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1994.THE PEACE
MISSION TO NIAGARA
OF EPHRAIM DOUGLASS
IN 1783THE NIAGARA PEACE MISSION
OF EPHRAIM DOUGLASS IN 1783
BY FRANK H. SEVERANCE
Throughout the whole period of the American Revolu-
tion, the Niagara region was not only British, but the scene
of great activity, directed against the rebellious American
colonists. Great Britain controlled the Great Lakes and
all the Lake posts, using them as bases of supply for her
Indian allies, on whom she placed great reliance in the
border warfare.
Fort Niagara, throughout these years, held a varying but
usually adequate garrison. Sometimes the number of
• troops there was large; and larger yet were the hordes of
Indians who frequented the fort for food, clothing and
ammunition; who camped, sometimes to the number of
several thousands, in its vicinity; and who, with British
sanction and often under British leadership, took the war-
path from Fort Niagara, south, east, and west, to fall upon
the American settlers on the Mohawk, the Susquehanna,
and throughout New York and Pennsylvania; to burn and
destroy, to run off the stock, to kill and scalp, and to bring
back over the old forest trails to Fort Niagara, hundreds of
prisoners.
The British humored and favored the Indians, especially
of the Six Nations, in order to hold their allegiance ; and
in this, save with a part of the Oneidas, they were success-116
PEACE MISSION OF
ful. Especially were the Senecas, the numerous, capable
and warlike people of Western New York, their trusted
allies. Not all of the Western tribes were so secure in
British allegiance. To strengthen them in their friendship,
there was not merely a lavish bestowal of supplies; but the
commandants at the Lake posts made a point of informing
the Indians, at councils and on other occasions, that if the
Americans won in the war, the red man would be driven
from his ancestral homes and hunting-grounds. It was no
small part of the British policy during the years of the
Revolution, especially in the region of the Great Lakes,
firmly to implant this impression in the mind of the Indian.
In 1782, peace talk began to penetrate even as far as the
banks of the Niagara; and the officers at the old fort had
some word from the lower posts, of what was being done
in the name of peace, in London.
It was on the 27th of February, 1782, that General
Henry Seymour Conway moved in the British House of
Commons, “that it is the opinion of this House that a
further prosecution of offensive war against America
would, under present circumstances, be the means of weak-
ening the efforts of this country against her European
enemies, and tend to increase the mutual enmity so fatal to
the interests both of Great Britain and America.” This
resolution prevailed, and on March 4th we find -the Com-
mons adopting a resolution, “that the House will consider
as enemies to His Majesty and the country, all those who
should advise or attempt a further prosecution of offensive
war on the continent of North America.” A change of
administration followed, new orders were sent to the com-
manding officers of the British forces in America, conform-
ing to the new stand the nation had taken; and in May Sir
Guy Carleton (Lord Dorchester) arrived in America, toEPHRAIM DOUGLASS.
117
act, with Admiral Digby, as commissioner to negotiate a
peace. It was not until September of the following year
that a definitive treaty of peace was signed between Great
Britain and the United States; the British garrisons at the
Niagara and Lake posts in the meantime resting on their
arms, and not a little perplexed at times to hold fast to the
Indians, who did not fail to get some idea of the true state
of affairs.
It was Pennsylvania that took the first steps leading to
the Niagara peace mission of 1783.
The western part of that State was still harassed by
Indian raids. On April 4, 1783, President John Dickinson
sent to the Pennsylvania delegates in Congress, a communi-
cation in the name of the Council of Pennsylvania, setting
forth that conditions in that State made it “indispensably
necessary” that Congress should pay attention to Indian
affairs. “We earnestly desire,” wrote President Dickinson,
“that you will use your utmost exertions- in Congress, to
prevail on that Honorable Body to adopt without loss of
time, the most effectual measures for making Peace with all
the Indian nations.”
Congress gave characteristic deferment to the matter.
Instead of anticipating the withdrawal of the British gar-
risons, and promptly taking steps for reassuring the
Indians and inviting their friendship, it appears to have
taken no action on the appeal from Pennsylvania. Being
very much in earnest, the Council of Pennsylvania again
addressed their delegates in Congress as follows:
In Council, Pa., Apl. 29th, 1783.
Gentlemen:	Council wrote to you some time ago,
desiring that you would endeavour to have the most effect-
ual measures speedily adopted by Congress for making
Peace with the Indian nations. Having lately received118
PEACE MISSION OF
advices that about forty Inhabitants of this State have been
killed and taken by them, & having good Reason to be
assured, that the Hostilities will be continued along the
Frontiers, we think it our Duty earnestly to repeat our
Request.
Perhaps the United States might appear more respect-
able to those nations at a Treaty to be held with them after
the Delivery of Niagara & Detroit to us by the British;
but, in the meantime, we hope such steps may be taken, as
may be the means of saving many lives, and preventing
great Calamities.
We wish Congress would be pleased to consider, whether
it might not have a good effect upon the Indians, to inform
them by authority, that Peace has been made with Great
Britain, the articles of which are now carrying into Execu-
tion; that the Back Country with all the Forts is thereby
ceded to us; that they must now depend upon us for their
Preservation and, that unless they immediately cease from
their outrages, & remain quiet till we can hold a Treaty
with them at Niagara or Detroit, we will instantly turn
upon them our armies that have conquered the king of
Great Britain, and now have us other Enemies- to employ
their Valour, and extirpate them from the Land where they
were born and now live: But, that if they behave as they
ought to do, they shall be treated not only justly, but
friendly. Such Intelligence as this with the advance of a
proper Reinforcement to Genl Irvine at Pittsburg, & the
Exertions of the Troops under his Command, might put a
stop to the cruelties of the savages, or at least prevent their
becoming more extensive.
