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Cornell University Library 1993.PAPERS RELATING TO THE
BURNING OF BUFFALO
AND TO
THE NIAGARA FRONTIER PRIOR
TO AND DURING THE
WAR OF 1812MARGARET ST. JOHN.
From a Portrait in the Possession of Mr. Franklin SidwayiRECOLLECTIONS OF
THE BURNING OF BUFFALO
AND EVENTS IN THE HISTORY OF THE FAMILY OF
GAMALIEL AND MARGARET ST. JOHN
BY THEIR DAUGHTER
MRS. JONATHAN SIDWAY*
My parents were from the towns of Norwalk and Kent,
in the State of Connecticut. My father was from Norwalk
and my mother from Kent. My mother, Margaret Kins-
man Marsh, was the daughter of Cyrus Marsh, who was
the first Presbyterian clergyman settled in the township of
Kent, according to Connecticut annals; and he was also one
of the five young gentlemen who constituted the first class
on whom Yale College conferred its degrees, as will be seen
by reference to the catalogue of the Alumni of that institu-
tion.
After Cyrus Marsh graduated he was, in May, 1741, or-
dained a minister, and sent as a missionary to the then new,
if not frontier town of Kent, to preach, not only to the peo-
ple of that town, but to a tribe of Indians known as the
Schaticooks, living on a branch of the Housatonic, of the
same name.
r. Parnell St. John was born June 6, 1801, at Aurelius, near Auburn,
Cayuga Co., N. Y., and was therefore in her thirteenth year when Buffalo was
burned. At about the age of twenty-two she became the wife of Jonathan
Sidway, who died in 1848. Mrs. Sidway died April 22, 1879, leaving two sons,
Franklin and John, and a daughter, Mrs. Asaph S. Bemis. Her reminiscences
were given in her old age, 1875 to 1877, at the solicitation of her brother, Dr.
Orson S. St. John, and set down by him—Mrs. Sidway being almost blind in
her last years—and deposited with the Buffalo Historical Society. They are
now first published.312
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
Gamaliel St. John was born Sept. 22, 1766. He died
June 6, 1813. My mother was born in Wilton, Conn., July
15, 1768; died April 29, 1847.
They were married in Kent October 16, 1788, and took
up their residence in a house built by them in the village of
Danbury, Connecticut, where they lived for several years,
and until they had born unto them five children: Elijah
Northrop, Maria, Aurelia, Cyrus Marsh, and Sarah.
Partaking of the spirit of emigrating to the West, they
moved to the town of Westmoreland, Oneida Co., N. Y.,
where was born their daughter Margaret. During their
residence in Oneida County my father entered into contract
with the proper persons for constructing a portion of the
turnpike from Albany to Cayuga Lake. His contract called
for the necessary work to be done on a section of seven or
eight miles between the Cayuga and Owasco lakes. That
work necessitated their removal to Cayuga County. During
their stay in Cayuga there were born unto them three
children, Parnell, Martha, and John Ransom. After living
in Cayuga County six or seven years, and finishing the
section of the road according to contract, and to the satis-
faction and acceptance of the other parties, my father re-
moved with his family, in the year 1807, to a farm in
Williamsville, then Niagara County, now Erie County; on
which farm is still to be seen the large spring that con-
stitutes the source of the Mill Creek at the village of Wil-
liamsville, and which is one of the tributaries of the Tona-
wanda Creek. But he did not move his family until he had
made, in the previous spring, a tour of observation that ex-
tended all along the Niagara frontier. The farm thus
selected was then the property of Mr. Andrew Ellicott, a
brother of Joseph Ellicott.
He had letters from Joseph Ellicott to Jonas Williams
of Williamsville. As there is some discrepancy of opinion
as to whether Mr. Joseph Ellicott did or did not accompany
him to Williamsville, either on the occasion of his first or
second visit, it is thought most probable by those of the
family now living that at one or other of the times Mr.BURNING OF BUFFALO.
318
Joseph Ellicott gave him the letters to Mr. Williams, and
that Mr. Andrew Ellicott did accompany him to Williams-
ville.
While living at Williamsville there transpired the usual
new country events, traditional in the family, of wild-cats
and wolves among the flocks, and the hunting of them by
the men and boys of the family; of going to the mill at
Batavia or at Niagara Falls, there being nothing but a
saw-mill at Williamsville, built during the summer of 1807,
the frame of which was put up by voluntary labor of the
people, so desirous were they of having some way of get-
ting lumber. The saw-mill frame was put up on Mr.
Williams’ land, and the necessary gearing and iron work
were furnished by Mr. Joseph Ellicott.
After residing three years on the farm at Williamsville,
during which time was born Le Grand Canun St. John,
father sold his farm to a man by the name of Frink, reserv-
ing the privilege of cutting and hauling away logs for his
own benefit.
The family moved to Buffalo in the spring of 1810, hav-
ing previously bought of Mrs. Chapman a claim for Lot
No. 53, Holland Land Co. survey, on which was the frame
for a house, forty feet square, standing on blocks, and back
of which was an appendix of twenty feet square, one and a
half stories high, enclosed and floored, having a chimney
with the old-fashioned fireplace, and baking oven by the
side of the fireplace. Lot 53 is directly opposite the Tifft
House, which is on the site of the old Phoenix hotel.2
Into this apology for a house the family, then consisting
of the parents and ten children, moved on or about the 10th
of May, 1810. On the 28th day of that month, in the
chamber of the above-mentioned appendix, was born the
eleventh child, Orson Swift St. John.
The price paid Mrs. Chapman for Lot 53 and appurten-
ances was $4,000; and $200 paid to Mr. Ellicott procured
the deed.
2. Site now covered by the stores of the Wm. Hengerer Co.314
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
Mrs. Chapman before her marriage to Mr. Chapman
was the Widow Hull; and the issue of the marriage with
Mr. Hull was Mr. William Hull, the father of the present
Mrs. O. G. Steele3 and her deceased brother, who received
the name of his father, William, and died at New Orleans
while in discharge of his duties as an officer of the United
States Navy.
When young, my father was apprenticed, for seven
years, from the age of fourteen until twenty-one years of
age. That was the custom of the times, and taken from the
English custom. The business to which he was apprenticed
was the manufacturing of implements of agriculture and
tools used by various mechanics, such as plows, harrows,
scythes, planes, chisels, augurs, and their woodings, etc.
In time he became skilled in the general use of the tools of
the carpenter and the blacksmith. This experience, which
goes so far to make up the universal Yankee, was, in a new
country, of the utmost value to him as a contractor on the
turnpike, as a farmer, and finally as a builder.
When he went to get his deed from Mr. Ellicott, he pre-
sented the contract, purchased from Mrs. Chapman, which
was accepted as satisfactory, and the deed given. At that
time, while in conversation, Mr. Ellicott made a solicitous
request that he should undertake the iron work of the then
contemplated jail to be built at Buffalo. Mr. Ellicott
wanted some one to engage in that work who was not only
capable, but responsible. Father said that he could do all
of the work except the making of the locks. When Mr.
Ellicott proposed to send to Philadelphia for skilled work-
men for that special purpose a contract was made between
them, the Philadelphia experts sent for, and the work, un-
der the supervision and personal labor of my father was
urged forward. At the same time that this work of the jail
was going on, the work of finishing the house bought of
Mrs. Chapman was progressing. There was also at that
time in process of construction the first courthouse, a frame
3. Died Aug. 17, 1875.BURNING OF BUFFALO.
315
building, being built by Ozial Smith, under contract with the
same parties, who were on the part of the public directing
the building of the jail, the chief spirit among whom was
Mr. Joseph Ellicott. Mr. Ellicott’s advice in all of these
matters was the next thing to law.
The lumber for the covering and finishing of the house
purchased of Mrs. Chapman was all drawn from Williams-
ville; the logs for which had been cut and drawn to the
saw-mill during the winter previous (the winter of 1809-
10). The shingles for the house were all made during the
same winter by my father and his boys, Elijah and Cyrus.
Much of this material was drawn in the winter before mov-
ing to Buffalo, and the remainder was drawn afterwards as
it could be got through the mill. The cellar was made of
the dimensions of the whole house, and the stones with
which the walls were laid up were drawn from the quarries
of Judge Erastus Granger on the banks of the Three-mile
Creek, east of the then village of Buffalo. That creek was
known where it emptied into the Niagara River below the
then ferry at the foot of Niagara Street as the Scajaquada,
commonly pronounced Conjockada.
The road then was in the usual condition of most if not
all roads, through a new and timbered country, there being
very little done except to cut the timber out sufficiently for
the passage of teams and the making of causeways over the
low and very wet grounds. The road from the Three-mile
Creek was at first called four miles, and was throughout
the entire distance from the creek to the “Cold Springs”
covered with a log causeway. The road, from what was
afterwards Walden’s Hill to Chippewa Street and to North
Church (Dr. Johnson’s lot), was covered with a log cause-
way. Between Chippewa Street and where the North
Church now stands4 was a log bridge over a ravine and low
grounds, which extended nearly if not quite the entire dis-
tance. Along this ravine ran a small stream heading on the
east side of Main Street in the rear of what was afterwards
4. West side of Main Street, below Chippewa. The North Presbyterian
Church was torn down 1904.316
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
the lot and hat factory of Mr. Henry. Campbell. The forest
timber stood in its native condition on either side of the
road, with exceptional little patches of clearing of a few
square rods at long intervals as far down as to Tupper
Street; and from thence the woods were cleared away in
spots and more or less work done as people “took up” their
lots and were in need of timber, firewood, and a garden
spot to a point as low down in Main Street as to where the
First Church stands.5 There was the first considerable
clearing. That ground did not have the appearance of hav-
ing been cleared for any particular purpose, nor according
to any previous design, but seemed from appearances, there
being no stumps, but some second growth of small brush,
to have been a camping and council ground of the Indians,
and was then, in 1810, the locality where they received their
annuties from the Government at the hands of the Indian
agent, Mr. Granger.
From Gillette hill (the Terrace) to the Buffalo Creek,
Main Street was causewayed, and the bridge over Little
Buffalo Creek was made of logs, with a pier in the center of
the stream and logs across the stringers.
The road to and from the Indian village was down Main
Street to the Big Buffalo Creek, and along the bank of the
creek, passing Pratt’s ferry, up to the Seneca village. The
best road to Black Rock was down from Gillett’s hill, along
the west bank of the Little Buffalo Creek (Commercial
Street) to the Big Buffalo Creek, thence along the Big Buf-
falo to the lake, crossing a small stream ten feet wide and
two and a half feet deep and going around a small bay be-
fore getting to the beach of the lake; thence down and along
the beach of the lake to “Sandy Town”; thence keeping
close to the water, turned around close to the “Black Rock”
just where the canal enters the Black Rock harbor; thence
down and close along the foot of the hill where the railroad
now runs until the ferry was reached, a point at the foot of
Niagara Street. There was a longer and less inviting way
5. Site of Erie County Savings Bank.BURNING OF BUFFALO.
317
by what was commonly called the Guideboard road, now
North Street. Niagara Street had been marked and some
work done on it.
The house of my father, and of which we have been
speaking, was finished in the fall and winter of 1810 with
the pressing purpose in view of holding therein the New
Year’s ball of the coming first of January, 1811. That ball
was held in the room intended for such purposes, and was
attended by parties from a distance embracing the whole
frontier. The population was so sparse that they must
necessarily come from considerable distances to make up in
numbers a respectable party.
The political party strife which brought on the war of
1812, and the consequent personal animosity between the
Democrats and Federalists, ran so high at that date as very
unmistakably to show itself in the calling together of that
dancing party. There were a few Democrats present, but
the principal number of the party were Federalists. My
father was a Jeffersonian Democrat, and a zealous supporter
of all the measures that tended to the declaration and prose-
cution of the war.
During the summer of 1811 nothing of particular moment
took place in the village of Buffalo beyond the councils
held by and between the Ogdens with their interpreters,
Jasper Parrish and Horatio Jones, on the one part, and the
Seneca Indians and their chiefs, assisted by Mr. Granger,
on the other. The part which Mr. Granger acted was
prompted and perhaps required by the United States Gov-
ernment as its agent for that tribe.
Red Jacket was present at this and all future councils,
and successfully opposed all overtures made for the pur-
chase of any portion of the lands which were held by the
Indians under reservation and guarantee from the U. S.
Government. His councils prevailed with his tribe so long
as. he lived, but not many years after his demise they were
forgotten or overruled.
Gen. Peter B. Porter had at first the exclusive right of
purchase from the Indians, which right he sold to Ogden,818
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
and time has proved the wisdom of the Indian sale and re-
movals, both for themselves and the city of Buffalo.
During the summer of 1811 political animosities and
party strife ran insanely zealous, extending their bitterness
into individual business and social intercourse. Families
were estranged from each other, indulging in the severest
reflections, which were not believed by either party; and
this very unprofitable spirit of crimination and recrimina-
tion pervaded the whole body politic to the extent that their
children in school took sides and, like their parents, were not
particular as to the justice of their invectives.
My father had, and still has, the reputation, among those
who remember him, of being careful and deliberate of
speech; his councils to his family were: “Be careful and
think twice before you speak.” My mother was of more
irascible temperament. She was just, generous to the ex-
tent of her means, and in all great and dark trials was first
timid, then firm, deliberate, calm, and hopeful, relying upon
her Heavenly Father to guide her out of impending difficul-
ties. Yet in ordinary matters she was impetuous, irritable,
impatient of opposition, self-reliant, positive in her counsels,
and imperative in her commands. In all matters after the
situation was comprehended, she was, as we shall hereafter
see, as far as it is possible for any woman to be, equal to her
task.
In the spring of 1810, just before the family moved to
Buffalo, my brother Elijah left Williamsville. He went to
Erie and was in the service of Mr. Seth Reed, but returned
after an absence of three months, and not being yet of age
until in August, he handed over to his father the net earn-
ings of his time up to the date of his majority. Such was
the generally conceded and lawful duty of all minors as held
at that time. Father took the money, but more from pru-
dential than selfish motives, as he was not 'of an acquisitive
disposition.
During the following winter (1810-11) my brothers
Elijah and Cyrus, were sent to Albany with father’s teams
to bring on goods for both Hart and Grosvenor. That tripBURNING OF BUFFALO.
319
led to the conception of the thought of making a business of
that sort of enterprise, which he afterwards attempted to
carry out. In the spring of 1811 Elijah bought a stock of
goods from Eli Hart, for which father became responsible,
and for which he afterwards paid. With this outfit my
brother traveled and traded all along the south shore of
Lake Erie as far west as the river Raisin, exchanging his
goods with Indians and French half-breeds for furs, white-
fish, fruits and whatever else that promised to be available
on his return. He returned late in the next fall or early
winter; made with my brother Cyrus another trip to Albany
during that winter, and in the spring of 1812, with another
stock of goods bought of Abel M. Grosvenor, Sr., started
in a schooner (name not known),6 commanded by Capt.
Chapin, and bound for Detroit. While the vessel was
heading toward Malden on her way to the mouth of the
Detroit river, and near the entrance, she was captured, with
all on board, by the Queen Charlotte, which had been hastily
fitted out by the Canadians for war purposes. The men
who were taken were kept in prison for three months, and
then set at liberty on the Niagara frontier. Nothing was
heard of my brother from the time that he started from
Buffalo, except that the vessel was taken at Malden, until he
entered the door of the homestead on his return. Every-
thing was taken from him except the summer suit which he
wore—not even a pocketknife was left him.
When my brother left, the news of the declaration of war
with England, June 17, 1812, had not reached the people of
Buffalo, but by some means or route that fact had come to
the knowledge of the Canadians sooner than it did to the
people of this side of the river, and the Canadians, taking
advantage of their earlier intelligence, made prisoners of all
of our people who were on their “side of the line.”
Late in the spring of 1811, after having made the special
trip mentioned above for the purpose of bringing on goods
6. This was the schooner Cuyahoga Packet, of thirty tons burden, built at
Chagrin River, O., in 1805; commanded by Captain Luther Chapin, and cap-
tured by the British at Malden in 1812. See Buf. Hist. Soc. Publications, Vol.
VIII, p. 294.320
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
for Messrs. Hart and Grosvenor (individually, not part-
ners), my father conceived the idea of becoming a common
carrier as a business, and with that view entered into con-
tracts with several of the merchants of Buffalo for the
transportation of their goods from Albany or Utica, as the
season permitted, going to Albany in the winter and only to
Utica in the summer, as goods were then brought by open
batteaux, poled up the Mohawk river, to that place. He be-
gan that enterprise with two teams, one of three horses, be-
fore what was then called a Pennsylvania wagon, and one
of two horses before a common wagon. Not long after he
added the third team of two horses, making in all, that sea-
son, seven horses and three wagons. That was the begin-
ning of through transportation by regular line from Albany
to Buffalo. The last trip to Albany made by these teams
was under the guidance of my two brothers, Elijah and
Cyrus, in the winter of 1811-12. Within a year from the
time that this enterprise was inaugurated it went out of his
hands, and in consequence of the war measures that busi-
ness, under other management, took on such enormous pro-
portions that there were necessarily established extensive
lines of transportation, involving the use of much more
capital than he had at command.
The teams which made up those future lines had in num-
ber as many, in some instances, as sixteen horses to one
wagon with a tire six or more inches wide. The reasons
for these wide tires were that, as they were too wide for the
ruts of the ordinary wagon, their tendency was to level the
turnpike without cutting deep, and therefore were allowed
to pass free of toll, an item not to be overlooked in their
economy. That mode of common carrying in time assumed
national importance, increasing with the settlement of the
West, bringing and carrying between the East and West
until it became, beyond a doubt, the evolving fact in the
commerce of the State which led to the conception and con-
struction of the New York and Erie Canal.
Previous to and up to the time that my father's family
came to Buffalo, the mails were carried principally on horse-BURNING OF BUFFALO.
321
back. They were sent and brought twice or three times
each week, and their arrival was announced by the mail car-
rier’s horn.7
During the summer of 1812 nothing, or very little, was
done by the United States Government in the way of
prosecuting the war on this frontier, evidently knowing too
little about its needs and conditions, and expecting the prin-
cipal strife to be carried on on the ocean, or somewhere else
than this locality. The Canadians, however, being more
active, were not long in provoking a recognition of this, as
the considerable field of their warfare. Yet nothing was
done beyond the general trainings ordered by the State of
New York in August or September and a draft of militia
for defensive purposes.
The battery (at first of one gun near this place) called
Fort Adams, was put in place at or near Black Rock ferry,
now foot of Niagara Street, and from there an irregular
cannonading went on with the Canadian side (now Water-
loo) 8 for the space of six weeks. Among the events which
took place during that battery practice was an evidence of
the skill of the late venerable Dr. Josiah Trowbridge, then
an enterprising young man. He so sighted his gun that at
the second discharge it knocked the ram-rod (a handspike)
from the hands of a Canadian gunner across the river, and
for a brief space dispersed their gunnery and quieted their
gun. Not long after the query came across the river as to
who handled our gun on that day. My brother Cyrus dug
from the bank, just under or below our battery, a cannon
ball fired by the Canadian battery. The late Henry Lovejoy
helped my brother bring it home. It was, I think, an
eighteen-pound shot. Slung with a handkerchief on a pole,
and with one end of the stick on the shoulder of each, the
boys brought it to town. After many years it disappeared
in our first furnace, which was in Reese’s blacksmith shop.
