socialism is not the system of any reformer what-
vever; it is the doctrine of those who believe that the
existing system is on the eve of a fatal economic evo-
lution which will establish collective ownership in the
hands of organizations of workers, in place of the in-
dividual ownership of capital. Socialism is of the
character, therefore, of an historical discovery.”
Says John Stuart Mill (Fortnightly Review,
April, 1879):
‘““What is characteristic of socialism is the joint
ownership by all the members of the community of
the instruments and means of production, which car-
ries with it the consequence that the division of all
the produce among the body of owners must be a
public act performed according to the rules laid down
by the community.”
There has been, however, an evolution of
the idea of socialism. Mr. Sydney Webb says
(Fabian Essays, chapter on the ‘ Historic
Basis of Socialism”):
“Down to the present generation, the aspirant after
social regeneration naturally vindicated the practica-
bility of his ideas by offering an elaborate plan with
specifications of a new social order from which all con-
temporary evils were eliminated. Just as Plato had
his Republic, and Sir. Thomas More his Utopia, so
Babeuf had his Charter of Equality, Cabet his Icaria,
St. Simon his Industrial System, and Fourier his ideal
Phalanstery. Robert Owen spenta fortune in pressing
upon an unbelieving generation his New Moral World;
and even Auguste Comte, superior as he was to many
of the weaknesses of.his time, must needs add a de-
tailed polity to his Philosophy of Positivism.
“The leading feature of ail these proposals was
what may be called their statical character. The
ideal society was represented as in perfectly balanced
equilibrium, without need or possibility of future
organic alteration. Since their day we have learned
that social reconstruction must not be gone at in this
fashion. Owing mainly to the efforts of Comte, Dar-
win, and Herbert Spencer, we can no longer think of
‘the ideal society as an unchanging State. The social
ideal from being static has become dynamic. The
necessity of the constant growth and development of
‘the social organism has become axiomatic.”
This shows that many elements sometimes
identified in the popular mind with socialism
have no necessary connections with it. The
Report of the Fabian Society above quoted
says in its opening paragraph:
““The object of the Fabian Society is to persuade
the English people to make their political constitution
thoroughly democratic and so to socialize their indus-
tries as to make the livelihood of the people entirely
independent of private capitalism.
“The Fabian Society endeavors to pursue its social-
ist and democratic objects with complete singleness of
aim. For example:
“Tt has no distinctive opinions on the marriage ques-
tion, religion, art, abstract economics, historic evo-
lution, currency, or any other subject than its own
special business of practical democracy and social-
1sm.,
Professor Schaffle, in his Quzntessence of
Soctalism, shows how some socialists may be-
lieve in and practise free love—some individu-
alists also do—and that socialism as a system
has no necessary connection with loose family
relationships. Nor is there more authority for
identifying socialism with anarchy. Theoreti-
cally, the two are opposites, and practically
they are opposed. Socialists indeed rebel
against the idea of placing the individual un-
der the power of a despotic government ; but
so do all democrats. Socialists, like all demo-
1264
Ne
Socialism.
crats, conceive of the individual as one member
of a fraternal state, who must indeed yield to
the will of the majority in public affairs, but
who thereby does not lose so much as gain in
freedom (see LIBERTY; also Sratr); but modern
socialists do strenuously oppose all efforts to
overturn governments by physical force or to
plant the cooperative commonwealth on the
ruins of existing institutions. Modern social-
ism aims, as above asserted, at the law-abiding,
political capture of the State, and its gradual
evolution into a cooperative commonwealth.
Ho establish this policy among socialists was
perhaps the greatest work which Karl Marx
accomplished. Up to, and after the organiza-
tion of the International (¢. v.) socialism had
been identified with communism, and indeed
with any form of effort after or theory of a
general cooperative civilization. But soon
after the organization of the International,|
two distinct parties were developed within it.;
One party, led by Bakounin (¢g. v.), sought a
communism to be established on the ruins of.
existing institutions ; the other, led by Marx,
sought a communism to be established throug
the evolution of existing institutions. It ist
this view that modern socialism has come,
The two parties came to a clash in the con-:
gress of the International at The Hague in”
1872. In that congress the Marxist party won,
and since then the socialists and the anarchist
communists, as the other party soon learned
to call its faith, have never come together.
The party led by Bakounin rejected The
Hague Congress and established a new Inter-
national, which they claimed to be the real
one, and by their intensity and violence for a
while carried the majority of Continental work-
men with them, but the futility of their an-
archistic methods and their inability to effect
abiding organization has gradually led the
overwhelming majority of the workers for
communism in all countries to declare for the
socialist or political method. To-day, social-
ists oppose all forms of anarchy. Anarchist
communism they know to be impractical and
foolhardy. Philosophic anarchism they be-
lieve to be impractical and false at its root.
Philosophic anarchism starts from the indi-
vidual, and would allow private property,
competition, or aught else that the individual
desires and is able to enter into, though it
often favors voluntary cooperation in very
many directions, and usually opposes private
property in land. Socialism starts from the
community, and would wholly supplant in-
dustrial competition by industrial collectivism,
the cooperation of the whole community.
The same development of ideas has made
modern socialists oppose ordinary commu-
nism (g. v.), ordinary local cooperation, and
even the establishment of local communistic
colonies. Some socialists believe that under
existing conditions local experiments in these
directions may be wise as temporary means of
education or of economic living, and where
cooperation has got an established hold, as in
England and Belgium, Socialists are learning
the wisdom of working with the cooperators
(see CoopERATION), but where local cooperation
experiments or colonies are put forth as in
Socialism.
themselves a sufficient ideal to work for, or
where they are attempted, as often in the
United States, under conditions too weak to
compete against the competitive civilization
with which they are surrounded, socialists
oppose such efforts as reactionary and unwise.
Communism would have all things common,
sand may be developed in little colonies or
communities. Socialism puts emphasis, not
on life in common, but on conducting indus-
trial production and distribution in common,
and aims at development, not through little col-
| onies or independent communities, but by the
gradual evolution of the collective life of whole
| existent and federated communities, such as
towns, cities, States, nations, etc.
The above discussion will show how large and
evolutionary an ideal modern socialism is. It
ts as flexible in tts form as tt ts definite in tts
principle. Any system that would carry out
its principle is socialistic. In different coun-
tries, and under different conditions, socialism
would take very different forms. In Germany
to-day its chief aim is national development.
In France it makes less of the nation and
centers around the commune, or township.
.In Belgium it comes very near to non-political
cooperation, and yet is socialism not coopera-
tion. In England it is municipal, and in a
growing degree parliamentary. In Switzer-
land it centers around the canton. In the
United States it will probably follow our na-
tional instincts, our political divisions of States,
counties, municipalities, townships, and the
nation. \ Socialism, therefore, is not Fourier-
ism, not Marxism, nor Grondlundism, nor
Bellamyism. Says Sidney Webb: ‘It seems
almost impossible to bring people to under-
stand that the abstract word socialism denotes,
like radicalism, not an elaborate plan of so-
ciety, but a principle of social action.”
It follows that socialists to-day spexd little
time in dreaming of the future. To the
future the future may be left. Content with
a firm grasp on their central principle and
willing to sacrifice this for no reactionary pol-
icy, or side promises, however alluring, of
communistic colonies and cooperative efforts,
socialists are learning more and more to con-
centrate their efforts on the present political
battle, and to leave the details of the future
to the decision of circumstances. Says Mr.
Kidd, speaking of this policy (Soczal Evolu-
lion, p. 206): ‘* We have not now to deal with
mere abstract and transcendental theories,
but with a clearly defined movement in prac-
tical politics, appealing to some of the deepest
instincts of a large proportion of the voting
population, and professing to provide a pro-
gram likely in the future to stand more on
its own merits in opposition to all other pro-
grams whatever.”
We now pass to the consideration of
Il. THE HISTORY OF SOCIALISM.
This we can consider but in general, leaving
the detailed developments to be considered
under the articles concerning the respective
countries.
(For other information, see articles FaBran
Socrery ; INDEPENDENT Lapor Parry; INTER-
.
80
1265
Socialism.
NATIONAL ; NATIONALISM ; SoctaL-DEMOCRATIC
FEDERATION ; Socratisr Lasor Party; also
CurisTIAN SocraALisM; SOCIALISTS OF THE
CHair; TRADE-UNIONISM ; COOPERATION; Mu-
NICIPALISM ; NATIONALIZATION, etc.)
Socialism of the modern type, if a date must
be fixed, may be said to have begun ‘in 1817,
the year when Robert Owen laid before Par-
liament his plan for a socialistic community,
the year when the speculations of Saint-Simon
took a definitely socialistic direction, the year
when Lamennais published his first work look-
ing toward Christian Socialism. Nevertheless,
he who does not go back of the present cen-
tury will never understand socialism. Social-
ism in a very real sense is as old as human
society. Laveleye in his Przmztive Property
has shown how, in the earliest times which his-
tory can trace, property, at least land, was not
held by private individuals, but held and oper-
ated collectively and more or less for the com-
mon good, It is true that this was hardly a
primitive communism, as Laveleye claims;
for as Fustel de Coulanges and others have
pointed out, altho the property was held col-
lectively and not by individuals, it was held
practically, if not nominally, by the despot or
feudal head of the society, and worked by his
slaves or subjects mainly for his advantage.
It was primitive slavery rather than primitive
communism. Nevertheless, it did contain
some elements of socialism, which occasion-
ally developed into institutions, somewhat
really socialistic. Fromsuch germscame, ¢. g.,
the Russian mzr, the Javan dessa, the Swiss
almends, the German mark, the communal
families and the family communities that still
linger in out-of-the-way corners
of France, Italy, and Eastern
Europe. We have, however, in Primitive
ancient history much more direct Communism.
instances of socialism. Athens
may almost be said to have been,
as far_as tts free citizens went, a socialistic
city. It was, as far as this portion of its pop-
ulation went, democratically governed, and
the city as a city owned and operated land.
mines, forests, fields; it built temples, baths,
theaters, gymnasia; it controlled and con-
ducted commerce, art, worship, games; it
supported its citizens, more than it was sup-
ported by them ; the whole Greek social con-
ception was that the individual lived for the
State, rather than the State for the individual.
More socialistic was the ideal of the Hebrew
theocracy. All land was held, according to
this ideal, as belonging to God alone and to
no individual in fee simple. Every one, how-
ever, who belonged to the theocracy—notice
that he must belong to the organization to
gain its advantages—was defended not in the
ownership, but in the inalienable wse of land
and capital. He could not be permanently
alienated from the land (Levztzcus xxv.). If
he was poor his property, or capital, could not
be kept from him over night (Deuteronomy
xxvi. 10-13). The law by its institutions
defended the fatherless, the hireling, the
stranger, the poor, the oppressed, the widow.
(See JUDAISM.)
All through the ancient world were scat-
Socialism.
tered religious sects, like the Essenes, the
Therapeutz, who livedin communities having
all property common. Through all early so-
cieties religion and communism are found
handin hand. Coming to the Christian era we
have the early attempts at communism in the
primitive churches, and later the monastic in-
stitutions, which were to a large extent the
civilizing centers of the Middle Ages. (See
CuurcH AND SociaL Rerorm.) Feudalism
(g. v.) was the prevailing social form; yet
was its harshness tempered by the duty, more
or less recognized, of the feudal lord to care
for and protect his inferior. Prior to and im-
mediately after the Reformation there were
many attempts at communism; John Ball
(g. v.), may be considered a medizeval Chris-
tian Socialist ; while the Anabaptists in Ger-
many, before they developed their sexual
excesses, attempted in many ways a true com-
munism. Such, too, were the attempts of the
Brethren of the Common Life (g. v.), of the
Libertines of Geneva, of the Famzlzsts of Hol-
land, and of other similar sects whose tradi-
tions have given us in our own day the
comimunistic colonies in America, of the
Separatists, and similar sects, at Economy,
Zoar, and Amana (g.v.). Indeed no fact in
history is more marked than the persistence of
the ideal and of the attempts to realize the
ideal of the life in common. Plato dreamed
of such a community in his Republic; the
writings of the Christian Fathers are full of
this ideal. In 1516 More published his U¢ogca ;
about 1600 Campanella his Czty of the Sun ;
in 1656 Harrington his Oceana. "These, and
many other less known writings, kept alive an
ideal that has never wholly been apart from
human thought. -
We now come to consider the origin of mod-
ern socialism. Back of socialism lies the
altruistic impulse. Socialism is
essentially, and has been from the
start, a humanitarian movement.
It is not, whatever some would
make it, aclass movement of the
Have Nots against the Haves.
The major part of its foremost leaders—Owen,
Saint-Simon, Gall, Marx, Lassalle, Morris,
Hyndman, Vollmar, Bakounin, Krapotkine—
belonged originally to the Haves. Weitling,
“the father of German communism,” de-
clared that he was converted to communism
by the New Testament. If German socialism
has become very largely materialistic, not
enough emphasis has been laid on the fact
that with Marx, Lassalle, and Bakounin, their
socialistic philosophy was derived primarily
from Hegel, the most spiritual of all modern
philosophers, unless it be Fichte, who was
himself a Christian Socialist. In France,
Saint-Simon, Fourier, Lamennais, and Cabet
were profoundly religious. If, in England,
this cannot be said of Owen, no one can doubt
his intense altruistic or humanitarian impulse.
The story of the personal sacrifices made by
secialists for socialism never has been, and
perhaps never will be, written. The Christian
martyrs gave their lives expecting immedi-
ately to enter Paradise; socialists have again
and again given and devoted their lives to the
Modern
Socialism.
1266
. crimson in the streets.
_ the Stein-Hardenberg legislation.
Socialism.
cause, knowing of no Paradise, save one their
children alone can enter. Altruism (origi-
nally, as we believe, sprung from the Christian
faith, but, in any case, altruism) is the one
great motive that has produced socialism,
The occasion, however, was industrial. It is.
to be found in the inventions of machinery
and the application of steam power, enabling
successful production to be conducted only
with the aid of capital, and hence putting the
working-class wholly, as they were in part be-
fore, in the hands of the possessing classes,
thus increasing the wealth of the latter with-
out a similar increase in the wealth of the
masses; this revolution occurring even while -
altruism was more and more teaching the
doctrines of human equality and of the gen-
eral unity of mankind.
“ Socialism,” says Sidney Webb, ‘‘is one of
the unforeseen results of the great industrial
revolution of the past 150 years. During this.
period man’s power over the rest of nature’
has suddenly and largely increased; new
means of accumulating wealth, and also new
means of utilizing land and capital, have come
into being. At the beginning of the last cen-
tury, the whole value of the land and capital -
of England is estimated to have amounted to
less than £500,000,000 sterling ; now it is sup-
posed to be over £9,000,000,000, an increase
eighteenfold. Two hundred years ago, rent.
and interest cannot have amounted to £30,-
000,000 sterling annually; now they absorb
over £450,000,000. Socialism arose as soon as.
rent and interest became important factors.”
The socialist movement, thus born and
thus occasioned, has been composed of three
elements: the aim at personal liberty, the
effort to secure this through industrial co-
operation, the recognition that this coopera-
tion to be successful must include the whole
community organized as a fraternal unit.
Generally speaking, the contribution of the
first element came from France, of the second
element from England, and of the third ele-
ment from Germany. France in her Revolu-
tion, and in the philosophical writings of
Rousseau, Morelly, Mably, and Brissot de
Warville, aimed at personal liberty. Owen
and the English Christian Socialists taught
the benefit of cooperation. Hegel, Fichte,
Lassalle, and Marx developed the ideal of the
cooperative State. - .
The French Revolution was not socialistic,
but necessary to socialism. The old régime
had to be overthrown. The fatal despotism
of the Louis led to Robespierre and Danton.
Crimson on the throne could only create
The French Revolu-
tion was necessary before socialism could be.
In other countries, where the old despotisms.
were less absolute, the same negative process.
of destruction, in order to construction, was
gone through, but with far less of violence.
In Germany it was largely accomplished by
In Eng-
land the political economy of Adam Smith
and the gradual legislation abolishing the old
grants and restrictions of trade did the same
work. By 1817 France and England were
ready for socialism. a
Socialism.
For the actual beginnings of socialism, how-
ever, one must look to Robert Owen at New
Lanark, and his appeal to Parliament to carry
out his socialistic ideals ; one must turn next
to Saint-Simon and his dreams of a scientific
church, whose life should be to aid the poor;
one must study Fourier and the power of
unity ; one must read Fichte and Hegel, and
learn their philosophy of the Christian State,
a philosophy which, when the Church failed
to accept it, produced the materialistic move-
ment of Lassalle and of Karl Marx. We can
here only mark out the periods of socialism.
Five of these great periods are distinctly
marked. I. A negative or preparatory period,
beginning with the French Revo-
lution and coming down to 1817.
II. A formative or utopian period,
lasting till 1848, and including the
utopian schemes of Owen, Saint-
Simon, Fourier, Cabet, and others of lesser
note. It culminated in the revolution of
1848. III. A period of reaction, or at least of
inaction, when Europe, as far as socialism
went, was lying fallow from 1849 to 1863.
IV. The period of the International, from its
foundation in London in 1864 to its virtual
disrupture in the separation of the socialists
and the anarchists in the congress at The
Hague in 1872, V. The present period of the
social democratic movement, commencing
after the breaking up of the International, but
becoming active in most countries outside of
Germany only in 1880-83.
In the first period men were simply striving
for personal liberty, with little consciousness
of how it could be reached. Characteristic of
the period were the teaching of Adam Smith
and the negations of the French Revolution,
with the philosophy of the return to nature
and of the rights of man, so brilliantly stated
by Rousseau and his school, and perhaps affect-
ing no country in the world so much as the
United States of America, then just shaping
its Constitution.
In the second period, Owen, Saint-Simon,
Lamennais, Cabet, the great Fourierist school,
even Lassalle, dreamed of ideal cooperative
communities, and attempted them in France,
Great Britain, and above all in numerous
colonies and communities in the United States.
Toward the end of the period the awakening
ferment, led by Lassalle, Marx, Engels, and
others, produced the communist manifesto of
1848, and perhaps more than has been realized
the political and social revolutions of 1848.
But the times were not ripe. Even in
France, Louis Blane protested against the
false socialism of the Ateliers Nationaux ;
and for a while socialism seemed dead. In
the third period Europe was lying fallow.
At last, in the fourth period, in the great
International Working Men’s Association,
founded in London in 1864, largely under the
influence of Karl Marx, revolutionary social-
ism broke upon Europe as a flood. ‘* Work-
men of all countries, unite!” such was the
cry. The night of dreams was over, the hour
was come to act. Workmen of all countries
tried to unite; but being in very different
degrees of economic and industrial develop-
Periods,
1267
Socialism.
ment, the International came to stand in dif-
ferent countries for very different things. In
England it meant little more than Trade-
Unionism ; and when English workmen found
that on the Continent it meant more they vir-
tually left it. In Germany it meant socialism ;
in most other European countries, mainly
under the influence of Bakounin, it came to
mean anarchism. This apostle of destruc-
tion, crazed by years of suffering in Russian
prisons and Siberian exile, knew only the
gospel of ‘‘pan-destruction.” Falling like
a firebrand into the International, he carried
it in almost all the Latin countries, including
southern France and parts of Belgium, into
Anarchism. It wrecked the International.
Marx, in the greatest deed of his life, drove
out the anarchists from the congress at The
Hague in 1873, and wrecking the International
once for all, saved socialism from the scourge
that anarchism has since proved to modern
Europe. The Bakounin ‘“‘ Autonomist ” con-
gresses tried to continue the International,
but unsuccessfully, and with the failure the
period closed.
The last period is the present one. Social-
ism, for some years dormant after its break
with the anarchists, about 1880 to 1883, grad-
ually assumed constructive, evolutionary,
political form, wholly free from anarchism,
yet without any sacrifice of its aim at a com-
plete industrial revolution. Social democracy
is in this period its favorite name. :
It is now both an international and a
national movement. Its international char-
acter is marked first in the fact that in all
European countries it has passed through the
above five periods almost synchronously, and
secondly, in its positive efforts at internation-
alism. This was marked first in the Interna-
tional itself, and secondly, in the modern
international congresses, which are an im-
portant characteristic of the present move-
ment. The International failed as an organized
movement, because the movement in the dif-
ferent countries had developed such different
bodies of thought that they could not coalesce;
yet it succeeded in spreading through all
Europe the industrial revolution. The mod-
ern international socialist congresses are
succeeding because out of the revolutionary
industrial thought there is being evolved a
socialist program, as well as a socialist plat-
form, which program and which platform all
countries are finding that, according to their
degree of industrial and political development,
they must sooner or later accept. An artifi-
cial International has given place to a grow-
ing internationalism.
III. MODERN SOCIALISM.
Socialism to-day exists as a movement in
various forms. Its principal manifestation, as
far as the numbers of professed and avowed
socialists is concerned, is in the socialist
political parties of various countries which
follow the ideas and program outlined princi-
pally by Marx and Engels (g. v.). These
parties adopt strenuously and avowedly a
class attitude of the workers against the capi-
talistic classes, tho a few wealthy and a few
Socialism.
more of the professional class belong to them,
In Germany its adherents are known as Social
Democrats, and cast in 1893 (the last general
election) 1,876,738 votes. The party is strongly
organized and rapidly growing in spite of all
efforts on the part of the government to sup-
press it or to take the winds out of its sails by
a program of paternal socialism. (See Bis-
MARCK ; GERMANY ; INSURANCE.) In 1871 it cast
only 124,655 votes, and in 1881 only 311,961.
Since then its growth has been steady. It
exists mainly in the larger cities and manu-
facturing districts, but is spreading now
among the agricultural classes and in the
army. It publishes some 31 dailies, 41 week-
lies and semi-weeklies, several reviews and
humorous papers, 45 trade journals. In
France (g. v.) the socialists are divided into
several groups, but after the first ballot, when
each group has voted for its own candidate,
all the groups unite in the second ballot (see
France) and vote for the socialist candidate
who has polled the highest vote. The
differences between the groups
turn mainly on questions of
policy. In 1896 the Petzt
Républigue claimed that 1,400,000
socialist votes were cast at the
municipal elections. The number of deputies
is variously estimated at from 4o to 55, ac-
cording to those who are included as social-
ists. In many cities the socialists are in a ma-
jority in the town councils and elect socialist
mayors. In the Paris council they havea large
representation. In Belgium (g. v.) the socialist
party is very compactly and strongly organ-
ized. Since the revision of the constitution
and the large extension of the suffrage, largely
forced by a general strike (see BELGIum), the
socialist vote has grown very rapidly, has sur-
passed the Liberal vote, and is gaining rap-
idly on the Catholic party. The elections of
1896 for half the House of Deputies show the
total socialistic vote to be 461,000, with 33
deputies. There are four large socialist dailies
with a circulation of 75,000 and a large
number of weeklies, etc. The cooperative
socialist clubs in all the centers give the
Movement great organized power (see BEL-
GIUM).
In Denmark the socialists claimed 25,019
votes in 1895 and 10 deputies. There are six
socialist dailies. The Copenhagen Soczal
Democrat has a circulation of 30,000.
In Holland (g. v.) the party is not so
strongly organized ; the chief radical leader,
Domola Nieuwenhuis (g. v.), having become
hopeless of success through political action,
yet the Socialists report 280,000 as adhering to
the Socialist political program.
In Italy (g. v.) the Socialist Labor Party
claims 90,000 Socialist votes in 1896 and the
election of 15 deputies in spite of a recent
change in the election laws which they claim
has disfranchised many working men.
_ In Austria socialists can show less organ-
ized political strength, owing to the limita-
tions of the suffrage, but the party has a
strong hold in the empire. The leading organ
of the party, the Arbezter Zeitung of Vienna,
has a circulation of 19,000, and the party is
Europe.
1268
Socialism.
said to have called out 500,000 men at some of
its demonstrations, and claims 70,000 members,
There are some 65 socialistic journals in
Austria. 5 ‘
In other European Continental countries
the socialist party is less sivengly organized
but has a nucleus of strength in Norway and
Sweden, Rumania, Bulgaria, Greece, Spain,
and Portugal. Even in Russia nihilism (g. v.)
has largely developed into a socialist political
movement. In Switzerland the avowed
Democratic Socialist party is small, but only
because socialism is advancing so rapidly in
constitutional forms and changes. (See
SWITZERLAND. )
In Great Britain the Social-Democratic
Federation (g. v.) particularly stands for the
German type of socialism, with
its organ /ustzce and its active
Great
propaganda, but the Independent pV.
Labor Party largely stands for co
the same political movement, tho
with a somewhat more “ pro-
gressive” (gradual) program. The vote of
this party in the elections of 1895 (its first
general election) was 44,321. Counting all
socialist candidates of all parties, the social-
ist vote was nearly 60,000. This, however,
probably by no means indicates the real
voting strength of socialism in Great Britain.
In Great Britain perhaps more people than
in any other country believe that the cause of
socialism may be best advanced by working
through one or other and perhaps (at different
times) through both of the other parties. The
most, tho by no means all of the English Fa-
bian Society (g. v.), notoriously hold this view.
Moreover in Pagiand, perhaps more than in
any other country, socialism is advancing
progressively in ways other than through
political agitation. (See below in this article.)
The same is true, and some think even more
true, of the British colonies in Australasia.
New Zealand (g. v.) is sometimes called a
socialist country where all parties vie in the
introduction of such socialist measures as
the nationalization or municipalization of all
natural monopolies (¢. v.), of savings-banks,
and of insurance ; such measures as a rapidly
progressing tax on incomes and land values,
the development of cooperative colonies, the
employment of the unemployed, etc. In
Australia there is not quite so much con-
structive socialism, but the various labor par-
ties are largely, and some of them explicitly,
committed to socialism.
The United States thus far has developed
less avowed political socialism than any other
civilized country, perhaps because
of its strong inherited bias toward
individualism (g. v.). The So-
cialist Labor Party (g. v.) is the
avowed representative in America
'of the German type of socialism,
|which it considers the only socialism. Its
national vote in 1896 was 36,563, and it is
steadily growing in most of the larger cities
and industrial centers, The People’s Party
(g. v.) is by no means wholly committed to
ull socialism, but it does advocate many
socialist measures such as the nationalization
United
States,
Socialism.
' of railroads, of the money system, and of all
natural monopolies, while its rank and file
are very largely inclined to socialism. The
Coming Nation, a People’s Party socialist
paper, has a circulation of 70,000. The total
People’s Party presidential vote in 1892 was
1,041,028, and on the State elections of 1894
(according to the World Almanac of 1896),
1.564.318. | Sch is a brief review of the
present voting strength of socialism in the
world.
But this is not the only way in which
socialism is advancing. Some socialists
would assert that the strongest
advance of socialism is in the
steady growth of monopolies,
trusts, and concentrated wealth
on the one hand, coupled, on the
other hand, with the steady ad-
vance of democratic tendencies among the
masses of all countries. Nor is the argument
weakened by the fact that, among certain por-
tions of the educated classes, there is a
reaction against democracy. This reaction is
largely caused by fear of a socialist democ-
racy, and this rather shows the advance of
socialism.
Other socialists find more evidence of the
advance of socialism in the steady expansion
of the function of the democratic State. This
is admitted by those who most oppose it. Of
England Herbert Spencer says:
“The numerous socialistic changes made
by Act of Parliament, joined with numerous
others presently to be made, will by and by
be all merged in State socialism ; swallowed
in the vast wave which they have little by
little raised.” Of this advance Mr. Sidney
Webb writes in the Fabzan Essays:
Combina-
tions,
“Slice after slice has gradually been cut from the
profits of capital, and ‘therefore from its selling value,
by socially beneficial restrictions on its
user’s liberty to do as he liked with it.
Socialist Slice after slice has been cut off the
3 incomes from rent and interest by the
Construction, gradual shifting of taxation from con-
sumers to persons enjoying incomes
above the average of the kingdom.
Step by step the political power and political organ-
ore of the country have been used for industrial
ends. ...
‘‘Even in the fields still abandoned to private enter-
pies its operations are thus every day more closely
imited, in order that the anarchic competition of
private greed, which at the beginning of the century
was set up asthe only infallibly beneficent principle
of social action, may not utterly destroy the State.
All this has been done by ‘practical’ men, ignorant,
that is to say, of any scientific sociology; believing
socialism to be the most foolish of dreams, and abso-
lutely ignoring, as they thought, all grandiloquent
claims for social reconstruction. Such is the irresisti-
ble smeey of social tendencies that in their every act
they worked to bring about the very socialism they
despised.”
This tendency has undoubtedly been carried
further in England than in any other country.
Yet in Germany the same work is carried out
not by a democratic but by a paternal im-
perialism and municipalism, and the socialists
believe that these governments are but con-
structing buildings for the steadily growing
socialist democracy to occupy. In Australia
and New Zealand the movement to expand
State functions is largely one of conscious
socialism. In the United States the tendency
1269
Socialism.
is far less developed, yet more developed than
many realize, and is unquestionably on the
increase.
Public schools and libraries, State universi-
ties, hospitals, asylums, reformatories, the
postal service, signal service, coast surveys,
the highway system, labor bureaus, municipal
fire departments, every court of justice, every
factory act, every municipal health regula-
tion—these and a hundred other things are
socialistic.
In many American cities, too, there is a new
wave of municipalism. New York City is de-
stroying her slums and erecting baths, open-
ing parks, and controlling tenements. Labor
bureaus are establishing free employment
bureaus ; large portions of the population, in-
cluding some by no means committed to social-
ism, are agitating for the municipalization of
electric lighting and other natural monopo-
lies. (For concrete evidence of the advance of
socialism on these lines, see NaTuRAL Monopo-
LIES ; Monovouies; Evectric LIGHTING ; Gas;
RAILROADS ; STREET-CarRs.; TELEGRAPH ; TELE-
PHONE; Cities; MuNICcIPALISM; BERLIN; Bir-
MINGHAM; GLascow; Lonpon; Paris; NEw
ZEALAND; AUSTRALIA; ENGLAND; SWITZERLAND.
Perhaps even more significant than the
advance of unconscious socialism is the ad-
vance of conscious socialistic thought among
many who do not see their way yet to vote
for socialism. The writings of Carlyle,
Ruskin, Morris, Ely, Bellamy, Blatchford in
different countries and different circles are
known universally, even by those not used to
reading, and are among the most potent aids
to socialistic advance. They enter the uni-
versity and the farm, the church and the
tenement, and everywhere they carry con-
viction. Many may consider them impossible
dreams but wish they could be true. Such
fail to see how socialism is advancing on the
lines indicated above. The change in the
thought of professed economists is marked,
particularly in Germany and England. In
other countries there may be at present a
slight reaction from economic socialism, and
the significance and the real so-
cialism of the German movement
of the so-called Socialists of the
Chair (g. v.), and the confessions
of English economists may have
been exaggerated by some, but
the very reaction shows the extent to which
the change has gone. Says Sidney Webb
(Fabian Essays):
“The publication of John Stuart Mill’s Political
Economy in 1848 marks conveniently the boundary of
the old individualist economics. Every edition of
Mill’s book became more and more socialistic. After
his death the world learned the personal history,
penned by his own hand, of his development from
a mere political democrat to a convinced socialist.
“The change in tone since then has been such that
one competent economist, professedly anti-socialist,
publishes regretfully to the world that all the
younger men are now socialists, as well as many of
the older professors. It is, indeed, mainly from these
that the world has learned how faulty were the
earlier economic generalizations, and above all, how
incomplete as guides for social or political action.”
Says Professor de Laveleye :
“It was at one time imagined that the means of
combating socialism would be found in the teachings
Changes in
Thought.
/
Socialism.
of political economy ; but, on the contrary, it is pre-
cisely this science which has furnished the socialists
of to-day with their most, redoubtable weapons.
(Introduction to Soctalism of To-day.)
A still greater change has come over relig-
ious thought. Christian Socialism has ap-
peared in all Christian lands and in all
hurches. Says Professor Kirkup, in his arti-
cle on Socialism, in the Encyclopedia Britan-
nica: ‘The ethics of socialism are closely
akin to the ethics of Christianity ; if not iden-
tical with them.” Says Professor de Laveleye
(Introduction to Soctalzsm of To-day): ‘' Every
Christian who understands and earnestly
accepts the teachings of his Master is at heart
a socialist, and every socialist, whatever may
be his hatred against all religion, bears within
himself an unconscious Christianity.”
The changed position of the Church of
Rome, the Christian Socialist movement
in Germany and in England; the growth of
strong organizations, like the Christian Social
Union (g. v.), within established churches, and
of the Labor Church (¢g. v.), outside of estab-
lished churches, indicate the hold which
socialism has in the conscience and in the
spiritual life.
Lastly, in England and now beginning else-
where, the growth of the Fabian Society
(g. v.), which works mainly in the more edu-
cated middle class, on all the lines noticed
above, indicates at once the intellectual, prac-
tical, and political advance of socialism as
branches of one movement. Professor Schzf-
fle long ago said: ‘‘ The future belongs to the
purified socialism” (Bau und Leben des So-
ctalen Korpers, vol. ii. p. 120).
IV. THE ARGUMENT FOR SOCIALISM.
The supreme argument which socialists
adduce in behalf of their faith is that only
under socialism can mankind develop a high
form of individual freedom. Under industrial
competition two results, it is argued, must in-
evitably appear: first, the survival of those
most fitted to compete in industrial warfare,
which is by no means always the highest type
of character, but often, to say the least, may
be merely the most sharp, the most cunning,
the least developed in moral sense; and as a
concommitant with this, the slavery and in-
dustrial oppression of the industrially weak,
who may be too moral, quite as possibly as
too weak, to compete with the industrially
sharp. Individualists assert that
this is not the case with the pres-
ent stage of individualism. For
proof of this they point to the
increased comfort and education
and situation of the producing
elasses. They deny that the poor are grow-
ing poorer and the rich richer. But the in-
dividualist evidence does not support the
conclusion. The socialist does not say that
the poor are growing poorer, but that they are
growing more dependent on the employing
elass, which is quite another point. It is
undoubtedly true that in civilized lands the
producing classes are better off so far as
material comfort goes than they were at the
beginning of the century, tho it is not so clear
Socialism
Freedom,
1270
Socialism.
that they are better off in proportion to the
wealthy class (concerning this point see
WEALTH, also Waces), but it is doubtful in the
first place whether this is not due to what
socialistic features exist to-day, such as trade-
union combinations, public education, factory
legislation, etc., and secondly, to whatever
cause it be attributed, it has no bearing on
the socialist contention that personal freedom
is diminished under individualism.
In order to. succeed to-day under competi-
tion, one or two things are all but necessary,
large capital and intense devotion to money-
making: usually both, The man or woman
to-day possessed of large income can invest it,
and with little thought or care for it live in
freedom; but this is a freedom bought by the
toil of others. As for the unsuccessful,
they have scarcely any freedom at all. In
days before machinery was so necessary to
production, before capital was so organized,
the small producer—the weaver, the cobbler,
etc.—could be comparatively independent, tho
his material comforts were few. To-day the
man without capital must work for the man
who has, A few quotations may illustrate
this. Says Robert Blatchford (Merrze Eng-
Zand, chap. xix.):
“Can anyone imagine a despotism more terrible
than the regulation of work by government? I think~
so. I think I could find it. But I have no need to
look. See; it is here, ready to my hand.
“Tt is here, in a letter, long kept by me,a sample of
many I constantly receive :
‘“«T£ you can see your way to give us poor devils of
silk dyers a word or two, I am sure it would do us
good. We work longer hours than any others in the
trade in England, get less wages, and, for our lives,
or rather our situations, dare not openly belong to a
union. If we strike—as we did last summer—pres-
sure is brought upon us by our wives and children
(peers all of whom have to work) being dismissed
rom their situations. If we write to the Leeds Times
—the best friend we poor dyers ever had—we are
afraid to sign our names; and if we have a meeting it
has to be kept a dead secret. In fact, it is not worth
living to work under such circumstances, and as far
as I can see the only union we shall ever get will be
the union workhouse, and many of us are half-way
there now. Give us a word to strengthen the fearful
and encourage the weak. Somebody must help us.
We cannot help ourselves. We have been down so
long that we don’t know how to get up.
“ 8/8
3 of 9 1Pol a |M
RB, oS 1 8 les) a}.
2 Bq 5s |a”]} a] o
At a n\k | PIA
119,273 |48.1118.2]24.0] 9.7
359,897 |43-0132.8]17.0| 7.9
3931245 |37-1/22.2/31.6] 9.1
267,460 |41.1/20.1/30.0| 8.8
356,799 |41.0/17.0]32.7] 9.3
570,060 |35.6)17.1!28.9/18.4
306,000 |17.4/14.3/51.8/16.5
In France the principal strikes have been
also among the miners. According to the
French Office du Travail there were, in 1893,
634 strikes, affecting 170,123 men. In 1894
there were 391 strikes, affecting 54,576 men;
45% per cent. of these strikes failed, 21 per
cent. were completely won, and the rest were
unknown or compromised.
(For other countries, see those countries.
Concerning the involved questions of the eth-
ics of strikes, see TRADE-Untons.)
Says Professor W. Ashley of Harvard
University (The Paibioad Strike of 1894,
p- 8):
“Tt is the opinion of almost every economist of re-
pute, of whatever school, that labor combinations,
with a power to appeal in the last resort to the joint
refusal to work, 2. e., to strike, are, under the present
system of competition, the ‘indispensable means of
enabling the sellers of labor to take care of their own
interests’ (J. S. Mill, Prznczples Ae eee Economy,
bk. v. chap. x. § 5, second half). ith these words of
Mill may be compared the language of Fawcett
(Manual, sixth ed: Pp. 242), Walker (Polttical Econ-
omy, § 468), and Marshall (Elements of Economics,
1892, PP. 381, 382, 390). These are not writers particu-
larly sympathetic toward trade-union policy, or par-
ticularly hopeful of good results from such action.
They merely state that, even thoin very many cases
strikes may have been unwise, the right to strike is, in
itself, a necessary safeguard of working men’s in-
terests.”’
Trade-unionists do not as a rule believe in
strikes. They are often compelled, however,
to strike because, when other measures have
failed, it is their only way to protest against
and to resist reductions in wages, unfair treat-
ment, or refusals of firms to grant increase of
wages when the market allows, When /rade-
unions are weak or just organizing, their
members sometimes rush into foolish strikes.
Strong trade-unions do not strike until careful
investigation has been made, until the national
executive committee of their trade, as well as
the local union, approves, and until they have
money in the bank to make a hard fight.
Subsidies.
Strong trade-unionism means the lessening of
strikes. (See TRADE-UNIons.)
Concerning the treatment of strikes and the
evil to the public, see articles ArBITRATION
and ConciLiATION, also PULLMAN STRIKE.
SUBSIDIES is the term usually given to-
day to grants of money by governments to
private enterprises. Originally it was used in
English history for special taxes assessed
on property, and in European history for pay-
ment by governments to their allies.
The most important modern subsidies have
been to railways and steamship companies.
England has granted no railway subsidies except
in Ireland. France defrayed about half the original
cost of her railways, and this system has been largely
followed in Austria, Russia, Southern Europe, and
British India. In the United States railway subsidies,
in the form of land grants mainly, have been very ex-
tensive (see RAILWAYS); 200,000,000 acres have been
given, tho only about one-quarter of this has been
patented. a
In steamship subsidies Great Britain has done much
more. In 1840 the Cunard company received an annual
subsidy of $400,000, and this was not
reduced till 1870. Atone time England
Steamship spent nearly $5,000,000 annually for the
eae conveyance of mails. The admiralty
Subsidies. subsidies of Great Britain to-day are
about $165,000 annually, besides $3,500,-
ooo for sea postage, which is about $2,-
250,000 more than the receipts for sea postage. Great
Britain pays this partly for military purposes, and can
use subsidized ships in time of war. The United
States has done much less. In 1845 the Collins line
and Pacific Mail Steamship Company received subsi-
dies. In 1852 the United States paid about $2,000,000
for foreign mail service. On account of accidents and
the war American lines to Europe and the Collins
line disappeared. The Pacific Mail Steamship Com-
pany became corrupt, and in 1875 the subsidy was not
tenewed. In 1892 the (American) International Navi-
gation Company received a subsidy for carrying
mailsto Europe. (See PLUTOCRACY, for legislative
favors to this line.) In the year 1893-94, the United
States paid $711,444 for mail service by Chitea States
vessels, and § 61,957 for foreign vessels.
. Germany, France, and most European countries
‘grant considerable subsidies.
(See also BOUNTIES).
SUB-TREASURY PLAN,.—This is a plan
which is an outgrowth of the Farmers’ Alli-
ance movement, and became prominent after
its indorsement by the Farmers’ Alliance
. v.), at their meeting at St. Louis, 1889.
he following is the text of the bill, drafted to
embody the plan.
SECTION 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House
of Representatives of the United States of America in
Congress assembled, that there may be established in
each of the counties of each of the States of this
United States a branch of the treasury department of
the United States, to be known and designated as a
sub-treasury, as hereinafter provided, when 100 or
more citizens of any county in any State shall peti-
tion the Secretary of the Treasury requesting the
location of a sub-treasury in such county, and shall,
1. Present written evidence, duly authenticated by
oath or affirmation of county clerk and sheriff, show-
ing that the average gross amount per annum of
cotton, wheat, oats, corn, and tobacco produced and
sold in that county for the last preceding two years
exceeds the sum of $500,000, at current prices in said
county at that time, and,
z. Present a good and sufficient bond for title to
a suitable and adequate amount of land to be donated
to the Government of the United States for the loca-
tion of the sub-treasury buildings, and,
3. A certificate of election showing that the site for
the location of such sub-treasury has been chosen by
a popular vote of the citizens of that county, and also
naming the manager of the sub-treasury elected at
said election for the purpose of taking charge of such
#ub-treasury under such regulations as may be pre-
1296
&,
Sub-Treasury Plan.
scribed. It shall in that case be the duty of the
Secretary of the Treasury to proceed without delay
to establisha sab treasury department in such county
as hereinafter provided.
SEC. 2. That ae owner of cotton, wheat, corn, oats,
or tobacco may deposit the same in the sub-treasury
nearest the point of its production, and receive there-
for treasury notes, hereinafter provided for, equal at
the date of deposit to 80 per cent. of the net value of
such products at the market price, said price to be
determined by the Secretary of the Treasury under
rules and regulations prescribed, based upon the
price current in the leading cotton, tobacco, or grain
markets of the United States; but no deposit consist-
ing in whole or in part of cotton, tobacco, or grain
imported into this country shall be received under
the provisions of this act.
SEc. 3. That the Secretary of the Treasury shall
cause to be prepared treasury notes in such amounts
as may be required for the purpose of the above sec-
tion, and in such form and denominations as he may
prescribe, provided that no note shall be of a denomi-
nation of less than one dollar or more than one thou-
sand dollars.
SEc. 4. That the treasury notes issued under this
act shall be receivable for customs, and shall be a full
legal tender for all debts, both public and private,
and such notes, when held by any national bankin
association, shall be counted as part of its lawfu
reserve.
SEC. 5. It shall be the duty of the manager of a sub-
treasury when cotton, grain, or tobacco is received
by him on deposit, as above provided, to give a ware-
house receipt showing the amount and grade or
quality of such cotton, tobacco, or grain, and its value
at date of deposit; the amount of treasury notes the
sub-treasury has advanced on the product; that the
interest on the money so advanced is at the rate of
1 per cent. per annum, expressly stating the amount
of insurance, weighing, classing, warehousing, and
other charges. that will run against such deposit of
cotton, grain, or tobacco. All such warehouse receipts
shall be negotiable by indorsement.
SEc. 6. That the cotton, grain, or tobacco deposited
in the sub-treasury under the provisions of this act
may be redeemed by the holder of the warehouse
receipt herein provided for, either at the sub-treasury
in which the product is deposited, or at any other
sub-treasury, by the surrender of such warehouse
receipt, and the payment in lawful money of the
United States of the same amount originally advanced
by the sub-treasury against the product, and such
further amount as may be necessary to discharge all
interest that may have accrued against the advance
of money made on the deposit of produce, and all
insurance, warehouse, and other charges that attach
to the product for warehousing and handling. All
lawful money received at the sub-treasury as a
return of the actual amount of money advanced by
the government against farm products as above
specified shall be returned, with a full report of the
transaction, to the Secretary of the Treasury, who
shall make record of the transaction, and cancel and
destroy the money so returned. A sub-treasury that
receives a warehouse receipt as above provided,
together with the return of the proper amount of
lawful money, and all charges as herein provided,
when.the product for which it is given is stored in
some other sub-treasury, shall give an order on such
other sub-treasury for the delivery of the cotton,
grain, or tobacco, as the case may be, and the Secre-
tary of the Treasury shall provide for the adjustment
between sub-treasuries of all charges.
SEc. 7. The Secretary of the Treasury shall pre-
scribe such rules and regulations as are necessary
for governing the details of the management of the
sub-treasuries, fixing the salary, bond, and responsi-
bility of each of the managers of sub-treasuries
(provided that the salary of any manager of a sub-
treasury shall not exceed the sum of $1500 per annum),
holding the managers of sub-treasuries personally
responsible on their bonds for weights and classifica-
tions of all produce, providing for the rejection of
unmerchantable grades of cotton, grain, or tobacco,
or for such as may be in bad condition, and shall
provide rules for the sale at public auction of all
cotton, corn, oats, wheat, or tobacco that has been
placed on deposit for a longer period than twelve
months, after due notice published. The proceeds of
the sale of such product shall be applied, first to the
reimbursement of the sub-treasury of the amount
originally advanced, together with all charges, and
second, the balance shall be held on deposit for the
Sub-treasury Plan.
benefit of the holder of the warehouse receipt, who
shall be entitled to receive the same on the surrender
of his warehouse receipt. The Secretary of the Treas-
ury shall also provide rules for the duplication of any
papers in case of loss or destruction.
Sec. 8. It shall be the duty of the Secretary of the
Treasury, when Section 1 of this act shall have been
complied with, to cause to be erected, according to
the laws and customs governing the construction of
government buildings, a suitable sub-treasury build-
ing, with such warehouse or elevator facilities as the
character and amount of the products of that section
may indicate as necessary. Such buildings shall be
supplied with all modern conveniences for handling
and safely storing and preserving the products likely
to be deposited. -
SEC. 9. That any gain arising from the charges for
insurance, weighing, storing, classing, holding, ship-
ping, interest, or other charges, after paying all
expenses of conducting the sub-treasury, shall be
accounted for and paid into the Treasury ofthe United
States.
SEC. 10. The term of office of a manager of a sub-
treasury shall be two years, and the regular election
to fill such office shall be at the same time as the
election for members of the House of Representatives
of the Congress of the United States. In case of a
vacancy in the office of manager of the sub-treasury
by death, resignation, or otherwise, the Secretary of
the Treasury shall have power to appoint amanager
for the unexpired term.
SEC. 11. The sum of $50,000,000, or so much thereof
as may be found necessary to carry out the provisions
of this act, is hereby appropriated out of any moneys
in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, for that
purpose.
Professor Commons says of this plan in an
article in The Vozce (September 14, 1893) :
‘The so-called sub-treasury plan of the Farmers’
Alliance is an interesting attempt to establish such
acurrency [an elastic one]. Farmers have but little
use for cash during most of the year, but at harvest
time they need a large amount of money to move
their crops and pay their debts. This creates a new
demand for money, which must then be shipped from
the East and from Europe. This yearly demand for
money often creates a stringency. Money becomes
dearer. And just as there is a freight-car famine at
that time of the year resulting in high freights, so
there is a money famine resulting in dear money and
low prices of products. The farmers claim that the
prices of their products are crowded down to 4o per
cent. below the prices of six months later ; the differ-
ence, of course, going into the pockets of the specula-
tors. The sub-treasury plan provides for depositing
the staple products of the farmers in government
warehouses, just as alcoholic liquors are to-day
deposited, and the issuing of paper money to be
loaned to the farmers on the security of the staple
products. When the farmer redeems his warehouse
deposit he returns the paper money, pays the
charges, and the money itself is canceled and dis-
appears from circulation. Thus we have a perfectly
automatic and elastic currency, expanding when the
demand expands and contracting when the demand
contracts.
“There isa wide-spread disposition to ridicule this
plan of the farmers as visionary and socialistic.
Perhaps it is visionary and socialistic for a great free
government, where everybody is supposed to be
equal, but it is an important fact that the very same
plan is in actual operation to-day in the benevolent
despotism of Russia. The imperial bank advances
paper money through the railroad companies acting
as agents to farmers along the lines of the roads, on
the security. of crops deposited in railway ware-
houses. The farmers pay 6 per cent., are not per-
mitted to maintain a loan longer than one year nor
a larger amount than 60 per cent. of the market value
of their 4 deposit. oie policy has been in opera-
tion for five years, and is said to have done more than
anything else to encourage agriculture in that coun-
try, since it enables the farmer to get higher prices
for his crops and frees him from the usury of the
Money-lenders.”
The plan, however, is little advocated to-day
even by the farmers. The agitation on the
subject has turned into other channels. (See
SILver.)
82
1297
Sumner, William Graham.
SUEZ CANAL.—The Suez Canal was
commenced in 1859 by M. de Lesseps, on a
concession to a stock company by the Egyptian
Government after the European powers had
finally given consent. It is 100 miles long, 60
miles of which are through narrow lakes. It
was opened in 1869. The cost, as originally com-
pleted, was $95,000,000. In 1894, 3352 vessels
passed through it, paying $14,770,081 in tolls.
SUFFRAGE, See Etections; also Wom-
AN’S SUFFRAGE.
SUICIDE.—The statistics of suicide indicate
its increase in the United States. Mr. F. L.
Hoffman, writing in the Avena, vol. vii. pp.
680-695, gives the following figures based on
official statistics :
RATIO OF DEATHS TO SUICIDES,
FIVE YEARS.
AVERAGES FOR
1861 | 1866 | 1871 | 1876 | 1881 | 1886
to to to to to to
1865 | 1870 | 1875 | 1880 | 1885 | 1890
Massachusetts.... | 329 | 302 260 | 232 218 226
Rhode Island..... 21g | 216 | 218 | 220 | 3rr
Connecticut .
ae os 283 251 186 170 143
Michigan ..... deed
oo oe 282 242 215 207
The average annual suicide rate per 100,000
for various countries is given by Barber as fol-
lows :
Saxony, 31.1; Denmark, 25.8; Austria, 21.2; Switzer-
land, 20.2; France, 15.7; Germany, 14.3; Queensland,
13.5; Victoria, 11.5; New South Wales, 9.3; Bavaria,
g.1; New Zealand, 9.0; South Australia, 8.9; Sweden,
8.1; Norway, 7.5; Belgium, 6.9; England and Wales,
6.9; Scotland, 4.0; Italy, 3.7; United States, 3.5; Rus-
sia, 2.9; Ireland, 1.7; Spain,1.4. In Dresden, 51; Paris,
42; Berlin, 36; Vienna, 28 ; Stockholm, 27; Christiania,
25; London, 23; Brussels, 15; Amsterdam, 14 ; Moscow,
11; Rome, 8; St. Petersburg, 7; Madrid, 8; Lisbon, 2.
The causes of suicide in European countries
are reported as follows :
Of 100 suicides : madness, delirium, 18 per cent.; al-
coholism, x11; vice, crime, 19; different diseases, 23
moral sufferings, 6; family matters, 4; poverty, want,
4; Joss of intellect, 14; consequence of crimes, 3; un-
known reasons, 19.
The number of suicides in the United States, six
years, 1882-87, was 8226. Insanity was the principal
cause, shooting the favorite method; 5386 acts of sui-
cide were committed in the day, and 2419 in the night.
Summer was the favorite-season, June the favorite
month, and the rth the favorite day of the month.
The month in which the largest number of suicides
occurs is July. ; :
The number of suicides in ten American cities in 1895
was as follows : New York, 376; Chicago, 350; Brook-
lyn, 161 ; St. Louis, 134; San Francisco, 110; Philadel-
pe 5; Boston, 77; Cincinnati, 05; Baltimore, 43;
rovidence, rr.
SUMNER, WILLIAM GRAHAM, was
born in Paterson, N. J., in 1840. He was
graduated at Yale College in 1863, and then
studied at Oxford, England, and at Gdttin-
genin Germany. From 1866 to 1869 he wasa
tutor at Yale College. In 1867 he took orders
in the Protestant Episcopal Church, and for a
short while was assistant at Calvary Church in
New York. In 1872, however, he became
professor of political and social science at Yale
College, which position he has since held,
one of the leading economists in America of
the orthodox school, especially on the sub-
jects Free Trade and Gold Currency. His best
Sumptuary Laws.
known works are History of American Cur-
vrency (1874); Lectures on the History of Pro-
tection in the United States (1875); What
Social Classes Owe to Each Other (1883):
Protectionism (1885.)
SUMPTUARY LAWS are laws which
seek to restrict and regulate private expendi-
tures. They have been attempted by all
countries, even by the modern American
States. Most economists to-day, however,
agree with Adam Smith when he says: ‘‘It is
the highest impertinence and presumption in
kings and ministers to pretend to watch over
the economy of private people.” The latest
piece of true sumptuary legislation in Great
Britain was the Scotch law of 1861.