I am Gentlemen, with great Esteem and Regard
Your &c.,
J[ohn] D[ickinson]
Thus spurred up and reminded of its duty, Congress on
May ist adopted the following:
Resolved, That the Secretary at War take the most
effectual measures to inform the several Indian nations, onEPHRAIM DOUGLASS.
119
the frontiers of the United States, that preliminary Articles
of Peace have been agreed on, and hostilities have ceased
with Great Britain, and to communicate to them that the
forts within the United States, and in possession of the
British troops, will speedily be evacuated ; intimating also
that the United States are disposed to enter into friendly
treaty with the different tribes ; and to inform the hostile
Indian nations, that unless they immediately cease all hos-
tilities against the citizens of these states, and accept of
these friendly proffers of peace, Congress will take the most
decided measures to compel them thereto.
This resolution was at once transmitted to General
Washington, and to the commissioners for Indian affairs;
and the Secretary of War—Major General Benjamin
Lincoln—appointed Ephraim Douglass to visit the western
tribes and make known to them the peaceful disposition of
the United States, if they would cease all hostilities
towards its citizens.
It was on this errand that Ephraim Douglass came to
the Niagara; the first avowed emissary of Peace in the
region since the pioneer French missionary priests, more
than a century before, had preached the gospel of Peace
and Good Will to distrustful and uncomprehending
savages.
The man who was thus charged with the first message
of peace ever sent by the United States as a sovereign
Power to the Indians was of a striking and interesting per-
sonality. Ephraim Douglass was born, probably in one of
the Southern states, about 1749. We find him in Pittsburg,
as early as 1769, employed at the fort. “He was a car-
penter by occupation, but was fairly well educated in Eng-
lish and acted as clerk, blacksmith, gunsmith, stone-mason,
bookkeeper, scrivener and shopkeeper.1 He engaged in the
1. C. M. Burton1, “Ephraim Douglass and his Times.”120
PEACE MISSION OF
Indian trade, and mastered several Indian dialects suffi-
ciently to act as interpreter. It is recorded that on one of
his trading trips into the Indian country, his canoe was
overturned in deep water and he was nearly drowned.
Upon reaching the shore he was so exhausted he could not
proceed; and supposing he must die there in the wilder-
ness, he wrote on a piece of bark what he thought would
be his last words:
I have lived doubtful, but not dissolute,
mined, but not unresigned.	^
I die deter-
Douglass.
His time, however, had not yet come. Recovering from
this mishap, he seems to have continued in the Indian trade
until the outbreak of the Revolution. In September, 1776,
he was appointed by Congress quartermaster of the 8th
Pennsylvania regiment. In January the regiment marched
through the snow from Western Pennsylvania to Bruns-
wick, N. J. Here Douglass became aide-de-camp to Gen-
eral Lincoln. Taken prisoner by the British, at Bound
Brook, April 13, 1777, he was held until Nov. 27, 1780,
though he may have been paroled somewhat earlier. It is
said1 to be a tradition in his family that when Douglass
was a prisoner on one of the British prison-ships, and after
his repeated attempts to be exchanged had failed, he one
night dropped overboard and swam ashore to freedom.
He returned to Pittsburg as a lieutenant, having been pro-
moted during his imprisonment.2
1.	Burton, “Douglass and his Times/* p. n.
2.	Washington wrote to Major-General Lincoln', Oct 25, 1777:
“I observe by the terms of General Burgoyne’s capitulation, that an ex-
change of prisoners may probably take place; if so, the number of officers
taken in his army will liberate all ours. In that case, Mr. Douglass, your aid-
de-camp, will soon be redeemed. But if this exchange shall not take place,
you may depend that Mr. Douglass shall' be called for as> soon as it becomes
his turn; for I have made it an invariable rule to give a preference to those
who have been longest in captivity.’*EPHRAIM DOUGLASS.
121
In the winter of 1781 he appears—from various refer-
ences in correspondence of the time—to have been employed
on a Government mission among the Indians; a hazardous
undertaking in any event, as the region of the Ohio and the
Lakes was the enemy’s country. His experience fitted him
for the important mission later to be confided to him.
Major Douglass was at Princeton, N. J., when- he
received word from General Lincoln that he had been
named for an important peace mission. His commission
for this duty which bears date, “War Office, May 3d,
1783,” is in some respects a singular document. After
reminding him that as “messenger to the several Indian
Nations on the Frontiers of the United States”—that is, in
the vicinity of Lakes Erie and Ontario—he was to “con-
form to the instructions laid down in the resolve of Con-
gress,” it continues:
You will announce to the difft. Tribes the Proclamation
of Congress and the Articles of Peace, and you will
verbally inform the Indians that the British King has been
compelled to agree to make peace with the United States,
that he has fixed the Boundaries between his People and
the People of the United States, that he has agreed to
evacuate and deliver up to the United States the Forts
O---—, N-----, D-----/ and all other Forts occupied by him
to the Southward of the line agreed upon between his
people and the people of the United States.
That all the Tribes and Nations of Indians who live to
the S----and W-------1 2 of the line agreed on, must no longer
look to the King beyond the Water, but they must now
look to the great Council, the C---3 of the United States
at Philadelphia.
That the Great Council of the U. S. regret that the
Indians did not pay due attention to the advice which was
1.	Oswego, Niagara, Detroit.
2.	South and West.
3.	Congress.122
PEACE MISSION OF
given to them at Albany at the beginning of the late quarrel,
as if they had listened to that advice they might have lived
in Peace during the War, and would at this time have been
exempt from all its ill consequences. In making this inti-
mation you will point out to the Indians the great losses
which they have suffered, and the calamities which they
have brought upon themselves> by their espousal of the
cause of G. B. You will then inform them that the U. S.
are a compassionate and merciful people—that they are
disposed to pity the I-------1 and to forgive their past folly,
on condition that they immediately desist from further
hostility, and hereafter conduct themselves as a people
disposed to Enjoy the blessings of Peace which are now
extended to them. But if they hesitate to accept the friend-
ship which is now offered to them, or continue hostilities,
they must expect that the U. S. who have now no other
object to employ the Valour of their Warriors, will take
the most severe and exemplary vengeance of the Indians.