7.	On Buffalo’s early mail service, see Buf. Hist. Soc. Publications, Vol.
IV, pp. 311 et seq. The first mail received in Buffalo was brought, on horse-
back, March, 1803. It was conveyed from the East in this manner, once in
two weeks, until 1805. A weekly horseback service was then established, which
continued until 1810, when it was surperseded by stage-wagon delivery.
8.	Fort Erie, Ont.822
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
Of the regiment formed in Buffalo and vicinity Dr.
Cyrenius Chapin was made colonel, the father of the late
William Miller was made major, William Hull a captain,
Asael Atkins a lieutenant, and many of the active young
men were called upon to fill the non-commissioned offices.
Politics ran high in spirit, and personal animosities
were fearful. The social and communal frenzy was beyond
description; all giving advice, and no one taking it; no con-
centration, no head, no effective purpose; all were bad peo-
ple but those who were criticising. If people attended to
their own interests and were prosperous they were envious-
ly denounced, and the source of their prosperity questioned.
The opinions of the envious persons were, as usual, of no
permanent value, except to tear down themselves and build
up the envied.
On October 3d of 1812 my sister, Aurelia St. John, was
married to Asaph Stebbins Bemis by Judge Oliver Forward.
On the 9th day of November following my brother, Cyrus
Marsh St. John, after returning from a hunting expedition
in company with Elijah, through the inclemency of the
weather and the swampy nature of the country, contracted
the disease then epidemical, commonly called the “camp dis-
temper,” and died after six days’ sickness. That disease
was evidently, from its description, inflammation of the
larynx and bronchia, in some instances involving the ton-
sils, and in many respects answering in symptoms to the dis-
ease known now as “diphtheria.” Soon after this event, on
returning home from the funeral, father was taken down
with the same disease; but in consequence of the persistent
efforts of Mr. LeCouteulx, who was by profession a drug-
gist, with his French apparatus for steaming the throat
with herb teas, it is believed by the family the disease was
overcome. The apparatus above mentioned was a small
pot with a long flexible tube, on the end of which was an
ivory mouthpiece. The ivory end was inserted back into the
fauces as far as possible, and respiration, at least the inhal-
ation, was conducted through it. That brought on an active
secretion and suppuration, and with it relief. Dr. Eben-BURNING OF BUFFALO.
323
ezer Johnson, the attending physician, thought this case one
of quinsy or “tonsilitis.” Other members of the family were
sick with the same disease, with various symptoms and de-
grees of violence, but in time all recovered.
During the sickness of the family, or soon after that date,
my sister, Aurelia Bemis, and her husband rented the back
room of Mr. Forward's house, at the solicitation of Mr. and
Mrs. Forward, as they said, “to keep soldiers from quarter-
ing there.” The building had two rooms on the first floor
and a chamber, Mr. and Mrs. Forward occupying the front
room, Mr. and Mrs. Bemis the back room; the chamber
being used as the postoffice. The dimensions of that build-
ing cannot now be defined. The street door of the building
opened into the room occupied by Mr. and Mrs. Forward,
there being no hall. The entrance to the back room was by
a side door, and the way to the postoffice was by a flight of
steps up and across the front of the building.
In consequence of the family sickness spoken of above,
my father took down the sign of the house as a hotel, and
Mr. and Mrs. Bemis returned there to live.
After the six weeks' cannonading between Fort Adams
and the Canadian side of the Niagara river, and while Gen-
eral Smyth with forces under him were lying here, the naval
officers came, say in November, 1812. Being young, am-
bitious, restless, anxious for active service, they solicited
from the officer in command1 the privilege of attempting fo
spike the British guns. General Smyth gave the order; the
attack was made, the cannon spiked, the return a success;
but with what casualties to our men, if any, is not recol-
lected. In the latter part of the winter General Smyth was
relieved by Col. Preston.
The next event of any moment during the winter of
1812-13 was the military ball held in the public house of
Mr. Joseph Landon,9 given by the officers stationed in this
vicinity in honor of Governor Lewis on the occasion of his
visit to Buffalo. Of course Governor Lewis was a Demo-
9. On present Exchange Street, south side, between Main and Washington
streets. Site now covered by the east end of the Mansion House.824
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
crat. He had been elected as a war Democrat. My father,
being an ultra-Democrat, very readily affiliated with him,
and was present at the ball, though not yet in the best of
health, accompanied by my sisters, Maria and Sarah. The
Governor danced but once that evening, and that with my
sister Maria St. John as a partner.
In the spring of 1813 the schooners John Adams and
Niagara10 were cut out from the Canadian shore by a private
party, but I cannot say who, without any particular order
or command, and were brought back to this side of the river
and moored or anchored in the stream just above Squaw
Island. Those two vessels were lying there, say in May,
1813; the Adams certainly in June. During the winter all
of the naval stores had been moved to Erie as a better base
of naval operations. During the spring of 1813 Colonel
Preston made his preparations for attacking Fort Erie.
By that time my father’s health was so far recovered that
he was able to ride down to Black Rock nearly every day,
and it was understood by the family that he was in general
consultation respecting the feasibility of measures to be
taken by and with Col. Preston,
The Democrats, being in the minority in the township of
Buffalo, were the subjects of a vast deal of uncharitable
vituperation, but were none the less a unit in all that per-
tained to war measures. General Smyth was a Federalist,
Colonel Preston a Democrat, and as such inspired his party
friends with a hope that something would be done worthy of
the country.
When everything was in readiness the army was ordered
to cross the river. Previous to the order being given to
cross there was an understanding between Col. Preston and
Col. Chrystie, stationed at Fort Niagara, that on a given
day, in the morning early enough to be on the Canadian
shore by daylight, there should be a simultaneous move-
ment on Fort Erie and Fort George, and it was further
arranged that in the event of either army succeeding a
10. So written, but should be “schooners Adams and Caledonia.” For
account of this episode, see Buf. Hist. Soc. Publications, Vol. VIII, pp. 405-417.BURNING OF BUFFALO.
325
messenger should be at once dispatched to the other. As
Col. Preston’s force was to cross below Fort Erie, and that
under Col. Chrystie was to cross, I think, above Fort
George, while forces, from the fleet were landed below, the
messengers were expected to reach their destination without
much difficulty, particularly as they were to be prepared
with the proper means or signs by which they should know
each other, and be recognized as proper and reliable per-
sons by the officers in command.
On the morning of the crossing of the armies, May 27,
1813, my father took an early breakfast and left home for
the scene of action at Black Rock, saying to the family that
he would go down and see how Col. Preston had succeeded
in crossing, and that he would be back in due season, evi-
dently intending to quiet my mother’s anxieties about his
health being such as to warrant his crossing the river. As
he did not return as was expected a messenger was sent to
inquire and learn of his whereabouts, who, on returning, in-
formed the family that his horse was in the stable at Black
Rock, and that himself was seen on one of the last boats
going over the river.
He went directly up to Fort Erie (as he afterwards nar-
rated), which had1 by that time been possessed by the forces
under Col. Preston, who was looking anxiously for some
one acquainted with the country to be a bearer of dispatches
to Col. Chrystie. My father volunteered to go. As a pru-
dential measure, he was dressed in a British sergeant’s uni-
form, and! carried as a provision against emergencies a flag
of truce. His acquaintance with the country and people on
the Canadian side, many of whom were friendly to the
United States, enabled him to know where and to whom to
apply for a fresh horse and food, which he was supplied
with at the distance of about twelve miles below Fort Erie.
He rode the distance as soon as a proper prudence would
admit, and reached Fort George late in the afternoon at
about the same time, or very soon after, our troops took
possession of it, which they were enabled to do after much
harder fighting than at Fort Erie.326
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
As my father entered Fort George, Col. Chrystie was
casting about for some one to be the bearer of dispatches to
Col. Preston. The dispatches, borne by him from Col. Pres-
ton, gave to Col. Chrystie the desired information respect-
ing the situation of affairs at Fort Erie. After taking a
soldier’s supper he was mounted on a fresh horse and
started back as bearer of dispatches from Col. Chrystie to
Col. Preston in Fort Erie. He accomplished his task that
night, having made a journey, not without perils, of
seventy-nine miles in less than twenty-four hours.
At his time in life, and his health considered, that effort
was one of great fatigue. He rested and slept a part of the
second day. When he arose from his sleep Col. Preston
met him, saluted him, thanked him for his services, and
tendered him a certificate setting forth that his services were
of great value and worthy of consideration and reward by
the Government, at the same time intimating that he would
reward him in any other way that he would name. Father’s
answer was that he was serving his country, and as he had
previously pledged his services to the country in various
ways, he was too well paid by the happiness which he ex-
perienced, as he rejoiced in the successes of the day. His
first impulse was that he did not think the certificate neces-
sary, but as Col. Preston insisted on his taking it, saying
that my father could not say when or where it might be of
service to him, he did take it, and witnesses are living who
read it. When the village was burned it was destroyed by
the Indians, together with all of his valuable papers.
Col. Preston suggested to him that he would do well to
take from the spoils some memorials of the events of the
day. On looking about among the effects of the British
officers there were found many elegant things, particularly
in the line of clothing. It was finally decided that he should
take an undress suit of exquisite material, which by trial
was found to fit him. That suit was afterwards much ad-
mired and coveted by many of the young American officers.
The family knew nothing of his doings from the time that
he was seen on the boat crossing the river until his return.BURNING OF BUFFALO.
327
Not long after his return, say three or four days, Col.
Preston sent a special messenger requesting him to come
over to Fort Erie. On going over to Fort Erie he learned
that Col. Preston wanted to know where the ferry boats
were. After much counciling as to the ways and means by
which the military supplies for the army could be got across
the river, he was requested by Col. Preston to go and hunt
up the ferry boat and see that it was made available for that
purpose. He engaged to do so. On coming back to this
side of the river he found that a Mr. Dean had some special
grants from the State authorities giving him control over
the ferry, but that in consequence of the war he had, for a
time at least, abandoned his rights, and had taken his boat
down to Scajaquada creek and sunk it. Father went down
to the creek, and calling on Mr. Benjamin Bidwell, a
young man then living near that creek, engaged him as a
ship carpenter to help in repairing the boat in the event of
its being found. It was found deep in the mud and serious-
ly broken, but the bottom was- found to be sound. It was
pried up, and with much difficulty got in shape to be re-
paired. Mr. Bidwell was the chief worker in making the
necessary repairs, in which he was more or less assisted in
various ways by others, among whom was my brother
Elijah.
In the meantime Col. Preston was urging that the work
be expedited, and that father should1 take charge of it when
done. That he refused to do, beyond getting the boat
ready and sending it over to the Canadian 9hore. He had
talked with brother Elijah, advising him to take charge of
the boat in preference to his going on another trading ex-
pedition up the lake, as he was desirous of doing.
By dint of severe effort the boat was by Saturday night
of June 5, 1813, thought to be fit for service, and the next
day, Sunday, June 6th, everything, as far as it could be,
was in readiness for delivery.
Elijah remained down where the boat was, but father re-
turned home Saturday evening. He left again very early
Sunday morning. After making a call for volunteers to328
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
help take the boat over, and getting his men together, they
were by nine o’clock a. m. under motion. There were in
all nine persons on board.
Of the number of men so engaged there were five soldiers,
wishing and waiting to go over; a Mr. George Lester, a
tanner by trade from Cold Springs, who had a horse with
him, and a young lad from up in the country, who after-
wards proved to be Mr. Lester Brace, who had asked as a
privilege to be allowed to go over in the boat. My brother
Elijah acted as steersman and father directed the whole.
The boat was headed up the stream, until they had
reached a point where, as Elijah thought, they were high
enough, to pass the cable of the schooner John Adams-, then,
as before mentioned, lying there at anchor. Elijah repeat-
edly suggested that they were high enough up, but father,
more cautious, advised going still farther up the stream,
until they should reach a less doubtful point. They went
farther up. When they did strike out to cross the river, they
soon found that by reason of the inexperience of the men, of
their want of skill in handling the boat in a rapid current
of which they had little or no knowledge, they were making
no encouraging progress toward Canada, but were floating
directly down upon the cable of the John Adams, which had
been their special reason for caution. In spite of their
efforts to avoid it, they struck the dreaded cable, up which
the scow made a rapid slide, turning completely over, and
bottom side up, floated away down the river. In an instant
all were in the water. The sailors on board the schooner
threw ropes to those who were within their reach and drew
them on board. The citizens, as soon as possible, started
out in row-boats to their rescue, but passed by Elijah, who
was so close to the shore that they thought that he would
be able to save himself. Why he did not reach the shore
was a matter of much speculation in opinion afterwards, as
he was known to be a good swimmer. When picked up,
there was a mark on his forehead indicative of some injury,
probably received when the scow capsized, causing him to
become faint, or otherwise exhausted, if not unconscious.BURNING OF BUFFALO.
329
They succeeded in saving two soldiers and two citizens.
The soldiers’ names are not known; but the two citizens
were Mr. George Lester of Cold Springs and Mr. Lester
Brace.
There were three soldiers, names not known, who were
drowned, their bodies being afterwards picked up below the
falls, and two citizens. The citizens were my father and my
brother Elijah. The horse of Mr. George Lester of Cold
Springs swam to the shore and was recovered.
In two or three days, or as soon as Mr. George Lester
could find himself sufficiently recovered to call on our family,
he came into town from Cold Springs and gave us the de-
tails of what had occurred.
While in the water, my father and Mr. George Lester
were assisted by the buoyancy of a rail which they had joint
possession of and which they hoped would be the means of
keeping themselves above water, until help could reach
them; but they soon realized that it was not sufficient for
the two, and that one or the other must relinquish it. They
discussed the chances of being saved, and, on Mr. George
Lester saying that he could not swim, father let go of the
rail and caught a piece of board which proved of no assist-
ance, and he was lost. The body of Elijah was found on
the ninth day after the accident, the 15th of June, 1813,
close in shore, among some bushes not far below where he
was last seen swimming; and was brought to Buffalo by
Asaph S. Bemis. The body of my father was found on the
fifteenth day after the accident, or the 21st of June, half
way down to where Tonawanda now is. It was discovered
by Mr. E. D. Efner and his partner, Mr. Sackett. These
gentlemen had the body secured, through the help of some
one living on the bank of the river, and then returned to
Buffalo, giving up their mission to Tonawanda, where they
were going on business. On their informing the family of
these facts, Mr. Asaph S. Bemis went down to the place
where the body was secured, and brought it to Buffalo.
Those events threw the family into a deepest gloom and
despondency. The future before our mother, and the older330
BURNING OF BUFFALO.
members of the family, can be better imagined than des-
cribed. The chapter of their misfortunes was not yet ended;
their salvation from wreck was fortitude. The family re-
maining was composed of our mother and nine children—
six daughters and three sons; the respective ages of the
three sons were eight, six and three years.
Our family were in the large house and the sign had pre-
viously been taken down. It was now evident that they
could not conduct the house as a public house, and there-
fore arrangements were soon after made to lease it to Mr.
Moseley Abell, afterwards a resident of Fredonia. Our
mother administered upon the estate of Gamaliel St. John,
deceased, sold personal property, paid debts and struggled
on in an unsystematic way generally and at great disad-
vantage.
Immediately after the lease was made with Mr. Abell
she went out to Clarence, where Mr. Otis R. Hopkins lived,
and bargained for the house and lot (54) adjoining on the
north side of the old homestead, or large house so rented to
Mr. Abell, and the family moved into that house so pur-
chased from Mr. Hopkins, where they lived when the vil-
lage was burned.
Col. Preston’s stay at Fort Erie was of short duration.
In less than one month he, with his command, was ordered
to another field where the demand was more urgent, there
being no promise of any further or immediate necessity for
troops in this vicinity. The removal of the forces under
Col. Preston to a point somewhere on the frontier east of
this, left Buffalo and its vicinity unprotected except by the
militia. The people were in a feverish state of excitement;
everything was in an unsettled and unstable condition; the
timid, uncertain of their position, were devising plans of
safety for their family, moving and counter-moving, and at
last doing that which, as often as otherwise, proved to be
unsafe and void of good judgment.
In the midst of this confused state of things our mother,
like all true mothers, was ready to jeopardize her life for
the future interests of her family. The large house, as be-THE ST. JOHN HOUSE, ONLY DWELLING IN BUFFALO NOT DESTROYED IN THE WAR OF 1812
Drawn from a sketch ancj data preserved by Mrs, St. John’s descendants. The house stood gable-end to the street,22 FT	22 FT
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FLOOR PLANS OF THE ST. JOHN HOUSE AS IT WAS AT THE TIME BUFFALO WAS BURNED
After many years the bed-room on the right of the ground floor was converted into a hall, and the street door moved so as to enter it.BURNING OF BUFFALO.
333
fore stated, had been rented and the first quarter of the
year’s rent had been paid in advance. With this small cap-
ital the family took possession of the new purchase. It was
a small, one-and-a-half story building, unfinished, being only
enclosed, or the frame covered, and the floors laid, but stand-
ing on the walls of a good cellar. In dimensions on the
ground it was 22 feet on the front, running not more than
20 or 22 feet back; possibly 22 feet square. It stood quite
by itself on the west side of Main Street, in an open space,
without fence or shrub about it, and back from the line of
the street 25 feet.
Into that unfinished building the family stowed them-
selves away as best they could with a work-bench on the
lower floor and the'joiners working with all due diligence to
get it in shape for their greater comfort. When finished
the house was constructed with a four-paneled street door
in the center of the front of the building, with a fifteen-
light window of 7x9 glass on each side of the door and two
windows above of twelve lights, each 7x9 glass, in line with
the two below. A chimney and fireplace stood at the center
of the west end of the building in line with and facing the
street door. The street door opened without any hall or
porch directly into the main room. On the right as one en-
tered from the street was a bed room in the northeast cor-
ner half the length of the house, say seven by ten feet; fur-
ther on, and adjoining this room and to the right of the
chimney in the northwest corner of the building was a room
of the same size, used as a stairway to get into the chamber
and as a passageway out of the back door, and in which a
scant place was appropriated for a small single bed. On the
left of the chimney in the southwest corner was a cupboard
for dishes and what was requisite for the tables and cooking.
The chamber was divided into two rooms, the smaller bed-
room being on the south side and running the whole length
of the house, say 7x20 or 22 feet, with a window, twelve
lights of 7x9 glass, in the west end; there was also a win-
dow, twelve lights 7x9, at the head of the stairs in the west334
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
end of the main room and on the north side of the chimney.
The eaves-troughs were worked out of a whitewood or cu-
cumber tree and each was of one solid piece.
On Oct. 13, 1813, the people were suddenly called upon
to give quarters to the troops drafted or called from the
militia to defend the frontier. In the summer or fall of 1813
some of our people of Buffalo, not properly organized or
connected with the army or Government, went over to Can-
ada under the guidance of Col. Chapin, and were engaged
in a work and various enterprises with which I am not con-
versant as to character, but about which there were many
severe criticisms and caustic censures. While they were
over there they were made prisoners and soon after the
much-vaunted “retaking of themselves” took place.
The burning of Queenstown and Newark (Niagara,
Ont.), was a measure that our mother, in common with
others, boldly denounced as an exhibition of wantonness
only fit for savages; and in all of her conversations, accused
the perpetrators of that act of exhibiting a bravado that only
belonged to cowardice and motives as mercenary as the cow-
boys of the Revolution. She was wont to quote the biblical
maxim, “Whatsoever a man soweth that shall he also reap.”
They sowed the wind, and in due time we reaped the whirl-
wind.
