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 HouM of Austria In the thirty years' wa 
 
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THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 IN 
 
 THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 
 
THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 
 
 TWO LECTURES, 
 
 WITH NOTES AXD ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 BY 
 
 ADOLPHUS WILLIAM WARD, M.A. 
 
 FELLOW OF ST. FETER'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, AND PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN 
 OWENS COLLEGE, MANCHESTER. 
 
 MACMILLAN AND CO. 
 1869. 
 
.^rW^Trft 
 
 [These Lectures were delivered on February 2d and f,th, 1869, at the 
 Philosophical Institution, Edinburgh.'[ 
 
LECTURE I. 
 
 It is well that princes should read history ; but it is 
 not well that history should be written for them by 
 their servants. In the century and the country of 
 the Thirty Years' War, the historical author, even if 
 his identity was not lost among the crowd of menial 
 existences of the courts, well knew for what and for 
 whom he plied his pen. Even to those whose own 
 tastes or beliefs induced them to contribute their 
 aid towards collecting or confusing the memorials 
 of the times, there seemed to have been given, 
 together with their semi-official task, a semi-official 
 conscience, — which conducted their blindfold march 
 along a tortuous path, but to no doubtful goal. 
 As a result they have left to posterity much, which 
 (in Bolingbroke's phrase) it may neglect entirely, 
 not only without detriment, but with advantage. 
 Since those days of abasement, great and salutary 
 . changes have supervened. Even before the German 
 
 B 
 
2 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 nation had resolved to break with the traditions 
 of its dynasties, both great and small, a spirit of 
 freedom had begun to stir the dry leaves on which 
 were written the records of its humiliations. The 
 revival of a nation casts its wholesome rays behind 
 as well as before it ; yet in historical literature, as 
 in political life, the Germany of the present has 
 not wholly emerged out of a period of transition. 
 Dynastic history is still cultivated in more than 
 one capital whence dynastic government has taken 
 its unwilling departure. In the South, historical 
 questions are still occasionally treated in a spirit 
 of Tyrolese devotion. In the victorious North, 
 Heaven is still believed to be on the side of a 
 particular house ; and the imperfect satisfaction of 
 a nation's hopes is registered as only another page 
 in the consistent memoirs of a watchful line. But 
 the times are sore for the over-trustful and the 
 over-credulous ; new historical fallacies are only 
 compounded with the result of exploding the mould 
 of the fabricator, while the old are expiring with a 
 last feeble hiss. For, happily, the vitality which 
 credulity bestows is not everlasting. The wisdom 
 of dynasties must justify itself from their own 
 archives; and as the doors of these treasuries are 
 opened, and the serene light of scientific inquiry 
 streams in over their dust, the epoch is at hand 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS WAR. 3 
 
 when dynastic history, like dynastic statecraft, will 
 be a thing of the past. 
 
 It is not as an offering of homage to the House 
 of Austria, that the coming historian of the Thirty 
 Years' War, be he living or yet unborn, will bestow 
 upon the world a long-desired gift. It is no new 
 Annals of the Ferdinands, neither is it any new 
 jeremiad against the treason of the Protestant 
 princes, and the self-seeking avarice of their allies, 
 which will satisfy the awakened historic sense of 
 these latter days. Soon there will hardly remain 
 an Austrian university whose students will tolerate 
 the reappearance of the House of Habsburg in the 
 favourite character of victim to a European con- 
 spiracy. On the other hand, the unscrupulous 
 opponents of that house have long been defended 
 past all prospect of rehabilitation. Even the view 
 formerly current as to the motives and conduct of 
 the great Swedish invader is in these days chiefly 
 left to stray patriots from Stockholm, hopeful of 
 haranguing a North-German audience into the con- 
 viction that King William, the protector of Luther's 
 statue at Worms, has assumed the inheritance of 
 Dugald Dalgetty's Lion of the North. C) The 
 history of the Thirty Years' War can no longer be 
 written, as if each successive book were but one 
 (') See Notes at end of Lectures. 
 B 2 
 
4 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 more lunge in the duel between religious prejudices 
 or national antipathies ; and, least of all, can the 
 interests of the House of Austria, which has regis- 
 tered the opening of a new era in its annals, require 
 the historian to go forth like Wallenstein to the 
 battle of Liitzen, trusting in his impenetrability. 
 
 In the observations which I shall have the honour 
 of submitting to your consideration on this and a 
 future night, I must necessarily restrict myself to 
 certain aspects of a very wide and complicated 
 subject. The policy and conduct of the House of 
 Austria in a war which its chief hero, Gustavus 
 Adolphus, declared to have absorbed into itself all 
 the other wars of Europe,^) involve in their sphere 
 questions at which my limits forbid me even to 
 glance, but which even the most summary historical 
 narrative could not afford to overlook. If, therefore, 
 in my remarks to-night concerning the genesis of 
 that policy, and on a subsequent occasion con- 
 cerning its development, I should frequently seem 
 liable to the charge of omissions, I am at all events 
 aware of the dang'er which attends any rapid survey 
 of such a subject as this ; and I can only plead the 
 absence of any intention on my part to imitate 
 certain writers on the same subject, who have 
 found in it frequent opportunities of being brief, 
 because it was their design to be obscure. 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 5 
 
 The half century of anarchy known as the reign 
 of Frederick III. had witnessed the collapse of the 
 Imperial, and the revival of the Papal power ; but 
 amidst its disappointments and humiliations it 
 had been unable to lay the spirit of a national 
 longing for reform in Church and State. (5) Before 
 the close of the fifteenth century, Maximilian I. 
 sat in his father's seat, strong in the possession of 
 the compactest territory united under the domi- 
 nion of any German prince, and buoyed up by the 
 prospect of acquisitions which would enable the 
 House of Habsburg to hold its own among the 
 great dynasties of Europe. From him, a German 
 in everything but heart and soul, the nation had 
 hoped for the willing accomplishment of the task 
 which his predecessor had renounced with cynical 
 apathy. (*) But instead of regenerating the Em- 
 pire by a genuine revision of its administrative 
 system, Maximilian I. bent his thoughts upon 
 establishing beyond its borders the influence of 
 his house ; instead of becoming the second founder 
 of German unity, he merely became the father 
 of an institution which his people could have well 
 spared, that of the mercenaries of the lowlands — 
 the Landsknechte. He valued the Imperial crown 
 which he laboured so hard to secure to his grand- 
 son Charles ; for to the Imperial position of 
 
6 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 his father and himself his house owed those 
 marrriages through which it was to achieve its 
 European predominance. But though he would 
 not resign a single Imperial privilege which he re- 
 garded as. other than illusory, he was found ready- 
 to sacrifice a German province in order to obtain 
 two Eastern matrimonial alliances ; and at his 
 last Diet, when the Estates were demanding the 
 redress of their ecclesiastical grievances, was sig- 
 nificantly supported by a Papal legate, in his 
 endeavour to obtain a general levy for a crusade 
 against the Turks-^ — Turks in Italy, said the Ger- 
 mans. When Maximilian I. closed his chivalrous 
 career — for was he not, is he not almost to this 
 day, in poetry and prose, saluted as the " Last 
 German Knight," while in truth he ought to be 
 remembered as the first German Landsknechtf — 
 he had virtually assured to his grandson Charles 
 the Imperial dignity which was henceforth to be 
 degraded into an appanage of the House of Habs- 
 burg. True, he had successively offered his aid 
 for securing the same, dignity to King Lewis the 
 Jagellone, and to the juvenile and credulous am- 
 bition of the English Henry VIII. But their 
 hopes speedily vanished on the death of the Em- 
 peror, whom Frederick the Wise of Saxony called 
 " the politest of men ;" the money of Francis of 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. / 
 
 France was scattered in vain; and in June 15 19, 
 a Spanish Habsburg wore, in addition to eleven 
 other crowns, that of the Empire. " Dutch and 
 Welsh," sings a jubilant ballad of the day, "are 
 in his power; though few are the years of this 
 young Archduke of Austria." 
 
 To Charles V. the nation came to owe — besides 
 a system of military armaments, which, wonderful 
 to relate, survived the Seven Years' War, and 
 lasted till the dissolution of the Empire in the 
 days of Napoleon (*) — its permanent disintegration. 
 That Charles should have accepted the Reformation 
 of Luther, in the sense in which it was accepted 
 by the Elector of Saxony, would have been for 
 him to renounce a religious belief to which, as 
 there is every reason to conclude, he from first 
 to last conscientiously adhered. That, when it 
 was in every sense a national movement, and 
 before it bore the hateful name of Lutheran, the 
 self-assured name of Evangelical, the ominous 
 name of Protestant, he should have met it by con- 
 cessions such as the conjuncture demanded from 
 a national sovereign, would have been for him to 
 have lost less than he was in the end forced to 
 sacrifice ; and to have preserved the unity of the 
 nation. It was not Rome which drove him to the 
 attitude which he assumed, but the use which he 
 
8 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 desired to make of Rome. An emperor who held 
 in his hands a power never compassed by any of 
 the successors of Charlemagne, had entered into 
 a conflict with the spirit of the German nation. 
 Thus he enabled the princes who were individually 
 impotent against him to identify the unsolidation 
 of their territorial autonomy with the national 
 cause ; and, as a distinguished modern historian 
 has so well said,^) by his endeavour to restore 
 Catholicism according to the Spanish pattern, 
 Charles V. convinced all Europe that the same 
 fate menaced , it which he had prepared for his 
 own Pyrenean peninsula. 
 
 The Reformation, unhappily not without the 
 aid of treason and corruption, had not only 
 worsted Charles in the great conflict to which 
 he had challenged it in the fulness of his power, 
 it had literally driven him from the Imperial 
 throne. The struggle had, to adapt another ex- 
 pression of the same writer, been one against a 
 dynastic ambition desirous of reviving the Teu- 
 tonic dream of the Middle Ages by the methods 
 of Italian statecraft. Spain and Italy had sug- 
 gested the means for restoring the universal 
 monarchy, in which the successor of Charlemagne 
 was to be the temporal viceregent of God on 
 earth. But the struggle against this design had. 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 9 
 
 in its turn, been carried on in the interests of 
 lesser dynastic ambitions, to which "German 
 liberty" was a technical expression {Deutsche 
 Libertat), and religious liberty a thing unknown — 
 ambitions, moreover, willing to sacrifice the in- 
 tegrity of the Empire to the attainment of their 
 individual ends. The Treaty of Passau, and the 
 Peace of Augsburg (for which the former paved 
 the way), established the victory of the Protestant 
 cause within certain limits ; but this cause could 
 no longer be called that of the nation, when its 
 triumph had been purchased by the loss of three 
 German territories. The French king had, for the 
 first time, crossed the frontier as vindex libertatis 
 Germaniccs ; and though his German allies were 
 eager to withdraw from the shameful league, 
 France clung to the prize which she had cheaply 
 secured — clung to it, till a century afterwards it 
 was legally incorporated in the French monarchy 
 in the Peace of Westphalia. (^) And thus Germany, 
 which to the dynastic ambition of the greatest of 
 the Habsburgs owed the perpetuation of her weak- 
 ness, saw the greed and the terror of his oppo- 
 nents begin a new page in her history — the most 
 shameful which its records contain. France hence- 
 forth had a footing in the Empire ; nor has she 
 ever since awoke from the hallucination that a 
 
lO THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 river German on either bank, from source to sea, 
 was designed by nature — for it- is nature who is 
 credited with the device — ^^as a boundary-line. 
 
 While in Spain Charles V.'s son and successor, 
 with dull but deadly obstinacy, pursued the ideal 
 of his father's reign, — the establishment of a uni- 
 .versal monarchy, where the ruler should be at 
 once the protector and the secular director of the 
 Universal Church, — the Austrian branch of the 
 House of Habsburg entered upon an interval of 
 compromise. The family compact which had 
 been intended to secure a close co-operation 
 between the two branches, by identifying their in- 
 terests, was a thing of the past ; and the Austrian 
 branch was left, as best it might, to confront its 
 own difficulties and dangers. Not that Ferdinand I. 
 was without his projects for the advance of his 
 branch of the dynasty. He would have pressed 
 a project of marrying one of his sons to Queen 
 Mary of England, had he not learnt that his 
 brother (whose word was law) had destined this 
 combination for his son Philip. But Ferdinand 
 was one of those sovereigns whom the House of 
 Austria seems privileged from time to time to 
 produce, who display a striking facility for per- 
 ceiving the error of their ways, and of the ways 
 of their predecessors. The collapse of the policy 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. II 
 
 of Charles V. seems to have convinced his brother 
 of the impossibility of staying the progress of 
 Protestantism, at all events for the present ; nor 
 were his later relations to Rome such as to 
 animate his desire to resist the inroads of heresy. 
 The Peace of Augsburg of the year 1555", the 
 basis on which the Empire was preserved from 
 the outbreak of more than transitory hostilities 
 till the commencement of the Thirty Years' War, 
 contained a critical clause. This was the so-called 
 Reservatum Ecclesiasticum, which the Protestants 
 refused to acknowledge as an integral part of 
 the entire instrument f ) Yet, even so. Pope 
 Paul IV. had made the non-observance of the 
 treaty a condition of his recognition of Ferdinand I. 
 as emperor ; and though he was actually ac- 
 knowledged by Pope Pius IV., yet the latter only 
 looked upon the treaty as a temporary arrange- 
 ment awaiting violation at the first convenient 
 opportunity. The Jesuit "opinion" which this 
 pontiff's successor, Pius V., obtained, to the effect 
 that the clauses of the treaty were not legal 
 ordinances, but mere de facto statements as to 
 the present, which the future might alter, left a 
 significant opening for sovereigns whose necessity 
 for a pacific policy might be less than that of 
 Ferdinand I. But during his reign, it was Pro- 
 
12 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 testantism which found itself able to enact the 
 part of the aggressor. It invaded the territories 
 of the House of Austria, and, though Ferdinand 
 had authorized the promulgation of the decrees 
 of the Council of Trent in the Empire, besides, 
 entering into a general undertaking to resist 
 heresy, in order to conciliate the Papal acquies- 
 cence in his tenure of the Imperial throne, he 
 contrived to play fast and loose with the privileges 
 conceded by him to his Protestant subjects, with- 
 out giving violent umbrage to either side. Thus 
 he steered the crazy vessel, without foundering it 
 upon the rocks which beset his course, till the 
 day of his death in 1564. 
 