That however they hope there will be no occasion to use
threats or proceed to extremities. That the I---------must see
it is their interest, and essential to their happiness to live
in peace with the U. S., and as the U. S. are disposed to
enter into friendly treaty with them, they should immedi-
ately put a stop to all hostilities, call in their Warriors,
assemble their Council of Wise Men, and appoint some of
them to meet the Commiss’rs of the U. S. at a place to be
agreed on, there to agree upon a treaty of Peace and
Friendship.
“As the business of your mission will be facilitated,”
continues this commission, “by taking with you the Em-
blems of Peace, you will endeavor to procure all such as
may be required in your interviews.” Whether these were
to be olive branches, or the calumet, is not specified. He
was charged to reach Detroit as soon as his “necessary com-
munications on the road” would admit. General Lincoln
wrote further: “Mr. Bull is charged with a similar com-
i. Indians.EPHRAIM DOUGLASS.
123
mission to the Indians at Oswego and Niagara, but in case
of accident to him, you will, if you should find it necessary,
make the like communications to those tribes; in which
case, I think you had better return by Albany.” The Mr.
Bull referred to has not been identified by the present
writer. From allusions- in the correspondence he appears
to have visited Niagara;1 but whatever the form of his
message the real peace mission later devolved on Major
Douglass. With repeated admonitions to be expeditious
and economical, General Lincoln assured the peace emis-
sary: “I wish you an agreeable accomplishment of your
business.,,
Thus sped, Ephraim Douglass departed from Princeton,
May 3d, and hastened to Pittsburg, where he applied to
General William Irvine, commanding at Fort Pitt, for
articles necessary for the rough journey that lay ahead of
him. He received two horses, a saddle, three blankets, 100
pounds of flour, 40 pounds- of bacon and a quart of salt.
A third horse was elsewhere procured, and some other
articles from the public stores. On June 7th Douglass set
forth into the wilderness. With him were Captain George
McCully, a servant and two friendly Indians as guides. It
was an unimposing embassy in the cause of peace, and a
feeble one. In case of hostile attack, they could have made
but slight resistance.
1. April 14, 1783, Washington wrote to Colonel Marinus Willet:
“Official- accounts of the happy conclusion of a Peace have- been trans-
mitted by Sir Guy Carleton to General Haldimand at Quebec by his officers
who passed thro’ this place a few days since, but as a very considerable time
must elapse before these Gentlemen can arrive at Quebec and the news be
communicated from thence to the British posts in the upper country, and as
humanity dictates that not a moment should be lost in endeavoring to prevent
any further incursions of the Indians (who it is said- have already struck at
Wyoming), I have thought it proper to write to General McLean, commanding
the British Force in that quarter, and to enclose to him the King of Great
Britain’s Proclamation for cessation of Hostilities, and this letter^ I must direct
you to forward to him at Niagara by some trusty Indian runner with all possible
expedition-—the expense attending this business shall be repaid on your inform-
ing me of it.
“You will' at the same time, give orders to the troops and Indians under
your command to forbear all Acts of Hostility against the troops of his Brit-
tanic Majesty other than- for their own immediate defence.”124
PEACE MISSION OF
Their mission was, to pass through the Indian country
to Detroit and proceed thence to Niagara Fort and Oswego;
at each place to assemble the Indians, inform them of the
action of Congress, and by fair words incline them to
friendship with the United States. The time-honored
method of winning Indian friendship—by the lavish be-
stowal of presents—was not to be resorted to.
Riding, or sometimes painfully walking, through what
is now the State of Ohio, they made their way by the old
trading-path, and sometimes with no path at all, to San-
dusky and thence to Detroit, which post was reached July
4th—the seventh anniversary of the birth of the United
States of America. The journey thither has been exhaust-
ing, for heavy rains had fallen, the many streams which
they had to ford, or swim, were swollen; and on at least
one occasion, the travelers were lost, and after a day’s
wanderings found themselves at the place whence they had
set out in the morning. There had been some intercourse
with the tribes of the region, but as many of the chiefs had
been summoned to Detroit by the British, much less was
accomplished by the emissaries of the United States, in
their journey through the Ohio wilderness, than had been
hoped for.
The important British posts of Detroit and Fort Niagara
were at this time entrusted to two very capable and zealous
officers.
Commanding at Detroit was Colonel Arent Schuyler
De Peyster, of a family famous in New York history since
Johannes De Peyster, founder of the line in America, had
settled there about 1685. Arent, the great-grandson of
Johannes, was born in New York City, in 1736. Entering
the British army-~*the Eighth Foot—in 1755, his service
antedated the conquest of Canada. During the RevolutionEPHRAIM DOUGLASS.
125
he had various employment, but the most useful to his
King was as commandant at Detroit, where his great influ-
ence with the Indians held them to the British cause.
Commanding at Fort Niagara was Brigadier General
Allan MacLean, who had served with Wolfe at Quebec,
and had defended that stronghold from Arnold and
Montgomery in 1775. That he was not lacking in devo-
tion to the British cause, will be seen as our narrative
proceeds.
Major Douglass and his companion were courteously re-
ceived by Colonel De Peyster, to whom the message of the
Secretary of War was delivered. De Peyster professed
the strongest desire of bringing about peaceful relations
between the United States and the Indian tribes; “de-
clared,” wrote Major Douglass, in his subsequent report,
“that he would willingly promote it all in his power; but
that until he was authorized by his Superiors in Command,
he could not consent that any thing should be said to the
Indians relative to the boundary of the United States; for
though he knew from the King’s Proclamation that the war
with America was at an end, he had had no official infor-
mation to justify his supposing the States extended to this
place, and therefore could not consent to the Indians’ being
told so; especially as he had uniformly declared to them,
that he did not know these Posts were to be evacuated by
the English.”