The people of Buffalo were kept in a state of unrest by
the nightly firing of cannon and other alarms to keep the
people vigilant and to let the enemy, if any in hearing, know
that our defenders were around.
This state of things went on with various minor events
until the morning of the 30th day of December, 1813. The
British had crossed the Niagara during the night before and
that morning appeared in sight on the Black Rock road, now
Niagara Street. The Canadian Indians were coming
through the woods from Black Rock, scattered as far north
as the Guideboard road, now North Street, and were driv-
ing and killing our scattered people wherever they overtook
them. Among the citizens killed were Mr. Roop, the fatherBURNING OF BUFFALO.
335
of the late Henry Roop, and “Sammy” Helms. The stalwart
Seth Grosvenor and his friends, with the only gun at com-
mand, had stationed themselves at or near the junction of
Main and Niagara streets and were doing such good service
with it as the'British were coming up Niagara Street as to
bring them to a halt. While they were so engaged, Colonel
Cyrenius Chapin appeared with a flag of truce and ordered
the men to cease firing. Grosvenor told him to “go about
his views if he liked, they intended to fire the cannon.”
Grosvenor and friends were so encouraged by their success
that their ambition and zeal got the better of their judgment;
they so overloaded the gun that it reacted with such violence
as to become dismounted.
Grosvenor started for help to assist him in putting the
cannon back on the carriage, and came to our house with the
hope of finding someone for that purpose. Not finding
any one there, stout-hearted as he was, he could not suppress
his tears as he said to my mother, “If I had help to put that
cannon up again I could drive the British back.”
In the meantime Chapin went forward with his flag of
truce and capitulated for the saving of many of the houses,
his own included, from the torch of conflagration, while the
rest were burned. Neither of our houses were mentioned
in the capitulation, and the large house was fired that day,
but the flames were extinguished by Sarah, afterwards Mrs.
Wilkeson, drawing water, and mother, Maria and the hired
man carrying and throwing it on the fire. The next (third)
day, or before the British finally left, they burned it. The
small house was neither included in the capitulation nor
fired.
The people of the town had been forewarned of the ap-
proach of the enemy and as a general thing had fled. The
British and their Indians left on the 31st of December, but
the Indians under the immediate direction of Lieut. William
Carr, an under-officer, and a half-breed, returned the third
day and burned the large house, as he said, under peremp-
tory orders.336
BURNING OF BUFFALO.
Here ends the narrative of Mrs. Parnell Sidway. I was called
away to Ohio, and never found it convenient to have another inter-
view with her upon the subject. In December, 1876, I wrote to my
sister, Martha St. John, now Mrs. Skinner, to send me her recollec-
tions ; and in due time I received from her the following letter.
Orson Swift St. John.MARTHA ST. JOHN SKINNER.
From a Portrait in the Possession of Mr. Franklin S.dway.STORY OF THE ST. JOHN HOUSE
AND HOW IT WAS SAVED FROM DESTRUCTION BY
THE BRITISH AND INDIANS
BY MARTHA ST. JOHN SKINNERi
DAUGHTER OF GAMALIEL AND MARGARET ST. JOHN
There were in Buffalo just before the burning, from
2,000 to 4,000 drafted and volunteer militia; they were en-
camped nearly in front of the old courthouse, and when
ordered to march to Black Rock for the purpose of prevent-
ing the British from crossing, they went, I think, down
Eagle Street, or possibly Court.
The house which mother bought from Otis R. Hopkins
was only covered, but had the windows in, as it had been
occupied by Mr. John Root and his wife Crissy (Christina),
and also by Alva Sharpe and family. Sharpe’s daughter
Matilda was afterwards Mrs. ------- Dickinson. When our
family moved into that small house, which was 22 feet front
and running back not more than that, to make it more com-
fortable, as the winter was a very cold one, mother, assisted
by the children, hung the inside of the house, next to the
walls, with blankets and quilts. As I said, such a great
number of troops had marched to Black Rock that the people
felt safe. Mrs. Pomeroy and her daughter Minerva, after-
wards Mrs. Champlain, and Mrs. Abell, wife of Moseley
1. This letter is dated “Clarence Place, Dorchester, near Boston, Mass.,
Dec. 22, 1876.” Like the reminiscences of Mrs. Skinner’s sister, Mrs. Sidway,
in preceding pages, it was written at the request of Dr. Orson S. St. John for
the Buffalo Historical Society, and is now first published. A brief portion of
no historical interest is omitted.338
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
Abell, and three children, were sitting up at our house listen-
ing to hear the guns at Black Rock, supposing we were
safe, when suddenly the alarm gun boomed up with such an
awful burst of thunder as aroused everybody, and people
were soon flying every way for safety. We were soon pre-
pared for a start, and Mr. Bemis, whose house was opposite
ours on the east side of Main Street, was able with his
wagon and horses to carry his family and part of ours, so
we were all packed in, three girls and three boys, with beds,
blankets and clothing, leaving mother, Maria and Sarah at
the house. He drove out Main Street until he came to North
Street. There we met our Seneca Indians retreating and
the Canadian Indians pursuing and firing on them. The
bullets came whistling by us and Mr. Bemis, not liking this
music, turned his course and drove back, and said to my
mother as we were flying past, that he would be compelled
to go the other road on the lake shore, but would return as
soon as possible and take away the remainder of the family.
But as we passed the head of Niagara Street, which was
the place of the alarm gun, we looked down the road and
saw the British army arrayed on Niagara Square, and a
person on horseback facing them holding a white flag over
his shoulder. The gun had been fired by the command of
Seth Grosvenor when, too heavily loaded, it dismounted,
and he said he could not gather together enough to help to
set it back.
When we arrived at Pratt’s ferry, one mile up the creek,
we were compelled to wait our turn to cross. The ice was
not thick enough to drive over, although people could walk
across. After crossing we drove up the lake shore. The
people came flying by us, some one way, some another.
There was Mrs. Atkins, who had fallen off the horse into
the quicksand with her baby. We came to Mr. Barker’s
tavern, eight miles from Buffalo. Mrs. Barker was very
sick and died the ioth of January. We pursued our journey
on toward Willink, for as we were waiting for our way over
the creek we saw the smoke of the burning village coming
over the trees, so we knew it would be of no use to return.BURNING OF BUFFALO.
389
It was past 12 o’clock noonday when we left Mr. Barker’s
and we found snow and night coming on. We had a heavy
load of household goods and Mr. Bemis and his wife and
their child, a baby. My sister Margaret (Mrs. Foot), my
sister Parnell (Mrs. Sidway now), and myself (Mrs. Mar-
tha St. John Skinner now) ; my brother, John Ransom St.
John of Lockport, and brother Le Grand Canun St. John,
and Orson Swift St. John: the youngest child in mother’s
family, three years old.
Now to our journey from Barker’s to Willink. The way
was long and the night cold. When we were about three
miles from the tavern at Willink, something in the road, I
believe a very steep place, the horses pulling hard caused
something about the wagon to break and we were all com-
pelled to get out of the wagon. So we three sisters walked
along ahead, leaving the rest of the party with the wagon;
but the snow was deep and the road was strange and we
could hear nothing of our friends we had left behind us.
Two or three roads came together at one place. We were
unable to determine which road to take. Soon I heard a
loud roaring in the woods, and I looked and saw a ball of
fire coming, as I thought, from Buffalo, which might be
some of the fire from the burning houses blown over the
topsof the trees. We stood still till that passed; then an-
other, then another, which were like meteors, throwing off
fire. We then pursued our course, taking the road over
which the meteors flew.
After daylight we arrived at a log tavern. I do not re-
member the name of the people who lived there. We went
into the first room we could, and that was a large room with
a large log fire. We were nearly benumbed with the cold,
and when we approached the fire I saw Mrs. Sophia Pratt,
wife of Mr. Samuel Pratt and mother of Mr. Samuel F.
Pratt, late of Buffalo. She was sitting in one corner watch-
ing some cooking going on for breakfast. She reached out
her hand and took my hand and drew me to her and placed
me between herself and the fire, keeping my hands against
her head and face to drive out the pain from my fingers and840
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
saying kind words and comforting us all she could. I often
think of her and think what a dear good woman she was.
We were getting quite comfortable; she was preparing
for breakfast with baking bread, frying meat, and the most
savory smell of sausage. Presently there came in, all nearly
frozen, Mr. and Mrs. Bemis and baby and our three little
brothers, John R. St. John, Le Grand C. St. John and Orson
S. St. John; they had all come on horseback. They had left
the wagon, load and all and taken the horses, Mrs. Bemis on
one horse with her baby in her arms, and one of the little
boys on the back or behind her on the horse. Mr. Bemis
took the other horse with one little boy in his arms and the
other behind him. They arrived all safe, but very cold.
As soon as she could get warm enough, Mrs. Bemis com-
menced her preparations for breakfast, making a large
boiler full of chocolate and all that could be gathered to-
gether for a comfortable meal. Mr. Samuel F. Pratt told
me, one time when I met him at a party at Mrs. Sidway’s*
that she, his mother, had her bread ready to bake, and find-
ing she could not bake it in Buffalo she put it in a pillow-
case and carried it to Willink to bake.
I think Mr. Bemis procured a sleigh to proceed on with.
We left the house full of people, many of whom went no-
further. I saw two of Dr. Cyrenius Chapin's daughters who
the Buffalo Gazette said walked all of the way from Buffalo.
Now we will proceed on our journey through Hamburg"
and Boston, over hills so high that it seemed as if we were
going into the clouds. We arrived at Warsaw, which was
in a valley, a pretty place, with a long bridge. We stayed
there, or not far from there, until Mr. Bemis could return to
Buffalo, as we knew nothing of the fate of those we had left
at Buffalo.
I cannot say that Mr. Bemis came back for us; I think it
was the hired man, with horses and sleigh, that came and
carried us all back. We learned who were alive and that
our small house was not burned. We returned through the
Indian village and stopped at Cornplanter’s to warm us.
The sun was setting as we drove over that beautiful prairieBURNING OF BUFFALO.
341
ground. The squaws were carrying bundles of sticks to
their wigwams or huts. We came into Buffalo in time to
see the chimneys standing. All seemed gloomy and desolate.
We soon came in sight of our own home. The cellar
walls were standing and the chimney on the north side of
the hall and the one on the south side of the hall were stand-
ing. The large stone step on Main Street was firm in its
place against the front wall.
How sad was the change since we had seen it last! Tears
were nothing now; everybody had been weeping for days.
While we were waiting at the ferry, in our flight from Buf-
falo, I heard a loud groan and saw people looking up at the
tops of the trees. I turned my eyes and saw those awful
clouds of smoke rolling over and over and the women
shrieking and sobbing and all could avail them naught, for
the destruction was commenced.
Therefore, when we met our mother we tried to be thank-
ful for the small house, knowing our former home was lost
with nearly all the proceeds of a father’s life, “whose con-
stant care was to increase his store.”
In the recital concerning the morning after we had left
Buffalo, my sister Sarah said, mother was standing in the
door and Mr. Seth Grosvenor came along with a white flag
on a walking-stick. He said if he could only gather citizens
enough to assist him he could drive the enemy back; as he
had sent the contents of that gun among them with the effect
of mowing them down.
Just then some few men on horseback were coming from
Court Street, and as they came nearer mother walked out to
the road. The headmost one drew his rein, and she said to
him:
‘Tor mercy’s sake, do turn back and help Mr. Grosvenor
manage that cannon and defend the town; and let General
Hall go; he must be an awful coward.”
At that he raised his hat, drew rein and his horse set off
on a dignified trot, and the rest followed. Mother was soon
informed that she had been talking-to General Hall himself.342
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
She said she did not wish to recall her words, that if she
had known him she would have said more.
My mother said she saw an Indian pulling the curtains
down from the window of the Love joy house opposite, and
saw Mrs. Love joy strike his hand with a carving-knife, and
saw the Indian raise the hatchet; but as the door closed she
could not know certain that he killed her. She did not dare
to go' and see.
Soon there came along an advance guard with a cannon,
and a British colonel on horseback. He spoke very cross,
and said, “Why are you not away?”
Mother said she had lost the opportunity and now she
had nowhere to go to, only out in the cold and perish in the
snow. He said, “I have just now seen a very unpleasant
sight in the house over the way. The Indians have killed
a woman and I am very sorry any such thing should hap-
pen.”
“Well,” said mother, “I was fearful she would provoke
them to kill her. I spoke to her, and said, ‘Do not risk your
life for property’; she answered, ‘When my property goes,
my life shall go with it’.”
My mother asked the colonel to set a sentinel by the large
house and the one she was in to prevent the Indians from
coming in and burning the two houses. He said he had no
such command ; that she must go to Gen. Riall; he could
say what might be done. The colonel then moved along
with his party and cannon.
The squaws were in the house plundering when she re-
turned, and very soon there came in a little dwarf and spoke
very lively to my mother and said, “Do not be frightened,
madam, you need not fear; there was an order issued this
morning from the Canadian officer that no person should be
molested who was obliged to stay from sickness or old age
or any accident or misfortune.”
My mother said, “Where is your commanding officer?”
Just down here in a log house on the Niagara road.”
This was at the Edsall tannery, near the junction of Mo-
hawk, Niagara and Morgan streets. So, as a squaw hadBURNING OF BUFFALO.
343
taken off mother’s veil and bonnet and also her cloak and
had put her own squaw blanket about mother’s shoulders,
and had served Sarah with the same change of dress, they
and Maria and the dwarf set off together, he having in-
formed my mother that he could speak six different lan-
guages and was the interpreter for General Riall. They
took their course down to the corner of Delaware and Ni-
agara streets, that is, Niagara Square, and were ushered
into the presence of the Indian commander by the dwarf in-
terpreter. The bluff old man said:
“What do you require?”
Mother replied, “I came to ask you to send a guard to
keep the Indians from burning my house and from plunder-
ing our goods and clothing.”
He spoke a few words to the guide, and they retraced
their steps back to their home. The interpreter took his
seat by the door. Being winter, the door was closed and the
Indians would bang their guns against it. When the door
was opened, the interpreter would speak and they would go
away, looking as if they had met with a severe reproof.
In the course of the day the house of Mrs. Lovejoy was
set on fire and mother and sisters Maria and Sarah, with
the hired man, old Mr. Pettingill, and others, went to the
house and took the body of Mrs. Lovejoy out and laid it on
a pile of boards by the side of the fence, so it would not be
consumed by the fire. Then they went into the house and
saw it did not burn fast, so they made an attempt to put out
the fire and did succeed; and when night was coming on
they thought they would carry the body in again, and as the
old man was very weak and feeble they needed more help.
They looked up the street and saw Mr. Walden. So sister
Sarah started on a run to ask him to come and assist. He
came, and with mother, Maria and Sarah lifted her and car-
ried her in and laid her on the cords of a bedstead.
Let me interrupt my recollections for a moment. I re-
cently received a number of the Sandusky (O.) Clarion,
containing an account of her appearance, by a gentleman liv-
ing in Ohio, near Sandusky. He said he was a boy at the344
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
time that Buffalo was burned and was living about a half
mile from Buffalo towards Black Rock ; that his father took
his gun and went to the battle; that he and his mother pre-
pared breakfast, but before they could eat his father re-
turned and said they had no time to lose, the British were
just behind them; so they dashed out and followed with
the crowd and came up to where they were loading the gun,
ready for resistance, but they did not dare to stop. They
followed the crowd up the creek, but they did not cross the
creek, staying about and sleeping that night in a bam. The
next morning they returned to the village and went to Mrs.
St. John’s (my mother’s) and got some breakfast, and they
then went over to see Mrs. Love joy. She was lying on the
bedstead; she was a tall woman, was dressed in a black silk
dress, with her long black hair hanging down or reaching
through the cords and lying on the floor. He said they all
stood about her and shed tears.
Then the Indians came again the third day and set the
house on fire and she was burned in it, and Mr. Love joy
came and gathered her bones in a handkerchief and buried
them.
Our large house had been set oh fire, and Sarah drew
water from the well and mother, Maria and the old hired
man carried it and poured it on the fire until it was out.
Then there was a sentinel set to guard it, but after the bugle
horn blew for retreat, the third day, there came back an In-
dian on horseback with a waiter on another horse. The
officer dismounted and gave his rein to his waiter and went
into the house and began to gather some combustible ma-
terial, such as papers and straw and the clock case, from
which a squaw had taken the works. This he split up, and
blew one pistol into it, and set fire to it. My mother had
just arrived and attempted to put out the fire. At that the
Indian, who spoke English, told her she must go to her
house, for he intended to burn that one.
She said she would have no income if that was destroyed,
“and I am a widow and I have also lost my sons.”BURNING OF BUFFALO.
345
He said: “Very likely that may be true, but we have left
you one roof, and that is more than the Americans left for
our widows when they came over; they only left the brands
of the houses after they were burned.”
He then drew another pistol, and pointed it at her and
said if she wished to save her life she must leave and return
to her house they had left for her.
My mother said: “I do not intend to risk my life for
property, but this is my home. I took the other to have the
income from this.”
He said, “Very probable; but this would be a rendezvous
for four thousand troops before tomorrow night.” This
was the last day. The barn was burned on the first day.
On the first day some of the British ordered the old hired
man to burn the barn. The old man came in wiping his eyes.
Mother said, “What is the matter?” He answered, “I must
do what I never did expect to do. They say I must burn
your barn. See, they have taken the woollen mittens you
gave me and made me take these old, wornout buckskin
gauntlets.” Mother said, “Oh, well, it cannot be helped;
you had better obey their orders.” So he took the brand of
fire from the hearth and went and set the barn on fire.
This was on the first morning and at the same time that
they set fire to the large house; but Sarah drew the water
and Maria and mother and the old man poured it on the
fire and put it out. The day that intervened between the
burning of the barn and the final burning of the house was
New Year's day, the morning of which the boy and his
mother came to get their breakfast and visited the house of
Mrs. Love joy. She laid in her house that New Year's day
and that night and was burned in her house on the next day,
being the second day of January.
Many of the houses were standing on New Year's day;
our own large house was not burned until the last day of
the burning and all had been burned but ours. When the
bugle horn blew the sentinels were removed and all had left,
when the Indian, Carr, a half-breed who married Brant's
daughter, returned, resolved to burn it.BURNING OF BUFFALO.
MG
This being the second day of January, it had been hoped
that those houses would be saved; but while at breakfast the
old man came in and said: “I think I have heard the Indi-
ans’ whoop down towards Black Rock.” They rose up, my
mother took the tablecloth for a flag and waved it out of a
window, the west chamber window at the head of the stairs;
and seeing an Indian running by the house she looked to see
where he was going, and saw Sarah running towards Mo-
hawk Street. The old hired man was trying to run, too, but
he stumbled and the Indian helped to lift him up and took
some vermilion and painted his face. So, seeing that, Sarah
turned back and shook hands with the Indian, and he painted
her face. She returned to the house.
Then there came along the British officer on horseback
and stopped near the house and said, “Why did you not go
away ?” Mother told him she had nowhere to go. He said
he had just seen a sad sight in that house over the way, and
mother said she thought Mrs. Lovejoy had provoked the
Indian.
When the officer saw the paint on Sarah’s face he asked
how that came to be so. She told how she attempted to run
away on seeing the Indian that morning, but as she saw he
was not disposed to murder the old hired man, she turned
back and was painted, too. The officer looked very angry
about it and told her to go and wash it off. She said if the
Indian should see her again she was afraid he would be dis-
pleased. He said he would insure her safety. She then
went and washed her face.
