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Cornell University Library 1993.THE NATIONAL
FREE SOIL CONVENTION OF ’48.
Held in Buffalo.
PAPER READ BEFORE THE SOCIETY JANUARY 7, 1878.
BY JOHN HUBBELL.
When I proposed to prepare a paper on the National Free
Soil Convention I intended to do nothing more than attempt a
brief history and account of the “ actings and doings’ ’ of that
most extraordinary assemblage, including a few brief sketches of
the more prominent individuals who took part in its proceedings.
But I soon found that any attempt in this direction which should
not include a reference to and discussion of the preceding events
which in the course of a few years had created the condition of
things of which this Convention was a very natural result, would
fail to be either interesting or satisfactory. I must, therefore,
by way of introduction to the main subject allude to some of the
more important facts referred to, and which in my judgment have
had and will continue to have a most controling influence on the
destinies of this nation.
Up to the year 1840 the two great political parties, however
widely they may have differed, in reference to other questions,
seemed to agree, as by common consent, that the subject of slavery
should not be permitted in any way to become an element in
their controversies. On the contrary it was regarded as a
“ disturbing element,” an 4‘exciting topic,” the discussion of
which was to be avoided and discountenanced as tending to
disturb our harmonious relations with the Southern States.
147148
THE NATIONAL FREE SOIL
The Abolitionists, however, insignificant in point of numbers,
were nevertheless growing more and more formidable year by
year, by the vigor and persistency of their assaults upon the
“ peculiar institution,’’ denouncing it as “ the sum of all villain-
ies,” and declaring that the Constitution itself by which it was
recognized and protected was “a league with Hell, and a cove-
nant with Death.”
As against “ these pestilent fellows who were turning the
world upside down ’ ’ but in whose ranks were to be found some
of the brightest intellects in the nation, both parties directed
their most violent denunciations.
No convention, whether National, State or county, would
have been considered orthodox or regular which did not contain
as one of its most substantial “ planks ” a declaration of abhor-
rence of the purpose and designs of the Abolitionists, and of
devotion to all the “ compromises of the Constitution”; the
“ representative men,” of both parties, whose mission on earth
it was to enlighten and instruct their fellow citizens as to their
political rights and duties, whether found in the halls of the
National Capitol or who fulminated their little thunder in local
conventions or caucuses, never failed to impress upon their
constituents a proper sense of their duty to uphold the patri-
archal institution not only as one recognized by the Constitu-
tion, but as sanctioned by the wisdom of ages and the decrees of
an all-wise Providence.
It is not to be forgotten in this connection that the preserva-
tion of the Union and the Constitution, was of all things the
most important, and paramount to every other consideration ;
that the institution of slavery, however abhorrent to every senti-
ment of justice and humanity, and opposed to the genius of our
institutions, and the civilization of the age, was nevertheless
protected by Constitutional provisions from interference either
by the General Government of the people of the non-slavehold-
ing States; and that any attempt towards its abolition could only
be accomplished by a dissolution of the Union, and a sacrifice of
all the benefits and advantages which had flowed “from the more
perfect union ” under which our people had grown and pros-
pered, and become one of the first powers in the world.CONVENTION OF '48.
149
Very possibly the people of the Northern States in their
loyalty to the spirit of the Constitution may have exceeded those
limits which either duty or patriotism would have demanded,
but the time came when the North was compelled to assert its
constitutional rights and to resist the exactions and oppressions
of the South.
Passing over the period intervening between the adoption of
the Constitution up to a few years before the annexation of Texas,
let us dwell a few moments on that most interesting, and in
its results, most important event.
The territory which now comprises the State of Texas, up to
about the year 1835, or	belonged to and formed a part of
the empire of Mexico, when a few adventurers from the South
andSouthwest States made their way into this territory, under
the lead of the celebrated General Houston, and after a few
months formed what they styled an independent government;
adopted a Declaration of Independence, declaring Texas to be a
free and independent State “ with full power to levy war, con-
clude peace, contract alliances, and to do all other acts which a
free and independent State might of right do.” The Mexican
Government,weak and demoralized by internal dissensions,under-
took to drive out these adventurers by force of arms; but after a
few battles, Houston and his friends succeeded in defeating the
Mexican armies and took their President, Santa Anna, a prisoner.