 Before he died, he had divided the possessions 
 of the German Habsburgs among his three sons ; 
 like Lewis the Pious, breaking up the inheritance 
 of Charlemagne. Austria proper fell to Maxi- 
 miUan, who succeeded his father as Emperor, and 
 as King of Bohemia and of Hungary ; the Tyrol 
 to Archduke Ferdinand ; and Styria with Carinthia 
 and Carniola to Archduke Charles. (Thus we 
 ha:ve for a time to distinguish between three 
 German lines; but the Tyrolese expired with its 
 founder, whose marriage with the fair Philippina 
 Welser, famed in German story, left him without 
 heirs capable of succeeding to his dominions.) 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 1 3 
 
 The Emperor Maximilian II. was regarded as a 
 Protestant at heart ; and it was with difficulty that 
 he obtained the Papal recognition. In considering 
 the reign of this amiable prince from the point of 
 view under which I am endeavouring to trace the 
 policy of his house in its bearing upon the out- 
 break of the Great War, it is hard to deny that 
 his virtues and his weaknesses combined to ripen 
 the situation for that outbreak. Maximilian II. 
 had, as it seems to me, received into his inmost 
 heart Melanchthon's lessons of tolerance ; and who 
 can fail to sympathise with that most attractive 
 of historical spectacles — a mind in advance of its 
 times .■• If, in order to secure the Imperial crown, 
 Maximilian II. allowed himself to be argued into 
 a good son of the Church, it was not, like 
 Henry the Bearriese, in pure gaiety of heart 
 that he changed his convictions. Like the lover 
 of Gabrielle, Maximilian may in his youth have 
 cared more for the fair ladies than for the theo- 
 logians who adorned his table ; but it is obvious 
 from a survey of his system of government when 
 he came to the throne, that irf him toleration was 
 not, as in Henry IV. of France, the result of a 
 mixture of bonhomie and indifference, f) Maxi- 
 milian's method of governing with a loose rein 
 would have allowed the whole of his hereditary 
 
14 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 dominions to -be gradually Lutheranised, had it 
 not been for the marvellous exertions of the 
 Jesuits, who here established one of their strongest 
 claims upon the gratitude of Rome. As it was, 
 in Austria and Styria the Protestant lords were 
 allowed the free exercise ■ of their religion ; and, 
 with the aid of pastors from Wittenberg, fast con- 
 verted their tenantry ; while in Bohemia religious 
 liberty was virtually permitted ; Silesia and Mo- 
 ravia as usual sharing the fortunes of the sister- 
 dominion. Yet it was not toleration by an 
 individual sovereign, but a legally-defined position, 
 independent of the individuality of himself or 
 his successors, which Maximilian, warned by his 
 knowledge of the' character of his probable suc- 
 cessor, should have bestowed upon Protestantism, 
 if he was really minded to open a new era for his 
 states. A charter such as the Bohemians after- 
 wards extorted from Rhodolph might, if granted 
 by Maximilian, have founded religious liberty upon 
 a basis which even the determination of Ferdi- 
 nand II. would have proved unable to shake ; while 
 the permanent establishment of the privileges of 
 the Austrian and Styrian Estates would have 
 proved an obstacle to the same prince in the first 
 step which he took towards the great reaction. 
 And meanwhile, though at home his policy was 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 15 
 
 liberal, abroad Maximilian II. was entirely de- 
 pendent upon the guidance of his brother-in-law 
 the Spanish Philip ; and while he ensured himself 
 popularity at home by his toleration towards his 
 Protestant subjects, he never availed himself of 
 this popularity to free his government from its 
 humiliating position of a tributary to the arch 
 enemy of Christianity, the Turk. 
 
 The necessities of Ferdinand I. and the weak- 
 ness of Maximilian II. had reduced the dynastic 
 power of the House of Austria to a benevolent 
 dignity. Neither at home nor abroad could their 
 policy be said to amount even to what previous 
 emperor^ had been content to secure as the essence 
 of government — -police. 1^'^) The whole of Austria, 
 and nearly the whole of Styria and its sister- 
 duchies, were mainly Lutheran ; Bohemia, Silesia, 
 and Moravia were fermenting with every form of 
 Christian belief ; and Catholicism had all been but 
 driven back into the mountains of the Tyrol — when 
 in 1576 a fanartcal, a Spanish Catholic, ascended 
 the Imperial throne, as well as those of Bohemia 
 and Hungary, in the person of Rhodolph II. 
 
 The fatal cycle was now almost complete ; for 
 Rhodolph II. was one of those princes who, like 
 Louis XV. of France, seem passive instruments in 
 the hands of the evil genius of their people. The 
 
1 6 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 dilemma of the situation must soon prove un^ 
 avoidable. And, whether the religious policy which 
 Ferdinand I. had found himself constrained by 
 necessity to adopt, and to which Maximilian II. 
 had been inclined by his early associations and by 
 his natural disposition, was to be allowed to run 
 its course ; or whether the Austrian branch of the 
 House of Habsburg was, in the conduct of religious 
 matters, as well as of foreign affairs, to join hands 
 with the Spanish monarch: the management of 
 the situation required a strong will, a steady hand, 
 and an unflagging energy. No longer untouched 
 by the national heresy, but filled in their length 
 and breadth with Lutheran lords, and burg^hers, and 
 peasants, the hereditary dominions of the House 
 must be forced to return into the lines of the 
 orthodox faith, or be for ever freed from its 
 claim to an undivided sway. No longer supine in 
 indifference, the Pontiff was ready to sanction his 
 Spanish champion's use of fire and sword for the 
 suppression of the abomination of heresy; the 
 Council of Trent had pronounced the ultimatum 
 of the Church ; the Order of Jesus was at work 
 in the front of an unprecedented Catholic reac- 
 tion ; and the Inquisition was on the watch to 
 extend the sphere of its tremendous operations. 
 No longer surrounded by feeble neighbours, but 
 
TN THE THIRTY YEARS WAR. 1 7 
 
 threatened by the growth of vigorous monarchies 
 in north and north-east, — with the ancient arch- 
 enemy knocking loudly at the south-eastern gate, 
 already half opened for his entrance, — and with 
 France emerging from her thirty years' war as 
 the most dangerous, because the best-consolidated 
 monarchy of Europe, intimately allied with her 
 victorious neighbours across the narrow seas and 
 her north-eastern borders ; the Empire in the course 
 of Rhodolph's reign seemed marked out as the 
 prey of foreign ambition, unless (whether in alliance 
 with Spain or not) a strong hand at the helm could 
 give it unity at all events against the stranger. 
 
 Such were some, and some only, of the difficulties 
 which beset this reign ; and what was the character 
 of the sovereign who was called upon to meet them, 
 and the character of his government .? Of Rho- 
 dolph II. we possess portraits in the two periods 
 of his life which an Austrian historian,* (") whose 
 labours on the transaction of this reign have thrown 
 a totally new light upon many of its conjunctures, 
 has characterised as the "phlegmatic" and the 
 " melancholy." But Rhodolph's phlegm amounted 
 to apathy, and his melancholy passed the bounds 
 of mania. And it was his peculiar and perhaps 
 unparalleled fate, to be forced into taking an active 
 
 * Gindely. 
 C 
 
1 8 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 part in the direction or disturbance of affairs when 
 his mania had become uncontrollable, and when 
 years had developed in him that last resource of 
 the impotent — obstinacy. By education he was a 
 Spaniard ; for, during the childhood of the wretched 
 epileptic Don Carlos, Philip, uncertain as to the life 
 of this his sole heir, had been fain to bring up the 
 Archduke and his brother Ernest at his own court 
 as possible successors to his thrones. The influences 
 of a court which, in the opinion of Catherine de 
 Medici, transformed even her daughter, a Medici 
 and a Valois, into a thorough Spaniard, and which 
 actually thus transformed a son of William of 
 Orange — had deepened the natural gloom of a mind 
 in which, as in that of more than one other Habs- 
 burg, rankled the fatal heritage of the mad Joanna. 
 When in his twenty-fifth year Rhodolph ascended 
 his thrones, he brought with him the manners and 
 sentiments, but not the indefatigable energy of the 
 Spanish king ; nor the belief in himself which, not- 
 withstanding the philippics of distinguished his- 
 torians, saves the royal scribe of the Escurial from 
 the contempt of posterity. Like Philip, Rhodolph 
 was rarely known to smile ; and his favourite com- 
 panion was solitude. From the first he shut him- 
 self up at Prague in his cabinet of curiosities, among 
 his astronomical instruments and mechanical toys 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 19 
 
 avoiding royal sports and exercises, first as much 
 as possible, and then altogether. Like Charles V. 
 he had a love of horses ; but he soon came to 
 content himself with domiciliary visits to his costly 
 stud. Like Philip II. he was not without a ten- 
 dency to secret debauchery, and loved, sultan- 
 wise, to sin in the dark. His courtiers called him 
 a Solomon ; but even in the prime of his years he 
 was a Solomon in his dotage. His government, 
 during the former period of his reign, was not so 
 much an ineffective government as no government 
 at all. Even in matters ecclesiastical, on which 
 alone he felt strongly, and where the Protestant 
 nobility had apprehended a tightening of the rein, 
 his tyranny was exercised vicariously ; and there 
 Avere Jesuits enough in his dominions to prevent 
 any opportunity from passing unused. The Em- 
 peror himself only established systems of repres- 
 sion in order to permit them to be violated on the 
 morrow ; ten, twenty ordinances were at times sent 
 forth from the chancery in a single case, and com- 
 mission after commission was issued to inquire 
 into the causes of their non-observance, till in the 
 end the matter was allowed to drop. In Bohemia 
 itself, where he caused the Utraquist Consistory to 
 be filled with Catholic clergy, the ordinances of 
 that donsistory were persistently ignored ; and, 
 C 2 
 
20 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 except in Vienna and some of the larger Austrian 
 towns, the relations between the faiths remained 
 in reality unchanged. Yet it was to these matters 
 that Rhodolph directed the remnant of energy- 
 left to a naturally intelligent mind. The duties of 
 his imperial position he utterly neglected ; and 
 during the great struggle in the Netherlands the 
 troops neither of the King of Spain, nor of the 
 King of Spain's rebels, respected the frontier ; 
 though the King was the Emperor's kinsman and 
 ally, while the United Provinces legally formed 
 an integral part of the Empire. Of his Hungarian 
 kingdom half had thrown off nominal as well as 
 actual allegiance; while his Bohemian subjects 
 bearded his ordinances at his palace gates. The 
 finances of his administration speedily fell into 
 inseparable disorder ; yet his personal extrava- 
 gances, his taste for horses which he never rode, 
 for pictures over which he mused in sullen soli- 
 tude, for every curiosity or abnormity of science, 
 art, and mechanical ingenuity, knew no bounds. 
 (His collections are said to have been valued at 
 seventeen millions of florins.) Then, as his mind 
 gave way, he left the control of everything to the 
 vilest of favourites ; among others, to his body- 
 servant, one Philip Lang, a vile minion, charac- 
 terised by all the sensuality and recklessness of 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 21 
 
 a Cassarean freedman : who sold offices in court, 
 army, and state ; who took bribes from foreign 
 princes ; who interfered in the administration of 
 justice, mismanaged the imperial domains, amassed 
 a large fortune by every kind of extortion, and 
 ultimately, though brought to trial, seems to have 
 escaped his appropriate earthly meed. C^) Mean- 
 while the Emperor sat in his chamber, where per- 
 petual silence was enjoined, dreaming over the 
 horoscopes of foreign ambassadors (the single kind 
 of inquiry which he was interested in addressing 
 to them), gazing at his treasures and toys, and 
 only varying his state of imbecile vacancy by fits 
 of furious, passion, when he would hurl drinking- 
 cups at those who ventured to break his golden 
 rule. Thus he is described to us in the year 1609 
 by another Italian visitor, the Tuscan Daniel 
 Eremita, whose interesting sketch of his German 
 travels offers a striking picture of many of its 
 courts and princes on the eve of the Thirty Years' 
 War.C^) (The journal to which I refer is printed, 
 and I remember seeing a copy in the University 
 Library at Glasgow.) 
 
 For the first, and for the last, time in the history 
 of the House of Austria, that house recognised the 
 necessity of uniting against its chief, unless he 
 would consent to waive part, at least, of the rights 
 
22 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 for the exercise of which he had been proved hope- 
 lessly unfit. About the commencement of the 
 seventeenth century, the Emperor's melancholy, 
 deepened by the influence of his astrological specu- 
 lations, had assumed the natural phase of a belief 
 in his approaching assassination. A Capuchin was 
 sent to pray for his deliverance from the devils tor- 
 menting him ; but so capricious was the Emperor's 
 mania that, as he declared, the monk's prayers 
 added to his afflictions. Then he was approached 
 by his brother next in age, the Archduke Matthias, 
 who convinced himself, but not the Emperor, of 
 the necessity of providing the latter with a co- 
 adjutor. Not even a successor could Rhodolph be 
 brought to designate, although Pope Clement VIII. 
 promised his acquiescence in the Emperor's choice, 
 while Spain (now under the pacific sceptre of 
 Philip III.) merely manifested a preference for 
 Matthias' younger brother, the Archduke Albert, 
 afterwards sovereign of the loyal Netherlands. 
 But the pressure put upon the unmanageable re- 
 cluse seems to have exercised the very contrary 
 effect to that designed. He was stirred from his 
 lethargy to a fitful endeavour at asserting his 
 sovereign power in his realms of Bohemia and 
 Hungary ; and this endeavour naturally took the 
 direction of an attempt to extirpate the heresy 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 23 
 
 which had spread over the length and breadth 
 of both. The result was, that Hungary threw 
 herself into the ever-open arms of the Turk ; 
 and that the new allies advanced upon the 
 Austrian dominions. Desolation threatened 
 Vienna ; while at Prague the Emperor had sunk 
 back into his usual apathy among his crucibles 
 and telescopes. (^*) 
 
 The critical moment had arrived, when the 
 cadets of the house must take its future into 
 their own hands. They agreed to urge upon the 
 Emperor the appointment of Matthias as his 
 coadjutor. Cunning, as we know, is the refuge 
 of the imbecile and of the monomaniac ; and 
 Rhodolph answered the demand first by evasions, 
 and then by alternately expressing his desire to 
 retire into a monastery, like Charles V. ; or to 
 marry in, his old age, like Philip II. The 
 archdukes hereupon, in the famous compact of 
 1606, which decided the destinies of the House 
 of Austria, agreed to acknowledge Matthias as 
 the head of the family ; and Spain and her 
 former candidate, Archduke Albert, sent in their 
 consent. The conjuncture had arisen which 
 might have been foreseen from the commence- 
 ment of Rhodolph's fatal reign. To secure the 
 adherence of the Austrian estates against their 
 
24 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 legitimate sovereign, Matthias was obliged to 
 grant them the fullest concessions in religious 
 matters. And, conversely, the Bohemians, whose 
 crown had been left to Rhodolph, forced from him 
 the famous Letter of Majesty, that great charter 
 of their religious liberties, in defence of which 
 they afterwards committed the act which opened 
 the Thirty Years' War. 
 