The officer rode along and the Indians commenced burn-
ing the houses again. Burning Mr. Lovejoy’s and Mr.
Bemis’s house over the way, opposite ours, and all were
burned and the sentinels removed. After all was quiet that
Indian, Carr, returned and burned the large house, saying
if left it would be a rendezvous for four thousand men be-
fore the next night.
In a few days we returned and all our neighbors came
into town and the mothers from Bloomfield came out to
Buffalo to identify their sons, who had been killed andHOMESTEAD OF ERASTUS GRANGER, TO WHICH MANY REFUGEES FLED, DECEMBER, 1613
Drawn by John R. Chapin in i8gi, from data furnished by Judge Granger’s descendants. The site of the house is still
marked by two old Lombardy poplars, in the east part of Forest Lawn cemetery,
not far from Main Street.848
BURNING OF BUFFALO.
buried in a mound in the grave-ground.2 They had been
buried without coffins. My mother gave the Bloomfield
people refreshments and they warmed by the fire and seemed
to be sadly afflicted.
In a few days, Judge Granger said to my mother that his
family were in Canandaigua and' he was going there to
stay the remainder of the winter, that he was afraid to leave
his house empty for fear it would be filled with soldiers;
that he would leave his sisters, Mrs. Remington and her
family alid Mrs. Forward and her family, and he would give
a room or two to my mother if she would move out there,
and that woul% leave no room for the quartermaster to take.
So we made r^ady to accept Judge Granger’s kind offer,
and moved to His place out on the Three-mile Creek. Be-
fore moving, mothfer rented the small house to Mr. Holden
Allen, father of Levi Allen, for $300.
By the kindness of an aunt, Mrs. Philander Bennett’s
mother, part of the family were carried away to Oneida
County and the younger part, with my mother, moved out to
the Granger farm. We were very comfortable, with old
John Puffinburg to take care of all of the families and a very
large flock of sheep.
2. This burial was probably in the old Franklin-square cemetery, now the
site of the City Hall. There were however many burials of soldiers during
and after the war, at other points in the present city; some on the Terrace,
some in what is now Delaware Avenue below Eagle, and others in old “Sandy
Town,” below the Terrace, on the banks of the Niagara, and at several places in
Black Rock.A BUFFALO BOY OF 1813
HIS RECOLLECTIONS OF THE WAR OF l8l2, AND THE
BURNING OF BUFFALO
BY WILLIAM HODGE i
Sixty-four years ago this 31st day of December, 1877,
then village of Buffalo was laid in ashes by the British. In
reviewing the events of that memorable day I do not wish to
criticise any statements that have been made in histories or
newspapers concerning the movements of our troops, or any
of the occurrences of that time, but having passed more
years in Buffalo than any man now living and feeling as
great if not a greater interest than others in the past, present
and future of our city, I feel justified in pointing out and
correcting some of the errors that have gone into history
concerning the burning of Buffalo and in stating facts, most
of them of my own personal knowledge and recollection, in
their stead.
In the summer campaign of 1813 our army was with-
drawn from Canada and upon doing so our commander,
General McClure, after blowing up Fort George, very un-
wisely and unnecessarily burned Newark, now known as
Niagara, Ont. This proceeding greatly enraged the Cana-
dians and they boldly declared that they would be revenged
by burning some of our villages, and Buffalo especially
1. The reminiscences here printed, of the burning of Buffalo, by one who
witnessed it and shared in the events of the time, contain some details not else-
where recorded, and correct some statements in the histories. The account was
written in Mr. Hodge’s old age, on the sixty-fourth anniversary of the principal
events described, and is here printed from a paper deposited with the Buffalo-
Historical Society. Mr. Hodge died April 24, 1887.350
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
should be destroyed by fire; and all the residents of Buffalo
felt that if possible they would carry out this intended re-
taliation.
In consequence of this and the presence of the English
troops across the river, militia men were raised in different
parts of our country and sent on to Buffalo for protection.
For a number of weeks and up to the time the British crossed
the river they continued to pour into the village until it was
said we had between 3,000 and 4,000 men under arms. The
British force that crossed afterwards proved to have
amounted to 1,200 regulars and 200 or 300 Indians.
It was supposed our army was of strength sufficient to
whip and drive back any force that would be sent against us.
I remember well how much our commander, General
Hall, was censured for rousing our men from their slumbers
and marching them down Niagara Street, on one of the dark-
est of dark nights, to meet the British regulars in open fight
and allowing our troops to be outflanked by the Indians,
whose savage yells coming on all sides from an unseen foe,
were enough to frighten even bolder hearts than were pos-
sessed by these new recruits, but a few days from their
farms and homes. It was the universal judgment that our
men should have been kept where they were and prepared to
meet the enemy when they should arrive near the village,
which would have been after daylight.
Upon examination of the different historical accounts of
the events that took place in our immediate vicinity on the
day Buffalo was burned, I fail to find anything of a full and
correctly detailed description, but find some statements pub-
lished in the journals of the day, written evidently by those
who knew but little of the actual facts, or certainly they
would not have been so incorrect.
My father and his family were absent from our home but
one week. Our house being burned, we returned and lived
in a house near by and put up an addition immediately.
My father kept a public house or tavern all through and
after this war, and the house was thronged with company.
All battles and events of the war were fully related and dis-BURNING OF BUFFALO.
851
cussed in our bar-room, and I, although but a boy, heard
much that was said, as I was required to be there much of
the time to wait on the guests.
Boys hear and remember many things that older people
sometimes forget or think of not sufficient importance to put
on record as a matter of history; but history is made up of
little things, which, placed in detail, help to make up the
whole.
I will endeavor to state as I remember them and as I
heard them many times related, and over and over again re-
peated during the weeks and months immediately following
the day of the burning.
For some days previous and until the morning of that
day, there had been a company of our cavalry stationed at
my father's public house on the hill just above Cold Spring.
It was a patrol of this company which, between one and two
o'clock on the morning of Dec. 30, 1813, first discovered the
British on this side.
They had landed a short distance below Squaw Island,
then had marched up and crossed Scajaquada Creek on the
old bridge, which was not far from its mouth, and continu-
ing their march had easily captured our lower battery. This
battery was nearly at the head of Squaw Island. They had
met with but little opposition from their first landing to this
place. At or near this place they were met by our militia.
It had gotten to be nearly daylight. About this time another
force of the enemy crossed and landed nearly opposite where
their first body stood formed in line. At tliis point the battle
was fought.
Many of our men on the march from the village down to
Black Rock had left the ranks and when our force met the
enemy, more than half of our militia had deserted and fled
through the woods. Those who remained fought well for a
time, but very soon broke their ranks and fled, and then en-
sued a general stampede of our entire force into and through
the woods. The enemy continued their march up the Black
Rock road, or Niagara Street, meeting with no opposition
excepting from the brave Col. Cyrenius Chapin and a few352
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
followers who brought to bear on them a small field piece.
It was commonly reported after the battle of that morning
that the British officers had said that they were on the point
of surrendering to our force and if our men had stood their
ground and given them one more volley they would have
done so.
These erroneous statements published in many of the
eastern newspapers were probably obtained from those who
first left the scene of action (if they were in it at all) and
the editors of course published the first accounts they could
get, which undoubtedly came from those who first ran away.
There were a number of our neighbors and townsmen in
the battle that morning; among them two of my uncles,
Loring and Alfred Hodge. After the battle these two re-
turned to their homes in the vicinity of Cold Spring and
with their father, Benjamin Hodge, Sr., and their brother,
William Hodge, were the last to leave the neighborhood,
and it was not until the flames were doing their destroying
work down in the village.
After our men had broken ranks and commenced to run
there was no such thing as stopping them. They took to
the woods in an easterly direction and when they came out
the fields between the Guide Board road and Cold Spring
were covered with our “gallant” soldiery. One man
wounded in the shoulder by a musket ball came across the
fields to the house of the widow Cotton, a near neighbor.
While George W. Cotton, her son, was getting off the man’s
coat to examine arfd dress the wound, the cry was so strong
that the British and Indians were coming, that the wounded
man would not wait but ran across the road and into the
woods following scores of others upon a full run. And yet
Mrs. Cotton and her family and most of the other families in
the village had not as yet left their homes. The fact is that
our militia army and most of the officers were far ahead of
the inhabitants in fleeing before the enemy that morning;
the officers showing and practicing as much cowardice as
the men.BURNING OF BUFFALO.
353
There was a feeble effort made to rally the men at the
Cold Spring, but they could no more be stopped than a flock
of sheep when they once get started to go by you. At Wil-
liamsville bridge they succeeded better, some being stopped
there and continuing to keep a guard at that place.
In the Manlius Times, published Jan. 4, 1814, there is an
account published, and copied into the appendix of Ketch-
urn’s “History of Buffalo,” of the battle of the 30th ult., the
day Buffalo was burned, which contains several errors.
It states that the skirmish that took place with our militia
was when the enemy landed, and lasted several hours; while
in truth, our force stationed there being small, retreated
almost immediately. Again it says: “Toward daylight a
body of regulars, from 800 to 1,000, with cannon, etc.,
landed at the mouth of Buffalo Creek, directly above the
village.” This is entirely false. Then it says: “Our men
finding themselves attacked on both flanks, immediately re-
treated or rather fled through the woods on to the road near
Major Miller’s” (at Cold Spring). As far as the retreating
or fleeing is concerned this is true, but then it proceeds with:
“Here Gen. Hall rallied them and conducted them towards
Buffalo, where they met the enemy, and considerable hard
fighting took place.” This is not true. There was no march-
ing back, no rallying and no fighting. This must have been
written by one who drew largely on his imagination.
From a letter in Ketchum’s history dated Jan. 3, 1814, to
General Porter at Albany, I quote the following: “The
enemy then (that was after the battle) marched to Buffalo,
a detachment taking the road to Granger’s mills” (on Sca-
jaquada Creek). This was not so, as none of the enemy
went out there that day with the exception of some scouting
Indians. Some few Indians did come up the Guide Board
road (now North Street) and shot at our people as they were
passing on Main Street, wounding one man in the knee, but
they did not come up as far as the main road.
What little Mr. Turner says in his “History of the Hol-
land Purchase” in relation to the battle of that day is correct,354
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
excepting where he says: “Looking up Main Street Judge
Walden saw a small force approaching, and immediately
started to meet it. It proved to be a detachment of forty
regular soldiers under the command of Lieut. Riddle march-
ing in to save the village/' etc. I think this statement must
be without any good foundation as I never had heard or seen
any account of such an event. If it had been a fact I think
some of us would have known of it and it would have been
spoken of at that time or immediately after.
Our family fled from our home late that morning, not
until the enemy had arrived in the village. We were on the
road all the way to Williams ville and three miles beyond and
nothing was seen or heard of any soldiers going toward
Buffalo. The fact is all had their faces turned toward the
other way and seemed to be in a great hurry.
Another account says: “The enemy remained on this side
until Saturday." This, too, is a mistake. They all returned
across the river the same day they came (Thursday). It
was known afterwards that they said they dared not remain
over night, fearing their retreat would be cut off. These
things were spoken of at that time and I have no doubt were
true.
It is well known that some of the enemy returned the fol-
lowing Saturday and finished their work of destruction by
burning the few remaining buildings on the outskirts of the
village. They also took about thirty citizens as prisoners
and carried them over to Canada. On this same Saturday
a half-blood British Indian came on to the main road just
above Cold Spring to my father's joiner shop where some
household goods and clothing were stored. He proceeded to
make up a bundle of such things as he desired, brought them
out and laid them over the fence. He then went to Mr.
Hodge's dwelling house which had just been set on fire by
the enemy, took a brand and crossed the road to set the barn
which stood across the street on fire. Just then a company
of our horsemen came up from towards Cold Spring and
took him prisoner.BURNING OF BUFFALO.
355
The same day, a little before this occurrence, three British
Indians came into the back door of Major Miller’s tavern at
Cold Spring. They found in the house a Mrs. Martin, an
inmate of the major’s family. They were about to set fire
to the house when Mrs. Martin delayed them by furnishing
food, as they seemed to be somewhat hungry. Mrs. Martin
had been informed that there would be a company of horse-
men there soon, and was desirous of preventing them setting
the house on fire until they arrived. They did come gallop-
ing up while the Indians were yet eating, who, when they
discovered our horsemen, left the house by the same way
they came, but in a far greater hurry, and ran across the
fields into the woods. This company of horsemen was under
the command of Colonel Totman, and had been stationed for
the day at Atkins’ tavern, the “Old Homestead,” on Buffalo
Plains.
It is related at the time that while stationed there one of
the horsemen gave chase to an Indian on Walden’s Hill.
The Indian jumped the fence and was making good time
across the fields towards the woods when a man opened the
fence for the horseman to pass through, who, putting his
horse at high speed, overtook the Indian before he reached
the woods and cut him down with his sabre.
Colonel Totman was shot from his horse on that day and
instantly killed, by a British horseman. He fell from his
horse by the side of the road, directly opposite to where
Riley Street enters Main. His body was carried out to the
Harris Hill Tavern by laying it across a horse’s back, and I
saw his body that evening lying on the bar-room table. The
Indian that was taken while trying to fire our barn was put
in charge of a Dr. Tourtlelot, who, in company with an-
other man, escorted him out to or near Batavia, where he
was shot and killed. They reported that he attempted to
make his escape.
The people living at a distance from the scene of war
were more frightened than those who were in the immediate
vicinity. This was shown by many families living fifteen to356
BURNING OF BUFFALO.
twenty miles away from Buffalo moving away from their
homes on the morning the village was burned, and not re-
turning until the following spring, their houses in the mean-
time being occupied oftentimes by those whose homes in the
village had been burned.IN THE MIDST OF ALARMS
EXPERIENCES OF BUFFALO FAMILIES UNDER THE FIRE OF
THE ENEMY IN THE WAR OF l8l2
BY MRS. BENJAMIN BIDWELL1
About the last of October, 1812, we were alarmed by the
British firing across the Niagara river, though nothing seri-
ous occurred) until our men crossed and cut out the two ves -
sels then stationed off Fort Erie, which caused great excite-
ment. While trying to bring them across one of them got
away and floated down the river, landing on the out side of
Squaw Island, where she grounded, and the British burned
her. The other, they brought over safe and landed her in
Scajaquada creek. While General Schuyler was giving
orders to his men to get ropes from a storehouse to tow her
down, a cannon-ball took his head off, as he sat on his
horse. This caused a still greater alarm, and the inhabi-
tants one and all sought safe places of refuge.
My husband, Benjamin Bidwell, came home at sunrise
and requested me to get ready to go with him to his sister's
1. Now first printed from a manuscript dated “Buffalo, Feb. 22, 1864,”
deposited with the Buffalo Historical Society. Mrs. Bidwell was the wife of
Benjamin Bidwell, of the firm of Bidwell & Banta, pioneer ship-builders of
Buffalo. He died Dec. 21, 1862. She came from Connecticut to Buffalo in
1810, and at her death, March 4, 1875, there were few in Buffalo who had
lived here so long as she. She had nine children, the eldest, John, being the
child whom she carried in her arms when she fled from British cannon-balls.
Another son was the lamented General Daniel D. Bidwell, killed at Cedar
Creek, Va., Oct. ig, 1864, while fighting for the Union. His memory is pre-
served in Buffalo by the names of Bid well-Wilkeson Post, G. A. R., Bidwell
Parkway, etc. For a sketch of the Bidwell family, see the Buffalo Times,
June 9, 1901.358
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
Mrs. Stanard’s, who lived across a small run near by, not
more than ioo feet distant. As the cellar to her house was
barricaded we thought it a safe retreat; but while we were
going to Mrs. Stanard’s a cannon-ball passed us, the con-
cussion of which threw down a little girl I was leading by
the hand, but no injury was done her. My child being sick,
I was obliged to carry him in my arms.
When we arrived at our sister’s, we concluded the woods
would be a safer place, accordingly we directed our journey
thither, where we met with many of our acquaintances;
among others, Mrs. Sill and Mrs. Sealey, with their fam-
ilies. Mrs. Sill sent to her house for provisions and cooking
utensils. After we had kindled a fire and had the breakfast
nearly ready, another cannon-ball took possession of it,
scattering it all over the woods; whereupon we thought best
to scatter ourselves and not wait for the enemy’s balls to
do it.
Mr. Bidwell went back to Mr. Stanard’s barn, harnessed
the horses, hitched them to the wagon, returned to the
woods, took all the children and such as could not walk, in
the wagon; and leaving the rest to follow, we went out to
Cold Springs and stopped with Mr. Hodge, where we suc-
ceeded in getting our breakfast after 4 o’clock p. m. After
tarrying with Mr. Hodge one night and two days, we re-
turned to our homes.
Some two or three weeks after this, a party of soldiers
and sailors crossed the river, spiked the cannon and burned
the barracks just opposite our house. A house belonging
to Mr. Douglas they made their quarters, where they kept
their prisoners and their dead and wounded, and brought
Lieut. King to a house across the road from our house,
where he remained until his death from wounds. While he
was there, I did his cooking.
We were next disturbed on Sunday the 15th of July,
when the alarm was given that the redcoats had crossed the
river and were marching on Buffalo, taking our men pris-
oners as they went along. Col. Bishops [Bisshopp], com-
manding the expedition of the redcoats, came to me, wishingBURNING OF BUFFALO.
859
to enter a grocery owned by Mr. Williams, which had been
left in my possession, under the plea of wishing to buy tea
and tobacco. As there was none, he found a cask of goods
that was to be sent to Fort George. Being anxious to see
its contents he took his sword and commenced ripping it
open. While doing so, the trumpet sounded and he left
for the battlefield. Where the house built afterwards by
General Porter now stands, Col. Bisshopp was shot from
his horse. They took him to the beach, placed him in a
boat to carry him across the river, and he died.
The next day, Monday, we left our home and went to the
Plains, stopping with Mr. Atkins one week, when we again
returned to our homes, where we remained until Lewiston
was burned. Being again alarmed, we went to Mr. Curtiss’
place on the Plains and stayed about ten days. In the mean-
time the Government had possession of our home for quar-
ters.
We did not return again until after the burning of Buf-
falo. Our house being burned with the rest, we went from
Mr. Curtiss’s to Harris’ tavern, beyond Eleven-mile creek.
From there we went to Spooner’s tavern, where we found
a great many from Buffalo, the Wells and Johnson families
and others. From there we started for Kinderhook on the
North river. We did not return until the next August.
In the following November we rebuilt part of our house.
During a great part of the time Mr. Bidwell was engaged in
building the fleet at Sackett’s Harbor and Erie, and at the
burning of Buffalo he was one of the volunteers who started
from Cold Springs to try and protect Buffalo, and drive the
redcoats back. At the time Col. Bisshopp was shot, Mr.
Bidwell and Mr. Stanard were engaged in making oars for
the Government.ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE,
Head-Quarters, Quebec, 8th Jany. 1814
GENERAL ORDERS.