The Mexican armies were then withdrawn from Texas and
for several years afterwards the people of the territory maintained
an existence as an independent nation, having been recognized as
such by the United States Government and possibly by other
nations. But Mexico did not consent to or acquiesce in the
separation and dismemberment of her empire and refused to
acknowledge the independence of the new Government. On
the contrary she denounced the Texans as a band of marauders
and vagabonds, refugees and fugitives from justice, “ the cankers
of a calm world, and a long peace,” who had taken refuge in her
unoccupied territory as mere squatters, and from which it was
her purpose to drive them out whenever her interest required
their expulsion.150	THE NATIONAL FREE SOIL
Such was the condition of things when during the adminis-
tration of John Tyler, in the year 1843, the country was
astounded by the announcement that a secret treaty had been
made and concluded by the President of the United States with
the Texan authorities and awaited only the approval of the
Senate by which the territory claimed by that State was to be
annexed to and form a part of the United States. As a general
thing this scheme was highly approved by the Southern States as
affording unlimited scope and verge for the spread of slavery,
and the consequent enhancement of the value of their slave
property. In many quarters it was opposed and denounced as an
outrage upon Mexico; who could not but regard the proposed
annexation as an attempt to rob her of a vast extent of her
lawful dominions over which she had never relinquished juris-
diction.
This scheme was sprung upon the Nation in the spring of 1843,
a few months before the time appointed for the meeting of the
National convention for the nomination of candidates for the
Presidency.
At this time the two men most prominent as the leaders of
their respective parties were Henry Clay and Martin Van Buren,
whose nomination by their respective parties was regarded as a
foregone conclusion.
Called upon to define their position on the question of annexa-
tion without hesitation and without concert or communication
with each other they severally publicly declared their opposition
to the scheme of Tyler and his Cabinet, thus placing themselves
in open opposition to the darling project of the slaveholders, and
sacrificing all hopes or prospects in reference to the Presidency.
The result is well known. Mr. Van Buren was almost wholly
ignored at the Democratic Convention, James K. Polk of Ten-
nessee being named in his place. Mr. Clay fared somewhat
better in the convention of his party, having received the barren
honor of a nomination, only to be beaten at the polls, the
canvass resulting in the election of James K. Polk, whose only
claim to the office consisted in the fact that he was an avowed
advocate of the annexation scheme.CONVENTION OF ’48.
151
It is hardly worth while to dwell upon the events which
“followed hard upon” the election of Mr. Polk. The treaty
with Texas was ratified; and this was followed by the war with
Mexico, which resulted in her subjugation, and the acquisition
by our Government of new territory, extending to the Pacific
Ocean, including Upper and Lower California.
The great question then arose as to what should be the policy
in reference to this new territory. Should it be given up to the
dominion of slavery altogether, or left open for the operation of
free institutions. A very few members of Congress from the
Northern States, among whom were Preston King, Bradford R.
Wood, Martin Grover and E. D. Culver from this State, Hanni-
bal Hamlin of Maine, Jacob Brinkerhoff of Ohio, very early
took the most decided and what was at the time regarded as very
extreme ground, that slavery should not be extended to or
permitted to exist in any part of the new territory. This senti-
ment was very speedily adopted in nearly every section of the
Northern States, and the party known as the Free Soil party
sprang into existence, and the work commenced, which resulted
in the Buffalo National Free Soil Convention of which I promised
to say something this evening.
But before calling your attention to this Convention I find it
is quite necessary to refer to the action of that portion of the
Democratic party in this State which was known as the Loco
Focos or Barnburners.
At the regular State Convention of the Democratic party held
in September, 1847, the_question as to the extension of slavery
became the great disturbing element and resulted in breaking up
the Convention. The firebrand which was the occasion of the
rupture consisted of a resolution offered by James C. Smith, now
one of the most eminent of the judges of the Supreme Court,
which was in these words :
Resolved, That while the Democracy of New York represented in this
Convention will faithfully adhere to all the compromises of the Constitution,
and maintain all the reserved rights of the States, they declare, since the crisis
has arrived when that question must be met, their uncompromising hostility to
the extension of slavery into territory now free which may be acquired by any
action ot the Government of the United States.152
THE NATIONAL FREE SOIL
The Convention refused to entertain this resolution, the
Barnburners bolted, and immediately called a mass Convention
to be held at Herkimer on the 26th of October, when this
section of the Democratic party committed themselves fully to
the doctrines of opposition to the extension of slavery.