SUNDAY LABOR.—With the religious
and theological arguments raised for the limi-
tation of Sunday we are not in this encyclo-
pedia concerned, save as these affect the moral
and physical welfare of society. But in the
ever increasing complexity and stress of mod-
ern life, it is patent to all that men more and
more need a rest, at least one day in seven,
from their daily toil. It is to-day substanti-
ated, beyond all question, that man in the long
run can produce more and better work, by
resting one day in seven than by continuous
work. It is well known that, if a mason or
carpenter takes a contract for a job of work to
be done in Paris, he gets his work done
quicker, cheaper, and better with English
help which works only six days in the week,
than with French help which works seven days.
Such facts could be multiplied to almost any
extent, all showing that men and women will
do more work and do it better when they have
their Sabbath for rest. And such men and
women will live longer and more happily.
They will stand higher on the scale of intel-
lectual, moral, social, spiritual being.
Dr. Chalmers of Scotland said: ‘‘I never
knew the man who worked seven days in the
week without becoming soon a wreck in health
or in fortune, or in both.” :
Edmund Burke said: ‘‘ A nation that neg-
lects the Sabbath soon sinks into barbarism or
ruin. Civilized man cannot bear the pressure
of seven days’ work and worry in a week.”
Yet it is also a well-proven fact that Sunday
labor in the United States is on the increase.
It has been estimated that, in Massachusetts
alone, 50,000 persons—men, women,and chil-
_dren—have to labor. On railroads, on street
railways, in livery-stables, in making repairs
(often only done on Sunday, because employ-
ers are unwilling to forfeit weekday dividends),
in bakeries, in hotels, in private houses, in
barber shops, in drug stores, in printing
offices, in theaters and places of amusement,
a constantly increasing amount of work is done
on Sunday. Working men bitterly complain
of this, yet too often find even the Christian
Church turning a deaf ear to their ery, and
clergymen unwilling to cooperate in limiting
the hours of labor. An American -Sabbath
union exists in New York City, and local
leagues, such as the New Engiand Sabbath
Protection League, exist in various localities.
1298
Sweating System, The.
Some literature is published, but little ade-
quate effort is cade and what is done is pat
on narrow lines. Much Sunday labor nee
not be done at all, but when it is necessary,
the worker should be given a free day some
other day im the week, or men should alternate
in doing Sunday work. . It is often forgotten,
too, how intimate is the connection between a
half holiday on Saturday and the necessity for
Sunday work. If the half Saturday prevailed
in America ad/ through the year, to the ex-
tent to which it does in England, there would
be less need of making Sunday a day of excur-
sions into the country for the city working
classes, and therefore less necessity for Sun-
day trains, cars, etc. The cheapening in the
price of bicycles too and use of electric private
carriages would result in less demand for Sun-
day trains and cars. Many believe that the
Sunday problem is to be fought out on eco-
nomic lines of lessening the hours of labor
generally (see SHort-Hour Movement) rather
than on strict religious lines.
In Continental Europe, where Sunday labor
is still more common than in America, the ex-
perience all shows the need of the
Sunday rest, and there isa grow-
ing movement for its enforce-
ment, Sunday Rest Leagues
exist in, France, Belgium, and
Italy, andelsewhere. These are largely sup-
ported by the clergy, Catholic and Protestant,
yet the main efforts in this direction come
from the working menthemselves. In France
Europe.
‘and Belgium the main effort is to close the
stores on Sunday afternoons, The Paris
League has 4000 members. In Germany,
during 1896, the Prussian government took
steps to free 50,000 railway freight employees
from all Sunday work. In Austria all Sunday
work except that also entirely necessary is for-
bidden. In Switzerland, Sunday laws have
been passed by half the cantons.
England is in somewhat the same condition .
as America on this point. It has been esti-
mated that at least 300,000 in English domin-
ions are employed on Sundays on railroads
alone.
SWEATING SYSTEM, THE, may be
defined as that system of the production of
goods for sale, particularly prevailing in the
clothing trades, whereby the wholesalers buy
their goods of middlemen (or sweaters), who-
employ men, women, or children to manu-
facture the goods at the lowest possible wages,
either in hot small rooms (sweat-shops) be-
longing to the sweater, or taking the materials
to their own homes and making them there for
usually still lower prices. As long agoas 1849
a series of letters in the London Morning
Chronicle showed the horrors of the sweating
system in London, and called out Charles
Kingsley’s burning tract, Cheap Clothes and
Nasty.
This tract tells of men working in sweating
dens, the longest hours for seven days in the
week, and paying the sweater for the most
meager board such rates that, at the end of
the week, they would bein debt to the sweater
and thus be in his power and be compelled to
Sweating System, The.
stay on. To-day the system exists in England
and in America, in almost all branches of the
clothing trade, to an alarming extent. Owing
to the efforts of the Anti-tenement-house
League (7. v.), Congress appointed in 1892 a
committee to report upon the matter. This
committee reported that probably the manu-
facture of clothing was in total value the most
important product of the country; that it was
largely centered in cities; that over 60 per
cent. of the clothing sold was ready-made, and
that about one-half of this was made under
the sweating system. Clothing made under
this system they declared to be made in prem-
ises usually filthy, in the slums and crowded
portions of the cities, from places liable to
breed germs of disease which could be carried
in the clothing, and producing evil in every
way. The worst form of the system, the re-
port says, is when the clothing is not made
even in sweating dens but is carried home to
be made inthe tenements under conditions
sometimes defying description.
Various efforts have been made to reform
and mend the system. (For attempts to or-
ganize the workers into unions, see TAILORING
TraDEs ) These attempts, however, have as
yet been only partially successful. Efforts have
been made to mark with labels clothing made
under proper factory conditions, hoping that
the public would patronize such clothing, but
little good has resulted. Still less successful
have been the efforts to establish cooperative
tailor shops. The competition of the cheap
prices of the sweating system has been too
strong for these stores to succeed. Several
. States have appointed commissioners to super-
vise the system and allow clothing to be made
only in licensed places. This has donesome
good, but too often the law has been avoided
or evil connived at. The above-mentioned re-
port says:
‘““We quote and adopt the reasoning of Dr. Daniels.
The one method that can be employed by which
we shall be certain that no article is manufactured in
tenement-house living rooms, and that no little chil-
dren are employed in the manufacture of any goods,
is the passage of a law prohibiting such manufacture
in tenement-house apartments which are used for
living and sleeping purposes. . . . Undoubtedly un-
der such a law a few would suffer. The people who
would suffer would probably be only a few women
who, from old age or chronic illness, are unable to go
to the shops to work. The widows would be forced to
find work in the factories, and the orphans sent to
school, kindergarten, or nursery. The result would
be that women would work in better sanitary sur-
roundings, that no children under 14 years would be
employed in manufacturing goods; the sick would
Teceive proper care, if not at home, then transferred
to a hospital, there to get well or die out of sight
of the everlasting work.
“TI should say that the lifein tenement-houses, plus
manufacturing in tenement rooms, if continued,
would eventually bring forth brutal, unhealthy men
and women.”
See Stums; TAtLorinc TRADES.
SWINTON, JOHN, was born in Illinois in
1830 and learned the printer's trade. In 1850
he moved to New York City and studied law
and medicine, but, returning to journalism,was
chief of the editorial staff of the Zymes during
the war, and till 1869. He then was with
Greeley (g. v.) on the Trzdune till 1879, and
chief writer on the Suz till 1883, when he
resigned and established /ohn Swznton’s
1299
Switzerland and Social Reform.
Paper, a radical labor paper, which attained
to great influence, but failed in 1886, since
when Mr. Swinton has returned to ordinary
journalism. In 1874 he was nominated for
mayor of New York on a workman’s ticket,
but received only 200 votes. He has, how-.
ever, been a favorite speaker and leader in all
New York labor meetings. ‘
SWITZERLAND AND SOCIAL RE-
FORM, STATISTICS ON.—August 1, 1291,
the: men of Uri, Schwyz, and Lower Unterwal-
den, formed adefensive league. By 1513, 13 can-
tons had joined. In 1798 a Helvetic Republic
was declared. This gave little satisfaction,
and in 1803 Napoleon gave a new constitution
for 19 cantons. In 1815 the powers guaranteed
the inviolability of her territory and a federal
pact was accepted with 22 cantons. In 1848 a
new constitution was adopted, and in 1874 the
present one. Suitzeriand is now a confedera-
tion ; the federal government being superior
in matters of peace, war, army, post and tele-
graph, revenue, money, weights and meas-
ures, and large public works.
There are two chambers, a Stduderath or
State Council of 44 members, two for each
canton, chosen as the canton will, and a Wa-
teonalrath of 147 delegates, or one for each
20,000 souls, chosen by universal male suffrage.
A general election takes place every three
years. Any man, not a clergyman, may be
elected. The president and vice-president
are elected annually by the Federal Assembly.
The cantons have a large degree of local
self-government; the small ones being gov-
erned by the Landsgemezdin, the large ones
by a grosse Rath.
The Referendum and the Initiative (see RerF-
ERENDUM) are all but universal. The total
population, June, 1894, was 2,986,848, on 15,976
square miles. In 1888, 1,106,430 were engaged
in agriculture.
There is complete religious liberty, about 59
per cent. of the population being Protestant,
and 4o per cent. Roman Catholic. Education
is very general, but not centralized. (See
EpucaTion.) The revenue in 1894 was 84,047,-
312 francs, the expenditure 83,675,812 francs.
The main source of revenue was customs; the
main expense, military. The public debt Jan-
uary I, 1895, was 85,203,586 francs.
There are 300,000 peasant proprietors, (See
AGRICULTURE.) The imports in 1894 were 880,-
845,540 francs; the exports, 673,004.524 francs.
In 1895 there were 2267 miles of railway (pri-
vate). The telegraph is owned by the gov-
ernment. ?
SociaL REFORMS.
Switzerland, in many respects, leads the na-
tions in social reform. In no country are
democratic political institutions so fully devel-
oped ; perhaps in no country is there so much
industrial democracy. For the adoption in
Switzerland of the important principles of di-
rect legislation, see articles REFERENDUM AND
INITIATIVE and PRoporTIONAL REPRESENTATION.
In no country have these reforms been car-
tied so far or so successfully. Switzerland
has also largely adopted the principles of the
Switzerland and Social Reform.
progressive income tax (g. v.). In the lines
of socialism, she has the nationalization of the
telegraph (g. v.) and telephone (g. v.). She is
preparing to nationalize her railroads (g. v.)
and has the nationalization of the raiee in
alcohol. (See SourH Carotina DIsPENSARY
Sysrem.) She is making important experi-
ments in employing the unemployed. (See Un-
EMPLOYMENT.) She carefully controls, and is
preparing to nationalize her banking system.
Among her most important developments is
her political recognition of organized labor. In
1887 the office of Workman’s Secretary was
founded, its incumbent to be practically a
member of the Federal Cabinet, and to be paid
by the government, but to be elected by the
Swiss labor unions, thus to some extent mak-
ing them a recognized part of Swiss political
institutions. Swiss municipal institutions are,
however, equally progressive with national
institutions. Cities like Zurich
and Basel in German, and Geneva
Municipal- in French, Switzerland, are among
ism, the most progressive municipali-
ties in the world. They care
minutely for the housing of the
working-classes, they strive to give work to
the unemployed; they have municipalized
most of the natural monopolies—they thus re-
ceive large municipal revenues with low rates
of taxation; they have developed some of the
best industrial schools of the world. (See
INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION.)
Switzerland thus seems to lead the world in
political democracy and in a constructive, tho
often in an unconscious, socialism. The de-
velopment of conscious socialism, however,
has been somewhat weak and toalarge extent
of foreign importation. Switzer
land has long been the asylum of
political refugees from other lands. Socialism,
Thus Geneva has been the shelter
from which at one time Mazzini
tried to rouse a Young Europe, which Bakou-
nin sought to make the center of anarchism,
and from whence Russian nihilists have tried
to reach Russia. But these movements have
little affected Switzerland. Driven from Ger-
many by the Anti-Socialist law, many
German socialists found refuge in Basel, and
somewhat developed German socialism in
Switzerland, yet after all not at all commen-
surably with the Swiss development of uncon-
scious socialism. In 1864 a branch of the
International was founded in Geneva, and by
1869 32 branches were said to exist in Geneva
alone. But the movement did not endure.
(See INTERNATIONAL.) In 1888 the present
Social Democratic party of Switzerland was
formed, and has continued ever since an active
propaganda on the lines of German socialism,
yet without reaching large numbers; perhaps
exactly because there is so much unconscious
socialism in Switzerland. More important is
the great Swiss labor organization, the Gri¢lz.
verem. This was founded in 1838 at Geneva,
taking its name from the scene of the original
Swiss federal pact of 1307. It has to-day sev-
eral hundred branches, and is largely socialis-
tic and the main expression of the socialistic
tendencies of the Swiss laboring classes.
1300
Syndicate Bond Contracts.
i lish)
References: Report on Switzerland of the (Eng’
Royal Conataieclan on Labor; W. D. ieCraceen
Rise of the Swiss Republic (2892). See, also, RE -
DUM AND INITIATIVE.
SYNDICATE BOND CONTRACTS.—
In 1894, 1895, and 1896, the United States
Treasury declared itself compelled to borrow
money by the issue of bonds. The occasion
of this is variously explained by different
bodies of thinkers. Believers in protection
claimed that it was occasioned by a deficit in
the United States Treasury due to the repeal
of the McKinley act and the reduction of the
tariff. Others claimed that it was due to a
deficit of income, due to large expenditures,
and to involved causes incident on general
depression. Some Democrats claimed that it
was not due to a deficit in the Treasury at all,
but to the silver agitation causing ‘‘ lack of con-
fidence” and the withdrawal of gold from the
Treasury, and that it was absolutely necessar
to borrow gold in order to keep up the credit
of the United States, and they considered Mr.
Cleveland to have energetically and rightly
saved the honor of the country. Believers
in free silver claimed that there was no neces-
sity toissue the bonds, but that the necessity
only arose in the policy of the administration
in discriminating against silver and insist-
ing in paying out gold, even where gold was
notcalled for. Extremists declared that it was
a plot of the bankers against the government,
or even a deal with the administration to make
large profits for New York and foreign gold
syndicates. It was strenuously asserted that
the government had no right to issue such
bonds. Be this as it may, and whatever the
cause, the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Car-
lisle, planting himself on laws of July 14, 1870,
and January, 1875, authorizing the issue of
bonds to redeem government notes, declared
that he had the right to issue bonds, In Feb-
ruary, and again in November, 1894, issues
were made of 5 per cents. for $50,000,000 and
sold to New York banks. They did little
good. The banks paid in the gold to the
Treasury, and the gold was soon withdrawn,
sometimes by the very parties who had paid it
in. In February, 1895, conditions were as
bad asever. The gold reserve had fallen to
$41,340,181, instead of the $100,000,000 which
it was desired to keep in the Treasury. The
administration was, or at least declared that
it was, in the money-lenders’ hands. If it
made an ordinary loan from the banks the
gold would soon be withdrawn. After a few
days’ correspondence, therefore, it issued to a
syndicate, with Mr. J. P. Morgan at its head,
30-year bonds at 4.49 per cent, over their face
value, for $65,000,000 of gold, the syndicate
agreeing on its part to obtain one-half the gold
from Europe, and ‘‘ to protect the oe of
the United States against the withdrawal of
gold pending the complete performance of
this contract.” This was hailed as ‘ patriot-
ism” on the part of the bankers and denounced
as a “steal” by the free-silver men. For a
while relief was gained, but by August or
September the agreement with the syndicate
mutually broke down—it was claimed without
the fault of the syndicate—and things threat-
Syndicate Bond Contracts.
ened to be as bad as ever. The Secretary then
prepared to make another issue. But J. Pier-
pont Morgan formed another syndicate and
corresponded with the administration about
making another contract with the government
under terms still more advantageous to his syn-
dicate. But there was so much opposition, both
in Congress and without, led principally by the
World of New York City, that January 1, 1896,
the administration, instead, called for a popu-
lar loan of $100,000,000, which was taken up;
and when the bids closed February 5, it was
found that they had reached $565,000,000. The
Morgan syndicate (it was declared by critics
that it did so by connivance of the administra-
1301
Tailoring Trades.
tion) secured $33,211,350 at the rate of 110.6877,
the remaining $66,788,650 going to higher bid-
ders. The average rate was 111.3878, and the
Treasury netted $111,378,836.
Thus millions of dollars were added to the
national debt, and besides their interest the
old syndicates made large sums by the deal.
On the bond of issue of February 8, 1895, alone
the Morgan syndicate, by paying a premium
of 104,495 and immediately selling the bonds
to inside jobbers at 112.5, cleared $4,988,620,
while the jobbers, by selling at t19, cleared
$4,050,503. These bonds alone thus cost the
United States $9,039,123 by the favorable terms
given the syndicate, ;
a
TAILORING TRADES,.—Industrial con-
ditions in the tailoring trades have been for the
last 50 years perhaps worse than in any other
branch of industry. The tailoring trade is Jar
excellence the trade of the sweater. This was
so in London, when the horrors of the sweating
system, 50 years ago, roused the indignation and
sympathy of Charles Kingsley and the Chris-
tian Socialists. It is true to-day in England,
America, and Germany. The reasons for this
are mainly two. In the first place, few trades
demand, at least in the lower branches of the
industry, less capital. Any one who can buy
or hire two sewing-machines, or even one, can
become not only a worker, but a sweater, tak-
ing in garments to be sewed, and hiring an as-
sistant, who need be paid little more than his or
her scanty board. No shop is needed; the
worker's one room in a tenement can be the
shop. This makes it possible for the poorest,
most ignorant, and least responsible to become
sweaters, and in the competition for low prices
it gives a fearful advantage to the tenement
sweating shop. The second reason for the ter-
tible conditions prevailing in the tailoring
trade is that no other trade so easily allows of
women and children taking work ¢o thezr homes,
In most other trades invaded by woman’s labor,
the women or girls are required to go to some
factory or shop. In the tailoring trade they
can take their work home, and work at it when
they will, by day or by night. They can do it
without neglecting the care of children or of their
tenements. The result is that they can do this
work cheaper than any other, and under com-
petition are usually driven to do so, The result
of these and other conditions, resulting, that is,
from the above combination of the possibility
of little capital and home work, makes the tailor-
ing trade almost identical with the
sweating system (g.v.). Itis now
The Trade. the only trade not commonly car-
tied on in a factory, and therefore
with much more difficulty super-
vised by the State or inspectors of any kind.
Yet itis a trade of vast proportions. Accord-
ing to the census of 1890, there were in the
United States 121,586 tailors, 63,611 tailoresses,
289,083 dressmakers, 149,704 seamstresses, in
all 623,984 persons, a larger number than in
any other manufacturing industry. The prod-
uct of the clothing trade in 1890 in the United
States was over $700,000,000. In England,
1,099,833 persons were employed in the various
portions of the dress industry (including boot
and shoe, but not textile industries). Yet it is
a concentrated industry. In the United States
the tailoring trade proper, or the manufacturing
of ready-made clothing, is concentrated in New
York, Brooklyn, Philadelphia, Boston, Balti-
more, Newark, Utica, Rochester, Syracuse, Cin-
cinnati, St. Louis, Chicago, and Milwaukee,
and in the crowded and most filthy portions of
these cities. Including shirt and undergarment
makers, the trade employs 100,000 persons in
or near New York alone. In London, 120,000
women are employed in millinery and in the
making of clothing. In 1891 the value of ap-
parel exported from London was £ 3,096,152.
To affect labor organizations in such a trade
is unusually difficult. To this there is only one
exception, and that an apparent one. The
trade employs one class of high-paid labor, the
cutters, and these are well organized. An ua-
skilled or careless cutter can ruin or waste a -
great deal of cloth, while a skilled cutter can
largely add to the value of a product otherwise
turned out by unskilled labor. It therefore
pays the employers to hire well-paid cutters,
tho for the rest employing the cheapest and
most unskilled labor. The result is that cutters
are able to organize effective unions and obtain
favorable conditions ; but this rather adds to
than subtracts from the difficulty of organizing
the whole craft. It creates such a difference
between different branches of the trade, that it
was long before organizations came into exist-
ence even attempting to embrace the whole
craft. This explains the fact that tho both in
England and America tailors were among the
first trades to organize, the craft as a whole is
one of the most disorganized and most exposed
to impositions and low payment from selfish
and ignorant employers. The small contractor
is the central evil. He takes jobs at the lowest
competitive price, and gives out the work to
Tailoring Trades.
women in tenements, or to men and girls in
sweating dens. The prices at which this work
is done enable the firms to sell the goods at
such low figures, that firms who
desire to sell goods at fair prices
cannot compete. Hence, the ef-
forts to organize cooperative tailor
stores, ‘‘ clean shops,’’ etc., have
invariably been killed by the sweat-
ers’ competition, while at the same time the con-
ditions have made it almost impossible to organ-
ize the poorer workers. Thus while the English
trade-unions seem to have begun among the
London tailors ; while a tailors’ organization ex-
isted in New York City in 1806 ; while the great
movement of the Knights of Labor (g.v.) began
among the Philadelphia tailors; while a some-
what strong Amalgamated Society of Tailors
has existed in England since 1866, and Cutters’
Unions have long existed in the United States
(in New York City since the forties), neverthe-
less the whole trade has been very little organ-
ized, In England a National Society of Tailors
was effected about 1843, but did not endure;
even the much stronger Amalgamated Society
of Tailors and the Scottish National Operative
Association, both organized in 1866, have not
succeeded in maintaining wages or organizing
but a small portion of the craft. In the United
States, Cutters’ Unions did not unite with the
rest of their craft till the United Garment
Workers vf America was organized in 1891,
This is a comparatively efficient national union,
under the lead of Charles F. Reichers, Presi-
dent, and Henry White, General Secretary. It
publishes a monthly organ, Zhe Garment
Worker, with portions in English, German,
Hebrew, and other languages. It led in a
series of strikes in 1894, which raised wages
and shortened hours in several cities, tho the
depressed conditions since have led to the loss
of most that was gained, and strikes in 1896
were not nearly so successful.
The following statistics as to wages and con-
ditions in the tailoring trade are abridged from
the report of an investigation made by Miss
Isabel Eaton, a Fellow of the College Settle-
ments Association in 1893-94, and printed by
the American Statistical Association. Since
then wages and conditions were raised a little
by strikes in 1894, but have since returned to
about the same level, so that these statements
may be taken as true at present (1897) :
Tailors’
Unions,
pa by -
a |e gle. | eg
bo 3
ss | 3s dos | 23.) 28
bo ic + dq 5 ont ag
TRADE. us TP leew) o 8's 2
as me | ahs | ws co's
es | #2 | Sea) #88] ¢
‘or a i) rae
ce ® 806 | 2A es
vo 2 > ra
ce B |S Bl< <
$rz.84 | $5.82 7-83 |$z97-47 | 4.00
11-53 | 4-90 | 7-42 | 157-53] 4-94
11-65 4-92 6.40 127.92 4-40
10.00 | 3.72 7-82 126.06 ] 4.80
10.50 4.85 7.10 149-24. 4-70
Trousers .... 8.92 | 3.02 7-50 | 127.28 | 4.64
SHirtsiccecacyos 8.21 | 3.95 8.15 139-53 | 4+70
Knee pants.... 7.21 wales 8.00 “casa 4-50
1302
Tailoring Trades.
Miss Eaton says :
“Thus we find that the best paid of these trades, cap-
dues affords $100.43 for the maintenance, for a year,
of each member of the family in ordinary times, the
wage-earner working therefor 12 hours a day....
In the other branches of garment-making the weekly
income of individuals would, of course, be even less.
This proportion then may be taken as being indicative
of the present condition of wages... . But wages are
not the only source of income to the working men.
The income from wages earned by the head of the
family alone is frequently augmented by the earn-
ings of one or more other members of the family.
The mother may be a ‘home-finisher,’ and may do
sewing on underwear or on children’s knee pants in
the pauses of her cooking or other domestic work, or
the children who are 14 may be taken out of school and
set to vending papers or pulling bastings for so cents
aweek. Alsoin many cases the income is eked out
by taking lodgers.
“Butin the families of over 1000 union men only 28
er cent. were found having any additional income.
n the shirt-making trade 4o per cent. have other in-
come, a high average probably accounted for by the
nature of the work, well calculated to attract women
and children, and also for the reason that the low
wage paid to shirt-makers forces them to augment
their scanty incomes in every possible way.
“In regard to lodgers, conditions are bad. The
average number of rooms per tenement is 2.6; but it
often occurs that five or seven people are living in one
room.
Wages of cutters, the skilled men of the craft,
and well organized, are much higher, from $18
to $20 per week.
EXPENSES.
Cost of} Cost of | Number! Rent
Food a/ Clothing of Per
Week.| a Year. | Rooms. |Month.
$5.85 $64.95 2.85 $11.27
+] 4.89 59-19 2.78 10.12
5-60 56.24 2.70 10.31
5-37 61.09 2.60 9-90
5.00 49-46 2.58 9.56
5-68 47+30 2.50 8.85
4-41 51-47 2-37 9-47
Food. | Clothing. | Rooms, | Rent.
Average of these
averages....... $5.26 $54.82 2.6 | $10.00
Says Miss Dutton :
“The average family (numbering 4.52) spends on the
item of food $5.26 a week in ‘good times.’ Working
mento whom this inquiry has been put state that this
agrees with their observation, and say that a great
many families spend much less for food than $s... -
The average yearly cost ot clothing to the individual
in the family is, in the cases considered, $12.10. Many
report $50 as the yearly expense for the clothing of a
family of four or five members, and many report even
less, $30 and $25 being frequently given as the yearly
amount. ,
“It is the custom for the people to buy second-hand
goods. According to Mr. Rosenthal, ‘they wear only
second-hand shoes,’ which, he explained, are ‘the
kind that drop to pieces when they get wet,’ either be-
cause they are only pasted together, or because parts
of them are not made of leather but of pasteboard, or
some other preparation of paper. It appears that
men’s Shoes cost from 60 cents to $1.00, second-hand,
and children’s cost sometimes as little as 20 cents
a pair. A man’s overcoat costs him only $2 or $3.
Nearly every article of clothing or of household tur-
niture is to be had in some stage of dirt and decrepi-
tude at the Hester Street shops—a hat for 4o Or 50 cents};
both coat and trousers for $1.50 or less; and so on
throughout. ... In most cases expenditure exceeds
income. In the investigation of the question of in-
debtedness, the schedule first prepared read ; ‘Are
you owing anything for rent?’ a question which in-
variably elicited a negative reply. At last, after sev-
eral hundred cases, all showing incomes insufficient
Tailoring Trades.
to balance expenses, 1 said to Mr. Rosenthal, ‘How do
ou explain such facts as these records show—income,
277; expenditure, $400? That is the way they all
come out. Does it mean hasty and inaccurate esti-
mates of cost of food a week, etc., or does it mean that
it comes out of the landlord for rent
when the family moves out in debt?’
Debts. The answer ought not to have been a
surprise, perhaps; but it was: ‘No,
madam; it mean the working man is
bankrupt. He owes $20 or $30 to his grocer, the same
to his butcher, and maybe he has things in pawn for
his rent. No, the landlord is the last to lose. How
can he lose more than one month? Everybody gets in
debt in January and February; and in April, when
business is brisk, they begin to earn and then pay
their debts as near as they can.’
“After this the schedule was altered to read, ‘Are
you owing anything for food, clothing, or rent?’ with
the result that 61 out of roo trousers-makers confessed
to being in debt, only 15 of them owing anything for
rent, and none of them owing for more than two
months ; of 67 per cent. of 100 cloak-makers, only 11 for
rent; of 70 per cent. of coat-makers, 22 per cent. of
them for rent, but always for other things, too... .
“On showing these figures to Mr. Ehrenpreis, of the
Chicago Cutters’ Union, and asking him if they were
true of Chicago, I learned that ‘if only 60 per cent. of
the pants-makers in Chicago are in debt it is because
the other 4o per cent. haven’t any credit; andif only
4o per cent., of the cutters are in debt, it is because the
other 60 per cent., haven't any credit.’ And Inspector
Bisno states that in the cloak-makers trade in Chicago
‘absolutely every man is in debt,’ owing the butcher,
the grocer, and having in the pawnshop everything
he can pawn, and that it is much the same in every
branch of garments trades.”
HOURS.
The average working day among garments workers
appears to be about 14 hours, altho the sweater would
like to convince the public that his men work only
from § to 12 hours daily. ... Inspector Bisno says
that in the busy season there is no limit; that men
frequently work all the night, and that even in the
Slack season there are those who work 15 and 16 hours
daily—from 5 A.M. tog P.M. On the first visit to an es-
tablishment of any size, the foreman, in Chicago as in
New York, will follow the record taker about, and on
the second visit it is very rare to find a man who will
report more than ro hours, tho they often laugh when
they report their 1o hours... . The practice of keep-
ing the workers awake by artificial means, in order
that they may work from 30 to 48 hours at a stretch, is
adopted even with the labor of children. At onetime,
last December, the girls in certain electric works in
Chicago (girls from 15 and 16 years to 20 or over)
worked under heavy pressure for 33 hours ona stretch,
being ‘“‘ kept awake on black coffee.” ... The lunch-
eon hour has been reported to mein 7s5 cases. It is no
unusual thing for these tailors to run their machines 15
and 16 hours a day—that is, from five o’clock in the
morning, at which hour they are all at their work,
‘until 9 and 10 o’clock at night, with an intermission of
from 3 to 15 minutes for luncheon. For this work,
as the table indicates, the pay varies from $4 to $7,
or $8, a week.
PROFITS AND PRICES.
Inthe cap-making trade the operator can make four
dozen caps a day. He makes the whole cover, does
all the stitching, puts in the lining, and fastens in the
brim. For this he receives from 75 cents a dozen, for
the very finest work, to 11 cents a dozen for common
carters’ caps. The usual price is ‘‘about 4o cents a
dozen,” and the operator can make four dozen a day*—
that is, he can earn $1.72 daily, $44.72 monthly, $350.16
yearly, reckoning 7.83 months to the working year.
‘That is $6.73 weekly the yearthrough. Mr. Glass says
that the best workmen can earn from $8 to $8.50 the
year through. One sweater, whose shop we entered on
* These details are given upon the authority of Mr.
Glass of the Cap-Makers’ Union of New York City, and
the results they show in yearly carnings agree very
well with the average estimated upon the 200 cap-mak-
ersreported. The yearly earnings here reckoned so
nearly coincide with the facts in one case—that of the
quickest worker in a certain Green Street establish-
‘ment, who earned $325.52 yearly—as to confirm my
-confidence in Mr. Glass’s judgment, the error falling,
as I have invariably found in his estimates, on the
conservative side.
1393
Tailoring Trades.
Sunday, was making a medium quality of cap of blue
felt, with stiff black brim and cord, and two gilt but-
tons by way of trimming. He furnished these to his
wholesale dealer at $1.10 a dozen, and was paying his
operators 10 cents adozen for making. Mr. Glass esti-
mates that he pays as follows:
COST OF MATERIALS.
8 cents a yard for felt (24 yardstoa dozencaps). .20
“lining +04
6 ‘* adozen for visors. 3 ieulave «4900!
@ “© for DuttonSiseccec. sees ces Campacnis eve sede ee 02
CosT OF MAKING.
1o cents a dozen to operator...........6.. seen sey TO
ig is “ finisher. soe «06.
6 se SR BLOCIGe tie 55 5 -puesssays n'y Seas ecveineniass q-starguann 06
Total cost of one dozencaps,... — .54
Selling Prices. i< aicmany vacirenignrs s 51.10
PrOfitiaes ws eageciea vi asain ee ey «56
So that this cap-maker was making over 100 per
cent. gross profit on his outlay.
Compare also the following case, where the retail
clothier ‘takes $7.63 and turns it into $18.” He does
this whenever he sells an $18 suit of the kind seen
everywhere in our streets and offices, and having cut-
away or sack coats. In proof of this I give the follow-
ing estimate (on the authority of Mr. M. Goldberg of
the United Garments Workers of America) of the cost,
by items, of such a suit and the making of it:
Cloth for suit, $1.25 a yard (largest suit requires
, Waly s FARCE ee enc as eases sa ee eevee n vnegamar vie $3.75
Lining, 4o cents a yard (one yard for coat and
MOSE) ci ctstone! vie Giareaciesyatapenarslccelsyera sae atovamnbatale siecek sehejs +40
1% yards white lining, 18 or 20 centsa yard (for
sleeves, vest, and frousers?).. 0... ee eee ee 2835
Canvas for coat and trousers, about one yard,
at ro centsa yard ..........000% f 10
Buttons, etc. (all the trimming: 20
Pocketing (coat and trousers) .........6 ceeeeeee +12
$4.85%
Contractor furnishes this grade of clothing to the trade
as follows:
COAG USOEO Bis7 Sy ans sani eae iat 4 Ca SER ON AA acs $1.62
Vest, 35 to 4o cents.... 37%
Trousers, 35 to 4o cents ss 37%
Cutter (paid $20 weekly), making 12-14 suitsa
day ; cost of cutting one suit ne +25
Lining cutter about............... i +15
Total cost........... $7.63
The retail clothier, then, receives suits from the
hands of the contractor for $7.63, all told, and this ona
liberal estimate in his favor; in point of fact, it often
costs him less. He then sells them for $18 apiece.
In the coat-making trade the operator gets from
zo to so cents apiece for doing all the machine work
(except the buttonholes) on a man’s coat, and can
make from 4 to 1ocoats aday. Taking
the arithmetical mean as the average
price paid for one coat, and the num-
ber of coats in an average day’s work,
it appears at first that the coat-making
operator gets fairly good pay for his
work (7 times 30= $2.10). By further
calculation it is evident that $2.10 (daily wage) multi-
plied by 6 (number of days in a week), multiplied by
3% (number of weeks in a month), multiplied by 7.2
number of months in a working year of coat-maker),
gives as a total $405.13. This is the coat-maker’s yearly
income, and consequently his weekly zzcome the year
through diminishes to $7.79, which is very different
from $12.60, his weekly wage. (These estimates are
given on the authority of Mr. Leo Schwartz of the
Coat-Makers Union in New York. Whether they are
based on the Unionrecordsor on Mr. Schwartz’s judg-
ment, a comparison of them with the averages esti-
mated on 185 cases reported gives sufficient evidence
of their accuracy.) Besides the operator, the trade
employs basters, fellers, buttonhole makers, basting
pullers, bushelers, and pressers. The baster gets from
zo cents to $1 a piece, and can do from 1% to 5 coats
a day, his weekly income the year through being $8.35,
and his yearly income, $434.07. The feller gets from 2
to 8 cents apiece, and can ign from ro to 30 coats a day,
Coat-Mak-
ing.
Tailoring Trades.
his weekly income the year through being $4, and
his yearly income, $208. The buttonhole maker is
paid from one half to two cents apiece for every but-
tonhole, and each coat has four orfive. Mr. Schwartz
estimates that the number made daily ranges from 60
to 300, and the average weekly income the year
through, which is figured from this estimate, is $8.35,
and the yearly income, $434.07. The basting pullers
are usually children, and are paid a mere pittance,
rarely more than $1.50 a week in the season, and often
as littlé as socents a week. The highest of these fig-
ures would show a weekly income the year through of
only 90 cents, and this is true even where their hours
are practically the same as those of adults. The
bushelers are usually girls, and receive $6 a week in
season. Pressers receive from 5 to 20 cents apiece,
and can do from 8 to 20 coats a day, showing a weekly
income the year through of $6.49, and a yearly income
of $337.61 (tho the presser is said in extreme cases to
get as little as one cent acoat). This shows the aver-
age yearly income of coat-makers (exclusive of the
girls and children employed) to be $363.73. A com-
arison of this average yearly income based on Mr,
Echwartz's estimate with the average yearly income
based on 185 cases reported individually to me shows
a difference of only $7 in the total earnings of the
ear. The average deduced from the 185 cases shows
379.73 as the average yearly income.
The earnings in the shirt-making trade show a
much lower scale of figures than those in the cap-mak-
ing and coat-making trades, as would naturally be ex-
fehteue One of the working delegates of the Shirt-
akers’ Union, Mr. Solomon Berman, has given me
the following estimates, covering the various divi-
sions of the shirt trade: The operator on collars gets
5% cents a dozen, and can make 12 or 13 dozen a day,
showing $2.8: as weekly income the year through.
Some make even less, as many young boys “ go in to
make pin money.” Operators on fronts
(without pockets) get from 24 to 9 cents
Shirt-Mak- 2 dozen, and can make about 15 dozena
in: day, earning $3.80 weekly the year
s. through. Those making fronts with
pockets receive from 4 to 14 cents a
dozen, and can make 8 dozen a day,
earning a weekly income the year through of $3.05.
Sleeving pays from 6% to 9 cents a dozen, and it is
possible to do from 10 to 12 dozen a day, showing $3.72
weekly through the year. Putting in sleeving pays
from 5 to 8 cents a dozen; average about 14 dozena
day. This gives $3.85 weekly through the year. The
hemmer gets 2 or 3 cents a dozen, can do 40 to 50 dozen
a day, and earns weekly the year through $4.76. The
buttonhole maker receives 4,5, and 6 cents a dozen,”
and can do 25to 30 dozen daily. Heearns $5.82 weekly
the year through. In one Hester Street shop a button-
hole maker was found getting 10 cents for 100 button-
holes. Finishers (always girls) receive 3 cents for fin-
ishing a dozen shirts, and earn only 30 cents a day.
Packers receive 3 cents a dozen, do 30 or 40 dozena
day, and earn $4.44 weekly the year through. These
shirts, which the contractor furnishes to the merchant
at about 50 cents a dozen (prices range from 35 cents to
65 or 70 cents), are selling, according to the statement
of one Cherry Street sweater, at prices ranging be-
tween $9 and $18 a dozen.
In the knee-pants trade there is less division of
labor than in shirt-making, knee-pants work requir-
ing, besides the cutter, only an operator, a finisher,
‘and a presser. The operator does all the machine
work—the seam on each side of the leg,
a triple seam in front (on each side of
Knee Pants, the fly, which has twoseams on the but-
tonhole side), and the seam in the mid-
dle of back, four rows of stitching all the
way around the top (two on each side of the band),
and the stitching in of the pockets—1z seams besides
the pocket stitching. For this work, which is almost
equivalent to the entire making of a pair of knee
pants, the operator receives usually from 24 fo 30 cents
a dozen pairs, and often receives only 22 cents a dozen
pairs, or less than 2 cents for the making of one pair.
The price sinks in Chicago even lower than this, as
girls and women make about half the knee pants in
that city. The o erator sometimes receives only 18
cents a dozen in Chicago.) Finishers in New York do
the stitches around the ‘feet,’ sew on the buttons—
sometimes ro, sometimes 16 (there being 10 buttons on
the ordinary knee pants at the knees by way of trim-
ming, and in the band, and there are 16 buttons in the
kind which button on to a shirt-waist), They also
make the three buttonholes in the fly. For this they
receive 6 and 7 cents a dozen pairs. That is to say,
they finish 24 ‘‘feet,’’ sew on at least 120 buttons, and
1304
Tailoring Trades.
buttonholes for 7or 6cents. These finishers,
Sere generally girls. Knee-pants pressers re-
ceive 7 or 6 cents—sometimes only 4, cents—for press-
ing a dozen pairs. In one Attorney Street shop, which.
appears to be about the average knee-pants sweat-
Shop, I found the operators were receiving 2% centsa
pair, and working 4 or 18 hours a day. Finishers
4
were here receiving $4 a week.
These prices give the explanation of some of
the bargains and advertisements which appear
in our stores and newspapers. Miss Dutton
gives some examples. One Philadelphia ad-
vertisement, printed on large stiff cards and
sent broadcast through the mails to most of the
large clothing houses in the country, says :
“ Tamthe Largest Manufacturer of Low-Priced Cloth-
ing in these Untted States ; the following price-
list will convince you of thts assertion.”
Knee pants..... seeeeeees$x.50 per doz., net, and upward,
Men’s pants.... .oo “ a “
“e
ny (our lead-
ers)... ... agico! $0) SE ee te a
Men’s suits .. -. 3.00 a suit and upward.
“blue t
SUIS h sstioviai: sa sesennet SE BE EE se
Children’s coats and rads
pants (4 to 13) -.....- 624% a suit and upward.
Samples sent at your request.
A marginal note in red ink explains that the
knee pants at $1.50 per dozen are ‘‘ some of the
goods we are compelled to meet competition
on in knee pants.’’ These are wholesale rates.
on new clothing. >
An uptown firm in New York City advertises
a boy’s yachting suit for 89 cents ; double breast-
ed suits (sizes 4-15 years) for $2.49; cassimere
and fancy cheviot suits for $1.98 ; fancy cassi-
mere and cheviot short pants for 39 cents; boys”
pants of wash material, 35 cents.
In England conditions are about asin Ameri-
ca, According to Booth’s Life and Labor of
the People, vol. iv. (1893), the London tailoring
trade is divided between the wholesale trade in
ready-made clothing and the ‘‘ bespoke’ (made
to order) trade. The work in the
former line is done by Jewish con-
tractors, with large numbers of
fixers, basters, fellers, machinists,
buttonhole makers, and pressers,
Jewish men and women and English women,
unorganized and unregulated. The ‘‘ bespoke’”
work of the West End and city trade is done
(a) by well-paid, skilled English tailors ; (4) by
English and German tailors in their homes, and
poorly paid; (c) by Jews and women. With the
wholesale Jewish prices English tailors cannot
compete, and according to Mr. Booth an in-
creasing amount even of the bespoke trade,
even in the West End, is being done by Jews
and by women.
England,
A well-paid journeyman English tailor averages
during the year from £1 to £2 per week, and the hours
arefrom7tog. Inthe smaller Jewish shops employ-
ing léss than 10 workers each, but which are 80 per
cent. of the Jewish shops, the hours are for men 13 or
14, for women nominally 104, to conform with the
Factory and Workshop Act, tho really overtime is
vety common, and usually not paid for. Wages for
men in these shops are from 4%d. per hour for men.
and 2%a. for women, to 9a. per hour for men and 6a.
for women (for exceptional skill). A limited class of
Jewish women never earn more than rs. 6¢., and fre-.
quently only xs. for 12 hours’ work. In their turns
women take home coats to be made throughout
sametimes for 7d. From 1871-81 the number of women
in the London tailoring trade increased 25 per cent.,
Tailoring Trades.
while the men decreased: Working in their homes
on cheap waist Coats, women earn from 1d. to 3d. per
hour ; on shirts, if young and strong, 2d. or 2%. per
hour, or with a machine, 3¢. Children work at home
from 8 in the morning till, and occasionally 11 at night.
Workers on furs in the East End earn from 95. to 10s.
per week. In a corset factory 5 per cent. of the girls
and women earn from 4s. to 6s. per-week.
References: Forthe United States, Receipts and Ex-
penditures of Certatn Wage Earners in the Garment
Trades, by. Miss Isabel Eaton. For England, Life
and Labor of the People (vol. iv.), by Charles Booth.
See also SLUMS; SWEATING SYSTEM; TENEMENTS;
WoMaAN; WORK AND WAGES.
- TAMMANY SOCIET Y.—This political so-
ciety was organized in New York City by an
upholsterer named Mooney in 1789, and named
for a Delaware chief, facetiously chosen in the
latter part of the Revolution as the patron saint
-of the new republic. Organized ostensibly for
charitable purposes, it had a definite political
character from the start, representing the pop-
ular distrust of aristocracy and of Hamilton’s
federalism (g.v.). It gradually became the ma-
chine of the Democratic Party in New York
City, at times very corrupt, especially when
connected with the Tweed Ring (g.v.). It was
then reorganized and to an extent reformed.
It is usually regarded as synonymous with all
that is bad in American city politics (see RINGs ;
Tweep Rine, etc.) ; but there is another side.
Some believe that political organization in a
machine of some kind is inevitable, if not desir-
able, and that Tammany has only become what
its constituency has made it, and that the only
way to reform it is to enter it and make it, since
it must be a power, a power for good rather
than for evil. It is claimed by some to day that
it is not wholly evil. A tract by Mr. A. B.
King, called The Political Messton of Tam-
many Ffall (1892) argues thus. It does not
deny the evilin Tammany, but sees in it some
good and the possibility of much, Itsays:
“Tt is necessarily the most plastic and susceptible of
organisms....
“The Tweed ring scandal and the Tweed ring tyr-
anny occurred at a time and among a group of men who
were ripe forthe futherance of the most
high-handed and vicious scheines of po-
litical ambition and temporal gratifica-
tion. The public atmosphere was itself
infected by the contagious germs of po-
litical corruption. A disease of public
disorder and rapine more or less infected the social or-
ganism ; it was apparent at Washington ; it broke out
in the larger cities; and, in the business world, the
vast inflation of prices from an expanded and a depre-
ciated currency engendered baseless enterprises, wild-
cat investments, and fictitious bonanzas. Mr. Roose-
velt has truly remarked of this period, that it was an
‘era of gigantic stock swindling. The enormously rich
stock speculators of Wall Street in their wars with one
another and against the general public found ready
tools and allies to be hired for money in the State and
city politicians and in judges, who were acceptable
alike to speculators, politicians, and mob. There were
continual contests for the control of railway systems,
and “ operations” in stocks, which barely missed being
criminal, and which branded those who took part in
them as infamous in the sight of all honest men; and
the courts and legislative bodies became parties to the
iniquity of men composing that most dangerous of all
classes, the wealthy criminal class.’ .. .
“The debauchery of Tammany Hall under Tweed
was complete. A picture of successful elevation pur-
chased at the sacrifice of all self-respect ; an education
in the use of the most despicable methods to deceive
and cheat the people ; the parade of an inordinate van-
ity, which dressed its self-conceit in reflections upon the
weakness and venality of men, these were the incen-
tives the members of Tammany Hall received....
“ The ring concentrated its power initself. Itsecured
Tweed
Régime.
1305
Tariff.
a charter enacted, under the stimulus of bribery, by
the New York Legislature, a charter fazd for, and
proving so costly that the power it gave to its authors
was the signal means by which the expenses it had in-
volved were successfully liquidated. The disintegra-
tion of all moral prejudices and scruples was quite
complete. It was offset, however, by the concentra-
tion of iniquitous activity in the hands and brains of a
few, by the inauguration of this Tweed charter, an in-
strument correctin principle and progressive in its re-
quisitions.... With all this Tammany Hall seemed
closely bound. ‘Tammany had always struggled for
home-rule, and tho its ends may have been selfish, its ef-
forts evoked in itself a spirit of pride in New York asa
city strong and great, and attracted many who felt the
vigor and zeal of a metropolitan enthusiasm, ... And
then religious bonds counted for much, and a powerful
Church had in one way or another found a political
friend in Tammany, and kept its members attached to
the same patronage. Tammany felt the sobering in-
fluence of the popular revolt against rings and bosses.
It amended its ways, or at least seriously thought
of doing so. It recognized that the public eye was.
fastened upon it. ... Tammany is not an ‘unsancti-
fied and incorrigible’ ruffianism.’ The members of
Tammany, its bosses and dignitaries, are not fools,
they have learned a good many things,
and they feel and know that the govern-
ment of this city cannot be conducted
in a happy-go-lucky style with an im-
moderate admixture of avarice and 4
crime. Clamorous abuse will not improve, reconcile,
or renovate Tammany Hall, but persistent representa;
tions of what can be done for New York, of the wisdom
and benefit of just and clean government, of the strong
and elevated position Tammany can attain to will do
a great deal.”
Reform.
TARIFF.—(See Free TRADE ; PROTECTION.)
In this article, for convenience of reference we
merely trace the oufline of the United States
tariff, leaving its principles to be discussed un-
der the above-mentioned heads.
The Congress of 1789 imposed a tariff duty of
from 5 to 15 per cent., almost exclusively a
tariff for revenue only. From 1802-12 the ad@
valorem duty on dutzable and free articles
averaged 19.36 per cent., ranging from 23.40
per cent. in 1804 to 17.88 in 1810. The War of
1812 doubled duties from 1813-15, the rates aver-
aging 33.03 percent. With the act of 1816 the
protective principle first appears prominent,
the rates averaging from 1816-20, 22.53 per
cent. From this time on to 1832 the protective
principle was more and more adopted in suc-
cessive acts, as those of 1824 and 1828. From
1821-26 the rate averaged 33.07 per cent., and
from 1827-31, 40.21. In 1832 a reduction was
made to remove the ‘‘ abominations”’ of the act
of 1828. In 1832 the rate averaged 30.86, and in
1833. 23.95 percent. The growing influence of
the South obtained still further reductions, and
front 1834-43 the average was 17.18 per cent.,
ranging from 20.84 in 1838 to 15.45 in 1840. In
1842, however, protectionist measures slightly
prevailed, yet from 1844-57 there was a steady
tendency to enact lower rates, and the average
during this period was 23.85. In 1857 still fur-
ther reductions obtained, and the average from
1857-61 was 16.35, falling in 1861 to 14.21 per
cent. In 1861, however, the Morell tariff act
was passed, followed by still further enaction
of ‘‘ war tariffs,’’ the average from 1862-65
being 31.21, rising from 26.09 to 38.46. After
the war still higher protective rates prevailed,
rising from 41.81 in 1866 to 46.49 in 1871, and
averaging during this period 43.95. From 1871-
gt, under the dominance of the Republican
Party in Congress, the rate averaged 29.70 per
cent., ranging from 38.94 in 1871 to 25.25 in 1891.
Tariff.
In 1882 a tariff commission was appointed, re-
sulting in little change. In 1890 the celebrated
McKinley act was passed by the protectionists.
In 1894, under a Democratic administration,
the Wilson act was passed, yet it so slightly re-
duced the tariff, that President Cleveland,
weakly allowing it to become a law, tried to
avoid responsibil:ty for it by declining to sign
it. The only important change from the McKin-
ley act was the admission of wool as free, while
to please the Sugar Trust, a duty of 4o per cent.
was placed on sugar and an additional duty on
refined sugar. Theratio from 1890-96 inclusive
averaged for the respective years 29.12, 25.25,
21.26, 23.49, 20.25, 20.67. All these rates, how-
ever, it must be remembered, were the percen-
tages on dutiable and free articles. On duti-
able articles alone the corresponding rates for
the last seven years have been 44.41, 46.28,
48.71, 49.58, 50.06, 41.75, 40.18. —
Reference: The statistical abstracts of the United
States.
_ TARIFF COMMISSION IDEA.—The evil
effects upon business and upon political parties
of continual tariff changes (see Free TRADE) are
such that it has been proposed by some ‘“‘ to
take the tariff out of politics’ and regulate it
by a commission, Senator Morgan, of Ala-
bama, in 1894, introduced into Congress an
amendment to the tariff bill to this effect. The
commission was to consist of four persons ap-
La by the President and approved by the
enate. They were then to examine all duties
and decide what articles were paying too high
or too low duties, in order to raise the necessary
revenue or to promote the general welfare ;
they were then to recommend the necessary
changes to the President, and if he approved,
he was to issue a proclamation making such
changes. No changes were to exceed 25 per
cent, of the present rates, and no article was to
be changed twice in the same year.
The idea has been much discussed, usually
favorably. Conventions have been held to
favor it, but thus far the obstacles to a change
have proved too great for action.’
TAUSSIG, FRANK WILLIAM, was born
in St. Louis, Mo., in 1859. He received from
Harvard University the degrees of A.B in 1870,
Ph.D. in 1883, LL.B. in 1886. He studied in
Europe one year, and has since been Professoz
of Political Economy in Harvard University.
His main works are: Zari Hestory ve the
United States (1888, 2d ed, 1892); The Szlver
Sttuation in the United States (1892); Wages
and Capital (1896) ; and various contributions
to the Caneel: Journal of Economics.
TAXATION. (See also REVENUE; FINANCE;
Free TRADE; Protection ; SINGLE Tax).—We
consider in this article: I. The History of
Taxation ; II. Taxation in the United States ;
III. The Theory of Taxation ; IV. Tax Reform.
I. Hisrory or TaxarTIon.
In this portion of our article we have largely,
tho not wholly, followed Professor R. T. Ely’s
Taxation in American States and Cities.
1306
Taxation.
GREEK AND ROMAN PERIOD.
In early times, and to an extent all through
classic times, taxation was light. Ancient States
received their main revenues from wars, the
conduct of State colonies, and trading expedi-
tions, the management of State mines, forests,
lands, etc. Slaves did the most of the labor,
and foreigners were compelled to pay for pro-
tection in money or heavy tribute. Officials
were paid usually not by salaries but by fees,
and hence were of small expense to the State.