IS EXCELLENCY THE COMMANDER OP THE FORCES
has the satisfaction of announcing to the Troops, that he has received
patch from Lieut. General Drummond, reporting the complete success
of an attack that was made at day break, on the morning of the 30i.h Decem-
ber, on the Enemy’s position at. Black Rock, where he was advantageously
posted, with upwards of 2000 men, and after a short, but severe contest, the
Enemy was repulsed in the most gallant manner, and pursued in his retreat U>
Buffalo, where he attempted to make a stand, but on receiving a few rounds
from the.British Field Pieces, he abandoned that-Post also> and fled with pre-
cipitation to the 11 Mile Creek, -on Lake Erie, leaving 7 Field Pieces, and 4*
Schooners and Sloops, with a considerable quantity of Ordnance and other
valuable Stores, which have fallen into our hands.—The Enemy suffered se-
verely, but from the rapidity of his flight, 70 Prisoners only, are taken, a-
mong whom is Doctor or Lieut. Colonel Chapin.
The Corps under Major General Riall, consisted of Detachments from the
Royal Scots, 8U\ (or King’s) 41st, and the Flank Companies of the 89th and
100th Regiments, the whole not exceeding 1000 men.
* The Lieutenant General bestows the highest praise upon the undaunted
courageand. patient submission of the Troops, in contempt of the incle-
mency of ,ifie Weather, and the hardships to which they were exposed.
No British Officer* has fallen on this occasion : Lieut. Col. Ogilvie, 8th, (or
King’s,) and Capt. Fawcett, 100th Grenadiers, were wounded, and it is sup?-
posed our loss does not exceed 25 killed, and 50 wounded
Black Rock, and Buffalo, were Burnt previous to their evacuation by our
Troops, together with all the Public Buildings and the Four Vessels. A con-
siderable quantity of Stores having been sent away before the conflagration.
FACSIMILE OF BRITISH GENERAL ORDERS, ANNOUNCING THE
BURNING OF BUFFALO AND BLACK ROCK.
EDWARD BAYNES,
Adjutant General, N. A.
(Reduced one-thirdJ
From an original issue in the library of the Buffalo Historical Society.A PIONEER PATRIOT
NARRATIVE OF A NOTABLE DEFENDER OF THE NIAGARA
FRONTIER IN THE STRENUOUS OLD DAYS
BY DANIEL BRAYMAN i
I was born in Connecticut, Sept. 16, 1788; married Oct.
6, 1809, Miss Anna English, at Exeter, Otsego Co., N. Y.
She was born January, 1786, in Nova Scotia. We came to
Buffalo March 18, 1810, and lived near Cold Spring.
Buffalo was then a small village with two or three stores.
One was kept by Samuel Pratt and another by Vincent
Grant. A small tavern stood near the corner of Main and
Crow (now Exchange) streets. This was kept by Joseph
Landon. There was also another one on West Seneca near
Main Street, ------ Cook, proprietor. Messrs. Harris and
Reese had a blacksmith shop near the Terrace. There were
one or two other blacksmiths in the place and also one tailor
by the name of Sackreider. No church graced the village
and there was no preaching except occasional sermons by
traveling missionaries.
Main Street was a very muddy country road. Near
where Court Street now is, was a large growth of oak shrub-
1. These reminiscences of Daniel Brayman were written out for him,
Feb. 24, 1864, by his grandson, Mr. George D. Emerson, and deposited with
the Buffalo Historical Society. Mr. Brayman died Aug. 5, 1867, at Spring-
field, 111.
A son of this pioneer and soldier of the early Buffalo was Mason Bray-
man, born in Buffalo in 1813, and in 1835 editor of the Buffalo Bulletin, the
first daily paper in Buffalo. He was admitted to the bar in 1836, served with
distinction in the Civil War, and was an early Governor of Idaho territory. He
was a man of many accomplishments and achievements. He died Feb. 27, 1895.
An excellent sketch of his career, with portrait, is contained in the Buffalo
Express, March 10, 1895.362
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
bery and between the Terrace and Buffalo creek was a large
swamp tenanted by thousands of frogs. The ground, now
laid out in those beautiful avenues North and South Division
streets, was then also very wet and swampy.
The village continued to increase until the war broke out.
This was declared on the 17th of June, 1812. Our Cana-
dian neighbors received the news before we did, as the first
intimation we had of war was the seizure of the vessel Ex-
periment. She was one of the first boats that sailed on
Lake Erie.2 Buffalo then had no harbor and it was cus-
tomary for the vessels to start from Black Rock, come up
the river, and lay off Buffalo, sending into shore for the
load. It was a calm, quiet day and the Experiment had
taken up position a little way in the lake to receive her
cargo from Buffalo, when the British soldiers in and around
Fort Erie crossed over in their small boats, boarded and cap-
tured the vessel. We then knew that war had been de-
clared.
This was in the afternoon of the 27th of June. About
sunset that evening Capt. Hannon came drumming along
for a guard to defend Buffalo. I shouldered my musket and
started. We assembled on the Terrace, which was then a
low bluff, to the number of forty-five men armed and
equipped with such weapons and munitions as could be
gathered at a moment’s notice. A grand army surely to re-
sist the veterans of England should they take a notion to
come ! We were the first ones that performed duty in Buf-
falo. We paraded and blustered around that evening, mak-
ing a considerable noise, but I am not aware that anybody
was very seriously injured. The militia began to arrive soon
after and our magnificent corps-d’armee was disbanded.
Niagara Street then ran straight from the hill to the river
and the first battery was built near where the street came
out. I shouldered my shovel and helped throw up the work.
2. The Experiment was a schooner of thirty tons, built at Buffalo before
the War of 1812, but can hardly be called “one of the first boats” on Lake
Erie, since the British had several vessels on the lake from 1761, and several
American vessels were built at Lake Erie ports before the Experiment.BURNING OF BUFFALO.
363
In July, 1813, the British crossed over below Scajaquada
creek. A bridge spanned the stream and a sentinel had been
stationed there to give the alarm should the enemy come.
On the rise of ground above the creek a blockhouse had been
built which was then garrisoned by a few men. The sen-
tinel saw the redcoats coming but instead of alarming the
garrison he, to use a modern war-phrase, “skedaddled,”
throwing away his gun without even firing it off and by the
next morning was somewhere near Williamsville. The
British observing by the quietness that reigned that all were
asleep in the blockhouse, for it was but little after midnight,
quietly stole by, proceeded up the road, burned the barracks
and made their way back to their boats, before any consid-
erable number had been aroused. Gen. Peter B. Porter,
however, saw them coming and hastily springing through
his back door made his escape with nothing on, it is said,
but a certain linen garment.
In the winter of 1813, just before the burning of the vil-
lage, it was rumored that the British were about to cross
over on the ice from Point Abino and attack Buffalo. An
expedition was immediately organized under, I think, Peter
B. Porter, to give them a warm reception should they come.
I harnessed my team and took out quite a load of young fel-
lows. We went out on the ice and took up position near
Point Abino. We took with us one 6-pounder, but after
waiting quite a while no Britons appeared and we returned
home. Gen. Amos Hall was then in command of the troops
in Buffalo. His doings were but a continuation of that in-
competence and mismanagement that had brought disgrace
and defeat to our arms.
On the morning of the 30th of December the British
forces consisting of regulars and Indians crossed over and
took up position near the battery. Several attempts were
made to dislodge them but owing to want of skill and num-
bers the parties were repulsed and dispersed each time, part
being killed, part wounded and the rest probably thinking
that discretion was the better part of valor would take to
their heels. This policy was continued until the number of364
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
men was reduced to about 600. These fought for a while
until orders were received from Gen. Hall to retreat, or as
the expression was, for each man to take care of himself.
They retreated to the woods in their rear but found them
occupied by the Indians. A fierce fight ensued and many
were killed and scalped. It was about 10 o’clock p. m. when
the fight ended. The enemy did not come up that evening.
About 8 o’clock I was at the quartermaster’s department,
but learning that 2,700 rations had been drawn that day, re-
turned home feeling perfectly safe. I saw that day thirteen
bodies of the killed laying at Reese’s blacksmith shop. It
was a bitter cold day and the bodies were frozen stiff just
as the men had died. They were in all conceivable postures.
Legs and arms twisted around in all shapes; the gaping
wounds, the mangled heads torn by the ruthless scalping
knife, all formed a sight horrible to behold.
One valiant captain, before going into the action, made
a speech to his men and wound up by telling them to stand
by their captain—to stick by him and all would be well. But
a shell happening to explode near him, he probably thought
he had business somewhere else, and he turned and took
what a thief would call “leg bail.” His men, remembering
his last caution, also turned and ran. One of the fellows
said he tried to obey orders, but after sticking close to his
captain’s heels for about four miles, gave out, the captain
being too tough for him.
The troops engaged were principally raw militia and
seeing for the first time the bursting shells and the rockets,
and hearing the whistling of the bullets and the horrid yells
of the savages, and influenced by incompetent and cowardly
commanders, it is no wonder that they did not fight better.
That evening (the 30th) a man came along and reported
that the British and Indians were coming. I did not credit
the story and went to bed. The people of Black Rock and
Buffalo seemed to think different from me, for we could
hear all night long the tramp of the fugitives. Wagons and
horses were not plenty then and most of the panic-struck
ones fled on foot. Before daybreak next morning MajorBURNING OF BUFFALO.
365
Miller came to our house and rousing us up told us that we
must leave—that the British were coming to burn the town
and that all the militia had ran away. I immediately har-
nessed up my team and made preparations to leave. Mrs.
Brayman put her bake-kettle with bread in it, some pork
and other things, into the wagon. The town was now about
deserted, and seeing it was useless to remain we started.
We overtook the fugitives this side of Eleven-mile creek,
which we reached a little after sunrise. We went to Hen-
shaw’s tavern but found it deserted, the occupants having
left it in such haste as even to leave the breakfast dishes on
the table. Mrs. Brayman cooked our breakfast here and in
a little while we started on. We could then see the smoke
issuing from burning Buffalo. We continued on about three
miles, finding empty houses plenty—the panic having been
as great if not greater than at Buffalo. We went into one
house where the folks had thrown everything into the gar-
den. Butter, lard, pork, feathers from the beds, etc., lay
around in sweet confusion. We tried to straighten out mat-
ters but the owners not returning until spring we remained
in the house during the winter.
In March, 1814, we returned to Buffalo. Only one small
house, Mrs. St. John’s, had been spared the general destruc-
tion. Quite a number had come back before we did and had
improvised houses in every manner. Some had built little
shanties, while others had merely roofed their cellars. The
village was partially rebuilt during the summer (1814) and
things began to assume their old shape. During this sum-
mer the battles of Chippewa, Lundy’s Lane and Fort Erie
were fought. Although living at Cold Spring I distinctly
heard the guns fired at Lundy’s Lane. This battle com-
menced a little after noon and continued until near mid-
night. Shortly after the action our forces retreated down
the peninsula to Fort Erie, the English troops following in
close pursuit. For six weeks our army was besieged in the
fort, the British batteries extending in a circle around them
from the river above to the river below the fort. I could
hear the cannon fire off -every little while night and day.366
BURNING OF BUFFALO.
Finding they made no progress in a siege the British at-
tempted to take the fort by storm. The assault was made
towards morning on the 3d of August. We heard the can-
non and small arms fiercely rattling away and I immediately
rose. Pretty soon we heard the explosion of the magazine.
Thinking that it was all over with our brave boys I mounted
my horse and rode to the river’s edge. I remained there
until morning in an agony of suspense, but when the first
beams of day tinted the sky and unfolded to view in all its
original lustre our glorious flag yet waving in triumph over
the beleaguered fort, I then felt inexpressibly relieved. Gen.
Porter succeeded in raising a force of 400 gallant young
men and they crossed over to the relief of their besieged
countrymen. A sortie was made from the fort and the be-
sieging force routed and dispersed. Our troops then crossed
to Buffalo. During the summer I was engaged consider-
ably in teaming for the army, drawing quartermaster stores,
etc., and that winter I took up on the ice a load of sailors for
Commodore Perry’s fleet. In August, 1815, I left Buffalo
and came to Hamburg, where I have since resided.
Daniel Brayman.
Feb. 24, 1864.A GUARDSMAN OF BUFFALO
DEPOSITION OF BUFFALOES PIONEER PRINTER, A PARTICIPANT
IN THE OPENING EVENTS OF THE WAR OF l8l2.
BY HEZEKIAH A. SALISBURY l
I lived in the village of Buffalo—was one of the printers
of the Buffalo Gazette. On the receipt of the declaration of
war, delivered by the United States against Great Britain,
June 17, 1812 [I] formed associations with others to stand
guard, when the regular military could not act. I continued
this from time to time until the burning of Buffalo, Dec. 30,
1813.
In the summer of 1813 it was thought that Black Rock
was exposed to an invasion from the other side. I, under
the command of Colonel Chapin, assisted by Colonel Adams
and Major Stanton, State volunteers, crossed over to Can-
ada, where we took a provincial lieutenant and brought away
a boat.
On Sunday morning the nth of July, just before day-
light, Colonels Bisshopp and Warren with about 250 of the
41st, 49th and King's regiments, crossed the Niagara below
Squaw Island, and marched far above the navy-yard, before
1. Here printed from a manuscript deposited with the Buffalo Historical
Society by Elias O. Salisbury, in June, 1895, consisting of an extract from
the Buffalo Gazette of July 13, 1813, and a sworn statement by Hezekiah A.
Salisbury, dated March 11, 1856, certifying to its truth. Mr. Salisbury was
born in Gloucester, R. I., Feb. 24, 1789, was one of Buttalo’s pioneer printers,
and died in Buffalo, March 14, 1856, eighteen days after having sworn to and
subscribed the paper here printed.868
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
any alarm was given. The detached militia at Black Rock,
being surprised, retreated up the beach, and left the enemy
in the undisturbed possession of the village. They immedi-
ately burned the sailors’ barracks at the great battery. They
then proceeded to the batteries, dismounted and spiked three
12-pounders, and took away three field-pieces and one 12-
pounder; and also took away from the beach and store-
house a quantity of whiskey, salt, flour, pork, etc., but to
what amount is not known. Messrs. Joseph Sill, A. Stanard,
Mr. Seelye and I. Caskay were taken across the river.
Major Adams, at the moment of retreat, dispatched an
express to Buffalo. A part of his men came to Buffalo;
the remainder left the beach and made the road leading from
Buffalo to Black Rock, and took post near the road. When
the express arrived at Buffalo Captain Cummins of the
regular army, with 100 infantry and dragoons, marched for
the Rock. Perceiving, however, that the enemy was ad-
vantageously posted at the upper battery, with a superior
force, [he] very prudently returned to Buffalo. Captain
Bull had not collected his company, which was considerably
augmented by volunteers.
From the first moment of the alarm, General Porter left
Black Rock for Buffalo, and was actively employed in ar-
ranging the subsequent operations, and encouraging volun-
teers. The alarm came to the neighborhood of Major Mil-
ler’s and Judge Granger’s early, and in a short time thirty
or forty volunteers came from the Plains. About thirty
Indians, which were stationed at Judge Granger’s, came
down and all the forces formed a junction within about one
mile of the enemy. General Porter, with 100 detached
militia under Major Adams, took the left, the regulars and
Buffalo volunteers the center; and Captain William Hull,
with about thirty volunteers from the Plains, and thirty
Indians under Farmer’s Brother, formed the right.
It was expected that the enemy had posted two field-
pieces at the barracks to rake the road; and it being there-
fore imprudent to advance the center until the enemy were
forced from their position, the right and left moved on theBURNING OF BUFFALO.
369
enemy’s flanks. The left commenced the attack, which was
quickly seconded and ably supported by the right. The right
wing being pretty well concealed, they suffered but little
from the evening’s fire. After a contest of fifteen or twenty
minutes, the enemy left their position at the barracks, and
by the time the center began to move, at the sound of the
bugle, he retreated precipitately with the utmost disorder
and confusion, to the beach, at the lower store-house, and
embarked in several of our boats and pulled for the opposite
shore. All the boats except the last, it is believed, got off
without injury, but the hindmost boat was much exposed to
our fire, and from the appearance of the boat the crew must
have been nearly all killed or wounded.
The British lost eight killed on the field, and five
wounded, besides those killed and wounded in the boat, and
fifteen prisoners were taken. Captain Sanders [Saunders]
of the 49th was mortally wounded while stepping into the
boat. He stated that Colonel Bisshopp was badly wounded
and carried into the boat, also that several others killed and
wounded were carried into the boats. Our loss was three
killed and five wounded and probably a few taken prisoners.
The killed were Jonathan Thompson of Caledonia, Sergeant
Hartman of Riga and Joseph Wright of Black Rock. Nearly
half of the militia (Major Adams informs us) had gone
home. Those who remained did their duty like soldiers.
Young King and another Indian were wounded.
It is now more than a year since the declaration of war,
and this is the first attempt of the enemy to invade Black
Rock; and considering the repulse they have met with it
will not certainly redound to their credit when the force
was composed of veteran troops who had seen service, and
ours consisting of militia and new recruits who had, very
few of them, been in an engagement before.
During the whole day, the roads leading to Buffalo were
filled with volunteers, from the different towns.
Since the above was in type, we have been informed, that
the enemy took a quantity of goods from Sill’s store, and
from buildings which were deserted some plunder was taken.370
BURNING OF BUFFALO.
[The above extract was taken from an editorial article
in the Buffalo Gazette of Tuesday, July 13, 1813.]
Captain Bull’s volunteer company immediately mustered
upon hearing of the invasion and were earnestly addresssed
by General Porter, and marched towards Black Rock, par-
ticipated in the action above mentioned, and continued en-
gaged until the enemy’s final retreat. I was a member of
Captain Bull’s company, and participated in the services of
the day.
H. A. Salisbury.THE AFFAIR OF JUNE 4, 1813
FROJM A MANUSCRIFT WRITTEN IN 1871 AND DEPOSITED WITH
THE BUFFALO HISTORICAL SOCIETY
BY JAMES AIGIN
On the 4th of June, 1813, not far from midnight, about
300 to 400 British regulars with two colonels, commanded
if memory serves me true by Col. Bishop [Bisshopp], landed
at Black Rock without any opposition, for the purpose of
celebrating the birthday of George III.
At that time Gen. Peter B. Porter was an old bachelor,
but kept house. He was awakened early in the morning by
the noise made by some British officers who were ordering
his housekeeper to get their breakfast. The general jumped
out of the second-story window and put for Buffalo. About
opposite where Mr. E. D. Efner’s house now is, but on
Niagara Street, lived a negro by the name of Franklin.
From him Gen. Porter got an old gray horse to ride. He
passed on to Buffalo to rally the troops. A British officer
appeared before the Grand Battery, commanded by Major
Parmenia Adams, and demanded its surrender. The major
told him he was not the commander, it was General Porter.
As soon as the officer left, the major with 250 men left for
Buffalo.
In the meantime about sixty dismounted dragoons
(United States troops), started to meet the enemy. As they
passed our house my father fell into the ranks with them.
I, like all boys, was anxious to see what was going on. I
started after them, but kept at a respectable distance back,372
BURNING OF BUFFALO.
so that my father would not see me. These men went to
where Franklin (the black man I have referred to) lived.
There the officer commanding concluded it was not prudent
to attack the enemy with so small a force, so they turned
back for Buffalo.
When I saw them returning I hid in the bushes alongside
of the road. After they had passed I returned to the road.
I had been but a short time in the road when I heard a man
halloo to me, asking me if I had seen- any British. I told
him I had not. He then hallooed to the men to come on,
when out from the woods came Major Adams and his men.
They went on to Buffalo.