This mass Convention was composed of some of the most promi-
nent members of the Democratic party, among whom were John
Van Buren, Samuel J. Tilden, Martin Grover, David Dudley
Field, Lucius Robinson, James R. Doolittle, Isaac Sherman,
James W. Nye, Abijah Mann, Preston King, John Ganson,
James S. Wadsworth, George P. Barker, George Rathbun, and
many others whose names are as familiar as household words in
all political circles.
Of all the men there present, distinguished as they were for
talent and influence, John Van Buren was perhaps the most
conspicuous. He then held the office of Attorney General of
this State, and had been for a number of years a favorite with
the younger members of the Democratic party. He was famil-
iarly known throughout the State as “ Prince John” and was every-
where recognized as the very prince of good fellows. He was then
thirty-five years of age, six feet high, and well proportioned and
in form and feature almost the perfection of manly beauty. As
a stump speaker I doubt if his equal was to be found in this
State or elsewhere.
His oratory was peculiar, and such as never failed to gain the
attention of his audience. He could pass from “ grave to gay,
from lively to severe, * ’ and in each transition pursue the steady
path of argument. His speech at the Herkimer convention was
a remarkable manifestation of his talents. Addressing the multi-
tude as “ fellow Democrats and fellow traitors/' he proceeded
to a discussion of the questions of the day in a speech which
attracted attention in all parts of the country as a most tri-
umphant vindication of the principles and policy of the Free
Soil party. I shall not attempt to make any lengthy citations
from this effort. I am sure, however, you will pardon me the
quotation of two or three passages. Referring to the assaults
which had been made upon the Democrats who had taken part
in the opposition to the extension of slavery in Congress, and by
several editors of leading journals, Mr. Van Buren said :CONVENTION OF ’48.
153
In my humble judgment these men have not duly reflected upon the vital
importance in all its bearings of the question of extending slavery. It reached
above and beyond the party divisions of the day. The time has come for every
true Democrat to lift his eyes from the tow-path of party and look out on the
ocean of freedom. He should lay aside his Democratic jewsharp and listen
to the notes of the bugle of liberty. He should drop his party pop-gun and
harken to the cheers of millions of energetic and independent men conquer-
ing a country and planting upon it a nation of freemen. Acting thus, these
editors would exhibit an elevation of purpose and dignity of intellect qualify-
ing them to lecture the Democrats of New York.
Referring to the Southern argument that there was no power
in Congress to prevent the introduction of slavery into new terri-
tory, Mr. Van Buren said the argument was unworthy of serious
refutation. “We have,’’ said he, “ followed the Southern lights to
the verge of the Constitution. If we pursue these will-o’-the-
wisps further we are in danger of being mired and irrevocably
lost. ’ ’ For himself, he should rather be governed by the light
of civilization, by the light of humanity, the light of freedom, in
a word, if he “might be pardoned the figure, by the northern
lights.”
Among other things, Mr. Van Buren found it necessary to
repel the imputation that the Free-Soil movement was made in
the interests of the Whig party. He would not, he said, aban-
don a position which he knew to be just, because Whigs saw fit
to flock to the same standard, any more than he would fly from
the fire of the Mexicans because he saw a Whig reinforcement
wheeling with his line :
It is folly to deny that 'now, as in previous contests, gallant men from
among our political opponents are rushing to the defence of the country,
mingling their blood and laying down their lives with Democrats.
The honors of Buena Vista were shared as well by the Whig
Taylor as the Democrat Wool; the accomplished Whigs Cad-
wallader and Pattersen and the true Democrats and gallant offi-
cers, Shields, Pierce and Temple, were equally ornaments of the
army. The conquest of the City of Mexico conferred glory
alike on the Whig Scott and the Democrat Worth. “ Go,” said
Van Buren, “ to Yorktown and Saratoga, Chippewa and Lundy’s
Lane, and examine the bloody heights of Monterey and the
crimson fields of Churubusco and Mexico,” and he imagined a154
THE NATIONAL FREE SOIL
careful analysis would detect in each and all of these consecrated
battle-grounds some spots of pure Whig blood. The courageous
Whigs, Ringgold and Butler, perished in the campaign with the
lamented Democrats, Morris and Van Olinda. Side by side with
the devoted Democrats Tell and Hardin, fell the distinguished
Clay, and he must forget his patriotism, and shrink craven-like
from the assertion of truth, who, in face of these facts,
claimed for the Democrats the entire glory of defending the
country and its honor in contests with foreign foes.