 Matthias, as Hausser says, had called spirits 
 which he could not lay.(^^) He tore even Bohemia 
 from his unhappy brother's clutch ; , but before, 
 in 1619, his seven years' reign came to a close 
 amidst the flames of the Bohemian outbreak, he 
 had been forced in his turn to resign his actual 
 power into the hands of a coadjutor. This 
 coadjutor was Archduke Ferdinand, of the Styrian 
 line, the pupil of the Jesuits, the early friend 
 and close kinsman of Maximilian of Bavaria 
 (now the head of the Catholic League), the trusted 
 ally of Spain, and the hope of Rome and of all 
 Catholic Europe. Uniting in his hands all the 
 dominions of the German Habsburgs, and assured 
 of the imperial throne, Ferdinand prepared to 
 struggle for the only one of the crowns of 
 Matthias which seemed likely to elude his grasp, 
 the crown of Bohemia. 
 
 And now, to recur to my former expression, 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 2$ 
 
 the cycle is complete ; and Ferdinand II. enters, 
 under widely different conditions indeed, but 
 with virtually the same ends, upon a resumption 
 of the task of Charles V. No longer monarch 
 of Spain, but in close and confidential alliance 
 with Spain, the head of the House of Austria 
 undertakes to crush out heresy, and to establish 
 a monarchy which, from Baltic to Adriatic, 
 shall be one in allegiance and one in faith. 
 Ferdinand I. had been forced to relinquish the 
 thought of continuing the uncompromising policy 
 of his great brother ; Maximilian II., soft of 
 heart and feeble of action, had abandoned it ; 
 Rhodolph II. and Matthias had against their will 
 let the vessel drift further and further in the 
 same direction. Ferdinand II., a man devoid of 
 genius but strong of will, consciously resumed 
 what seemed to have become a hopeless task. 
 When, during the reign of Matthias, he had 
 been elected successor to the Bohemian crown, 
 he had sworn on the Scriptures to respect the 
 privileges of his future estates. But there are 
 oaths and oaths ; and the same Ferdinand had 
 sworn before the altar of the Blessed Virgin at 
 Loretto — sworn before her as his generalissima, 
 as if he had been himself a soldier of the army 
 of Saint Ignatius — that he would, at the risk 
 
26 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 of his life, purify his hereditary duchies, from 
 heresy. For once we have so striking an anec- 
 dote on unexceptionable authority — on that of 
 his confessor, the Jesuit Father Lammermann. ('^) 
 Nowhere, as far as history knows, had he regis- 
 tered the vow that, by conquering heresy, as 
 Charles V. had conquered it in the Smalcaldic 
 War, he would recover the power which his great 
 ancestor had held during the interval between 
 victory and rout. But there are undertakings 
 which need to be consecrated by no affirma- 
 tion ; and by his actions, consistent and pro- 
 gressive, Ferdinand's resolve sufficiently declared 
 itself 
 
 The proofs of this assertion, which I hold that 
 history is able to ^punish, I hope in part to indi- 
 cate in my second lecture. To-night, if I have 
 not already exhausted your patience, I propose 
 to conclude with a brief view of the character, 
 and antecedents of the Prince, in whose person the 
 House of Austria made the great attempt which 
 constitutes the essence of the first part of the 
 Thirty Years' War ; and which provoked that 
 opposition, whose allies in their turn revolutionised 
 the character of the struggle. For if it is possible 
 to recognise what Ferdinand II. was, and what 
 he intended to be, and how his action was con- 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 2/ 
 
 sciously conceived in the spirit of a steadfast 
 determination, — part, at all events, of the history 
 of the great war itself, may assume that aspect 
 of unity under which alone the main course of 
 the most complicated of European conflicts can 
 become intelligible. 
 
 Ferdinand was the eldest son of Archduke 
 Charles, Duke of Styria, and of his consort Mary, 
 a sister of Duke William of Bavaria. In the 
 first two volumes of Hurter's expansive work on 
 Ferdinand II. and his parents, will be found an 
 almost embarrassing multitude of details from 
 which to form an opinion of the latter. Charles 
 seems to have been a favourite of his kindly 
 father, the Emperor Maximilian, whose tender- 
 ness towards his younger sons led him to the 
 impulsive, but, from a political point of view, very 
 questionable step of breaking up the Austrian 
 dominions in their behalf. 
 
 (It is the good fortune of the House of Austria 
 that the very errors of its chiefs are apt to 
 provoke a species of sympathy, without necessi- 
 tating, as in the apologists of similar proceedings 
 on the part of the acknowledged founders of 
 Prussian greatness, an angry tone of defiance as 
 well as defence.) 
 
 Unlike his Imperial sire, Charles was above 
 
28 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 suspicion in his loyalty towards Rome ; and 
 it was he who invited the Jesuits into his 
 backsliding Styrian duchy. C") He settled them 
 there, in a college of their own, in his capital of 
 Gratz, bidding them be of good cheer, though 
 they came as sheep among wolves, and trust to 
 his fatherly protection. According to a common 
 tradition, the sheep in question were designated 
 by the multitude as a black brood from Bavaria. 
 In other words, their introduction was naturally, 
 though it would seem erroneously, ascribed to 
 the influence of Charles's consort Mary, scion of 
 the orthodox branch of the House of Wittelsbach. 
 This lady was one of those women who seem 
 sent to demonstrate, by way of supererogation, 
 the self-evident proposition, that a high intel- 
 lectual efficiency is not incompatible with the 
 charm attaching to the appropriate performance 
 of the universally admitted duties of womanhood. 
 (In religion, as in politics, women, if they choose 
 a side, have been known to adhere to it with a 
 consistency which throws into the shade the con- 
 sistency of men ; and a counterpart of Maria, in 
 her devoted attachment to the teachings of the 
 Jesuits, has been found in Magdalena Sibylla, 
 the consort of John George of Saxony, and the 
 most determined among the female champions of 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 29 
 
 uncompromising Lutheran orthodoxy. If Maria 
 brought up her son in fidelity to an Order which 
 at last transferred its patronage to a more pro- 
 mising protig^e, Magdalena Sibylla spared neither 
 prayers nor curses against the Emperor and the 
 Catholics — individually and collectively ; and when 
 John George at last resolved to accept the alli- 
 ance of Gustavus Adolphus, encouraged her lord 
 by an enthusiasm which it is more than doubtful 
 whether he ever brought himself to share.) How- 
 ever, Charles was unable to second the operations 
 of his monastic friends with all the warmth which 
 his consort and himself felt towards them. The 
 necessity of defending his frontiers against the 
 Turk obliged him to hold a gentle rein over 
 his refractory estates. But the activity of the 
 fathers was irrepressible, and derived a powerful 
 support from the foundation of the University of 
 Gratz, which the piety of the Archduke delivered 
 into their hands. It was not, however, here, but 
 in the neighbouring Bavarian University of 
 Ingolstadt, that Ferdinand spent those years when 
 the seed of opinions is usually sown in the mind 
 of man. Ingolstadt was, like Gratz, a Jesuit 
 University; but its theological eminence dated 
 from times preceding the foundation of the great 
 Order. Was it not Ingolstadt which had sent 
 
30 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 forth the most redoubtable disputant of the day 
 in Dr. Eck, to confute the Austin friar of the 
 mushroom University of Wittenberg ? But under 
 the influence of the Jesuits and their educational 
 zeal, Ingolstadt had entered upon a new phase 
 of prosperity, and numbered among both its 
 teachers and its students Catholics from all 
 countries of Europe, from England among the 
 rest. (^') Over its halls hung the protecting aegis 
 of the Duke of Bavaria ; and among its alumni 
 was his son Maximilian, afterwards the first 
 Elector of Bavaria, known in patriotic history 
 by the well-earned title of "the Catholic." For 
 Maximilian was to stand forth as the consistent 
 champion of Rome during the entire course of 
 the Thirty Years' War; nor can any character 
 in the history of that struggle be said to surpass 
 his in firmness or in sagacity. As a politician 
 he judiciously advanced the interests of his house 
 by taking advantage of the necessities as well 
 as of the successes of the House of Austria. 
 The Basilicon Doron which he bestowed upon his 
 son Ferdinand Maria was better warranted by 
 performance than the gift of his contemporary, 
 James VI. of Scotland, to his heir. " Prudentia 
 propria imperantis virtus est" (The proper virtue 
 of princes is prudence) : this was one of the 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 3 1 
 
 lessons which Maximilian both enforced upon 
 his son and practised himself throughout a reign 
 of well-nigh three-score years. (^'') As a student he 
 appears to have surpassed his cousin Ferdinand, 
 both in the demonstrative fervour of his religiosity, 
 and in the display of general ability ; but Fer- 
 dinand, too, was regarded as a youth of more 
 than ordinary princely promise. After his father's 
 decease, and during the ensuing regency of his 
 mother, he continued to pursue his studies at 
 Ingolstadt, faithful, at all events in academic 
 contests, to the device which he had chosen on 
 his departure from Gratz, (and which reappears 
 on all his coins,) "Legitime certantibus." It was 
 not till 1596, that he actually assumed the ad- 
 ministration of his inheritance, which had by 
 that time been augmented (through the exertions 
 of his mother) by the accession of part of the 
 Tyrol ; while the same sagacious princess had 
 further advanced the importance of her dead 
 husband's line, by marrying her daughter Anna 
 to King Sigismund of Poland. 
 
 As far as we can judge from a review of 
 Ferdinand's bearing during his whole career, he 
 was one of those whom education early moulds to 
 a fixed type ; whose manhood begins at school 
 and lasts till the grave. The strong but not 
 
32 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 narrow system of his Jesuit teachers, and the 
 desire of his mother (evidenced by her corre- 
 spondence) to keep him as free as possible from the 
 distracting influence of frivolous pursuits, combined 
 to render him serious and self-possessed from an 
 early age, but not with' the gloominess of Philip of 
 Spain or of his uncle Rhodolph II. The details 
 of his private life are pleasing ; he was in par- 
 ticular attached to the most humanising of the 
 arts, music ; and, in this respect at all events, 
 was a true Austrian. Against his personal mo- 
 rality the busy inventiveness of a scandalous 
 age found no charges to advance. Sober, tem- 
 perate, and chaste ; strict in the observance of his 
 religious duties, as well as active in the performance 
 of the tasks of political life, he was well fitted for 
 a career of action and endurance. Such men as 
 Ferdinand and Maximilian, and on the Protestant 
 side the lion's brood of the House of Weimar, — 
 brought \|p under different circumstances, but on 
 similar principles, by an equally admirable mother, 
 — stand forth luminously, in spite of their moral 
 or intellectual defects, from among the drinking 
 and dicing confraternity of the German princes 
 of their day.(^'') And it is to their education, con- 
 ducted under a mother's eye, whether by Jesuit 
 fathers or Lutheran divines, that we may ascribe 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 33 
 
 something of their stedfastness, of their energy, 
 and of their confidence in a cause. 
 
 Yet fanaticism only too often prevails in its 
 struggles with natural humanity and with an edu- 
 cation sound within its limits — and Ferdinand II. 
 was a fanatic. From his first proceedings on his 
 assumption of the government over his paternal 
 heritage, to the day when he sanctioned the assas- 
 sination of Wallenstein, he never scrupled to post- 
 pone every other consideration to those which 
 seemed to him identical, — the interests of the 
 Catholic faith and the interests of his house. 
 Ferdinand was not, like Philip II., a tyrant ; but in 
 the uncompromising rigour of his measures he only 
 fell short of the Spaniard, because it is rarely that 
 those opportunities occur of writing a name in 
 letters of blood, which were mysteriously offered to 
 Alva's master. 
 
 Ferdinand began his government in Styria, 
 Carinthia, and Carniola, with the fixed resolve to 
 extirpate heresy from these his hereditary do- 
 minions. And he succeeded. He refused point- 
 blank to renew the privileges of the nobility ; and 
 then, after, as it were, consecrating himself to his 
 mission by his famous journey to Rome and 
 Loretto, set straightway about the execution of his 
 task. A term was set to all Protestant preachers 
 
 D 
 
34 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 for quitting his dominions ; another to the patrons 
 of livings for nominating Catholic priests to the 
 vacancies; and a third ordinance prohibited all 
 sectarian books and the granting of civil rights to 
 heretics. Then, a commission was appointed for 
 the full restoration of the ancient faith ; exile or 
 death (for no quibble and no tu qtwque will avail 
 to free these proceedings from a charge which 
 their author would have scorned to evade) 
 awaited the recalcitrants. (^^) Ferdinand's hereditary 
 dominions were purified, — purified, as was Bo- 
 hemia when after the expulsion of the Winter King 
 he secured her crown ; and the House of Austria, 
 after the impotence of a Ferdinand, the aversion of 
 a Maximilian, and the oscillations of a Rhodolph 
 and a Matthias, had at last a prominent membe.- 
 in whom Spain and the Holy See would recognise 
 an uncompromising ally. 
 