General Porter rallied all the force he could in Buffalo,
with about ioo Indians under Farmer’s Brother. He
mounted nine or ten dragoons and started for Black Rock
with quite a force. When they got within a short distance
of the Grand Battery they gave an Indian yell and charged
the British, who were not in line but scattered all over. Their
boats lay in the river below. They ran for them. The
mounted dragoons rushed in their midst and cut them down
as fast as they could come on them. Our men rushed to
the brow of the hill and fired into the boats; as fast as they
manned the oars they were shot down. One boat would
hold a large number of men. Into it the two colonels got.
They finally got aground on the upper end of Squaw island.
They raised a white flag and we stopped firing, but they still
would try to get away, when we commenced firing again.
Finally the boat from the Canada shore got them away.
The river was full of dead men. They must have lost
300 men or more. Both of the colonels were killed; I after-
wards saw their graves on the opposite side of the river.
The Indians stripped the dead. I saw nine bodies lying
alongside of each other as naked as they were born. I be-
lieve we lost not more than one or two killed, some eight or
nine wounded. Among the wounded I saw the Indian,
Young King, wounded in the foot, and a man by the name
of Groosebeck who had his teeth shot out in front. So
ended the British celebration of June 4, 1813.A RIFLEMAN OF QUEENSTON
EXPERIENCES OF JARED WILLSON, “PRISONER OF WAR,” AS
NARRATED TO A FRIEND1
Canandaigua, 9th Nov. 1812.
Worthy Friend : The bearer of your letter, dated 23rd
ultimo this) moment darked the door of my office. He is on
his way to the frontier, and inasmuch as- that is a dangerous
place, and he may never return, I shall, without waiting the
uncertain event, write immediately by mail. The former
letter you mention has not yet arrived. You expect I am in
the army. This is not the case, but to tell you the truth, I
have recently returned from a short, but tedious campaign,
in which I suffered much fatigue, fought one battle, sur-
rendered my sword to a victorious enemy on the memorable
13th, was a prisoner of war, in Canada, six days and finally
sent home on my parole of honor. All this was dbne in less
than four weeks. As the saing is, this campaign was “more
short than sweet.”
Yes, friend Stewart, I was an actor in the awful tragedy
at Queenstown, of which you must have seen the official ac-
counts. I shall not trouble you with a rehearsal of the
events of that day, when after a splendid victory in the
morning, we suffered the extreme mortification of a defeat.
Little did I think, Sir, at our last interview, that one of the
1. Letter of Jared Willson, written at Canandaigua, N. Y., Nov. 9, 1812,
to his friend, Mr. Alvan Stewart, Cherry Valley, Otsego Co., N. Y. Now for
the first time published, and printed verbatim from the original manuscript in
the possession of the Buffalo Historical Society.374
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
Triumvirate would ever witness such a scene; still less did
I think that I should suffer the indignity of surrendering
my sword to a British officer, but such is the fate of War, in
which we all ought to engage when our country calls.
The Battallion of Rifle-men, to which I belong were sent
out after the first engagement, a mile or more from the main
body to make discoveries. We had not been gone long,
when a party of indian Devils—about two hundred, attacked
us in the woods. We were far inferior in numbers and of
course compelled to retreat precipitately. The savages,
greedy for plunder, and thirsting for blood pursued us
closely, firing and yelling, in a most frightful manner. They
pursued us close to the main body, but in their turn were
compelled to fly for safety. By this time, I thought hell had
broken loose and let her dogs of war upon us. In short I
expected every moment to be made a “cold Yanky” as the
soldiers say. About 4 o’clock P. M. came on the “tug of
War.” The british forces and indians united, attacked us
spiritedly. We obstinately opposed them, against a shower
of Grape-Shot and musketry—but.at length fatigued and
over powered by numbers, we were forced to lay down our
arms. Our men fought well. The bloody Heights of
Queenstown will bear testimony to the valor & intrepidity
of our troops. Thus ended the battle, which commenced
before daylight and was almost one continued scene of action
untill the surrender in the afternoon. All this transaction
took place in fair view of two thousand militia on the op-
posite shore (poor dastardly wretches) who would not come
to our assistance—had they come we might have held our
ground untill this time. Oh! shame on them—there surely
must be a severe punishment in reserve for these poor, ig-
noble, base-born wretches. The indian war-hoop even
echoed) through their camp and still they could not be pre-
vailed upon to mingle with their associates in arms to op-
pose the inhuman foe.
But still I think our commander in Chief is answerable
for our ill success. He knew the militia would not all cross
—He ought then to have ordered on Gen. Smyth’s regularsBURNING OF BUFFALO.
375
in season to help us. He ought to have had more boats in
readiness & scows, that we might carry across our field-
pieces—but this was not done. Oh! shameful neglect! the
Gen’l surely must, for this mismanagement answer .to his
country & his God, if he can. In fact, Sir, the whole busi-
ness of that day & the untimely attack were authorized by
the commander, at the instigation of his Aid1—Sol Van-
Rensalaer, who, allured by the prospects of acquiring un-
fading Laurels, wished to make a firm stand in Canada with
a few regulars and a few militia. This ambitious creature
was to take the command, but in the first of the engagement,
he was carried off the field severely wounded—Thus has
the ambition of one man and the folly of another brought
disgrace upon our country. This you will find to be a fact.
So you see, Sir, I have agreed not to fight his Royal
Highness any more, at present. I am now at my old stand,
endeavoring to cultivate the arts of peace. I am no longer
a resident in the “tented field.” The savage War-Hoop
will not again break my slumbers, hoarse clangor of the
trumpets call me to the field of Battle. Thanks be to God,
that my bones are not now bleaching on the awful Heights
of Queenstown. About three hundred of our men were
killed and wounded. The enemy must have suffered greater
loss. Brock & Aid are among the slain, this adds some
splendor to the engagement, ioo Red Devils are supposed
to have been killed, among whom were three Chiefs.—I
should like to try the Dogs another pull.
It appears you are in this State. I wish I could say in
this town. I believe you might get into the Academy here,
as the present Preceptor is about to leave it. I should like
to know if you have our “Alma Mater” for ever. As for
the Law, I know but little about it as yet, but mean now to
stick close to my books. L. H. I hope will “puff the vital
air” a little longer, and then perhaps I may find time to call
on her. Tim has not written me this long time. I think he
must be down with the “Flum Fluttocks” or some other
nervous complaint. Isham & Hitchcock have never written
me, I must needs think they are “Cold Yankys.”376
BURNING OF BUFFALO.
You must write me immediately & let me know your
intentions as to the future. In the interim, I remain,
Yours sincerely,
Jared Willson,
Prisoner of War.
Mr. Alvan Stewart,
Cherry Valley,
Otsego Co., N. Y.RECOLLECTIONS OF
A PIONEER PRINTER
BY EBER D. HOWEl
In the year 1811 my father removed with his family into
the dominion of George III, eight miles west of the Falls of
Niagara. The first sound of that mighty waterfall, heard at
the distance of nearly twenty miles in a still, frosty morning,
is most vivid in my recollection, although sixty-five years
have intervened. The spray and mist ascending several hun-
dred feet, congealing and forming such a beautiful cloud in
the atmosphere above, all conspired to strike the beholder,
at the first view, with awe and amazement not easily defined.
Here we settled down under the reign of the old imbecile
tyrant, whom we had always been taught to hate and de-
spise. At this time, the Canadas being held with a very
i. The author of these reminiscences, Mr. Eber D. Howe, was born June
9, 1798, at Clifton Park, Saratoga Co., N. Y., of parents who had emigrated
from Connecticut. In 1811 the family removed to the Niagara district in
Upper Canada, and our author was a witness of and participant in the stirring
events on the frontier during the next few years. In 1817 he left Buffalo,
and after short sojourns at Erie, Fredonia, and Cleveland, finally settled in
Painesville, O., where, as at Cleveland, he was a pioneer publisher. In 1878
Mr. Howe wrote his recollections, covering the story of his life to that time.
The narrative was printed in a pamphlet which has long been scarce, but is of
considerable value as a chronicle of early days in Western New York, Penn-
sylvania and the Western Reserve of Ohio. (“Autobiography and Recollections
of a Pioneer Printer. By Eber D. Howe, Painesville, Ohio: Telegraph steam
printing house. 1878.” i6mo., pp. 59.) Many years ago Mr. Howe deposited
with the Buffalo Historical Society, a copy of his narrative, with corrections
and additions. It is from this copy, that the portion relating to the Niagara
region and Buffalo is here printed.378
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
uncertain tenure, the people were treated by the mother coun-
try with great deference, and enjoyed all the freedom<Tf|ey
could reasonably ask. Occasionally some of the old relics
of monarchy would exhibit themselves; for instance, it
was a high crime to damn the king and the royal family,
which was usually punished by banishment to the United
States, with the promise of being hung if they returned.
But this became a rather laughable farce, and was dis-
continued.
At that time there were not more than one or two news-
papers published in the whole Province, and as “war and
rumors of war” were getting rife, it became a question of
great moment how we were to get the news from the States.
About this time, in a little village called Buffalo, at the foot
of Lake Erie, a newspaper was started called the Buffalo
Gazette, the only one then, I think, west of Canandaigua.
But was this to help us? No mails, no post-offices, no post-
riders. But “where there’s a will there’s a way.” In a
few weeks, in the beginning of 1812, there was seen ap-
proaching our neighborhood a man with a pack upon his
back, wading through the snow almost to his knees. It
proved to be a real, genuine, live post-walker. He had the
Buffalo paper, and was fixing up a route from Buffalo to
the head of Lake Ontario, a distance of some sixty miles,
which he proposed to travel once a week. This we con-
sidered a godsend. His name was Paul Drinkwater, a
Scotchman, six feet four in his stockings, and slender out
of all proportions. He proved to be a man of the most rigid
economy and perseverance, and seemed determined to suc-
ceed in so vast an undertaking. He subsisted on hard-tack,
which he carried along with him, with the addition of
cider—and frequently metheglin, when he could find it at
his stopping-places. His advent and passage through the
country was an era of much moment to boys and girls. Paul
was always on time with his news-pack, and only hauled off
on the near approach of the war in June following. Nearly
all the events of that foolish war on the Niagara frontier I
can relate with more truth and accuracy than any historiesBURNING OF BUFFALO.
379
that I have seen, being an eye-witness and an actor in many
of them.
Niagara river is the outlet to that chain of lakes in the
northwest portion of the American continent, and for the
most part forms the boundary line of the British possessions.
It emerges from the foot of Lake Erie, running due north
about thirty-four miles, and empties into Lake Ontario about
forty miles from its head. At the head of this river stands
the City of Buffalo on one side and Fort Erie on the other.
Eighteen miles below is the little village of Chippewa, at
the mouth of a small river of that name, on the Canada
side; two miles below this are the great Falls, and a mile
west of this is the famous battle-ground of Lundy's Lane.
Seven miles farther down is the village of Queenston, and
Lewiston on the opposite side. Seven miles still farther
down is Lake Ontario. On the right bank of the mouth is
the old Fort Niagara, built by the French about two hun-
dred years ago. Opposite this fort stands the town of
Newark, and a mile above is the British Fort George. This
river is nearly a mile wide its whole distance, with the ex-
ception of the space between the Falls and Queenston, where
it is quite narrow, with perpendicular banks on either side,
about one hundred and sixty feet high. This vast chasm, it
is supposed, has been formed by the wearing away of the
rock over which the great body of water has been plunging
for ages past. Across this chasm are now two suspension
bridges; but at the time of which I am speaking any man
would have been convicted of lunacy to have even thought
of such a project.
In the war of 1812, then, this river brought the two na-
tions nearer face to face than any other boundary between
them; consequently, this was more naturally chosen as the
seat of war; and, as the result of this, it was the place where
more strife and bloodshed occurred than any other. The act
declaring war against Great Britain was passed by Congress
on the 17th of June, 1812, and the news was received by
the Canadian authorities in about four days—but on the
opposite side of the river several days later. In those days, 380
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
there were no wires to flash the news through the country.
But the way in which it was conveyed at that time is now
very vivid in my memory, and was on this wise: About the
middle of a very warm day in the month of June, half a mile
down the road toward the river was discovered a cloud of
dust, rising and falling in quick succession, and as it ap-
proached a little nearer a white horse was faintly discovered,
then a man upon its back, brandishing a long sabre, which
looked as though it might have descended from the famous
knight of La Mancha, and been used1 in the days of wind-
mills. The poor animal was covered with dust and foam, and
its sides gored with blood, produced by the long spurs which
pierced its skin at almost every bound. His cry was: “War!
war! war is declared! Every man is ordered to turn out
and defend his country—the Yankees will be over to-
night !” On, on he went, and I never learned when and
where he stopped. He was a captain of militia, and had
probably heard the declaration said to have been once made
by General Peter B. Porter—“that he could take Canada
with five hundred men any morning before breakfast!” At
any rate, he was awfully alarmed, and seemed fully deter-
mined to die in the “last ditch” in defense of His Majesty’s
dominions.
At this time there were many disloyal people scattered
through the country, who had quite recently emigrated from
the other side, and had not fully made up their minds to
fight. They treated the captain’s efforts to have them “fall
into the ranks” with a derision not very commendable in
loyal subjects. But no Yankees came that night, for they
contented themselves with merely looking across the river
to see the commotions and disturbance among their neigh-
bors. In due time, however, they received news of the dec-
laration of war, and instead of crossing the river to attack
their Canadian neighbors, they had all they could do to pre-
pare for their own defense. Soon fortifications were erected
on both sides, and forces were being collected and drilled for
future operations, and occasionally some shots were ex-
changed across the river; but no movement was made tillBURNING OF BUFFALO.
381
the 13th of October. On the morning of that day, before
daylight, about 1,000 militia-men and a few regulars were
embarked at Lewiston and landed at Queenston, under
command of Gen. Solomon Van Rensselaer. A small but
resolute squad crowded up the side of the mountain—some
200 feet—on their hands and knees, unobserved, and com-
menced an attack in the rear of the batteries, driving the
British down the road into the town. As fast as the forces
crossed over they repaired to the top of the mountain and
prepared for an attack from below. The British comman-
der—Gen. Brock—who was then at Newark, seven miles
away, gathered up a few light troops and arrived on the
ground soon after daylight. At the head of a small force,
with a flourish of his sword, he commanded an advance up
the declivity, but before he had proceeded three rods he fell
dead from his horse—and in two minutes more his Aid, Col.
McDonald, shared the same fate. This was the work of
sharp-shooters. They then retreated, leaving the town and
surrounding country in the hands of the invaders.
Gen. Van Rensselaer, being slightly wounded, left the
command with Gen. James Wadsworth, and re-crossed the
river, endeavoring by all the means in his power to persuade
the balance of the militia (about 3,000) to go forward and
assist their brethren who had cleared the way. But no; they
had seen some blood in the boats which had returned with
some of the killed and wounded, and claimed their constitu-
tional rights—not to leave their own soil. Some time in
the afternoon could be seen from the heights on both sides
of the river a long string of redcoats, slowly marching up
from Newark and Fort George, under command of Gen.
Sheaffe. They made a detour some two miles around and
gained the top of the mountain. The last attack was then
made, and in fifteen minutes the militia retreated, broke,
and ran down the hill to the water’s edge, where they sur-
rendered. Some years after this a monument was erected
on this battle-ground to the memory of General Brock.
Under an impulse of curiosity the next morning I rode
ten miles to view the results of this first conflict. In looking382
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
around I discovered, scattered here and there, about twenty
men, stark naked and scalped, and many of them with the
prints of the tomahawk driven into the skull. It seemed that
a band of Indians after the battle was over had visited the
ground to exercise their skill in that way. The bodies of
these men, being then cold and stiff, were about being buried
according to the rules of war, as I supposed. A trench had
been dug about two feet deep, six feet wide, and twenty feet
long. Three men would then take the body, two with a
stick under the neck, one hold of the feet, carry it to the hole
and pitch it in like a dead hog. I thought this was a pretty
rough beginning. I then went to search for the men whom
I supposed had been killed on the other side, but discovered
only two bodies, which had been decently laid out in an old
house. These, they claimed, were the extent of their loss,
except General Brock and his aid. I then wended my way
home, with many sad reflections on the barbarities of war.
With some slight skirmishing the campaign for that year
was closed on the Niagara river. During the winter the
American flotilla on Lake Ontario had been augmented so
as to be able to drive the British into their hiding-place at
Kingston, besides concentrating an army of about 7,000
regular troops at Sackett’s Harbor. The command of this
force was assigned to Gen. Dearborn, who had seen consid-
erable service in the Revolutionary war. Under him were
Governor Morgan Lewis, Generals Winder, Boyd, Chand-
ler; also Colonel Scott, afterwards lieutenant-general.
On the 27th day of April, 1813, the town of Little York
(now Toronto), the then capital of Upper Canada, was cap-
tured by the fleet and a detachment of 1,700 men, under com-
mand of General Pike, who, with about 260 others, were
either killed or wounded by the explosion of a magazine
after the fort had surrendered. Although over forty miles
away the cannon on that day were plainly heard. At that
place a vast amount of property was carried off by the con-
querors. The army and navy then recrossed the lake and
took position near Fort Niagara, where the forces were
concentrated, and on the 27th of May, under cover of thickBURNING OF BUFFALO.
383
fog, the army were landed from the fleet and boats on the
beach of the lake about two miles below the mouth of the
river. As soon as discovered the British made a sharp re-
sistance, but in less than half an hour they were driven back,
abandoning the town of Newark and the fort—and in a few
hours all the forces on the frontier as high up as Fort Erie,
were on a brisk retreat towards the head of Lake Ontario.
Why they were not pursued and captured has always re-
mained a mystery. They were completely demoralized and
scattered along the road for several miles, but they were per-
mitted to retire, unmolested by any effort or movement to-
wards their capture.
After about a week, when the British troops had taken
a position some forty miles away and well rested and for-
tified, the American forces (near 7,000 strong) began the
pursuit, under command of several generals. They arrived
in the vicinity of the enemy's camp in about four days and
encamped for the night, which proved to be dark and stormy.
During the night a party of the British passed the pickets,
made a rush for the quarters of the generals, and carried
off Winder and Chandler before they got fairly waked up,
and before the lines could be formed were out of reach. A
retreat back to Newark was then commenced, where the
whole army arrived the next day. The British followed up
in a few days and surrounded the town.
About this time a little episode occurred eight miles west
of the great falls, at a place called the Beaver Dams. Col-
onel Boerstler, with 500 regulars, two pieces of artillery, and
a company of about thirty rangers from Buffalo, under com-
mand of Dr. Cyrenius Chapin, were detailed from the camp
at Newark to batter down a certain stone house, situated
near the said Beaver Dams. When within about two miles
of their destination, in passing a point flanked on three sides
by timber, they were suddenly fired upon from almost every
direction by a company of Indians, who were secreted and
lying in wait to receive them. The colonel immediately
wheeled into an open field and formed a line of battle. The
Indians, in the meantime, kept up a brisk fire, accompanied384
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
by the savage war-whoop, nearly concealed from view. Soon
a white flag was seen to emerge from the woods, carried by
a British captain in uniform, who was met by the colonel
and staff. They represented that a large force of soldiers
lay near by, and demanded an unconditional surrender.
After a short consultation with his officers the colonel agreed
to lay down his arms on condition of having their lives pro-
tected from the barbarities of the savages. After their arms
were given up and taken away they found to their aston-
ishment and mortification that their captors numbered but
one small company of regulars and one or two hundred In-
dians, hardly sufficient to guard them. They were sent
round the lake by way of Kingston to Halifax. The sequel
to this foolish affair was that Colonel Boerstler was never
again heard of in the army; and Colonel Chapin with a few
of his rangers succeeded in capturing the guard who had
them in custody while descending the lake in a boat, bring-
ing them safely into camp at Newark as prisoners of war.