Boeckh (Book III., i.) divides the revenues of
Athens into ‘‘ duties arising partly
from public domains, including the
mines; partly from customs and Greek
excise, and some taxes upon indus- and
try and persons, which only extend- Roman
ed to the aliens and slaves; fines, Taxes,
together with justice fees and the
proceeds of confiscated property ; g
tributes of the allied or subject States, and regu-
lar liturgies’ (or payments for amusements for
the people, etc., by the holiers of the offices).
Grote puts the annual expenditure of Athens in
the age of Pericles at 1000 talents, which Profes-
sor Ely (Taxation in American States and
Citzes, p. 25) values at $1,200,000.
Rome passed from a period of light taxes to
a period of 120 years (163-43 B.C.), when success-
ful wars relieved her from necessity for any taxes,
and then toa period of heavy and increasing
taxation, Cicero, in his De Officizs (45 B.c.)
speaks of taxation asa thing to be avoided if
possible, and adopted only in extreme necessity.
In Japan and most Asiatic and despotic coun-
tries taxation consisted of a tax paid in service
to the State and in tith>s laid on the land, and
in most countries farmed out, as in the later
Roman Empire, to corrupt and merciless tithe
collectors, as in Turkey to-day.
In the Middle Ages the concept of the State
was that it belonged to the prince or sovereign.
Public employees were private servants. Large
domains were set apart for the support of the
sovereign. The kings at first collected no taxes
from the peasantry ; the king, under the gen-
eral feudal conception, was supposed to own all
the land, and not to part from this ownership.
But he subdivided it among his barons to rule
over (not to own), and for that right they did
homage—z.e., paid service to the king, usually
by bringing to the king a contingent of troops]
in time of war. ‘They in turn subdivided their:
lands among the lower gentry or knights, again
only to rule over, not to own, and for this ob-
tained homage or service from the knights.
These finally gave to their serfs the land to live
on and cultivate (not own), and for this re-
ceived from the serfs a certain amount of ser-
vice. In this way there were practically no
taxes, but each paid to his feudal superior a cer-
tain amount of service ; the other expenses of
the king and greater barons being met out of
conquest, or lands held directly as theirs to use.
Such was the general feudal conception, modi-
fied, however, in a thousand ways by various
local conditions, concessions, customs, and tra-
ditions. Ata later period, however, especially
when the countries grew more settled, the -
barons often preferred to stay and defend their -
own lands or carry on their own wars, and so,
Taxation.
instead of giving contingents of troops to the
king, gave a commutation or money substitute.
The kings preferred this, as it enabled them to
hire standing mercenaries and be more inde.
pendent of their barons. This money payment
became a tax. The next step was, as the neces-
sities of the king grew, to extend taxation to all
classes. It was overlooked or ignored that the
other classes were already paying their service
to the barons, for him to pay to the king. The
lower classes began to be compelled to pay their
feudal superiors and the king also, Gradually
then the barons began to claim the ownership
of the land in fee simple, instead of in use for
the king, and what they were paid in service
and later in money, they kept as rem¢, and what
the king collected was fax. (See Lanp.) Taxa-
tion was usually a forced payment, and collected
in various ways and levied on all sorts of articles ©
and under most various pretexts. At first they
were regarded as supplementary payments for
special needs, and were often forced
loans. They were often -levied
The Jews. upon especial classes, particularly
the Jews. The revenues from the
Jews were divided into four classes :
velzefs, or inheritance taxes, usually one third
the estate; escheats, or forfeitures for crimes and
offenses, real or imaginary, like slaughtering
Christian children, clipping the coin, etc. ; fines,
or what we call fees, and ¢a//ages or poll taxes,
levied according to one’s means. According to
Gross’s The Exchequer of the Jews of Eng-
tand in the Middle Ages, pp. 25-29, the entire
revenue of the Crown in the Middle Ages was
only about £ 65,000, and of this the annual aver-
age tallage was about £5000—the Jews thus
paying considerably over one tenth of the rev-
enue. Jews were forced to pay enormous sums
for the privilege of being ‘‘ protected’’—that
is, robbed by the sovereigns. Yet revenues
from the public domains were considered the
best sources of publicincome. Taxes, even as
late as the latter half of the sixteenth century,
are spoken of as undesirable by Bodin in
his famous work, De fa Républigue. Braun.
schweig-Wolfenbiittel declared, in the old Ger-
man Reichstag in 1653, that taxes were con-
trary to the nature of the State because one en-
tered into civil society to protect one’s property
and not to have it taken away. Kings, too,
raised revenue by the sale of all possible im-
aginary titles, concessions, patent rights, mo-
nopolies, etc. The German princes especially
became weak by the sale of their rights to the
opulent free cities. Under James I. of Eng-
land the title of baron brought £10,000, that of
earl £12,000. Richelieu in France abolished
100,000 offices which had been created mainly
to be sold. It was the defenseless mainly that
were directly taxed. The insurrection of Wat
Tyler was occasioned by the imposition of a poll
tax. Taxes were finally put on all imaginable
things. There were hearth taxes, window tax-
es, carriage taxes, livery taxes.
The history of modern taxation is the history
of the recognition and control of taxation by
legislation. The earliest parliaments were
called to vote taxes. The recognition of the
principle of ‘‘no taxation without representa-
tion’’ is the development of representative gov-
1307
Taxation.
ernment. English constitutionalism has been
built on the granting of taxes. According to
the Magna Charta, ‘‘ No scutage (land tax, or
commutation for feudal service) or
aid shall be imposed on our realm
save by the common council of our
realm.’’ John was allowed to re-
serve for himself only the three
customary feudal ‘‘ aids’’—contri-
butions in case of king’s captivity, on the
knighthood of the eldest son, and on the mar-
riage of the eldest daughter. The financial
needs of the sovereign compelled in 1294 the
addition to the charter, called the statute, ‘‘ de
tallagto non concedendo,’’ whereby it was
agreed that no taxes should be levied by the
king, save with the consent of knights, bur-
gesses, and citizens in Parliament assembled.
This, says Green, ‘‘ completed the fabric of our
representative constitution.’’ Parliament has
since then been necessary. The Declaration of
Rights (1689) declared that ‘‘ levying money
for or to the use of the Crown, by pretense of
prerogative, without grant of Parliament for
longer time or in other manner than the same
is or shall be granted, is illegal.’’ This was fol-
lowed by annual grants of supplies, instead of
life grants as before, and annual renewals of
the Mutiny Act, containing provisions for the
pay and discipline of thearmy. Annual parlia-
ments have since been necessary. Green calls
this ‘‘ the greatest constitutional change which
our history has witnessed” (Short Hzstory of
the English People, chap. ix.). That it was
the vislauen of the principle of no taxation
without representation which led to the Ameri-
can Revolution is well known.
Taxation in Great Britain to-day is of many
kinds. Tho known as a free trade country (see
Free Trabe), millions of pounds of revenue are
still raised from custom duties on
wine, spirits, tobacco, and a few
other articles. These are not pro-
tective duties, however, because a
duty is also laid on the home prod-
uce, as of spirits. More income is
raised from excise duties (see Excise), consid-
erable income is raised from stamp and death
duties, a growing proportion from an income tax,
while a comparatively small amount of national
taxation comes from aland tax. Local expendi-
tures are mainly met by rates on house values.
On the Continent, speaking generally, local
expenses are largely met by indirect taxes, such
as the ocfroz or duties on commodities brought
into a city for sale, national taxation being
either direct or from a protective tariff. (See
Provecrion.) In Europe, generally various
stamp duties are more common than in the
United States. See also the separate countries
for their sources of revenue in more detail.
Modern
Taxation.
Great
Britain,
II. TAXATION IN THE UNITED SraTEs.
In the earlier day of the American colonies
there was small need for taxes. England asked
no assistance. Quit-rents satisfied the proprie-
tors or the companies, who in turn gave partial
protection ; there were few officials and few pub-
lic expenses. Wars had not developed. For-
feitures, fees, fines, and payments for land met
allexpenses, Land was usually granted for the
Taxation.
support of schools. From 1647-89 all the taxes
of Rhode Island were about £600 sterling.
Fines were collected on the violation of sump-
tuary laws. Mary Stebbins, in
Springfield, Mass., was fined ros.
in 1667 for wearing silks contrary
to law, and Nathaniel Ely, in 1674,
for selling beer not made according
to law. A poll tax was levied at
various times by almost all the colonies. In
Virginia it was long the only tax. Maryland
had, before the Revolution, no other direct tax.
Quit-rents were annual charges on land in the
colonies under proprietary government. Lands
in colonies not proprietary were divided among
the members of the colonizing companies, ac-
cording to the amount of stock held or for ser-
vices rendered. In later settlements the appor-
tionment was according to one’s ratable prop-
erty. Public officials were mainly supported by
fees~ministers by christening, churching, and
burying fees; clerks by fees for issuing court
papers and making records; sheriffs by fees
for making arrests and inflicting punishments,
etc. Licenses and fines, for sale of liquors, for
marriages, for lawyers and peddlers, brought in
considerable revenues. Lotteries (¢.v.) were
common in the later days when expenses grew.
Fines were placed—e.g., in Virginia—on wid-
ows, in Maryland on bachelors over 25, in New
York on wigs. Excise duties were laid in al-
most all if not all the colonies on the manufac-
ture of liquor. Duties on exports and imports
were irregularly laid. Tonnage duties were
levied payable in powder and shot. The meth-
ods of collection of the most of the taxes were
the same as lateron. Largesses were common,
as in 1644 New Haven began annual contribu-
tions for the support of poor scholars at Har-
vard College. It consisted of a peck of wheat
or value of the same from all ‘‘ whose hart is
willing.”’” In Maryland in 1650 an ‘‘ equal as-
Colonial
Period,
sessment’’ was made on all those who would °
not contribute for the maimed, lame, and blind.
Private citizens gave often to the State. In
Phiiadelphia, the charter of 1701 gave no power
to levy taxes. The act of 1712 established the
right of the citizens to control taxation. The
State of Pennsylvania did not levy the first di-
rect tax till 1785. It was an annual tax of
476,945. The annual expenditure of the State
Government was given by Mr. Wolcott, Secre-
tary of the Treasury, as $130,000. Taxation
was avery grudgingly recognized right. The
attempts of England to tax caused the Revolu-
tion. What State taxes there were were very
varied. In 1795, Mr. Oliver Wolcott, Secretary
of the Treasury, in reporting to Congressa plan
for laying and collecting federal revenues, de-
clared that the systems of taxation in the vari-
ous States were ‘‘ utterly discordant and irrecon-
cilable in their original principles.’ Seven
States had a uniform capitation tax. All ex-
cept Delaware taxed land, but in some accord-
ing to quantity, in others quality. Responsi-
bility in some States attached to the State; in
others to the counties or townships. The aver-
age annual expenditure of each of the 15 States
was less than $70,000, the total about $1,000,000.
The New England States taxed live stock and
capital. The Southern States taxed slaves.
1308
Taxation.
National taxation was attempted before the
adoption of the Constitution of 1787, but Con-
ress had no power. It could only assess the
tates. After much discussion this
was finally changed, and the new
Constitution conveyed to the na-
tional Congress ‘‘ power to collect
taxes, duties, imposts, and excises,
to pay the debts and provide for
the common defense and general welfare of the
United States,’’ and to ‘‘ borrow money on the
credit of the United States.’’ But this large
grant was accompanied by decided restrictions,
The first is that ‘‘ all duties, imposts, and ex-
cises shall be uniform throughout the United
States.’’ The second, that ‘‘no capitation or
other direct tax shall be laid, unless in propor-
tion to the census or enumeration’’ elsewhere
provided for. The third, that ‘‘no tax or duty
shall be laid on articles exported from any State.
No preference shall be given, by any regulation
of commerce or revenue, to the ports of one
State over those of another.’’ On the other
hand, it is provided that ‘‘no State shall, with-
out the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts
or duties on imports or exports except what may
be absolutely necessary for executing its inspec-
tion laws ; and the net produce of all duties and
imposts laid by any State on imports or exports
shall be for the use of the treasury of the United
States ; andall such laws shall be subject to the
revision and control of Congress.’’ The inter-
pretations of the Supreme Court have deter-
mined (z) that Congress has no power to levy
duties on exports under any circumstances ; (2)
that no State may tax the “‘ instrumentalites”’
which the federal Government deems proper to
create or employ for carrying out its purposes,
such as property in the debt of the United States.
This interpretation of the Constitution has led
to the present condition of affairs, whereby the
national Government has raised its revenues al-
most exclusively by indirect taxation, and the
States have levied almost all our direct taxes.
This has meant that the national Government
has had the most remunerative taxes and the
States the most unpopular. It has meant, too,
that during large portions of our history the na- ©
tional revenue has been largely in excess of
nationalexpenditures. Only in our earliest his-
tory in war time and very recently has the reve-
nue been insufficient and resort made to direct
taxation by the national Government. In 1796
Congress yielded to the pressure of financial
necessities, and recommended a direct tax, and
in 1798 one was laid on houses, slaves, and lands,
Again during the War of 1812 it was neces-
sary to resort to direct taxation to carry on the
Government. Here a new feature was intro-
duced, inasmuch as the several States were per-
mitted to assume as States the payment of their
quota of the tax. Many States availed them-
selves of this privilege. Thus was avoideda
collection of the taxes by the United States Gov-
ernment at different rates in all parts of the
country, and with it the general unfavorable
criticism of the system. When again in 1861
it became necessary to resort to direct taxa-
tion, the privilege of assuming the payment
S a quota was embraced by all the loyal
ates,
National
Taxation,
Taxation,
The main national taxation, however, has
been indirect taxation through the tariff and
the excise duties. (For a history of the former,
see TarirF, and for statistics of revenue, see
Finance ; Inrernat Revenue.) For the first
years of our national life, burdened with debt,
the revenue was by no means excessive, in spite
of the excise taxes enacted under Washington's
administration ; but in 1801 those excise taxes
were repealed, and by 1806 President Jefferson
announced to Congress that the tariff revenue
would soon be more than sufficient to meet the
constitutional wants of the Government, and
proposed that the powers of Congress be en-
larged to enable it to undertake a great system
of internal improvements. The outbreak of the
war with Great Britain postponed the appear-
ance of a surplus revenue and forced the reen-
actment of excise taxes. But in 1829 General
Jackson announced the reapproach of a surplus
revenue, and in 1836 a law was passed to de-
posit the surplus revenue with the States in
quarterly installments. These deposits were
made and were used for education, etc., but
the business depression of 1837 and the failure
of the State banks compelled the treasurer to
suspend the fourth payment, and he was sup-
ported in so doing by Congress. Owing to the
Mexican War and bad financial management,
there was no surplus before the war, but in 1860
a debt of $61,140,496. The expenses of the war
caused ‘‘ the war tariff,’’ excise taxes, and direct
taxes, besides large loans, and for 20 years after
there was no surplus. But by 1887 the policy
of the funding of the debt, putting a large part
of it out of reach for redemption at par, there
came to be a large surplus, even tho most of the
war taxes had been repealed. It had come to
bea practical question in national taxation what
to do with the surplus revenue. It has not re-
mained so. The growth of the pension list,
which has come to be among the heaviest ex-
penses of the Government (see REVENUE), with
heavy appropriations for internal improvements,
etc., has recently more than exhausted the reve-
nue. Nevertheless the question of surplus reve-
nue and the general questions of national taxa-
tion have been much discussed. One school of
thinkers would reduce the tariff. (See FREE
TRADE.) Others claim that the recent insuffi-
ciency of revenue has been due to the repeal of
the McKinley Act. (See Tarirr.) Free traders
argue that the income under the Wilson Bill
has exceeded that under the McKinley Act.
Others favor a large extension of functions by
the national Government. Still others favor the
retention of a high tariff, but the repeal of ex-
cise duties on tobacco and alcohol used in the
arts. (See Protection. For present national
taxes, see FINANCE, INTERNAL REVENUE. See
also INcomE Tax.) :
Coming to State taxation, we have seen that
the systems of State taxation inherited from the
colonies were most diverse and confusing. This
diversity has largely continued.
They are all, as has been said, di-
State Taxes, rect taxes. At first the general aim
was to tax according to ability to
pay. In Connecticut, till 1814, taxa-
tion was first upon property according to its
probable net revenue. In Ohio, till 1825, land
1309
Taxation.
was divided into three classes, according to
quality, and there were three rates of taxation
per roo acres. In 1825 a clause was introduced
providing that land should be taxed without
taking into consideration the actual improve-
ments thereon. In Maryland, there was a direct
tax for local purposes on the direct value of all
property. Other States followed in the main
the systems of taxation inherited from the colo-
nies. (See above.) Generally speaking, the
effort to tax all property according to income
proved a failure, and the tendency has prevailed
to tax according to selling value, this change
being made in most States in the forties. An-
other change, too, was generally made about
the same time. The old specifications of prop-
erty failed to reach large masses of wealth. The
attempt now 1s to tax all property according to
selling value. The Constitution of Ohio, adopt-
ed 1851, expressly provides that even State and
local bonds shall be taxed. Nevertheless, this
attempt to tax all property equitably according
to its selling value has not succeeded. In
many States the opulent pay taxes on little more
than what property they choose toreturn. The
widows, and the helpless, and the conscientious,
whose property being in the hands of the courts,
is easily measured or fully returned, pay full
taxes. The rich who will largely escape taxa-
tion on personal property. In Ohio, where the
most strenuous efforts have been made to reach
all property, the Governor reported that ‘‘in
1883 the valuation for taxation of the personal
property of the State, as shown by the grand
duplicate, was $542,207,121. In 1884, it shrunk
to $528,298,871, and for 1885 dwindled again to
$509,913,986. This losshas been made up large-
ly by the steady growth of the valuation of real
estate on account of new structures, etc., but
the loss was greater than the increase last year’’
(Professor Ely'’s Taxation tn American States
and Cuittes, p. 157). Says the preliminary re-
port of the West Virginia Tax Commission,
made in 1884:
“At present all the taxes from invisible property
come from a few conspicuously conscientious citizens,
from widows’ executors, and from guardians of the
insane and infants; in fact, it isa comparatively rare
thing to find a shrewd trader who ‘gives in’ any con-
siderable amount of notes, stocks, or money; the
truth is, things have come to such a condition in
West Virginia that, as regards paying taxes on this
class of property, it is almost as yoluntary and is
considered pretty much in the same light as donations
to the neighborhood church or Sunday-school....
The statistics bearing on this point will scarcely be
credited by persons who have not investigated the
subject” (/demz., p. 174).
In New York State the assessors, in their re-
port for 1881 say:
“Women, heirs, executors, administrators, guard-
ians, and trustees of persons of unsound mind are
assessed beyond all measure of justice.... The
same assessor, however, if not forgetting his oath
when inquiring of the wealthy neighbor as to his per-
‘sonal, very likely accepts the negative answer as
truthful, tho it is well known to the community that
he possesses large means. Theone has not yet learned
how to cover the personal property by an assumed in-
debtedness, while the other is well versed in the many
devices by which he may escape even the ‘diligent’
assessor” (Jdem., p. 174.)
‘The most careful study, however, of the pres-
ent condition of city taxation in the United
States is the Eighth Biennial Report (1894) of
Taxation.
the Illinois Bureau of Labor Statistics, of which
George A. Schilling is secretary. It is an ex-
posé of the crookedness and inequalities of the
present system of assessing and levying taxes,
and of the extent to which wealthy individuals
and corporations escape taxation. Applying to
Chicago, it is notoriously representative to a
greater or less degree of all our larger and some
of our smaller cities. Its value may -be seen in
the fact that the original edition of 45,000 was
exhausted in a few months, and a special edi-
1310
Taxation.
i lied for, The report considers the whole
eabject et length. We can quote from it only
some of its findings as to the assessment and
taxation of personal and land property. It
shows, in the first place, the extent to which
personal property escapes taxation. The fol-
lowing table shows the amount of personal
property assessed in Cook County (the city of
Chicago) and outside of Chicago, and also the
relative property of bankers which is assessed
and that of other classes of citizens :
ASSESSED PERSONAL PROPERTY OF BANKERS, BROKERS, ETC, AND OF OTHER CLASSES.*
ASSESSED MONEY. AMOUNT PER CAPITA.
Pepulaiios
by Unite
Ree States Census,
1890. Bankers, etc. Other Bankers, Other
ae Persons. ete. Persons,
Illinois... 22.2.2... 3,826,351 $3,120,555 $7,769,358 $0.816 $2.03
Cook County. 1,191,922 43,925 4345244 0.037 0. 364
Other counties 2,634,429 3,076,630 753359114 1.168 2 784
. ASSESSED CREDITS.*
ASSESSED CREDITS.
AMOUNT PER CAPITA.
AREA. = =
Other
Bankers, etc. | Other Persons. || Bankers, etc. Persons.
TAIT GUS |, areays Sis sysiiain inns Seetere sta Ne aki ntaaions Sr atetevatiaass Sethe $1,563,583 $11,343,365 $0.409 $2.968
Cook County... . oe 10,000 522,110 0.008 0.438
Other COUNLICS.......ccceee eee eee eeen eens saayniars 15531583 10,821,255 0.590 0.108
* Tabulated from Lighth Biennial Report of Iilinots Bureau of Labor.
As further illustrative of the undervaluations
in Cook County, tables are presented which
show that, according to the report of the State
auditor, the net taxable credits and moneys of
27 State banks in Chicago, on June 5, 1893,
amounted to $1,058,105.25 and $18,991,771.67,
respectively, while the amounts of these items
listed for taxation, May 1, 1894, by all the hanks
in the city (national banks excluded) amounted
to $10,000 and $43,925 respectively.
Of the utterly unjust assessments of real es-
tate, the report gives equally plain evidence.
The extent of the undervaluation for the pur-
pose of taxation is first illustrated by a series of
tables, that compare the cost of buildings erect-
ed during a number of years, as shown by the
building permits, with the assessed value of all
realestate. The following statement summa-
tizes the general results of the comparison :
COST OF BUILDINGS AND ASSESSED VALUE
OF ALL REAL ESTATE IN CHICAGO.
63,301
$418,144,603
$6,605.66
£00.00
$123.745,832
29.59
Assessors’ valuation, all real estate, 1893..
Per cent. of cost of buildings.............
Cost of buildings erected, 1890, 1891, and
PEG Sawai es ne Meteeeyoe A 129,364,250
Per cent of assessed va e Pty
CALC, 9893 assas ch Dotto woes ‘ 104.54
Leaving out entirely the buildings erected
prior to 1876 and still standing in 1893, and
omitting land values altogether, the assessment
valuation in 1893 of both land and improve-
ments was less than one third of the cost of the
buildings for which permits were granted after
the close of 1875.
A description is given of 70 of the costliest
commercial buildings of the city, with the true
and the assessed value of the land and the
buildings separately shown, and the percent-
ages of the assessed to the true values ; similar
showings are also made for a number of costly
and a number of cheap residences. The in-
crease in the true value of some of the commer-
cial and costly residence property is compared
with the decrease in the assessment value.
Comment is also made on the constantly increas-
ing value of land and decreasing value of im-
provements, with almost stationary assessment
values.
In comparing values for old and new style
office buildings, it is found that while in both
cases the site value exceeds the value of the
buildings, the proportion is much greater in the
case of the old buildings. For 44 new buildings
the site value was 50.84 per cent. of the value
of both land and buildings, while for 16 old
buildings it was 74.23 per cent. In the case of
eight lots in a choice residence portion of the
city the value of the ground is shown to have
increased 556.59 per cent. between 1882 and
1893, while the assessed valuation increased
76.55 per cent., and the per cent, that the as-
Taxation.
sessed is of the true value decreased from 21.72
in 1882 to 5,84 in 1893. The assessed value of
the improvements on these lots in 1893 was 15.82
per cent. of the true value. For 98 unimproved
lots the assessment for 1893 was 4.88 per cent.
of the true value, while for 20 buildings it was
13.54 percent. The variation between the per-
centage of true value at which buildings are as-
sessed and that at which building sites are as-
sessed appears to be about the same for all
classes of property.
Apart from its obvious tendency to obstruct
improvement, the report states that ‘‘ a custom
of assessment for taxation like that above de-
scribed must therefore in its very nature dis-
criminate against the owners of improved prop-
erty according to the greater value of their
improvements relatively to the value of their
land. And this operates with special force
against owners of cheaper properties.’’ Com-
paring a business property valued at $800,000
with a residence valued at $8875, it is shown
that for the business property the ground was
87.50 per cent., and the building 12.50 per cent.
of the total value, and for the residence the
1311
Taxation.
ground was 21.13 per cent. and the building
78.87 per cent. The assessed value of the land
in the case of the business property was 7.29 per
cent., the building 27 per cent., and the total
975 per cent. of the true value. For the resi-
dence property the percentages were, land 5.33
per cent., building 15.71 percent., and total 13 52
per cent. of the true value. In these two cases
the assessment valuation is, in proportion to
actual value, lower on the cheaper property both
as to site and improvement, than on the business
property ; and yet the total assessment valuation
of the cheaper property is 3.77 per cent. great-
er, as compared with the total real value, than
the total assessment of the business property.
A number of tables are presented which show
the quantity and assessed value of real and per-
sonal property, also of railroad and other cor-
porate property throughout the entire State of
Illinois, with appropriate comparisons with sim-
ilar values for the State of Indiana. These
statistics are shown in detail by county totals,
comparisons being made between the totals of
1873 and 1893. The two final summary tables
are in substance as follows :
ASSESSED VALUATION, ALL CLASSES OF PROPERTY, ILLINOIS.
ASSESSED VALUES IN
CLASS OF PROPERTY. Decrease: Fer gent:
1873. 1893. crease,
Personal property...... denieiala Settee: iatvicns euae Rie $287,292,809 $145,318,406 $141,974,403 49.42
Lands..... sacs hates trates re 582,416,667 320,964,855 261,451,812 44.89
Town and city lots .... 317,199,285 293,274,185 23,925,100 7-54
Railroads (all property)............. 133,807,823 82,270,090 515537733 38.52
Corporations other than railroads. 20,896,462 513031979 15y532,483 74-33
The city of Quincy.......... ...... 13,788,271 * 13:788,27T | ccna ve
TOCA ss gcc ccics eh dyes ad akieae eemennes wane aadneded $1,355,401,317 $847,191,515 $508,209, 802 37-50
* Assessment of the city of Quincy included in Adams County.
The report gives many concrete examples of
the way real estate is undervalued, and so es-
capes taxation. Of 30 residences ranging in
value from $20,000 to $1,300,000, the report
says:
“The highest assessment shown is only 12.23 per
cent. of true value. That is the assessment valuation
of the residence, No. 112 Lake Shore Drive, worth
$130,000, The residence, Nos. 87-102 Lake Shore Drive,
worth $1,300,000, is assessed at only 5.54 per cent. of
true value; its millionaire owner pays considerably
less than half the tax for his home, in proportion to
value, that is paid by the owner of the $130,000 home.
The owner of the least valuable home in all the list,
the residence at No. 2829 Indiana Avenue, pays on a
9.5 7 cent. valuation—nearly double the proportion
aid on the millionaire residence; and homes worth
ut little more than the minimum limit of the list—
those at Nos. 2241 and 2243 Michigan Avenue—are
taxed upon 11.03 per cent. of true value; or propor-
tionately within a very small fraction of double the
tax upon the millionaire home. Some of the compara-
tively modest places are taxed at a low valuation.
One worth $50,000 is taxed upon only 4.86 per cent. of
its value; one worth $67,500 is not much worse off
witha tax upon 6.30 per cent. of its value; one worth
$60,000 is assessed at 4.08 per cent. of its value, and one
worth $90,000 is assessed as low as at 4 per cent. of its
value. The ere valuation of the 30 properties is
but_7.78 per cent. of real value.
“Bow can the fraudulent character of these valua-
tions be doubted? Make all possible allowance for
differences of opinion, and still assessors cannot ex-
lain the valuation of $50,000 property at $2430; of
5 0,000 property at $3600; of $175,000 property at $7980;
t $1,300,000 property at $71,960, and soon. And what
explanation can the owners make? They may say it
isno part of their business to object to undervalua-
tious of their property ; but they would not try to sat-
isfy a merchant with such an explanation of pur-
chases from his clerks at prices so monstrously out of
proportion to real value. Why is their standard of
honor and honesty so radically different when the
issue is with the people instead of a merchant? and
over a question of shirking taxes instead of purloin-
ing goods? This question is the dilemma of those
owners who passively acquiesce in undervaluations ;
those who actively promote them have a worse moral
problem to deal with.”
As an illustration of the way vacant land is
undervalued, the report gives the following his-
tory of a bit of land formerly known as the
Garfield Race Track, owned by Judge Lambert
Tree:
“Tt is unimproved, held for a rise, an eyesore and
obstruction to the growing neighborhood, and worth
at the present time not less than $1,000,000. This prop-
erty was patented in 1835; in 1836 it was sold for $580;
in 1870 it was sold again, the price being now $50,000.
At the next sale, in 1875, the true price was veiled—
$1000 and ‘other good and valuable property’ being
the consideration expressed. In 1870, the year the
property sold for $50,000, it was valued by the assessor
at $39,960, and by the Board of Equalization at $37,562.
and taxed $8245.50. Since that time the valuation has
‘Taxation.
been slightly increased and the tax slightlyweduced,
as follows:
Assessors’| Board’s
Ear Valuation.|Valuation.| T*es-
$37,562 | $8,245.50
49,042 2,430 75
119416 71737 +95
106,320 7,768 «59
“ It wil' be observed that the highest valuation—that
of 1890—is but little more than double the price paid in
1870, long before the thick population that now sur-
rounds the property had begun to drift in that direc-
tion. The valuation for 1893 does not exceed 10 per
cent. of the true value.”
For further factsas to city taxes, see CITIES.
III. Tue Turory oF TAXATION.
The theory of taxation may be considered
~under three heads : (1) the canons of taxation ;
(2) -its incidence; (3) particular taxes. The
canons of taxation—z.e., the characteristics by
which taxes are to be measured as wise or un-
wise, are usually based on the four classic
canons laid down by Adam Smith. They are
in Smith’s words as follows :
““y, The subjects of every State ought to contribute
to the support of the Government as nearly as possible
ain proportion to their respective abilities: that is, in
proportion to the revenue which they respectively
enjoy under the protection of the State. In the ob-
servation or‘neglect of this maxim consists what is
-called the equality or inequality of taxation.
‘*2. The tax which each individual is bound to pay
ought to be certain, and not arbitrary. The time of
payment, the manner of payment, the quantity to be
paid, ought all to be clear and plain to the contributor
and to every other person. here it is otherwise,
severy person subject to the tax is put more or less in
the power of the tax-gatherer, who can either aggra-
~vate the tax upon any obnoxious contributor, or ex-
‘tort, by the terror of such aggrava-
tion, some present or perquisite to him-
self. The uncertainty of taxation en-
courages the insolence and favors the
corruption of an order of men who are
naturally unpopular, even when they
are neither insolent nor corrupt. The
certainty of what each individual ought to pay is, in
taxation, a matter of so great importance, that a very
considerable degree of sregualty, it appears, I be-
lieve, from the experience of all nations, is not near so
great an evil as a very small degree of uncertainty.
‘*3, Every tax ought to be levied at the time orin the
manner in which it is most likely to be convenient for
the contributor to pay it. A tax upon the rent of
land or of houses, payable at the same term at which
such rents are usually paid, is levied at a time when it
is most likely to be convenient for the contributor to
pay, or when he is most likely to have wherewithal to
pay. Taxes upon such consumable goods as are arti-
cles of luxury are all finally paid by the consumer,
and generally ina manner that is very convenient to
him. He pays them by little and little, as he has occa-
sion to buy the goods. Ashe ts at liberty. too, either
‘to buy or not to buy, as he pleases, it must be his own
fault if he ever suffers any considerable inconvenience
from such taxes.
‘“4. Every tax ought to be so contrived as both to
‘take out and to keep out of the pockets of the people
as little as Bossible over and above what it brings
into the public treasury of the State.”
Canons of
Taxation,
Other canons of taxation are sometimes add-
-ed, as, for example, the following, laid down in
the Encyclopedia Britannica:
‘“(a) A given amount of revenue is, as a rule, both
from the point of view of the Government and its sub-
jects more conveniently raised from a small number
of very productive taxes than from a larger number
‘with smaller returns per unit. (6) A good system of
Taxation.
1312
- ease I
taxation ought to provide fora self-acting incre ihe
revenue in proportion as the population 4
tanecaueut demands for governmental ee
increase. It has been found by experience oven
tax causes less inconvenience than a new tax 0 all-
er amount, a fact which is so striking in some Cases as
to have given rise to the saying that an old tax is no
tax. (c) Those taxes are best which yield a steady
and calculable return, instead of a return fluctuating
in character and difficult to estimate. (ad) Those taxes
are best which in case of need can be most con-
veniently increased in amount. (e) Regard must
always be paid to the real incidence of taxation, and
care taken that the real burden of the tax falls on
those aimed at by the Legislature.”
The subject of the incidence of taxation is one
of the most involved and debated in economic
science. Professor Seligman, in his Zhe Shift-
ing and Incidence of Taxation,
traces the history of the doctrine
of incidence, and finds nine differ-
ent theories besides those which he
calls early theories. The early
theories he divides into those favor-
ing a general excise tax (Hobbes, Cradock,
Munn, Petty), those that favored a single tax
on land (Locke, Davenant, Cantillon, and
others), those that favored a more elastic sys-
tem (Hume and Steuart). The first developed
theory which he considers is that of the physio-
crats (g.v.). They held that as land is the only
original source of wealth, all taxes should be on
land alone, and then cannot be shifted, while
any other tax will be shifted. The absolute
theory, he says, was outlined by Smith and per-
fected by Ricardo. According to this, a tax on
pure rent will remainonland. Other land taxes
and all special taxes on commodities not includ-
ed in the laborer’s standard of life will be shift-
edonto the consumer. All general taxes on
agricultural produce, on wages, or on profits
come from the capitalist. These conclusions
are derived from the Ricardian doctrine of
rents, wages, and the residuum of profits. The
equal diffusion or optimistic theory, that all taxes
are generally diffused on consumers, Professor
Seligman criticises severely, tho he finds it ac-
cepted widely, especially in America. The
germs of it he finds in the Italian economist
Verri, and especially in Canard. It is accepted
by Thiers, Courcelle-Seneuil, Cherbuliez, Pritt-
witz, Stein America, however, Professor Selig-
man says, is ‘‘the only country in the world
where the doctrine is still upheld,’’ and the
chief representative of this easy-going, com-
placent doctrine is David A. Wells.”’ he pes-
simistic theory, held by Proudhon, also believes
that all taxes fall on the consumer, and that this
cannot be helped in any form of taxation. The
capitalization or amortization theory argues that
the land tax falls exclusively on the landown-
er, and that hence the taxation of land is sim-
ply equivalent te depreciating the value of the
land by the capitalized value of the tax. From
this is deduced the conclusion that after the tax
is once imposed it makes no difference how
much the tax is, provided it be constant, since
whatever it is, its capitalization has been sub-
tracted once for all from the value of the land.
The germ of this theory Professor Seligman
finds in John Craig. German writers like Sat-
torius, Hoffman, and Murhard, went so far aS
to say that a land tax was no tax at all: this has
been to some extent accepted by modern econ-
Theory of
Incidence,
Taxation.
omists like Garnier, Wolowski, Cherbuliez, Wal-
ras, Leroy: Beaulieu, Rau discusses the theory,
and shows that it is only true so far as the
value of land depends on its net produce, and
this only so far as the produce does not change,
and this is true not only of land, but of any com-
modities of varying value capable of sale. Un-
der the head of the eclectic theory, Professor
Seligman groups those who criticise all the
above theories, among them J. B. Say, Sismon-
di, Garnier, Parieu, Von Thiinen, Von Hock,
Rau, Prince-Smith, Jones, Senior, Mill, McCul-
loch, Cliffe-Leslie. All these deny that any of
the above theories work without exception.
‘The negative or agnostic theory of Held goes
farther and denies the above theories. Held
argues that all profits like land profits depend
on the difference between the greatest cost and
market price. The socialist theory Professor
‘Seligman calls Lassalle’s teaching, that indirect
taxes are all those not assessed on income or
property, and fall on the laborer, who, even in
Germany, has not been quite squeezed down to
starvation. The last theory which Professor
Seligman considers is the quantitative or mathe-
matical theory, as developed by Cournot, Jen-
kin, and Pantaleoni. The treatise of the last
named Professor Seligman considers the best
existing treatment of incidence. This theory
is, however, a method rather than a theory. It
regards incidence as bound up with the theory
of value (7.¥v.).
With such contradictory views as to the gen-
eral theory of incidence, it is wiser to discuss
concrete taxes than any general principles,
Taxes are usually divided into direct and
indirect. Taxes are called direct taxes when
the payment is made by the person taxed.
A direct tax is defined by Mill as one ‘‘ de-
manded from the very persons who it is intend-
ed or desired should pay it.’’ Others (¢.g.,
McCulloch) define it as a tax taken directly from
income or capital. In the former definition
non-transferable taxes on expenditure would
be included (¢.¢., a tax on livery servants), but
not in the latter. Mill’s definition has been gen-
erally adopted ; buta tax which is usually direct
may sometimes become indirect, and, as we have
seen, it is often impossible to say what is really
the incidence of a tax,
Indirect taxes are paid, in the first place, by
merchants and tradesmen, but it is understood
that they recover the amount paid from their
‘customers, The principal taxes consist of the
customs duties levied upon articles, when they
are imported for use in this country, and excise
duties, or duties levied upon goods produced
within a country.
The main direct taxes may he divided into
taxes on income and taxes on expenditure.
Taxes on income may be divided into taxes on
rent, on profits, on wages, on bequest or inher--
itance. Taxes on expenditure are mainly in-
direct, but may be direct,as a window tax,a
water tax, a house tax, if levied on the user of
the window, water, or house. These various
taxes with their incidence we must now consider,
‘The question of the wisdom of direct or indirect
taxes has been much discussed, tho it has usually
been involved with the question of free trade or
protection, and is discussed under these heads.
83
1313
Taxation.
The form of direct tax most approved is un-
doubtedly land taxation. The subject of the
incidence of land taxation is so important that
we quote at length on the subject from Profes-
sor Seligman. He says:
“Theoretically there may be five kinds of land
taxes:
‘*y, Tax on economic rent.
“2, Tax on profits from agriculture.
‘*3. Tax according to net produce.
‘4. Tax according to quantity.
‘““s. Tax according to selling value.
“A tax on economic rent can never be shifted.
Here all writers are agreed. As regards the other
taxes, Ricardo maintained that atax on the value of
land or on produce will raise prices and fall on the
consumer. Ricardo’s theory would hold good on two
conditions: First, that there was an absolute mobility
of capital and labor ; and, secondly, that the commu-
nity in question was an isolated one. It is assumed
that the farmers will abandon the land rather than
cultivate it at a loss, and that a decrease of supply
willraise price. Now it may happen that an increase of
price will often lead to a decrease of consumption,
which again will react on the price, so that at best only
a part and not the whole of the tax would be shifted
to the consumer. But in actual life it is a difficult
matter for producers to decrease the supply of agri-
cultural products. The tax would often simply have
the influence of reducing the farmer’s profits.
‘In the case of cities we may have four cases:
‘* 7, When the tax is levied on the ground-owner the
case is simple. The value of a lot is fixed by the law
of monopoly value. Its price will be entirely un-
affected by the imposition of a tax.
“9, The tax may be levied on the
house-owner apart from the question
whether or not he is the land-owner.
Buildings represent the investment of
capital and labor. A special tax im-
osed on the building-owner can there-
ore generally be shifted.
“ A distinction must, however, be drawn between
houses already constructed and those built after the
tax isimposed. In exceptional cases the tax imposed
on old houses cannot be shifted.
“3, The tax is levied on the ground-owner, who is at
the same time the house-owner. We need here only
combine the two preceding cases.
“4. The tax is assessed on the occupier according
to rental value. It is generally supposed that the
ground rent part of the ‘tax will be shifted to the
ground-owner. But this is not always true, for three
reasons: 1. The ground rent may be so low and the
rent so high that the builders cannot afford to erect
any more houses. This means an increase of the
rents. 2. In the course of long leases any intervening
increase must rest on the occupier. He cannot im-
prove his condition until the expiration of the lease.
3. But even in the case of short leases, it is not true
that the tax can always be shifted. If the competition
for lodgings be such that the rent is $200, the occupier
who has been paying $10 as the ground tax proportion
of the whole tax will not pay any less rent for the
premises if his tax is increased to $15. It might, in-
deed, cause the tenant to live in a less desirable local-
ity—z.e., lower his standard of life. The occupier
could evade the tax, but he could not shift it.’’
City Real
Estate,
Taxes on other property than land obey still
more complicated laws of incidence. Taxes
on luxury cannot be shifted, but they are ex-
pensive in collection, depend mainly on the con-
scientious reporting by citizens of their own
wealth, with the result that they fall only ona
few conscientious citizens, and produce a great
deal of dishonesty, with a very small profit for
the State.
Taxes on income, on inheritance, are of very
great importance, but of such importance that
we consider them under especial articles. It is
generally held that taxes on capital, on invest-
ments, etc., can be shifted. If all capital were
mobile, its taxation could undoubtedly be
shifted ; but for various reasons, such as the
condition of the market, expense of the pro-
Taxation.
cess, all capital cannot be moved, and then the
tax cannot always be shifted. Taxes on rail-
roads, street-car corporations, etc.,
so far as they are not taxes on land
values, can theoretically be shifted
on to the people who patronize the
cars, etc.; but practically they often
cannot, as the rates are sometimes
fixed by law, more often by a custom, which the
companies cannot break.
A few other taxes may be briefly considered.
Poll taxes, once common, are now rare. They
fall unjustly, because they tax the poor man and
the wealthy man equally ; they bring too little
revenue at large expense. In England, they
have not been levied since William III. Stamp
duties are generally considered more cumber-
some than effective, tho in England and Europe
generally they are still common. They are
usually indirect taxes. The question of taxa-
tion is more and more being limited toa discus-
sion which is wiser of two or three great classes
of taxes.
Taxes on
Capital.
IV. Tax. REFORM.
(For the position and arguments of the advo-
cates of particular tax reforms, see INcoME Tx ;
INHERITANCE T'Ax ; SINGLE Tax. For the argu-
ments for and against duties for protection, see
PROTECTION ; Free TRADE.) Generally speak-
ing, other propositions to reform taxation may
be divided into the two great’ classes of those
who would concentrate taxation upon land and
those who, in various ways, would seek to tax
all personal property. As representative of the
former class, we quote a short paper read by
Professor S. M. Dick, before the American
Economic Association, August 24, 1892. He
says :
“ All writers and teachers dealing with the subject
of taxation, so far as I know, are agreed that the
American taxing system is faulty and ought to be re-
formed. ;
“Some of its worst defects are: It puts a premium
on dishonesty ; it is exceedingly complex ; it tends to
widen the breach already existing in society. There
are two reasons why a reform is difficult to inaugu-
rate: First, the rich men do not wantit. Second, the
farmers do not want it. |
“Our present system isthe system of roo years ago.
At that time millionaires and monopo-
lies were unknown to America. Our
_ system was more nearly just then than
Land ate it is possible for it to be now. Since
tion. new factors of wealth have been intro-
duced, new methods of taxation are
necessary.
“In 1826 the personal property in Ohio was nearly
equal in value to the real estate. In 1889 the realty
amounted to $1,213,645,052, while the personal property
is listed at only $540,552,292. Assuming that the per-
sonal property is worth as much as the real, we have
$673,092,760 of taxable personal property bearing no
portion of the public burden. In thecity of Cincinnati
in 1867 the personal property was valued at $68,412,285,
and the real at $68,596,040, while in 1880 the real was
valued at $129,956,980, and the personal at only $37,578,-
376. This apparent decrease of personal property is
not limited to Cincinnati. The same is true in other
large cities in Ohio. Personal property, therefore,
escapes taxation. The most logical basis for a system
of local taxation is real estate. The.taxation of mort-
gages isa question of great interest to the people of
the United States, since the census of 1890 shows that
there are 12,690,152 families and 9,000,000 of mortgages
in the United States. Mortgages, so far, have not been
successfully taxed.
“Tf taxation were on real estate alone in Ohio, those
counties most given to farming would save, per annum,
from rs to 20 per cent. of all the tax now paid for State
purposes.
1314
Taxation.
S te alone been taxed in 1891, and had
the coe pean of tax been required for State pur-
oses that was demanded, the four counties containing
the four largest cities in Ohio would have paid $147,-
889.30 more than they did pay The four cities would
have paid much more than this, and the farm hands in
those counties would have saved a large per cent. of
sae tea sete evident from the facts ascertained in the:
investigation that Ohio farmers would be largely the
gainers if personal property were exempt from tax-
ation.”
The above paper is not, however, to be under-
stood to commit Professor Dick or his fellow-
thinkers to a sole tax on real estate. It was.
shown in the debate that followed that the pro-
fessor would not limit taxation to this. On this.
point Professor Seligman said (and Professor
Dick agreed with him) : ;
“The thought is perhaps in harmony with that of a.
large number of tax reformers in this country, that the
best basis, or at least avery good basis for local taxa- .
tion would be real property. Henry George goes one
‘step farther, and maintains that the basis should be
Jand exclusive of improvements, My objection is that.
while the plan has many advantages of ease and con-
venience of collection, and. of non-inducement to
fraud, it fails of equality and uniformity. There isno
doubt that after allthe contests over principles of taxa-
tion, modern science has settled down on a taxation
according to ability and means rather than on a taxa-
tion according to benefits, tho it is true that in local
taxation this principle must be modified somewhat by
the principle of benefits to the individual and his prop-
erty. Asreal property hasa large share of the benefits
of State and municipal protection, it ought to bear a
large share of the taxation. Itis hopeless to suppose
that the farmers of this country will ever consent to
abolish the tax on personal property unless we replace
it by something which will reach the fbondholders,
and tax the holders of millions who did not get their
wealth from real estate. No system of local taxation
can be worked out without taking into account the
general State and national taxation system, all three
systems trying to get at the faculty of the individual.”
This general proposition to concentrate taxa-
tion on land is the one supported by the report. ©
of the Illinois Bureau of Labor, quoted above.
It says: ‘
_‘*To adopt the site-value method of taxation is to
invite general prosperity. With personal property
exempt, its increased consumption would increase the
demand for it, and consequently multiply business op-
portunities in connection with making, carrying, and
selling it. With landed improvements also exem Diy
larger and better homes would be demanded, to the
stimulation of all branches of the building industry,
With vacant lots taxed the same as if improved, and
so much that it would be unprofitable to hold them
long out of use, speculative values would decline and
business be no longer obstructed by exorbitant prices
for location.
“ Working men would pay in taxes only what their
ground-rent privileges were worth. Farmers would
pay in taxes not more than their farms would rent for
if wholly denuded of buildings, fences, and drains,
and turned back into raw prairie. Every one would.
be benefited through reduced taxes, or better incomes,
or both—every one except the mere monopolizer of
public benefits.
“And the cry of fraudulent taxation, on any other
account than an occasional personal dereliction, like a.
post-office embezzlement or a bank robbery, would be
heard no more.
“Simple, practicable, natural, scientific, and just as.
the site-value tax doubtless is as a method of raising
public revenues, itis at the same time recommended by
its supporters as the solution of the labor question, or,
more correctly, as the natural way of reinvesting
every laborer with power to settle his own labor ques-.
tion for himself. For it is not the power of employers,
but the necessities of the cnearsloyed or the inade-
quately employed that makes employment precarious
and wages low. It is not the clubs of policemen nor
the weapons of soldiers that defeat strikes; it is the:
underbidding of men in worse plight than the strikers.
The simple remedy is by freeing business from mo-
Taxation.
nopoly and tax burdens to open the way ror unlimited
opportunities for employment, so that none need take
another’s place in order to get remunerative work
a his, it is claimed, the site-value tax would
0.”
As an example of those who strive to tax per-
sonal property more rigorously we quote the
Hon. Mr. Winn, 1n an address made in Faneuil
Hall, Boston, October 7, 1891. He said:
‘“‘When personal property is all taxed, the owner of
a house cannot collect the tax on it from his tenant by
making him pay more rent. He must bear his own
taxes.
“But, when personal property is permitted to escape,
the landlord can make his tenant bear the tax on the
house by charging that much more rent.
“ The reason is that, if capital in buildings escapes
taxation by ratowlae the tax on the tenant, capital
outside, if taxed, will flow into buildings to get the
same advantage, till it can be got no more.
“But if the outside capital is not taxed it will not
flow into buildings, which always are taxed, until the
tenants are willing by a higher rent to bear the new
tax the capital has to assume. ...
‘“This is the very key tothe situation. Here is the
method by which the rich throw their taxes over on to
the poor, whoare not in the tax lists at all.
They get chattels exempted, ortakecare
Taxation of that the laws are lax enough to permit
Capital. their escape fromtaxation. And by this
P * the poor men who have no property
whatever, but who must have shelter,
and who never dream they are paying
taxes, are haled into bear not only the taxes of the
Peden sae millionaire, but those of their landlords
as well.
“ Data have been collected which show that the rent
of the poor whose incomes are less that $1000 is four
times as great according to their means as the rent
borne by persons whose incomes exceed $7500. Soa
tax on rent, if borne by tenants, is grossly dispropor-
tionate.
“Come at it from another direction. The report of
the tax committee of the Boston Executive Business
Association, written by one who desires toexempt this
class of property, and who would naturally underesti-
mate its amount, declares:
“* The personal property of both city and State, which
under the law zs subject to taxation, cannot be less than
twice the value of the realestate.’
“Tf this is so, more than 2,000,000,000 escapes taxation,
and the people are cheated out of about $17,000,000 0
taxes per annum. I understand that Mr. Robert Giffen
estimates the wealth of England to be about one sixth
in land. Applying this scale to Massachusetts, and
somewhat less than 1,700,000,000 escapes taxation, and
the loss of taxes is $14,000,000 to $15,000,000, . . .
“T believe that the whole assessment of estates should
be in the hands of the Tax Commissioner, who should
appoint the local assessors, and that they should be
paid by the State. I believe that the tax on private
personal property should be an excise—a State tax at
a uniform rate through the commonwealth—which
should be the average tax rate as now laid on corpora-
tions. I believe that the personal property tax col-
lected should be diver bacen to the cities and towns in
proportion to the value of their real estate, with such
concession as may be reasonable to places of tax-
payers’ residence. Or that the State should help the
municipalities with the proceeds in the support of
schools and roads and such other expenses as theState
may wisely assume. I believe that every taxpayer
should be compelled to give in a sworn list of his per-
sonal property under penalty of double doomage at
least.. And if this is not enough we may adopt the
Swiss system of examining the estates in probate.”
‘References: E. R. A. Segman's Essays on Taxa-
tion (1895); Etghth Biennial Report of the Illinots Bu-
reau of Labor Statistics (1894); R. T. Ely’s Taxation
in American States and Cities (1888). For Europe,
Cossa's Taxation, its Principles and Methods. See
also FINANCE; MUNICIPALISM.
TELEGRAPH, THE.—In the progress
from the lowest life to the highest, one of the
most marked advances consists in the develop-
ment of a nervous system capable of carrying
1315
Telegraph.
swift ana accurate intelligence from one part
of the organism to another. In the social organ-
ism the nervous system, or system of communi-
cating intelligence, has reached its present high
development largely by means of the tele-
graph.
An organism should own and control its
nervous system, and a society should own and
control its telegraphic system. France, Ger-
many, Switzerland, Denmark, Sweden, Nor-
way, and many other nations early recognized
this truth, and built public telegraph lines at the
start. England, Belgium, New Zealand, anda
few other States tried private control, but found
it so objectionable that they changed to public
ownership and control of the nerves of the body
politic, so that now, out of 75 of
the chief nations of the world from
which statistics have been obtained, England.
there are but six that do not own
and operate their telegraphs—vzz.,
Cuba, Cyprus, Bolivia, Hawaii, Honduras,
and the United States. In England the tele-
graph was in private hands for mcre thana
quarter of a century ; but complaints of high
charges, inefficient service, unjust discrimina-
tion, etc., became so frequent and so urgent
that at last the Government appointed a com-
mittee to investigate the public systems of Eu-
rope. The report made an exhaustive compari-
son of the public system in use on the Continent
with the private system of England, and the re-
sult was so overwhelmingly in favor of the for-
mer, that the Government, under the leadership
of Gladstone, yielded to the demands of the re-
formers, headed by the Edinburgh Chamber of
Commerce, and passed a law (July 31, 1868) pro-
viding for the purchase of the lines, the rapid
extension of the service into the rural districts,
which had been neglected by the private com-
panies, and the union of the telegraph with the
postal department. The charges were at once
reduced from one third to one half, and the busi-
ness doubled in about two years. Complaints
were no longer heard as before the transfer,
and now, after more than a quarter of a century,
the public system is unanimously pronounced a
success. The Government has raised the wages
of employees from time to time, lowered rates,
extended the lines, and improved the facilities.