 The first step had been taken, and taken with 
 incontestable success. The next was the over- 
 throw of the system of concession upon which 
 Matthias, acting under the advice of his minister 
 Cardinal Klesel, believed himself freed to govern in 
 Austria proper. Klesel was, with the consent of 
 Spain and the Pope, overthrown by a coup d'etat 
 in the Russian style of palace-revolutions, f^) 
 After his minister had been wafted away into the 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 35 
 
 safe mountains of Ferdinand's faithful Tyrol, Mat- 
 thias, ever ready to give way to pressure, became 
 a passive instrument in the hands of his brothers. 
 Supported by the unanimous assent of the Arch- 
 dukes to his succession to all the crowns of 
 Matthias, Ferdinand, during the closing years of 
 the former Emperor's reign, demeaned himself as 
 virtual ruler of all the hereditary dominions of the 
 House. Among these hereditary dominions (if I 
 may thus lightly pass over one of the most difficult 
 of historical questions) Bohemia was only practi- 
 cally to be reckoned ;(^^) but, in spite of a protest, 
 and by means of a delusive oath, Ferdinand secured 
 his election as successor of Matthias at Prague ; 
 and in Hungary, where the case was similar, he 
 achieved the same result a little later, in 1617. 
 Thus in this memorable year the hopes of the 
 Catholic party had been apparently consummated 
 by the re-union of all the German and other 
 dominions of the Austrian branch of Habsburg ins 
 the person of the Styrian Archduke. Could he, to 
 crown all, secure his election to the Imperial throne, 
 the work of a century might at last be undone. 
 The work of a century; — for it was in this year 
 1617 that the Elector of Saxony (under the 
 nfluence of his court-preacher, and doubtless 
 with the secondary intention of an anti-Calvinistio 
 D 2 
 
36 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 demonstration) ordered the celebration of the First 
 Centenary of the Reformation !(^*) Another year, 
 and the war had broken out; yet another, and 
 Ferdinand, while grasping the Imperial, seemed to 
 have lost the Bohemian crown. 
 
 I would that time permitted me to dwell, 
 however briefly, upon the general aspect of that 
 theatre on which the policy of the House of 
 Habsburg, directed once more by a hand as tena- 
 cious, though not as supple, as that of Charles V.> 
 was during thirty eventful years to struggle for 
 mastery over a changing combination of elements, 
 before which it was at last to succumb in hopeless 
 collapse. In lieu of a survey, I am forced to 
 content myself with a single caveat. Such a 
 war as this is not to be laid to the charge of indi- 
 vidual or of dynasty. As we stand aghast in con- 
 templating the real significance of that word 
 war, we are willing to confess that even the great 
 struggle known as the Revolt of the Netherlands 
 is. not in this sense to be charged upon Philip of 
 Spain. For most assuredly every historical event, 
 and every series of events, has part of its being in 
 the past, in the development of which the freewill 
 of human agents only shares as a co-operative, 
 though a potent, factor. And so in the history 
 of the Thirty Years' War, to whose torrent the 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS WAR. 37 
 
 Netherlands' Revolt itself only added a tributary- 
 stream. Had it not been for the dynastic ambition 
 of the House of Austria, says one historian, the 
 German princes would have felt secure in the 
 possession of their prized " liberty," and the Bo- 
 hemian estates would not have been driven by the 
 violation of their Great Charter into their fatal 
 outbreak. Had it not been for the thoughtless 
 daring of the Elector Palatine, suggests another, 
 the Bohemians, being without the hope of securing 
 the support of the Protestant Union of which he 
 was the head, would have come to terms with the 
 prince in whose election to their crown they had 
 formerly acquiesced. Had it not been for the 
 timorous half-silence of King James I. of England, 
 says a third, his son-in-law would not have dared 
 to seize the fatal prize. And again, was it not 
 the determination of Maximilian the Catholic to 
 benefit by the false step of the adversary, whose 
 electoral dignity and dominion he desired, which 
 brought the League into the field and saved 
 Austria on Bavaria's account ? Every one of these 
 views is correct ; but correct only in so far as it as- 
 signs its due share to each element in the outbreak 
 and first progress of the European struggle. The 
 operation of other elements supervenes ; and, ante- 
 cedently to all, there remains the fact, that the basis 
 
38 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 of the peace which had been maintained in the 
 empire for nearly a century, was a religious com- 
 promise which neither side looked upon as per- 
 manent ; that this compromise had been hateful to 
 Pope and Catholics ever since Charles V. had in 
 impotent resignation washed his hands of its con- 
 clusion ; and that its provisions had been practically 
 violated by the gradual advance of Protestantism 
 over the unnatural boundaries assigned to it ; while 
 a Catholic reaction had essayed to countermine 
 what it was unable to confront. Ferdinand II. 
 was the first openly and distinctly to announce the 
 resumption of the struggle which must end, what- 
 ever its result, in the contemptuous overthrow of 
 the compromise in question. For he, who has been 
 called "the pupil of the Jesuits," was such in no 
 vulgar sense. The Jesuits were the adequate 
 representatives of the great Catholic reaction ; 
 and of that reaction their pupil was at once the 
 child and the champion. 
 
 And this is what seems to me the meaning of a 
 phrase not less true than strange — " the lost oppor- 
 tunity of the Reformation." It was the lost 
 opportunity of consummating a national unity on 
 the basis of a religious agreement while such an 
 agreement was possible, and on the basis of the 
 remedy of abuses, while the best friends of the 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS WAR. 39 
 
 Church were ready to acknowledge and deplore 
 them as such. It was not all the Popes of the 
 former half of the sixteenth century who would 
 have been willing or able to withstand an Eirenicon, 
 insisted upon by such an Emperor as Charles V. 
 Nor was it Luther (as might be proved from his 
 conduct at a critical moment) who would have 
 at all times disdained it.f^) Charles V. deliber- 
 ately — not otherwise — chose a different path; he 
 failed in his endeavour to reach the desired goal ; 
 and on a rotten foundation was erected a temporary 
 superstructure without principle and without pro- 
 spect of performance. The House of Austria, in 
 its days of weakness, granted just enough to lose 
 its last chance of preserving what it attempted to 
 retain. Ferdinand II. renewed the great attempt 
 of his ancestor to recover, and more than recover, 
 all. His failure in the end was absolute ; but he, 
 too, was encouraged by temporary success. For 
 the Thirty Years' War was at one point of its 
 course to raise the House of Austria to a pinnacle 
 of power to which it had been a stranger since the 
 epoch of Charles V.'s Interim ; but the transitory 
 triumph was to be followed by an abasement lower 
 than that of his Innsbruck flight. The Empire, 
 which Ferdinand had hoped to unite in faith and 
 allegiance, was to become a camping-ground for the 
 
40 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA. 
 
 hosts of nearly every European nation — of his self- 
 seeking allies as well as of his rapacious enemies. 
 It was to be shorn of fair lands for the benefit of 
 Frenchman and of Swede ; and the solution of the 
 ecclesiastical question was to be reached in a com- 
 pact which sealed the discomfiture of his political 
 ambition and religious zeal. But Ferdinand II. 
 had died before the day when the territorial 
 autonomy of the princes of the Empire was 
 acknowledged as a principle of international law, 
 and when the head of the House of Austria entered 
 into a solemn treaty which the Holy See scorned 
 to acknowledge. 
 
LECTURE II. 
 
 Since monarchy has been a form of human 
 government, there have probably occurred few 
 reigns of which the opening was not, in this 
 quarter or in that, believed to constitute the one 
 heaven-sent opportunity of sovereign and people. 
 To the reader even of the history of the Roman 
 Caesars there is, I think, something touching in the 
 confidence with which an empire hails the young 
 Apollo, destined, according to its belief, to convert 
 into golden fulfilment the relics of hope left after 
 the disappointments of the past. So, too, we are 
 fain to sympathise with the French nation, deeming 
 itself young again, as a Francis I. radiant with 
 many of the more specious graces, and with 
 all the more pleasant vices of his people, seems 
 about to lead it on to its new era; or with our 
 own ancestors, as they joyously behold their 
 Henry VIII., armed with all the accomplishments 
 of his age, and eager to tilt in tournament before 
 
42 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 the eyes of Europe, leap upon the throne labo- 
 riously built up and buttressed by the labours of a 
 sour and unloved sire. It was under no such 
 acclamations that Ferdinand II. entered upon his 
 apparently hopeless task. His hereditary do- 
 minions indeed had been constrained by his relent- 
 less rigour into submission ; Styria and her sister- 
 duchies had been ranged with the faithful Tyrol 
 on the side of his desperate cause. But both 
 Lower and Upper Austria were only watching 
 their opportunity to enforce demands which his 
 difficulties must oblige him to concede. Bohemia 
 (and with her Moravia, Silesia, and the Lusatias) 
 stood barred against his entry, and exulted in her 
 chain of supposed alliances,^extending from the 
 malcontent Austrian estates through her King 
 designate to the Union of the Protestant Princes, 
 the States of the United Provinces, and the sove- 
 reign of the British isles. Of France the policy had 
 been pacific ever since the death of Henry IV. ; it 
 was no longer directed by a prince who had de- 
 clared that he would in no case permit the growth 
 of the House of Austria ; and whose advance had, 
 according to his own account, been solely delayed 
 by his doubts whether his German allies could do 
 aught but sleep and drink. (^^) Yet it was from 
 its alliance with France that the Protestant Union 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR, 43 
 
 had, in the days of the treaty of Hall, derived 
 its encouragement to preliminary action ; and in 
 the end the traditionary foreign policy of that 
 monarchy must prevail over a reaction not even 
 supported by the authority of a regnant prince. 
 In the Scandinavian north, Gustavus Adolphus 
 was lending a gracious ear to the suit of the 
 Bohemian estates for the assistance of Sweden 
 and for her intervention to secure the goodwill 
 of the Hanseatic towns; and if Christian IV. of 
 Denmark was at this particular epoch coquetting 
 with Ferdinand's only foreign allies, Spain and 
 Poland, it was merely in the spirit of rivalry 
 against Sweden that he was permitting himself 
 these demonstrations — a rivalry which might at 
 any time show itself, as it actually showed itself, 
 in an endeavour to anticipate Gustavus Adolphus 
 in the championship of the Protestant cause. 
 Even in Italy, the quarrel between Venice and the 
 Pope, and the hostility between Savoy and Spain, 
 placed another naval and another military power 
 among the ranks of Ferdinand's opponents. And 
 in the east, the Turkish terror was looming nearer 
 than ever; while from Transylvania the redoubt- 
 able Bethlen Gabor was hurrying to the walls of 
 Vienna, there to hold rendezvous with Thurn, 
 who, as the leader of the Bohemian rebels, was 
 
44 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 already approaching the Austrian capital from the 
 nprth.H 
 
 Such were some of the elements of the political 
 conjuncture, when Ferdinand, the lord of seven 
 revolted provinces, the virtually "abdicated" (the 
 verb is thus significantly construed by the prag- 
 matists of the time) King of Bohemia, and candi- 
 date for the Imperial throne, for which it seemed 
 as if his own subjects would hinder him from 
 proifering his suit, was bearded in his castle at 
 Vienna by a handful of citizens. They demanded 
 the immediate grant of their religious privileges, 
 and enforced their suit by plucking with offensive 
 familiarity at the jerkin on their " Nandel's" breast. 
 He was saved from the importunate solicitations 
 of his dear Viennese by the sudden arrival of a 
 troop of horse ; and with this episode, famous in 
 pictorial history, the crisis of his situation seemed 
 to have passed. Before the year (1619) was out, 
 he had reached Frankfort ; and on the 9th of 
 September (n.S.) he held in his hand the sword 
 of Charlemagne, while the three Spiritual Electors 
 placed on his head the Imperial crown. (^') 
 
 Occupat extremum scabies. The Protestant Union, 
 instead of venturing upon open resistance, had 
 taken refuge in a foolish intrigue. Its chief, the 
 Elector Palatine, was endeavouring to turn aside 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 45 
 
 Maximilian of Bavaria, the head of the Catholic 
 League, from the Austrian alliance, by dangling 
 before his sober eyes the prospect of the Imperial 
 crown. Even had the prospect been other than 
 delusive, Maximilian, as of old Frederick the Wise 
 (or, as according to rumour, a descendant of 
 Frederick's under similar circumstances in our 
 own day), might have been relied upon to decline 
 the offer by an appeal to his own reputation 
 for common sense.(^') But Ferdinand (and here 
 again we are irresistibly reminded of Charles V.'s 
 interview with Henry VIII., which so fatally took 
 the meaning out of the blatant festivities of the 
 Field of the Cloth of Gold) had on his way to 
 Frankfort found time to visit his cousin Maxi- 
 milian, and to bind him by a promise that, if the 
 Union should openly support the Bohemians, the 
 League would openly support the House of 
 Austria. In any case Maximilian was not an 
 Elector, but only anxious to become one. How 
 then are we to explain, under the circumstances 
 of Ferdinand's candidature, the ultimate unanimity 
 of votes in his favour.' 
 
 It can hardly require to be pointed out how 
 fallacious would be the view which should assume 
 the Empire to have been at this time divided 
 into Protestants and Catholics in the same pror 
 
46 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 portion as at the date of the Smalcaldic War; 
 or, that this division corresponded to that into 
 opponents or supporters of the House of Austria. 
 For, confining ourselves to the princes (though, 
 were we to take into account the other classes 
 of estates, the preponderance would, of course, 
 be still stronger on the same side), the Protestants 
 were at the commencement of the Thirty Years' 
 War considerably superior to the Catholics, both 
 in number and in power. But, even among the 
 former, there was in general little disposition to 
 disturb a state of things which had hitherto left 
 them in possession of their cherished "liberty," 
 in other words, of their territorial supremacy in 
 matters spiritual as well as temporal. For this 
 was the great maxim of the Reformation of the 
 sixteenth century, which, as in England, had been 
 in Germany a struggle, not for religious liberty, 
 but for religious truth ; that he who had the power 
 was not only himself to believe after the fashion 
 which commended itself to him, but to benefit 
 others by imposing his belief upon them. Trans- 
 lated into the pragmatic jargon of the times, 
 this maxim was expressed as the famous " Cujus 
 regio ejus est religio" — whose the soil is, his are 
 the souls thereon. What more logical, and yet 
 what more inviting to a rednctia ad absurdum. 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 47 
 
 than this ? The weak government of Charles V.'s 
 successors had intensified that sense of territorial 
 absolutism, which, in uncongenial conjunction 
 with the brutal manners of the times, made 
 most of the princes regard themselves as popes, 
 and demean themselves as sultans, in their do- 
 minions. In the sixteenth, and even in the 
 seventeenth century, the custom of subdividing 
 the paternal inheritance among the sons, continued 
 very generally to obtain among the princes and 
 high nobility of the Empire. The result of this 
 system of subdivision, while it infinitely com- 
 plicates the history of the situation, and leaves 
 a summary survey of it out of the question, at 
 the same time accounts for the variety of relations 
 in matters political and religious, which we find 
 prevailing in the several lines of the same houses. 
 The House of Wittelsbach had long separated 
 into two main branches, whose representatives now 
 confronted one another as the heads of Union 
 and League. The head of the elder branch 
 was scheming for a royal crown, while the head 
 of the younger was intent upon securing for 
 himself his kinsman's electoral hat. The jealousy 
 and ambition of this younger (or Bavarian) line 
 was not the less active, because its commence- 
 ment dated from the middle of the previous. 
 