The remainder of the summer was spent on that frontier
in inactivity; the American army cooped up in Newark and
Fort George, and the British outside keeping watch of
them. The siege was finally raised in October, after the
capture of the British fleet on Lake Erie, and the defeat of
Proctor on the Thames by Gen. Harrison. They fell back to
their old position at the head of the lake to await further
developments.
The lines being again opened, I took up my residence in
Queenston on the Canada side. Here, with our next door
neighbor, a Scotch loyalist, was Captain Barclay, late com-
mander of the British fleet on Lake Erie, who had been cap-
tured a few weeks before at Put-in-Bay by Commodore
Perry. I saw him on the street about every day. He was a
fine-looking man, and carried his arm raised upon a board,
it being badly shattered in the recent fight. I have seen it
frequently stated that he had lost an arm at Trafalgar under
Lord Nelson but I think it was a mistake.
In October a draft of 2,000 militia was made from West-
ern New York to hold the Niagara frontier, and took posi-BURNING OF BUFFALO.
385
tion in the town of Newark, under General McClure. A
great and foolish expedition had just been set on foot to
capture Montreal. All the regular troops had been taken
from the frontier, including the Western army under Gen-
eral Harrison, leaving the whole line open without any de-
fense, save the few militia whose time would soon expire,
and about the first of December Newark was evacuated and
the town, containing some 300 buildings, reduced to ashes.
This was a work of vandalism which was dearly paid for,
at a high rate of interest, soon after. General McClure was
ever after held in detestation for the ruthless act by the
people of both nations.
About 100 regular soldiers, mostly invalids, had been
left in Fort Niagara for its defense, under command of a
Captain Leonard, who retired every night to a private resi-
dence four miles out on the lake shore. The military strat-
egy in this procedure of the captain is not very apparent at
the present day, but was in keeping with a good share of the
strange movements of that war.
Thus stood matters till the night of the 18th December,
when the British with their Indian allies crossed the river,
passed the sentinels (if any there were), entered the gates
and took possession of the old fort without firing a gun.
They then sent a file of men down to the captain’s quarters
with a request that he appear at the fort without any un-
necessary delay. He still holding to his previous notions
that “prudence was the better part of valor,” did not stand
upon the manner of his going, but obeyed the summons
forthwith. I think his name was never again heard of in
connection with the military service.
The Indians immediately took the line of march up the
river, and arrived at the village of Lewiston about sunrise,
where they found most of the people in their beds. The first
warning they had of their danger was the Indian war-whoop
as they emerged from a piece of woods which skirted the
whole length of the town, and about thirty rods distant.
The consternation that followed this sudden eruption of a
savage foe, can hardly be imagined. Each one from instinct386
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
supposed their safety depended upon flight. It so happened
that on this occasion the savage appetite for plunder out-
weighed his appetite for blood. Therefore, they were so
long detained at a few of the first dwellings that a large
share of the people got well under way before pursuit com-
menced. I think but one man and a woman were killed at
this time. A Dr. Alvord, who was a cripple, attempted to
mount his horse and ride away, but was shot. The ground
was frozen and covered with a light snow. The main and
almost only road that led from the town ran directly east,
and was somewhat thickly settled; and as the alarm went
far ahead of the main body, carried by a few who had the
good luck to find horses, the inhabitants were instantly
wheeling into line in front of those who first started. Three
miles out, I with my father’s family fell into the fugitive
cavalcade. By this time the road was getting pretty well
filled up with men, women and children, horses, oxen, carts,'
wagons, sleds, in fine, everything that could facilitate the
movement of women and children; and after filling up al!
these many were carried in the arms of those most able to
endure fatigue.
. Very few of the vast throng thus suddenly thrown to-
gether had eaten anything that morning. I well remember
the breakfast that was on the table that morning as the
frightened rider passed our door. The frying-pan went one
way and the teakettle the other. The horses and sled were
soon at the door—feather beds, blankets, and whatever eat-
ables were nearest at hand were hurled in, the women and
children on top, and away they went over the rough and
frozen ground. As the frightened procession advanced, its
numbers increased, until neither end could be discovered by
those in the center. It was supposed to be about five miles
in length, resembling somewhat the serpentine movements of
a huge black snake—rendered more distinctly visible by the
snow on the ground.
There was no halt for the distance of about fifteen miles,
except to cast an “anxious lingering look behind,” to get
the first glimpse of the savage foe, with his uplifted toma-BURNING OF BUFFALO.
387
hawk and bristling scalping-knife; but he only followed on
the trail for about three miles, securing the plunder and fir-
ing the now deserted dwellings. There were, however, two
of the red men more fearless than their fellows. Being
mounted on fleet horses they followed in the rear for about
five miles, and came up with two men, one of whom they
shot, took his rifle and retreated, while the other escaped
into the bush. These men both had their rifles pointed at
the Indians, but concluded they were friendly—as the Tus-
corora tribe resided in that neighborhood—-took down their
guns and awaited their approach until it was too late to re-
trieve their mistake.
As night approached the procession arrived at the forks
of the roads (near where Lockport now stands) one leading
to Batavia and the other to Rochester. Here some of the
most weary, and perhaps the most courageous, bivouacked
for the night—finding shelter for the women and children
as best they could, the men standing guard and putting
themselves in the best position for defense; while others
again pursued their course to the right or the left. I took
the road leading to Rochester, and soon entered what was
then called the Eleven-mile woods, there being then but one
solitary house for that distance, seven miles of which was
covered with a thick growth o.f timber, having only the small
brush cut away just sufficient to keep on the direction. At
this juncture a brisk snowstorm set in—but on, on wended
the cavalcade, over a corduroy bridge laid down in the mud
and water for the distance of about four miles, some, of
course, occasionally giving out, but others pursuing the
even tenor of their way the whole night. Somehow, at pres-
ent unknown, I found myself on board an old ricketty
wagon, drawn by a half-starved pair of oxen, plodding along
through the last seven miles, almost every minute in collision
with a tree, first on one side and then on the other, constantly
“hawing” and “geeing,” as the case might be. The next
morning I found myself enjoying a quiet snooze at the east-
ern end of the “woods” under a blanket, with nearly a foot
of snow thereon.388
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The Indians and redcoats tarried thereabouts for two
days, reveling in whiskey and plunder, and then “departed
for their own coast,” carrying with them a few prisoners to
their wigwams on Grand river. Among these was a man
by the name of Phillips, who had resided in Canada about
six months before the war commenced, and had taken the
oath of allegiance to His Majesty, while in his dominions.
The first opportunity that was offered he left and became a
soldier on the American side. Under these circumstances
he concluded that his best chance for life would be to re-
main with the Indians in as much privacy as possible. After
arriving at their village many of the tribe became clamorous
for the sacrifice of a Yankee, in propitiation for some of
their braves who had recently been killed, and proceeded
with all due ceremony to prepare the place of execution by
bringing together all the pine limbs, knots and faggots, that
were most convenient. Before they had time to carry out
and execute their plans, however, some British officers made
their appearance upon the ground, and by dint of entreaty
they were induced to stay the savage procedure. The old
chief took Phillips to his hut and set him to work, and find-
ing him an expert at divers things, especially at making
shoes, moccasins, etc., he soon became a favorite in the camp.
After serving them in this manner for about three months,
the chief proposed that he should marry a squaw, and even
proposed his own daughter, and urged the proposition with
so much tenacity that he concluded to let them know that
he had a wife and children in Canada. This soon led to an
arrangement whereby they were to liberate him for five
gallons of whiskey and ten pounds of tobacco. Phillips soon
found means of conveying the intelligence to his wife, who
was then about forty miles from the place. After many dif-
ficulties and hardships she procured the articles with which
to pay the ransom and carried them to the Indian head-
quarters on Grand river, and brought away her husband in
safety. The following November, just at the close of the
war, Phillips and his family crossed the lines and came to
Buffalo, from thence to Ontario County, where he died atBURNING OF BUFFALO.
389
the age of ninety years. The woman above spoken of was a
sister to the writer hereof.
Sometime previous to this, General Drummond had taken
command of the British army on this frontier, which had
been reduced to about 1,500 regular troops, and took peace-
able possession of the whole frontier from Niagara to Fort
Erie. On the night of December 31st they crossed the river at
Black Rock, two miles below Buffalo, in the midst of a heavy
snowstorm, and took up their march for the latter place. A
small force of militia from the adjacent country had been
speedily collected, and made a feeble attempt to impede their
progress. A few shots were exchanged when the militia
broke and sought safety by flight into the woods through a
deep snow, and retired to their homes. At this time a body
of the Mohawk tribe of Indians accompanied the British,
who pursued the flying militiamen, overtook and scalped
many. Early on the morning of the 1st day of January,
1814, they entered the village of Buffalo, and quickly began
the work of devastation; and by noon of that day there was
but one house left standing in the city and adjacent country.
This was a small unpainted house located on Main Street,
owned and occupied by a widow St. John, the mother of
Dr. St. John of Willoughby. She had several blooming
daughters, and they all made such a determined resistance
that the Indians hesitated for a short time in applying the
torch, and a guard was placed over it by the British officers.
This old house remained a standing monument of that
calamity for many years, but finally succumbed to the march
of improvement. One woman was killed by the Indians
while attempting to save her domicile. The Indians and a
few soldiers remained in possession of the place two or three
days, luxuriating on the plunder they had saved from the
fire, and then retired across the river from whence they
came. Several hundred buildings were destroyed, besides
nearly every other on the frontier.
Early in the spring of 1814 operations commenced by
raising and concentrating a new army at Buffalo for another
descent upon Canada. To the command of this was appoint-390
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
ed Gen. Jacob Brown, who had the year before displayed
much skill and intrepidity at the head of a small body of
militia, hastily collected, defeating and driving back a much
superior force of British regulars, who had made an attack
upon Sackett's Harbor. Colonel Winfield Scott and Colonel
Ripley, who had just been promoted to the rank of brigadier
generals, took positions under General Brown. On the 3d
day of July two brigades, a train of artillery, and a squad
of the Seneca tribe of Indians, crossed the Niagara at Black
Rock without resistance, captured Fort Erie, and took up
their line of march down the river in pursuit of the enemy,
and overtook them on the 5th, about one mile above the
mouth of Chippewa creek. The whole British force were
here found in line of battle, extending from the river back
across a beautiful level plain, and not a hundred yards below
a small, deep and impassable ravine, except over one narrow
bridge, which the enemy had left standing, intending, as
was supposed, to obstruct its passage with their artillery.
But they soon discovered their mistake. Scott immediately
pressed his brigade across the bridge with such rapidity,
attended with such a slight loss, that the British were sur-
prised and confounded. He then formed his line within
eight rods in front of the enemy without firing a gun. The
whole force were soon across the bridge and in line of battle.
In the month of May I enlisted in a regiment of New
York Volunteers, commanded by Colonel Swift, which
concentrated and organized at the village of Batavia, forty
miles east of Buffalo. On the 4th of July our regiment took
up its line of march for the frontier, and at five o'clock we
were within eight miles of Buffalo, about pitching our tents
for the night, when the guns commenced rattling at Chip-
pewa. Although twenty miles away the small arms were
heard most plainly and distinct. This was a caution that we
had better be again under way. After marching some time
after dark we pitched our tents near the river. Next morn-
ing we crossed over in scows and proceeded down the river,
joining the main army under Gen. Brown near the battle-
ground. The fight only lasted about half an hour, but wasBURNING OF BUFFALO.
391
attended with most brilliant and decisive results. Our loss
in killed and wounded was about 300; that of the British
about 500. The British army was at this time commanded by
General Riall, and this was his first trial of skill on Ameri-
can soil. It was said that he had attained considerable no-
toriety in India and on the Continent. From the battle-
ground they made a precipitate retreat across the Chippewa
creek, pulling up the bridge after them and taking refuge
behind their batteries.
Thus matters stood for two days, repairing damages and
getting the wounded out of the way. Early on the morning
of the 8th preparations were made for crossing the creek
by sending out a small force some two miles up to make the
attempt to construct a bridge to reach the enemy. But they
thought it more prudent to be moving than to wait till the
crossing was completed. Soon a cloud of dust was seen
rising along the road some two miles off , caused by the rapid
flight of the wagon trains of baggage, artillery and red-
coats. No use for a bridge up there. Our army soon cen-
tered at the old crossing-place, and by the aid of scows and
some repairs on the bridge they were soon across and in hot
pursuit. But no enemy was seen that day; they had left
their camp kettles boiling and tables set. The next day
His Majesty’s forces were all safely ensconsed in Fort
George, sixteen miles below. Our army followed them up,
and after marching nine miles encamped upon the old battle-
ground at Queenston Heights. Here we remained in a state
of inactivity for the space of about two weeks, but for what
reason I never heard any one express an opinion—unless it
was for the pleasure of viewing and enjoying from that
lofty and picturesque eminence the scenery below, including
the beautiful river to its mouth, the two forts, the country
east and west for twenty miles, and nearly across Lake On-
tario to Toronto.
Here our regiment was augmented by a battalion of vol-
unteers from Pennsylvania, and numbered about 1,000. We
were well supplied with officers. We had General Peter B.
Porter of Black Rock (who had a short time before agreed392
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
to take Canada for a breakfast spell), Gen. John Swift of
Palmyra, N. Y., Col. Philetus Swift, Lieut. Colonel Dob-
bins, Majors Lee and Mattison, and Brigade Inspector
Stanton. A little episode of our campaign here occurred
which cast a gloom over the whole division. General John
Swift was a man of about seventy years of age, and had been
attached to our corps without any special command, but as
a sort of fearless, care-for-nothing guerilla, who took
pleasure in nocturnal excursions along the lines of pickets,
at great hazard and risk of life and limb. For his com-
panions he would choose from ten to twenty from the ranks
whom he thought would best subserve his purpose. He
would set out after dark on foot, and away he would go in
pursuit of some unwary sentinel or guards along the Brit-
ish lines, from seven to ten miles off. On his third excur-
sion he came to a farm house where were stationed a guard
of about ten or more men. He immediately surrounded the
house and rushed in, demanding an instant surrender. All
but one threw down their guns, and as the general reached
out his hand to take his, the fellow sprung back, brought up
his gun and discharged it into his bowels. The soldier was
instantly knocked down and brought to camp with the rest
of the guard. The general was carried by his men about
two miles, and left in a farm house with a single attendant.
He soon after expired. Early the next morning a thousand
men were dispatched to recover and bring in the body. This
put an end to that kind of warfare. The soldier was tried
next day by a court martial for murder, on the ground that
he had fired after his surrender, but was acquitted. Our
colonel went home with the body of his brother and did not
again return, leaving the command of the regiment with
Lieut. Colonel Dobbins.
Here the army remained in camp about ten days, when
it moved down the river and took position within a mile of
the British lines and Fort George, with the intention, as all
supposed, of an immediate assault of their works. But here
again inactivity prevailed, and disappointment was the re-
sult. We were supplied with light artillery and three heavyBURNING OF BUFFALO.
393
long 18-pounders, drawn by six horses each, which were
said to have been captured from the British fleet on Lake
Erie by Commodore Perry the year before. They were
driven along with the army from Buffalo at great incon-
venience and trouble, for the express purpose of battering
down the enemy’s works.
It may be here observed that during this season the Brit-
ish fleet had full control of Lake Ontario, in consequence
of having built during the winter before several heavy armed
ships, and driven ours into Sackett’s Harbor. During the
two days that our forces were preparing to make the final
assault, Gen. Brown received intelligence that large rein-
forcements of troops direct from England (including a regi-
ment that they had hired, or borrowed, from Germany) had
landed at the mouth of the river from the shipping, and
were preparing to make the assault upon our lines. On the
morning of the third day our tents were struck and our
army put in motion on the back track to Queenston Heights,
where we encamped for the night. The next day brought us
back to Chippewa creek, which we crossed, and encamped
just below the old battle-ground. After resting about
twenty-four hours, our commanders concluded they would
retreat no farther till they took a view of the pursuing foe
and felt his strength.
On the 25th day of July, just before sunset, General
Scott, with the 1st brigade of regulars, left camp and pro-
ceeded down the river about one and a half miles, and ran
right into the advance guard of the enemy, and immedi-
ately opened fire with great fury and without waiting a
moment for the balance of the army pushed forward, driv-
ing the foe before them for about half a mile. In this first
attack he lost heavily. At the first fire General Brown,
with the 2d brigade under Ripley, the New York and Penn-
sylvania Volunteers under General Porter, with all the dis-
posable artillery, left camp on a double-quick march and
proceeded to the support of Scott. By this time the whole
British force had settled back and taken position in Lundy’s
Lane. This is a road which comes from the west, and in-894
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
tersects the river road at right angles, at a point directly
opposite the great Falls, and about half a mile therefrom.
About forty rods up the Lane to the west is a rise of ground
probably about twenty feet higher than the adjacent parts,
with a gradual slope in all directions. On this stood an old,
small-sized, dilapidated meeting-house. Here the British
had posted all their artillery, and were defending it against
the foolhardy attack of Scott, when the reinforcements ar-
rived. Here were the time and place, I suppose, where Gen-
eral Brown asked Colonel Miller if he could drive the enemy
from that height of ground, from whence they were dealing
out such utter destruction to our lines. His reply, “I'll try,
sir/' was thereafter handed down through all the records
and history of that memorable event in honor of the person
who made it; for he did not only “try” but succeeded in
capturing the position after a most desperate and bloody
hand-to-hand fight with swords and bayonets. The artillery-
men were nearly all slain while defending their guns. But
in fifteen minutes the enemy had again rallied and drove our
men from the heights; and three times was this bloody
scene enacted, till that little spot was literally covered with
dead bodies. We finally succeeded and held the ground
from io to 12 o'clock, after the British had retired.
It has always been a mooted question which side won the
battle at Lundy's Lane. Our army was under the necessity
of retiring to camp for water and provisions, as there were
none upon the ground or in the immediate vicinity; and
the officers, men and horses were suffering terribly for the
want thereof, as most of them had left camp just before sup-
per with such haste that they carried nothing along. Thus
the ground was relinquished for the time being, with the
intention of again occupying it on the following morning.
But the enemy got the start in that matter. Gens. Brown
and Scott were both severely wounded, left the command to
Gen. Ripley, and crossed the river the same night, leaving
orders to renew the fight if practicable.
Incidents: The night, although clear, was very dark and
sultry. The battle was fought entirely from the light of theBURNING OF BUFFALO.
895
guns, the bursting of shells and skyrockets. Many ludi-
crous events and mishaps were produced by this state of
things. Officers would frequently ride up to a squad of the
enemy and take command, march and countermarch for
some time, before they discovered their mistake. A colonel
of one of our regiments rode up in front of the British line
and sung out, “What regiment is that?” When a reply
came in a loud tone of voice, “The Royal Scots.” “Royal
Scots, to the right face, march!” which they did, while the
colonel took the opposite direction. A Captain Ketchum
(ominous name), whether of his own volition or from
orders, took an escort of some twenty picked men, made his
way around the right flank of the enemy’s line, and in the
rear marched silently and quickly, in single file, toward the
left flank. On his route he ran directly upon a small squad
of British officers, who were standing beside their horses
in consultation. They were instantly surrounded with guns
and bayonets and ordered to march at a double-quick time—
and woe be to him who lingered, for he immediately felt the
sharp point. The captain made no halt or enquiry till he
had cleared the extreme left flank and entered our lines—
and then, to his delight and astonishment, he found that his
prisoners were the British commander-in-chief,—Gen. Riall,
—and his staff. For this act of bravery and sheer good
luck, the captain was promoted, and the general retired to
private life, and his name never again appeared in military
matters.