The system has paid all operating expenses and
cost of extension and improvements, but the
surplus beyond these items has not been quite
sufficient to cover interest on the tremendous
original outlay, which was about four times the
real value of the lines. Most of the nations of
Europe make a profit on their telegraphs, altho
their rates are much lower than ours.
In the United States, the first telegraph line
was built by the Government. It ran from
Washington to Baltimore, and was placed in
charge of the postal department,
It was not at once a financial suc-
cess, and Congress yielded to the
persuasions of those who wished to
buy the telegraph for a private in-
stitution. Even at first a few clear-
sighted statesmen saw into the future far enough
to discern the vast importance of the new idea
and the greatness of the mistake that was being
made. As early as 1844 Henry Clay was advo-
United
States.
Telegraph.
cating Government ownership of the telegraph.
He wrote :
“It is quite manifest it is destined to exert great in-
fluence on the business affairs of society. Inthe hands
of private individuals they will be able to monopolize
intelligence and perform the greatest operations in
commerce and other departments of business. I think
such an engine should be exclusively under the con-
trol of the Government.”
Many able statesmen have taken the view
that public ownership is not only wise and ex-
pedient, but the plain duty of Congress under
the provisions of the Constitution. The Consti-
tution makes it the duty of Congress to establish
public agencies for the transmission of intelli-
gence, and it is bound to see that the best
known meansof performing that work are used
in the people’s service.
Down to the present time (September, 1896)
19 Congressional reports have been made upon
the telegraph, 17 of them favorable to a postal
system. The people in general are strongly in
favor of a public telegraph. Over 2,000,000 of
voters have signed petitions for it, several par-
ties have demanded it in their platforms, four
State legislatures, several city governments, the
Farmers’ Alliance, the Federation of Labor, the
National Board of Trade, and other representa-
tive bodies have urged upon Congress the im-
portance of a national telegraph, but so far
without effect. From Henry Clay and Post-
master-General Cave Johnson to Senator Ed-
munds and Postmaster-General Wanamaker
eminent men have striven for this reform to no
avail; the companies have more influence in.
Congress apparently than the peo-
ple and the statesmen have, It is
Arguments thought by some that the books of
for telegraph franks that are liberally
National distributed among Congressmen
Ownership. have much to do with their reluc-
tance to do anything to injure the
business of the donor company, or
take any step toward establishing a-system
under which they would have to pay for their
own telegraphing.
Some of the reasons for desiring public own-
ership of the telegraph are as follows :
1. It would obviate the necessity of paying
dividends on watered stock, or, indeed, on any
stock.
2. It would take away a part of the material
used in stock speculation and constitute a step
toward abolishing gambling in stocks.
3. It would extend the telegraph into country
districts.
4. It would produce an absolute saving of
rent, light, fuel, labor, etc., by union of the
telegraph with the postal system.
5. It would cause a considerable reduction of
rates, bringing the lines within reach of the
common people and greatly increasing the util-
ity of the telegraph to the social and business
life of the nation.
6. It would prevent discrimination in rates
and service.
7. It would benefit employees, giving them
shorter hours, higher wages, greater security
of employment, liberty of petition, and entire
freedom of organization. 4
8. It would prevent strikes,
1316
Telegraph.
g. It would be an element of strength in time
of war. ‘ ‘
to. It would abolish one of the giant private
monopolies that are taxing the people without
representation, and for private purposes ; that
are manufacturing millionaires by the ton ; that
are corrupting our politics and debasing our
Government ; that are restraining the freedom
of the press and the liberty of speech in pulpit
and university hall; that are creating and sus.
taining innumerable tributary trusts, syndi-
cates, and monopolies for private aggrandize-
ment; that lock up inventions and withhold
progress till their pockets give the word to
march ; that place money above manhood, per-
vert the ideals of youth, and antagonize in every
way the highest interests of humanity.
Objections toa public telegraph have come
almost wholly from the companies and afew
persons who sympathize with their methods and
purposes or who entertain a fundamental dis-
trust of popular government along the whole
line, and would not have even a public post-
office nor a public school,
“Mr, Wanamaker said in 1890: ‘The Western Union
is now the only visible opponent ;’ and the select com-
mittee of the House on the postal telegraph in 1870
said that objections to Government interference with
the telegraph had ‘come altogether from_one quar-
ter—vzz., the Western Union Company’ (H. Rep. 114,
p.13). The leading arguments advanced by the oppo-
nents of publictelegraphy may now be noted, together
with the answers to them.
“* A public telegraph will paternalize the Govern-
ment,’ say the defenders of monopoly. If so, it 1s
pretty badly paternalized now, with the post-office, the
fish commission, the treasury, customs, navy, army,
agricultural, judiciary, signal service, and all the other
departments; but the people do not seem to desire to
give up such paternalization—they appear to enjoy it.
In truth, however, public service is not paternalism,
but fraternalism.
“*It will cost too much.’ It need not cost the people
$1 of taxes to establish the postal telegraph. Plenty
of capitalists are ready to build the lines for the Gov-
ernment, introduce low rates, and agree
toturn the plant over to the nation for
actual value at the end of rs or 20 years, Objections.
or allow the service to pay for the plant
epee (as in the case of the Spring-
eld Electric Works, see Arena for December, 1895), 4
method that would give the people a clear title ina few
years, even at rates far lower than those in force now.
(See testimony of the representatives of New York syn-
dicates that were ready and willing to build a postal
telegraph eysiem under the provisions of Wanamaker’s
bill. The Bingham Com. Hearings, March 4 and 14
1890.) It would be better still to build or buy and
issue treasury notes in payment ; this would correct
in part the evils of the vast contraction of the currency
that has so long oppressed the people and secure the
telegraph without a burden. Or bonds could be issued
and the service let to pay the debt in 15 or 20 years, on
the plan by which Wheeling secured her gas works.
In either way no taxes are needed. As for the cost of
operation, the select committee on the telegraph in
1870 calculated that the Government could do the busi-
ness performed by the Western Union at acost of at
least $1,500,000 a year lower than the Western Union
could do it ; the absolute saving would be at least that
much by reason of combination with the post-office
and consequent saving in rent, fuel, light, and the dis-
tribution of labor. (H. Rep. 114, p. 44.) As the tele-
graph plant and business is more than twice as large
now As in 1870, the saving in the same proportion would
not be less than $3,000,000 a year. This is on the Sun
position of continuing to do business by the methods
now in use; but if improved methods well known in
the electrical world were adopted in the postal tele-
graph, the saving would be far greater—so great, in-
oeed, chet ener? sects every ae to believe a uni-
ate of 5 cents a message o i
A substantial pro Ae g 20 words would yield
“It isnot the Government’s business,’ ‘It is out of
the Government’s sphere.’ Senator Edmunds does not
Telegraph.
think so (see Sen. Rep, » part 2); nor Walter
Gresham (Postmaster-Gensralte Re eye nor sera
Clark, nor 16 or more committees’of Moneteus: nor Con-
geers itself, nor the Supreme Court of the United
tates. (See for authorities the last topic of this article,
‘Duty of the Government to Establish a Postal Tele-
graph.’) Henry Clay did not think the telegraph was
out of the Government’s sphere ; nor did Charles Sum-
ner, of Massachusetts; nor Thomas Jefferson, Alexan-
der Hamilton, James Madison, Benjamin Franklin,
and the other founders of the Constitution who ex-
pressly made the transmission of intelligence a part of
the business of the Government.
“The Government could not be sued,’ It will bean
easy matter to provide that damages for error or de-
lay should be recovered by suit against ‘The Tele-
graph Department.’
“*But the increase of patronage will be dangerous.’
There need not be any increase of patronage. The
Government may contract for telegraphic service as it
does for railway service. Or it may own the lines and
contract for the service. Or better far, it may own
and operate the lines under strong civil service rules, as
is the case in England, France, Germany, Switzerland,
Australia, and other countries. (See 11th Report U.S,
Civil Service Com., 1895.) With a solid civil service
law and a non-partisan board (z. ¢.,a board composed
of a member from each party) to administer it, an in-
crease of public employees no longer means an in-
crease of patronage, for there is no patronage where
appointment depends upon merit proved in competi-
tive examination; promotion follows on valuable ser-
vice, and removal is only for serious cause judicially
ascertained, witharight ofappealto the regularcourts,
Such provisions wovld form a part of a wise postal
telegraph law. But even without them the danger
from increase of patronage would be slight. The
United States has 240,000 employees. In combination
with the post-office, the telegraph would not require
an addition of more than 20,000, a large part of them
women and boys who are not yet able to vote. With
a population of 70,000,000 and a voting class of 18,000,000,
a group of 260,000 Government employees does not look
alarmingly dangerous, especially when we consider
that 48,000 are already under civil service rules, 40,000
more in army and navy, and another large body com-
posed of quite inoffensive women.
“*Only one in 60 uses the telegraph. No probable
reduction of rates or increase of facilities would be
apt to raise the proportion much, and it would not
be fair to put on the taxpayers the burden of aservice
used only by afew.’ As already remarked, there will
not be any burden about it. The business can easily
pay for itself and more, as it doesin many countries
across the sea. It will be more apt to lower the rates
of taxation than to raise them. ut there is another
and deeper falsity in the above objection. The state-
ment that ‘no probable reduction of rates or increase of
facilities would be apt to raise the proportion’ of peo-
le using the telegraph isa statement that could only
e made by one quite unacquainted with the history
of the telegraph and the post-office, both in Europe
and America, and with the history of this discussion,
or by one entirely free from any inconvenient regard
for the truth. The facts set forth in numerous public
documents in this country and in Europe, and reported
to Congress by its committees again and again, conclu-
sively prove that reduction of rates and increase of
facilities produce the most astonishing increase in the
use of the service. ‘The reduction of rates one half in
Belgium and Switzerland doubled the ee
in one year’ (Sen. Rep. 242, 43-1, p. 4), and the exten-
sion of facilities was slight, only one fifteenth to one
twentieth, merely the normal growth. (See statistics,
H. Rep. 114, pp. 2, 56.)
“And the Western Union does not do and never has
done one half the business its lines would carry, so that
the total increase would be from twenty to one hundred-
fold the present business. The development of business
consequent upon low rates and the extension of lines
results from the use of the telegraph by a larger num-
ber of people. The wealthy people of the cities use it
now all they wish to; they would use it little if any
more with a five-cent rate than with a rate of 25 cents.
But to the poor and to people in moderate circum-
stances, the difference between the telegraph and
postal rates is practically prohibitive except under the
Stress of very special need. President Green of the
Western Union said that 46 per cent. of their business
is speculative, 34 per cent. legitimate trade (his own
words), 12 per cent. press, and 8 per cent. social ng
ham Hearings, 1890, p. 56). In Sen. Rep. 577, part II.,
Pp. 15, the then president of the Western Union said the
company’s social business was 5 or 6 per cent. of the
1317
Telegraph.
whole. In Belgium the social messages constitute 55
to 63 per cent. of the whole.”
The real reason why the Government has
not adopted the postal-telegraph is undoubtedly
shown by the following quotations from Post-
master-General Wanamaker’s argument before
the Congressional Post-Office and Post-Roads
Committee in 1890 :
“In the present discussion Mr. F. B, Thurber, of
New York, has given a list of the directors of the West-
ern Union Telegraph Company. I beg toappend their
names: Norvin Green, Thomas Ty Eckert, John T.
Terry, John Vanhorne, Jay Gould, Russell Sage,
Alonzo B. Cornell, Sidney Dillon, Samuel Sloan, Rob-
ert C. Clowry, George J. Gould, Edwin Gould, John G.
Moore, Cyrus W. Field, Henry Weaver, Percy R. Pyne,
Charles Lanier, Austin Corbin, J. Pierpont Morgan,
Frederick L. Ames, John Hay, William D. Bishop,
Collis P. Huntington, George B. Roberts, Sydney
cepend, Erastus Wiman, William W. Astor, Chauncey
M. Depew, James W. Clendenin, Henry M. Flagler.
“Mr. Thurber used this list of names to answer the
question why the public cannot have the great boon of
a postaltelegrapn. ‘No such list of names,’ he added,
‘can be found inthe directory of any other corporation
in this country. Every name represents some great
interest. They are the richest and the best in the
financial world. They deservedly rank as our best
citizens; their names are found scattered throughout
the religious and charitable world, but in the matter of
transmitting intelligence their interest diverges from
that of the general public, and it remains to be seen
whether 65,000,000 of people or the comparatively few
stockholders which these men represent will be able
to control the great force of electricity as applied to
the tranmission of intelligence.’
“ According to uncontroverted statements made be-
fore your honorable committee, the capital stock of the
Western Union Telegraph Company in 1858 was $358,700.
The stock dividends declared between 1858 and 1866
amounted to $17,810,146, and the stock issued for new
lines was $1,937,950; So that the capital stock on July
1, 1866, WaS $20,133,800. In 1866 new stock was created
to the amount of $20,450,500; so that the total capi-
tal of the Western Union on July 1, 1867, was $40,568, -
300. The largest dividend declared by thecompany up
to 1874 was 414 per cent. The largest
amount of stock ever divided at one
time was $10,000,000, and for a period of
seven years the dividends were about
roo per cent. a year on its average capi-
tal. It was by adding dividends to div-
idends, and by piling the one up on top
of the other that this tremendous amount of $46,000,-
ooo of capital and debt was created. The history of
the company shows no change of policy. In 1874 the
copay bought up its own stock and the stock of
other telegraph companies and accumulated a fund of
over $15,000,000, which was held in one shape or another
in the treasury of the company. An investment of
$1000 in 1858 in Western Union stock would have re-
ceived up to the present time stock dividends of more
than $50,000 and cash dividends equal to $100,000, or 300
per cent. of dividends a year. These have been some
of the dividends declared : In 1862, 27 per cent.; in 1863,
roo per cent.; in 1864, 100 per cent.; in 1878, $6,000,000 ;-in
1881, one of $15,000,000 and another of $4,300,000; in 1886,
25 percent. The Western Union plant, exclusive of its
contracts with railroads, could be duplicated for $35,-
000,000. Its present capital is $85,960,000, It has real-
ized $100,000,000 of net profits in 25 years by its high
charges. ...
‘“«The great question,’ said Congressman Raynor,
discussing the Glover Telegraph Bill at the last Con-
gress, ‘that underlies the discussion of this measure,
is whether we are not in the hands of a monopoly that
not only has the right to fix its charges arbitrarily, but
can crush opposition whenever it encountersit. Of all
these monopolies, I submit that the telegraph system
of this country, substantially owned and controlled by
one man, is the worst and most dangerous of them all.’
‘It is no longer safe or expedient,’ Mr, Raynor went
on, ‘to intrust into the hands of one overpowering
monopoly the telegraph business of thiscountry. Itis
a power that not only can be used, but has been per-
verted, for purposes hostile to the best interests of the
people; the markets of the country, its finances, and
its commercial interests to so large an extent depend
upon the honest and honorable administration of the
business of this company, that the people are notina
mood to repose a trust of this character any longer
Western
Union,
Telegraph.
without competition in the hands of a stock-jobbing
corporation.’ I have tried to show that the telegraph
service of this country ought to be cheaper and not
inaccessible to the people. Business men generally,
and the industrial and farming classes, too, demand
that the service shall be more efficient as well as
cheaper. The ordinary opposition, which under the
direction of competent men would bring prices down
and make the service quicker and more accurate, has
been tried a score of times and it has always failed.
There is pratically but one telegraph company in this
country to-day. I say this because the Postal Tele-
graph Company has an arrangement with the Western
Union by which prices are to be kept up.
“Since the introduction of the quadruplex 20 years
ago, the Western Union Company has, I am told, made
but one change or improvement in its method of tele-
graphic transmission, having for their object the great-
est speed or the transmission of a larger volume of
traffic of agiven wire. Irefer tothe Wheatstone auto-
matic, an English invention which has been in success-
ful use on the Government lines in that country for 8
or io years. On the other hand, England has not only
adopted our quadruplex, but also the Delaney multi-
plex, another American invention.”
Some of the more statistical facts as to the
telegraph are as follows :
“In 1774 Lesage, of Geneva, constructed a telegraph
consisting of 24 wire signals, being sent over each wire
for different letters of the alphabet by frictional elec-
tricity. This had been suggested in an article in The
Scots Magazine of February 1,1853. In 1816 Francis
Ronalds constructed a telegraph of one wire, using fric-
tional electricity and exhibiting signals by the diver-
gence of pith balls. In.1820 Ampére suggested the ap-
1318
Telephone.
lication of the galvanic current, In 1839 the first actual
Felegra h was eenstructed, extending from yedding:
ton to Drayton, England, 13 miles. Dr. W. O’Shaugh-
nessy constructed the same year the first over-
ground line in Calcutta, India.” Samuel F. B. oe
of New York, invented the system of a pencil move
by an electric magnet and a single con-
_ ducting circuit in 1836. The first line
was constructed from Washington to Statistics.
Baltimore (4o miles) in 1844, and the
first message transmitted May 27, 1844.
The first en periients in submarine telegraphy were
made in Calcutta in 1839 by Dr. O'Shaughnessy. In
1851 a permanent cable was laid across the English
Channel. The first Atlantic cable was successfully
laid in 1858, but soon failed to transmit words, and not
till 1866 was an Atlantic cable successfully submerged.
According to F. L. Pope, in Johnson’s Cyclopedia, the
total length of line in all countries in 1894 was go0o0,-
ooo, of which 158,000 is submarine, The number of
messages transmitted in 1893 was: Great Britain, 69,-
907.848 ; United States (Western Union in 1894), 58,632,-
237; France, 47,017,117; Germany, 33.172,116, Austria,
12,068,084 ; Italy, 9,681,512; Hungary, 6,522,302; Belgium,
414.864. The rates for service are as follows: Eng-
and, 12 cents for 12 words; Germany,17 cents for 10
words, and a discount of a cent and a quarter for every
word less than 10; Italy, 18 cents for 15 words; Swit-
zerland, 10 cents for 10 words; Belgium, g cents for 10
words. In France the rate is ro cents for 10 words
within the country, and 2 cents per word from the
French-African possessions, a 1o-word message from
North Africa costing but 20cents. Distance is not con-
sidered in making the rates. No more charge is made
for roo than for 1 mile, the same principle being applied
as that governing our postal system. According to
the World Almanac for 1896, the following are the
statistics of the Western Union Telegraph Company:
Miles of
YEAR Poles and| Offices. Messages. Receipts. Expenses.
Cables.
37,380 24250 easaaie: weasel) on. aise,
541109 31972 911575646 $7,138,737-96 | $4,910,772.42
72,833 6,565 17)153)710 9)564,574.60 6)3359414.77
85,645 91077 29)215,509 12,782,894.53 6,948,956.74
156,814 15,658 4753941530 17,191,909-95 131154,628.54
1714375 17,241 51,463,955 19,711,164.12 14,640, 592.18
178,754 18,470 54,108,326 20,7835194.07 14565.152.61
183,917 19,382 55,878,762 22,387,028.91 15,074,303.81
187,981 20,098 501148, 343 23,034,326.59 16,428, 741.84
189,576 20,700 62,387,298 23,700, 404.72 16,307,857-10
189,936 21,078 66,591,858 24,978,442.96 171482,405-68
190,303 21,166 58,632,237 21,852,655.00 16,060,170.00
189,714 21,360 58,307,315 22,218,019.18 16,076,629-97
The average toll per message in 1868 was 104.7 ; in 1889 was 31.2; in 1890 was 32.4; in 1891 was 32.5; in 1892 was
31.6; in 1893 was 31.2; in 1894 was 30.5; in 1895 was 30.7. The average cost per message to the company in 1868
was 63.4; In 1889 WAS 22.4; in 1890 Was 22.7; in 1891 Was 23.2; in 1892 Was 22.3; in 1893 WaS 22.7; in 1894 WaS 23.3; in
1895 WAS 23.3.
References: A series of 16 articles, by Professor
Parsons, in The Arena for 1896, commencing in Janu-
ary; United States Post Offive Reports. Seé also
NATURAL MONOPOLIES.
FRANK Parsons.
TELEPHONE, THE.—Recent develop-
ments promise to place the telephone within the
reach of all, Service is being offered in places
of moderate size at $8 to $12 a year by private
companies. If the telephone and telegraph
were combined with the post-office, it might soon
be possible for every farmhouse to have the
means of cheap and almost instantaneous com-
munication with neighboring towns, and any
citizen could at trifling cost communicate with
any other in the country. The arguments for
and against the public ownership of the tele-
phone are the same as in the case of the tele-
graph, and will be found under that head. We
confine ourselves here to the statement of a few
of the most significant facts.
Nations that begin with public ownership do
not change to private; but there is a strong
tendency toward public ownership in countries
that begin with the private system. Belgium
began with private telephones in 1884, but found
it best to transfer them to public control, and
January 1, 1893, all the telephone lines in the
State became public property. Great Britain
has ciphered out the same sum in social eco-
nomics, and after many years of private tele-
phony reached a similar conclusion and estab-
lished a national system of telephone lines in
1895. Austria has moved along the same path,
and since January, 1895, private telephone com-
panies have ceased to exist in Vienna. Norway
also has decided (1895) to take possession of all
the trunk telephone lines. When the State
owns the trunk lines and the municipalities own
the local exchanges you have the very best pos-
sible telephone system. Trondhjem, in Nor--
way, has bought up its telephone system.
Telephone.
Other cities like Rotterdam, Amsterdam, etc.,
are constructing municipal plants, and many
more are discussing the subject. In America,
the call for a postal telegraph includes the tele-
phone. On the other hand, France, Germany,
Sweden, Switzerland, the Australian republics,
and other countries that have had public tele-
phones for years show no disposition to transfer
them to private corporations.
The charges under public ownership are a
mere trifle compared to the ordinary charges of
private monopoly—from $8 to $16 a year public,
and $36 to $250 under private monopoly is about
1319
Temperance.
the relative charging power. There is some
competition just now in consequence of the ex-
piration of the telephone patents, so that even
private companies are making low rates ; but a
vast syndicate is forming for the control of the
telephone, the Western Union and the Bell have
combined, and the probability is that monopoly,
by force of enormous combinations, will take
the place of monopoly by patent ; if so, the peo-
ple will soon be little better off than before the
patents expired unless they adopt municipal
ownership of local lines and national ownership
of the distance telephone,
TELEPHONE CONVERSATION CHARGES.
Local Conversation Rate between :
PUBLIC TELEPHONE. by Non-Subscri- Neighboring Bate ben ise
bers. Places. :
Germany. 6 cents. r2 cents, 24 cents.
France . Bo Ne 7to1o ‘* aoto8o
Belgium .. 5 SS sto 7 “ 20‘
Switzerland ...... 2 6to10 “* rs. -3s*
Austria-Hungary 4. tt m2 zotoy4o ‘
Trondhjem... ..... 2% * AEG: 1685 6 Westin cinessie ni osttnan eee
Great Britain (Postal Rates)... 6 6toi12 “* 12 cents to $1.00
PRIVATE TELEPHONE.
United States (Bell). ....... ce cece eee eee soeieeatayeve aes ro to 15 cents. 1s to 25 cents. 30 cents to $10.00
The first suggestion of the possibility of trans-
ferring sound electrically was made by Charles
Bourseul in 1854, and in 1861 Philip Riis, in
Germany, published an account of experiments
in this line. A working plan was, however,
first invented by Alexander Graham Bell, and
patented March 7, 1876. According to the
World Almanac for 1896, the following are
the latest statistics made public by the Ameri-
can Bell Telephone Company, which practically
monopolizes the telephone business of the Unit-
ed States. The figures are for January 1 of
each year : :
1892. 1893. 1894. 1895. 1892. | 1893. | 1894. 1895.
.
Exchanges... ......e+05 788 812 838 867||Miles of wire sub-
Branch offices........ 509 539 571 §92)|_ MATING cw: pasa avon 1,029 1,336 1,637 1,856
Miles of wire on poles| 180,139] 201,259] 214,676] 232,008||Total miles of 266,456 | 307,792 353.480 | 396,674
Miles of wire on Total circuits +| 186,462 | 201,322 | 205,891 | 212,074
buildings......+-..+5 14,954] 14,980] 16,492] 14,525|/Total employees ..... 8,376 9,970 10,421 11,094
Miles of wire under- Total subscribers ,...] 216,017 232,140 237,186 | 243,432
Proundveisiia cow. cane 70,334] 90,216] 120,675] 148,285
The number of instruments in the hands of
licensees under rental at the beginning of 1895
was 582,506. The number of exchange connec-
tions daily in the United States is 2,088,152, or
a total per year of over 670,000,000. The aver-
age number of daily calls per subscriber was
eight and one half, The company received in
rental of telephones in 1894, $2,502,992.17. It
paid its stockholders in dividends in 1894, $2,400,-
ooo. The capital of the company is $20,000,000.
References: An article on the telegraph monopoly
in The Arena for September. 1896, and Mr. Bennett's
Telephone Systems of the Continent, Telephoning in
Great Cities, and various articles in the English elec-
trical journals by the same writer.
FRANK Parsons.
TEMPERANCE.—(See also SouTH Caro-
LINA DIspeNSARY SysTEM; HicH LicEnsE; IN-
TEMPERANCE; Liquor TRAFFIC; NATIONALIZA-
TION OF THE Liquor TRAFFIC; NORWEGIAN Sys-
TEM; PROHIBITION; PRouisiTiIon Party; Pov-
ERTY ; WomAn’s CHRISTIAN TEMPERANCE UNION.
We give in this article a brief sketch of the
temperance movement, referring the reader to
the above articles for details.
The temperance movement may be said to be
a modern movement ; intemperance is as old as
history, We find instances of intoxication in
Genesis, the oldest Hebrew writing, and in Ho-
mer's pictures of early Greek social life. Intoxi-
cation is described or referred to in the ancient
pooks of China, the Vedas of India, the 4ves-
zas of Persia, and in all early traditions. The
fiery ‘‘ rice wines’’ of India and China matched
the drugged wines of Greece and Rome. Fer-
mentation was usually the early source of in-
toxicating drinks ; distillation has been known
in Europe at least for only six centuries. Spirit
drinking is said to have developed first in north-
ern climes, and perhaps in England. There
were, however, some early attempts at temper-
ance reform. The Chinese claim that eleven
centuries before Christ some of their emperors
made strenuous temperance reforms, one going
Temperance,
so far as to order all vines in the kingdom to
be uprooted, In India and Persia the priest-
hood early made some attempts at reform, and
the Buddhists taught total abstinence. Bud-
dhist sects seem to have spread total abstinence
ideas far and wide, and among the Hebrews
there were various total abstinence orders and
sects, such as the Nazarites and Rechabites in
olden times, and the Essenes and Therapeutze
of the time of Christ. Draco is said to have
punished drunkenness with death, and Lycur-
gus, king of Thrace, to have ordered all vines
to be destroyed, as did later Terbaldus, a Bul.
garian prince. The Carthagenians forbade
wine in the camps and among magistrates hold-
ing public office. In northern climes the use
of intoxicating beverages was universal. The
Saxons were mighty eaters and drinkers. The
mead horn plays a large part in all Saxon liter-
ature. Mead or metheglin they made from
honey, beer from barley. Weddings, christen-
ings, and funerals were scenes of intoxication,
sometimes of orgies. The burial clubs (see
GuiLps) were drinking clubs. The Church
strove somewhat for reform, perhaps because
the clergy needed it. St. Gildas the Wise in
570 A.D. ordered the drunken clergy to be pun-
ished. St. David (569) punished also the publi-
ean. King Edgar, at the instance of Dunstan,
limited by law the number of taverns and the
size of the pots. By a law of 1285 taverns in
London were to close at curfew. This was to
preventcrime. Yetdrinkingincreased. When
George Neville was made Archbishop of York,
in 1464, we are told that 300 tuns of ale and 100
of wine-were consumed. Bacon saw that ‘‘all
the crimes on earth do not destroy so many of
the human race nor alienate so much property
as drunkenness.’’ Beginning with 1603, legis-
lation against ale houses and drunkenness is
very frequent. but accomplished nothing. Ac-
cording to Bishop Earle, the public house was
the rendezvous for all classes. All or almost
all the clergy drank. Decker says that in 1632
a whole street was in some places but a con-
tinuous ale house, not a shop to be seen be-
tween red lattice and red lattice. The Puritans
were about as bad. Pepys says Monk’s troops
were most of them drunk all day. Even the
women drank. Lecky says that in 1688, 12,400,-
ooo bbls. of beer were brewed for a population
of a little over 5,000,000, or about 90 gals. a
head against about 29 at present in England.
In the eighteenth century gin-drinking in-
creased. Retailers hung out signs saying,
“Drunk for 1d. Dead drunk for ed. Straw
“for nothing.’’ Eleven million gals. of gin
were consumed in England in 1733; nearly
20,000,000 in 1742. In 1749 there were 17,000
gin shops within the bills of mor-
tality. Crime and immorality rose.
In 1736 Parliament tried to sup-
press gin-drinking by putting a
prohibitory tax on it, but the illicit
trade was so great that it soon went to the other
extreme, and made the trade well-nigh free.
But this didno good. In 1751 distillers were for-
bidden to sell to unlicensed publicans, and tip-
pling debts could not be collected by law. Sed : a eee
Glass 1,276 859.64 769.06 GREAT BRITAIN
BELGIUM, ee de
ss Fig ae 65 | 456.86 435-31
Pig iron., ...... Saat Bisinadione ir | 374.53 372.51 Ste oe seh TEMS | S70<09 480.67
Bar iron......... oe 78 350.37 353.45 Bice slereeeeee e 166 589.13 530.82
Bituminous coal... to | 426.55 371.30 estes coal.... ++] 166 | ~495.25 457-32
OR Ovi: eRe miaies 4 378.26 86 ORS o's S 5 379-09 359-27
393 Cott
GASS ais cis: is shastrsinintos eis sersicietersiears 24 627.67 492-42 WwW Ones : 347 550.14 502-13
oolen.. : 131 515.64 481.04
FRANCE. Glass........ ated i’. sides ant ale ae 26 501.69 460.44
Bat TPO tsi ies sisisw's's yg sicioinve os 40] 464.74 401.09 SWITZERLAND.
Cotton .. sate «| 116 365-94 333-70
WiOO1ET 5 seccvntvnains sacaveccae «| 179 | 424.52 384.05 COtON ssseiwnseseexdenc cas 5 52 | 358.56 346.68
' GENERAL TABLE OF FAMILY BUDGETS
FOR THE COAL, IRON AND STEEL INDUSTRIES,
CLASSIFIED BY NATIONALITIES.
7 FAMILIES EN-
TIRELY MaIN-
FAMILIES. DWELLINGS. TAINED By | YEARLY INCOME OF
EARNINGS OF FaMILy.
HUSBAND.
ae Pro-
NATIONALITIES, Reers ine Avets portion
age con | age o)
5 . |mation Total Earn-
fo pera Own- | con- ee Num Pro- | Earn- oe ings of
um- a ing | cern- ic or- |ings of us-
ber. |? | their ingSize|Rooms| ber. aw Pane Hus- | tand
sons in per os band
Fam. |#omes|_ of ste gis ily. to
ily, Dwell- ily Total
ing. y Earn-
ings.
Americans .............0005 1,294 4.8 236 cj 8 63. 83.68 8
British in Great Britain*.. "525 5.2 a ae 23 ao ne eae ae ai
British in United States... 796 554 178 569 4.6 546 68.6 692.01 | 556.74 80.4
French in France.......... 22 5.0 see 3 4.9 6 27-3 432.18 | 307.75 71.2
French in United States. 24 4.8 5 19 3-7 16 66.6 563.82 | 463.77 82.3
Germans in Germany..... 66 6.3 13 52 2.8 27 40.9 345.03 | 253.51 735
Germans in United tates 276 5-0 106 158 4.0 202 73-2 635.30 | 569.57 89.7
Belgians in Belgium 118 5:7 7 82 3.6 44 37:3 389.26 | 241.06 62.0
Other nationalities
States. tener ences ee ene eeeees 83 5.2 1s 60 3-6 41 49-4 513-79 | 451-71 87.9
Average in Europe........ 77° 5-3 31 608 37 374 48.6 470.96 | 368.30 78.2
Average in United States. 2,490 5-0 540 1,782 4.1 1,581 62.3 622.14 | 534.53 86.0
* The English, Scotch, Welsh and Irish are here included.
Dr. Gould argues that the first condition of a true
economic basis for society is that the earnings of the
husband alone should be sufficient to support the fam-
ily. The desertion by mothers of the home for the
factory is, in his opinion, a fundamental factor of mod-
Yet itis only in two cases, those
of the bar-iron and steel manufactures in the United
States, that the family can_be supported without the
addition of the earnings of the wife or the children.
The second element upon which Dr. Gould insists is
ern social discontent.
Europe the
the iundiord,
home.
that the family must have sufficient food. Here the
American has the advantage of the European.
family of the American is better nourished than that of
a worker in any other country. But if the American
spends more on food he spends less on drink.
ublican received three fifths as much as
and if the European worker would be-
come teetotal he could add two more rooms to his
The
In
The American, Dr. Gould thinks, does not save as
Wages.
much, and he is not sorry for it. Dr. Gould’s paper is
notable indeed as giving expression to the first distinct
protest against the doctrine that Thrift is one of the
greatest of the virtues. He thinks that the practice of
saving may sometimes prevent the civilization of the
toiler, and is therefore morally and industrially bad.
When Dr. Gould comes to compare the statistics
which he has collected concerning the foreign working
man at home and the foreign working manin America,
he is rather startled to discover that the average work-
ing man of American birth in the classified trades earns
less than the Briton or the German, When the Briton
goes to America he increases his family, lives in a
bigger house, for which he pays much more rent, eats
more food, spends much more on his clothes, but spends
almost the same amount on books and newspapers,
tho he cuts down his expenditure on drink from 5 per
cent. of his income to 3.6 and his expenditure on to-
bacco from 2.6 per cent. to1.7. The greatest change in
the consumption of alcohol takes place when the
Frenchman goes from France to America. In France
he spends 13 per cent. of his income on alcohol, whereas
in America he only spends 6 percent. The home-bred
American only spends 2.9 pe cent. el
The average income of a family in Europe in the
selected industries is £94 a year, while in the United
States it is £124. The average saving is £6 115. 6d. in
Europe against £13 5s. in America, Dr. Gould men-
tions a curious fact when he analyzes Britons into Eng-
lish, Scotch, Welsh, and Irish. At home, measured by
their earnings and their standard of living, the Scotch
are the first, the English ranking second, the Welsh
third, and the Irish last. In America, the Scotchman
keeps the lead, but the second place is taken by the
Irishman, the third by the Welsh, while the English-
man comes last. :
The table showing the family budgets for the coal,
iron and steel industries, classified by nationalities,
bears very directly upon the immigration question.
From this table it is seen that ‘the average workman
in the allied industries of American birth earns less
than the Briton or the German, tho he is ahead of other
nationalities. In the relative size of his contribution
to the family support he only gives place to the Ger-
man, whose habits in this respect have undergone a
marked change since his transplanting in the New
World. The proportion of cases in which the husband
actually supported the family are fewer, the total
earnings of the family are less, the house accommoda-
tion is slightly inferior, a smaller per capita expendi-
ture appears for food and clothing for the native
American than for the Americanized Briton and Ger-
man. In other words, in all important respects, ex-
cept the consumption of alcoholic drinks, these latter
seem to be living on a higher level. As regards the
other nationalities, the American conserves his leader-
ship, tho the expatriated Frenchman is not far behind.
In the coal-mining industry in Europe the proportion
of persons buying books and news apers is 12 per cent.
higher than that amount in the United States, altho
the average sum per head spent by the American
miner is higher than that of Europe. It is also notable
as indicative of the superior sobriety of the American
miner that only 60 per cent. use alcohol, while 83 per
cent. of the European miners are as yet innocent of a
yemperance pledge. The proportion among steel
workers is much lower, being only 38 per cent. in
America and 53 percent. in Europe. Thelowest aver-
age in tobacco is obtained by the steel workers of
Europe ; only 51 per cent. are said to use it, while 89
per cent. of the European coal miners smoke, or snuff,
or chew.
The size of the average famil
than that in America, but the difference is not so great
as might have been expected. Asarule the total of a
husband’s earnings only average from to 89 per
: 74 9 Pp
cent. of the total earnings of a family.
Says Dr. Gould: “This revelation will surprise
many, yet if the statistics before us mean anything at
all, they teach the lessons we have outlined.”
in Europe is greater
III. Reat Wace Conpitions.
Are conditions improving or not? We now
ask what wages really mean, and whether the
condition of the wage earner is improving or
not. Here, as before, we are met with Oppos-
ing views, and we in brief present both.
(@) THE FAVORABLE VIEW.
Most conservative writers maintain that, how-
1376
Wages.
ever poor the condition of the wage worker is
to-day, he is at least far better off than ever be-
fore in the world’s history. Mr, John Rae ad-
duces evidence in his Contemporary Socialism
(1st ed., p. 390) ‘‘ to show how greatly improved
the working class standard of living now is from
what it was 200 years ago in the good old
times socialist writers like to sing of.’’ He
says:
“If poverty were increasing with the increase of
wealth, it would show itself either in an increase of
pauperism or in a decline in the general standard of
living among the laboring classes or in a fall in the
average duration of life,and these symptoms would
be most acute in the countries that are the most
wealthy and progressive.” To prove that these symp-
toms of increasing poverty do not exist, he quotes
Sir M. Hale and Gregory King, writers of the seven-
teenth century, to show that in their day out of every
1o, or, including children, 1 out of every 6 received
alms, To-day Mr. Rae says it is only 1 out of 30.
Wages at that time could not support the laborer.
Everything was higher then except butcher meat, but
half the population had meat only twice a week, and
a fourth only once. The laborer lived chiefly on bread
and beer, and bread was as dear as now. Fuel, light,
and clothing were all much dearer. The death-rate in
London was then 1 in 27, instead of 1 in 4o as now.
In the United States, Mr. Edward Atkinson
takes the same roseate view of rising wages. In
an article on ‘‘ Low Prices, High Wages, Small
Profits’ in The Century (vol. xxxiv , pp. 569-
584), he comes to the conclusion that wages dur-
ing the last half century have steadily risen,
while prices have steadily fallen, so that the
real condition of the workman has vastly im-
proved.
He takes from the census of 1880 the following aver-
age of wages for employees, other than foremen and
overseers, in roo establishments reporting under more
than 1200 separate titles, employing men, women, and
children, and then carefully calculates the purchasing
power of these wages based on average consumption,
and comes to the following results:
Aver- Purchas-
Per :
age per ing
ay. Year. Power.
LO6Gjswtcacciiea ners dese S189 $309 $1,290
1865... coves! 1.88 564 1,013
TE Oire sie sie wyaisrdiersjicaiovesats’ a ecaievaen 194 582 1,337
TES dacs Haseena ee owawese gee 1.77 531 14372
TOS Osis caidas rcisiciaieaeaitateevealer sitiere 1.7 513 15543
FEET Siteaee See ee oeies hace 1280 540 1,800
He shows that the cost of the materials for food,
of materials for clothing, boots, and shoes, with fuel,
have fallen, representing about 70 per cent. of the
cost of living on the part of well-to-do mechanics. Of
rent he says:
“In some regions rents have declined, in others
they have been stationary; in crowded cities they
have either advanced in some small measure, or else
the apartments hired for a given sum of money have
not been equal to those previously occupied. So far
as I have been able to compare rents, however, either
those paid to a landlord or the rental value of prem-
ises owned by the occupant, there has not been, on the
average, much variation from the rule affecting com-
modities in the period under consideration.” Only
the lowest class of unskilled laborers Mr. Atkinson
considers not to have improved their conditions, and
this because they have been temporarily displaced by
machinery. He says. While work has also been con-
tinuous and well paid for every intelligent mechanic
or artisan who has chosen to control his own affairs
and to make his own bargains, it has been much less
continuous for many classes of factory operatives of a
lower grade, and it has been absolutely intermittent
Wages. °
with respect to great numbers of common laborers.
One of the penalties which society must pay for the
application of science and invention to the useful arts
is this temporary displacement of unskilled laborers
from the occupations in which their work had been
previously required, but which is no longer required
when some new machine or improvement renders it
unnecessary.
“On the other hand, without these applications of
science to agricultureand to manufactures, the normal
increase of population would without question tend to
outrun the means of subsistence. lt therefore follows
that by their application, while the few are for a time
left behind in the race, the many gain in welfare; the
means of subsistence rapidly outrun the increase of
population, and the many are thus enabled to enjoy
better and better conditions of life.
“Thus the problem of ‘progress and poverty’
marches alongside the actual progress from poverty.
This problem of ‘progress avd poverty’ calls for the
urgent attention of the student and the statesman in
order to abate the great disparity of condition which
becomes more conspicuous the more the general prog-
ress is assured.”’
Mr. Carroll D, Wright similarly argues the im-
proved condition of the wage worker. In his
The Industrial Evolution in the United
States, and in his article ‘‘ Wages’’ in the latest
edition of Johnson's Cyclopedia, he sums up the
wage history of the United States substantially
as follows:
“In 1633 the Massachusetts Bay Colony, by the ac-
tion of the general court, made it arule that carpenters,
sawyers, masons, bricklayers, tilers, joiners, wheel-
wrights, mowers, and other master workmen should
not receive more than 2s,a day, the workman to pay
his own board; but should he elect to board with his
employer, then he was toreceive 14d. aday. Therates
of inferior workmen were to be fixed by the constable.
Skilled tailors were to be paid 12d. a
day, poorer ones 8d, At the close of the
seventeenth century common laborers
were paid 2s. a day, as they had been 4o
years before. At the close of the colo-
nial period laborers on farms were paid
4 cents a day ; butchers, 33% ; carpenters, 52; ship and
oat builders, about 90; shoemakers, 73 cents; black-
smiths, 70 cents. Prices were uneven; there was no
common market. Wheat might bring at one place ss.,
at another 10s. $1, Mr. Wright thinks, could then buy
1 bushel of winter wheat, 1 gallon of common molasses,
a bushel of barley or of rye, 1% bushels of corn, A
common grade of wheat flour was $16 per barrel.
Butter, cheese, and meats were cheaper than now.
Sugar, tea, and coffee were dearer thannow. Com-
mon necessities were cheap.
“After the colonial period wages slowly rose.
Laborers received in 1790, 43 cents a day ; in 1800, 6214
cents; from 1800 to 1810, 82 cents per day ; from 1810 to
1820, 90 cents; from 1840 to 1860, from 874 cents to $r.
Carpenters in 1790 were paid less than 60 cents per
day; in 1800, over 70 cents; in 1810, $1.09 ; im 1820, $1.13 ;
from 1830 to 1840, $1.40 in the Northern States. Cotton-
‘mill operatives received until 1830, 44 cents per day ;
just prior to 1840, 90 cents, and from 1840 to 1850, $1.03
per day. Woolen mill operatives were paid higher
‘prior to 1830, being paid $1.12. In 1840, carpenters were
‘paid $1.50 per day in New York, and in 1891, 83-30.
ricklayers and their helpers received $1.75 and $x
respectively in 1851, and $4 and $2.50 in
Colonial
Period.
1891. Locomotive engineers and firemen
Early Part received $2.14 and $r in 1840 and $3.77
of this and $1.96 in 1891, these figures being
Century, taken from actual pay-rolls. The great
crises of 1837 and 1857 depressed wage
rates, which did not recover before
1860.” Comparing wages in 1860 and 1880, Mr. Wright
uses the above referred to Aldrich Senate Report, call-
ing it ‘‘a most excellent one, and indicates the general
course of wages better than any other statement yet
made.” According to this, he says: ‘' Wages stood at
87-7 per cent. in 1840 as compared with 109 per cent. in
1860; in 1866 they stood at 152.4 per cent. and in 1891 at
1607.” “‘ To be more correct,however,” says Mr. Wright,
“the rates should be taken in accordance with the im-
portance of each industry relative to all industries. ...
_ On the latter basis wages have increased 68.6 per cent.
ince 1860 and 86.1 per cent. since 1840.... Itis fair to
say that wages in the leading industries of the country
are 80 per cent, at least higher than they were in 1840.
1377
Wages.
Very many wages are double what they were at that
ate.
Of prices Mr. Wright says: ‘With this increase
there has been in every direction a decrease in the
working time of each day, and a general decrease in
the cost of living, taking all articles into
consideration. The decrease in the cost
of living, however, has not been equal to
the increase in wages. Rents are much
higher, and so are meats and some
other articles; but taking the wholesale prices of 223
of the leading articles ofconsumption, it is found that
there has been a decrease since 1860 of about 6 per cent.””
Present.
(4) THE UNFAVORABLE VIEW.
We present under this head the views of
those who hold that the position of the wage
earner at present is not improving, and that, at
least relatively to the advance of society, it is
not even equal to what it formerly was in eco-
nomic status. The holders of this view do not,
indeed, deny that, on the whole, society pro-
gresses, nor that zz many respects the position
of the wage earner to-day is in advance of his
position at any former time in the world’s his-
tory ; but they do deny that his position is what
the writers above quoted seem to imply, and
they do deny that the wage earner, generally
speaking, has had anything like his fair share
of the world’s progress. Some of them even
maintain that in many important respects he is
worse off than his fathers, and that his cause of
complaint against the present industrial system
is based upon the most careful estimates of eco-
nomic facts. Those who hold this view make
one or both of two points. They show, in the
first place, that wages to-day are not rising ;
and, secondly, that in the long run, even if his
wages have risen, the economic status of the
laborer is not by any means in all respects to-
day as favorable as formerly.
The belief that American wages have steadily
risen in recent years is largely based on the Al-
drich Senate Report of 1893. It is on this re-
port that Mr. Wright bases his roseate state-
ments. Now, this report is believed by many
scholars to be utterly unreliable. Dr. Spahr, in
his Present Distribution of Wealth in the
United States (copyright by Thomas Y. Crow-
ell & Co., New York and Boston), argues the
utter worthlessness of its conclusions, and says
(p. 103):
“The statisticians employed to summarize the re-
turns were to a hurtful extent in sympathy with the
political aim of the investigation. This criticism in no
degree applies to Mr. Joseph D. Weeks, whose work
is in the highest degree conscientious and intelligent.
But Mr. Weeks's conclusions are not embodied in the
committee’s comprehensive summary for ‘all’ occupa-
tions. It is this summary that has spread so much
misinformation throughout the country. Some of the
more serious errors in the report are apparent upon a
casual examination. When any one at all familiar
with the course of wages in recent years takes up the
report, he is astonished to see that the wages of clerks -
in stores have risen out of all proportion to wages in
other industries. In the metal works, as he would ex-
pect, currency wages are reported to have fallen since
1873; so, too, in the cotton factories; but in stores,
where the invasion of women and girls is believed to
have depressed wages to an unusual extent, he finds
it reported that an advance of nearly 4o per cent.
has taken place. If, to understand the anomaly, he
takes the trouble to consult the original data, he dis-
covers that for the metal works and cotton factories
the returns covered many establishments and many
hundred employees, while for stores the returns
covered but one dry-goods store and one grocery,
employing together less than 30 clerks. Yet the com-
mittee, in its table of ‘simple averages for all indus-
Wages.
tries,’ made the uninvestigated industry count as
much as either of the thoroughly investigated ones.
And the committee did not stop here. espite this
assumed rise of nearly 4o per cent. in the wages of
clerks, the table of ‘simple averages’
still showed that currency wages had
A False Re- fallen 4 per cent. since 1873. Thereupon
port. the committee proceeded to make a table
of ‘ weighted averages,’ assuming that
the incredible advance of 4o per cent. in
wages had been received by all the clerks in the coun-
try, and that since these outnumbered the employeesin
metal works and cotton mills put together, therefore
the returns for less than 30 clerks ought to outweigh
those for more than 1500 metal workers and more than
ooo cotton operatives. By this means currency wages
in 1891 were made to rise one per cent. above the level
in 1873.
m me cut short the criticism, in order to get at the facts
reported, it is necessary to throw away the work done
by the committee’s experts, and return to the orig-
inal reports made by the employers.”
As we have seen above (Part II. of this arti-
cle), accepting the returns of the report itself,
Dr. Spahr shows that real wages, instead of ris-
ing since 1873, fell materially down to 1891, and
in 1894 were 20 per cent. lower than in 1891.
The only industries in which wages rose be-
tween 1873 and 1891, according to the returns
gathered by the report, were in the manufac-
ture of ale, beer, and porter; the making of
carriages and wagons ; in the case of the clerks
of the two dry-goods and grocery stores men-
tioned above ; in the making of paper, of spice,
and of woolens. Nor does Dr. Spahr begin to
show the whole extent of the injustice by which
the experts of this report twisted a fall of wages
into a rise of wages. In the report itself the
facts showing the fall of wages in the cotton
and metal industries alone cover 686 pages,
while the facts which the experts have magni-
fied to overbalance the fall in wages cover only
11 pages. Yet it ison such a report that most
writers, including Mr. Wright, have based their
statements of the rise of wages.
As to the argument that while wages have
risen, the cost of living to the workman has
fallen, this statement is equally open to suspi-
cion,
The Aldrich Report (p. 9) claims only a fallin
the cost ofliving of some 4 per cent. since 1860.
It comtpares the prices in 1860 and in 1891 of the
various elements of the cost of living (in the
proportion in which they enter into a working
man’s expenditure), and calling
those of 1860 as 100, it finds that
Cost of they stood in 1891 as follows: Rent,
Living. 100.0; food, 103.7; fuel, 98.1; light-
ing, 48.1; clothing, 75.1. All oth-
ers, 95.3. Average, 96.2. Thus it
shows that the price of food has risen, but that,
arguing that rents have remained stationary
since 1860, the price of other commodities has
fallen enough to make it 3.8 per cent. cheaper
for a man to live in 1891 than in 1860. Now,
who acquainted with city life believes that rents
have not risen since 1860? Mr. Wright him-
self admits in his Johnson's Cyclopedia article,
that ‘‘rents are much higher.’”’ As for the other
prices, the Report says they are based on the
wholesale prices. Now, wholesale prices have
notoriously fallen much more than retail prices.
Unfortunately, the price of the workman's loaf,
his fuel, his lighting, and to a less extent his other
expenses, does not fall with the wholesale price
of wheat, oil, and coal. The producers of
1378
Wages.
wheat, oil, and coal may get less to-day, but the
working class retail consumer by no means al-
ways benefits by the fall Tables based on
wholesale prices are utterly misleading so far
as workmen are concerned. Yet it is only on
such tables that a lower cost of living can be
made out. And even with such calculations,
it should be noted that the cost of food has
risen, and that the things which are cheaper are
clothing, light, and fuel. The decrease in fuel
is reported as only 2 per cent. at wholesale. At
retail it has probably not fallen. Clothing is 25
per cent. cheaper, but may be 25 per cent. less
enduring. Lighting is 50 per cent. cheaper, but.
is only one item, The things which are of su-
preme necessity—rent, food, and fuel-—have not.
fallen. For the poorest living is not cheaper.
The better class of workmen who can spend for
manufactured articles get them cheaper ; this
is all. In retail prices, the workman’s wage
does not go so far for the necessities of life as
in 1860. Even since 1873 retaz? prices of ne-
cessttzes have not fallen as much as is generally.
supposed. Mr. Atkinson’s and Mr. Wright’s.
statistics as to wages are based on official re-
ports shown to be false, and as to prices shown
to be misleading. ,
As for the second point, admitting that wages.
are higher to day than early in the century,
which no informed scholar denies, it does not -
follow that the laborer’s real economic status-is
improved. Early in the century life was sim-
ple, wages were low, hours were long: But the
workman who was faithful had a practical se-
curity of work. He often lived in a little home’
of his own whose garden could supplement his
low wage. To-day his wage is all, and he has
no security of work. The problem of the un-
employed is the pressing problem of the present.
situation. If hours were long early in the cen-
.tury, the worker working at his little cobbler’s
bench or in a little shop, where some one could-
read aloud, had much more real opportunity to
develop his own individuality than to-day, tho:
working at shorter hours, in crowded factories
amid machinery driven at its utmost speed. In
real freedom and economic status, more than
wages, therefore, must be taken into considera-
tion before wecanadmit advance. As for com-
parison with a remoter past, Mr. Rae, as quot-
ed above, argues that the working man is vast-
ly better off to-day than ‘‘ 200 years ago, in the
good old times socialist writers like to sing of ;’’
but no socialist writer sings of 200 yearsago. By
exactly picking his dates, Mr. Rae seems to prove
progress for the working classes. Hale and King,
whom Mr, Rae quotes, wrote in the last part of
the seventeenth century. Two hundred years
before that and 50 years after that Mr. Rae would
have found a very different state of things. In
the fifteenth century, before the English laborer
had been driven off from the land, and was still.
under a form of feudal tenure, and yet no longer
a serf, he was in what Mr. J. E. Thorold Rogers.
has called the ‘‘ golden age of England.” In
the first part of the eighteenth century, when
there was a revival of handicraft and machinery
was not developed and monopolized, wages.
were higher than they were either immediately’.
before or immediately after. It is to these times.
rather than to the seventeenth century that
aa
Wages.
socialist writers are apt to revert. And for the
view that compared with these periods the
present condition of the wage earner is not so
favorable, they have good authority. As for
Great Britain, comparing conditions in 1837
and 1897, Sydney Webb says in Lador in the
Longest Reign:
“If we might sum up in one general impression the
different facts as to comparative wages, we should, I
think, have to come to this conclusion: While the
skilled male craftsman has largely increased his in-
come, and a practically new class of responsible and
fairly well-paid laborers and machine-minders has
come into existence, there exists now a greater sum,
tho a smaller proportion of hopeless destitution
than at any previous time. It appears, at any rate,
highly probable that in 1897 there are positively more
people in Great Britain who are existing at or near
starvation wages than there were in 1837, altho
their number bears a smaller proportion to the whole.