On the following day Major Douglass again called on
the commandant, and begged permission to speak to the
Indians, pledging his word to say nothing respecting the
limits of the States, “but to confine myself to the offer of
Peace or choice of War, and the Invitation to Treaty.”
Colonel De Peyster could not be moved, and even sent word
to Major Douglass through Captain McKee, that it was his126
PEACE MISSION OF
wish the American should proceed to Niagara, as soon as
he had recovered from the fatigue of his journey.
Notwithstanding so direct a hint, Major Douglass was
invited, on the 6th, to a council which Colonel De Peyster
held with the Indians. There were assembled the chiefs
of eleven Indian nations; it was just the opportunity which
had been sought by the United States Government; yet the
peace emissary was not allowed to address them. Colonel
De Peyster himself read to them a letter from the Secre-
tary of War, advised them to live in peace with the people
of the United States, and warned them that he could not in
the future give them any assistance against the Americans.
With this Major Douglass had to be content. That night
he wrote to General Irvine at Fort Pitt as follows:
Detroit, July 6, 1783.
Dear Sir: For the purpose of writing to the honorable,
the Secretary at War, as well as to give you the informa-
tion of my safe arrival at this place, I have caused Mr.
Elliott to return by the nearest way to your post; and am
happy in communicating to you that, though I have not
been able to answer entirely the expectations of the public,
I have found the Indians highly disposed, from the pains
which had been taken with them before my arrival, to cease
from further hostilities against the inhabitants of the
United States, provided that, on their part, they [the latter]
show the same disposition to avoid the offer of every cause
of just complaint, and particularly to confine themselves
to that side of the [Ohio] river, which neither prudence
nor the laws of the country forbid their entrance.
I expect to depart tomorrow for Niagara, where I am
encouraged to hope such instructions will shortly arrive as
that the officer commanding the district will find duty and
inclination conspire to promote and effectuate the business
of my mission. At present, the want of official information
induces Colonel De Peyster, the gentleman commanding
here, to think it incompatible with his duty, as it is repug-EPHRAIM DOUGLASS.
127
nant to his opinion, to suffer the message of the United
States to be delivered before he is possessed of such au-
thenticated accounts of the treaty as will justify his con-
currence with- me.
Exclusive of the reasons I have already mentioned, I
have yet another which I am very earnest to make known
to you: The possibility that curiosity—the desire of visiting
their relations or the confidence of an hospitable reception
—might lead some of the Indians to Fort Pitt, while our
reception in their country was still unknown—and that
some injury might, in consequence, be offered to them by an
unthinking populace—all bid me wish to advertise you of
their friendly disposition, from the opinion that you will
see the justice and necessity of affording them protection
and suitable assistance. In this case, I am well assured
that whatever humanity and good policy could suggest, you
would order to be done, if our fate was not so intimately
connected with theirs. Let me beg that you will excuse the
liberty of offering to trouble you with the enclosed;
I am with great respect and esteem, Dear Sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant,
Ephraim Douglass.
Major Douglass and Captain McCully embarked at
Detroit on the morning of July 7th under British escort
and sailed down Lake Erie to the Niagara. No record is
found offering details of the voyage or even the name of
the vessel. They arrived at Fort Niagara on the nth,
where Major Douglass presented his credentials to
Brigadier General MacLean, and was courteously received,
but was requested to wait until the following day before
taking up any business.
In the meantime, there had been an interchange of let-
ters between the commandants at Niagara and Detroit, and
the Commander in Chief, General Haldimand at Quebec,
which show, better than any official report, their true atti-
tude towards the peace embassy. While Douglass and128
PEACE MISSION OF
McCully were voyaging down Lake Erie, General MacLean
dispatched the following letter to Colonel De Peyster:
Niagara, 8th July, 1783.
Sir:	I am favored with your letter of the 29th June,
enclosing the copy of a Letter from Ephriam Douglas [,yic]
to Capt. Elliott of the Indian Dept. Ephriam is a suspicious
name, I therefore am glad you have sent to bring him in to
Detroit, for we really cannot be too much on our guard
against these designing knaves, for I do not believe the
world ever produced a more deceitful or dangerous set of
men than the Americans: and now they are become such
Arch-Politicians by eight years practice, that were old
Matchioavell1 alive, he might go to school to the Americans
to learn Politics more crooked than his own; we therefore
cannot be too cautious.
It is something very extraordinary that Mr. Douglas
should attempt to assemble the Indians under your nose,
and even write for one of your own principal Indian
Managers to come & wait upon him with one of your Inter-
preters, without taking the least notice of you. I should
apprehend his first step ought to have been to come to
Detroit and produce his Credentials to you. The Americans
being now Independent States will say, they have a right
to send Ambassadors or Emissaries to whom they please,
without our consent—no doubt they may to all hations that
we know of but in the present case, with respect to our
Indians, I am of a different opinion, it being clearly an
exception to the Rule. The Indians get this day from the
King’s Stores the bread they are to eat tomorrow, and from
his magazines the clothing that covers their nakedness; in
short, they are not only our allies, but they are a part of our
Family; and the Americans might as well (while we are in
possession of these Posts) attempt to seduce our children &
servants from their duty and allegiance, as to convene and
assemble all the Indian Nations, without first communicat-
ing their intentions to His Majesty’s Representative in
Canada. These are my sentiments, and I shall not alter
1. Machiavelli.EPHRAIM DOUGLASS.
129
them till I am otherwise instructed by the Commander in
Chief; and if any such person as Ephriam Douglas comes
to assemble the Six Nations I shall certainly bring him in
here & keep him till I send for Instructions to General
Haldimand.