48 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 century. In Saxony the well-known division into 
 the Ernestine and Albertine lines had been further 
 subdivided. Both of these lines were Lutheran ; 
 but while the Ernestine (which had little to lose 
 and everything to gain) developed into a deter- 
 mined brood of devout conspirators, the Albertine 
 (to which Charles V. had transferred the electorate) 
 was traditionally anxious to secure its tenure by 
 an attitude of loyalty towards the House of 
 Habsburg. Such had been its policy, after the 
 death of Maurice, under the reign of the prudent 
 Elector Augustus ; from him the government had 
 passed into the hands of Christian II., whom 
 Daniel Eremita, when the course of his travels 
 led him to Torgau, found generally drunk and 
 always incapable ; but this potentate (one of the 
 few among their sovereigns for whom the inven- 
 tive loyalty of Saxon historians has failed to 
 suggest an appropriate epithet) had quaiifed his 
 last cup before the outbreak of the war. John 
 George I. (who, like Maximilian of Bavaria, sur- 
 vived the entire course of the war) ruled in his 
 .stead — a prince cautious even to timidity, but 
 to whom I think Mr. Bryce in his admirable essay 
 has done great injustice, in designating him as 
 "the most infamous of his infamous house." 
 At the comiriencement of the war, John George 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 49 
 
 was, no doubt, entirely under the influence of his 
 court-preacher, the notorious Hoe von Hoenegg ; 
 a Viennese by birth, and devoted to the service 
 of the House of Austria and to the extermination 
 of Calvinism. Thus the Union, led by Frederick 
 of the Palatinate, could place no hopes in John 
 George and his mentor, in whose estimation a 
 Calvinist kicked the beam against a Papist, and 
 whose services to his own faith are not inaptly 
 summed up in one of the songs of the war: 
 
 " Though my religion's true as gold, 
 I've done it damage manifold ; " 
 
 and the policy of the most powerful of the 
 Electors during the first part of the war may be 
 summed up as/ an endeavour to support Austria, 
 without sacrificing his character as a Protestant 
 prince, and without expending money or men, 
 except under a more than adequate guarantee. {^'') 
 Similarly, in Brandenburg, the Elector Joachim II. 
 (a prince in the style of the eighteenth century, 
 whose system of government redounded to the 
 exclusive profit of the Jews) had been succeeded 
 by Hans Sigismund, who had become a Calvinist 
 and joined the Union ; but upon him followed, in 
 1 6 19, George William, whose consort converted him 
 (and implicitly his electorate) to Lutheranism, 
 
 E 
 
50 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 while his minister, Schwarzenberg, made him a 
 creature of the Imperial poliey. The fruits of 
 these endeavours were to become apparent when 
 George William's brother-inf-law, Gustavus Adol- 
 phus, after his invasion of the empire, was forced 
 tO' stand parleying with his "natural ally" as 
 to the admission of his troops to a Brandenburg 
 fortress, and was thus prevented from saving the 
 bulwark of Protestant Christendom, Magdeburg, 
 out of the clutches of Tilly', Hesse; whose name 
 so memorably connects itself with the early 
 struggles of the Reformation, in the days of her 
 high-souled landgrave Philip, had by him been 
 parted into the two lines of Cassel and Darmstadt. 
 The former of these, Calvinist and true, from 
 first to last, to the traditional active and advanced 
 policy of the House, had joined the Union ; while 
 the latter, though also- Protestant, leant towards 
 the Emperor, always favoured his policy, and 
 was throughout the war a false friend or an 
 open a-dversary of the Protestant opposition. A 
 similar contrast is observable among the princes 
 of Baden, and in the house of Guelph in Bruns- 
 wick and Liineburg. 
 
 These instances may' suffice to illustrate the 
 divided and uncertain state of the Empire, when 
 the rash ambition of Frederick of the Palatinate 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 5 1 
 
 threw down in its midst the brand of war. The 
 iconoclastic fanaticism of his court-preacher, and 
 his own inabihty to control the rude and turbulent 
 spirit of his new subjects, would have of them- 
 selves made it impossible for him to consolidate 
 his usurpation ; moreover, he was deserted by all, 
 or nearly all the allies upon whose support he 
 had, against the better judgment of others, per- 
 mitted himself to calculate. Sweden alone was 
 of use, by keeping Poland employed ; birt the 
 Dutch excused themselves by offensively excellent 
 arguments ; King James shook his head, and en- 
 joyed in the affairs of his son-in-law a satisfaction, 
 rarely permitted to him in his own, of being wise 
 after the event: the Transylvanian was bought 
 off by a few tons of gold ; — and France recom- 
 mended a conference. The Union went so far as 
 to assemble in order to debate the situation of 
 its chief; and proposed to itself three main, and 
 thirty-two silbsidiary questions. In short, as a 
 modern historian of the Bohemian War has 
 observed, we find among the allies of the unhappy 
 Frederick nothing but impotence, obscurity, irre- 
 solution, fear, and selfishness. ('■') 
 
 Frederick's weakness was Ferdinand'^s oppor- 
 tunity. Purchasing the support of Saxony by 
 giving up to her Elector one of his provinces, 
 E 2 
 
52 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 and ' that of the League by pledging another to 
 its chief the Bavarian duke, and confiding in the 
 promise of troops from Spain, the Emperor 
 crushed the Winter-king. ' Frederick and his fair 
 wife, whose growth Ralegh had tenderly watched 
 from his prison, whose beauty Wootton had sung 
 in his sweetest strains, and who, in her days of 
 misfortune was again to become the darling of 
 the English nation, were homeless fugitives. The 
 Union ended its career by a treaty of virtual 
 neutrality, and obtained its epitaph in a stave of 
 the day, to the effect that, 
 
 " While peace prevailed, they kept their force, 
 Full closely joined both foot and horse, 
 And did conclude a UMon ; 
 But war arrived — and lo ! 'twas gone ! " 
 
 By the help of the ■ League, and its general, 
 Tilly (an honest old savage, whom a recent re- 
 freshingly audacious attempt has failed to white- 
 wash into a Christian hero), Ferdinand was master 
 of Bohemia. (^^) 
 
 There could be no doubt as to the fate in store 
 for the vanquished kingdom ; and to this day 
 she bears the traces of her reconciliation to the 
 dominion and the faith of the House of Austria. 
 Yet I cannot agree with Miiller's view, that the 
 Bohemians are to be charged with the responsi- 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEAKS' WAR. 53 
 
 bility of their country's sufferings. It has been 
 sagaciously observed by the present Emperor of 
 the French, that men are not justified in resorting 
 to unlawful means, when lawful will better suit 
 the purpose. The Bohemians had before them 
 the choice between submitting to Ferdinand, and 
 rescinding his election to their throne. They 
 chose the latter alternative ; and herein they seem 
 to have made no fond calculation. True, they 
 played their venturous game badly ; but they 
 could hardly have reckoned on so much weakness 
 in Frederick ; so much tergiversation in James ; so 
 much backwardness in the Dutch; and so much 
 cowardice in the Union. Nor could they have 
 anticipated so unparalleled, I feel almost inclined 
 to say so heroic, a determination in their opponent. 
 Ferdinand had alienated Upper Austria to Bavaria, 
 with small hope of speedily redeeming it (six 
 years, in fact, elapsed before he recovered this 
 province) ; and to Saxony he had permanently 
 sacrificed the Lusatias. Fortune had befriended 
 him when he was able to purchase the neutralit}' 
 of the Transylvanian, and to keep off the Turk. 
 Against such odds he had prevailed ; and now 
 Bohemia was at his feet, Spanish troops were 
 pouring into the Palatinate, and the Union was 
 on the eve of a natural death, f') 
 
54 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 He used his victory without hesitation and 
 without mercy. The LeUer of Majesty he cut 
 into shreds with his own hand ; and then set 
 about the task of purifying Bohemia. It was a 
 purification to which history has no parallel. 
 Then he turned to Upper Austria, where there 
 ensued the terrible persecution of the years 1624 
 and 1625, and the suppression of the peasant's 
 revplt resulting from it. These transactions (upon 
 whjeh time alone prevents me from dwelling) form 
 one of the most singular episodes in Ferdinand's 
 reign, or indeed in the hisfpry of the Austrian 
 dominions, f *) For you will remember that it 
 was this province of Upper Austria which Ferdi- 
 nand had promised in pawn to his ally Maximilian. 
 Before he transferred it in performance of his 
 agreement, he was fain, with the aid of its future 
 occupant, to reduce it to a condition in which it 
 might be handed over without its encumbrances 
 of heresy. 
 
 The forces which the Emperor had been able 
 to hire on his own account — foreigners in the 
 main ; for, said their commander, Bucquoi, " these 
 alone, are to be trusted;" — had only contributed 
 in a small degree to the consummation of his 
 triumph. By the aid of the League, he had 
 conquered : but it was not to the League, nor to 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 55 
 
 its far-sighted chief, that he was minded to leave 
 the development of the victory. The armed 
 resistance of the Protestants had degenerated 
 into a war of mercenaries led by outlaws ; by 
 such men as Christian of Anhalt, the real author 
 of the Union, whose indefatigable activity could 
 not be suppressed by the downfall of his schemes ; 
 and the terrible Mansfeld, "the Attila of the 
 priests." f^) But the fear of the results of Ferdi- 
 nand's victory accomplished what the temptation 
 of his difSculties had been unable to bring about j 
 and, at the summons of the restless Christian IV 
 of Denmark, the powers of Northern Europe 
 (including England, Sweden, the United Provinces, 
 and the German estates of the Lower-Saxon circle) 
 had opened negotiations for an alliance. Of this 
 alliance, the pretext was found in the rights of 
 the fugitive ex-elector of the Palatinate, dispos- 
 sessed by Ferdinand in favour of the Duke of 
 Bavaria ; but its motive we must seek in the 
 terror inspired by the triumph of the House of 
 Habsburg, and the way in which she was using 
 that triumph. While, however, the Spaniards were 
 pouring into the Palatinate, and while the Emperor 
 was gathering his strength for another onward step 
 in his consistent course, the counter-alliance halted, 
 and then collapsed. Upon James I. of England 
 
56 . TLIE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 rests, as we now know, the main responsibility 
 of this fatal hesitation. In the teeth of his under- 
 dertakings and promises, and in despite of the 
 declared desires of his own subjects, James was 
 amusing himself with the most notable of those 
 operations of his favourite balancing power, which 
 invariably ended in a slough of despond. Anxious 
 to save the heritage of his daughter, he had 
 devised, as the best means of securing this result, 
 the project of sending his son to sue for the hand 
 of a Spanish infanta, f*) 
 
 In the policy of Ferdinand there was no hesi- 
 tation, and no balancing. While his adversaries 
 were faltering over their engagements, he was 
 arming for war on his own account. Given a 
 disaffected dominion, and an empty treasury ; the 
 question was, how, except by miracle, an army 
 could be created for their master. Wallensteiri 
 undertook to work the miracle. The Emperor's 
 share in the scheme was the insertion of a con- 
 dition, that the expenses of the army should be 
 provided, not by the Imperial exchequer, but by 
 the exactions from the Empire. In other words, 
 Ferdinand bestowed his Imperial sanction upon 
 the method of warfare hitherto pursued by Mans- 
 field and the Protestant condottieri, and thus gave 
 to the subsequent course of the struggle that 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS WAR. 5/ 
 
 impress, which is distinctive of the Thirty Years' 
 War. 
 
 For, from this point, it is idle to regard that 
 war as one between religions. If I read the 
 character and proceedings of Wallenstein aright, 
 it was he who breathed into the schemes of 
 Ferdinand that vague and yet consistent grandeur, 
 which marks their later developments as the 
 creations of genius. Wallenstein was a dreamer; 
 but he was neither the moonstruck madman, as 
 which soon after his catastrophe, his figure was 
 introduced upon the English stage ; nor was he 
 the benevolent visionary of some of the finest 
 passages of Schiller's noble tragedy. His relation 
 to Ferdinand was one which defies comparison ; 
 some points of resemblance might be found, if I 
 may compare an ordinary man to a great, in the 
 relation of Wolsey to Henry VHI. During the 
 period up to Wallenstein's dismissal, the sovereign 
 followed the inspiration of his generalissimus ; and 
 the servant was loyal to his master. Wallenstein 
 doubtless desired and laboured to become a prince 
 of the Empire, but always with a view to the 
 interests of the Emperor ; and it is herein that 
 I trace some resemblance between the nature of 
 his personal ambition, and that of Wolsey, when 
 he aspired to the papal chair. Afterwards, the 
 
58 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 character of the relation changed; but it was in 
 Ferdinand's mind that the fatal seed of doubt 
 was first sown. Then, the pressure of friends and 
 foes operated upon both ; and the renewed con- 
 nexion was severed .by a deed of blood. 
 
 But it is of the operations in which Wallenstein 
 acted as the loyal marshal of the House of 
 Austria, that I am now speaking. Too little 
 attention has, I think, until recently, been paid 
 to the vast scheme by which Ferdinand and 
 Wallenstein, in conjunction with Spain, intended 
 to create a power for the House of Habsburg 
 untasted even by Charles V., and for a parallel 
 to which I know not where to seek, except in 
 the proceedings of the great Napoleon. It is 
 known now, when the leadership of the Protes- 
 tant cause had been assumed by Christian IV. of 
 Denmark, Wallenstein, at the head of the Imperial 
 army, in conjunction with Tilly and the troops 
 of the League, swept before him the forces of 
 the Danish King, and of his German confederates. 
 The whole Empire was now in their power ; and 
 the Danish deliverer was fain to take refuge in his 
 islands, and to sue for any peace which would 
 leave him a king. After this had been done, 
 and after the two generals had completed their 
 conquest by overrunning the Mecklenburgs and 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 59 
 
 Holstein, Wallenstein insisted upon occupying 
 the former himself, — a proceeding not sufficiently 
 accounted for by motives of personal ambition. 
 For it was at the same time that Wallenstein was 
 created by the Emperor, General of the Oceanic 
 and Baltic seas. A doggrel rhyme of the day 
 sneers at Wallenstein as an admiral sans ships ; 
 and a superficial view of this episode might seem 
 to offer grounds for an adoption of the taunt. 
 In truth, the assumption of this title marks the 
 attempted realisation of the grandest, and by no 
 means the most visionary of Wallenstein's. schemes, 
 in the interest of that prince of whom he had 
 constituted himself the right hand. 
 