“Mr. Charles Booth tells us, in the effective ‘elo-
quence unadorned’ of his columns of statistics, that
some 32 percent. of the whole four millions of London’s
population fall within his four classes of peur
cerning et more than a guinea per week per family.
It is difficult to believe that, even in 1837, the percent-
age of persons at a corresponding low level can have
been greater, It is practically certain, remembering
the great increase in the total population, that at no
previous time were the actual numbers more than at
present. It has been reserved for our own prosperous
time to produce the spectacle of over a million of
people within one city living ‘in poverty.’ And when
we examine closer into Mr. Booth’s appalling details,
and begin to realize that out of this huge residuum
nearly a third are actually below what can be called
even full subsistence for a London family, we shall be-
gin to feel that our boasted progress since 1837 has not,
after all, taken us very far. ‘he 300,000 Londoners
who fail to get even 18s. a week per family, and live
in ‘chronic want,’ can never have been poorer. Their
actual number in the much smaller city of 1837 cannot
have been so great. And if we take into account the
slums of our other great cities, and realize that we
have in our midst a class of at least a million persons,
besides the million at any one time in receipt of poor
law relief, who live in ‘chronic want’ of even the
necessaries of life, we shall begin to understand how
very partial, after all, has been our progress.
“Tt is often assumed that this huge residuum which
is existing in our midst at starvation wages is made
up entirely of unskilled laborers, women plying the
needle, and drunkards and wastrels of all kinds. But
this is not the case. The unskilled laborer, indeed, is
morally entitled to full subsistence, tho he does
not always get it; but even men with a trade are
sometimes little better off. We find to-day numerous
small classes of skilled craftsmen in large towns whose
weekly earnings do not amount to a pound a week.
The Sheffield fork-grinders, for instance, working ata
horribly unhealthy and laborious trade, are constant-
y found working at time-work for 16s. to 20s, for a
ull week of fifty-six hours, subject to considerable re-
ductions for lost time. Similarly the Sheffield table-
blade grinders, who do the common work, do not get
more than a guinea a week net when working full
time. Even in the comparatively prosperous textile
industries there are large classes of men working as
weavers, card-room operatives, etc., who do not make
a pound a week.” -
Professor Rogers is not blindfold to the con-
ditions of the past, yet in a carefully balanced
paragraph he says (Széx Centurztes of Work
and Wages, chap. vi.):
“The life of our ancestors, tho laborious, was
not without its hopes. All the necessaries of life in
ordinary years, when there was no dearth, were abun-
dant and cheap, and even in dear years, the margin of
wages or profits over the bare wants of life was con-
siderable enough to fill up the void, even tho the
laborer had to subsist for a time on some cheaper food
than wheaten bread. Meat was plentiful; poultry
found everywhere; eggs cheapest of all. The poorest
and meanest man had no absolute and insurmountable
impediment put on his career, if he would seize his
opportunity and make use of it. :
“Tam well aware that in many particulars he was far
behind his descendants in the conveniences and com-
forts of life. His diet, as I have allowed, ‘was coarse
1379
Wages.
tho pee and during a great part of the year was
unwholesome. It took three centuries before the
Dutch, who were for a long time the center of economic
civilization, were able to discover and adopt those
succulent and wholesome roots which have given
health to man by banishing the loathsome diseases of
the middle ages, and have rendered it possible to im-
prove the breeds of cattle. Iam well aware that such
medical skill is now atthe service of the poorest as
princes and prelates desired, but were entirely with-
out in the middle ages. I am quite familiar, as we all
are, with the victories which human in-
genuity has acquired over nature. ...,
I know that four grains of wheat and
barley or any other grain are produced
by modern tillage when one was with
difficulty raised before ; that the modern ox has been
selected, bred, and fed from 400 pounds or less to 1200
pounds or more; that sheep, which once yielded a
pound of wool precariously, now produce seven or nine
pounds; that the powerful cart horse has taken the
lace of the wretched and stunted pony of the old
tnglish breed. I know that many of our fellow-
countrymen have exchanged squalid habitations and
uncleanly practices for houses built by the newest lights
of sanitary science and for fastidious cleanliness. I
am alive to the fact that what were once the luxuries
of the very few have now become the habitual com-
forts of the many, and that enterprise has scoured the
earth to make these and newer luxuries abundant and
cheap. I know that owing to the spread of knowledge,
the adaptation of industry, the energy of invention,
and the extension of trade, the population of England
and Wales is tenfold what it was six centuries ago,
that trim gardens, magnificent mansions, noble parks,
rows of banks and houses, vast and splendid cities,
occupy sites which were covered by squalid hovels or
frequented by wild boars, curlews and bitterns, or
were marsh fens and wild moors. I can see, without
being reminded, that the most lofty and subtle, those
of literature, are now common and profuse, and that
the world of civilization is so strong that there seems
no possible danger of its becoming destroyed bya new
incursion of barbarians, not even of those barbarians
whom it creates. The inhabitants of this country, at
least those whom the historian and politician think
worth instructing and consulting, enjoy the refined
pleasure of criticising and, as many of them believe,
conducting in no small degree the affairs of their own
country and even of other peoples. do not
need to be told that the wealth of London is such, that
asingle block of buildings pays a higher rent to its
fortunate owner than was derived from the whole
customs of the port in the days of the Plantagenets
and Tudors, that in a few hours a loan could be raised
in London sufficient to equip and provision an army
more numerous than all the men atarms were in medi-
eval Europe, and this probably without deranging the
course of trade or materially interfering with the
functions of credit. And I suspect that when we are
invited to consider all these things and more of the
same nature,as the prodigious strength of modern
governments, the boundless resources of modern so-
cieties, the priceless collections of art and letters, the
ceaseless activities of enterprise and the ever-increas-
ing discrepancies of science, it is fancied that a com-
plete answer is given to those who en-
tertain misgivings because they believe
Progress.
there is a reverse to the picture, another
side to the shield, which these triumph- Reverse
ant eulogies on modern progress would Picture,
have us conceal or forget. . . . It
may be that the progress of some has
been more than counterbalanced by the distresses and
sorrows of many, that the opulence and strength of
modern times mock the poverty and misery which
are bound up with and surround them. It may
be well the case, and there is every reason to fear it is
the case, that there is collected a population in our
great towns which equals inamount the whole of those
who lived in England and Wales six centuries ago,
but whose condition is more destitute, whose homes
are more squalid, whose means are more uncertain,
whose prospects are more hopeless than those of the
poorest serfs of the middle ages and the meanest
drudges of the medieval cities.”
In another passage (zdem, chap. xix.) he thus
sums up the economic history of the English
laborer in the following words :
“T have shown that from the earliest recorded an-
nals, through nearly three centuries the condition of
the English laborer was that of plenty and hope ; that
Wages.
from perfectly intelligible cause it sunk within a cen-
tury to so low a level as to make the workmen prac-
tically helpless, and that the lowest point was reached
just about the outbreak of the great war between King
and Parliament. From this time it gradually im-
proved, till in the first half of the eighteenth century
tho still far below the level of the fifteenth, it achieved
comparative plenty. Then it began to sink again, and
the workman experienced the direst misery during the
great continental war. Latterly, almost within our
own memory and knowledge, it has experienced a slow
and partial improvement, the causes of which are to be
found in the liberation of industry from protective
laws, in the adoption of certain principles which re-
strained employment in some directions, and most of
all in the concession to laborers of the right so long
denied of forming labor partnership.”
Some still more pointed passages from Mr,
Rogers’s work are as follows :
“T am convinced that at no period of English history
for which authentic records exist was the condition of
manual labor worse than it was in the 4o years from
1782 to 1821, the period in which manufacturers and
merchants accumulated fortune rapidly, and in which
the rent of agricultural labor was doubled” (chap.
ii). “I have stated more than once that the fifteenth
century and the first quarter of the sixteenth were
the goiden age of the English laborer, if we are to in-
terpret the wages which he earned by the cost of the
necessaries of life’ (chap. xii.). ‘‘The mass of Eng-
lish workmen are far better off now than they were
ro generations ago; the population has greatly in-
creased. But relatively speaking, the working man is
not so well off as he was in the fifteenth century, when
the population was not one tenth of what it is now”
(chap. xii.) ‘I contend that from 1563
to 1824 a conspiracy, concocted by the
law, and carried out by parties inter-
ested in its success, was entered into to
cheat the English workman of his wages,
to tie him to the soil, to deprive him of hope, and
to degrade him into irremediable poverty” (chap.
xiv.). ‘tWe have been able to trace the process by
which the condition of English labor had been contin-
uously deteriorated by the acts of government. It
was first impoverished by the issue of base money.
Next it was robbed of its guild capital by the land
thieves of Edward’s regency. It was next brought in
contact with anew and more needy set of employers,
the sheep masters, who succeeded the monks. It was
then with a pretense, and perhaps with the intention
of kindness, subjected to the quarter sessions amend-
ment, mercilessly used in the first half of the seven-
teenth century, the agricultural laborer being still
further impoverished by being made the residuum of
all labor. The agricultural laborer was then further
mulcted by inclosures, and the extinction of those
memorial rights of pasture and fuel which he had en-
joyed so long. The poor law professed to find him
work, but was so administered that the reduction
of his wages to a bare subsistence became an eas,
process and an economical expedient” (chap. xvii.).
** Some of the working classes in London, and those who
have been long educated in the machinery of labor
partnership, have at last regained the relative rate of
wages which they earned in the fifteenth century, tho
perhaps in some particulars the recovery is not com-
plete’ (chap. xix.). ‘‘I make no doubt the ordinary
hardships of human life in England were greater
and, I am sure, they were more general six centuries
ago than they are now. Life was briefer, old age
came earlier, disease was more deadly, the risks of
existence were more numerous, But the extremes of
wealth and poverty were by the fact of these common
conditions less widely separated. Above all things,
what is now characteristic of human life,
that one half of the world does not
know how the other half lives, a very
moderate statement of the fact, was not
true of the early ages of English prog-
ress.... The grinding, hopeless pov-
erty under which existence may be just continued,
but when nothing is won beyond bare existence did
not, I am convinced, characterize or even belong to
medieval life. That men died from want can believe,
but I do not think that they lived and died by inches,
so tospeak, There were many means by which occa-
sional distress was relieved” (chap. xv.), ‘1 do not
imagine that the present privileges and allowances of
laborers in husbandry are to be reckoned as sponta-
neous acts of generosity on the part of employers, in
whom I have never seen any such tendency, but sim-
ply as the curtailed and by no means equivalent sur.
Conspiracy.
Grinding
Poverty.
1380
‘small details, and
Wages of Superintendence.
i h larger and more solid advantages,
Wniee ane perhiens with safety be suddenly and
entirely extinguished. It is probable, too, that the
wages of labor were far more continuous in agricultu-
ral operations than they are now... . . The wages of
ordinary agricultural labor earned by women are not
more than a third of the amount which they were four
centuries ago” (chap. xix.). aot, :
After all these quotations it is impossible to
deny that there is some ground for the socialist
question, whether the laborer is better off to-
day than of old. It is true that it is fashionable
in certain quarters to question Mr. Rogers’ au-
thority ; but, in the first place, Mr. Rogers’ as-
sertions are based on the study of thousands of
accounts as to prices actually paid and wages
actually received, preserved in the musty
archives of English libraries and written with-
out the slightest thought of what use they
would be put to. Mr. Rogers, too, commenced
his study of them with views contrary to those
that later study compelled him to adopt.
ondly, Mr. Rogers is not alone in this view.
Mr. Newmarch, in his Hzstory of Prices, comes
to substantially the same conclusions, and most
of them can be supported from Hallam’s and
other histories of the Middle Ages. (See also
WEALTH ; WoMAN’s WAGES.)
References: Historical Review of Wages and Prices,
1752 fo 1860, by the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics
of Labor; Zhe ludustrial Evolution of the United
States, by Carroll D. Wright; The Present _Distri-
bution of Wealth in the United States, oy C. B. Spahr
oe ; Statistical Statements by Dr. Robert Giffen
of the British Board of Trade; Reports of the British
oard of Trade Foreign Reports of the Royal (Brit-
zsh) Commission on Labor.
WAGES OF SUPERINTENDENCE.—
It is often forgotten that the employers of labor
usually, tho not always, do important work them-
selves. They furnish to an industry the most
important work of superintendence, of planning
the work, of obtaining the raw material, of pro-
viding the plant and machinery—in a word, of
managing the business. This work is almost
always of the extremest importance. Espe-
cially under sharp competition, management is
sometimes nine tenths of the element of suc-
cess. It demands usually large and varied tal-
ents, concentration of thought, attention to
et ability to run the busi-’
ness as a whole. It demands long hours and
continuous responsibility. The employee who
works even long hours, when his hours are
over is free. The employer is often never free.
He sometimes works all day and worries all
night. His work, therefore, is often long and
exacting, as well as of the utmost importance.
He is, as such, askilled wage-worker, and what
he earns as such (not as a mere capitalist, but
as performing the work of superintendence) is
money earned by hard labor, and may be, as it
is often, called the wages of superintendence.
It is often high wages, but even so is often
wholly earned. Socialists do not object to
wages of superintendence. They recognize the
importance of superintendence and its value in
production, only they would have it performed
for the community and not for private stock-
holders. The very same men, they say, who
do such work to-day for private firms could do
it under socialism for the people, as, indeed,
does occur when a railroad goes into the hands
of a receiver.
Sec- ,
Wagner, Adolf Henri Gotthilf.
WAGNER, ADOLF HENRI GOTT-
HILF, was born at Erlangen in 1835. Study-
ing at the University of Heidelberg, he became
in 1858 professor in the Commercial College of
Vienna, and then at Hamburg, Dorpat, Frei-
burg, and since 1870 at Berlin. He is promi-
nent as a leader in the historical school of
- Germany, and particularly as a Socialist of the
Chair (g.v.), and a sympathizer with German
Christian Socialism (g.v.). He is best known
for his studies in finance and his general
economic treatise. Among his works are:
Die Geld und Kredit theorie der Peelschen
Bankacte (1862); System der deutschen Zet-
telbank-Gesetsgebung (1873); Lehrbuch der
gs Ockonomze (1872). (See PoLirTIcAL
CONOMY.)
WALKER, AMASA, was born in Wood-
stock, Conn., in 1799. Educated in public
schools, he became a merchant in Boston in
1825, and gained prominence in the construction
of the early railroads, and also in the anti slav-
ery and temperance reforms. He was Profes-
sor of Political Economy in Oberlin College,
Oberlin, O., 1842-49; in the Massachusetts
Legislature, as a member of the House in 1848,
and of the Senate in 1849; Secretary of State,
1851-52, Hewas in Congress 1862-63, and Lec-
turer on Political Economy at Amherst College,
1861-66. He died at North Brookfield in 1875.
His most important work was The Sczence of
Wealth (1866).
WALKER, FRANCIS AMASA, son of
Amasa Walker (g.v.), was born in Boston, in
1840, and graduated at Amherst College in
1860, He studied law at Worcester, but entered
the army in 1861 as sergeant-major. He was
constantly promoted, and became brevet briga-
dier-general in 1865. He was wounded at Chan-
cellorsville, was captured at Ream’s Station,
and confined at Libby Prison, where his health
became shattered. After the war he was teach-
er at Williston Seminary, 1865-68 ; editor of the
Springfield Republican, 1868-69 ; chief of the
Bureau of Statistics of the Treasury Depart-
ment at Washington, 1869 ; Superintendent of
the ninth United States Census, 1870; Com-
missioner of Indian Affairs, 1871-72 ; Professor
of Political Economy and History in the Shef-
field Scientific School of Yale College, 1872;
Superintendent of the tenth United States Cen-
sus, 1880; and President of the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology in Boston, 1881, which
position he held till hisdeathin 1896. Hismain
writings have been The Wages Question
(1876); Money (1878); Polztzcal Econom
(1883); Land and its Rent (1883); The Mak-
ne of a Nation (1895); Lnternational Bimet-
allism (1896). He is best known in economics
as the main originator of the theory that wages
depend upon production, for his Ricardian
views of rent, and his advocacy of international
’ bimetallism, He is considered by many, like
Dr. Ingram (see PoLiricaL Economy), as among
the ablest of American economists.
WALKING DELEGATE, THE, is the
paid secretary of a trade-union. His duties
usually are to pay out the sick and out-of-work
benefits of the union ; to see that they are only
1381
Walking Delegate.
paid to those really entitled to them ; to visit
the sick members; to care for the burial of
members who have died; to try and secure
work for members out of work (thus often hav-
ing an office and acting as an employment bu-
reau); to investigate troubles between mem-
bers and employers ; to try and secure redress
from the employers if the case is found to need
it; to report to the union if the employer will
not grant redress—to advise the union whether
or not it is advisable to strike ; if the union votes
to strike, to give the signal to the members when
to strike and to take charge of the strike.
It is this last duty which has made the name
of the walking delegate so unpopular with em-
ployers. They see him give the signal to
strike; at his signal they see their men lay
down their work ; the walking delegate visits
the employer to represent the men; the em-
ployer not unnaturally thinks that the walking
delegate, who appears to be, and often is, the
leader of the union, is the person who has stirred
up the evil, and that at his order his men have
struck. He therefore thinks that his men are
under the tyranny or at least the influence of
this ‘‘ paid agitator,’’ and lays at his door most
of the evil of the strike.
As a matter of fact, in no trade-union isa
walking delegate ever allowed to order a strike.
He is always the servant of the union, usually
poorly paid, and can only give a signal when
the union has voted to strike—never an order.
English and American ttade-unionists are sin-
gularly democratic and jealous of authority.
They never put themselves under a walking
delegate.
Employers too often resent dealing with their
men through a walking delegate ; they say that
they wish to deal with their men directly. They
forget that any body of men has unquestioned
right to deal through a representative. Cor-
porations continually do so, Trade-unions do
so because they have learned that an employee
dependent upon an employer cannot face the
employer as can a walking delegate who is in-
dependent of the employer. Hence the need
and justice of employing a walking delegate to
conduct such negotiations. The walking dele-
gate’s main duty, however, is to care for the
sick and out-of-work. Strikescome but rarely ;
the sick and needy are always present. ‘
Dr. Rainsford, of New York City, says con-
cerning walking delegates :
“T believe the labor leaders in the United States,
taking them all in all, are just as good as the leaders
in law or finance or society or politics. ... Iknowa
man who for years in this country has occupied one of
the first positions as a labor leader. No word is too
bad to be said about him by most of the press and
some of the colleges; and I know, as a matter of fact,
that the man, with a large family of children, never
drew but one half his salary during the whole time he
held office, and put the other half back into the treas-
ury of his organization. I know a man who, if my
judgment amounts to anything, is one of the ablest
men in the United States—a man who has great powers
of tongue and great powers of organization, and a
true, whole-souled man, and altho, alas! he is out-
side the Christian Church, I venture to say, alarge
whole-souled Christian, too. That man is at the hea
of an enormous federation in this country, and has
never taken but two dollars and fifty cents a day,
which is due to him from his trade, and he has never
taken even his two dollars and fifty cents a day except
when he was engaged in the active business of his fed-
eration; and when he has not been engaged in their
Walking Delegate.
business he has worked at his trade like anybody else.
And I will tell you that this winter, with an old mother
to support, that man walked the streets in the cold for
three long weeks to get work (and there is no better
workman at his trade), because boss after boss said
“Mr. So and So, you are upholding labor unionism,
and we won't give you work.’ That man walked for
three weeks before he could get a job for two dollars
and a half a day, rather than give in and surrender his
principles. I say that if our Lord and King were back
on the earth, 1 believe from my soul that those men
would be in His train,”
WALLACE, ALFRED RUSSEL, was
born at Usk, in Monmouthshire, in 1822. In
1848 he visited the Amazon River, and in 1854-
62 the Malaysian Islands. He corresponded
with Darwin as early as 1858, stating principles
of natural selection. Hjs first book on Evolz-
tion was published in 1870. He has since writ-
ten other books, and Darw¢znism in 1889. He
early became interested in social questions, and
in 1882 published his able and radical book
on Land Nationalization. He has recently
avowed himself a full socialist.
WALLACE, J. BRUCE, was born in India,
in 1853, his father being a missionary there of
the Presbyterian Church. He was educated in
Europe and at Queen’s University, Ireland, en-
tering the Congregational ministry in 1878. In
1885 he renounced the regular ministry to de-
vote himself to Christian Socialism, and in 1887
began to publish a paper, Brotherhood, in Ire-
land, In 1891 he settled in London, and pub-
lished Brotherhood there. In 1892 he became
pastor of the South Road Church (now “ The
Brotherhood Church”). In January, 1894, with
others, he organized ‘‘ The Brotherhood Trust”
(g.v.).
WAR.—(See Army AND Navy; INTERNA-
TIONAL ARBITRATION, for their respective sub-
jects.) We give here some statistics of the
size of armies and the cost and destructiveness
of wars. Ancient armies were not usually so
large, costly or destructive as modern armies,
tho probably far more destruction of life took
place in ancient days as the result of war than
in modern days, because warfare was far more
constant, and because the very cost and de-
structiveness of modern methods and engines
of war have made the wars more difficult to com-
menceor sustain. Reliable statistics of the size
of ancient armies do not exist.
_According to Herodotus, the army of Sesostris con-
sisted of 200,000 infantry, 24,000 cavalry, 2700 war char-
iots. This is probably, however,an exaggeration. At
Platea the Persians are said to have brought into the
field 300,000 men, besides 100,000 at Mycale the same
day. The victorious Greeks were of course compara-
tively but a handful. Darius had, according to Qui-
rites, 600,000 infantry, but this is almost certainly a gross
exaggeration. Alexander at Arbela is said to have
had 60,000 fighting men. Hannibal, in warring with
Rome, had 100,c00 men, counting all Carthaginian forces
in Africa, Spain and Italy. Rome in the second Punic
war had 100,000 men. nder the empire, the Roman
legions were vastly multiplied, but scattered over the
empire, from Britain to Syria, and from Spain to the
Danube. The armies in one war were not usually
very large.
The Middle Ages saw constant battling rather than
large armies.
The army of Napoleon at the time of the Russian
campaign was one of the largest of the world, count-
ing in all 1,200,000 men, tho of these only 850,000 were
actually in the field.
Of the cost and destructiveness of wars in the
1382
War.
present century, Mulhall’s Dictionary of Statis.
tics (1892) gives the following figures :
Cost in
Millions] Loss of
of Dol- Life.
lars.
Se
England and France, 1793-1815..--+ $6,250 1,900,000
England, France and Russia, 1854-
SOc cee cece ce cnereeeesaeeenereenes 1,525, 485,000
United States (Civil), 1863-65... 3)790 56,000
France and Germany, 1870-71 : 1,580 290,000
Russia and Turkey, 1876-77.-.....- 950 180,000
The cost in millions of dollars and loss per
year in these wars were :
Cost in
Millions| Loss of
of Dol- | (Life.
lars.
England and France......... ‘. $272 82,635
England, France and Russia. 7 508 161,667
United States (Civil). ....... sesdiat 306 1233 218,666
France and Germany.. aah “ata 790 145,000
Russia and Turkey........-..2eeee- 475 90,000
According to these figures, the Civil War of
the Rebellion was fer year the costliest and
most destructive war of modern times, and
probably of all times. In absolute cost and de-
structiveness it was only exceeded by the wars
between England and France, which lasted 22
years.
The War of the Revolution is said to have cost about
$135,000,000. About 300,000 American troops were en-
gaged at various times during the war, of which
130,000 were regulars. When Washington took com-
mand he had 14,500 men, and estimated the British at .
11,000, which was soon increased, however, to 25,000.
Later, General poe led 8000 from Canada and
ooo Indians. The British forces were
largely Hessian mercenaries, for which
the German princes were paid some
$850 per head; 7ooo French aided the
Americans. In the War of 1812, the
United States had in all branches of the
service 576,622 men; in the war with Mexico, 112,230.
In the Civil War, the Northern troops engaged at
any time in the war numbered 2,772,408. The Confed-
erate troops are estimated at a total of 600,000 OF 700,000.
The Northern loss by deaths in field, hospital, or else-
where was 340,944, or about 13 percent. The Confed-
erate total loss by death was about 350,000, or some 50
percent. At Gettysburg (3 days) the Northern troops
killed were are ; the killed, wounded and missing were
23,000. At Spottsylvania (11 days) the corresponding
mumbers were 2725 and 18,396; at the Wilderness
(3 days), 2246 and 17,666; at Antietam (1 day), 2108 and
12,410. Gettysburg was thus the greatest battle and
Antietam the bloodiest. The Confederate troops lost
at the Seven Days’ Battle in Virginia 3478, and killed,
wounded, captured, or missing, 20,614. “At Antietam (in
g days) the corresponding figures were 1886 and 12,601;
at Gettysburg, 2592 and 20,448; at Chickamauga, 2268
and 116,971. The United States Ordnance Department
served out during the war 7892 cannon, 4,022,000 rifles,
12,000 tons of powder, and 1,022,000,000 cartridges.
If all the Confederate loss was due to cartridges, only
1 cartridge in about 3000 killed, In the ;
ad tag a SecGraing. to Mulhall,
7,860 British, 309,400 French, and 165,000
urks took the field against 88800 Obher Were:
Russians. The British lost 22,182, or 2214
per cent.; the French, 95,615, or 3: per cent.; the
Turks, 45,400, or 27 per cent. ; the Russians, 446, 600, or
sopercent. Inthe Franco-German War, 710,000 French
took ee Bee erate some 20 per cent. ;
1,003,000 Germans fou and lost 44, i
per cent. s 44,751, Or little over
United
States Wars.
Ward, Lester Frank.
WARD, LESTER FRANK, was born at
Joliet, Ill, in 1841. He attended various
schools, served in the Civil War, graduated at
Columbian University in Washington in 1869.
He has been chief of the navigation division
and librarian of the United States Bureau of
Statistics ; chief of paleobotany for the United
States Geological Survey, and honorary curator
of fossil plants in the national museim. His
scientific papers number -over 400. His two
works on sociology, Dynamic Sociology (1883)
and The Psychic Factors of Civilization (1893)
are among the most learned contributions to
that science. (See SocioLoey.)
WARREN, JOSIAH, was born near Boston,
in 1799. Of unusually thoughtful disposition,
tho without great advantages, when Robert
Owen founded the community of New Harmony
(g.v.) Warren became interested and joined it.
Its failure set him to thinking. Hecame to the
conclusion that in the community the indi-
vidual had been made too little of, and that the
need was not more socialism, but more individ-
ualization. He concluded, secondly, that cost
was the true basis of price. (See VALUE.)
This was about 1827. Warren then deter-
mined to test the cost theory, and he started a
store in Cincinnati, which he conducted for two
years, doing business to the amount of $150,000.
For the details, see Warren’s Practical Details
of Eguztable Commerce (now out of print).
usiness was not centralized as now, and the
retailer realized large profits. Warren marked
his goods with the cost and added 7 per cent.
for rent, fuel, etc., exclusive of the labor of him-
self and the employees. This 7 per cent. was
carefully computed, and was invariable, but it
allowed no profit. A clock was kept in the
store, and every customer was timed and
charged so much an hour for the time of the
salesman. The charge for time was reduced
with the increase of business. Finally Warren
issued his own money in the shape of labor
notes, which he exchanged for the labor notes
of his customers. His notes became a popular
circulating medium.
The experiment satisfied him, and he closed
his store, and later published his principal work,
True Crvilization (1846). Warren set the type
for it himself.
Warren next went to Ohio and started a com-
munity based on his ideas. He converted Ste-
phen Pearl Andrews (g.v.). Later he founded
Modern Times, a community on Long Island,
but neither community prospered. He then
lived a sort of hermit life, partly in Princeton,
Mass., and died at Charlestown in 1874. He is
considered by the philosophical anarchists, as
with Proudhon, the founder of their system
of thought, (See ANARCHISM.)
WASHINGTONIAN MOVEMENT. —
This celebrated moral suasion crusade had its
origin in the reformation of a Baltimore drink-
ing club of six men—W. K. Mitchell, a tailor ;.
J. F. Hoss, a carpenter ; David Anderson and
George Steers, blacksmiths ; James McCurley,
a coachmaker, and Archibald Campbell, a sil-
versmith. They were induced to change their
habits by the address ot a temperance lecturer,
1383
Wayland, Francis.
and signed the following pledge (April 6, 1840) :
‘“We, whose names are annexed, desirous of
forming a society for our mutual benefit, and
to guard against a practice—a pernicious prac-
tice—which is injurious to our health, standing,
and families, do pledge ourselves, as gentlemen,
that we will not drink any spirits or malt
liquors, wine, or cider.’’
They took the name of ‘‘The Washington
Temperance Society,’ and were familiarly
known as ‘‘ Washingtonians.”” By the end of
1840 this Baltimore organization had 700 mem-
bers ; and under the leadership of John H. W.
Hawkins, the most prominent Washingtonian
agitator, the crusade spread to other cities and
States. Its force was spent by 1843, but the
energy developed by it was of great and last-
ing benefit to the general temperance cause.
WATERED STOCK. See Stock Water-
ING.
WATER-WORKS, MUNICIPAL, are
almost the only instance in which the United
States is in advance of Europe in adopting the
principle of public ownership. The first water-
works in the United States were built at Boston
in 1652 by the Water-Works Company. The
second were built at Bethlehem, Pa., in 1761.
By 1800 there were 16, only one being owned
by the public. In 1890, of the 1878 works in the
United States, 806, or 43 per cent., were owned
by cities.
The average rates charged private consumers
by 430 companies, as shown by the Manual of
American Water-Works for 1889-90, were 43
per cent. higher than those charged by 318 cities
for the same service. Many of these water-
works are very profitable.
For New York City, Mayor Strong, in his
message concerning the Department of Public
Works (1897), makes the following report from
the Bureau of Water-Register :
“For the first time in the history of the city
the revenue collected last year from water rents
was more than enough toreimburse the city for
the entire outlay of the Department of Public
Works, which is taken from taxation. To ex-
press it in another way, our water rents paid for
road pavements, street lighting, care of and re-
pairs to the entire water system, care of and re-
pairs to public buildings, salaries, wages, and
all other administrative expenses.’’
The report of the Water Department of Chi-
cago for 1897 shows that the receipts were
$3,226,000 and the operating expenses, $285,000,
leaving net earnings of $2,941,000. The invest-
ment in the Chicago Water-Works, according
to the New York Sz, was $28,000,000, so that,
besides interest on bonds for this amount, the
net profits are $1,500,000. The public also re-
ceives free water in its parks, streets, and pub-
lic buildings. (For water-works in Europe, see
articles BERLIN; BIRMINGHAM ; GLascow ; Lon-
pDoN ; Paris.)
WAYLAND, FRANCIS, was born in New
York in 1796, and graduated at Union College
in 1813. He studied medicine, but later entered
the Baptist ministry. He was tutor at Union
College, 1817-21; pastor of the First Baptist
Wayland, Francis.
Church in Boston, 1821-26 ; President of Brown
University, 1827. He died in 1865. His socio-
logical writings are: Elements of Moraét Scz-
ence (1835); Elements of Political Economy
(1837).
WEALTH.—We consider this subject under
four heads: I. Definitions; II. Statistics of
Wealth; III. The Concentration of Wealth ;
IV. Is the Concentration of Wealth Increasing
or Decreasing ?
I. DEFINITIONS.
Wealth is usually defined in economic science
as ‘‘useful or agreeable a which possess
exchangeable value’’ (Mill), Of this definition
Mill says (Political Economy, ‘‘ Preliminary
Remarks’’) :
“Things for which nothing could be obtained in ex-
change, however useful or rlecessary they may be, are
not wealth in the sense in which the term is used in
political economy. Air, forexample, tho the most ab-
solute of necessaries, bears no price in the market, be-
cause it can be obtained gratuitously ; to accumulate
a stock of it would yield no profit or advantage to any
one; and the laws of its production and distribution
are the subject of a very different study from political
economy. But tho air is not wealth, mankind are
much richer by obtaining it gratis, since the time and
labor which would otherwise be required for supply-
ing the most pressing of all wants can be devoted to
other purposes. It is possible to imagine circumstances
in which air would be a part of wealth.”
Senior’s definition of wealth, quoted by Jevons
(Theory of Political Economy, p. 175), is the
same, that wealth consists of ‘‘ those things and
those things only which are transferable, are
limited in supply, and are directly or indirectly
productive of pleasure or preventive of pain.”
On the other hand, many reform writers iden-
tify wealth with well-being on the ground that
it is impossible to divorce immaterial factors
from material factors, and still be true to the
facts of life. John Ruskin, e.g., argues that no
article is useful except to those who can use
it. Hence he says:
‘“ Wealth, therefore, is ‘the possession of the valua-
ble by the valiant ;’ and in considering it as a power
1384
Wealth.
existing in a nation, the two elements, the value of the
thing and the valor of its possessor, must be estimated
together. Whence it appearsthat many of the persons
commonly considered wealthy are in reality no-more
wealthy than the locks of their own strong boxes are,
they being inherently and eternally incapable of
wealth, and operating for the nation, in an economical
oint of view, either as pools of dead water and eddies
in a stream (which, so long as the stream flows, are
useless, or serve only to drown people, but may be-
come of importance in a state of stagnation, should the
stream dry); or else as dams in a river, of which the
ultimate service depends not on the dam, but the mil-
ler ; or else as mere accidental stays and im ediments,
acting not as wealth, but (for we ought to have a cor-
responding term) as ‘illth,’ causing various devasta-
tion and trouble around them in all directions; or
lastly, act not at all, but are merely animated con-
ditions of delay (no use being possible of anything
they have until they are dead), in which last condition
they are nevertheless often useful as delays and ‘im-
pedimenta,’ if a nation is apt to move too fast.”
Some writers on reform distinguish between.
riches and wealth. Says G. Bernard Shaw in
the Fabzan Essays :
“It is sometimes said that during this grotesquely
hideous march of civilization from bad to worse,
wealth is increasing side by side with misery. Sucha
thing is eternally impossible; wealth is steadily de-
creasing with the spread of poverty. But riches are
increasing, which is quite another thing. The total of
the exchange values produced in the country annually
is mounting perhaps by leaps and bounds. But the
accumulation of riches, and consequently of an ex-
cessive purchasing power, in the hands of a class,
soon satiates that class with socially useful wealth,
and sets them offering a price for luxuries. The mo-
ment a price is to be had fora luxury, it acquires ex-
change value, and labor is employed to produce it. A
New York lady, for instance, having a nature of ex-
quisite sensibility, orders an elegant rosewood and
silver coffin, upholstered in pink satin, for her dead
dog. It is made; and meanwhile a live child is prowl-
ing barefooted and hunger-stunted in a frozen gutter
outside. The exchange-value of the coffin is counted
as part of the national wealth; but a nation which
cannot afford food and clothing for its children cannot
be allowed to pass as wealthy because it has provided”
a pretty coffin for a dead dog.”
II. Sraristics oF WEALTH.
The census valuation of real and personal
property in the United States (Alaska excluded)
in 1890 was as follows :
Live Stock Mines and
Beal Beate on Farms, Quarries, Gold and
STATES AND TERRITORIES. Total, Improvements Farm Imple- | including Coin and
hereon ments and Product on Bullion
: Machinery. Hand. AOE
The United States............ $65,037,091,197 $301544544)333 | $2,703,015,040 | $1,291,291,579 | $1,158,774)948
North Atlantic Division..........
$ar 1491,86.
South Atlantic Division .. atte 666
$13,905,274,364
$430,770,756
$424,071,494
$390,4311535
ivisi 59132980, 666 24923418,932 198,075,819 61,415,252 140}731)530
pork Central Division... 2542559151549 15,125,481, 180 1544794714577 220,544,444 38710403355
eens Central Division . 6,401,281,019 31538,805,433 409,372, 40,916,904 170,393,078
estern Division....... 6,811,422,099 4,051,564,424 217,324,288 54453431485 704178.250
Machinery of -
Mills and ea eaes and Telegraphs,
Product on quipments, | 7 leph
STATES AND TERRITORIES. Total, end including Shipp Pee apa Miscellaneous.
v
Raw and oe Canals.
Manufactured es
The United States........ seeeee! $65,037,091,197 $3,058,593,441 | $8,685,407,323 $701,755,712 | $7,893,708,821
North Atlantic Division............ $21,435491,864 || $1,730,7525192 | $1,445,910,383 $351,28
5 hea 39023 2: 68,11
South Atlantic Division. 55132,980,| | 180,991,025 9431510,336 : 76,132,083 . Gok oes 689.
North Central Division . 25)25519151549 87359771334 | 3193712379117 160,425,950 | 3,103,737,302
South Central Division . 401,281,019 138,558,243 1,288,746,449 5339945196 760,494,116
Western Division ........ .......86 6,811,422,099 125,314,647 1,070,003,038 50:920,460 672773)$07
Wealth. 1385 Wealth.
The following estimate of the nation’s income on The Present Distribute W
for 1890 is made by Dr. C. B. Spahrin his book Unzted States (1896) % Ste ane ae
NATIONAL INCOME, 1890.
Num :
INDUSTRY. need Method of Reckoning Income. Wages. Profits. Total Income.
ASTICUICULE : caniens eres 8,497,000 |Includes $140,000,000 house rent*..| —.....,
ttises seen Seb clacneeutaisal nets 350,000 |Wages at $370 (official estimate Sasioojome,gee
for coal miners); profits, etc.,
60 per cent. of wages, as in 1880t.| $130,000,000 $80,000,000 210,000,000-
Manufactures and me- pet
chanical trades........ 5,091,000 |Wages, $360; profits, etc., two
(4,650,000 thirds, as in Massachusetts}..... 1,674,000,000 | 1,116,000,000 25790,000,000~
age
‘ Earners)
Railroads..... .... hacer 462,000 |Net profits official, wages, etc.,
4 : same per cent. as in 1880..... + s2-] 300,000,000 331,000,000 630,000,000"
Others in trade or *
transportation. ....... 2,863,000 |Net product the same per head,
asin manufactures. .. ..........] 0.2... arene 14570,000,000-
TeacherS.........-00ee00. 342,000 |Wages at $250 (official estimate
: 1889, $230 for public schools)§ .... nivale sees eh 86,000,000-
Ministers ............... 88,000 |Salaries at $900; official estimate
for Methodist Church, North,
ma $849 4 O53 fees]... 2, .-+-- wae ee teas sa 80,000,000
Physicians and lawyers. 195,000 |Harnings one third more than
ministers, or $1,2009.....e.s..000- 234,000,000
Other professions....... 320,000 |Earnings at $800........ 260,000,000
Servants and laborers..| 3,357,000 |Wages at $200... aaa 670,000,000
All other's ws gcae0 cescaxe 1,172,000 |Earnings at $400................ -- 470,000,000
Urban real estate (ex- Six and two thirds per cent. on
cluding stores and estimated value**..............6. graeme | Gaia aee 1,200,000,000
factories) ...... .......
22,735,000 $10,800,000,000
* In agriculture the cost of seed, fertilizers, etc., and the expenses for stock and implements, are offset by
fuel and betterments.
t It is true that miners’ wages arenot net. (The lowa Labor Report for 1890-1891 estimates the cost of powder,
smithing, and oil at about one-fifth of nominal wages.) Nevertheless, the average wages of coal-miners are
exceptionally low. *
t Inthe building trades, wages are much higher than in manufactures, but profits are much less.
product per hand is about the same.
§ Teachers’ wages are often for a very few months’ employment.
| Ministers’ salaries in the Congregational Church average $1047. Nevertheless, in the great denominations,
especially those strong in the South and among the negroes, salaries are very much lower.
{ Physicians’ incomes are estimated somewhat higher than this by Dr. George F. Shrady (Forum, 1894), who
makes $1200 the average outside the cities. It seems probable, however, that Dr. Shrady had in mind only the
East and North.
** From the value of non-agricultural real estate ($26,000,000,000) must be subtracted about $2,650,000,000 for
factories and shops, as much more for stores, and a third sum of nearly equal magnitude for untaxed property
—chiefly public. The total income from house and office rents, as estimated in the text, is one seventh of the
total income of the non-agricultural population.
The net
FOREIGN HOLDINGS OF AMERICAN WEALTH. FEDERAL BONDS.
Europe’s Share Europe’s Share
Aggregate Value. “of principal. of Interest.
Respecting the foreign holdings of American
wealth, the most careful estimate, perhaps, is
that made by M. Georges Martin, and published ae ea pe ai
in the Jouragl of the Statistical Society of eet Cnet
Paris, April, 1891. It relates only to the securi-
From $91,700,000
From $1,846,000,000
$118,700,000
ties quoted on European exchanges ; but such To — $2,386,000,000 To
securities represent the great body of American
aes elie Bas abroad. The estimate is briefly p415 syrmuM DEBT OF THE UNITED STATES, 1890-
Estimate of Mr. George K. Holmes, the head
222 SECURITIES QUOTED EXCLUSIVELY IN
EUROPE.
Europe’s Share
Europe’s Share
of Interest.
Aggregate Value. of Principal.
$694 ,000,000 $64,000,000 $34,700,000
267 SECURITIES QUOTED ALSO IN AMERICA.
STOCKS AND BONDS, INCLUDING
STATE BONDS.
Eu ’s Share Europe’s Share
Aggregate Value. of Principal. of Interest.
§ ; $1,079,000,000 (min.) $54,000,000
39238,000,000
$1,619,000,000 (max.) $81,000,000
of the Bureau of Mortgages (Polztical Sctence
Quarterly, 1893) :
Railroad companies (funded debt).... ... $4,631,473,184
Street railway companies (funded debt).. 151,872,289
Telephone companies (funded debt).. 4)992,565
Telegraph, public water, gas, electric
lighting and power companies (esti-
mated) ....... eseee este ee erect eee settee 200,000,000
Other quasi-public corporations (to make
round total) .....-.-262 eeeee ee eee reece ee 11,661,962
Total debt of quasi-public corpora-
tions seeeeeer $5,000,;000,000
Wealth.
++ $6,000,000,000
350,000,000
300,000,000
1,986,058,320
Real estate mortgages (estimated).....,
Crop liens in the South (estimated)......
Chattel mortgages (estimated)....... ....
National banks (loans and overdrafts)...
Other banks (loans and overdrafts, not in-
cluding real estate mortgages)
Other private debts (to make round total)
1,172,918, 415
I, 191,023,265
Total debt of other private corpora-
tions and individuals. = $11,000,000,000
Total private debt « » +$16,000,000,000
1386
Wealth.
United States........ ones ngsidie., Groumyecnsraie $891,960,104
States........ : 228,9971389
Counties. 145,048,045
Municipalities. 724,463,060
School districts...... 36,701,948
Total public debt (less sinking fund) $2,027,170,546
Grand total........... WieineS Sicinerane steels $18,027,170,546
ESTIMATED WEALTH OF THE NATION—1825-97.
(In Millions of Dollars.)
‘Wealth from 1825 to 1870 estimated by the Director of the Mint, Report for 1881, p. 321; from 1870 to 1897, esti-
mated by G. B. Waldron, in Handbook of Currency and Wealth, except for census years 1880 and 1890.
Year. Wealth. Year. Wealth. Year. Wealth. Year. Wealth, Year. Wealth,
TBS. eeveee 31273 1840.+.65. 5,226 11,488 *26,460 52,908
eeeuee 51392 12,396 27,781 555138
51563 135318 29,164 571462
51739 14,252 30,618 59:883
5,922 185Q++++4+| 15,200 32,145 62,407
6,109 1860... 16,160 339747 65,037
6,302 1861...... 17,013 351430 67,778
6,501 1862...... 17,906 37.197 70,636
6,707 1863. 18,838 39,051 73,610
6,918 1864.65 19,809 40,998 765713
7,136 1865+.00.- 20,820 43,082 791945
75981 1866.....-] 21,869 44,856 83,315
8,838 L867 case 22,958 46,746 6,825
9,708 1868...... 24,086 48,716
10,591 186Q....--] 25,253 50,769
In an article in Zhe North American Re-
wiew for June, 1895, Mr. M. G. Mulhall, the
English statistician, gathers the following re-
sults from the census figures of the United
States from 1850-90 :
“If we would classify the whole wealth of the
Union under two heads, urban and rural, the result at
different dates would be as follows:
URBAN AND RURAL WEALTH OF THE NATION.
* On a gold basis.
“In the table rural wealth is the aggregate of the
value of lands, cattle, and implements at each cen-
sus; the restis urban. We find that rural or agricul-
tural wealth has only quadrupled in 40 years, while ur-
ban has multiplied sixteenfold. This would seem to
- point to the conclusion that farming has not been so prof-
itable as commerce, manufactures, banking, railways,
and other pursuits. But it isto be observed that in late
years the increase of urban population has been much
greater than that of rural, and that the number of
hands engaged in agriculture is by no means compara-
ble with that of persons engaged in city or town life.
The following table shows the increase of wealth per
head in the two great classes that make up the Ameri-
PERCENTA can people.
MILLIons OF DOLLarRs, OF Tote “ Before 1860 the accumulation of wealth for each
YEARS. rural worker was much greater than that correspond-
ing te perene of the urban oo Beton ea and
I 1870 the farming interests, especially in the Southern
Urban. | Rural. | Total. |Urban. Rural, States, eagered ko severely a reason of the war that
| the increase per head fell below $18 yearly ; but dur-
, ing the last 20 years the increment of rural wealth
6 6 136 6 has been almost uniform at $47 per head per an-
giiee Sie! : 2D 2 aed 55+ num of the number of rural workers. Looking back
gTSO 71999 BBE 2 49-4 to 1870, we find that since that year the accumulation
pos 9OO Bens 3-0 37-9 of wealth among urban workers has averaged over $82
37153: eae ee 42 1202 27.8 per annum, or 73 per cent. more than among rural -
491055 51902 51037 75°4 24.6 workers, which i dicen to explain the influx of popu-
lation into towns and cities.”
ANNUAL ACCUMULATIONS BY URBAN AND RURAL WORKERS.
7 YEARLY ACCUMULATION PER WORKER
/ NUMBER OF WORKERS. MILLIONS OF DOLLARS.’ YEARLY.
PERIODS.
Urban. | Rural. | Totals. Urban. | Rural Totals. | Urban. | Totals.
1851-60... Dee seeeeee oe 11,216,000 3,820,000 15,036,000 5Or 401 go2 $44.70 $15.00
1861-70. 14,462,000 51133,009 194595;000 698 92 790 48.30 17.90
1871 80, 18,183,000 6,797,000 24,980,000 1,638 320 1,958 90-00 47.10
PESTO Owssisseisize sve 23,905,000 8,215,000 32,120,000 15752 388 2,140 73.30 47-30
Wealth.
Per Capita Wealth.
The total wealth of the United States as given by
the census ir. round numbers is $65,000,000,0000, or
about $1000 per head, or, reckoning five to a family,
$5000 per family. The total income is reckoned by
Dr. Spahr at $10,800,000,000, or about $431 for each per-
son engaged in remunerative business, including men,
women and children. For what men do earn, see
article WAGES, Men’s wages are usually above the
average, if skilled, because women and unskilled la-
borers receive less,
GREAT BRITAIN.
The (English) Fad¢an Tract, No. 5, revised
edition (1895), says :
“The annual income of the United Kingdom was esti-
mated by the following authorities at from twelve to
thirteen hundred million pounds sterling ; or, the pop-
ulation in 1881 being nearly 35,000,000, about 435 per
head, or £140 per adult man.* ig 1840 it was about £20)4,
and in 1860, 4263 per head (Mr. Mulhall, Dectionary of
Statistics, p. 24a): Sir Louis Mallet, K.C.S.I. (India
Office), 1883-84, Vatzonal Income_and Taxation (Cob-
den Club i; P- 23, £1,289,000,000 ; Professor Leone Levi
(King’s College, London), 7?mes, January 13, 1885,
£1,274,000,000 ; Mr. R. Giffen (Board of Trade), Essays
in Finance, Vol. ii., pp. 460, 472 (1886), £1,270,000,000 5
Mr. Mulhall, 1892, Dectéonary of Statistics, p. 320,
income for 1889, £1,285,000,000 } Professor A. Marshall
(Cambridge University), Report of Industrial Remu-
neration Conference, p. 194 (January, 1885), upward
of £1,125,000,000.
“Since these estimates were made the gross assess-
ments to income tax have risen (1882-83 to 1892-93)
by £09345,041 (Statistical Abstract, C—7143, and /n-
land Revenue Report, 1803-94, C—7557). Allowing for
a corresponding rise in the incomes not assesse and
in the wages of manual labor, we may estimate the
income for 1893-94 at not less than £1,450,000,000. The
peptleion has risen from 34,884,848 in 1881 to 37,731,915
in 1891.
“Bhese figures (which are mainly computed from
income-tax returns and estimated average rates of
wages) mean that the price in money of the commod-
ities and services produced in the country during the
whole course of a year was about £152 per adult man.t
Most of these commodities and services were used up
within that period in maintaining the 37,000,000 inhab-
itants, and Mr. Giffen estimates that_about £200,000,-
coo is ‘saved’ annually Assays in Finance, vol. ii.,
p. 407). The bulk of this ‘saving’ exists in the form
of new railways, houses, roads, machinery, and other
aids to future labor. ...
(a) Rent.
“The total ‘gross annual value’ of lands, houses,
tithes, etc., as assessed for income tax in 1892-93, was
#202,710,218 ; the rents of mines, quarries, ironworks,
gasworks, waterworks, canals, fishings, shootings,
markets, tolls, etc., amounted to 428,576,080 (Inland
Revenue Report, 1893-94, C—7557). Many of these are
far from being fully assessed, and the total ‘ rent’t of
the United Kingdom must, therefore, exceed two hun-
dred and thirty millions sterling, or nearly one sixth of
the total produce.
(b) Interest.
“The profits of public companies, foreign invest-
ments, railways, etc., assessed to income tax in the
United Kingdom in 1892-3, amounted to £139,496,934. The
interest payable from public funds (rates and taxes)
was, in addition, 445,470,978 (/u/and Revenue Report,
1893-94, C—7557)-
* It has been assumed throughout that one personin
every four is an adult male, and that there are, on an
average, five persons to each family group.
+ It may be observed that the estimated amount of
“money” or currency in the country 1s about £130,000,-
ooo, or under £4 per head, including pank notes. Gold
coin and bullion, between £80,000,000 and £100,000,000 5
silver and bronze, £15,000,000; bank Hotes; beyond
gold reserves, £24,000,000 (W. S. Jevons, /mvesriga-
Zions in Currency and Finance, p. 272; Re ort of Dep-
uty-Master of the Mint, 1889 ; Mr. Goschen’s Speech on
Second Reading of the Coinage Act, 1891).
¢ In 1843 this total was (for Great Britain only) £95)-
284,497 ; in 1855 (for the United Kingdom), £124,871,885.
1387
Wealth.
“That these amounts are understated may be in-
ferred from Mr. Mulhall’s estimate of the stocks, shares,
bonds, etc., held in Great Britain alone, as being worth
42,655,000,000, producing an annual income of upward
of £122,000,000 (Dictionary of Statistics, p. 106). Sir
Louis Mallet estimates the English income from
foreign investments alone at £100,000,000 annually
(Wational Income and Taxation [Cobden Club], p.
13); and later returns show that this estimate must be
increased by £20,000,000.* Nearly the whole of this
vast income may be regarded as being received with-
out any contemporary services rendered in return by
the owners as such.
““We have, however, to add the interest on capital
employed in private undertakings of manufacture or
trade. This is included with ‘wages of superinten-
dence’ in business profit, both for the purpose of the
income-tax returns and in ordinary speech. Mr. Giffen
estimated it in 1884, apart from any earnings of person-
al service, at £89,000,000 (Essays 7x Finance, vol. ii.
Pp. 403). Allowing for the increase since then, the tota
amount of interest cannot therefore be less than £280,-
900,000.
“ Adding hereto the rent mentioned in the preceding
section, we have a total of £510,000,000 for rent and in-
terest together. This estimate receives support from
the fact that the amount under. these heads actually
assessed for income tax was in 1892-93, £400,000,000
(Inland Revenue Report, C—7557). It has often been
stated by the Commissioners oe Inland Revenue that
large amounts of interest escape assessment, and it is
well known that much is assessed under other heads.
(c) Profits and Salaries.