Of the proceedings of the assemblage my limits allow of only
a very brief reference. It is sufficient to say that opposition to
the extension of slavery was adopted as the cardinal doctrine of
their political faith, unanimously agreeing to a resolution that
“ free white labor cannot thrive on the same soil with slave
labor and that it would be neither right nor just to devote new
territories to the slave labor of a part of the States to the exclu-
sion of the free labor of all the States. ’ ’
The Free-Soil movement thus inaugurated and organized by
the Barnburners of New York spread to other States and became
a very important element in all political movements and combi-
nations. The movement was very generally discountenanced by
the leaders and managers of the two great parties, but the spirit
of freedom was thoroughly aroused and “ would not down at
their bidding.”
The year following, the memorable 1848, was big with the
fate of politicians in general, and particularly so of that of all the
aspirants for the Presidency. Then, as had been the case for
many years, the main object was to select candidates who would
be acceptable to the South, who of necessity, must be sound on
the all-absorbing question.
General Lewis Cass of Michigan received the nomination
from the Democrats while General Zachery Taylor was placed in
nomination by the Whig convention, both parties ignoring their
old and cherished leaders and representative men and selecting
candidates solely on the ground of their supposed availability.
Throughout the Northern and Western States these nomina-
tions were very violently assailed and denounced by the oppo-
nents of slavery extension. Whigs and Democrats alike insistedCONVENTION OF ’48.
155
that they were not “ fit to be made ” and such as they could not
and would not support. They claimed that the moral sentiment
throughout the North and West was left without a representative
and that as to the political elements of the Nation “ chaos had
come again.”
Mass meetings were held in every direction calling upon all
lovers of freedom to unite in an extended organization upon the
great principles of truth and equity.
Finally a National mass convention was called to meet at
Buffalo on the 9th of August to give united expression to their
views and sentiments and to nominate candidates for President
and Vice-President. Under this call large numbers of people
assembled at the Court House Park, in this city, on the day
appointed, all of the free and three of the slave States being
fully represented.
In point of numbers it was probably the largest collection of
individuals which had ever assembled in this country, it being
estimated at the time that at least forty thousand people were
present at the opening of the convention. The majority of
these delegates had come from great distances and from different
sections of the Union. The genuine down-easter from the
region of sunrise clasped the hand of his brother Free-Soiler
who had journeyed from the jumping-off place in the “ far
West,” while the Northern mudsill encountered for the first time
in his life the resident of the more genial climates of Maryland
and Virginia. Taken all in all, very few of us will ever look
upon the like of such a collection and aggregation of individuals.
With the exception of the most perfect harmony upon the
one question of Free Soil, the convention probably represented a
greater variety of views and sentiments upon every other question
that had ever met upon common ground upon any occasion.
The advocates of free trade found themselves side by side with
the champions of a high tariff and protection, hard-money Demo-
crats and the advocates of paper money and a “ rag currency ” ;
the bank men and anti-bank men, the sub-Treasury advocates;
to say nothing of the general mixture of Loco Focos, Barnburn-
ers, extreme Whigs and half-way Whigs; who forgot for the mo-
ment all their old controversies and united in their common oppo-
sition to the extension of slavery.156
THE NATIONAL FREE SOIL
Notwithstanding all these incongruous elements I venture to
say that in point of character, intellect and talent this convention
has never been surpassed by any assemblage of an equal number
of individuals.
Actuated by a common purpose, and with a very intelligent
understanding of what they desired to accomplish, every man
felt and acted as if he had a direct personal interest in whatever
might be said or done. The great middle class were by far the
most prominent element, and as they made their appearance in
our city, coming almost directly from their farms and work-
shops, very many of them in their everyday*working dresses, as
the exponents and representatives of the new party and the new
movement which was to overthrow all the existing political
organizations, they attracted almost the same degree of attention
as would have been bestowed upon an equal number of barbarians
or Chinese who might have made their appearance in our streets.