Mr. Douglas must be a curious fellow truly, in writing
to Capt. Elliott that he may assure the Indians, that what
they have received from any other Quarter, but through
him is without the sanction or authority of the United
States. He does not know then, that I had a Letter from
General Washington1 on that subject, and another Letter
from General Lincoln, President of the Board of War of
the United States, wrote by the express order of Congress
—His ignorance of these matters would make me imagine
that he is an arch imposter.
I have the honor to be with regard, Sir,
Your most humble and most obedient servant
Allan MacLean.
To Lieut. Col. De Peyster.
The next day General MacLean made report in the
matter to General Haldimand, in part as follows :
Niagara, 9th July, 1783.
Sir:	Herewith I have the honor to transmit to your
Excellency the copy of a Letter I received from Major De
Peyster together with the copy of a Letter wrote by one
Ephriam Douglas [sic], Mr. Douglas’ Letter explains
itself so fully that I need not trouble your Excellency by
saying anything about it. I wrote to Major De Peyster
yesterday on the subject of Mr. Douglas’ mission, and I
herewith enclose a copy of my letter to Major De Peyster
for your Excellency’s Perusall, in hopes that you may
approve of my sentiments on the subject; and that if on
the contrary you should disapprove of my ideas that you
i. No letter from Washington to General MacLean is found in the pub-
lished collections of Washington’s correspondence. Washington- wrote repeat-
edly, to many people, on the subject of American occupation of the Lake posts..
His attempt to send General Steuben to the Lake posts, and General Haldi-.
mand’s refusal, are familiar to students.130
PEACE MISSION OF
will send me instructions how to act, for I really confess
the present conduct of the Americans is very new to me,
and that I am at a loss how to treat people that act in so
uncommon a manner, at the same time, I am fully deter-
mined to act in the manner I have mentioned to Major De
Peyster, till I have the good fortune to receive your Ex-
cellency’s farther orders how I am to act with this impudent
people. There is little doubt but the Delaware Indians that
came to Cadaragows, are come at the request of Mr.
Ephriam Douglas—at least I suspect that to be the case. . .
Major Douglass and his companion were comfortably
quartered at Fort Niagara—he says they were “received
with every mark of attention.” The events of the next
few days are best told in his own words, taken from his
report to the Secretary of War, and by letters of the British
officers. To General Lincoln, Secretary of War, Major
Douglass reported:1
In the morning [July 12] I waited again on the General
at his request. He asked for my Instructions which I pro-
duced, and afterwards, at his request, the Resolve of Con-
gress alluded to. He expressed an earnest desire that the
Indians should live in peace with the United States, declared
that he had most effectually put a stop to all hostilities, and
had already given you this Information ; that he would be
answerable for their future good conduct provided they
were not molested by us—regretted that he had not at
present such information from below as would justify his
concurring with me, or even permitting me to call the
Indians together—that he had every reason to expect Sir
John Johnson very soon, who he supposed would bring
such instructions as would remove every difficulty,<—that
however he considered the purport of my message antici-
pated by the pains which had been taken to dispose the
Indians to peace, which appeared to be the grand object to
Congress.
1. Report dated “Princeton, 18th August, 1783.” The principal part of it
is included in our narrative.EPHRAIM DOUGLASS.
131
In case Sir John did not arrive in two or three days as
he expected, he proposed to me the alternative of continu-
ing downward to the Commander in Chief or of furnishing
him with Copies of my Instructions and the. Resolve of
Congress which he would transmit to him for his orders
thereon. He lamented that mischievous people among us
took too much pains to alarm the minds of the Indians in
this quarter, by inventing and propagating speeches, which
the Indians were taught to believe came from persons in
power among the Americans. In proof of this he produced
the proceedings of a Council lately held with the Indians,
which contains an alarming speech said to have been sent
to them by General Schuyler. At my request he gave me a
Copy of it with his own remarks at the bottom.
In consequence of this speech and his assurances to the
Indians the Six Nations had sent to that part of the Oneida
Tribe which had remained in the interest of the States,
forbidding them to bring any future messages, but such as
were written or otherwise visible in Belts or Strings. That
they would be glad to hear in this manner whatever the
United States had to say to them.
Colonel Butler, the Superintendent at the post, was sent
for and corroborated everything that the General said of
the peaceable disposition of the Indians, unless they were
compelled to the contrary conduct by the Americans seizing
on their Lands, which both asserted the Six Nations would
never quietly submit to. They recommended the measure
of Congress sending some person to give them assurances
respecting their Lands, if it was their intention to leave them
to the natives, and the General offered to promote it with all
his Interest, to be answerable for the safety of the Com-
missioners and also engage for the Indians’ good behaviour
and willingness to meet the Commissioners of Congress at
any place after receiving such assurance.
Captain Brant came from the Mohawk Village to see me
and was introduced by the General, in whose presence we
had a conversation on the subject of the Indians’ Lands.
Brant insisted that they would make a point of having them
secured before they would enter into any farther or other132
EPHRAIM DOUGLASS.
Treaty. In the evening I had a private conference with
him at his own request in which I explained to him in the
most circumstantial manner every thing relating to my
business with the Indians and had a good deal of friendly
argument with him on the subject, too long to insert here.
On the evening of the 13th, I received a note from the
General requesting a Copy of my Instructions &c., to send
to the Commander in Chief to facilitate business. I sent
him word that he should be obeyed, and early in the morn-
ing began to execute my promise, but before I had finished
copying them, I received a verbal message that he wished
to see me at his quarters. I finished the Copies and waited
on him with them.