“Tt is convenient for statistical purposes to include
under this head all those who do not belong to the
‘manual-labor class.’ If we take the ‘rent of ability’
to have increased in the same proportion as the assess-
ments to income tax, this prosperous body may be
estimated to receive for its work about £410,000,000
annually.
“Mr. R. Giffen, total income, less rent, interest, and
wages of manual-labor class (Assays in Finance,
vol. ii., p. 404), £313,000,000; Professor A. Marshall,
earnings of all above the manual-labor class (Report
of Industrial Remuneration Conference, Pp. 194), 4300)-
o00,000; Mr. Mulhall, income of tradesmen class only
(Dictionary of Statistics, p. 320), £244,000,000; Mr. R.
Giffen, salaries of superintendence assessed to income
tax alone (Essays ia Finance, vol. ii., p. 404), 4180,-
000,000.
“The total drawn by the legal disposers of what are
sometimes called the ‘three rents’ (on land, capital,
‘and ability) amounts, therefore, at present to about
nine hundred and twenty million pounds sterling year-
ly, or nearly two thirds of the total produce. The fol-
lowing estimates, framed some years ago, support
this view: Mr. Giffen, Assays 7x Finance, vol. li., p.
467, 4720,000,000; Mr. Mulhall, Dictionary y. Statistics,
Dp. 246, £818,000,000; Professor Leone Levi (King’s
College, London), Times, January 13, 1885, £753,000,-
ooo; Professor Alfred Marshall (Camb.), Report on In-
dustrial Remuneration Conference, Pp. 194, £675,000,000.
“Phe manual-labor class receives, on the other hand.
for all its millions of workers, only some five hundred
and thirty millions sterling: Mr. Giffen, Essays 7m
Finance, vol. ii. p. 467, 4550,000,000; Mr. Mulhall,
Dictionary of Statistics, p. 320, £467,000,000 3, Mr. j.s.
Jeans, Stadistical Saciehys Journal, vol. xivii.. p, 631,
600,000,000; Professor Leone Levi (as above), 4521.7
000,000; Professor A. Marshall (as above), ‘500,000,000. T
P.—Total produce, £1,450,000,000 ; W.—Income of man-
ual-labor class, £530,000,000; income of the legal pro-
prietors of the three natural monopolies of land, cap-
ital and ability, £920,000,000.’"$
® See Fabian Tract, No. 7, ‘‘Capital and Land,” p.6.
+ These estimates, which are based on average rates
of wages, multiplied by the number of workers, as-
sume, however, reasonable regularity of employment,
and take no account of the fact that much of the total
amount of nominal wages is reclaimed from the work-
ers in the shape of ground rent. Much must, there-
fore, be deducted to obtain their real net remunera-
tion.
¢ In this connection it may be mentioned that the to-
tal income of the charities of the United Kingdom, in-
cluding endowments, amounts to £10,040,000, OF little
over 1 per cent. of the foregoing total. £2,040,000 of
this, it may be added, is expended upon Bible socie-
ties alone (Mulhall, Dic¢zonary of Statistics, Pp. 112).
The total cost of poor relief in 1891-92 was £10,815,030
(Statistical Abstract, C—7143).
Wealth.
1388
Wealth.
ESTIMATED WEALTH OF THE LEADING COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD—1888.
Adapted from Mulhall’s Dictéonary of Statistics, 1892, page 589. English pounds converted into dollars at
$4.8665 per pound,
(All figures except the last column in millions of dollars.)
. Per
COUNTRIES. Land. Cattle, Houses. | Railways.| Other. Total Capita,
United Kingdom................ +57 2,015 31,796 4,210 20,210 459745 $1,202
France..... : See cpeeatons soe rest 2,633 8,203 25774 15,061 41,842 1,090
Germany .... 8,833 25395 5,996 2,409 11,693 31,326 681
Russian. qscsrises 71334 4515 3,412 1,528 8,342 24,766 268
Austria 6,672 1,879 2,438 1,494 6.277 18,760 482
Italy, 59752 1,085 1,917 672 41993 14,419 487
Spain siciciss Heads 45788 1,046 1,655 457 4,298 12,244 720
Portugal..... 642 14 341 92 77° 1,986 423
Sweden............ 1,168 32I 389 136 1,086 3,700 608.
Norway........ 487 131 83 34 448 1,183 594
Denmark........ 1,056 277 195 49 389 1,966 1,119:
The Netherlands.. 1,528 321 642 170 2,108 45769 1,025,
Belgium. .. 1,835 33r 516 345 1,873 4,900 813
Switzerland 1,071 117 195 180 841 2,404 803
Roumania., . 1,236 336 243 141 930 2,886 535
Servia. ........ 457 136 97 29 337 1,056 526
Greece, ......... 672 205 97 29 457 1,460 788
Bulgariave. casteccces aeswecen 438 97 97 39 327 998 34t
TUK Y sess wsauieisien acs aiane ete 1,363 277 195 79 972 2,886 584
OURO DOs. sisitizicnes dc ol aieinsaus cine < aiasanard 65,927 17,894 38,596 14,867 81,412 218,696 $633
United States.. Fess 59529 13,870 91485 21,066 62,408 1,022
Canada: nieces vaccines cnevescneeees 1,372 389 618 735 1,655 49769 954
Argentine Republic... ease 540 321 462 233 g2r 25477 608
AMSta lia wiscsiidtisec we simone st 2,594 506 1,163 457 1,962 6,682 1,801
Cape Colony ....... a latsduweiate 2K 122 83 83 88 281 657 633
MoOtal 5c02srasdedacdedanty aoutes 83,013, 245722 545792 25,865 107,207 295,689 $701
4
III. Tue DisrrisuTion oF WEALTH.
(@) IN THE UNITED STATES.
An estimate of the distribution of the wealth
in the United States was made by Mr. Thomas
G. Shearman in the Forum for 1889 and for
January, 1891. It was based on careful esti-
mates of the wealth of the very wealthy, a list
of which he gave, and estimates of the division
of the remaining wealth of the country between
the middle class and the poor, based on asses-
sors’ returns. Mr. Shearman came to the con-
clusion that 1.4 per cent. of the population own
7o per cent. of the wealth ; 9.2 per cent. of the
population own 12 per cent. of the wealth ; and
89.4 per cent. of the population own only 18 per
cent. of the wealth.
Mr. G, K. Holmes, expert on wealth statis-
tics for the tenth census, follows the contrary
method, and by estimating the wealth of the
oor, arrives at the wealth of the rich. He
nds that 0.3 per cent. of the people own 20 per
cent. of the wealth ; 8.97 per cent. of the people
own 51 per cent. of the wealth ; and g1 per cent.
of the people own only 29 per cent. of the wealth.
The fact that Mr. Holmes is not a partisan,
either of conservatism or radicalism, gives to
his estimates an unwonted value. As published
in the Polztical Sczence oe and in the
z
Journal of the Royal Statistical Socdety they
are in brief as follows :
Tenants of farms and homes...
Owners of mortgaged farms
and homes worth less than
7:871,099 | $2,837,049,500
D5, 000s ies dasoc'e vs bere waieuiae aoteane an 1,483, +76.
Gmnere of free farms and GPSaSY | BPE ES
homes worth less than $5,000..| 3,078,077 | 10,946,616,952
Owners of farms and homes
worth $5,000 or Over...... 0.05 1,257,620 | 48,600,000,000
A third estimate was made by Dr. Charles B,
Spahr, based on returns from the clerks of the
surrogate courts in New York State. As given
by Dr. Spahr in his The Present Distribution
of Wealth in the United States (1896), his con-
clusions are as follows :
FOR KINGS COUNTY (NEW YORK CITY).
Person.
alty.
Num.
bet, Total.
Realty.
27 | $2,872, 100)
$50,000 and over.... $4,101,000) $6,973,100-
$50,000 to $5,000....] 147 1,029,250] 1,070,080] 2,099,330
nder $5,000.......| 336 135,330] 376.700] 512,030
| 510. | $4,036,680] $5,547,780| $9,584,460
THE UNITED STATES, 180.
Aver-
ESTATES. Number.| 4 eee? age
ealth. |Wealth.
The wealthy classes,
$50,000 and over.... 125,000] $33,000,000,000] $264,000
The cs class-
€S, $50,000 to $5,000..} 1,375,000] —23,000,000,000! 16,000
The middle classes, ea Brereton .
$5,000 to $500......... 51500,000] 8, 200,000,600) 1,500
The poorer classes,|.
under $500.......... 5)500,000] 800,000, 000) 150
12,500,000] $65,000,000,000| $5,200
The conclusion reached, therefore, is that less
than half the families in America are property-
Wealth.
less ; nevertheless, seven eighths of the fami-
lies hold but one eighth of the national wealth,
while 1 per cent. of the families hold more than
the remaining 99. Dr. Spahr adds:
“Since the completion of this study, a volume has
appeared that must set at rest all question as to ex-
treme moderation of the estimates reached. Part II.
of the Report of the Massachusetts Bureau of Labor
Statistics for 1894 publishes the inventoried probates
for the entire State of Massachusetts during the three
years 1889, 1890, and 1891. Altho the estates for which
no inventories are filed are, asa rule, the largest, the
following concentration of property is exhibited:
INVENTORIED ESTATES IN MASSACHU-
SETTS, 1889-91. ’
ae Value.
Under $5,000...... 10,152 | $16,889,479
$5,000 tO $50,000 .. 31947 531489,893
$50,000 and OVET.....+065 -ee eee os 509 85,179,416
14,608 | $155,558,788
“Tn other words, the estates of $50,000 and over ag-
gregated 55 per cent. of the total amount of property ;
while estates less than $5000 aggregated but 1: per
cent. of the total.”
As to the development of trusts, says Mr. G.
B. Waldron (4 Handbook on Currency or
Wealth) :
“Of the manufacturing and mechanical industries,
whose statistics were returned in the census of 1890,
there are 43 whose manufactured product for the year
1889 was above $30,0co,o00, whose capital averaged
above $10,000 per establishment, and which admitted
of comparison with the census of 1880. Of these 43 in-
dustries we have chosen 30 as especially illustrating
the growing concentration of capital during the 10 years
from 1880 to 1890. (See pp. 106 and 107.)
“It is a significant fact that while in 1880 these in-
dustries were carried on by 84,708 establishments, or
about 33 per cent. of the total number of manufactur-
ing establishments of the country, the same industries
in 18g0 were carried on by only 69,659 establishments,
or about 22 per cent. of the total establishments, an
fewer in number by over 15,000 than in 1880.
“The value of the total product of these 30 industries
in 1880 was $3,125,915,574, OF 58 per cent. of the total
manufacturing products of the country. In 1890 these
same industries produced products to the value of
$4,595,804,626, or about 51 per cent. of the total prod-
uct. $
“The concentration of capital in these 30 industries
is shown from the fact that in 1880 their total capital
was $1,735,577:549, OF an average of $20,489 per estab-
lishment, while in 1890 their total capital reached $3,-
468,277,249, OT $49,789 per establishment, a gain of 143
percent. in zo years. There has been a similar con-
centratiog of employees in these industries. In 1880
the 84,708 establishments used 1,340,490 employees, or
an average of 16 to an establishment. In 1890 there
Were 1,964,232 employees in these industries, or an
average of 28 to an establishment.”
(0) OTHER COUNTRIES.
(For Great Britain, see also Part II. of this
article.) Dr. Spahr, however, in his The Pres-
ent Distribution of Wealth in the United
States, gives much information as to the dis-
tribution of property in Great Britain and other
countries.
After a careful analysis, he says:
“The table, therefore, for the property-owners of
the United Kingdom would divide the aggregate pri-
vate wealth approximately as follows:
1389
Wealth.
DISTRIBUTION OF PRIVATE PROPERTY.
(Untted Kingdom, 1891.)
Amount
Owned.
Persons
Owning.
Below £1000... 3.00 .seenecvae
1,000 to £10,000. ..
410,000 and over...
£3800,000,000
2,000,000,000
75900,000,000
%10,709,000,000
2,625,000
The number of property-owning families would be
about one third less than the number of property-own-
ers. There remain, therefore, nearly 6,000,000 families,
or more than three fourths of the people of Great
Britain and Ireland, without any registered property
whatever. They have, indeed, their household goods,
but the total value of these can hardly exceed £100,-
000,000, If we sum up, therefore, the results of our in-
quiry, we find that less than 2 per cent. of the fami-
“les of the United Kingdom hold about three times as
much private property as all the remainder, and that
oF per cent. of the people hold less than 8 per cent. of
the accumulated wealth.”
Of incomes, he says (p. 79) :
“The minimum concentration would be as fol-
lows:
UNITED KINGDOM in 1885.
INCOMES. Number.| Aggregate.
41,000 ANd OVEL: cwescvssesavenses 130,000] 420,000,000
3° 420,000,
oo 3 I, 400,000 290,000,000
+ eeeee! 14,500,000 470,000,000
76030,000| %1,180,000,000
“In brief, about 1 per cent. of those having in-
comes receive over 35 per cent. of the national income,
while about 10 per cent. receive half as much again as
the remaining 90.”
For Paris, Dr. Spahr gives a table based on
one prepared by Leroy Beaulieu from reports
of the taxes on rent.
In a condensed form the table stands thus :
Per- | Per-
Number of} Classes of In- | Amount of eeu cont
Incomes. comes. Incomes, ee &
No. |Amt.
468,641 |Below 2,400 f. 750,000,000 f.} 68.4 | 24
156,590 |2,400-7,500 f. 640,000,000 f.| 22.8 | 20.46
44,853 |74500-32,000 f. 61c,000,000f.| 6.5 | 19.54
14,868 |Above 32,000 f. 1,125,000,000f.| 2.3 | 36
684,952 3)125,000,000 f.| 100 | 100
“In brief, the incomes above $6coo, tho numbering
less than 2% per cent of all, aggregated more than
one third of the total income of the city; while in-
comes above $1500, tho numbering less than 10 per
cent. of all, aggregated more than one half of the total
income.”
Of Germany, Dr. Spahr says (pp. 83, 84) :
“In Germany the degree of concentration is less than
in Great Britain or Paris, tho each decade and each re-
form in the method of assessing the income tax reveals
greater concentration. A dispassionate statement of
the change that has been going on was made by the
Wealth.
late Professor Roscher.* Between 1852 and 1873 the
number of incomes in Prussia assessed between $300
and $750 increased 175,5 per cent.; the number assessed
between $9000 and $18,000 increased 470.6 per cent.;
while the number assessed at more than $40,000 in-
creased 2200 percent. This disproportionate increase
of large incomes continues to the present day. Soet-
beer’s table of Prussian incomes for 1890 is shown to be
obsolete, or worse, by the assessments for 1892-93. His
estimates for the large incomes must be doubled to
conform with the newer tax lists. From these it ap-
pears that a little over 1 per cent. of those receiving
incomes hold more than 29 per cent. of the income of
the kingdom, while xo per cent. hold nearly one half
of it.
Of Basel, Dr. Spahr says (p. 87):
‘In this Swiss city, where all but the very small in-
comes are given officially, the wealthiest 5 per cent,
of the families held more than half of the income, and
the wealthiest 10 per cent. fully three fifths of it. The
similarity, however, between this result and that
reached for the United Kingdom and for Paris does
not indicate that incomes are as concentrated in Basel
asin Paris or England, but merely demonstrates that
1390
Wealth,
the estimates previously given respecting the , con
centration of incomes were minimum estimates.
IV. Is THE CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH In-
CREASING ?
(@) THE NEGATIVE VIEW.
Among those who hold that the concentration
of wealth is not on the increase perhaps the
ablest argument has been made by Mr, Giffen,
president of the English Statistical Society, and
the most popular argument by Mr. W. H, Mal-
lock, Inthe United States, the strongest holder
of this view is Mr. Edward Atkinson.
Mr. Giffen, in his inaugural address as presi-
dent of the Statistical Society in 1883, based an
argument for the growing diffusion of wealth
upon probate returns and assessment records,
He presented the following tables and state-
ment :
STATEMENT OF NUMBER OF PROBATES GRANTED IN 1882, WITH AMOUNTS OF PROPERTY
PROVED, AND AVERAGE PER PROBATE FROM FIGURES (SUPPLIED BY THE COMMISSIONERS
OF INLAND REVENUE); AND COMPARISON WITH A SIMILAR STATEMENT FOR 1838 (FROM
PORTER’S ‘PROGRESS OF THE NATION,” p. 600 ef seq.).
NUMBER OF PRo- AMOUNT OF PRop- eee
BATES. ERTY. PER ESTATE
1882. 1838. 1882. 1838, 1882. 1838.
'
England ..............0- Naa eeen! Ze Senza aie 455555 21,900 4118,120,961 | 447,604,755 | 42,600 $2,170
Scotland seals 5222 1,272 13,695,314 2,817,260 2,600 2,200
pean de ascasiccs tie sea 6 oupacicia Ges atwrbicichg bie a-rinnseveed 0 80s: 45583 2,196 8,544,579 4,465,240 1,900 2,200
United. King Go tts .icccceed ss vic sweisgaciinases oar 559359 25,368. 140,360,854 | 454,887,255 | 42,500 $2,160
“In spite of the enormous increase of property pass-
ing at death, amounting to over 150 per cent., which is
more than the increase in the income-tax income, the
amount of property per estate has not sensibly in-
creased. The increase of the number of estates is
more than double, and greater, therefore, than the in-
crease of population; but the increase of capital per
head of the capitalist classes isin England only 19 per
cent., and in the United Kingdom only 15 per cent...
Curiously enough, I may state, it is hardly correct to
speak of the capitalist classes as holding this property,
as the figures include a small per cent. of insolvent es-
tates; but allowing all the property to belong to the
capitalist classes, still we have the fact that these
classes are themselves increasing. They may be only
a minority of the nation, tho I think a considerable
minority, as 55,000 estates passing in a year represent
from 1,500,000 to 2,000,000 persons as possessing property
subject to probate duty; and these figures, it must be
remembered, do notinclude real property at all. Still,
small or large as the minority may be, the fact we have
before us is that in the last 50 years it has been an in-
creasing minority, and a minority increasing at a
greater rate than the increase of general population.
Wealth, to a certain extent, is more diffused than it
was.... Thenext piece of statistics I have to refer
tois the number of separate assessments in that part of
schedule D known as Part I., w7z., trades and profes-
sions, which excludes public companies and their
sources of income, where there is no reason to believe
that the number of separate assessments corresponds
in any way to the number of individual incomes.
Even in Part I. there can be no exact correspondence,
as partnerships make only one return; but, in com-
paring distant periods, it seems not unfair to assume
that the increase or decrease of assessments would cor-
respond to the increase or decrease of individual in-
comes. This must be the case, unless we assume thatin
the interval material differences were likely to arise
from the changes in the number of partnerships to
which individuals belong, or from partnerships as a
* Political Economy; Book IIL, chap. vii., sec, cev.
rule comprising a greater or less number of individu-
als. Using the figures with all these qualifications, we
get the following comparisons :
NUMBER OF PERSONS AT DIFFERENT
AMOUNTS OF INCOME CHARGED UNDER
SCHEDULE D IN 1843 AND 1879-80 COMPARED
(IN ENGLAND).* ;
1843. 1879-80,
4Ar150 and under £200....cceeeseseee ++} 39,366 | 130,10%
zooand under 300. 28,370 88,445
3zooand under 400.. 135429 39,896
4ooand under = 500 6,78 16,501
scoand under 600 4,780 11,317
6ooand under 700... 2,672 6,894
gooand under 800. 1,874 4,054
800and under goo. 1,442 3,505
goo and under 1,000, 894 1,396
1,000 and under 2,000 . 4,228 10,352
2,000 and under 3,000. 15235 3,131
3,000 and under 4,000.. 526 15430
4,000 and under 5,000.. 339 75
5,000 and under 10,000... 493 14439
10,000 and under 50,000 . 200 785
50,000 and upward..... 8 68
TING AG ty eae tas Gag oosdad seen gdans 106,637 | 320,162 ?
‘Here the increase in all classes, from the lowest to
the highest, is between two and three times, or rather
more than three times, with the exception of the
highest class of all, where the numbers, however, are
quite inconsiderable; again a proof, I think, of the
greater diffusion of wealth, so far as the assessment
* The figures for 1843 cannot be give i
Scotland or Ireland, 3 eae
Wealth.
of income to income tax under Schedule D may be
taken as a sign of the person assessed having wealth
of some kind, which I fear is not always the case. If
the owners of this income, at least of the smaller in-
comes, are to be considered as not among the capi-
talists, but among the working classes—a very argua-
ble proposition—then the increase of the number of
incomes from S150 up to, say, £1000 a year, is a sign
of the increased earnings of the working classes,
which are not usually tho&ght of by that name. The
increase, in this instance, is out of all proportion to
the increase of population.”
Mr. W. H. Mallock, in his book Classes and
Masses (1896), has made a more popular argu-
ment to show that the poor are not growing
poorer and the rich richer, that the middle
classes are not disappearing. He admits that
there are absolutely more poor to-day in Great
Britain than formerly, but says that in propor-
tion to the population there are not so many,
while the increase of the moderately well-to-do
has been enormous. In 1850 he says that there
were 9,paupers for every 200 inhabitants, and
in 188g only 5.
Basing his statements on statistics tabulated
by’ Professor Leone Levi, Mr. Mallock argues
that according to the returns of those paying
taxes on incomes, the working classes have in-
creased 15 per cent. and the middle class over
300 per cent,
In the United States, Mr. Atkinson comes to
similar conclusions. He quotes from census
and other reports to show that wages are rising
and prices are falling (see, however, WacEs),
and thus argues that the real wages of most
workers are rapidly rising. On the other hand,
he shows that the rate of interest is falling ; that
the amount of capital relative to production is
increasing; and from this argues that the
wealthy get a steadily lessening share of an
ever-increasing product. He sums up his con-
clusions thus (7ze Century, vol. xxxiv., pp.
569-584) :
“ Leaving wholly out of view the transfer of property
already saved from one person to another in the gam-
bling operations of the stock exchange, such incidents
being of no material consequence except to those who
engage in them, we may observe—
“y, That the direction and use of capital are becom-
ing more and more a matter of scientific training, as
the margin of profit in every art comes to a less and
less fraction of the product made or distributed. The
merchant adventurer has gone the same way with the
craftsman and his apprentice—he has disappeared
with the removal of the mysteries of trade.
‘a, Altho great fortunes have become more con-
spicuous, their number is very small, and their aggre-
gate amount is yet smaller in proportion to the
amount and great number of moderate fortunes which
are not conspicuous, but which are steadily increasing.
‘3, Adjacent to every city are suburbs or neighbor-
ing towns which are filled with comfortable dwellings
of moderate size, which give evidence of comfort and
welfare steadily increasing on the part of an increas-
ing pee of those who perform the practical work
of the country. These are the dwelling-places of
their respective owners or occupants, who are not
capitalists in any sense, but who have assured to
themselves an abundant subsistence, a home, and a
safe position in the community. a
“4. While great bonanza farms are conspicuous,
they are also few in number; the increase in small
farms is very rapid; and perhaps the increase has
been yet more rapid compared to what it had been be-
fore agricultural machinery, science, and invention
had come nearer to the farm.
‘“s, By comparison with this rapid progress, not only
of those who are in a position of wealth, but of the
vast number who, altho not making great savings,
are living year by year more comfortably, better
housed, better clothed, and better fed, the bad condi-
tion ot the very poor, and the more uncertain position
1391
Wealth.
of the common laborer, whose opportunity for work is
intermittent, becomes more apparent, and therefore
demands urgent attention.”
Of the lessening share of capital and itscon-
tribution to production, he says:
“It is not too much to say that one half as much
capital as was required to do the general work of life
in 1865 will now suffice to aid labor in compassing the
same amount of product. That is to say, it took twice
as many dollars’ worth of capital toaccomplish a given
product 20 or 25 years since as is now needed.
“On the other hand, the owner of the capital is now
Sees whether he will or not, to be satisfied with
one half the income on each unit or dollar’s worth of
the present capital, if he trusts only to his capital for
his means of living. . . .
‘The commerce of the world now turns from one
side of the globe to the other on a margin of a cent
on a bushel of grain, a dollar a ton of metal, a quarter
of acent a yard ona textile fabric, or the sixteenth of
acent a pound on sugar. The cube of coal, as I have
before stated, which would pass through the rim of a
quarter of a dollar, when used in connection with the
compound engine, will drive a ton of food and its pro-
portion of the steamship two miles on its way from the
producer to the consumer; by the invention of the
triple compound, one fourth even of this fuel has been
saved. The profit or loss of this great nation turns on
the price of a daily glass of lager beer.
“The most beneficent factor in the lowering of prices
and in raising wages has been the extension of the
railway system and the reduction in the charge for the
service. anderbilt was the typical railroad man of
his day; he was also the great communist of his time,
because he redueed the cost of moving a barrel of flour
a thousand miles to so small a sum, that it can hardly
be measured ina loaf of bread, at a margin of profit
to himself and his associates which is now less than
the value of the empty barrel at the end of the line.”
(0) THE CONTRARY VIEW.
The best answer to Mr. Giffen’s argument is
Dr. Spahr’s in his The Present Distribution
gx Wealth tn the United States (copyright by
homas Y. Crowell & Co., New York and Bos-
ton). Says Dr. Spahr (pp. 15-18):
‘““Mr, Giffen contends that during the era of sav-
ings-banks the number of estates less than £1000 has.
increased more than the number of larger estates.
This, however, isa point that was never questioned.
“The facts which Mr. Giffen at first could not, and
at last did not, state, are the facts that tell the situa-
tion. Printed at some length, the comparative tables
for 1838 and the present time run as follows:
ESTATES IN 1838.*
- Num-
bens Amount.
Between £20 and £100.......+. «-. 39945 £214,660
Between £100 and £1,000.. iwe| T4392 5 330,000
Between £1,000 and £10,000........ 6,006 18,284,000
Between £10,000 and £100,000..... 984 23,253,000
ADOVE £100,000... eee e eens sunset 39 71912,000
251365 | £54,993,660
ESTATES IN 180r.
Num-
Cac Amount.
Below £100, and not taxed,....... 18,063 £1,060,000
Between £100 and £1,000.. 34,213 11,579,000
Between £1,000 and £10,000.... 12,203 391957,000
Between £10,000 and £100,000 . 2,598 70,471,000
ADOVE £100,000... esse cere cece e ee 170 43)328,000
67,247 | £166, 395,000
* Porter’s Progress of the Nation, pp. 609 e¢ seg.
Wealth.
“In other words, the exceptionally great increase in
the number of estates under £1000 was entirely in the
ssavings-bank depositor class, and the increase here was
an part due to the fact that in 1838 estates under £20
~were not recorded. In 1838 the 18,000 estates less than
£1000 held ro per cent. of the personal property ad-
mitted to probate, while in 1891 the 52,000 estates of this
character held lessthan8 per cent. On the other hand,
the smallest increase in the number of estates above
£1000 was in the class of medium holdings. In 1838
‘the estates with more than £10,000 held 57 per cent. of
the wealth, while in 1891 the estates of this character
held 67 percent. If weconsider the comparative gains
cof the very rich, the contrast is still more striking. In
31838 the personal estates worth over £100,000 aggre-
gated but one and a half times as much wealth as the
‘estates less than £1000; in 189: they aggregated three
‘anda half times as much. Common observation has
not exaggerated the relative gains of the richer classes.
“These figures, it must be recalled, relate only to
personal property, where the law and customs of prim-
ogeniture do not seriously impede the division of es-
tates. They therefore reveal only the brighter part
of the history. The number of owners of real estate
‘has been artificially kept from increasing with the in-
‘crease of the population. New buildings have been
erected by new owners, but the ownership of the land
remains in as few hands as it did half a century ago.
Indeed, the ablest authority upon this subject main-
tains that the number of landowners is still diminish-
ing.*
EF Grewory King’s table of the comparative incomes
of the various classes in 1688 proves indisputably that
England at the close of the Middle Ages was pre-
eminently a nation of small proprietors. As Prothero
remarks concerning it, ‘whatever allowance is made
for errors, the contrast is startling enough’ between
+the England in which ‘three fifths of the agriculturists
enjoyed proprietary interests in the soil’ and the
England of to-day, in which four fifths of the agricul-
turists are hired laborers. This contrast is height-
ened when King’s table is compared with the returns
in the New Domesday Book of 1875. King placed the
total rent of agricultural land at £10,000,000, yet esti-
mated the aggregate income of 1500 lords, baronets,
and knights at less than one fifth of that sum. In our
day Arthur Arnold estimates that four fifths of the
United Kingdom belongs to a smaller proportion of
the population.”
As for Mr. Mallock’s contention that the ad-
-vance in modern wealth has been mainly by the
enormous growth of a middle class out of the
‘ranks of the working classes, it must be remem-
‘bered what he means by the middle class, He
includes (they are his own words) all receiving
an income less than £1000. He is thus able to
include in his middle class many very wealthy,
and thus to show a large middle class and a
small wealthy class. But accepting his division,
‘no one claims that the zumder of the extremely
rich has lately increased. It is only their wealth
-which hasincreased. In 1838 (see tables quoted
above) they had in personal property £49,449,
and in 1891, £153,756. The rich, inspite of Mr.
Mallock, are getting richer. As for those get-
ting less than £1000, the 18,000 estates of this
‘kind held in 1838 10 per cent. of the personal
‘property, and in 1891 the 52,000 of this kind
held only 8 percent. of the property. Mr. Mal-
Jock makes small gain for his cause by showing
that the middle class is growing in numbers.
It is their relative wealth that is disappearing,
vas the rich, he admits, do grow richer and the
‘poor grow relatively poorer.
As for the United States, since 1873 the poor
thave grown relatively, if not absolutdly, poor-
er. (See Waces for proof of this.) Mr. At-
kinson’s statements that wages have risen
.* Hon. George C. Brodrick, English Land and Eng-
oa chap. iii. (Published by the Cobden
ub,
1392
Weitling, Wilhelm.
and prices fallen are based on government re-
ports, shown in article WacEs to be false. As
for his argument that the rich are
not getting richer, because the rate
of interest is falling, and it takes The
more capital relatively to produc- United
tion than formerly, it must not be ‘States,
forgotten that the rate of interest
is not the same as the rate of profits.
These may be high where interest is low, and
the fact that it does take more capital to day
than formerly relatively to production sim-
ply shows that only the strongest concentration
of capital can succeed to-day, and therefore that
the productive capital of the country is in con-
centrated hands. They may make profits to-
day at lower rates, but they have such enormous
accumulations that their income is vastly larger
than before. Never was capital thus so con-
centrated as now.
In the United States, then, wealth has in-
creased phenomenally , wages since 1873 have
fallen; the concentration of capital has in-
creased ; the number of the out of work has
grown. (See UNEMPLOYMENT.)
References: C. B. Spahr’s The Present Distribution
of Wealth in the United States (1896) ; J. R. Common’s
vstribution of Wealth; Edward Atkinson’s Century
articles. 2
WEBB, BEATRICE, daughter of Richard
Potter, some time President of the Grand Trunk
Railway of Canada, etc., was born in 1858. A
pupil of Herbert Spencer, she studied actual
working-class life in Lancashire and East Lon-
don ; in 1885 joined Mr. Charles Booth in his
social investigations, and contributed articles,
on the docks, the tailoring trade, and the Jew-
ish community, to Lzfe and Labor of the Peo-
Ze. In1888 she gave her experience in sweat-
ing dens to the House of Lords Committee on
Sweating. In 1891 she published The Coopera-
tive Movement in Great Britain. In 1892 she
married Sydney Webb (g.v.). In 1894 they
published 7rades-Unionism. She isamember
of the Fabian Society (London).
WEBB, SYDNEY, LL.B. (London Univer-
sity), barrister at law, was born in 1859, and
educated in Switzerland and Germany; in
1878, after some business experience, he en-
tered, by open competition, the English civil
service, filling places successively in the War
Office, Inland Revenue and Colonial Office.
He was joint editor of The Colonzal Office List,
but resigned in 1891. He published in 1889 So-
cialism in England ; he contributed the ‘ his-
torical’? chapter in Fadzan Essays in Social-
zsm ; in 1891 he published, in conjunction with
Harold Cox, The Eight-Hours Day (Scott)and
The London Programme (Sonnenschein), and
in 1894, in conjunction with his wife, Beatrice
Webb (g.v.) Trades-Unionism, Author of
many articles and pamphlets on_ socialism, eco-
nomics, and English politics; he has been 4
member since 1885 of the Fabian Society (Lon-
don); elected for Deptford to the London
County Council, 1892 ; vice-chairman of Local
Government Committee, and chairman of the
Technical Education Board of that body.
WEITLING, WILHELM, was born at
Magdeburg in 1808. He became a failon, but
Weitling, Wilhelm.
later traveled through Germany, one of the
earliest pioneers of German socialism, declaring
that he was converted to communism by the
réading of the New Testament. He preached
a Utopian socialism, mainly fashioned after the
ideas of Fourier and Cabet. In 18147 he went
to America, but returned to Germany at the
Revolution of 1848. Later he came again to
. America, and formed a socialist society in New
York City called the Arbeiterbund. ‘He inter-
ested himself for four years in a socialistic
colony situated in Wisconsin, but remained
mainly in New York, living as a clerk, but
devoted himself to reform, inventions, and
science. He wrote Die Menschett wie sie
tst und wre sie setn sollte (1838); Garan-
tien der Harmonze und Frethett (1842); and
Das Evangelium eines Armen Stinders. His
constructive idea was a federation of the fam-
ilies of the world, with leaders chosen by ac-
clamation, who should divide the products of
labor, giving to alla fixed share, and to those
who produced more than the average certain
luxuries, on condition of their being soon con-
sumed to prevent accumulation. He died in
1874,
WELLS, DAVID AMES, was born at
Springfield, Mass., in 1828, and graduated at
Williams College in 1847; Lawrence Scientific
School, Cambridge, in 1851. He was engaged
in scientific pursuits and inventions in chem-
istry till 1861. In 1862 and 1867 he visited
Europe on commissions of the United States
Government ; was United States Special Com-
missioner of Revenue, 1866-70. He became
University Lecturer on Political Economy at
Yale College in 1872. He has produced 15 im-
portant reports for the United States, and nu-
merous papers for scientific bodies in Europe
and America. His principal economic writings
are: The Creed of the Free Trader (1875) ;
Robinson Crusoe’s Money (1876); Practical
Economics (1886); Economzc Changes (1889) ;
Relation of the Tariff to Wages (1888). He
is best known for his able eA yacany of free
trade (g.v.), civil service reform, and gold mono-
metallism. (See MoNOMETALLISM.)
WESCOTT, BROOKE FOSS, Bishop
of Durham, was born near Birmingham in 1825.
He was educated at Trinity College, where he
was successively Scholar, Fellow (1849), and
Professor of Divinity (1870). He was also at
different times assistant master at Harrow, a
canon of Peterborough and of Westminster,
chaplain to the Queen and to the Archbishop
of Canterbury. He was consecrated Bishop of
Durham in 1890, Besides his numerous writ-
ings on the Bible and other religious subjects,
he has written Socza/ oa of Christianity ;
The Incarnation and Common Life. He is
President of the Christian Social Union (¢.v.).
WHATELY, RICHARD, was born in Lon-
don, Eng., in 1787. He studied at Oriel Col-
lege, Oxford ; becamea Fellow of Oriel in 1811 ;
was Bampton Lecturer for 1822; rector of
Halesworth, 1822-25; Professor of Political
Economy at Oxford, 1830-31; and appointed
Archbishop of Dublin in 1831. He was promi-
- nent for carrying out the principles of the Ro-
88
1393
White Ribboners.
man Catholic Relief Act ; was for 20 years the
leading member of the Irish National Board of
Education. He is also associated with ‘‘ Broad
Church’ divinity. Besides numerous philo-
sophic and religious writings, he published Lec-
tures on Political Economy in 1831.
WHISKY RING.—This was a conspiracy
between United States revenue collectors and
distillers, originating in St. Louis in 1872,
spreading into many Western cities, and attain-
ing great political power. Its aim was to de-
fraud the Government in the collection of the
tax on distilled spirits. The method of defraud-
ing was by the secret shipment of whisky re-
ported as stored. In 1874 a discrepancy was
discovered between the returns of shipments of
the Merchants’ Exchange of St. Louis and those
of the revenue officers. Benjamin H. Bristow,
Secretary of the Treasury, unearthed the fraud.
A general seizure in three cities was made May
10, 1875. Property aggregating $3,500,000 in
value was seized, and 238 persons were indict-
ed, -When the papers in these cases were laid
before President Grant, he indorsed one of them,
with the injunction, ‘‘Let no guilty man es-
cape.’’ O. E. Babcock, President Grant’s pri-
vate secretary, was implicated, but tho ac-
quitted, his guilt was generally conceded. No
charge was ever made implicating Grant, but
his tenacity in supporting his friends, even when
their guilt was evident to others, made it easy
for the ring to put many obstacles in Bristow’s
way. In one case, even, documents were tam-
pered with. Many convictions were obtained,
among others that of the chief clerk of the
Treasury, Avery.
WHITE CROSS SOCIETY, THE.—The
White Cross movement was begun, publicly,
February 14, 1883, at Bishop-Auckland, Eng.,
by the Bishop of Durham, Miss Ellice Hopkins
being present and bearing a prominent part.
The work was taken up in this country by the
Rev. B. F. De Costa, D.D., Rector of the Church
of St. John the Evangelist, New York City, aid-
ed by his young men, during the winter of
1883-84. It has now spread throughout the
United States.
The principal purposes of this organization
are:
(xz) To urge upon men the obligation of personal
purity ; (2) to raise the tone of public opinion upon the
subject of morality ; (3) to secure proper legislation in
connection with morality. :
The member promises by the ‘‘help of God” (x) to
treat all women with respect, and endeavor to protect
them from wrong and degradation ; (2) to endeavor to
put down all indecent language and coarse jests ; (3)
to maintain the law of purity as equally binding upon
men and women; (4) to endeavor to spread these
principles among my companions, and to try and help
my younger brothers; (5) to use every possible means
to fulfil the command, ‘‘ Keep THYSELF pure. .
The methods of the White Cross are of a varied
character. All aim to fulfil its declared object:
“By the full presentation of those spiritual truths
which form distinguishing characteristics of Christi-
anity, and demonstrate its unalterable hostility to
every form of impurity.”’ The methods do not favor
so much the creation of new machinery as utilizing
that already existing. (See SOCIAL PURITY.)
WHITE RIBBONERS. See
CHRISTIAN TEMPERANCE UNION,
Women’s
Wilberforce, William.
WILBERFORCE, WILLIAM, was born
at Hull, Eng., in 1759. The son of a wealthy
merchant, he was educated under Methodist
principles at Wimbledon and at St. John’s Col-
lege, Cambridge. In 1780 he was elected to
the House of Commons and became an intimate
friend of Pitt, tho always voting independently.
In 1787 he organized a society against vice, and
soon after was influenced by Clarkson toward
his great lifework. In 1789 he first proposed
the total abolition of the slave trade, and in
1807 his bill was carried in the House of Com-
mons and through the House of Lords. Hestill,
however, labored for its victory in Parliament
and without. In 1822 he shared in the found-
ing of an anti-slavery society. He died in 1833,
one month before the passage of the Emanci-
pation Bill. (See SLavery.) He was interest-
ed in many other reforms, and published in
1797 A Practical View of the Prevatling Re-
ligious System of Professed Christzans in the
Higher and Middle Classes Contrasted with
Real Christianity.
WILLARD, FRANCES ELIZABETH,
was born in Churchville, N. Y., September 28,
1839. Her ancestors were Puritans, having
emigrated from Kent, Eng., on account of re-
ligious persecution, in 1634. Miss Willard’s
parents removed to Oberlin, O., in 1841, where
they were students in the college until 1846,
when they went to Wisconsin and founded
“Forest Home,’’ near Janesville, going to
Evanston, the chief suburb of Chicago, where
they built ‘‘ Rest Cottage,’’ in 1858. Here Miss
Willard graduated from the Women’s College,
which later became connected with the North-
western University. In 1861 she became a
teacher, and continued in this capacity for 15
years, beginning in the public school of her own
town and ending as Professor of English Com-
position in the university. In 1868 she went
abroad, where she traveled and studied for
nearly two yearsand a half. On her return she
was made president of the Women’s College in
Evanston, and began to lecture on woman’s
higher education, women's foreign missionary
work, and kindred topics. In 1874, after the
women’s temperance crusade, she began her
temperance work as president of the Chicago
W.C. T. U. She was also made secretary of
the Illinois W. C. T. U., and in November of
that year, at the first convention of the National
W.C. T. U., became its corresponding secre-
tary. The headquarters established by Miss
Willard in Chicago were the first attempt to or-
ganize and systematize an office for the new
movement, *
In 1878 Miss Willard became the chief editor
of the Chicago Dadly Evening Post. In that
year she was elected president of the National
W. C. T. U. on the issue of a wider outlook for
the society, which should embrace correlated
movements.
In 1879, presiding over her first national con-
vention in Boston, she suggested the following
classification of departments, with a superin-
tendent for each: Preventive, Educational,
Evangelical, Social, Legal, and Department of
Organization.
In 1880, accompanied by the Misses Gordon,
1394
Willard, Frances Elizabeth.
Miss Willard made a tour of all the Southern
States, introducing a knowledge of the spirit
and method of the White Ribbon Move-
ment. ‘
In 1883 Miss Willard and her secretary, Miss
Anna Gordon, visited every State and Territory
in the United States and ‘several Canadian
provinces, holding the first temper-
ance conventions ever called to-
gether in several of the Western Temper-
Territories. From that time the ance Work,
National Society has had duly elect-
ed delegates to its conventions
from almost every one of the 50 subdivisions
of the United States. In 1883, on her return
from California, she proposed to the National
W.C. T. U. a plan for organizing the World’s
W. C. T. U., which was accepted, and the poly-
glot petition to all governments was sent out.
This petition has now received 3,000,000 sig-
natures and attestations in 50 languages.
She has been allied with the Prohibition
Party from the time when, on her trip to the
South, in 1881, she found there was no ‘‘ bloody
chasm.’’ Ifthe Republican Party had favored
the home protection movement she would not
have left it; but as it took no such action she
went to the Prohibition Party Convention in
Pittsburg (1884), and by invitation of the Kan-
sas delegation seconded the nomination of Gov-
ernor St. John for President of the United
States, from which time she has cooperated
with the Prohibition Party, in whose favor the
National W.C. T. U. Convention declared in
1884 at the St. Louis Convention.
In 1885 she urged upon the National
W.C. T. U. Convention the importance of add-
ing a Department of Social Purity work to those
already tormed, which was done,
and she was placed at its head. (
Petitions were then circulatedin all Other
parts of the United States asking for Reforms.
the better protection of women, and
much has been gained in the way
of legislation. She was made a member of the
General Conference of the Methodist Church, to
which she has belonged since her girlhood, but
a ruling of the bishops prevented any recog-
nition of this election, She is now editor-in-
chief of the Unzon Signal, official organ of the
World's and National W.C. T. U., and corre-
sponding editor of Lady Henry Somerset’s
paper, Zhe Woman's Signal (London), also ~
one of the editors of Our Day, founded by
Joseph Cook of Boston, She has also written
Nineteen ue Vears, Hints and Helps
Jor the W.C. T. U., Women and_Temper-
ance, How to Win, Woman in the Pulpit, A
Classic Town, Glimpses of Fifty Years, A
Young Journalist, and has ‘collaborated a
volume entitled 4 Great Mother, the History
of St. Courageous.
Miss Willard is one of the founders of the Na-
tional and International Women’s Council, hav-
ing been chairman of the committee that draft-
edits constitution and plan of work, and was
first president of the council.
In 1892, on the death of her mother, Miss
Willard’s health became impaired, and she has
since then had to devote much time to resting
in England and elsewhere, yet continually lec-
Willard, Frances Elizabeth.
nang and guiding the movements she has at
eart,
Miss Willard’s devotion to the cause of wom.
an’s suffrage and the labor movement is well
known. She is the author of the ‘‘ home pro-
tection’’ movement, which means the ballot for
women asa method of temperance work ; also
of the expressive phrase ‘‘ The do-everything
policy of the W. C. T. U.”’ She has often stat-
ed her platform in these words : ‘‘ Nosectarian-
ism in religion, no sectionalism in politics, no
sex in citizenship !’’ In economics she calls her-
self a Christian Socialist.
To her constant diligence in work is owing
the fact that she has built up the largest organt-
zation of women inthe world. Her remarkable
talents, that would have won for her fame in
any calling in life, have been devoted to the
cause of reform. The salient feature of her
fame will always be the fact that she combined
an equal talent for writing, speaking, and or-
ganization, a combination as rare as it is in-
valuable in the leader of a great new movement.
IsaABEL SOMERSET.
WILSON, WOODROW, was born Decem-
ber 28, 1856, at Staunton, Va., where his father
was pastor of the Presbyterian Church. He
studied one year at Davidson College, North
Carolina, and four years, 1875-79, at Princeton.
After studying law at the University of Vir-
ginia, he practised his profession in Atlanta.
He left his work at the law to study at Johns
Hopkins University, 1883-85, taking the degree
of Ph.D. in the year 1886. Dr. Wilson has been
Professor of History and Political Economy at
Bryn Mawr College and Wesleyan University,
and since 1890 at Princeton College.
The principal works of Professor Wilson are :
Congressional Government, a Study in Amer-
tcan Polztics (Boston, 1885); The State, Ele-
ments of Historical and Practical Polttics
(Boston, 1889). Of the last work the chapter on
the government of the United States has been
published separately under the title State and
federal Governments of the United States
(Boston, 1889), Professor Wilson has also con-
tributed articles to the Juzfernatzonal Review,
Atlantic Monthly, Political Science Quarter-
ly, and Overland Monthly, on political sub-
jects,
WINKELBLECH is the name of a little-
known German professor of chemistry, who,
under the pseudonym of ‘‘ Carl Marlo,’’ wrote
in 1850 a book now recognized as one of the
ablest statements of German socialism. He
was traveling to study technological subjects
when, in 1843, at Modum, Norway, he met a
German artizan and became interested in what
he heard and saw of the sufferings of the work-
ing classes. The result was his book Unter-
suchungen tiber der Organtzation der Arbett
oder System der Weltokonom7e (1851-55). Win-
kelblech died in 186s.
WOLOWSKI, LOUIS FRANCOIS MI-
CHEL RAYMOND, was born at Warsaw in
1810. He studied in Paris, but took part in the
Polish Revolution of 1830. He became Profes-
sor of Law in the Conservatoire des Arts and
Métiers at Paris in 1839, and sat in the Con-
1395
Woman’s C. T. U;
stituent Assembly in 1848. His best-known
works are: De l'Organtsation du Travail
(1843); L’Or et l’ Argent (1870). He died at
Gisors, France, in 1876.
WOMAN’S CHRISTIAN TEMPER-
ANCE UNIONS, THE NATIONAL AND
THE WORLD (see Women’s TEMPERANCE
ASSOCIATION, BRITISH), are organizations of
Christian women for the protection of the home,
the abolition of the liquor traffic, and the tri-
umph of Christ’s golden rule in custom and in
law. They are lineal descendants of the great
Woman’s Temperance Crusade of 1873-74.
In December, 1873, under the inspiration of
an address delivered by Dr, Dio Lewis, of Bos-
ton, the women of Hillsboro, Washington Court
House, and other Ohio towns were moved to
concerted action against the saloon. They gath-
ered in the streets to pray, and marched, two by
two, into saloons. They besought the men who
drank, and the men who sold, to cease to gratify
the appetite for stimulants and the appetite for
gain, and invited them to move with the proces-
sion, as it ended its day’s work at the altars of
God, where the women knelt in consecration,
and countless tempted men in repentance and
faith. The movement spread east, west, north,
and south. In 50 days it swept the liquor traffic
out of 250towns and villages. The leader of the
first Crusade band was Mrs. Eliza J. Thompson,
wife of Judge Thompson, of Hillsboro, known
for many years as ‘‘ Mother’? Thompson.
But the saloon was found to be but the out-
cropping of the liquor system ; that system was
protected by law and intrenched in the very
heart of our governmental life. The powers
controlling it soon rallied from the shock of the
sudden onslaught, and intrenched themselves
even more strongly behind barricades, political
and legal. The logic of events soon forced the
women to enlarge the circle of their work until
it should include not only ‘‘ mental suasion for
the man who thinks and moral suasion for the
man who drinks, but legal suasion for the drunk-
ard-maker and prison suasion for the statute-
breaker.”’
A call for permanent organization went forth
from the Chautauqua (New York) Sunday-
School Assembly, August, 1874.
The National W.C. T. U. of the United States
was organized November 18, 19 and 20, 1874,
in Cleveland, O., the first president being Mrs.
Wittenmeyer, of Philadelphia, and the first cor-
responding secretary, Miss Frances E. Willard
(g.v.), of Chicago. “It was incorporated March
I, 1883, in Washington, D. C. :
It has now 4g auxiliary States and four terri-
torial unions, besides that of the District of Co-
lumbia, and is the largest society ever composed
exclusively of women and conduct-
ed entirely by them. It has been
organized by every State and Terri-
tory of the nation, and locally in
about 10,000 towns and cities. (For
local convenience, California and Washington
are divided into two unions each. In two States
also there are separate unions of the colored
women. Alaska is not organized.) .
At the last National Convention the paid-up
membership was reported as 147,656, but this by
History.
Woman’s C. T. U.
no means represents the full number enrolled.
Without doubt there are 250,000 white-ribbon-
ers in the United States, with a direct following
of as many more.
Each member is required to sign the pledge
and pay the annual membership dues, which
dues vary in different States, but are usually
about 50 cents. Of this amount a certain per
cent, is paid into the State treasury, and from
the State treasury 10 cents per member is paid
into the treasury of the National organization.
Men are admitted as ‘‘ honorary members.’’
The National motto is, ‘‘ For God, and home,
and native land.”
The badge is a knot of white ribbon, and was
adopted in the convention of 1877. “There was
a division of opinion as to the proper badge, one
party favoring red, white and blue ; the other,
royal purple. Miss Winslow, editor of Our
nion, moved that the factions unite upon pure
white. This motion was carried unanimously.
White light includes all the prismatic colors, so
the white ribbon is symbolic not only of purity
and peace, but it includes all the correlated re-
forms that center in the protection of the home.
At noon each white-ribboner the world over
is expected to lift her heart to God in prayer for
His blessing on the work and workers, and the
overthrow of the liquor system and its allies.
The declaration of principles is the following :
_ We believe in the coming of His Kingdom whose
service is perfect freedom, because His laws, written
in our members as well as in nature and in grace, are
perfect, converting the soul.
‘““We believe in the gospel of the Golden Rule, and
that each man's habits of life should be an example
safe and beneficent for every other man to follow.
‘““We believe that God created both man and
woman in His own image, and, therefore, we believe
in one standard of purity for both men
and women, and in the equal right of
Principles, all to hold opinions and to express the
same in the home, on the platform, in
the pulpit and at the ballot-box.
“We believe in a living wage ; inaneight-hour day;
in courts of conciliation and arbitration ; in justice as
opposed to greed of gain; in ‘peace on earth and
goodwill to men.’
“We therefore formulate, and for ourselves adopt
the following pledge, asking our sisters and brothers
of a common danger and a common hope to make
common cause with us, in working its reasonable and
helpful precepts into the practice of every-day life:
“Thereby solemnly promise, GOD HELPING ME, Zo
abstain from all distilled, fermented and malt liquors,
including wine, beer and cider, as a beverage, and to
employ all proper means to discourage the use of and
traffic in the same.
“To confirm and enforce the rationale of this pledge,
we declare our purpose to educate the young; toform
a better public sentiment ; to reform, so far as possible,
by religious, ethical and scientific means, the drink-
ing classes ; to seek the transforming power of divine
grace for ourselves and all for whom we work, that
they and we may willfully transcend no law of pure
and wholesome living ; and finally we pledge ourselves
to labor and pray that all these principles, founded
upon the Gospel of Christ, may be worked out into
the customs of society and the laws of the land.”
Its lines of work are: I. Organization ; II,
Preventive ; III, Educational; IV. Evangel-
istic ; V. Social; VI. Legal.
Besides these there are: 1. The affiliated in-
terests. 2. The standing committees.
Under the six chief heads are grouped vari-
ous departments, each one under the charge of
a national superintendent. The total number
of departments is 4o; of affiliated interests, 3 ;
of standing committees, 7; of branches, 2.
1396
Woman’s C. T. U.
The principal results that the organization
has Geka eabaeatal in securing are thus
stated :
a uxiliaries have been, confessedly, the chief
factors tn State campaigns for statutory prohibition
and constitutional amendments. It began the move-
ment for scientific temperance education in the public
schools, having been instrumental in securing laws to
that end in all but four of the States ; and besides this
it has secured Congressional legislation, by means of
which all the Territories and the District of Columbia
are brought under the same beneficent statutes.