In this bloody encounter our regiment suffered but a very
slight loss, as its position was assigned on the extreme left
flank of the line. A Captain Hooper, from Auburn, N. Y.,
was found missing and never after heard of. Our brigade-
major, Stanton, with a few others, were taken prisoners.
Adjutant Poe, of the Pennsylvania corps, was also killed.
Our colonel, Dobbins, during the engagement received a
spent ball in his bosom, and from the little smart it gave
him—thinking he was badly wounded—turned his horse
towards camp and rode about forty rods when the thought
occurred to him that he might as well ascertain the exact396
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
state of affairs within, and after feeling around for some
time could find neither blood or perforation, turned his
horse about and rode back to his command. This caused
some dry jokes among his fellow officers.
The loss on each side was estimated at about 800; * and
taking into account the time occupied and the number en-
gaged, had few parallels in modern warfare. I think the
great share of the loss in killed and wounded was in Scott’s
brigade, which probably did not exceed 1,600 men, and
which were foolishly driven with such impetuosity against
the whole of the enemy of some 5,000. Instead of being
promoted to the rank of major-general, as he was, for his
conduct in that affair, greater justice would have been meted
out by his being cashiered. He certainly showed himself
utterly regardless of human life, and willing to make any
sacrifice for his own personal renown.
I was at this time officiating as cook for the regimental
and staff officers, and my duties required my presence in the
big tent, but was in a good position, by looking across a big
bend in the river, to see and hear the terrible crash of arms
by the light and sound thereof. At twelve o’clock the whole
remaining force returned to camp and finished the repast
they had so suddenly left five hours before. Worn down
with extreme fatigue and hunger, all were soon asleep in
their tents, except the few who were placed out on the picket
guard. But their slumbers were of short duration. As the
sun arose the next morning the long roll was sounded for all
to fall into the ranks and answer to their names as the roll
was called. Here was ascertained for the first time the num-
ber absent and missing. I looked along the line of Scott’s
brigade for a few moments, and saw the wonderful thinning
out of many of the companies, apparently reduced to a cor-
poral’s guard. But decimated as they were, the whole avail-
able force was soon under way, with the intention of occupy-
ing the ground left the night before. After proceeding
about one mile they discovered that the enemy had full pos-
session with a large force, and busily engaged in building
large fires with rails, and burning the dead that had beenBURNING OF BUFFALO.
397
left upon the field. Here was cremation put into practice
on a large scale. Our army here came to a halt, and after
viewing the situation and its surroundings, and holding a
council of war, it was decided again that “prudence was the
better part of valor,” and all again returned to camp. In
less than half an hour from that time the tents were all
struck and the whole army under a quick movement up the
river towards Fort Erie, where we arrived next morning,
after encamping in the open fields at [opposite] Black Rock,
and appeasing our hunger mostly on uncooked salt pork.
Fort Erie was strengthened by long lines of breastworks
and batteries, running parallel with the river, and some
fifteen rods distant. The British forces soon made their
appearance, surrounded the fort, and commenced the erection
of batteries within one mile distant, which were pretty thor-
oughly covered and protected by a thick growth of timber
and underbrush. About the first of August they opened
their batteries by a masterly display of shot, shell and rock-
ets. These last were called Congreve rockets,—after the
name of their inventor,—and went out of use soon after the
termination of that war. They were constructed of a
wooden tube, about four inches in diameter, three feet long,
enclosed in strong iron bands, a small bombshell in one end,
and filled with alternate layers of dry and wet powder, so
that every little explosion kept the thing in motion till it ar-
rived at its destination, when an explosion took place, scat-
tering the whole into a thousand fragments. They were so
elevated that they very much resembled a comet while pass-
ing through the air on a dark night. They were frequently
very destructive. One of them killed six horses that were
hitched in the rear of the camp.
Thus cooped up and unable to recross the river with
safety, our army suffered terribly for the next forty-eight
days. During the whole of this time, with slight intermis-
sions, the cannonading was kept up on both sides, night and
day. More or less were killed and wounded every day, not-
withstanding the men were screened considerably by the
throwing up of a large number of lateral breastworks.PAPERS RELATING TO THE
Thus operations continued till the 14th of the month, when
the first attempt was made to storm the fort and its sur-
roundings. The entire encampment extended up the lake,
from the old stone fort, about one hundred rods, where a
tower, some twenty feet in height, had been erected, called
Towson’s Battery, and in command of Major Towson.
Their plan was to advance simultaneously at both ends and
in the centre. Their advance was made on the upper works
by some sailors and marines in boats from the lake, who pro-
ceeded cautiously under the cover of darkness, with the in-
tention of landing in the rear of the works; but they were
discovered in time, and almost totally annihilated before
they made a landing. The centre was so obstructed by
fallen timber and brush-wood that nothing was there
accomplished. At the lower end they pushed the troops with
so much vigor and determination that they actually opened
a passage to the top of the fort and were pouring in, driving
our gunners from their posts, and for a few moments all
seemed to be lost, when the magazine underneath suddenly
exploded, sending more than 200 of the assailants into the
air—burned, killed, mangled and bruised in a most shocking
manner. Thus ended the attack. The enemy quickly
retreated to their old quarters, with a loss of about 400 men,
leaving a large number of their wounded in our hands.
A hospital for British prisoners had been established in
Buffalo, and after our retreat from Lundy’s Lane my father
had been detailed and assigned to its charge, which may
explain my being there as an assistant. This brought some
fifty of the poor, miserable, mangled specimens of humanity
into our immediate presence and care on the day following.
Many were yet insensible, and unable to move a muscle,
although nothing was visible to indicate their wounds. But
the worst cases were those who had been burnt by the
explosion of the powder magazine. Some of their faces and
hands were so crisped that the skin peeled off like a baked
pig. Among the rest was a boy about my age, whom I
thought would survive with a little extra care and attention.
I found him lying upon the floor, with a little straw scat-BURNING OF BUFFALO.
399
tered about, unable to point out the seat of his troubles, and
concluded that I would make an effort to bring him up—in
which I happily succeeded in a few days. One poor fellow,
with a marine dress, lay in a bunk near by, totally insensible
to all his surroundings, and only able to move one leg, which
he continued to draw up and down constantly for about
three days, when he expired. He was a fine specimen of
physical manhood, and had the mark of a musket-ball, which
had just penetrated the skull.
History or tradition hath but little to say about the cause
of the blowing up of Fort Erie, whether by design or acci-
dent. It took place at any rate at a very critical and oppor-
tune time. I never heard that any officer avowed any par-
ticipation in the transaction, and as no one ever knew who
touched the fatal spark to the magazine, or laid the trail, I
am inclined to the belief that the perpetrator of the deed was
his own executioner. It was generally considered a just
retaliation for the affair at Little York the year before. I
have seen it stated that our loss was eighty-four and that of
the assailants 900, but I think the latter was too high by
one-half.
This repelled assault and defeat seemed not to be much
noticed by the besiegers, as their guns were in full play
again as soon as they supposed their wounded were out of
the way. A few days after General Gaines came and took
command of the post. In about a week I took an opportun-
ity to cross the lake from Buffalo, which is here four miles
wide, to see how the war was progressing. On landing
upon a smooth limestone rock, nearly an acre in size, the
first thing that attracted my attention, while walking across
this rock towards the encampment, was a round twelve-
pound ball, striking a few yards from me and bounding
away some half a mile farther into the lake—and then
another from the same direction, crashing like an explosion
from beneath the rock. I began to think this was not a very
eligible situation for any one who had much respect for his
personal safety. On proceeding a little farther along, I
saw a small bevy of officers emerging from a shattered400
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
wooden building, making their way toward the landing, one
of whom was wounded and limping badly. I soon learned
that it was Major-General Gaines. He immediately crossed
the lake and did not return again during the war. I passed
on to the building and had the curiosity to look in. The
floor and inside were shivered to atoms, and the furniture
and debris covered with dirt. I was told that the general
and his staff were sitting around the dinner table when a
shell came down through the roof, through the table into
the ground and there exploded. My curiosity was by this
time quite satisfied, as may well be supposed, and after
tarrying about an hour I followed the general back to Buf-
falo.
The situation of our little army, which still lay cooped up
in Fort Erie, was every day becoming more critical, and ex-
cited the greatest solicitude throughout the country. A
crisis finally arrived that called forth all the sympathies and
patriotism of Western New York. By order of Gov. Tomp-
kins a heavy draft was now made upon all the militia in
that portion of the State, and about 3,000 were soon in
Buffalo. But now the great question arose, how were they
to be made available to any useful purpose? There was no
authority to take or send them across the lines against their
will or consent, and to obtain this much skill and tact were
required. Accordingly, they were all paraded in line and
volunteers called for. Several of the most prominent of
the officers—among whom was Gen. Peter B. Porter—rode
along in the front, making the most urgent appeals to their
manhood and love of country to cross the river and rescue
those who were in such imminent peril. A line was soon
formed on the opposite side by volunteers, which was con-
stantly augmented by those more courageous than their fel-
lows. Then, again, there would be a stand-still till the offi-
cers gave a few more lectures in front—and thus the num-
ber continued to increase for the best part of a day, until
there were only about a hundred left who were unwilling to
cross. These volunteers crossed the river or lake the same
night, armed and equipped. They were drilled some tenBURNING OF BUFFALO.
401
days before they were called to a test of their courage and
prowess.
By this time Gen. Brown had so far recovered from his
wounds that he appeared again and took command of the
army in Fort Erie; and by the 17th day of September plans
were so far matured that a sortie was to be made with a
determination to raise the siege. Accordingly in the after-
noon of that day three columns were marched out and made
direct for the batteries, which were scaled and silenced with
the greatest alacrity, sweeping around and putting them all
to flight. Then commenced a desperate running fight,
mostly in small broken squads on both sides, through the
timber and brush. In this kind of skirmishing our back-
woods militia-men had a very decided advantage over the
British forces, who at this point seemed to be composed in
a great measure of Germans, who had been sold or hired
out as fighting machines, by some of the petty sovereigns
in Europe. Many of them threw away their arms, and in
their attempts to run would fling themselves full length
upon the ground, quite willing and anxious to be taken
prisoners. A great many personal exploits and adventures
were related among that day's doings. The fight was of
short duration, but was prolific of grand results, compared
to the numbers lost on both sides. The British soon gath-
ered their scattered forces and again made their way back
to Chippewa, leaving all their siege-guns in our hands.
This would have ended the war on that frontier but for
the arrival of Gen. Izard, with about 5,000 regular troops
from Plattsburgh, about the 1st of November. They had1
been on the march for over three months—for what purpose
I never heard explained. It may be set down in the cata-
logue of follies occurring in that war. This reinforcement
crossed the river and went to Chippewa to look after the
whereabouts of the enemy. A slight skirmish ensued, and
finding the enemy rather obstinate and not disposed to move
along any farther, and thinking it about time to seek win-
ter quarters, our whole force left the Canada side, bringing
along all their munitions of war and public property.402
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In December following a treaty of peace between the two
countries was perfected and signed at the city of Ghent in
Flanders, by five commissioners, who had been sent out a
few months previous, to wit: John Quincy Adams, Henry
Clay, Richard Rush, Wm. H. Crawford, J. A. Bayard, and
two on the part of England. But owing to the tardy man-
ner of communicating intelligence in those days it was not
known till some time after the great battle of New Orleans
had been fought, on the 8th of January, and the British
army defeated with great slaughter.
“Now was the winter of our discontent
Made glorious by the men of Ghent.”
A new epoch in my existence was now about to open up,
and about a year after the close of the war I began to think
more seriously of my prospects and course of life. I had
arrived at an age—although at that time too poorly appre-
ciated—when all those just germing into manhood must
begin to cast around in order to light upon some occupation
which appears most suitable to their physical and mental
capacities. How often do young men pass these few years
of their lives in idleness and a total unconcern of what they
are to be, or can be, when they are thrown upon the world
under the necessity of a total reliance upon their own re-
sources. I had read the life of Benjamin Franklin, and
learned how and by what means he had wrought his way
from a candle-maker to be the greatest philosopher of his
age, by the most rigid economy and perseverance and the
little light acquired in a printing-office. Well, I one day
found myself in the then small town of Buffalo, on Main
Street, with two shillings in my pocket, with here and there
a scattering house—not reading the sign-boards with a loaf
of bread under my arm, as did Franklin in the streets of
Philadelphia, for they were too few and far between—-but I
did see one which read “Printing Office.” It had a small
book store on the ground floor, where I concluded it would
be no intrusion to enter; and after sticking a cigar in my
mouth—a good deal after the fashion of Young AmericaBURNING OF BUFFALO.
403
now-a-days, which I have ever since looked upon as one
of the silliest acts of my boyhood days—I boldly made
my first step toward becoming a Ben. Franklin. This
proved to be the place where the Buffalo Gazette was
published, the same old paper that I had been reading
before the war, and brought to our door by the famous
Mr. Drinkwater, heretofore mentioned. It was the first
paper started west of Canandaigua, or on the borders of
Lake Erie, and during the troubles on the border was
published fourteen miles to the eastward. After ma-
neuvering around for some time I ventured to enquire if
they wanted an apprentice? After some hesitation, and
taking a view of my caliber and physique, replied that they
did. This was rather flattering to my pride (if I had any)
and Ben. Franklin again popped into my mind, as I had
formed an idea that it required something far above the
common race of mortals to become a printer—more espe-
cially as old Faust, the first inventor of type, had been
charged by the Pope with being in league with the devil.
But I had good reasons afterward to greatly modify my
ideas on that point. Suffice it to say that I soon entered
into an agreement to give my time and attention to their in-
terests for the term of four years, at an annual stipend of
forty, fifty, sixty and eighty dollars per year.
The proprietors of this paper were two brothers who had
graduated from the office of the Ontario Repository, then a
pioneer paper. Their names were Smith H. and Hezekiah
A. Salisbury, both practical printers. The eldest was a
pretty shrewd business man, and a good editorial writer.
He severed his connection with the paper in the spring of
1818, and the name of the paper was changed to that of
Buffalo Patriot, and some years afterwards the Daily Com-
mercial Advertiser emanated from the same establishment,
which is continued to this day. Smith H. Salisbury was
not successful in business, and died in Rochester at the age
of about fifty. Hezekiah held a connection with the paper
for many years; was frugal, honest, and upright in all his
dealings with others, and continued in laborious toil to quite404
PAPERS RELATING TO THE
an advanced age. Guy H. was an only son of the elder
Salisbury, was a fine writer, edited the Commercial Adver-
tiser for some years, and finally fell a victim to the intoxi-
cating cup.
The paper had then a circulation of about 1,000, and the
time occupied in striking off this edition was two days with
two hands at the press. The same amount of work in these
days is done in two hours. I was assigned to this branch of
the business with another boy of about my age. Our press
was after the old pattern used in the days of Franklin, with
a short screw and lever, and printed one page at each pull—
and, therefore, required four solid jerks to every sheet. We
took turn about at the lever for each ten quires of paper on
one side—i. e., one put the ink upon the type while the other
took the impression. The present generation of printers
would be greatly amused to witness the manner of inking
the type in those days. We made two balls of wool, covered
with green sheepskin, about the size of a man’s head. To
these were attached perpendicular handles, and after apply-
ing the ink to the outer surface each page of the type was
briskly struck eight or ten times. The present mode of
applying the ink by means of rollers, made of glue and mo-
lasses, came into vogue about the year 1830.
At this time post coaches were run from Albany to Buf-
falo twice a week, carrying the mails. From thence west-
ward mail-bags were carried on horseback only, up to 1820.
Early in the year of 1816 a second paper was started in Buf-
falo by David M. Day, called the Buffalo Journal. Late in
the season of this year a printing-press was pioneered forty-
five miles farther west, and the Chautauqua Gazette was
started by James Percival and James Hull, at the village of
Canadaway, then containing about fifty houses. It took its
name from the Indian name of the creek which runs through
the town. But on the advent of a newspaper the people
thought a new name for their town was imperatively
demanded, and consequently a meeting was called and by a
vote it was christened Fredonia—which name it retainsBURNING OF BUFFALO.
405
“even unto the present day.” Mr. Percival remained con-
nected with the paper but a few weeks when he relinquished
his interest to his partner.
In March, 1817, I was sent on to assist in the printing of
this paper, where I remained seven months, and returned to
Buffalo. In our office here our associates were ‘John
Whitely, a journeyman, and two apprentices, named Snow
and J. J. Daly. Whitely was a soldier in the 4th Regiment,
U. S. Army; was at the battle of Tippecanoe under Gen.
Harrison, and was discharged at the close of the war. He
was a gutter drunkard, and died in a short time. Daly was
a fine jovial chap of Irish descent; afterwards was engaged
in mercantile business, and died in Cleveland. In the spring
of 1818, by a change of proprietors of the paper I was re-
leased from my engagement as an apprentice, but continued
in the office during the summer.
In August of this year I was present at Black Rock and
saw the first steamboat launched that entered the waters of
Lake Erie. It was called1 Walk-in-the-Water, and was a
memorable event of that day. At this time there was no
harbor at Buffalo of sufficient depth of water for a craft of
that size, and owing to the crude manner of constructing
engines at that time, she had very great difficulty in getting
up the river into the lake, consequently she was obliged to
wait for a “horn breeze,” as the sailors term it; by hitching
on eight or ten pair of oxen by means of a long rope or cable,
together with all the steam that could be raised, she was
enabled to make the ascent. Sometimes the cable would
break and the craft float back to the place from whence she
started.
In September of this year I was engaged for one month
in Erie, Penna., to assist in putting in operation the first
newspaper in that town, entitled the Erie Gazette, by Mr.
Ziba Willes. Sometime previous- to this, however, I think a
paper had been issued there called the Genius of the Lakes,
and printed on a sheet of foolscap, but had been discon-
tinued. I never saw but one number of that remarkable406
BURNING OF BUFFALO.
Genius. I therefore set up most of the type for the first
number of the Erie Gazette, which I believe is still flourish-
ing, under many improvements and transformations.2
2. Mr. Howe’s references to the early newspapers of Erie are not quite
accurate. Erie’s first newspaper was the Mirror, started in May, 1808, by
George Wyeth, and published for some two years. In 1813 appeared the
Northern Sentinel, established by R. J. Curtis, who in 1816 changed its name
to Genius of the Lakes. The Erie Patriot, begun in 1818 by Zeba Willis, was
published about a year and then moved to Cleveland; Sanford’s “History of
Erie County, Pennsylvania,” says that Mr. Howe was connected with this
paper. The Gazette was established in 1820 and had a long career, finally
being sold to the Erie Dispatch in 1890. It was separately published, how-
ever, as the Erie Sunday Gazette until 1894, when it was discontinued, the
weekly edition of the Dispatch being thereafter styled the Dispatch-Gazette.
In 1897 this again became the weekly Gazette, only to be discontinued in the
fall of 1899. The Sunday edition of the Dispatch, begun in August, 1903, is
still called the Gazette edition of the Dispatch. The Gazette for well-nigh
three quarters of a century was the leading newspaper of northwestern Penn-
sylvania; Horace Greeley was employed on it for a time in his early years.