Brigadier General MacLean’s letter was as follows:
Brigadier Genl MacLean presents his compliments to
Mr. Douglass, and Capt McCully, & requests the favor of
their company to dinner to-morrow at three O’Clock. A
verbal message by the Servant will be sufficient.
The Brigadier will be much obliged to Mr. Douglass, if
he will be so good as to send him to-morrow a copy of his
instructions & of the resolve of Congress to be transmitted
to the Commander in Chief in Canada to facilitate business.
Sunday Evening, 13th July, 8 O’Clock.
The Commandant’s quarters were usually—possibly al-
ways, until a much later period than we are considering—
in the old stone building at Fort Niagara erected by the
French in 1726-7, and variously spoken of as the old mess-
house, or the castle. Here it was, doubtless, within these
storied walls, in apartments already rich with associations,
that Brigadier MacLean received our emissaries of peace
for three o’clock dinner on Monday, July 14th. Major
Douglass’ report continues:
He informed me that he had sent for me to show me the
Copy of a Letter he was writing to Colonel De Peyster. It
contained instructions to that Gentleman in consequence ofEPHRAIM DOUGLASS.
133
my representations of the murders committed by the
Western Indians in the course of the last Spring, and since
by his account, they had been positively forbid to be guilty
of any such outrage. He pressed Colonel De Peyster very
earnestly to examine minutely into this affair; to forbid
the Indians in the most positive manner to be guilty of such
future misconduct; to order them to deliver up immedi-
ately such prisoners as they had captured through the spring
into the hands of himself or his officers, and further to tell
them that if they did not desist from these practices the
British Troops would join the Americans to punish them.
He afterwards read me the Copy of a Letter which he
had written you in answer to yours by Mr. Bull. Not
doubting that this Letter is in your possession, I only men-
tion it as it was the introduction to an address to me con-
taining the same sentiments, which ended in an intimation
that I might return home as soon as I thought proper; that
whenever I pleased he would furnish me with a Boat & men
to carry me to Oswego, would afford me every other assist-
ance in his power and write to Major Ross the Commandant
at that place to give me every assistance I should require.
I soon concluded that this invitation to leave the place
arose from the importunacy of the Indians to hear pub-
lickly the message which my coming had promised them,
and his refusing permission to Captain Brant to take me
on a visit to the Mohawk Castle convinced me of the justice
of this conclusion.
I employed such arguments as I expected would be most
likely to prevail on him to permit me to speak to the Chiefs
publickly before my departure, and answered (as I thought)
all his objections, one of which was to that part of my
instructions which said the King had been compelled to
make peace, which he said would convey to the Indians the
Idea of his being conquered, and might induce them to an
insolence of behaviour that would become disagreeable to
him and perhaps injurious to the service. To remove every
exception on this head I offered to suppress the word “com-
pelled,” but he avoided giving me any direct answer to this
proposal; insisted much on the pacific disposition of the134
PEACE MISSION OF
Indians, again pledged himself for their behaviour; assured
me of their desire to cultivate the friendship of the Ameri-
cans, and declared that he was authorized by the Chiefs to
tell me so. He then informed me that previous to my
arrival the Chiefs had applied to him to write to his Ex-
cellency General Washington on their behalf with offers
of friendship, and regretted that he had not such orders as
would justify him in doing it, especially before the Super-
intendent General had made the proper communications to
the Indians on the part of the Crown.
Frustrated in every attempt to obtain a public audience
with the Indians at Fort Niagara, Major Douglass was still
persistent in his efforts to execute his mission and receive
an answer from the Indians which could be communicated
to the War Department. To this end, two days after his
dinner with the Commandant, Major Douglass addressed
to him the following letter:
Niagara, 16th July, 1783.
Sir : After having already so fully communicated to you
my instructions from the Secy at War, the Resolve of
Congress whereon they are founded, my wishes in obedience
to these instructions & my earnest desire of having an
opportunity of communicating them to the Chiefs of the
Indian Nations, a repetition of any part thereof would now
be as useless as improper; but that my character may be
defended from the imputation of irresolution, negligence or
want of alacrity in the execution of my duty, I take the
liberty to request that you would favor me in writing with
your reasons for declining to suffer me to assemble the
Chiefs, and to make known to them the message I am
charged with by the United States: and from the personal
civilities I have already received, as well as from my opinion
of your character, I flatter myself you will readily grant
me this request.
I am, with all possible respect, Sir, Your most Obed.
Servant	Ephraim Douglass.
Hon’ble Brigr Genl MacLean, Commandr at Niagara.EPHRAIM DOUGLASS.
135
To this reasonable and respectful request, General Mac-
Lean replied promptly and fully, as follows:
Niagara, 16th July, 1783.
Sir:	I am favored with your letter of this date, in
answer to which, I am to inform you that it is my wish, &
ought to be that of every honest man, to promote friendship,
cordiality and reconciliation between the subjects of Great
Britain and the citizens of the United States; and that I
shall for my part always follow that rule.
You, Sir, have been so obliging as to deliver me a copy
of your Instructions together with the Resolve of Congress,
upon which they are founded, & I should have been happy
to have had it in my power to comply with your wishes; but
circumstanced as I am in a subaltern station it was out of
my power, until I had received the orders of the Commander
in Chief. My sentiments on that head, I had the honour to
communicate to General Lincoln, Secretary at War to the
United States, by a letter dated 16th of May, last. An
additional reason that weighed greatly with me, and ren-
dered it impossible for me to admit the publication of your
instructions, was, that part of them were conceived in terms
that I judged to be unnecessary, if not improper, and must
have been a reflection on any British Officer that would
give his consent to their being published.
I apprehend Congress to be acquainted with the situa-
tion in which I stand with respect to Indians. There are
3,000 of them victualled here daily; these, in fact, are a
part of this Garrison, as to provision & cloathing—and the
impression that the communicating your instructions to them
would (in my opinion) bring on disputes that might be
disagreeable to the service & the troops under my command,
& for which I should be justly blamed, till I had received
the sanction of the Commander in Chief.