As a specimen of the newspaper Comments of the day I will
give a single paragraph from the Commercial Advertiser of
August 9th :
Among the delegates to the Convention in this city are some of the oddest
looking chaps that were ever seen. Some of them, about as verdant as a
stripling just escaped from his maternal apron-strings, while others look as if
they could face a roaring, rampant buffalo without being in the least intimi-
dated. Hats of all shapes and sizes from the lofty bell-crown, and majestic
sugar loaf, to the squatty rimless and insignificant tub shape are sported on
this occasion. A few have whiskers and mustachios, but most of them are
divested of these appendages. Coats that look as if every tailor in the country
had struck out a new and original idea for himself and which designate the
wearer’s particular views with more expression than any of the owner’s faces
may also be seen. Unmentionables, varying from the liberal bag-seat to the
scrimpy skin-tight, with legs both short and long without particular reference
to the requirements of the wearer, help, in connection with the neat, tidy, and
fashionably appareled, to make up the variety. Every man of them has the
welfare of his country at heart of course, and seems to imagine he is the
particular individual on whom the entire responsibility of the whole farce rests.
While there may have been “more truth than poetry ” in
this description as applied to perhaps a majority it must not be
understood that all of the persons in attendance were included in
this description. On the contrary the convention was largely
composed of men conspicuous for their refinement, cultivationCONVENTION OF ’48.
157
and scholarly attainments. It is only necessary to mention the
names of such men as Charles Francis Adams, Samuel J. Tilden,
Benjamin F. Butler of New York (whose name is not to be
confounded with General Butler of Massachusetts, who has since
played so conspicuous a part in public affairs), Preston King,
Isaac P. Christiancy, Joseph L. White, R. H. Dana, Jr., Ward
Hunt, Lyman Tremain, Noah Davis, Sanford E. Church,
Salmon P. Chase, James S. Wadsworth, John Ganson. These
names L have selected at random from among those who took an
active part in the proceedings, to satisfy my hearers that there
was no want of intelligence and intellectual power in this body
of assembled citizens.
It was, however, utterly unlike all other National conventions
which had ever been held.
In the first place, there were no leaders, no wire-pulling, no
pipe-laying, no jealousies, distrusts, quarrels, or intrigues, either
as to who should receive the honor of a nomination, or as to
anything else. The great multitude had congregated here in
Buffalo by a sort of spontaneous impulse without anything like
defined notions, not only as jto what was to be done, or how or
in what manner the result was to be accomplished. The assem-
blage in short was a
“ mighty maze
And all without a plan,”
ignoring everything else but most intensely harmonious and
unanimous upon the great question which had called them
together.
So far as there were consultations or conferences at all they
took place at the Mansion House which seemed to be regarded
by common consent as the headquarters of many of the most
conspicuous individuals in attendance. Our old friend, Philip
Dorsheimer, the proprietor, had the advantage over almost every-
one else in Buffalo of an acquaintance with all the leading men
in the country, numbering, as I happen to know, among his per-
sonal friends, Salmon P. Chase, Joshua R. Giddings, Preston
King, John Van Buren, Martin Grover, Benjamin F. Butler,
James S. Wadsworth of Geneseo, besides many others of the
men who had already become identified with the Free Soil
movement.158
THE NATIONAL FREE SOIL
It was understood that at one of the Mansion House meetings
a plan had been arranged for organizing the convention, and
accordingly at 12 o’clock on the 9th of August the masses
assembled in the. Court House Park and the convention was
organized by the election of Nathaniel Sawyer of Ohio as chair-
man pro tern.
Such a spectacle as this convention presented had never
before been witnessed in the whole history of the Government.
Forty thousand men of every political order and religious sect,
combining more intellectual and moral power than was ever
gathered in a political mass meeting, were here assembled, acting
with the most marked decorum and harmony. I have not the
time, nor would you have the patience, to listen to a detailed
account of the proceedings as they took place from day to day
for three days, holding evening sessions often until long past
midnight.
All its sessions were opened with prayer, and at an early hour
of each day, thousands gathered specially to ask the Divine
blessing on its deliberations.
Charles Francis Adams of Massachusetts was made the
permanent chairman, and with the appointment of nineteen
vice-presidents and seven secretaries the organization was
completed.
Then followed the appointment of a committee of fifty-five
with Benjamin F. Butler as chairman, as a committee on reso-
lutions and also a conference committee to report the names of
suitable candidates for President and Vice-President. While
these committees were preparing their work, time was occupied
with making and hearing speeches and the singing of political
songs. I venture to quote a few verses from one that was re-
ceived with great favor :
O what a mighty gathering
From the old free states,
Of the friends of freedom
And the tillers of the soil.