“The work of the National W. C. T. U. among the
children in Sunday-schools, Loyal Temperance Le-
gions and Kindergartens; its efforts to influence col-
lege students and to train and organize young women
for a philanthropic life ; its evangelistic work for non-
churchgoers, for railway employees, soldiers, lumber-
men, miners (especially for the drinking men of all
classes), allthese have proved the breadth of its com-
prehension and the tirelessness of its zeal. Its efforts
to reach the pauper and the prisoner, to establish re-
formatories and homes for the wretched victims of in-
ebriety and their suffering children, and its temper-
ance Flower Mission must appeal to every true heart.
“It is permeating public sentiment by its steady ad-
vances upon the press through monthly and weekly
temperance papers, and by its countless conventions,
“Tt has sought to purify the holidays of the people,
coming with its sisterly influence to the fairs, celebra-:
tions, encampments, and expositions, and by its un-
requited toil providing refreshments, keeping alco-
holic poisons off the grounds, and circulating pure
water and pure literature. It has battled for the
maintenance of the Sabbath, sought to introduce the
unfermented juice of the grape at the sacramental
table, and to secure a day of prayer for temperance in
the Week of Prayer.
“It has circulated countless petitions and addressed
synods and conferences, teachers’ associations and
medical societies, as well as legislatures, State and
national, always tor one object and with one plea:
“ «We beseech you to refrain from the use of alco-
holics, and to outlaw the liquor traffic.’ ‘
“In recent years it has bravely championed the
cause of woman’s ballot, the labor movement and
social purity. It seeks to instruct the youth of the
nation, uplifting and preserving them from the ways
that take hold upon death. It also strives to redeem
outcast women from a slavery worse than that of
chains, and by better laws to secure protection to
women and girls from the outrage of brutal men. It
has been instrumental in raising the age of consent in
nearly every State in the Union, and its influence is
being strongly felt in the purification of our literature
and art.
The affiliated interests of the National
W. C. T. U. are: The Weman’s Temperance
Publishing Association, the National Temper-
ance Hospital, and the Temple.
The Woman's Temperance Publishing Asso-
ciation is a publishing house owned and con-
trolled entirely by women, and is one of the
mightiest forces in the great temperance propa-
ganda, It issues the official organ, The Unzon
meee
he Temperance Hospital was formally
opened in 1886. At first located on Cottage
Grove Avenue, Chicago, it is now occupying
larger and more convenient quarters on Diver-
sey Avenue. Its basic principle is the cure of
disease without the use of alcohol as an active
medicinal agent. ;
The Temple is a large, handsome structure on
a principal street in Chicago, intended as a
monument to the W. C. T. U., a source of reve-
nue to the society, and the central home of its
manifold labors. The building has been the
office home of the National Union for five
zens ae is not yet the property of the
“Woman’s C. T. U.
Tue Wor.p’s Woman’s CurIsTIAN TEMPERANCE
UNION
is composed of the unions of the various nations
where the white-ribbon work is known, and was
organized in November, 1883.
It is now organized in 4o nations, with a total
membership of about 500,000.
Its officers are: Frances E. Willard (¢.v.),
president ; Lady Henry Somerset (g.v.), vice-
president; Agnes E. Slack, secretary; Mrs.
Mary E. Sanderson, treasurer.
It has organized a polyglot petition addressed
to the governments of the world asking them
to do away with the manufacture of and traffic
in alcoholic liquors and opium and the legaliza-
tion ofimpurity. It has already been presented
to the President of the United States and to
Queen Victoria, and its journey around the
world will, probably, be undertaken in the
near future.-
DEPARTMENTS.
Organization.—This department is intended to sys-
tematize the work of national organizers; sending
them out, upon consultation with Presidents, to such
States and Territories as are in greatest need of help,
that they may increase the number of local auxilia-
ries, and “strengthen the things which remain,”' intro-
ducing our methods, emphasizing the regular payment
of dues, circulating The Union Signal, and building
the local unions upon strong foundations of conse-
crated, combined and intelligent effort.
Young Women's Branch.—This department aims
to enlist young women to form separate societies
(Y. W. C. T. U.) for the purpose of making total absti-
nence a fashionable social custom, tothe end that young
men may be held to a higher standard of personal
habits, and thus by a power, analogous to that which
has effectually restrained their sisters, be shielded from
contamination; also to teach young women the scien-
tific and ethical reasons for total abstinence and pro-
hibition, and to develop a newarmy of trained temper-
ance workers to whom the care of the children’s work
may at once be intrusted, and who will eventually re-
place the veterans of the W. C. T. U.
The methodsare, first, a socialclub (the Y. W.C. T. U.
itself) in which young gentlemen become honorary
members by signing the pledge and paying the mem-
bership fee; private and public entertainments; a
systematic course of reading and work in Loyal Tem-
perance Legions, night schools for boys, reading
rooms, kitchen gardens, etc.
Loyal Temperance Legion Branch.—This depart-
ment aims, by a regular course of study, scientific,
ethical and governmental, to make our boys and girls
intelligent total abstainers; to develop by thorough
organization business methods and practical helpful-
ness, an army of disciplined temperance workers and
enthusiastic temperance piers identify its members,
through their payment of dues and consequent repre-
sentation in national and State conventions, and
through their drill in department work, withthe inter-
ests of the W. C. T. U., present and future. :
_ Work among Foreigners.—This department aims to
interest all persons to whom English is not the native
tongue in Gospel Temperance methods and measures,
and_to influence them through the work of the
W.C. T.U.; to introduce and circulate temperance lit-
erature ; to have addresses given in their language, and,
if pecrible; to establish newspapers ; to make the vote
of foreigners a temperance vote through conviction of
tight principles and by personal appeal and combined
action. Send to national superintendent for leaflets in
German and all other languages. , .
Work among Colored People.—This department is
for the pursuance among colored people of all branches
of work enumerated. :
Health and Heredity.—The aim of this department
is the development of the highest life, physical, men-
tal and spiritual; instruction in_ the
laws of health in relation to dress, food,
Preventive, air, exercise, cleanliness, sanitation,
ventilation, mental and moral hygiene.
It teaches the Jaw of heredity and the
right of every child to be well born. It is eminently a
department for study. It is fundamental.
‘on-Alcoholic Medication.—This department pre-
1397
Woman’s C. T. U.
sents to the W.C. T. U., and through it to people in
general, the teachings of eminent physicians who dis-
card alcohol as medicine. It is vital to the success of
the temperance cause, as total abstinence and prohi-
bition principles can never triumph while alcohol con-
tinues to be a popular remedy. Its plans are the study
of department literature by every W. C. T. U., and
free distribution of the same; lectures showing supe-
riority of the non-use of alcohols in sickness; distribu-
tion of pamphlets prepared by well-known and suc-
cessful non-alcoholic physicians among teachers,
pesetee editors, doctors, medical students and other
eaders of thought.
Sctentific Temperance Instruction.—This depart~
ment aims to secure a nation of intelli- 4
eee ee through compulso- :
ry education of the whole people in their i
schools and colleges as 10 ail laws of Educational.
health, including those relating to the
ee and effects of alcoholic drinks and other nar-
cotics.
Its methods of work are the enactment and enforce-
ment of laws requiring this study in schools under
State and national control. Enforcement involves vig-
ilance to insure right text-books and methods of teach-
ing as presented in the School Physiology Journal, a
monthly publication for teachers.
As the result of the work of this department, there
are now 16,000,000 children of school age under tem-
perance laws in the United States.
Physical Culture Department.—This department
purposes securing State laws making Physical Educa-
Zion compulsory in all schools under public control.
It seeks the highest possible physical development, un-
der circumstances of health, upon which is based the
most successful moral and intellectual growth of the
child.
The plans promise great good to the mothers of the
future through an improved understanding and prac-
tice of laws governing health, including common-sense
methods in dress, and the use of nourishing food.
Sunday-school Work.—The Sunday-school depart-
ment aims to teach the great principles of total absti-
nence and prohibition because of the ‘“‘Thus saith the
Lord” revealed in the Bible. Through the quarterly
temperance lessons of the international lesson series,
temperance exercises in the Sunday-school, pledge
signing, concerts, rallies, mass-meetings, etc., these
principles are emphasized. Special effort is made in
these directions on Universal temperance Sunday—the
fourth Sunday of each November.
Temperance Literature.—This department aims to
prepare and circulate books, papers, leaflets, etc., for
the general education of public sentiment, and also for
topical study zz all the departments of W. C. T. U.
work, that our local meetings may be made interesting
pnd prontabl, and our members thoroughly educated
in all branches of temperance reform.
Presenting the Cause.—This department aims to
secure the presentation of our work before all the so-
cieties above indicated and any others of suitable
character, in towns, counties, districts, States and the
nation, that the W. C. T. U. and the principles it advo-
cates may be known and indorsed in influential quar-
ters. The method is to endeavor through members of
these associations to secure the passage of a resolution
approving our work and committing the associations
themselves to do all in their power in their respective
fields to advance the cause of total abstinence and pro-
hibition. Our cause should also be presented to the
leading associations by our ablest speakers, arrange-
ments being made through the local unions. |
Temperance and Labor.—This department is educa-
tive, aiming to assist our members to comprehend the
changed industrial situation, with its effect on the
work and life of the wage-earners. The methods are
conferences for the study of the labor question, circu-
lar letters, addresses, articles for the press and study
in our unions of standard books on the history of labor,
and especially of the present conditions of laborers,
and by contact with laborers as well as employers. It
shall be our especial aim to ameliorate the condition
of wage-earning women and children. On the other
hand, we aim to discover the total abstainer in labor
organizations, and to aidand encourage them to arouse
interest among wage-earners in the study of the liquor
problem, furnishing them with specimens of the most
effective temperance literature, whether of books,
papers or pamphlets, and aiding them to secure the
best speakers on temperance. We also aim to secure
the cooperation of laborers’ wives and daughters in our
unions, and to secure the publication of temperance
information and argument in labor journals and the
newspapers patronized by wage-earners.
Woman’s C. T. U.
W.C. T. U. Schools.—This department aims to estab-
lish schools at all summer assemblies and camp-meet-
ings where the society’s work is brought to the atten-
tion of the people ; where the aim and needs of each de-
partment may be studied and the best methods brought
out by competent teachers, to the end that trained
workers may take the places of those now unskilled.
The Press.—This department aims to provide the
press, both religious and secular, with the latest and
most important news concerning the W. C. T. U. work
in every department; to bring constantly before the
reading public, facts, illustrations, statistics and quo-
tations, directly and indirectly helpful in educating
the public mind and conscience along this line of re-
form ; and to correct in the same columns whence they
emanate inaccurate statements with regard to our
principles, methods or leadership. Particular atten-
tion is paid to the metropolitan and associated press
and cooperative newspapers, also the capital cities dur-
ing sessions of the legislature. To this general state-
ment it may be added that ‘‘the printed part is less
than that which, yet unprinted, waits the press.”
Narcotics.—To educate is the first aim of this depart-
ment; to instill into the minds of the young the injury
done by tobacco and to teach adults the effects of to-
bacco, opium and other narcotics, not only upon the
parent, but the offspring; also, to secure laws prohib-
ves the sale of all narcotics, including tobacco in all
its forms. The special work is to organize anti-to-
bacco leagues, and thereby not only educate but pledge
the children against tobacco, particularly in its most
dangerous form, the cigarette. The lecturersare fully
equipped to carry out the aims and objects of this de-
partment, and will build up and strengthen any union
calling them.
School Savings Banks.—This department is in the in-
terest of life’s great economic and protective forces.
Its mission is to establish the savings system in schools
throughout the land; to give every child initial in-
struction in practical thrift; to make the boy and girl
alike self-responsible, understanding, happy, temper-
ate, industrious property-owners. Its superintendent
has studied economic problems the past two years
abroad, with figures, facts and literature. The school
savings bauks teaching in 400 schools in the United
States proves it one of the greatest known popular re-
form factors. It curtails extravagance, intemperance,
labor troubles, pauperism and crime, and_ directs
thought into healthful, uplifting channels. The sys-
tem is simple, occupying but fifteen minutes per week
of school time.
Kindergarten.—This work aims to develop the child
harmoniously—the head, heart and hands. In the
kindergarten he is given an opportunity to express
himself in work, play and song. he teacher aims to
direct the child’s activities into the right channel and
seeks to make the school the natural, normal environ-
ment in which his best self can bud forth and grow,
thus producing temperate living. If we can begin
with the little child we can form, which is far better
_and easier than to reform.
Medal Contest Work.—This department aims to set
W.C. T. U. principles before the public in the attractive
form of public entertainments. ecitations, chiefly by
children and young people, are given on prohibition,
total abstinence, narcotics, purity, and the various
other lines of our work. Judges are appointed, who
pronounce upon the merits of the speakers, and a
medal is awarded the successful contestant.
This department aims to keep brightly burning upon
our altars the sacred fire which was kindled in the
Crusade. :
To train spiritually the individual worker. To per-
meate, by its devotional services, Bible readings and
consecration, all other.departments with the evangelis-
tic spirit. To secure the establishment
_., ofthe 11 A.M. devotional hour in all con-
Evangelistic, ventions. Toemphasize the importance
of the noontide prayer. To arouse the
. church. To reach the masses by visita-
tion, Gospel missions and conferences, Crusade Bands,
wayside services in jails, halls, cottages, depots, etc.
To enlist more women who shall preach the Gospel,
and to train the workers.
Its methods are, first to secure a superintendent in
each State, district, county and local union, through
whose instrumentality local unions shail hold meetings
with non-churchgoers, thus bringing tothem a knowl-
edge of the Seyine power of Christ.
nfermented Wine.—This department aims to se-
cure the use of finfermented wine at the Sacrament of
the Lord’s Supper; to awaken conviction in every
mind that Christ did not make use of or bless intoxi-
cating wine. Methods—Appeals to the ministry and
1398
Woman’s C. T. U.
church officials; presenting petitions and resolutions
to religious pedies ‘ prove by the testimony of
ancient and modern authorities and missionaries that
unfermented wine was in use all through Bible times ;
securing the preaching of sermons against the use o
intoxicating wine upon the Lord’s table, as againstany
other sin, and the extensive circulation of literature
upon this subject. . ee
Proportionate and Systematic Giving.—This depart-
ment seeks to create sentiment in favor of the tithe
system or other methods of proportionate giving, as
the most promising means of securing a pure and am-
le treasury for the Lord’s work. The judicious and
aithful distribution of systematic giving literature in
all the families represented in the unions, also essays
and addresses on the subject, and testimonies from
those who have adopted the methods, constitute the
plan of work. . i
Penal and Reformatory Work, tncluding Police Sta-
tion Work.—This department aims to carry gospel
temperance to the inmates of prisons and jails; to co-
operate in the work of Prisoners’ Aid Association ; to
aid in establishing woman’s reformatory prisons and
industrial homes for the criminal classes; to secure
the appointment of women on State boards of chari-
ties and the maintenance of matrons in all prisons and
police stations where women are arrested or impris-
oned. The gospel and police matron work is directly
related to the W.C. T. c. and carried on by personal
visitation, by letter and literature.
Workin Almshouses —The aim of this department
is to better the condition of the unfortunate and out-
cast by establishing libraries, regular Sabbath ser-
vices, with frequent visitations in these institutions.
hoping to bring additional brightness into the lives o:
those who are not able to obtain it for themselves, and,
if possible, to cooperate with State boards of correc-
tionsand charities in their work of improving these
institutions by bringing practical help along the lines
of prevention and cure. .
ecuring Homes.—The object of this department is
to secure a home for every homeless, unprotected
child within our borders. These homes must be
sought out with great care by our superintendents.
In large towns and cities these children are often “at
our doors,’”’ but we must seek out the waifs of remote
and less populous districts. As individuals, members
of unions, and church associations, we have become
familiar with this work. But now we desire toextend
it, to make it more efficient through the concerted
action of our organization. Z asia,
Cooperation with existing children’s aid societies is
recommended, rather than the forming of new ones, by
our unions. These exist in every city and are glad to
welcome us as coadjutors.
Work among Railroad Employees.—This department
includes work among railroad men, telegraph opera-
tors, street-car men, policemen, express and hackmen,’
and train news agents, with their respective families,
and aims to carry the Gospel and temperance pledge
to them all, and to organize among them gospel and
temperance clubs, or “R. R. Unions.” Cottage meet-
ings, noon shop meetings, and personal work in con-
nection with the mass-meetings is the line followed,
with the distribution of literature, etc. :
Among Soldvers and Satlors.—This department aims
to reach the army and navy with gospel temperance
work, also by means of the pledge and temperance
literature, through cooperation with commandants
and chaplains, by correspondence, articles in papers
tread by soldiers and sailors, and personal visitation.
Also to enlist in this peaceful war all veterans, and
to inculcate in the young a spirit of patriotism by se-
curing their aid in the effort to place a flag on every
school-house.
Among Lumbermen.— This department aims to
carry gospel temperance, by means of the written and
spoken word, to the great armies of men in the logging
camps, destitute as they are of Christian teaching, an
sure to fall an easy prey to the saloons unless fore-
warned and forearmed.
Among Miners.—This department aims to do for
miners the same that is stated above relative to the
lumbermen.
_ Sabbath Observance.—The aim of this department
is to educate and arouse the public intellect and con-
science, through leaflets, press articles, petitions and
all other available means, to the religious, scientific
and other reasons for Sabbath observance, especially
raising a higher practical standard among professed
Christians, and testing our own lives by the Word of
God. Also to secure and maintain good Sabbath laws
and usages, thus protecting all in their right to a civil
rest day and fostering morality.
Woman’s C. T. U.
Mercy Department.—This department aims to de-
velop in our young people the tenderest consideration
toward all who are capable of pain, never needlessly
inflicting it, and shielding the lower animals from
poth pain and danger so far as possible, also securing
the enactment and enforcement of laws for this benefi-
cent purpose.
Purity Department.—This department aims to ex-
hibit the relations existing between the drink habit
and the nameless habits, outrages and crimes which
disgrace modern civilization ; and especially to point
out the brutalizing influence of malt liquors upon the
social nature ; this study to be conducted by means of
mothers’ meetings, leaflets, pamphlets, etc., cooperat-
ing with the White Cross Army and circulating its
literature.
It seeks to establish a single code of morals, and to
maintain the law of purity as equally binding upon
men and women. It has in view a distinct effort to
impress upon the minds of men and women, youth
and maidens, the absolute demands of religion and
physiology for purity in thought, word and deed.
It endeavors to secure legislation of a character cal-
culated to protect the honor and purity of the young,
and defend women and girls from the depravity of
brutal men.
Purity in Literature and Art.—The germ thought
‘of this department is ‘‘ The Inner Mission ’’—the Bible
asthe highest expression of literature. Christ in art
now rules the whole kingdom of art. It seeks the
elevation of the press, and to this end scrutinizes the
Jiterature on news-stands, railroads and steamboats,
library shelves, in mail matters, bill posters, shows,
exhibitions, art galleries. Its methods are to appeal
to Congress, legislators, councils, magistrates and
‘courts for the enforcement of existing and creation of
better laws; also lectures and literature to arouse pub-
lic sentiment.
Parlor Meetings.—This department aims to interest
the conservative social classes of society by the use of
conservative social means. The meetings are held in
homes, the audience gathered by invi-
tation. The methods must vary to meet
Social and the varied character of social demands.
Legal Religious services, music, a brief ad-
gal. dress, conversational discussion, dis-
tribution of.literature and circulation
: of autograph pledge-books are recom-
mended. Gentlemen may be invited and honorary
membership solicited. Refreshments add to the social
character of the hour.
Flower Misston.—This department aims to graft our
gospel work upon a beautiful form of philanthropy.
Bouquets are to be tied with white ribbons and a Scrip-
ture verse or suggestion relative to temperance to be
attached; literature to be circulated to accompany
the flowers, and the total abstinence pledge offered at
appropriate times.
tate and County Fairs.—This department aims to
bring temperance ideas and practices in contact with
the people, at fairs and other great holiday gatherings,
by means of a booth (suitably designated by mottoes,
pictures and other decorations), where temperance
drinks are dispensed and literature circulated ; also to
secure, if possible, favorable reference to the subject
of temperance in public addresses, made either by
those appointed by authorities of the fair, or if this be
impracticable, presentation of the subject by our own
speakers. This department protests against the sale
‘of intoxicants on holiday occasions, and makes sys-
tematic effort to secure the enactment and enforcement
of law to this end. 3
Legislation and Enforcement of Law.—This depart-
ment aims to secure prohibition by constitutional and
statutory law in every State and Territory, and to se-
cure a prohibitory amendment to the National Consti-
tution. Methods are varied, as the manifold_work of
the W.C. T. U. As all roads once led to Rome, so
every purpose and plan points to the consummation
denied under this all-embracing aim.” Specifically,
petitions to legislative bodies, systematic efforts to
enforce existing laws, and a course of study. and read-
ing for local unions are included under this depart-
ment.
Franchise.—This dapat uneat aims to aid the States
‘that desire to utilize the school ballot for temperance
purposes, if already conferred, or to secure in whole
or in part the ballot for women as a weapon of protec-
tion to their homes from the liquor traffic and its at-
ttendant evils. Methods—circular letter with instruc.
tions, forms of petition, etc. + distribution and sale of
appropriate literature; articles to the press; corre-
spondence and public addresses. | : i
Peace and International Arbitration,—This de-
1399
Woman’s Rights.
partment aims to secure such training for the children
in home, Sunday-school, public school, and Loyal Tem-
perance Legion, as will make them despise physical
combat, and will liftthem to a plane where the
weapons are arguments, parliamentary usage and
law; all of these having above them the ‘‘sword of
the Spirit,’’ that weapon which is, above all others,
worthy of reasonable and responsible beings.
The department also contemplates international
arbitration as the method that shall universally re-
place war, and in this interest, literature will be cir-
culated, public meetings addressed, petitions signed,
and cooperation with the peace societies of this and
other nations sought.
Christian Citizenship. Object.—To study the
science of government and the rights and duties of
citizens, to educate and influence voters, to combat the
evils of organized society at the caucus, convention
and ballot-box.
Standpoint.—This is Christian. Christian princi-
ples and ethical standards must be introduced and
maintained in all the social and political relations of
mankind.
Work.—Organize the local union for study and
work. Organize the boys and girls for training. Or-
ganize the voters for direct action. Hold public meet-
ings, circulate literature. . a
wal eal
WOMAN’S RIGHTS.—(For an account
of the woman suffrage movement in England
and America, see articles WoMAN SUFFRAGE
IN ENGLAND, by Helen Blackburn, and Woman
SUFFRAGE IN THE UNITED Staves, by Rachel F.
Avery. For woman’s industrial position, see
article Woman’s Work AND WaceEs. On other
points, consult articles Ack or Consent; D1-
VORCE ; FAMILY ; HousEHOLD Economic Associa-
TION ; MARRIAGE; PROSTITUTION ; SoctAL Puriry,
etc.) We consider in this article, I. Woman’s
Political and Social History; II. Woman’s
Present Legal Status; III]. The Arguments
For and Against Woman Suffrage.
JI, Woman’s PoiricAL AND SociaL History.
In prehistoric times and among barbarous
tribes, women have occasionally been honored
more than in later periods. The savage queen
has sometimes been recognized as the superior
of the savage king. Women in the legendary
or heroic period of Greek history occupy a dis-
tinctly higher place than in the classic period.
The cause for this is undoubtedly that early in
the history of man customs have not yet hard-
ened into social laws, and the position accorded
to women depended, therefore, less
upon social ideas and more upon
the character of women. All his-
tory shows the same. Women of
beauty or of ability, therefore, can
secure a comparatively high place.
Around woman, too, more than around man
develops the family and the home. (See Fam-
ity.) Yet if, this be true, it is not so much that
women are elevated as that men are debased.
The first women, like the first men (see Soct-
oLocy), must be thought of as little more than
slightly developed animals. If society first
formed around the mother, force was the first
law, and woman was usually looked upon asa
slave, and later as a slave or a toy. She was
early exposed to all those revulsions of feeling
that follow the gratification, among rude men,
of the animal passion. Marriage was regarded
ere long, if not at first, as the ownership of
women by men as their property. Chastity on
the part of women was at first to large extent
a property right. Men demanded it in their
Primitive
Times,
Woman’s Rights.
property ; to far less extent was it considered a
merit in themselves. The unequal standard of
morals for the two sexes is as old as human his-
tory. Women were-often bought by their hus-
bands from theirfathers, Inthe Book of Gene-
sis Jacob purchases Leah and Rachel, and pays
their father for themin work. The payment of
the husband to the father was in Greek called
the édva, in Latin the mundrum, The modern
wedding ring is usually supposed to be a relic
of this sale. Among the Germanic tribes,
where woman was more highly honored, the
husband gave a gift, not to the father, but to
the bride herself. It was usually given on the
morning after the wedding night, and called the
morgengabe. It is preserved in the modern
jointure. In Greece the sale of the daughter by
the father was early replaced by a gift from the
father to the husband for the use of his wife ;
and later this dowry was secured to the wife in
most cases of separation. All these monetary
transactions show how far marriage has its basis
in property considerations.
Greece was probably the first country to de-
velop monogamy and to place women on an es-
_ tablished basis of honor and of love. The part-
ing of Hector and Andromache, the
fidelity of Penelope to Ulysses, the
love of Alcestis dying for her hus-
band, the filial piety of Antigone,
the heroic death of Polyxena, the
resignation of Iphigenia to her father, who
would sacrifice her life to fulfil his vow, the joy-
ous love of Nausicaa, are pictures of Grecian
womanhood in the early age, which, Lecky says,
‘* Rome and Christendom, chivalry and modern
civilization, have neither eclipsed nor transcend-
ed.’’ Yet the heroes of that age had concu-
bines, Female captives were little respected.
Woman was always regarded as the inferior of
man.
In the classic age of Greece, woman was
legally more protected, was ccnsidered more
capable of intellectual equality with man ; yet
morals were much deteriorated and a sénsual
conception of woman far more developed. The
virtuous woman was secluded. In Xenophon’s
picture of the married life, the young wife is por-
trayed as an innocent child, petted and tutored
by her husband. Ata later stage, Plutarch con-
ceives of husband and wife as equals ; but usu-
ally the virtuous woman was under the tutelage
first of her father, then of her husband ; if wid-
owed, of her sons. Marriage was regarded in
civic light as the means of producing citizens.
Protected somewhat by the law, the Greek wife
was by custom fettered exclusively to household
circles.
The Greek hefwra, or courtezan, was, on the
contrary, free to develop mind and body, and be-
came the intellectual companion of man. States-
men like Pericles and philosophers like Socrates
honored the Aefera in public and in private.
Says Lecky (Héstory of European Morals, vol.
ii., chap. v.): ‘‘If we can imagine Ninon de
l’Enclos at a time when the rank and splendor
of Parisian society thronged her drawing-rooms,
reckoning a Bossuet or a Fénelon among her
followers—if we can imagine these prelates
publicly advising her about the duties of her
profession, and the means of attaching the affec-
Greece,
1400
-have known the agony of remorse and despair.
Woman’s Rights.
tions of her lovers, we shall have conceived a
relation scarcely more strange than that which
existed between Socrates and the courtezan
Theodota.’’? Aspasia won the love of Pericles
by her genius as well as by her beauty. The
courtezan Leontium was among the followers.
of Epicurus. Socrates owned his deep obliga-
tion to the courtezan Deotina. : ae
Courtezans were honored, too, in connection
with religion. They were the voluptuous priest-
esses of Aphrodite. The form of Phryne, carved
in gold, stood in the Temple of Apollo at Del-
phi. Schools of vice at Miletus, Tenedos, Les-.
bos, and Abydos were connected with the tem- _
ples. The love of beauty in a climate where
the eye could become acquainted with the nude
in the gymnasia and the baths, the worship of
life and the instruments of the propagation of
life, tended to this result. In Pompeii a symbol
of the male organ of generation seems common-
ly to have been stamped on bread as represent-
ing the sustainer of life. Nor must the sensual-
ity of Greece and Rome be regarded as excep-
tional. (See Prostitution.) Says Lecky (dem,
chap. v.): .
“There has arisen in society a figure which is cer-
tainly the most mournful and in some respects the most.
awful upon which the eye of the moralist can dwell.
That unhappy being whose very name is a shame to
speak; who counterfeits with a cold heart the trans-
ports of affection, and submits herself as the passive
instrument of lust; who is scorned and insulted as the
vilest of her sex, and doomed for the most part to dis-
ease and abject wretchedness and an early death,
appears in every age as the perpetual symbol of the
degradation and the sinfulness of man. Herself the
supreme type of vice, she is ultimately the efficient
guardian of virtue. But, for her the unchallenged.
purity of countless happy homes would be polluted,
and not a few who, in the pride of their untempte
chastity, think of her with an indignant sheen ae
n that
one degraded and ignoble form are concentrated the
pene that might have filled the world with shame.
he remains, while creeds and civilizations rise and
fall, the eternal priestess of humanity, blasted for the
sins of the people.”
In Rome, woman, except in the very earliest.
period, was given more legal rights than in
Greece. Marriage was regarded in law and in
social ideals as a contract between
equals. This in the earliest period
was overridden, it is true, by the Rome.
terrible powers given to the father -
of the family (see Famity) ; but this
was gradually modified, and the Roman and.
Stoic exaltation of the individual was extended
to the wife. ‘ Ud¢ tu Cazus, ego Caza," the
Roman wife could say, This tendency to con-
ceive of marriage as a contract between sov-~
ereign individuals led to easy divorce. The dis-
integration of marriage ties that set in is well.
known. (See Famity.) Seneca says that mar-
riage was contracted to give piquancy to adul-
tery. Friends exchanged wives. Under the
empire the sensuality of the East was added to
the vices of the West. In the East, alike in an-
cient Babylon, in Persian poets and Arabian.
Nights tales, the conception of woman is almost.
purely sensual. The Jewish conception was to
an extent, tho only to an extent, an exception
to this. The women of the Jewish Scriptures.
show strength rather than'the beauty of family
love. Miriam, Deborah, Jael, Jezebel, Atha-
liah, Esther, are heroines, Ruth almost alone
Woman’s Rights.
represents a pure idyllic life. But the institu-
tions of the Mosaic code, the polygamy of early
Jewish life, the symbolism of the Song of Songs,
show the sensual basis of the Jewish conception
of woman out of which she could arise only by
heroic deeds. Lecky thinks the Jewish type of
woman far inferior to those of Greek poetry or
Roman history. We find, however, a distinct
evolution. Polygamy seems to have disap-
peared after the purging sufferings of the Baby-
Jonish captivity. The pictures in the New Tes-
tament of Elizabeth, of Anna, and, above all, of
Mary, even before the influence of Christianity,
show the comparatively high and pure develop-
ment of the Jewish woman in the days imme-
diately before Christ.
The influence of Christianity on the legal and
political status of woman has been much dis-
cussed. (See CHRISTIANITY AND SOCIAL REFORM ;
_ CuurcH AND SocrAL ReForm.) Viewed from
the standpoint of modern ideas, the
Pauline conception of woman is dis-
Christianity. tinctly low. ‘‘ Wives, submit your-
selves unto your own husbands, as
unto the Lord, for the husband 1s
the head of the wife, even as Christ is the
head of the Church, and He is the Saviour of
the body. Therefore as the Church is subject
unto Christ, so let the wives be to their own hus-
bands in everything,’’ so St. Paul writes to the
Ephesians (chap. v. 22-24). Those who assert
the low estimate of women held by St. Paul
have undoubtedly no little basis for their view,
even tho St. Paul immediately added, ‘‘ Hus-
pands, love your wives, even as Christ also loved
the Church and gave Himself forit.’’ Marriage
also by the Church fathers, and, tosome extent,
even in the pages of the New Testament, is
conceived of as at best a weakness, a legal
concession to the flesh. Paul writes to the
Corinthians that ‘‘it is good for a man not to
touch a woman ; nevertheless to avoid fornica-
tion, let every man have his own wife and every
woman have her own husband”’ (1 Cor. vii. 1, 2).
In the same letter he says: ‘t The wife hath not
power of her own body, but the husband ; and
likewise also the husband hath not power of his
own body, but the wife.’ The extremes to
which the early Church carried the praise of vir-
ginity and the identification of marriage with
sin is well known. Jerome says that tho mar-
riage may replenish the earth, virginity replen-
ishes heaven (Westermarck’s Hzstory of Mar-
riage). (See FamILy.)
evertheless, the ideas of the early Church
must be compared not with our ideas, but with
those of that day, and the purity of the Chris-
tian family and the honor paid to woman is as
light itself compared with the darkness of the
impurity of the pagan world. s
Christ’s teaching that evil consists in the im-
pure heart rather than in the body, that he
“who looketh ona woman to lust after her hath
committed adultery with her already in his
heart,” indicates an almost infinite advance in
moral elevation. The mere fact that marriage
became the symbol of the espousals of Christ
and His Church indicated and led to an eleva-
tion of the wedded life. ‘‘ Concubina’’ is never
written on a Christian grave. Says Origen:
1401
Woman’s Rights.
“There is not a Christian community which
has not been exempted from a thousand vices.
and a thousand passions’ (Contra Celsunt).
(For the influence of Christianity on the Roman
legislation in regard to woman, see CHRISTIAN-
ITY AND SoctaL Rerorm.) ‘‘ Tutelage of women
must be done away with,”’ say Justinian’s /7-
stitutes, Many laws were passed giving woman.
more legal rights and protection.
Coming to woman’s position in the Middle
Ages, it appears the result of the blending of
many influences, the laws of the Roman Em-
pire, the ideals of Christianity, the
asceticism of the clergy, the tradi-
tions of Germanic tribes, the ro- Middle Ages,
manticism of chivalry, and the lust
of warlike men. (See MIDDLE AGEs ;
FamiLy ; CHuRCH AND SociaL REFORM ; CHRIS~
‘TIANITY AND SociAL ReForm.) The Germanic
tribes honored woman, yet rather, as we have
seen above, on the basis of savage equality than
of legal status. Compared with the corruption
of Rome, the purity of Germanic marriage
struck Tacitus, and, through him and similar
writers, has been much emphasized, but its pu-
rity did not begin to compare with that of early
Christianity. Polygamy was allowed to princes ;
the wife was usually bought ; the male adulter-
er, by some laws at least, was allowed simply to
pay the injured husband or to provide him a
new wife. (See CHRISTIANITY AND SociaL RE-
FORM.)
The influence of the Church in the Middle
Ages was twofold. The influence of monasti-
cism and asceticism on the ordinary life of wom-
an was almost whoily bad. ‘To conceive of
marriage as sin was to give it over to sin. The
terrible reactions of asceticism and the corrup-
tion developed by monasticism (g.v.) are well
known. (See MmppieAcgs.) Nevertheless, the
nunneries did enable some women to escape
the violence of the times and develop saintly
lives.
In connection with this was the development.
‘of Mariolatry. The worship of the Virgin has
probably more connection with the romantic
and partly sensuous ideas of medieval chivalry
than all writers are willing to admit. Yet no
one can question its influence in part for good.
Says Lecky :
“It is also a striking illustration of the qualities
which prove most attractive in women that one of
whom we know nothing except her gentleness and her
sorrow should have exercised a magnetic power upon
the world incomparably greater than was exercised by
the most majestic female patriots of paganism. What-
ever may be thought of its theological propriety,
there can be little doubt that the Catholicreverence for
the Virgin has done much to elevate and purify the
ideal of woman and to soften the manners of men. It
hag had an influence which the worship of the pagan
goddesses could never possess, for these had been
almost destitute of moral beauty, and especially of
that kind of moral beauty which is peculiarly femi-
nine. It supplied in a great measure the redeeming
and ennobling element in that strange amalgam of re-
ligious, licentious, and military feeling which was.
formed around women in the age of chivalry, and
which no succeeding change of habit or belief has
wholly destroyed.”
But the worship of the Virgin was an effect.
as wellasacause. Lecky admits this when he
says: ‘The position that was gradually as-
signed to the irgin as the female ideal, in the
Woman’s Rights.
‘belief and the devotion of Christendom, was a
‘consecration or an expression of the new value
that was attached to the feminine virtues.”
Whence chivalry came no man wholly knows.
It had a deep root in sensuality. No one can
read the romances of the Middle Ages, the
poetry of the minnesingers or the troubadours,
without realizing this. Its honoring of woman
was in part borne of degrading views. Men
cannot pay certain forms of respect to women
without giving them, in their very adulation,
the grossestinsult. To praise a woman’s weak-
ness is to acknowledge it, and to show that one’s
ideal of womanhoodis weak, To worship physi-
cal love is to confess to a low type of loving.
The connection between chivalry and licentious-
ness is always close. Nevertheless there was
another root. Woman in the Middle Ages stood
for the softening of war and violence and strife.
When the knight knelt before his lady, he rose
to a nobler manhood, and chivalry honored the
source of the higher life. The chivalry of the
Middle Ages was far higher than the classic
worship of the setere , it was undoubtedly far
lower than the less romantic love of women at
the present time.
The effect of the Protestant Reformation on
the social status of woman was undoubtedly
good, tho not an unmixed good. Its greatest
effect in this respect was to con-
demn celibacy, the false praise of
virginity, and the condemnation of
marriage. Second only to this was
its effect in freeing woman from
subjection to the confessor and the
priest. The sanctity of married life, the in-
violability of the home, are almost distinctive-
ly Protestant conceptions, Undoubtedly, with
these enormous strides forward, certain evils
came in. The tendency to secularize the mar-
riage relation has to some extent tended also to
commercialize it and to increase divorce (7.v.).
However, of this secularizing and beralizita
Prot-
estantism.
tendency has come the modern movement tow-.
ard woman's rights. It has, however, only de-
veloped in our owncentury. Milton, inhis day,
aoe Eve say to Adam (Paradzse Lost, Book
q 9) p x
**God is the law, thou mine;
To know no more is woman’s happiest knowledge and
her praise.”
Even Rousseau says :
‘“Women are specially made to please men. ... All
their education should be relative to men. To please
them, to be useful to them, to make themselves loved
and honored by them, to bring them up when young,
to take care of them when grown up, to counsel, to
console them, to make their lives agreeable and pleas-
ant—these in all ages have been the duties of women,
and it is for these duties that they should be educated
from infancy... Being incapable of judging for
themselves fas to religion], they ought to accept the
decision of their fathers and their husbands like that of
the Church” (Zmzle, ch. v.).
In 1797 Charles Fox said in a speech :
“Tt has never been suggested in all the theories and
Projects of the most absurd speculation, that it would
be advisable to extend the elective suffrage to the
female sex.”
This brings us, however, to our own century,
and we pass to consider :
1402
Woman’s Rights.
Il. Woman’s PresENT LEGAL Status.
(@) IN THE’ UNITED STATES,
The brevity of this article prevents any at-
tempt to give a full statement of the conditions
prevailing for women under the laws of each
State and Territory, no two of their codes being
exactly alike ; but the following statement has
been compiled by Mrs. Rachel F. Avery for this
encyclopedia from Jessie J. Cassidy's Legal
Status of Woman (1897). Says Mrs. Avery :
“With the early ideas of woman as a chattel, it
followed naturally that men making the laws should
provide that whatever the woman possessed should
also, with her person, become the property of her
husband when she married. Slowly but surely this
idea has had to give way to the realization of woman
as a distinct creation, with individual rghts of her
own; we therefore find recorded in the laws and
statutes and, in a few cases, in the constitutions of our
States and Territories, a gradually increasing recogni-
tion of the wife’s right to hold property after marriage,
“Full control of property by the woman after
marriage exists in “Arizona, Arkansas, California,
Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, District of Colum-
bia, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas,Kentucky,
Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, ‘Minnesota,
Mississippi, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New
Jersey, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregen, Okla-.
homa Territory, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South
Carolina, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, West
Virginia, Wisconsin and Wyoming. In Nevada and
South Dakota the wife may have full control, provided
a list of her property be filed with the County Record-
er; but this demand of the law would put such control
out of the hands of many women. The first year
which gave such a right to a woman was 1844, and the
Jast such change in her favor was made in 1895.
“Partial control by the woman after marriage
revails in Alabama, Louisiana, Missouri, New Mex-
ico, North Carolina and Tennessee.
“Property 7% entirely tn the hands of the husband
in Florida, Idaho and Texas.
“The Power to Will Property.—Since Connecticut
set the example of giving this right to women, early in
the century, all the other commonwealths have one by
one followed; but this does not mean that a wife may
will all her property away from the husband, no matter
how unworthy he may have proven himself, unless
she has legally separated herself from him. She has
still no right to devise by will a dollar's worth of the
earnings of the marriage copartnership, these being
considered as a part of her husband’s estate. In the
matter of the recognition of the earning power of
woman 7 marriage, it remains for the States where
women are fully enfranchised to set an example in
legislation. As things now stand, the hardest working
wife, dying before her husband, dies penniless (unless
having inherited money or earned it outside the home
in some State where she has the right to her own
wages), and unable to provide by will foraged parents
or her children by a preceding marriage. The hus-
band, on the other hand, dying before his wife has it
in his power to so provide to the extent of quite a lib-
eral proportion of their joint earnings, should it please
him so to do, provided he does not will away from the
wife her dower. It is no mere phrase, but a fact of law
that the average wife is ‘buried from the home of her
husband,’ for while he is alive she has no home of her
very own.
“"A wife has right to her own wages in Alabama,
Arkansas, Colorado, Connecticut, Pcleware, District
of Columbia, Florida, Illinois, Indiana, lowa, Kansas,
Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan,
Minnesota, Mississippi, Nebraska, New Hampshire,
New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Ohio, Pennsyl-
vania, Rhode Island, South.Carolina, ‘Utah, ‘Vermont,
Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin and Wyo-
ming.
She has partial right to _her own earnings in
Arizona, California, Georgia, Idaho, Missouri, Mon-
tana, Nevada, North Carolina, North Dakota, Oklaho-
ae Territory, Oregon, South Dakota, Tennessee and
irginia.
“ She has no control of her own earnings in Louisiana
nae one , -
‘In Pennsylvania the woman must present a ition
under oath to the Court of Common Pleas thatane in-
tends to take advantage of the Act of 1872, giving her
a right to her own wages, before she can really claim
Woman’s Rights.
them ; this seems an unnecessary addition tothe labor
of earning them ; but theclimax of man’s generosity to
woman is surely reached in Nevada, where the Act of
1873, relating to wages of married women, states that
‘her earnings are the wife’s, ¢f the husband has allowed
der to appropriate them to her own use, and are deemed
a gift from him to her.’ Think of the privilege of be-
ing kindly permitted to ‘appropriate’ your own earn-
ings, provided you would be careful to consider them
*a gift’ from your husband !
““ The right of married mothers to their children has
been refused longer than any other personal right,’
says’ Cassidy in her‘ Legal Status of Woman,’ from
which this article is compiled. Men have been willing
to give the child born out of wedlock to its mother, but
legal heirs they have wished to hold in their own
power.
“ Mothers and fathers are equal in power in Colo-
rado, Kansas, Maine, Nebraska, New York, Pennsyl-
vania and Rhode Island.
‘“In all the other States and in the Territories the
mother is at a disadvantage, varying from the point of
being-simply ignored legally while the father is living,
to the more crushing injustice of having no power to
prevent the father from willing away from her custody
the youngest infant or even ‘a child likely to be born.’
It is sometimes claimed that such laws as this last
mentioned (still holding in Minnesota and North Caro-
lina) are dead letters, but this is not the case ; they are
dead only so long as no case arises under them, but
put to the test, they are as stern realities as if they had
been enacted but yesterday.” z
For other phases of woman’s legal position
see articles upon MARRIAGE AND Divorce;
AGE OF CONSENT ; WomANn’s WoRK AND WAGEs,
ete.
(6) IN GREAT BRITAIN.
In Great Britain there has beén_ recently great
advance in woman’s legal status. Down to 1839, an
English mother had no right to her own offspring.
Her husband, even during her lifetime, could with
immunity place his children under the control of his
mistress, or wherever he would, and deny the mother
all accesstothem, After that year a mother, not guilty
of adultery, could be protected in her right to care for
her children up to the age of seven and to have access
tothemtoalaterage. In 1873, on special application, a
mother could gain the right to care for her children to
the age of 16. Allother legal powers were, however,
vested in the father, and even after his' death the
mother was not the natural guardian of her own
children. She was so recognized only by the law of
1886. The father may yet, however, appoint a guardian
to act with the mother after his death. Up till 1857, a
man who abandoned his wife could return to her,
appropriate her earnings, and sell all she had acquired,
and do this repeatedly. The Act of 1857, however,
protected the earnings of a deserted wife, and the
Act of 1886 secured her alimony from her husband.
In all cases, however, except desertion, the husband
had full power over the wife’s earnings. He could be
compelled to give her a bare maintenance, but
otherwise he could spend her earnings in the brothel
or where he would. Only by the law of 1870 were the
wife's own earnings protected. All other property
was, however, left wholly unprotected. By common
law the wife possessed nothing. All property willed
to her after marriage over £200 was her husband’s.
She could not sue or be sued, and could make
no contract without the husband’s consent, The
‘courts of chancery somewhat modified this, till
ects Of 1882and 1893 gave the wife ample protection.
If a wife, however, dies intestate, all her property
goes to her husband. If the husband dies intestate,
and has no children, his wife only receives £500 more
than one half his property, unless it does not exceed
4500, the rest going to his nearest blood relations.
In the divorce court, too, a husband need only
prove adultery. The wife must prove adultery and
Some aggravation, like cruelty or desertion.
(¢) ON THE CONTINENT.
On the continent less advance has been made, tho
in Russia woman’s property has been fromthe earliest
‘times perfectly secure and unaffected by marriage.
In Switzerland, the custom of treating women as per-
etual minors only wholly disappeared in 1881.
AVometi’s earnings were protected in Sweden in 1884
and in Denmark in 1880. The property of married
women was protected in Norway in 1888. New civil
codes in Germany and Italy indicate advance.
1403
Woman’s Rights.
Of Germany, Mrs. Bertrand Russell writes in
The Nineteenth Century tor September, 1896:
“Associations founded for political objects may not
have women, scholars, or apprentices as members, nor
may women, scholars, or apprentices be present at any
meetings of such associations.’ Soruns
the Prussian Coalition law, and the laws
of Bavaria, Brunswick, and some of the
smaller States impose the same limita-
tions on women. ‘These laws explain
in a large measure why there is not in
Germany any strong and well-organized woman move-
ment. But besides the political there is also a social
cause. The incomes of the professional and mercan-
tile classes are much smaller than in England, and
German women are therefore obliged to devote a
Exes) part of their time and thought to household
work. af ie 2
“Tf unmarried girls of the middle class have re-
volted to some extent, the cause has been mainly
economic. Self-support rather than self-development
was their aim, and tho it was a narrow aim it had
init the germ of alarger movement. Their first and
most important question was that of higher education.
German women could not attend the universities,
tho, absurdly enough, foreign women were ad-
mitted, and they could not study or practice law or
medicine. At last women are permitted to practice
medicine, tho the training ana. degree for it must
still be obtained abroad. German women may also
now attend lectures in most of the German universi-
ties, but without being allowed to matriculate, and
generally on the sufferance of the professors. In the
course of all this agitation, for even these few con-
cessions have not been won without very great efforts,
the women of the middle classes began to realize that
no real improvement could be effected in their position
without some change of the laws. A woman is en-
tirely under the guardianship of her husband, and
her property and earnings are wholly at his disposal.
After her children are four years old, she only has as
much control over them as the law allows to those
grossly immoral or inebriate fathers whose control
has had to be supplemented by legally appointed
guardians. And after the death of the father his will
or the law may appoint a third person as guardian,
who will have equal control with the mother over the
children. If the mother marries again, she loses all
control over children. . The future of the
woman movement in Germany undoubtedly lies with
the Social Democratic party, the only strong political
party in the world that demands the full equality of
the sexes.”’
Of France, Jeanne E. Schmake says, in The
Forum for September, 1896 (condensed) :
“The question of religious differences cannot be
assed over when treating of the women’s question in
Brance, because of the stress laid upon it by the
women themselves. Whatever may be the religious
attitude of pofztical France, the majority of French-
women are Catholics; whereas up to January, 1893,
the women’s movement in Paris was
ostensibly hostile to Catholicism, and
the tenets of its leaders extreme Re-
ublicanism.” Among the more thought-
ul, it came to be pretty generally ad-
mitted that there was room for some
association of no special political or religious ten-
dency—simply groups of men and women united on
one point—viz., the amendment of laws concern-
ing women, with perhaps no other point of contact
of opinion. A powerful association was gradually
forming. Among its earliest members were the
leading journalists of Paris, deputies and senators of
every shade of opinion, celebrated scientists and
jurists, and a few of the best-known female authors,
among whom was Madame Adam, now,for the first time
taking part in the women’s movement. Then, asif to
ive special significance to the new mode of action, a
few women of the old French aristocracy, notably the
Duchesse d’Uzés, joined the movement. With sucha
staff the actual work was comparatively easy, and I
willingly consented to direct the young association ;
and we started/’ Avant Courriére on January 30, 7893.
“Taking into consideration that the civil code is the
one great obstacle to the emancipation of women in
France, we decided to attack it. We were not long in
coming to the conclusion that, financial freedom being
the root of all liberty, we must first set to work to
obtain for married women the right to their own
earnings.
Germany.
France.
Woman’s Rights.
“On February 27, 1896, the bill conferring upon
married women the power of free disposition of their
earnings passed the Chamber of Deputies without
opposition—the first time in French history that a
woman's rights movement has received support from
the government. Itis difficult to predict what recep-
tion we shall get in the Senate, yet even there we have
many friends, and therefore have the right to be hope-
ful. This very important modification of the French
marriage laws affects about 4,500,000 workwomen, not
to speak of authors, musicians, painters, actresses,
teachers, shop-assistants, and domestic servants—in
all about 6,000,coo women-workers, who, if married,
have, as the law now stands, no right to their own
earnings, if that right has not been stipulated for by a
legal agreement made at the time of their marriage.”
III. ARGUMENTS FOR AND AGAINST WoMAN
SUFFRAGE,
(@) ARGUMENTS FOR IT.
The arguments for woman suffrage are
based partly upon the asserted natural rights of
woman, partly upon the need of woman’s influ-
ence in politics both to protect her own sex and
to purify the increasingly important realm of
political action ; thirdly, upon the good results
of woman suffrage where already tried. Upon
the first point, says a leaflet published by the
American Woman Suffrage Association :
“The basic argument for woman suffrage is that
women have as clear a title to the ballot as men have.
It is urged that women_are governed, but without
their consent. From the Declaration of Independence
is quoted: ‘Governments derive their just powers
from the consent of the governed.’ In the support of
the claim that the suffrage is a right of both sexes
alike, the late George William Curtis said, in an ad-
dress before the New York State Constitutional Con-
vention of 1867:
“« The rights which they [the fathers of the pepabiiel
declared to be inalienable are what are usually calle
natural as distinguished from political rights, but
they are not limited by sex. A woman has the same
right to her life, liberty and property that a man has,
and she has consequently the same right to an equality
of protection that he has; and this, as I understand it,
is whatis meant by the phrase, ‘the right of suffrage.”
If Ihave a naturalright to my life and liberty, I have
the same right to everything that protects that life
and liberty which any other man enjoys. I ask the
same for every woman in this State.
“* Our fathers answered the question of the best and
surest protection of natural right by their famous
phrase, ‘the consent of the governed.” That is to say,
since every man is born with equal rights, he is en-
titled to an equal protection of them with all other
men; and, since government is that protection, right
reason and experience alike demand that every person
shall have a voice inthe government upon perfectiy
equal and practicable terms—that is, upon terms
which are not necessarily insurmountable by any part
of the people.
“e . . Ideny that the people of the State of New
York can rightfully—that is, according to right reason
and the principles of this government derived from it,
permanently exclude any class of persons or any person
whatever from a voice in the government, unless it
can be clearly established that their participation in
political power would be dangerous to the State.’ ”
Upon the second point, the need for woman
suffrage, it is claimed that women cannot be
adequately protected while men alone make
the laws, and the denial of the franchise to
women is denounced as a stigma degrading her
to the same category with idiots, lunatics, and
criminals, It is urged that woman’s mind
would be broadened and elevated by a study of
public questions, and, further, that voting is the
quietest, easiest, most dignified, and least con-
Spicuous way of influencing public affairs. It
is asserted that women need the ballot to pro-
tect their business interests and to acquire social
1404
Woman’s Rights.
and personal rights that are now denied them.
It is claimed that woman suffrage would in-
crease the strength of the home element in poli-'
tics, secure the election of better men to office,
and introduce higher moral standards into
government.
(For evidence of the need of woman to pro-
tect her sex in legislation, see Sec. 2 of this arti-
cle, on ‘‘ Woman’s Present Legal Status.”” See
also article AGE oF CONSENT.).