The pacific disposition of the United States to the In-
dian Nations, I communicated to them, when I received
Gen’l Lincoln’s letter, & I shall repeat it by the Superin-
tendent immediately. You are now acquainted with the
pacific disposition of the Indians & I can assure you, there136
PEACE MISSION OF
is nothing they wish for with greater anxiety, than peace
and friendship with the United States. They have for some
time past been greatly alarmed at the several severe mes-
sages said to be sent them from Albany, but I have en-
deavored to quiet their apprehensions on that score.
I cannot conclude without declaring, that in my humble
opinion Congress could not have employed any Man better
qualified than yourself for carrying on a negotiation with
the Indian Nations & I greatly lament for the reasons I have
mentioned, that it is out of my power to act otherwise than
I have done, until I have the authority of my superiors,
which I shall transmit by a flag of Truce to the State of
New York, the moment I receive them.
I have the honor to be &c
Allan MacLean.
To Ephriam Douglas,1 Esqr.
Major Douglass and his companion set out on the same
day these letters were written, by boat, for Oswego. The
conveyance was furnished by General MacLean, from
whom, wrote the Major in his subsequent report, “I have
experienced every species of polite attention, except that
which duty as well as inclination bid me most wish for, and
every civility from 'his officers, and from the officers in
general at all the Posts I had occasion to visit.” One can
but regret that he did not commit to writing some account
-of the appearance and state of buildings, fortifications and
general strength of garrison, at the very interesting period
of his visit. Nothing of the kind is known. He departed
under the friendly escort of a sergeant and seven soldiers
from the post; and as the sturdy Canadian boatmen rowed
him swiftly to the eastward, skirting the high banks of Lake
Ontario, he must have looked back at the vanishing walls
of Niagara with a regretful sense of having come xm an
ineffective and frustrated errand. Nor did his visit to
i. Gen. MacLean consistently misspells both names.EPHRAIM DOUGLASS.
137
Oswego prove any more satisfactory. His report to the
War Department, already quoted from, concludes as
follows:
Sensible how difficult it is to say just enough on any
subject, I am afraid I have protracted this report to too great
a length, and yet I suppressed so many remarks and con-
versations which were interesting at the time, that I am also
afraid I have not been sufficiently explicit. I have confined
myself to bare recital, without any commentary of my
own, to avoid the imputation of obtruding opinion where it
might be considered my duty to relate facts existing ab-
stractedly. But I will hope your forgiveness for saying that
the assiduity of the British Commanders to restrain the
Indians from hostilities still wanted the visit which by your
command I have made them, to satisfy the Indians that they
had nothing to fear from the enmity of the States. They
are now convinced from my risquing such a journey through
their Country and from the communications I have made to
them individually on my way not only of our friendly
Sentiments toward them, but also of our confidence in
theirs, which must in some degree beget a similar confidence
in them. And though I bring no public answer from the
Chiefs, owing to the motives of duty or policy which
opposed it, I think myself sufficiently authorized from the
many opportunities I had of learning their Sentiments, both
from themselves and the Whites who are in their confi-
dence, to assert that I know them to be heartily tired of the
war and sincerely disposed to Peace.
The day after the peace emissaries had departed from
Fort Niagara, Commandant MacLean sent the following
report of their visit to General Haldimand, the Commander
in Chief.	Niagara, 17th July, 1783.
Sir:	I have the honor herewith to transmit to your
Excellency Copies of two Letters from Major De Peyster,
which letters will inform you of the Proceedings of the
Major, respecting the Commissioners of Congress of the
Indian Nations.138
PEACE MISSION OF
On the Evening of the ioth these Commissioners arrived
here, where they were treated with every kind of civility and
freedom, excepting that of communicating their Instructions
to the Six Nations, that being a matter beyond my reach,
without first having your Excellency’s orders. Indeed the
nature of these Instructions was such, as in my humble
opinion, rendered them improper to be communicated to the
Six Nations, while we remain in the Possession of the
Upper Posts, Except your Excellency should order the
contrary.
Mr. Douglass appears to be a shrewd sensible man, but
he has conducted himself while here with Propriety; yet I
found it would be impossible, to detain him and his com-
panion here, to wait for your Excellency’s Instructions, or
the arrival of Sir John Johnson (as either of these events
were uncertain) without their having opportunities of fre-
quent intercourse with the Indians, as Mr. Douglass speaks
several different dialects of the Indian Nations, and not-
withstanding all my attention Captain Brant had a conver-
sation with them, but it was of his seeking and not theirs;
I therefore found it necessary to let them go, after remain-
ing here six days, & I sent a Batteau with a serjeant & seven
men of the Kings & 34th to conduct them to Oswego, sober
good men; they went off Perfectly contented with their
reception here. I also enclose for your Excellency’s Infor-
mation a copy of Mr. Douglass’ Instructions and also the
copy of a Resolve of Congress upon which these Instruc-
tions are founded, & I request that I may honored be with
your commands, to direct me how I am to act. I had some
conversation with Mr. Douglass, and he candidly confessed,
that part of his instructions had much better been omitted;
I had almost told him they were insolent; but I thought it
was best to be moderate.
Mr. Douglass & his companion Capt. McCully left this
on the 16th at one o’clock. At Twelve I received a Letter
from him, and at one I sent him an answer. Copy of his
Letter, with my answer, I have the honor to transmit to
your Excellency. Had I proposed to these Commissioners
to go to Canada I am convinced they would have acceptedEPHRAIM DOUGLASS.
139
of the offer, but I did not think it was proper or necessary
at this time to give your Excellency that trouble, as they
had no authority for that purpose.