 It was a scheme to which, as I have indicated, 
 the Spanish branch of the House of Habsburg 
 was no stranger; and it implied the ruin of the 
 trade of the United Provinces and of England, by 
 a revival of the glories of the German Hansa under 
 the Imperial protectorate. The Hanseatic towns 
 were to abandon their attitude of neutrality in the 
 war, their amicable relations with the Scandina- 
 vian kingdoms, and their freedom of trade. In 
 return, they were to receive the monopoly, of the 
 Spanish commerce with the Indies. In other 
 words, the principal trade of Europe was to be 
 thrown into the hands of dependants of the 
 
6o THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 House of Habsburg; the dominium maris Bdltici 
 et Oceani was to be restored to the Hansa — but 
 not to the H^nsa in her ancient character of a 
 league of German towns. It was this which 
 gave to the siege of Stralsund (who clung to her 
 alliance with Sweden), so transcendant a signifi- 
 cance, of which the age was fully and deeply 
 conscious. It was this which caused Wallenstein 
 to swear that he would take the city, were she 
 riveted with chains to the heavens (the expression 
 is probable enough, even though it be inefficiently 
 authenticated). And it was for this reason that, 
 when he failed, and when the other Hanseatic 
 towns took courage from the success of their 
 sister, to resist an advance which had been proved 
 no longer irresistible, a cry of joy arose which 
 seems still to echo in Lubeck's venerable halls 
 and along Hamburg's crowded quays. " Never 
 have eagles been known to swim; and he that 
 essays to slide stones along the surface of the 
 water, shall see them sink without fail. The sea 
 recks not of the whips and the floggings of Xerxes ; 
 for it is not possible to hang, or behead, or drown 
 the sea." There is in this Hanseatic Jubilate that 
 smack of contertiptuous pride and sturdy humour 
 which is characteristic of a race of mariners ; and 
 it was of such a race that the men had sprung, 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 6l 
 
 who, with the aid of Swedish and Scottish help- 
 mates, stayed the triumphant advance of the 
 House of Austria, and hurled back the defiance 
 of her lieutenant, f^) 
 
 Across the sea, Ferdinand's and Wallenstein's 
 conqueror was shortly to come. But before Gus- 
 tavus Adolphus dashed from the Emperor's lips 
 the intoxicating cup, filled though it was with an 
 empire's grievances, the last drop had yet to be 
 added. The siege of Stralsund marks the limit 
 of Austria's advance ; the use to which that ad- 
 vance was to be put, becomes clear from the 
 Imperial edict promulgated in the same year, and 
 known to history as the Edict of Restitution. 
 
 This famous measure may be summarily de- 
 scribed, as an attempt to restore the relations 
 between the Catholic and the Reformed Faiths 
 to the status quo ante pacem. In my former lecture, 
 I begged to recall to you the nature of that com- 
 pact of Augsburg, of the year 1555, which served 
 as the basis of the hollow and uncertain peace 
 maintained in the Empire for nearly three-quarters 
 of a century. During that period, Protestantism 
 had advanced far beyond the limits which it had 
 reached at the date of the conclusion of the com- 
 pact ; now, the Emperor Ferdinand was determined 
 to drive it back once more within its ancient 
 
62 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 boundaries. All the sees, which since the peace 
 of Augsburg had been sequestered by the Protes- 
 tants, or filled with heretical administrators, were 
 to be restored to the Catholic religion. That this 
 was no sudden design on the part of the Emperor, 
 is clear from the. extremely significant circum- 
 stance, that, at the time when he secured the aid 
 of John George by the cession of Lusatia, he 
 had coupled with this the promise of leaving 
 untouched the tenants of ecclesiastical domains 
 in the Saxon circles. Saxony, having thus been 
 bought off, with the aid of an exceptional con- 
 cession of the very principle contended for, the 
 Emperor could proceed at his ease elsewhere after 
 the victories of Tilly and Wallenstein. Isolated 
 instances of restitution occur as early as 1624 ,- 
 and in the conquered Palatinate, Bavaria had been 
 permitted to proceed undisguisedly upon the prin- 
 ciple of absolute spiritual lordship. But the 
 edict which proclaimed the emperor's intention 
 of restoring the status quo of 1555, and of estab- 
 lishing, as a principle of action, that reservatum 
 ecclesiasticum which had been violated with im- 
 punity for thfee-quarters of a century, was not 
 published till March t629. Henceforth, how- 
 ever, no time was to be lost ; and the commis- 
 sioners entrusted with the execution of the edict 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 6^ 
 
 were directed, in case of resistance, to appeal for 
 aid to the nearest army, whether Imperial or 
 Liguistic. 
 
 Those who hold that the justification of a 
 measure lies in its fidelity to the letter of the law, 
 may applaud the resolution which promulgated 
 this edict. Those who believe that treaties share 
 the fate of all things human, and accordingly 
 have a tendency to become obsolete before they 
 happen to be cancelled, will judge Ferdinand's 
 act to have been not the less despotic, because 
 he incontestably had legality on his side. 
 
 But this was not all. For it speedily became 
 apparent that the Emperor was not intent upon 
 the revival of an obsolete state of things, with- 
 out a very practical determination in reference to 
 the present and the future. Already a recovered 
 bishopric and abbey had been given to one of his 
 sons, Leopold William, Bishop of Passau. It was 
 now determined to indulge this capacious pluralist 
 still further, by conferring upon him the two most 
 important archbishoprics of Northern Germany : 
 Bremen (on which Christian of Denmark had in 
 vain cast a loving eye) and Magdeburg (where 
 the loyal John George of 'Saxony's son had been 
 elected by the chapter, wise as it thought in its 
 generation, to fill the place of the outlawed 
 
64 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 Administrator, Christian William of Brandenburg). 
 It is consoling to ob-^erve the self-contradictory 
 attempts, of at least one eminent Austrian his- 
 torian, to deny that Ferdinand had any personal 
 interest in the promulgation of this edict. Facts, 
 we know, are stubborn things ; but a stout preju- 
 dice can make a way for itself, through or over all 
 such obstacles. The edict, however, was otherwise 
 judged by contemporaries interested on the other 
 side, and on their own behalf (^') For the first 
 time in the course of the war. Saxony was 
 aroused to a sense of her own danger; and the 
 opportunity had arrived for the enemies of the 
 House of Austria, who had, with very different 
 degrees of patience, been biding their time in 
 north and in the west. 
 
 Ferdinand II., then, stood at the height of his 
 power, and at the height of his confidence, 
 when the last and greatest of his enemies girded 
 themselves for the conflict. It has been well 
 pointed out by the great historian, to whose 
 labours, more to those of any other writer, we 
 owe the possibility of a future history of the 
 Thirty Years' War, — by the illustrious Ranke, — 
 that as it is improbable that any precise scope 
 was proposed to himself by Ferdinand in the 
 development of his successes, so no fixed plan 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 6S 
 
 of attacking or destroying the Imperial power is 
 to be assumed to have existed from the first in 
 the mind of Richelieu. But the conflict between 
 France and the House of Habsburg had become 
 inevitable, after the latter had resumed the course 
 of action of Charles V.; and since France was 
 once more swayed by the genius of a statesman 
 who, consciously or unconsciously, recurred past 
 the interval of the Regency, and past the floating 
 schemes of Henry IV., to the ideas which had 
 animated French policy in the days of Francis I. 
 As soon as the power of Habsburg seemed once 
 more to menace France, that power must be 
 attacked where it was vulnerable, and by means 
 of the weapons which offered themselves ready 
 for use. Richelieu therefore crossed the Alps into 
 Italy at the moment when Gustavus Adolphus 
 was landing in Pomerania; but their treaty of 
 alliance was not formally concluded till a some- 
 what later date. It may seem a mere exempli- 
 fication of the ordinary nature of relations between 
 allies, yet it is true in a very pregnant, sense, 
 that Richelieu thought to use the ambitious 
 Swede (whose value he too must have under- 
 rated), and that Gustavus Adolphus thought to 
 use Richelieu. (^'') 
 At this time, when Ferdinand had arrived at 
 F 
 
Q6 THE HOFSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 the second great crisis of his career, he, in 
 deference to the complaints of both Catholic and 
 Protestant estates, dismissed Wallenstein. We 
 may leave some of the more enthusiastic bio- 
 graphers of the latter to indite the usual tirades 
 against Austrian ingratitude ; but the step was 
 a fatal one, and incontestably marks the close 
 of Ferdinand's progressive policy. There never 
 was a sounder argument than that of Wallenstein's 
 friends, when they reminded the Emperor that 
 the attack upon his general was in reality 
 directed against himself; and never a more sig- 
 nificant word than that which the Duke uttered 
 as his sole comment upon his dismissal: "The 
 s^irit-us of the Elector of Bavaria prevails over 
 the spiritus of his Imperial Majesty." Ferdinand, 
 believing,, as it seems to me, that there was no 
 serious danger of the Protestant Electors listening 
 to the invitations of the Swedish adventurer ; 
 eager to- defeat the intrigues of France with the 
 Catholic princes, and to secure once more his 
 endangered alliance with the latter ; and intent, 
 above all, upon the election of his son as Roman 
 King, — gave way before the princes. The lesser 
 dynastic end prevailed over the greater ; yet, for the 
 time, the Emperor was foiled even of what had 
 seemed to him an equivalent for such a sacrifice. 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 6^ 
 
 Wallenstein was dismissed ; but the Emperor's 
 son was not elected to the Imperial successorship. 
 No error has ever more fatally avenged itself; 
 for it was an abnegation by the Emperor of his 
 surest, indeed his only means of carrying out 
 his Imperial policy at a moment of unsurpassed 
 importance in his career. (*") And the attempt 
 to undo the error ended even more disastrously 
 than the error itself. 
 
 Thus it comes to pass, that while the earlier 
 part of the war is in a political sense complicated 
 and hard to read, the second and third periods 
 (frequently called the Swedish and Suedo-French 
 wars) are from this point of view comparatively 
 clear and intelligible. Gustavus Adolphus — of 
 this there remains no doubt — aspired to no less 
 a prize than the Imperial crown. But it was 
 not his intenti®n to wrest it from Ferdinand. 
 Rather, it appears to result from his entire course 
 of action, that he designed to carve out for him- 
 self with his sword a great territory, by the 
 tenure of which he would become a great German 
 prince, entitled at Ferdinand's death to claim the 
 German crown, to which he should have been in 
 the lifetime of the defeated Emperor appointed 
 the successor. It is under this aspect, and under 
 this alone, that his conduct of the war seems to 
 F 2 
 
68 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 me to become intelligible. The sack of Magde- 
 burg — which, even were its captors freed from 
 every stain of criminality, would remain a mon- 
 strous political blunder — threw Saxony into his 
 arms ; the victory of Breitenfeld placed the fate 
 of the Empire in his power. Then, had he 
 marched upon Vienna, it must have fallen. And 
 so must the same city have fallen into the hands 
 of the victors of Sadowa, and so must Rome into 
 those of Hannibal after Cannae. But, whatever 
 we may think of the Prussians of our own day, 
 neither Hannibal nor Gustavus were politicians of 
 the event. Since it was not the primary object of 
 the latter to gratify the readers of the Swedish In- 
 telligencer, he preferred not to leave doubtful allies 
 in his rear, while holding a triumphal entry into the 
 cathedral of St. Stephen. He committed to the 
 Saxons the care of Bohemia, where (as the dis- 
 contented soldier of fortune in Schiller's Camp 
 of Wallenstein so graphically describes it) "war 
 seemed a joke, and there was little glory to get ; " 
 while at the head of his own troops he continued 
 his march of conquest to Frahconia and Bavaria. 
 Everywhere he demeaned himself as the father 
 of the countries which fell into his hands ; at 
 the Imperial city of Frankfort he held his court, 
 surrounded by Protestant princes ; and finally he 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS* WAR. 69 
 
 established himself in Maximilian's palace at 
 Munich, whence his sway virtually extended over 
 the whole of the Empire, with the exception of the 
 hereditary dominions of the House of Habsburg.(") 
 And this was the foe whom Ferdinand, less 
 sagacious in his hour of triumph than when he 
 had seemed to lie at the mercy of his antagonists, 
 had believed himself entitled to despise; and 
 whose agent had been contemptuously excluded 
 as an interloper from the peace negotiations at 
 Liibeck, only two years before. The Swede had 
 sent before him an insolent demand "that the 
 Roman Emperor should take his army out of the 
 Roman Empire, and not in future maintain one 
 there." He had now taken care that his demand 
 had met with compliance. But Wallenstein yet 
 lived. Might not the genius of the House of 
 Habsburg yet revive it from the depths into which 
 it had been frustrated ? Ferdinand induced him 
 to resume the command on the well-known terms 
 which amounted to an actual transfer of some of 
 the Imperial prerogatives to a subject. Wallenstein, 
 I think, understood Gustavus Adolphus. This 
 seems clearly proved by the strategy which the 
 former adopted, and which ultimately succeeded in 
 drawing the Swedish king out of his conquered 
 territories, to the battle-field of Liitzen. 
 
70 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 The Te Deum sung at Vienna and Madrid for 
 the death of the arch-foe of the House of Habsburg 
 was premature. For an enemy survived, who with 
 deadly skill could carry on his work; and who 
 could use the good as well as the evil fortune of 
 the House for its ruin. 
 
 But the illustration of this and other features 
 of the concluding part of the war I must un- 
 willingly leave aside. The death of Gustavus 
 threw the Protestant princes into the eager em- 
 brace of France; and Richelieu benefited by an 
 event which ridded him of an ally too strong to 
 be an instrument. It was Richelieu who ruined 
 Wallenstein ; who destroyed such mutual confi- 
 dence as remained between him and the Emperor, 
 and who drew round the dazzled general a network, 
 of the impenetrability of which Wallenstein him- 
 self was hardly aware. Again, the Imperial victory 
 of Nordlingen, which put an end to the Swedish 
 protectorate over the South-west, became another 
 of Richelieu's opportunities ; for its result was the 
 treaty of 1634 which made Bernard of Weimar, 
 the Protestant general-in-chief, the lieutenant of 
 France. It was then that the bitterness of disgust 
 came over those princes who, like the Elector of 
 Saxony, had been bound fast to the triumphant 
 progress of Gustavus Adolphus ; and that the 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS* WAR. 7 1 
 
 peace of Prague of 1635 restored their relations 
 to the Emperor, on the basis of a compromise, to 
 very nearly the footing on which they had stood 
 before the fatal Edict of Restitution. But the war 
 had long passed beyond the control of Emperor 
 and Electors. 
 