We’ll not vote for Cass or Taylor
In the old free states;
We’re the friends of freedom
And our motto is Free Soil.CONVENTION OF ’48.
159
Heaven bless the brave Barnburners
In the old Empire State,
For their fires of freedom
Are lighting up the land.
And the old Whig party’s rotten,
Yes the old Whig party’s rotten,
All that’s left is damaged cotton,
In the old free states.
But freedom’s fires are burning
And will soon clear out Free Soil.
Then three cheers altogether,
Let the people shout forever—
Freemen’s hearts none can sever,
In the old free states.
The resolutions or platform which was adopted, was a most
able and eloquent expression and vindication of the principles
and the motives of the convention. Two of the resolutions were
as follows :
Resolved, That we accept the issue which the slave power has forced
upon us—and to this demand for more slave states and more slave territories
our calm and final answer is “ No more slave states and no slave territory.
Let the soil of our extensive domains be ever kept free for the hardy pioneers
of our own land and for the oppressed and famished of other lands seeking
homes of comfort and fields of enterprise in the New World.”
Resolved, That we inscribe on our own banner Free Soil, Free Speech,
Free Labor and Free Men, and under it will fight on and fight ever until a
triumphant victory shall reward our efforts.
After numerous speeches and song-singing to an almost un-
limited extent, the conference committee made their report and
recommended the nomination of Martin Van Buren for President
and Charles Frances Adams for Vice-President. The announce-
ment was received with the most enthusiastic demonstrations.
Hats, banners and handkerchiefs 1 were waved, cheer followed
cheer, and the nominations were immediately unanimously
adopted, and after another day spent in listening to speech-mak-
ing and song-singing, the convention adjourned without date.
I am very conscious that this paper may be regarded as quite
imperfect and unsatisfactory by reason of the omission to give
some account or sketch of the individuals who were conspicuous160
THE NATIONAL FREE SOIL
on the occasion. But my limits will not permit. I must con-
tent myself with the general statement that among the delegates
were to be found very many of the leading and time-honored
members of the Democratic party, who had been its representa-
tives and standard-bearers in the councils of the Nation and in
all questions of State or local politics, while the old Whig party
was represented by men who were known and honored through-
out the length and breadth of the land as patriots and statesmen,
and who, in the service of their country, had won honorable
distinction and renown. Of these men, Joseph L. White, then
a resident of the City of New York, but who had for many years
been a distinguished Member of Congress from the State of
Indiana, was conspicuous. His speech, delivered at the midnight
session following the nominations, attracted much attention from
the vigor of his assaults and his somewhat vehement denuncia-
tions of his late associates. A single extract I will venture to
give :
Mr. Chairman and Fellow Citizens :—I find myself, for the first time
since I arrived at the years of maturity, acting politically with strange men, but
not standing upon strange ground. Born and bred in the Whig faith, my
earliest attachments were for the Whig cause and for Whig principles, and I
am proud to say, I still feel yearnings for my early love, and shall only aban-
don them with my latest breath. But I am here because I find in the plat-
form of principles laid down by this great convention, the ground upon which,
as a man of Northern birth and Northern education, but of National views, I
have always stood, and by the blessings of God, shall ever continue to stand.
Up to the period of the Philadelphia convention, it was the pride as well as
the pleasure of your speaker, to act with that great, respectable and distin-
guished party, with what I conceived to be a still greater—still more distin-
guished—still more respectable—head, the man that I conceived to be not only
the man of our party* but the man of the world, but who, by the foulest
treachery of pretended friends has recently, by the Philadelphia convention,
been tossed together with WThig principles, and the obligation of gratitude and
personal honor, into one common grave. And since that period, I have felt
that the Whig party as such, has abandoned its organization—that its prin-
ciples have been discarded, and that that portion of them who assembled to
perpetuate that work of infamy, have recorded to the world their determina-
tion to fight, henceforth and forever, as a band of guerrillas, devoid of all the
obligations of gratitude—caring not for the welfare of the land that gave them
birth—casting off all ties of patriotism and honor, for the mere spoils of party
and plunder of office.
The gratitude of the Whig party and the affections of the Whig party allCONVENTION OF ’48.
161
pointed to one man beyond the Alleghanies. There rose and set the very sun
of the party. To him all the affections of his party were directed by a confiding
constituency. Yet when it was discovered that Henry Clay had proclaimed
no more slavery territory, even he, the man that in youth and riper age they
had been taught almost to deify, they were found ready to sacrifice on the altar
of their institutions, and they took up and presented for the suffrages of the
Whig party of this Union, what I have denominated a living insult to the
intelligence of its members.