Upon the whole I have endeavoured to act in this Busi-
ness as I thought best for His Majesty’s Service and I am
not without hopes that both Major De Peyster’s conduct and
my own, will meet with your Excellency’s approbation.
I have the honor to be most respectfully your Excel-
lency’s most obedient and most Humble Servant,
Allan MacLean.
To General Haldimand.
One other letter may conclude the documentary portion
of our story:
Niagara, 19 July, 1783.
Sir: In my letter of the 17th I had the honor to trans-
mit to your Excellency Copies of all the correspondence
that passed between Major De Peyster & myself and Cap-
tain Douglass, the Commissioner of Congress to the Indian
Nations ; but omitted to enclose for your Perusal the copy
of a Letter from General Lincoln to Major De Peyster.
Mr. Douglass also gave me a Paper containing the names
of Prisoners taken by the Western Indians, since the be-
ginning of last April, and some of them so late as the 20th
May taken from Westmorland County, Pensilvania, copy
of that Paper I have the honor to enclose.
Mr. Douglass told me that it was chiefly on account of
these late outrages that Congress sent him into the Indian
Country, that the State of Pensilvania had made a Law
making it fellony for any of their Inhabitants to cross the
Ohio. Copy of the names of Prisoners lately taken I have
sent to Major De Peyster, & I have requested that he would
endeavour to recover these Prisoners from the Indians, and
to use every means & method in his Power to restrain the
Indians, and to tell them that it will be impossible for your
Excellency to assist them or Protect them, if they do not140
PEACE MISSION OF
follow your advice in keeping quiet and not to go to war,
as Peace is now made. . . .
I have the honor to be, [etc.] Allan MacLean_
To General Haldimand.
Major Douglass returned to Princeton, where he pre-
pared his report to the Secretary of War, bearing date of
August 18th. In October at Philadelphia, he wrote to
Congress, asking an allowance to pay for his service. After
a second request was made, the payment of $500 was
authorized. General Douglass never applied for payment
of this amount, probably because he considered it too paltry
a sum for the services he had performed; but E. Douglass
King, a grandson of General Douglass writes: “I was with
my mother in Pittsburgh in 1854, when she received the
money, 71 years after it was ordered paid.”1
While serving as peace commissioner, the military rank
held by Ephraim Douglass appears to have been that of
major. He subsequently held various offices in the new
county of Fayette, Pa.; was prothonotary, Judge of Com-
mon Pleas, clerk of the Court of Quarter Sessions, and
clerk of the Orphans’ Court. For many years he resided
at Uniontown, in the vicinity of which he owned so much
real estate that he became “land-poor.” In 1789 he was
appointed agent for forfeited estates; and when the excise
troubles of Western Pennsylvania, known as the Whiskey
Rebellion, came to a crisis, he was appointed a brigadier
general of Pennsylvania militia. Various other honors and
responsibilities came to him in later life; and there was no
man in Western Pennsylvania better known or more thor-
oughly respected than General Douglass. An incident of
his old age was the visit of General Lafayette to Union-
town, in May, 1825. At the banquet on that occasion,
i. Letter to C. M. Burton, 1910.EPHRAIM DOUGLASS.
141
General Douglass sat at Lafayette's right, no slight mark
of distinction. He died July 17, 1833, leaving an estate
counted large in those days.
General Douglass was described, by one1 who knew him
personally in his later years, as “a man of high stature and
most imposing appearance, remarkably neat and exact in
gait and dress, with long queue and powdered hair. He
was a peer among the great and high-minded judges and
attorneys of his day. .	.	. He had a repulsive stern-
ness and awe-inspiring demeanor, which repelled undue
familiarity and rendered him unpopular with the masses.
His temper was irritable and he was subject to impetuous
rage. Yet he was a man of great liberality, generous and
kind to the poor, and especially a friend in need. It is said
that in a season when a great scarcity of grain was threat-
ened, he providently bought up, at fair prices, large quan-
tities which, when the expected want of his neighbors came
upon them, he sold at cost, or lent to be repaid in kind and
quantity after the next harvest.” Another anecdote tells
of his generous help to General Arthur St. Clair who in
his last years was very poor. General Douglass loaned
him a hundred dollars, and took his note “on demand,”
himself endorsing it: “Never to be demanded.”
His chief claim to the thought of later generations is,
that he was the first official representative of the United
States who brought a message of peace and good will, and
a proclamation of new sovereignty, to the Indian tribes
north of the Ohio and in the region of the Great Lakes.
SOURCES OF THE NARRATIVE
The writer is not aware that the story of Ephraim Douglass and his peace
mission of 1783 has ever been told before as a part of Niagara regional history.
The local histories and studies of the Niagara frontier do not contain his name.
Yet his mission was important, and the documentary record of it is fairly
1. Judge James Veech, author of “The Monongahela of Old."142 PEACE MISSION OF EPHRAIM DOUGLASS.
abundant and easy of access. Douglass' own report is printed in the Journals
of Congress^ His letter of July 6, from Detroit, to General Irvine, is con*
tained in the ‘ ‘Washington-Irvine Correspondence,” edited by C. W. Butter*
field, 188a. The letters of the British officers are from the Haldimand papers
at Ottawa; some of them are printed in the Michigan Pioneer and Historical
Collections. Other documents are found in the Pennsylvania Archives,
especially Series i, vol. io. From these and other sources Mr. Clarence M.
Burton of Detroit prepared a study, “Ephraim Douglass' and His Times,”
published in Abbatt’s Magazine of History, Extra, No. io, in 1910. Mr.
Burton’s study gave first publication to the incomplete journal kept during
the journey, by Captain George McCuliy. It covers the expedition from Fort
Pitt to Detroit, the last entry being July 4th. The Niagara portion of the
journey, if ever written by McCuliy, is lost.