 Ferdinand II., accordingly, lived long enough to 
 end the quarrel which he had provoked in his hour 
 of triumph ; but not long enough to see the fire 
 extinguished of the European war into which that 
 quarrel had developed. When he died in 1637, 
 he left to his son Ferdinand III. a harvest, not yet 
 all gathered in, of Imperial and dynastic dangers 
 and difficulties; while he had already sacrificed 
 the religious policy on behalf of which he had 
 incurred them. 
 
 Thus ends a reign of transcendent importance 
 in the history of the House of Austria. For the 
 struggle which Ferdinand III. was forced to con- 
 tinue for eleven years longer had become on his 
 part a purely defensive war, though it was ne- 
 cessarily carried on in part in the form of offensive 
 operations. Like his father, in faith a devout 
 Catholic, and like him unimpeachable in his per- 
 sonal morality, he had before him only one course 
 of political action, and was not, like Ferdinand II., 
 called upon to choose between two paths. To save 
 
72 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 what he could save out of the wreck and ruin of 
 the Imperial power, and to hold fast to every acre 
 to which he could, hold of his dynastic inheritance, 
 was the plain yet hard task which Ferdinand III, 
 pursued with all the firmness of his character, and 
 all the doggedness of his race. And he was well 
 served by agents who are unforgotten in the 
 brilliant annals of Austrian diplomacy. Only, it is 
 no longer the dynastic schemes of the past which 
 the head of the House of Austria is able to pursue. 
 For the furtherance of those schemes the essential 
 elements have long vanished from the situation. 
 With the Swedes prolonging the war in the simple 
 intention of raising the price of their "satisfaction ;" 
 with the French, under the direction of Richelieu's 
 successor Mazarin, plainly determined to establish 
 a permanent influence on the Rhine ; while even 
 Spain is anxious to hinder a peace in which the 
 United Provinces cannot fail to obtain a recognition 
 no longer to be denied them on any rational ground, 
 — Ferdinand III. has to watch and wait, anxious 
 to conclude peace, but cautious not to conclude it 
 before the right moment. At last, after five long 
 years, during which (as the relics at Osnabriick 
 and Munster help to tell us) the plenipotentiaries 
 seemed to have established themselves for an in- 
 definite series of negotiations, the peace is concluded. 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS WAR. 73 
 
 Sweden and France are satisfied ; the former with 
 money and land, and the coveted character of an 
 estate of the Empire ; the latter, too, with German 
 territory, and with what she prizes still more 
 dearly, the opportunities of future interference. 
 Brandenburg on the one side, and Bavaria on the 
 other, each with her acquisitions, go rejoicing away. 
 The United Provinces, once a part of the Empire, 
 are recognised as independent ; even Switzerland 
 has been allowed to sever the link which unites to 
 the Empire the ancient home of the Habsburgs.(*^) 
 But it was not only sacrifices of land that had 
 been made, and virtual excrescences which had 
 been lopped off. Shorn and mutilated, the Empire 
 had moreover become a mere aggregate of inde- 
 pendent territories, in which the sovereign authority 
 and the right of concluding alliances were left 
 to each individual prince. Their votes at the 
 Diet were henceforth to be decisive, instead of 
 deliberative; what was the Emperor now beyond 
 a president among his peers ? And in religion, 
 except in the hereditary dominions of the House 
 of Austria, toleration was ensured to the three 
 rival creeds ; while, as to the crucial question of 
 benefices, the settlement of Augsburg was con- 
 firmed in the status of its operation at a period 
 falling before the very first of the recoveries 
 
74 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 made by Ferdinand II. on behalf of the Catholic 
 Church. 
 
 To conclude, then, by one more glance across 
 the eventful period, in which I have endeavoured 
 to trace some among the operations of the policy 
 of Charles V. and his successors. His attempt to 
 unite the greater part of Europe in a political 
 and religious consolidation, at the cost of imperil- 
 ling the integrity of Germany and disappointing 
 the hopes of the German nation, had been made 
 at a time when all the dominions of the House 
 of Habsburg were in the hands of a single prince. 
 After his retirement, the Spanish branch had 
 carried on the endeavour through Philip H. ; but 
 he, as all the world except himself came to ac- 
 knowledge, had succumbed before the combined 
 resistance of his Netherlands and of England, 
 and before their alliance with regenerated France. 
 The House of Austria had, under Ferdinand H., 
 in conjunction with Spain, once more resumed 
 the scheme. Step by step, with progressive con- 
 sistency, and without shrinking from the most 
 tremendous risks, or from the most momentous 
 sacrifices, Ferdinand II. had advanced the cause 
 of Rome and of his dynasty. Wallenstein had 
 knocked at the portals of the North ; while the 
 Edict of Restitution had proclaimed the undoing 
 
75 
 
 of a century's work as an accomplished fact to 
 the terrified princes. At this point, the triumphant 
 advance of the House of Austria was arrested ; 
 and it was converted into defeat by the invasion 
 of Gustavus Adolphus, carried out with the co- 
 operation of France. Richelieu and Mazarin 
 drove home the wedge till it split the rotten tree ; 
 and Ferdinand II. lived to renounce his policy 
 of aggression, and to point out to his successor 
 the means of saving what remained to be saved. 
 
 The House of Austria had for the last time 
 (to use a phrase which, however glibly it runs 
 on men's tongues, has nevertheless its historical 
 justification) endangered the balance of Europe. 
 Henceforth, her family of states is no longer 
 threatened by a resumption of the plans of 
 Charles V. ; and the real danger to her peace 
 springs from other quarters, and in the first instance 
 from France alone. The Reformation has per- 
 formed its great political task of disintegrating 
 Europe; and the House of Habsburg has been 
 conquered in its attempt to revive its ideal of unity. 
 The balance of Europe becomes a convenient phrase 
 to be bandied about over green tables, around 
 which are assembled the representatives of states 
 no longer connected by any common interest. 
 Henceforth there is no alliance which is impossible ; 
 
"jS THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 no combination which is not on the cards. For 
 the nations of Europe, though they learnt from 
 the wars of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries 
 the futihty of bloodshed in the name of religion, 
 failed to perceive the worse than futility of dynastic 
 ambition and dynastic wars. It was long before 
 the truth began to dawn upon Europe — and who 
 shall say that it has been accepted in its fulness in 
 this our own day ? — that there is only one thing 
 which can really maintain the balance of Europe, 
 viz. the solidarity of the interests of her people. 
 I believe that we have to thank the second French 
 Empire for the word; but the idea, Europe owes 
 to the French Revolution and to the history of 
 its results. For the French Revolution overcame 
 the confederation of its opponents, not merely by 
 the strength of its own enthusiasm, but because 
 (as is becoming more clear from day to day) its 
 continental opponents formed an ill-yoked alliance 
 of self-seeking dynasties. The heir of the French 
 Revolution was crushed, not by these dynasties, 
 but by the uprising of the nations. What the 
 Conference of Pilnitz had effected, was undone 
 by the battle of Leipzig — the battle, in more 
 senses than one, of the peoples. (*') 
 
 Germany herself had suffered, as no nation 
 .has suffered before or after, by a war of which 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. "J-J 
 
 it would be hazardous to charge the House of 
 Austria with the original responsibility ; but which, 
 had it not been for the policy of that House, could 
 not have run such a course, or taken such an end. 
 Sick and weary after the struggle, a devastated 
 and depopulated land could hardly take account 
 of its gains for thinking of what it had lost. 
 But deep into the consciousness of the people, 
 though not of all its dynasties, — for the House of 
 Austria, for one, the era of religious tolerance had 
 not yet even dawned, — had sunk the lesson : that 
 the battle of moral and intellectual freedom is 
 not to be fought on battle-fields, and that progress 
 is not to be achieved by the aid of fire and 
 sword. It was as if the spirit of the Reforma- 
 tion, before it became a religious controversy, 
 had again pervaded the nation of its birth. In 
 Germany's impoverished cities, in her ridiculed 
 and ridiculous petty principalities, sprang up 
 from the blood-drenched soil, very slowly and 
 painfully, but very surely, the seed of her second 
 and greater Renascence. Swedes and French- 
 men, Spaniards and Italians, hordes of foreign 
 hirelings in the pay of the Emperor or of his foes, 
 might have combined to decide her immediate 
 political future ; might have meted out her terri- 
 tories, and curtailed her boundaries j might even 
 
78 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 have served to fix the standard of her religious 
 liberties. But to continue the work of the 
 Reformation in the nation's sense, was the inde- 
 fensible and inalienable right of the nation itself 
 Out of the very heart and life of that nation 
 arose the Renascence which finds no perfunctory- 
 record in so-called patriotic, but really dynastic 
 history-books ; yet to which the consciousness of 
 Germany testifies, when it declares the work of 
 Luther to have been carried on by Lessing. 
 
 To the significance of this Renascence, as to 
 the significance of the Reformation, the House 
 of Austria (except during the painful alternation 
 of illusions and disappointments in Joseph II. 's 
 reign) remained blind. But every moral and 
 intellectual movement is an historical, and therefore 
 a political force as well ; and if it be not wel- 
 comed as a friend, it must become an adversary. 
 The support which this movement had to bestow 
 passed to the side of Austria's opponents, and 
 helped to consummate the triumphs of one who 
 only unconsciously used it — of Frederick the Great. 
 Its historical influence has in our own day helped 
 to drive the House of Austria out of Germany. 
 
 I say its historical influence; for of its living 
 influence, I prefer to be absolutely silent. But of 
 this I am assured: that no dynasty which fails to 
 
IN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 79 
 
 appreciate, and itself to become instinct with the 
 spirit of the nation, will ever permanently hold 
 that Imperial authority which, at the most critical 
 period of her annals, was misused and forfeited 
 by the House of Austria. 
 

 
 
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NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 G 2 
 
LECTURE I. 
 
 (^) p. 3. — I doubt whether any notice has appeared in an English 
 journal of a sufficiently remarkable lecture delivered before the Asso- 
 ciation for the History of Berlin, in October 1867, and published for a 
 charitable purpose in the following year. The author, Per Magnus 
 of Stockholm, takes the orthodox view of the character and career 
 of Gustavus Adolphus; denies that his aspirations were directed 
 towards the Imperiali crown, and asserts that his life was sacrificed 
 for religion and for the German Protestants. Deriding the "fruitless 
 labours of a few historians of the day to tear from Gustavus Adolphus 
 his dearly-purchased laurels," he appeals to the words spoken by 
 King William of Prussia, when, on the 22d of September, 1865, at the 
 monument of the Swedish king at Liitzen, he was presented with a 
 laurel wreath by a Protestant ecclesiastical dignitary. King William 
 appears, however, to have confined himself to observations on " the 
 enduring conflict which religion has to maintain " against " certain 
 opponents who are endeavouring to undermine the foundation on 
 which everything rests;" and therefore personally to consider the 
 conditions of the struggle which he is to carry on as materially 
 altered. And at the ceremony of the uncovering of Luther's statue 
 at Worms, in June 1868, he seems to have maintained a discreet 
 silence. So at least I judge from the conspicuous absence of any 
 royal speech firom the records of the Worms festivities since pub- 
 lished by one of their managers, Dr. Eich, who is unlikely to have 
 committed any sin of omission in a, compilation which includes an 
 infinitude of sermons, speeches, and " toasts," not to mention the 
 telegram of her Majesty Queen Victoria, and a copy of sapphics 
 
86 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA. 
 
 by Professor Nobbe, of Ciceronian fame, and, in his own words, 
 " Lutheridarum superstitum subsenior." 
 
 (2) P. 4.—" All the wars carried on in Europe have been mixed 
 up together, and have become »«^." (Gustavus Adolphus to Axel 
 Oxenstjema, i April, 1628. See Geijer, Gesch. von Schweden, 
 vol. iii. p. ISO.) 
 
 (3) P. 5. — Of this period a full and clear account, from the point 
 of view referred to in the text, is to be found in the second volume 
 of Droysen's Geschkhte der preussischen Politik. Frederick III. 's 
 reign lasted from 1439 to 1493 ; at its close neither Poland nor 
 Hungary were any longer in allegiance to the Empire ; and both the 
 Arelat and Switzerland had practically passed out of its control. 
 Against these losses and the reduction of the Imperial power to 
 an utter nullity within the limits where it was still acknowledged, 
 Frederick was contented to set the success of his schemes for securing 
 the Burgundian heritage to his house. The desire for reform ex- 
 pressed itself with particular eagerness during the years 1454-7, at 
 a time when the Emperor, while declaring his ^submission to Pope 
 Calixtus, thus described the condition of the German nation : " On 
 all sides our enemies are upon us, while we are turning our arms 
 against ourselves ; righteously we suffer for our guilt : amongst us 
 there is no union, no obedience ; we submit neither to the spiritual 
 nor to the temporal head ; religion is contemned, justice lies low, 
 fidelity is almost unknown; each deems himself to be king and 
 pope : as many heads, so many opinions ; the people is torn asunder 
 by conflicting interests; a thousand feuds undermine Germany." 
 And later, in 147 1, at the Diet of Ratisbon (where there had been 
 actually talk of deposing the " useless " Emperor), renewed attempts 
 were made at Imperial reform ; yet Frederick was able to extricate 
 himself by private concessions to the princes, and by illusory 
 emendations in the judicial system of the Empire. When I speak 
 of his " cynical apathy," I refer to the feature in his character illus- 
 trated by Ranke {^Deutsche Geschkhte im Zeitalter der Reforma- 
 tion, i. 95) with such anecdotes as the following: "When the cities 
 and princes, armed for war in 1449, rejected his mediation, he 
 resolved to let well alone. He would wait, he said, till they had 
 mutually burnt down their houses and devastated their corn-fields ; 
 after that, they would of a certainty come and request him to recon- 
 cile them with one another ; and thus it shortly came to pass,"_ 
 
NOTES. 8y 
 
 The revival of the Papal power may of course be dated from the 
 healing of the Schism in 1447. By the year 1460, Pope Pius II. (tlie 
 ^neas Silvius whose diplomacy had put an end to the Council of 
 Basel) could declare all appeals to a Council deserving of condemna- 
 tion ; and, by the commencement of the next century, a Dominican 
 publicist could declare the Church a born slave, who in the case of 
 a bad Pope could do nothing further than persistently pray against 
 him — the precihus et lacrymis theory which King James I. afterwards 
 applied to the relations between a king and his subjects. (Ranke, 
 u. s. p. 238.) 
 