I do not know Martjn Van Buren in this contest. All I know is that cir.
cumstances have.placed him in the van as the leader of_ freedom’s hosts, and
while he. is there, and I am actuated by the sentiment of eternal hostility to
the slave power, I am nothing but a private in the army, bound to fight for the
common cause. [Great applause.] So much for this candidate, and as for
the other, I cannot separate him from his father [applause], and when I cast
my vote for him I shall see standing side by side the substance of the son and
the spirit of the father. ., f Applause.] All are merged now in one common
party. [“Name it!”J Tt.is_the_!i FreeTSoil.Party..’’ [Great applause.] All
past predilections and prejudices are to be forgotten. Here upon the altar of
our country’s truth they must be sacrificed. My attachment to this party is the
result of circumstances and not of choice.
When the Whig party was dissolved by the action of the Philadelphia
convention, I was forced to turn my attention elsewhere. When they sacri-
ficed that noble heart upon the altar of despotism, I felt the time for action
had arrived. Henry Clay, as long as exalted patriotism, transcendental
genius, nobleness of soul, and love of freedom shall command the respect of
the minds and sway the impulses of the hearts of men, the name of Henry
Clay shall be cherished with love, and admiration and delight. [Enthusiastic
applause.]
Next to this now stands him whom I have fought from my earliest youth.
That man is Martin Van Buren. [Tremendous cheers.] When I saw this
man that I had formerly believed to be timid, cautious and calculating; this
man enjoying the universal confidence and affection of the great Democratic
party, willing to sacrifice all this personal regard and forfeit all this public
confidence and esteem, and plant himself upon the spot where freedom dwelt,
and bid defiance to the South; it was a sublime spectacle—it was the poetry
of politics—it was the religion of patriotism. [Applause.]
When I saw it, then and there, on that occasion, did I surrender up all
personal prejudices against that man. [Applause.] I say, fellow citizens,
that a man like this deserves the favor, the support, the honorable mention of
every lover of liberty in this and other lands. [“ Yes, yes, he does !”] And
that we may be able hereafter to reward him with the office to which we are
all striving to elevate him, shall ever be the effort, as it is now the prayer, of
him who now addresses you.
It is hardly necessary to remind you that in its immediate
results the work of this convention was an entire failure, not a
11162 THE NATIONAL FREE SOIL CONTENTION OF ’48.
single State having cast its vote in favor of the candidates put in
nomination. General Taylor and Mr. Fillmore were elected by
considerable majorities, and the Whig party once more came
into power.
Judging from mere surface indications, the new Free-Soil
party had accomplished absolutely nothing, except possibly the
defeat of General Cass, a Northern man by birth and education
and whose interests were all identified with the prosperity of
that section of the Union, and in his place elevating to the
Presidency, General Taylor, the largest slave-holder in the
Union, whose interests and sympathies were all with the prin-
ciples and policy of the opposite section.
But the work and mission of the Free-Soil party had not
been accomplished. It was destined to no such short-lived
existence. In fact the real fight had just commenced.
Almost immediately upon the organization of the new
administration, the conflict was renewed in the House of Repre-
sentatives and in the Senate over the admission of Oregon and
California. The details of this controversy do not come within
the limits of anything I have proposed to discuss in this paper.
It is sufficient for my purposes to say that in the end, the prin-
ciples of the Buffalo convention were triumphant and as a result
the 650,000 square miles of territory acquired from Mexico
became forever free. The new territory which the South claimed
as a lawful prize for which they had consented to if they did not
inaugurate the scheme for the annexation of Texas and the war
with Mexico, was from them
“ Wrenched by an unlineal hand, no son of theirs succeeding.”
The events which during the fifteen years following the close
of the Mexican War, of such momentous importance, are too
fresh in your minds and recollections to require any discussion or
even mention. Beginning with the great Compromise measures,
of which the memorable Fugitive Slave Law was a prominent
feature, and the struggles with regard to Nebraska and Kansas,
from which the name of John Brown became familiar, and
coming down to the election of Abraham Lincoln and the
war for the Union which followed, we are able to recognize at
every step the work which was so well begun in this good City of
Buffalo at the convention in the month of August, 1848.