Concerning the results of woman suffrage,
Miss Alice Stone Blackwell, editor of the Wom-
an’s Journal of Boston, writes the Vozce of
November 9, 1893, as follows :
“¢In England, Mr. Gladstone is on record as saying
the women have exercised municipal suffrage ‘‘ without
detriment and with great advantage.” Lady Ran-
dolph Churchill and the band of highly conservative
English women who published a ‘‘remonstrance”
against granting parliamentary suffrage to women,
a few years ago, were careful to say that they had no
objection to municipal suffrage, and even thought its
responsibilities had exerted a beneficial effect on the
character of women.
“In the States where women have school suffrage
only, the vote of women has generally been small, as
the vote of men is always small wherever the school
committee are chosen at a separate election; but the
women who have voted have been almost without ex-
ception of the intelligent and respectable class.
‘The statement has been widely circulated that the
vote of the Boston women for the school board is
falling off. At the last school election in Boston, qooo
more women voted than at the previous election; and
the women’s vote for the past five years has averaged
more than six times what it averaged for the five
years previous.’ e
“In Wyoming, full suffrage was extended to women
by the Legislature of that Territory in 1869. The
results proved so satisfactory that the law was con-
tinued upon the statute book for 20 years. In 1889, the
constitutional convention elected to frame a constitu-
tion for the new State of Wyoming and embodied a
woman suffrage clause in the constitution by a five-
sixths vote. The constitution containing this woman
suffrage clause was submitted to the people (the
people in this case meaning both men and women), and
was ratified by a very large majority. Wyoming was
admitted to the Union with this clause in its constitu-
tion by a vote of 132 to 119 in the House of Represen-
tatives and a vote of 29 to 18 in the Senate. The
House of the Wyoming Legislature of 1893, just before
adjournment, passed by a unanimous vote the follow-
ing concurrent resolution :
““Be itt resolved by the Second Legislature of the State
of Wyoming: .
“«That the possession and exercise of suffrage by
the women in Wyoming for the past quarter of a
century has wrought no harm and has done great good
in many ways; that it has largely aided in banishing
crime, pauperism, and vice from this State, and that
without any violent and oppressive legislation ; that it
has secure peaentill and orderly elections, good gov-
ernment, and a remarkable degree of civilization and
public order ; and we pant with pride to the facts that
after nearly 25 yearsof woman suffrage not onecounty
in Wyoming has a poorlouse, that our jails are almost
empty, and crime, except that committed by strangers
in the State, is almost unknown; and as the result of
experience we urge every civilized community on
earth to enfranchise its women without delay.
“* Resolved, That an authenticated copy of these reso-
lutions be forwarded by the governor of the State to
the Legislature of every State and Territory in this
country, and to every legislative body in the world;
and that we request the press throughout the civilize
world to call the attention of their readers to these
resolutions,’
“Every governor of Wyoming for more than 20 years
has testified that much good has resulted from woman
suffrage.”
More recent experience bears out, according
to the woman suffrage believers, these good re-
sults. The first legislature elected in Colorado
after the granting of woman suffrage raised
the age of consent from 14 to 18, and gavea
Woman’s Rights.
married woman an equal voice with her husband
in regard to children. At the last election in
Denver, the women are credited with defeating
the saloon element. A correspondent of the
Congregattonalist writes from Sydney, South
Australia, under date of May 9, 1806, that it is
generally conceded there that woman suffrage
has made parliamentary elections more orderly.
It is true that nowhere has woman suffrage
introduced startling changes, but this is neither
to be expected nor desired.
OBJECTIONS TO WOMAN SUFFRAGE ANSWERED,
The main objections to woman suffrage are
that (1) women are physically disqualified from
participation in the actual work of government ;
that they are unfitted for service in the fire and
police departments and for the work of paving
and lighting streets, building roads, and other
forms of public property ; (2) home duties would
prevent woman, even if she were physically
able, from participating in the administration
of law, chiefly in such capacities as police officer
and juror ; (3) woman suffrage would divide the
husband and wife and leave the family no
longer a social unit ; (4) women are now virtu-
ally represented at the polls and in government.
To the first objection cited above the answer
is, that what the voter needs is not personal
knowledge of how to build sewers, construct
aqueducts, run law courts, etc., but sufficient
judgment and common sense to elect honest men
to office to attend to these things. Women
share in the results of these material things of
government, and if the work has been badly
performed, women suffer quite as much as the
men, and therefore are entitled to a voice in
the choosing of men who shall control these
matters.
To the second objection answer is made that
a woman need not cease to be domestic because
she is also patriotic and takes an intelligent in-
terest in public questions. Such a patriotic
woman will be a more rational companion for
her husband and a broader-minded mother for
her children. Women owe the men of their
families mental and spiritual companionship.
In none of the States is the ability to bear arms
or serve as juror or police officer regarded asa
qualification for the suffrage, Notall male citi-
zens, but only able-bodied male citizens, are
subject to police duty. Women at home have
as much time for voting as busy men, and they
have more time for thought,
To the third objection, reply is made that in
matters of opinion and belief the unit must nec-
essarily be the individual, not the family. The
family ought to be a unit in affection, but it
cannot always be a unit in opinion, and it rare-
ly is so.
There is no country where the franchise is
given to every head of a family and to no one
else. No matter how many men over 21 years
of age there may be in a household, each of
them has a vote to represent his opinion. With
the family as the suffrage unit, a widower who
had lost his wife and children would be de-
barred from voting, because he is no longer the
head of a family.
To the fifth objection, that women are repre-
sented already, the reply is, men cannot repre-
1405
Woman’s Rights.
sent women, because they are unlike women.
Women as a class have tasks, interests and
occupations which they alone can adequately
represent. Men specially represent material
interests ; women will specially represent the
interests of the home.. The laws relating tothe
liquor traffic and to social purity, and the laws
giving the husband power of disposing of his
wife's property or children without her consent,
and many other laws that might be cited, are
evidence that the views of women are not rep-
resented in government. James Otis, one of
the earliest American orators and a contem-
porary of Patrick Henry, said: ‘“‘No such
phrase as ‘virtual representation’ was ever
known in law or constitution. It is altogether
a subtlety and an illusion, wholly unfounded
and absurd.”
_Other objections are : (1) politics are necessa-
rily corrupting ; (2) women would vote as their
husbands or fathers do ; (3) the best women will
not vote ; (4) most women do not want to vote ;
(5) woman suffrage would only double the vote
without changing results ; (6) woman suffrage
would diminish respect for women.
The answers generally made to these objec-
tions are: (1) ‘‘If politics are necessarily cor-
rupting,’’ why not advise good men to quit vot-
ing? (2) Many women have no husbands and
no living fathers. lf they have and vote as
these men do, there will be no quarrel ; if they
vote differently, then this objection falls to the
ground. (3) Women who w2// mot vote are not
the best women. Women who are really con-
scientious will not shirk their duties when the
time comes. (4) There is frequently an election
toward which a majority of the voters may be
said to be indifferent. It has been shown by
statistics that, except in years of presidential
election, a majority of men in Massachusetts do
not vote. (5) But the quality of the voters
changes the quality of politics. A political
party of men and women will not be the same
as aparty of men alone. (6) Voting is power.
Power always commands respect. Women
armed with the ballot will be stronger and more
respected than ever before.
THE ARGUMENTS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE,
The arguments against woman suffrage are
as various as those claimed for it, The main
argument is that influence and power, even po-
litical influence and power, are and ought to be
of more kinds than one. Voting isnot the only
means of political and social power. Quiet
home influences are greater powers, even in
politics, and in this realm woman is supreme.
Men rule the outer world, women the inner,
To drag women into the public arena is to
weaken her influence at home and to violate
that law of sex which nature has made, not |
man.
That women do not need to vote in order to
secure proper legislation can be seen by the fact
that without the ballot, laws almost revolution-
ary have been enacted in favor of women in
almost all countries within the last few years,
In England and in many American States, wom-
en are legally protected as muchas men. Some
injustices doubtless remain, but these are bal-
anced by instances where women are more pro-
Woman’s Rights.
tected than men. Says Dr. Goldwin Smith, in
Essays on Questions of the Day:
“The law regarding the property of married women
has been so far reformed in the interests of the wife,
that, instead of being unduly favorable to the hus-
band, it seems rather inspired by mistrust of him.
The practice is stillmoreso. It has become the custom
to tie up a woman’s property on marriage so that she
shall not be able, even if she is so inclined, to make
provision for her husband, in case he survives her, in
old age, and save him from the necessity of receiving
alms from his own children. . . .
“That the administration of the law has been un-
favorable to.women few will contend. In jury cases,
at least, the dumieutiy is not for women to get justice
against men, but for men to get justice against
women.”’
Says Francis M. Scott, of New York: ‘‘ The
law of this State not only does not discriminate
against woman in any respect, save that of vot-
ing, but actually affords to her many special
privileges and immunities not enjoyed by men.”
Undoubtedly laws could be improved for both
men and women ; but all cannot be done ina
day, and the fact, which no one can deny, that
enormous progress has recently been made in
the legal status of women without woman
suffrage shows that it is zo¢ necessary to such
progress. Nor does woman suffrage neces-
sarily bring great improvement. Even its
friends do not claim.that it has accomplished
much. Says a tract, Woman Suffrage Test-
ed by tts Fruzts, published by the Massachusetts
Association Opposed to the Extension of Suf-
frage to Woman :
“In Wyoming, full suffrage was given to women in
1869, and has been exercised by them ever since, at
first under the territorial and later under the State
form of government. ...
ee enjoys the distinction of legalizing
gambling. icenses are granted for gambling just as
they are for liquor-selling, tho at a higherrate. . . .
“There is another section of the Wyoming statutes
in which we fail to recognize the gentle and humaniz-
ing influence of women. It is Section 875, and defines
‘excusable homicide’ thus: ‘When committed by
accident or misfortune in the heat of passion upon any
sudden or sufficient provocation, or upon a sudden
combat; provided that no undue advantage is taken,
nor any dangerous weapon used, and that the killing
is not done in a cruel or unusual manner.’ There may
be other States which pronounce killing ‘excusable’
when done in ‘the heat of passion,’ provided it is not
attended by unusual cruelty, but we do not recall
them.”
Of Colorado, a writer in 7e Outlook for March
20, 1897, Says woman suffrage has not purified
politics ; that the laws of the State as regards
social purity and the rights of married women
are not yet abreast of some of the Eastern States,
while Wyoming is far behind Colorado.
The bad results of women’s entry into the
public arena are not so easily shown, because
they consist mainly in the weakening of the
home life and the quiet influence of women.
But though they cannot be shown, they may be,
and many believe that they are most marked
and most threatening.
Feeling that thereisa profound law of nature
which enthrones woman in the home as men in
political life, most women do not want the suf-
frage. Says the tract, Tested by cts Fruits:
‘How small is th i
wish the ballot may be interred fromthe‘ referondai”
upon the question of municipal suffrage for women,
taken in Massachusetts in 1895. The opportunity was
given to women at that election, without any expense,
or any trouble beyond that of registering and voting,
1406
Woman Suffrage in England.
to say whether they wanted municipal suffrage. Out
of about 575,000 women entitled to vote, only 22,204 ex-
ressed a desire for the ballot. In Massachusetts, there-
ore, where the suffrage agitation has been as active
as anywhere in the Union, less than 4 per cent. of the
women want to vote. Assuming that this ratio holds.
generally, the suffrage proposition is that the ballot
shall be forced upon the 96 per cent. of indifferent or
reluctant women, because the 4 per cent. wish it.”
Victoria Woodhull Martin, in the Humanita-
rian for July, 1896, says upon this point :
“In England, while other aspects of the woman’s.
movement have gained ground, this (the suffrage
phase) has moved slowly. Little has been achieved
beyond a monster petition; despite the platitudes of
vote-catching ministers, the bill was relinquished in
the last Parliament amid ribald laughter, and this
session it has been dropped with a silence which iseven
more contemptuous.”
Says Heloise Jamison, inthe Woman's Jour-
nal for May, 1894:
“Woman’s place isin the forefront of life, that of the
fay and of the nation. io
“Woman’s chance of saving, elevating, caring for
them lies in staying with them behind the barrier
that love has raised. Her chance of protecting herself |
and man is to go with him to the edge of battle, pray
for him in the needs-must of public duty, be the in-
centive for his return, and the reward of his hard
endeavor. ... :
“The destiny of the race isin her hands. God and
man have placed it there, and it is in no spirit of self-
praise or gratulation that she must carry on what is,
after all these ages, but just begun. Every power in
her must awake; she will decide what public work
is consistent with this final duty and what is not.
Chivalry is no myth of the Middle Ages, but a truth
of the century about todawn. The names of mother,
wife, sister must not become the football of sentiment-
mongers or of mistaken realists in thought. If the
ballot would be a hindrance, we must have none of it.’”
References: Zhe History of Woman Suffrage, Stan-
ton, Anthony, and Gage; The Legal Status of ama
Jessie J. Cassidy; The Matriarchate, Elizabeth Cady
Stanton; The Subjection of Woman, pene Stuart Mill;
ihe Rights of Women, Ostrogorski; Vindication of the
Rights of Women, Mary Wollstonecraft; Woman ix
the Nineteenth Century, Margaret Fuller; History of
Woman, Lydia Maria Child. For oe to
woman suffrage see Helen K. Johnson's Woman and
the Republic.
WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN ENGLAND.
—The woman suffrage movement in England
is a natural outgrowth from the great Reform
Act of 1832, which, by admitting £10 household-
ers to vote, gave a wide extension to the elec-
torate ina popular direction. But the extension
applied to men only ; the act excluded women
from all share in its provisions by restricting
the new franchises to ‘“‘ male persons.”
This was the first time that the word ‘‘ male’”’
had been used in the electoral law of Eng-
land ; hitherto the words used had always been
of a generic character—‘‘ persons,’’ ‘‘ freehold-
ers,’’ etc. Yetatthe very time Parliament thus
deliberately excluded them from this right of
citizenship, numbers of women were taking a
keen interest in the great public questions of
the time. The long struggle over the Reform
Bill had called out the enthusiasm of the sisters,
wives, and mothers, as well as of the brothers,
husbands, and fathers of the land. The inter-
est women were thus learning to take in public
questions was still further developed by the agi-
tation for the repeal of the Corn Laws.
An article in the Westminster Review from
the pen of Mrs. John Stuart Mill in 1851, anda
pamphlet on the Right of Women to the Po-
Woman Suffrage in England.
litical Franchise, by ‘‘ Justitia,” in 1855, were
among the early indications that a strong feel-
ing was gradually growing up among thought-
ful people against the exclusion of women from
the franchise—a feeling that only waited an op-
portunity to take definite form of expression,
That opportunity came when the return of Mr.
ohn Stuart Mill, as member for Westminster
in 1865, gave the women’s cause a champion in
the House of Commons just at the very time
when a further extension of household suffrage
was in prospect.
Three thoughtful women already engaged in
promoting the employment and higher educa-
tion of women—Miss Jessie Boucherett (who in
1859 had founded the Society for
Employment of Women), Miss Bar-
Beginnings. bara Leigh-Smith, or, as she had
then become, Mrs. Bodichon, and
Miss Emily Davies (the future
founders of Girton College)—consulted Mr.
John Stuart Mill, He said he would be glad to
present a petition if it were signed by 100 wom-
en ; he would not like to present one with less
than roo names. They set to work and pro-
cured the signatures of 1499 women to a petition
of which the terms were as follows :
“That it having been expressly laid down by high
authorities that the possession of property in this
country carries with it the right to vote in the election
of representatives in Parliament, it is an evident
anomaly that some holders of property are allowed to
use this right, while others, forming no less a constitu-
ent pate of the nation, and equally qualified by law to
hold property, are not able to exercise this privilege.
“Phat the participation of women in the govern-
ment is consistent with the principles of the British
constitution, inasmuch as women in these islands have
always been held capable of sovereignty, and women
are eligible for various public offices.
“Your petitioners therefore humbly pray your
honorable house to consider the expediency of provid-
ing for the representation of all householders, without
distinction of sex, who possess such property or rental
qualification as your honorable house may determine.”
The petition was presented by Mr. Mill in
May, 1866, In the autumn of that year a paper
was read by Mrs. Bodichon at the Social Science
Congress in Manchester, on reasons for the en-
franchisement of women. This paper attracted
considerable attention to the subject, and its
immediate result was the formation of a Wom-
an Suffrage Committee in Manchester, and
the introduction of Miss Lydia Becker to the
movement with which henceforth her life be-
came identified. As honorable secretary of the
Manchester Committee, she threw all her great
powers of mind into the work.
On May 20th, 1867, Mr. Mill introduced his
amendment to the representation of the People’s
Bill to leave out the word man and insert per-
son, The amendment was rejected by 196 to 83.
In the autumn of 1868 a general election took
place, and constitutional lawyers like Mr. Chis-
holm Anstey having given it as their opinion
that women who held qualifications under the
early franchises in force before the Act of 1832
were legally entitled to vote, 5000 women in
Manchester and others in various places applied
to have their nameson the register. The revis-
ing barristers were uncertain ; some allowed,
some disallowed the claim; a test case * was
* Charlton vs, Lings.
1407
Woman Suffrage in England.
brought before the Court of Common Pleas and
argued before Lord Chief Justice Bovill ; judg-
ment was given against the claim on the ground
that it was contrary to usage for women to vote.
After this decision, the movement became defi-
nitely organized, and a band of earnest women,
some of whom have passed away and some con-
tinue still in the work, set themselves resolutely
to the task,
_ The next important step was the introduction
in 1870 of the ‘‘ Bill to Remove the Electoral
Disabilities of Women,” by Mr. John Bright,
M.P. The bill, which consisted of one clause,
was as follows: ;
_ ‘That in all acts relating to the qualification or reg-
istration of voters, or persons entitled or claiming to
be registered and to vote in the election of members of
Parliament, wherever words occur which import the
masculine gender, the same shall be held to include
females, for all purposes connected with and having
reference to the right to be registered as voters, and
to vote in such election, any law or usage to the con-
trary notwithstanding.” .
The second reading was carried on May 4 by
124 votes to 91; but when it came into commit-
tee on the 12th, the opponents rallied in force
and cast it out by 220 votes against to 94 in
favor.
Again and again a bill was introduced, again
and again debates took place in the House of
Commons, with varying results.
In 1879 the procedure was varied by the in-
troduction of a resolution in place of a bill.
The resolution, which was moved by Mr. Leon-
ard Courtney, was in the following terms :
“That in the opinion of this house it is injurious to
the best interests of the country that women, who are.
entitled to vote in municipal, parochial, and school-
board elections, when possessed of the statutory quali-
fications, should be disabled from voting in parliamen-
tary elections, altho possessed of the statutory qualifi-
cations, and that it is expedient that this disability be
forthwith repealed.”
In the autumn of 1879 the Social Science.
Congress again met in Manchester, when Miss.
Becker read a paper on the Progress of the
Enfranchisement of Women, in which she gave
a sketch of the progress of the movement since
1866, and noted that during that period there
‘had been presented to the House of Commons.
9563 petitions in favor of the bill, with upward
of 2,958,848 signatures, and that between 1300
and 1400 public meetings had been held, being
an average of above two meetings per week
during the last 13 years. .
In 1880 anticipation was now becoming gen-
eral of a new reform bill which should extend to.
the agricultural laborer in the counties the
same household suffrage which
had been extended to dwellers in
boroughs by the Act of 1867, and
the workers for woman suffrage
hoped that this bill would bring
them the fitting opportunity foreshadowed by
the chancellor of the exchequer.
Mass meetings of women now became the
most prominent feature of the work, and a.
series of magnificent meetings, when the largest.
halls of the largest towns overflowed with thou-
sands of women, mark the work of the next
three years. ;
At last the long-expected Reform Bill was in-
troduced in 1884, Mr, William Woodall moved
Bills.
Woman Suffrage in England.
a new clause for the inclusion of women, but
was met by determined resistance on the part
of the Government, Mr. Gladstone stating in
the most emphatic manner that the Government
~would decline all further responsibility for the
Franchise Bill if the clause was adopted, The
division list showed 271 against to 135 in favor.
A brighter prospect arose for a time in 1886,
when the Parliamentary Franchise Extension
to Women Bill actually passed a second reading ;
but Parliament was dissolved before the bill
reached the stage of going into committee. In
the general election which followed, for the
first time a clear majority of the members elect-
ed pronounced themselves, at the time of their
election, in favor of the principle of woman
suffrage. : :
Yet for five successive sessions the pressure
of public business precluded the question com-
ing forward, :
It was not until 1892 that the parliamentary
leaders obtained a day (April 27) for a debate,
when the Rt. Hon. A. J. Balfour concluded his
Speech with the following words :
“You will give a vote to a man who contributes
nothing to taxation but what he payson his beer, while
ou refuse enfranchisement to a woman because she
is a woman, whatever her contribution to the State
amay be. She has sufficient ability to look after light-
ang and paving, but is not so fitted to look after thein-
terests of the empire as a man who cannot point out
on the map the parts of the world of which that em-
pire is composed. I think from all I can hear that this
bill is not likely to be successful on this occasion ; but,
depend upon it, if any further alteration of the fran-
chise is brought forward as a practical measure, this
question will again arise, menacing and ripe for solu-
tion, and it will not be possible for this house to set it
aside as a mere speculative plan advocated by a body
of faddists. Then you will have to deal with the prob-
lem of woman suffrage, and to deal with it in a com-
‘plete fashion.”
The opponents of the measure made unusual
efforts to prevent its passage. Mr. Gladstone
wrote a letter to Mr. Samuel Smith, M.P., which
was widely circulated in pamphlet form, urging
members to vote against it; yet it was only
lost by the narrow majority of 23. ,
Other efforts have met similar fates in later
years. But the advocates of the measure are
by no means daunted, for they see unmistakable
indications of the growth of opinion throughout
the country, especially as seen in the readiness
to sign the appeal from women in favor of wom-
an suffrage which was circulated throughout
the country in the winter of 1893-94 and ensu-
ing spring. This appeal received 248,000 signa-
tures of women of all ranks, parties, and occu-
pations, and furnishes evidence of the continued
growth of the movement which will be brought
ae the es of members of Parliament
whenever there is again prospect of a debate i
the House of Commtne si
HELEN BLAcKBurn,
LOCAL FRANCHISES EXERCISED BY WOMEN IN GREAT
BRITAIN,
Municipal_The Municipal Corporations Act
Testricted the franchise for iow councils ae
in England and Wales to male persons. The Munici-
pal Corporations Act of 1869 removed the restriction.
The Scotch Municipal Corporations Act of 1882 extend-
ed _the report to women in Scotland.
School Board.—The Education Act of 1870, by which
School boards were created, gave women precisely the
oe as men, both as regards electing and being
1408
Woman Suffrage in the U. S.
County Councils.—The Local Government Acts of
1888 and 1889, creating county councils in England and
Scotland, gave women the right of voting. They are
not, however, eligible for election. ;
Poor Law Guardian Vestries.—These old parochial
bodies, in which women rate-payers could vote and
be elected, have all been changed by the Local Govern-
ment Act of 1894, which has vested their duties in
parish and district councils. ;
Parish and District Counctls—The first elections
for these new bodies were held in December (1894).
‘Women can elect and be elected, and for the first time
married women were declared qualified to vote, pro-
vided they possess a qualification separate from their
husbands.
WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN THE UNIT-
ED STATES.—The year 1848 is to the history
of the struggle for woman’s political rights what
1776 is to the story of the American Revolu-
tion. So strongly did the men and women who
inaugurated the struggle for ‘‘ woman’s rights’’
feel this analogy that at the first convention
held for this purpose they used the Declaration
of Independence as the model and framework
of their own declaration of principles.
But no great movement comes unprepared
for or unheralded, and the Woman's Rights
Convention of 1848 had had its John the Bap-
tists crying in the wilderness of prejudice and
injustice,
In 1790 Mary Wollstonecraft’s Vindzcatzon
of the Rights of Women, published in Lon-
don, attracted attention from liberal thinkers.
Harriet Martineau, by her numerous writings
upon political economy, demonstrated practi-
cally woman’s ability to enter the realm of poli-
tics. As early as 1820 Frances
Wright, of Scotland, visited this
country, and in- 1828 lectured in Beginnings,
many places, striving to arouse the
people to the danger threatening :
from the attempt to unite Church and State. All
her influence was toward the recognition of
woman equally with man in national affairs,
Ernestine L. Rose, a brilliant and beautiful
Polish woman, worked earnestly in this same
direction,
It would be impossible to even mention here
the host of women who, in the first half of this
century, bore witness to their faith in the pow-
ers of their own sex to fill a wider ‘‘ sphere”
than the one appointed to them by the men of
their day and generation. Emma Willard, in
education ; Elizabeth Blackwell, Clemence Lo-
zier, Ann Preston, Hannah Longshore, Marie
Zakrzewski, and Mary Putnam Jacobi, in medi-
cine ; Sarah and Angelina Grimke, Lydia Maria
Child, Abby Kelley, Sarah Pugh, and Lucretia
Mott, through their participation in the anti-
slavery struggle ; Margaret Fuller, in her liter-
ary work ; Antoinette L. Brown, in the minis-
try; Susan B. Anthony, in the temperance
work ; Lucy Stone, at Oberlin, and in 1847 from
the pulpit of her brother’s church at Brookfield,
Mass.—these all stood as pioneers making ready
the way for the response to the call for the con-
vention which made the first organized demand
for ‘‘ equality of rights for woman, social, relig-
ious, and political.”
One other influence, and perhaps the greatest
of all, leading directly to the calling of the
Seneca Falls Convention, cannot be omitted
here. This was the exclusion from the World’s
Anti-Slavery Convention, held in London in
Woman Suffrage in the U. S.
1840, of the women sent there as delegates. A
number of anti slavery societies in this country
elected women to represent them in the delib-
erations of that body; the English members
were unprepared for this, and regarded it as an
innovation not to be endured ; a most exciting
discussion filled the first day of the convention.
Wendell Phillips, George’ Bradburn, also of
Massachusetts, the venerable George Thomp-
son, and Henry B. Stanton, stood as the advo-
cates of the rights of the women as delegates.
The clergymen were, as a body, bitterly op-
posed to their admission. By an overwhelm-
ing majority, the World’s (?) Anti-Slavery Con-
vention refused to accept the women coming
from Pennsylvania and Massachusetts fully
credentialed as delegates, among whom were
Lucretia Mott, Abby Kimber, Ann Green Phil-
lips, Abby Southwick, Sarah Pugh, and Mary
Grew. William Lloyd Garrison, who, owing to
delay at sea, arrived too late to take part in the
discussion of the woman question in the con-
vention, declined to take his seat as a delegate
in a body which had refused the women, and sat
‘with them in the gallery, a silent spectator dur-
ing the ten days’ discussion of a subject of such
deep interest to him as the freedom of the slaves.
He should be honored by every self respecting
woman for this testimony in her behalf. Na-
thaniel P. Rogers, editor of the Herald of Free-
dom, of Concord, N. H., approved of Mr, Garri-
son’s attitude, and decided to decline his seat in
the convention ; so the women delegates had
two American men who felt strongly enough
this illogical and unjust discrimination against
sex to sit with the disfranchised women through-
out the convention.
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who had accom-
panied her husband, Henry B. Stanton, to Lon-
don for the convention, in conversation with
Lucretia Mott about the iniquitous attitude of
the assembly on the woman question, decided
that men needed educating on this subject as
much as upon the freedom of the black slaves,
and they agreed that later they would havea
convention to discuss the position and rights of
women. This was the seed from which grew
the meeting of which the following is the call,
which appeared in the Seneca County Courier
of July 14, 1848:
“ Woman's Rights Convention.—A convention to dis-
cuss the social, civil, and religious condition and rights
of woman will be held in the Wesleyan Chapel, at
Seneca Falls, New York, on Wednesday and Thurs-
day, ply 19, 20, current, commencing at 10 o’clock
AM. uring the first day the meeting will be exclu-
sively for women, who are earnestly invited to attend.
The public generally are invited to be present on the
second day, when Lucretia Mott, of Philadelphia, and
other ladies and gentlemen will address the conven-
tion.’
This call was without signatures ; it was is-
sued by Lucretia Mott, Martha C. Wright (her
sister), Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and Mary Ann
McClintock. Altho not invited to the first
day’s sessions, men came, and in such num-
_ bers as made it impossible to exclude them. It
was therefore decided to have a man preside,
and James Mott took the chair. After a num-
ber of addresses, the new declaration of inde-
pendence, entitled a Declaration of Sentiments,
was presented, and, after discussion and slight
89-
1409
Woman Suffrage in the U. S.
amendment, accepted. It followed exactly the
form of the Declaration of 1776, substituting
the words ‘* all men”’ for “' King George.’”’ As
the original document related eighteen griev-
ances, so that of the women contained exactly
that number. Let me quote some of these :
_ “The history of mankind is a history of repeated in-
juries and usurpations on the part of man toward
woman, having in direct object the establishment of
an absolute tyranny over her. To prove this, let facts
be submitted to a candid world.
“He has never permitted her to exercise her in-
alienable right to the elective franchise.
“He has compelled her to submit to laws in the
formation of which she has had no voice.
““He has withheld from her tights which are given
to the most ignorant and degraded men—both natives
and foreigners
“Having deprived her of this first right of a citizen,
the elective franchise, thereby leaving her without
representation in the halls of legislation, he has
oppressed her on all sides.
He has made her, if married, in the eye of the law,
civilly dead.
‘He has taken from her all right in property,.even
to the wages she earns.
“After depriving her of all rights as a married
woman, if single, and the owner of property, he has
taxed her to support a government which recognizes
her only when her property can be made profitable to
it,
‘“He has monopolized nearly all the profitable em-
ployments, and from those she is permitted to follow,
she receives but a scanty remuneration. He closes
against her all the avenues to wealth and distinction
which he considers most honorable to himself. Asa
teacher of theology, medicine, or law she is not known.
““He has denied her the facilities for obtaining a
thorough education, all colleges being closed against
er.
“He allows her in Church, as well as State, but a
subordinate position, claiming apostolic authority for
her exclusion from the ministry, and, with some ex-
ceptions, from any public participation in the affairs
of the Church.
‘““Among the resolutions passed by the convention
were the following, the only one which occasioned
much discussion being that upon suffrage,
‘\* Resolved, That the same amount of virtue,delicacy,
and refinement of behavior that is required of woman
‘in the social state should also be required of man,
and the same transgressions should be visited with
equal severity on both man and woman. :
‘* Resolved, That it is theduty of the women of this
country to secure to themselves their sacred right to
the elective franchise.’ ”
It will be seen that the Declarations and Reso-
lutions in this very first convention demanded
all the most radical friends of the movement
have since claimed, such as equal rights in the
universities, in the trades and professions ; the
right to vote; to share in all political offices,
honors, and emoluments ; to complete equality
in marriage; to personal freedom, property,
wages, children ; to make contracts ; tosue and
be sued ; and to testify in courts of justice. At
this time the condition of married women under
the common law was nearly as degraded as that
of the slave on the Southern plantation.
Since 1848 the work of the advocates of wom-
an suffrage has been to make good the claims
set forth at Seneca Falls. To this end they
have held conventions, organized associations
all over the country, instituted courses of politi-
cal study in their equal suffrage clubs, in
preparation for their exercise of political func-
tions, circulated petitions, sent out lecturers,
worked to change laws through various State
legislatures and in constitutional conventions,
through amendments to State constitutions, and
through their national associations, sought to
secure from Congress the submission of an
Woman Suffrage in the U. S.
amendment to the National Constitution en-
franchising the women of the United States.
For many years this was carried forward by
individuals working through other associations.
Finding the work for woman suffrage was
hampered by its close association
with the question of negro suffrage,
Associations, and the Fifteenth Amendment to
the National Constitution, those
who felt strongly that the woman’s
hour had come and that she should not be made
to wait until all sorts and conditions of men
had first been admitted to the political kingdom,
organized in May, 1869, in New York, the Na-
tional Woman Suffrage Association, with Eliz-
abeth Cady Stanton as president, her co-
worker Susan B. Anthony being on the official
board. This organization bent its efforts chiefly
toward national legislation to secure its object.
In November of the same year, in Cleve-
land, O., there was formed the American Wom-
an ‘Suffrage Association, with Henry Ward
Beecher president, and Lucy Stone and Henry
B. Blackwell among its active workers. In
1889 these two bodies of workers joined and
formed the National American Woman Suf-
frage Association, with Elizabeth Cady Stanton
as its president, Susan B. Anthony vice presi-
dent-at-large, and Lucy Stone chairman of the
executive committee. This society has its ac-
tive auxiliary associations in 41 States and Ter-
titories, with national headquarters in New
York City. In its ranks are to be found all the
active workers for the equal political rights of
woman.
In December, 1869, the Territorial Assembly
of’ Wyoming enfranchised the women of that
Territory upon exactly the same terms as men,
giving them the right to serve on juries and
hold all territorial offices in the gift of the vot- |
ers. In 1870 the grand and petit juries at Lara-
mie were composed of both men and women,
and the results were eminently satisfactory to
all except the convicted criminals. The presid-
ing judge, Chief Justice Howe, gave this as his
opinion : ‘‘ In eighteen years’ experience I have
never had as fair, candid, impartial, and able a
jury in court as in this termin Albany County ;’’
and Associate Justice Kingman said: ‘‘ For
twenty-five years it has been an anxious study
with me, both on the bench and at the bar, how
we are to prevent jury trials from degenerating
into a perfect burlesque ; and it has remained
for Albany County to point out the remedy and
demonstrate the cure tor this threatened evil.”
When, in 1890, Wyoming prepared her Con-
Stitution for Statehood, the women stood upon
precisely the same political footing as the men,
and this attitude was maintained
even when, in the United States
Congress, opposition was made to
her admission as a State unless the
men were willing to yield the point
: and leave Wyoming's women dis-
franchised. Wyoming is, therefore, the first
true republic, the first star upon the woman
suffrage flag. ;
In 1893 Colorado enfranchised her women by
a legislative enactment ratified at the polls, at
which election the majority in favor of woman
suffrage was 6000. The women there have not
Where
Adopted,
1410
Woman Suffrage in the U. S.
been slow to use their newly acquired oppor-
tunity, and have already become a power in pub-
lic affairs. In the elections this spring in Den-
ver (1897), they have cooperated successfully
with the organizations struggling heretofore
unsuccessfully for a better city government,
and have won a notable victory over the gam-
bling and saloon element which has had control
there. That there has been no rush for office
by the women is shown by the fact that the
women’s organizations which helped so effectu-
ally to win this victory for law and order asked
for not a single name of a woman upon the list.
of nominations made by them in joint session
with the men’s organization.
In the now nearly four years of women’s vot-
ing in Colorado, five women have been elected
to the Legislature there, The first bill intro-
duced by a woman asa member of that body
was by Carrie Clyde Holly, to raise the age of
consent from 16 to21 years ; there was so much
opposition from the male members of the Legis-
lature that it was finally compromised to stand
at 18.
The women of Utah have now the full fran-
chise, secured to them in the Constitution with
which Utah came in as a State in 1896. As.
early as 1870 they had been enfranchised by the.
Territorial Legislature, but were disfranchised
by Congress (Edmunds Bill) in 1887. This was.
done as a blow to polygamy ; but it was ques-
tionable justice to disfranchise all the women of
the territory, Mormon and non-Mormon alike,
when in’ reality it can be only men who are:
polygamists, no woman of them all having more:
than one husband. ‘The fall election of 1896.
placed one woman, Martha Hughes Cannon, in
the Utah Senate. i
Idaho, by an amendment to its Constitution,
passed in November, 1896, gave its women the
ballot on the same terms with the men of the
State. No election has taken place since then
to show the interest the new citizens feel in
public affairs; but as the women there labored
earnestly for their own enfranchisement, it is.
a fair to expect them to use their hardly won.
right. :
Kansas women received the municipal suf-
frage by legislative enactment in 1887; this,.
of course, does not enfranchise all the women
of that State, as those outside of the cities can-
not vote except upon certain elective trustee--
ships and upon school bonds and
appropriations. Thousands of the
Kansas women vote in the cities,
and there have been 14 women
elected as mayors of small cities,
and at one time two such munici-
palities boasted their entire City Council as.
made up of women, with a woman mayor to co-
operate with them. In most such cases the
women were elected to cope with some difficulty
of municipal government with which the men
hesitated to deal on account of rendering them--
selves unpopular in a business way. In all
such the records show that the women solved
the difficulty, and then willingly returned to. -
private life at the next election.
In 19 States and two Territories, women vote.
for all trustees and directors where elective,
Limited
Suffrage,
_which in most cases includes school directors,.
Woman Suffrage in the U. S,
These are Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Kan-
sas, Kentucky, Massachusetts, Michigan, Min-
nesota, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire,
New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, South
Dakota, Vermont, Washington, and Wiscon-
sin, and the Territories of Arizona and Okla-
homa.,
In Kentucky, women can vote on school ap-
propriations and bonds, provided they live in the
country districts and are either widows or spin-
sters. Just why spinsters should be more inter-
ested in the schools than mothers is a mystery,
and also why widows should have more rights
in this direction than should mothers of children,
even if their husbands ave alive; but the mind
of the average legislator is apt to be mysterious |
to the layman, and especially to the laywoman.
On this question of appropriations, women
vote (in addition to Kentucky, on conditions
named above) on the same conditions as the
men in Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota,
Nebraska, New Jersey (the only vote they have
there), North Dakota, and Vermont.
In Louisiana and Montana they vote as to
public improvements if they are taxpayers.
Among the results of the struggle of the last
50 years for the enfranchisement of women may
ay be claimed the great improvement in her
legal status (see article Woman’s RIGHTS), a
marked change in morals looking toward the
same standard for man and woman, her ad-
mission to most of the great institutions of learn-
ing, and to the professions and business life.
In many cases these advantages, where they in-
volved legislation to bring them about, were
given, as compromises to women asking enfran-
chisement, by men unwilling to grant rights, but
anxious to quiet the demands for that right
which, once gained and exercised, will guaran-
tee to its possessors all other rights which may
come through law.
RACHEL FosTER AVERY.
WOMAN’S WORK AND WAGES.—(For
the economic and social position of woman in
primitive, classic, and medieval times, see Fam-
ILY; MarriaGeE; Divorce; Woman’s RIcutTs ;
CHRISTIANITY AND SOCIAL REFORM ; CHURCH AND
SocraL Rerorm. For woman’s legal status to-
day, see Woman’s RicuTs.) We here consider
alone woman’s industrial condition in modern
times,
Woman's work has changed with economic
changes, Previous to the introduction of ma-
chine industry, woman played perhaps a more
important part in economic production than to-
day, but was nota wage-worker. Industry was
carried on largely in the home, each family
being largely self sustaining, doing its own
spinning, weaving, brewing, cheese and butter
making. Woman played naturally a large part
in this life, but as wife or daughter or as house-
hold maid, not as a wage-worker in the modern
sense. Her industrial position was often severe,
but honorable,-and approximately equal with
man’s. In New England, in 1791, Mr. Hamil-
ton, in his report to Congress, on manufac-
tures, speaks of the vast scene of household
manufacturing which contributes more largely
to the supply of the community than could be
imagined without having it made an object of
I4IL
Woman’s Work and Wages.
particular inquiry. Great quantities of coarse
cloths, coatings, serges, and flannels, linsey-.
woolseys, hosiery of wool, cotton, and thread,
coarse fustians, jeans and muslins, checked and
striped cotton and linen goods, bedticks, cover-
lets and counterpanes, tow linens, coarse shirt-
ings, sheetings, toweling and table linen, and
various mixtures of wool and cotton, and of cot-
ton and flax, were made in the household way,
and, in many instances, to an extent not only
sufficient for a supply of the families in which
they were made, but for sale, and even in some:
cases for exportation. To less extent the same-
was true of England, tho here production was.
earlier specialized and localized.
With the development of the factory system,
however, this was changed. Production was
taken from the home, and woman in the home
was left to do only domestic work, to become
the domestic drudge. To an extent, however,
she followed industry into the factory. The
textile factories of England were full of women
brought in from the rural districts,
or with children sometimes brought
from the almshouses. They worked First Half
cheaper than men and replaced of the
men, Their pay was the cheapest, Century.
their surroundings the worst, the
moral tone the lowest. Factory
towns and factory labor developed the utmost
degradation. This created such a prejudice
against factories that when later factories were
developed in New England, from 1815-30, wom-
en could only be induced to work in them by
offer of higher pay. Partly for this reason and
in part because popular education was very
much farther advanced in America than in in-
dustrial England, factory life in the United
States started on a higher level than in Eng-
land. Girls from American homes in factory
towns and the surrounding villages worked in
the factories and maintained, as shown by 7he
Lowell Offering, a high level of character.
There was little opening, too, for women in
other lines. Harriet Martineau, in 1840, found
in America only seven employments open to
women—teaching, needlework, keeping board-
ers, working in cotton mills, in book binderies,,
type-setting, and household service.
But this gradually changed. The successes.
of American life developed a growing number
of families whose daughters did not need to-
work for a living, and factory work became de--
spised. Irish and other European and, later,
French Canadian families came in to do factory
work, On the other hand, growing ideals of
woman’s rights and woman’s independence:
opened other spheres for women—the store, the
office, the studio, and, later, the professions.
Woman’s admission to professional life was
contingent upon her admission to institutions
of higher education. In no respect has the cen-
tury seen greater changes than in this. In the
United States in 1803, of 48 academies or higher
schools fitting for college in Massachusetts, only
three were for girls, tho a few others admitted
both girls and boys. The first female seminary
was opened by the Moravians at Bethlehem,
Pa.,in 1749. The first female seminary to ap-
proach college rank was Mount Holyoke, opened
at South Hadley, Mass., by Mary Lyon in 1836, |
Woman’s Work and Wages.
Vassar College, the next, dates from 1865. In
this movement the West led the East. Oberlin
College was founded in 1833, open to both men
and women. Harvard Annex, affiliated to Har-
vard College, was not opened till 1879.
This higher education led to professional life,
tho in a few instances women entered profes-
sional careers in the United States at earlier
dates. Mrs. Margaret Draper was
connected with the Massachusetts
Women in Gazette and News Letter during
Professions, the Revolutionary War. The first
datly newspaper in the world is
said to have been established and
edited in London, Eng., by a woman, The
Daily Courant, vy Elizabeth Malet. In 1841
Mrs. Lydia Maria Child edited the AzzzS/a-
very Standard. .
In medicine the pioneer names are Harriet K.
Hunt, of Boston, who from 1822-72 practised
medicine without a diploma, and, above all,
Elizabeth Blackwell (¢g.v ), who, after a long
struggle, received a diploma at Geneva, N. Y.,
in 1849. Mr. Gregory, of Boston, opened a so-
-ealled school of medicine for women in 1848,
but the first adequate woman’s medical institu-
tion was Miss Blackwell’s New York Infirmary,
-chartered in 1854. Women from earliest times
had been midwives and nurses; but the New
England Hospital first announced the training
-of nurses in 1863. By 1886 there were 29 train-
ing schools for nurses. :
In law Mistress Brut seems to have practised
. in Baltimore in 1647. After her the first woman
lawyer in the United States was Arabella A.
Mansfield, of Mount Pleasant, Ia., who was ad-
mitted to the bar in 1864. By 1879, women were
allowed to plead before the Supreme Court of
the United States.
In the ministry, after the preaching of Anne
Hutchinson, in Boston, in 1634, of Lucretia Mott
(g.v.) among the Friends, and Anne Lee among
ihe Shakers in 1770, no women seemed to have
preached till recent years, tho among the Primi-
tive Methodists and similar bodies women al-
ways exhorted. Rev. Antoinette Brown Biack-
well seems to have been the first woman or-
dained in the United States (in 1852, in the
Congregational Church) (For statistics of
women’s occupations, see article Occupations.)
In Great Britain, women are entering profes-
sional life only less swiftly than in the United
States. An act of 1868 for the first time opened
pharmacy to women, The University of Edin-
burgh here led the way. In 1874 a special
medical school for women was opened in Lon-
don. In 1876 all medical bodies were allowed
to open their doors to women. By 1895, 264
British women were registered as duly qualified
medical practitioners. As for education, eight
out of the ten universities of Great Britain now
throw open exaniinations and degrees to wom-
en. Oxford and Cambridge do not, but Hitchin,
Girton, Newnham, and Somerville colleges ex-
ist for them, and they are all admitted to most
lectures and examinations.
In Europe, women are now admitted to uni-
versities in France, Italy, Switzerland, and the
Scandinavian countries. Germany is behind-
hand in this, but the sentiment is changing.
Russia, once a leader in woman's higher educa-
tion, is now reactionary on this point.
1412
Woman’s Work and Wages.
Such is, in brief, the general survey of woman’s
industrial professional position during the cen-
tury. Perhaps woman’s more industrial ad-
vance during the century has not been in the
professions, but in commerce, as saleswomen,
clubs, type writers, etc. Here the change has
been almost revolutionary. We come now to
consider her economic position.
For the United States, Mr. Carroll D. Wright
has summarized the facts as to woman’s work
and wages in chap. xvi. of his Judustrzal Evo-
lution in the United States.
In 1850 there were 225,298 female and 741,671
male employees in manufacturing industries in
the United States—z.e., women furnished 23.30
percent. In 1890 there were 757,065 females,
which was only 17.21 percent. of the employees,
Thus, in manufacturing, women play arelative-
ly less important part than formerly—a larger
porportion of their work doubtless being done
by machinery. On the other hand, the number
of occupations open to women has largely in-
creased ; and, taking all bread-earning occupa-'
tions, the proportion of women to men is stead-
ily gaining.
Mr. Wright argues in the above-mentioned
chapter that women are not replacing men, but
that men are being freed for other occupations,
and that women are in part replacing the chil-
dren to-day employed to a smaller extent in
manufactories than formerly, their employment «
being prevented by factory laws. This view,
however, is not held by all. Mr. Wright says
that in 1870, 114,628 children of both sexes were
employed in manufacturing industries, and
formed 5.58 per cent. of all employees, while in
1890 there were only 120,885 children, or only
2.57 per cent, of the total number. But even on
this showing the actual, if not the relative num-
ber of children had increased, so that women
can scarcely be said to have replaced children,
while under article ‘‘ Child Labor’’ will be
found very serious evidence to show that the
census estimate of the number of children em-
ployed in 1890 is very considerably too low. In
some States and in some industries child labor
has been limited by legislation ; butit is exceed-
ingly doubtful if this is true of all portions of the
country and all manufacturing industries. It
must be remembered, too, that Mr. Wright’s
statement is only of the manufacturing indus-
tries. Taking the great number of children
now employed in stores, or who sell papers, run
errands, etc., in the cities, child labor in the
United States has. probably not been lessened
and women can by no means be said to have
replaced children. Mr. Wright further argues
that they have not displaced men, because by
the census reportsa larger proportion of the
male population is reported as having occupa-
tions in 1890 thanin 1870. But having an occu-
pation is by no means synonymous, unfortu-
nately, with having work at one’s occupation,
which point the census fails to touch, The
pore problem of unemployment (g.v.), there-
ore, leaves us still to ask if women working at
cheaper wages have not replaced men working . |
at higher wages.
The evidence certainly indicates thatitis, A
recent bulletin of the Department of Labor of
the United States, edited i Mr. Wright, gives
the following table : ; ;
Woman’s Work and Wages.
1413
Woman’s Work and Wages.
PERCENTAGE OF MALES AND FEMALES 10 YEARS OF AGE OR _OV
f 3 y ERIN T
AT THE CENSUSES OF 1870, 1880, AND 1890, BY CLASSES OF OCCUPATIONS.» ia
CLASSES OF OCCUPATIONS,
Agriculture, fisheries and mining
Professional service...........
Domestic and personal servic
Trade and transportation... ...... ..... oieie des
Manufacturing and mechanical industries.
AIL OCCU PATONG aces giceaiss sidtvieraaa casi diate Rie aesteen arte staske
1870. 1880, 1890.
Males. |Females.}| Males. |Females.| Males. |Females.
93°53 6.47 92-57 7-43 92.46 7-54
75-14 24.86 70.61 29 +39 66.99 33-01
57-91 42.09 66.28 33°72 61.76 38.24
98.39 1.61 96.63 3-37 93-13 6.87
85.56 14-44 81.52 18.48 79-82 20.18
85.32 14.68 84.78 15.22 82.78 17.22
Of this table the report says :
“From tables presented it will be seen that the propor-
tion of females 10 years of age or over employed in all
occupations in the United States rose in its relation to
the whole number employed from 14.68 per cent. in
1870 to 17.22 per cent. in 1890, while the males decreased
in proportion from 85.32 per cent. in 1870 to 82.78 per
cent. in 1890, fully corroborating the facts obtained in
the present investigation that the females are to some
extent entering into places at the expense of the
males. The causes for this state of affairs will be re-
ferred to later on under the appropriate table.
“ Looking at particular classes of occupations, we find
that the proportion of females engaged in agriculture,
fisheries, and mining rose from 6.47 per cent. in 1870 to
7.54 per cent. in 1890; in professional service, from
24.86 per cent. to 33.0r percent.; but in domestic and
personal service there wasa drop from 42.09 per cent.
jn 1870 to 38.24 percent. in 1890, and a corresponding
gain inthe proportion of males to the whole number
employed from 57.91 per cent. in 1870 to 61.76 per cent.
in 1890. In trade and transportation the females show
the largest gain, it being from 1.61 per cent. in 1870 to
6.87 per cent.in 1890. This is due to the entry of women
into employment as clerks in the trade and transpor-
tation departments of business. There hasalso been a
very large gain in the proportion of females engaged
in manufacturing and mechanical industries, the per-
centage being 14.44 in 1870 and 20.18in 1890. The males,
on the other hand, have dropped in proportion from
* $5.56 per cent. in the former year to 79.82 per cent. in
thelatter. The fact isabsolutely demonstrated, there-
fore, that the proportion of females, taking all the
occupations inthe country into consideration, is gradu-
ally increasing.”
According to the twentieth annual report of
the Massachusetts Bureau of the Statistics of
Labor (1889) :
“In 1875, the males formed 73.19 per cent. and the
females 26.81 per cent. of all personsemployed in gain-
ful pursuits. In 1885, the males were 66.62 per cent.
and the females 33.38 per cent. of the
total persons employed. This shows an
Number absolute gain of women in industry of
Employed, 6-57 per cent., and an industrial displace-
ment of an equal percentage of men.
Of the total gain in number of employees
from 1875 to 188s, the percentage for males was 46.19
and for females 53.81.
“From 1875 to 1885, the male population increased
17.44 per cent.; in industry, the males increased
20.30 per cent. During the same period the female
population increased 17.69 per cent. ; the women in in-
dustry increased 64.56 per cent. The female net ex-
cess was 0.25 per cent. as regards population and 44.26
per cent. as regards representation in gainful pursuits.
“In 1875 there were 19 branches of industry in which
women were not employed ; in 1885, there were but
8 branches of industry in which women were not em-
ployed. In both 1875 and 1885 there were 15 branches
of industry in which women were ina preponderance,
representing 50 or more per cent. of all persons em-
ployed therein.”
“The same is true of England. According to
figures quoted in Mr. Hobson’s Evolution of
Modern Capitalism, drawn from the census
and from Mr Booth’s Occupation of the People,
the number of males engaged in manufactures
in Great Britain increased from 1841-91, 53 per
cent., the number of females 221 percent. In
the last decade there seemed a check to this,
but it was mainly due. to a check in one indus-
try—the cotton trade—and to decay in the linen
and lace industries. In every other industry
the relative increase of women has been steady.
In other branches of the textile and dress in-
dustries, which employ 1,319,441 out of 1,840,898
women in industry, the gain of woman labor
was marked. Mr. Hobson adds:
“Wherever women have got a firm footing in a man-
ufacture a similar movement istraceable; the relative
rate of increase in the employment of women exceeds
that of men, even where the numbers of the latter do
not show an absolute decline. Such industries are
wood furniture and carriages; printing and book-
binding; paper, floorcloths, waterproof; feathers,
leather, glues; food, drink, smoking; earthenware,
machinery, tools. Women have also obtained em-
ployment in connection with other industries which
are still in the main ‘male’ industries, and in which no
women, or very few, were engaged in 1841. Such are
fuel, gas, chemicals; watches, instruments, toys.
The only group of machine industries in which their
numbers have not increased more rapidly than those
of men since 1851 are the metal industries. Over some
of these, however, they are obtaining an increased
hold. In the ‘more mechanical portions’ of the grow-
ing ‘cycle’ industry, hollow-ware, and in certain de-
partments of the watchmaking trade, they. are ousting
male labor, executing with machinery the work for-
merly done by male hand-workers. . . .
“The recent statistics of tailoring and shoemaking,
which are becoming more and more machine indus-
tries, mark this movement strongly. In the tailoring
trade, while male workers increase from 107,668 in
1881 to 119,496 in 1891, female workers increase from
52,980 to 89,224. In the boot and shoe trade, while men
increase from 180,884 to 202,648, women increase from
35,672 to 46,141.”
Of the meaning of this development of
woman’s work we shall speak later. It is nec-
essary first to show what are woman’s wages.
If women in industry received high wages, all
would perhaps be well, but such is not the case.
Women’s wages are notoriously low.
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