 (') P. 5. — At Frankfort, at the time of Maximilian's election as 
 Roman king in 1485, a Jew was said to have prophesied that this 
 was the last German prince who would ever be chosen for the office. 
 (Droysen, ii. 353.) Charles V., as is well known, never learnt to 
 speak Gennan perfectly. The view which I take of Maximilian's 
 general policy is in substance that brought out with incomparable 
 force in Sybel's classic essay, Die deutsche Nation und das Kaiser- 
 reich. The two Eastern matrimonial alliances were those between 
 one of Maximilian's grandsons and Anna, the daughter of Ladislaus, 
 King of Bohemia and Hungary (and brother of Sigismund, King 
 of Poland); and between Ladislaus' son Lewis, and Maximilian's 
 grand-daughter Maria. These engagements, contracted in 1515, 
 were fulfilled in 1520. (Mailath, Gesch. Oesterreichs, i. 384.) 
 The price paid for them was the confirmation of the "perpetual 
 peace" of Thorn (of 1466), by which Prussia was placed in vassalage 
 to the crown of Poland. This act declared the desertion of the 
 German Order by the Emperor, who had bidden it confide in his 
 protection. (See Treitzschke, Das deutsche Ordensland Preussen, 
 in Hist, und Polit. Aufsdtze, p. 59.) Maximilian's last Diet was 
 that of Augsburg, in 1518. The saying that "the money for the 
 war against the Turks was intended for the pockets of the Roman 
 courtiers," was Ulrich von Hutten's; and Luther refers in September 
 of the same year to information from Rome as "Romanae astu- 
 tise, de decimis novis exigendis, pro bello adversus Turcas, quae 
 evidenter excogitatse a Florentinis, avarissimis omnium quos ceelum 
 tegit, cognoscuntur. Ipsi enim Pontificis facilitate utuntur in omnem 
 su£e voraginis libidinem." (See R.Rossler, Die Kaiserwahl Karl's V., 
 p. 37, note. ) The notion of Maximilian I. as " the first German 
 landsknecht" will not seem strange to the readers of Mr. Brewer's 
 
88 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA. 
 
 account of the transactions in connexion with the Holy League of 
 Ijio, according to which Maximilian was to receive 200,000 gold 
 crowns for making himself generally useful in attacking the extra- 
 Italian dominions of Lewis XII. (Letters and Papers, &=€. of the 
 Reign of Henry VIII. vol. i. Preface, pp. xxxvii. ff.) ; and specially 
 to the picture of Maximilian, at the siege of Terouenne, taking 
 service under Henry as one of his captains for the pay of 100 crowns 
 a day, which Queen Katharine very naturally designated "the greatest 
 honour that ever came to prince." (Kath. to Wolsey, Ellis's Origi- 
 nal Letters, vol. i. p. 85. See also Sharon Turner's History of the 
 Reign of Henry VIII. vol. i. p. 120.) For a typical enthusiasm, 
 wide enough to include both Maximilian and his "Landsknechte," 
 see the industrious monograph by Barthold, George von Frundsberg 
 und das deutsche Kriegshandwerk, z. z. d. Reformation, where the true 
 explanation of the term "Landsknechte" is given: viz. mercenaries 
 from the lowland country of Austria, as opposed to those from the 
 Svriss mountains. And, to give only one instance of the mythical 
 Maximilian of modern German poetry, see the intrinsically charm- 
 ing "wreath of romances," entitled Der letzte Ritter, by Anas- 
 tasias Griin (Count Auersperg. ) The quotation at the close of the 
 paragraph is from " Ain newes lied von Kunig Karolus," printed in 
 Liliencron's Historische Volkslieder der Deutschen, &c. vol. iii. pp. 
 229-231. 
 
 (^) P. 7. — The so-called "Imperial matricula of Worms" (accord- 
 ing to which the levy of a certain number of troops at a certain rate 
 of pay was imposed upon the several estates of the realm) of the 
 year 1521, remained the basis of the financial system of the Empire 
 tiU its dissolution in 1805 ; the so-called "Usual-nlatriculse" of 1698 
 and 1 737never having come into general use. (See Hermann Schulze, 
 Einleititng in das deutsche Staatsrecht, p. 260.) Thus it is obvious 
 that there is some progress in human affairs; for Count Bismarck 
 has only calculated the matricula of his Federal State for four years, 
 whereas the old Germanic Confederation retained its original calcu- 
 lation for fifty, and the Empire had retained its scale for nearly three 
 centuries. 
 
 (*) P. 8. — Professor Maurenbrecher, at the close of his most valuable 
 work Karl V. und die deutschen Protestanten, which contains a clear 
 representation, based chiefly upon hitherto unpublished documents 
 from the archives of Simancas, of the conflict between Charles V. 
 
NOTES. 89 
 
 and the Reformation, and its connexion with the general progress of 
 events in Europe. The following passage (pp. 171-2) seems to me 
 to contain the kernel of the question as to the relation between the 
 political ideal and the religious views of the great Emperor : — 
 
 "He had become persuaded by the feeling that he was an Emperor, 
 such as the great Emperors of the Middle Ages had been. His due, 
 so he deemed, was not only the first rank in Christendom, but 
 simply the dominion and supremacy over all the other lands of 
 Europe. Thus the other kings were not in his eyes endowed with 
 equal rights to his own ; on the contrary, he regarded himself as 
 their ordained master. The German Princes, of course, he could 
 only treat like Spanish grandees ; nor could he ever comprehend 
 the peculiar nature of his German sovereignty. 
 
 " And yet this lord of the West, notwithstanding all the political 
 tendencies and aims which he pursued on all sides in order to 
 extend his power over the other countries of Europe, was at the 
 same time, at the very bottom of his soul, possessed by the religiosity 
 of his native Spain. In him we recognise a strange commingling of 
 temporal and religious ideas. It is to judge the Emperor ill, to see 
 in him merely the conqueror and the despot ; nor is the peculiarity 
 of his character comprehended even by those who think to find in 
 him merely the religious zealot. When this Emperor roused himself 
 for his last great blow against France, he permitted to his son a 
 glance into the depths of his soul. And these writings, addressed 
 by the Emperor to his son, are all instinct with a certain feehng 
 of melancholy, a certain feeling of resignation, which forces its 
 way through all his pieces of political advice, and all his artifices 
 of statecraft. He, whose task it is to repress and fight down France, 
 perceives that at the same time the preservation of the true 
 Church is laid on the shoulders of himself alone. Throughout all 
 the widenings and intricacies of his statecraft, towards both Pope 
 and Protestants, he keeps steadily before his eyes the great end : 
 to restore the Church in her ancient glory, and to save her in immacu- 
 late purity out of the hands of Protestantism. I believe it to be an 
 utterly useless quarrel to attempt to discuss the question : whether 
 in these Spanish kings — Charles V. and Philip II. alike — the ecclesi- 
 astical sentiments of their Catholicism, or the political tendency of 
 their European position, furnished the first and decisive impulse to 
 their course of action ; in both of them these were intimately inter- 
 
90 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA. 
 
 woven ; their policy and their rehgion rest on the same basis 
 within their minds." 
 
 And again (p. 344), in a passage referred to in the text of my 
 lecture : 
 
 " I am thoroughly convinced of the identity of the aims of Philip 
 and of Charles. It is one and the same idea which animated and 
 inspired both father and son ; it is one and the same faith by which 
 father and son were comforted in defeat, and elevated in victory. 
 To direct Christendom at large, under the ordinances of the mediaeval 
 Church, this system of a mediseval conception was that which these 
 Spanish rulers pursued by all the methods of the modem system of 
 government, and with all the instruments of modern statecraft." 
 
 (0 P. 9. — The Treaty of Passau was concluded in 1552; Charles V. 
 only signing it with great reluctance, and, according to one account, 
 leaving himself an opening for its future violation by omitting to 
 affix his seal. The religious Peace of Augsburg was concluded by 
 King Ferdinand in 1555, Charles (who was now residing in Spain) 
 refusing to take any part in the transaction. By " Deutsche Libertiit " 
 I understand that complex of the rights of the individual estate of 
 the realm which was afterwards thus extended in the Peace of West- 
 phalia : — " Ut autem provisum sit ... . omnes et singuli electores, 
 principes et status imperil Romani in antiquis suis juribus, prasroga- 
 tivis, libertate, privilegiis libero juris territorialis tam in ecclesiasticis 
 quam politicis exercitio, ditionibus, regalibus, horumque omnium 
 possessione, vigore hujus transactionis, ita stabiliti firmatique sunto, 
 ut a nuUo unquam sub quocunque prsetextu de facto turbari possint 
 veldebeant." For before the peace the "liberties" of an estate 
 were comprehended within the individual rights and royalties con- 
 ferred upon him, and by those rights belonging to all estates in 
 common, in virtue of the usage, or of particular fundamental laws, 
 of the Empire (ReichsJierkommen, Jieichsgrundgesetze). Among the 
 latter are to be included the treaties of Passau and Augsburg. (Cf. 
 Piitter, Geist d. Westpli. Friedens, pp. 456-7 ; and H. Schulze, 
 «, J-. pp. 221-4.) The Augsburg Treaty liberated the Protestant 
 estates from the episcopal jurisdiction within their territories; 
 Henrj- II. of France, in his manifesto of 1551, declared himself on 
 the title-page, "vindex libertatis Germanicse," and in the text 
 declared that the complaints- "of many princes and other worthy 
 persons of the German nation," left no doubt on his mind but that 
 
NOTES. 9 1 
 
 " the Emperor and the House of Austria, to the eternal ruin ' of 
 German national liberty, were about to establish an absolute mon- 
 archy." In 1552 he occupied Verdun, Toul, and Metz; and 
 retained them after Maurice and his allies had made their peace 
 with the Emperor at Passau. (See Adolf Schmidt, Elsass und 
 Lothringen. ) 
 
 (^) P. II. — Briefly stated, the /■arfrz'aftiOT o-ctoajAV-azw provided that 
 in the case of the conversion of a spiritual Estate to the Augsburg 
 (Lutheran) Confession, that Estate should eo ipso forfeit all his spiritual 
 dignities and their concomitant emoluments. The Protestants had 
 left the question as to the insertion of this clause to the arbitrament 
 of Ferdinand ; he decided in its favour ; but the Protestants, though 
 they swore to the treaty, refused to acknowledge the reservation as 
 binding upon them. The Jesuit "opinion" was obtained by the 
 Pope through the General of the Order, Borgia, in 1566 ; one of the 
 three Jesuits who- drew it up was Canisius. (See Ritter, Gesch. der 
 deutschen Union, vol. i. p. 6.) The family compact referred to is 
 that of Augsburg, by which it was agreed (in March 1551) that 
 Ferdinand should succeed Charles as Emperor, and himself be suc- 
 ceeded by Philip, who in his turn should be followed by Ferdinand's 
 son Maximilian. 
 
 (9) P.13. — Astothe early training of Maximilian II. , and the details 
 of what may fairly be called his conversion, see an essay by E. 
 Reimann, Die religiose Entwicklung Max. II., in denjahren 1554 
 bis 1564 ; in Sybel's Histor. Zeitsckr. vol. xv. (1866). The insinuation 
 as to the ladies is made by Gindely, Rudolf II. und seine Zeit, vol. i. 
 p. 24. When Maximilian declared to his father Ferdinand his 
 determination to adhere to the Catholic faith, and to live and die in 
 it, the Emperor, while commending this resolution, expressed his 
 belief in its sincerity ; and at the same time his conviction that, 
 "were it otherwise, no earthly consideration would cause his son to 
 conceal his real opinion. " Hereupon Maximihan solemnly reiterated 
 his promise. I think it will be conceded that we have here a trans- 
 action of a different nature from that which Henry of Navarre 
 flippantly related in his famous ' Aside to Gabrielle.' (See Motley, 
 History of the United Netherlands, vol. iii. p. 241.) Philippina 
 Welser, referred to on p. 12, was the daughter of a citizen of 
 Augsburg; and her story (not unparalleled in the annals of the 
 House of Habsburg) has served as theme for many a German poet, 
 
92 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA. 
 
 most recently for one, the grace of whose verse is only surpassed 
 by the beauty of his prose — Paul Heyse. 
 
 (") P. 15.— According to Droysen {Gesch. d. pr. Pol. vol. ii. p. S)) 
 the word ' Polizei,^ which in modem German signifies Police, was 
 in the fifteenth century used in the sense of ' Politie,'' or art of 
 government. 
 
 (") P. 17. — Dr. Anton Gindely, in his work Rudolph II. u. seine 
 Zeit (of which the first volume was published in 1863); and 
 in a variety of papers contributed to the Transactions of the 
 Imperial Academy of Sciences at Vienna, during late years. To 
 him we particularly owe the demonstration of the very gradual 
 restoration of the political intimacy between Austria and Spain 
 which converted the German quarrel into a European war. These 
 publications have great value for the English historian who is willing 
 to introduce the element of intelligibility into a view of the foreign 
 policy of King James I. Many details concerning the personality 
 of Rhodolph II. are derived by Gindely from the relations of the 
 Venetian Ambassadors. The reception of Rhodolph and his 
 brother in Spain is described by Gachard, Don Carlos et 
 Philippe II., tome i. ch. S; and in the ninth chapter of the 
 same volume is presented an authentic portrait of the Spanish 
 king at the time when his personality would naturally exercise 
 the strongest influence upon his nephews. — The story of Katharine 
 and Isabella is told by Prescott, History of the Reign of Philip II., 
 bk. iv. c. 8.— As to the son of William the Silent, whom the 
 Spaniards " kidnapped and Hispaniolised," see Motley, History of 
 the United Netherlands, vol. iii. pp. 354, 355, et al. 
 
 (12) P. 21. — For a full account of the extraordinary career of this 
 individual, see F. Hurter's monograph, Philipp Lang, Kammer- 
 diener Kaiser RudolpK s II. Lang was a Jew, which M. Hurter seems 
 somehow to regard as an aggravation of his offences. The value 
 of his possessions, at the time when a stop was at last put upon his 
 proceedings, was estimated at 300,000 florins, besides much upon 
 which it was impossible to lay hands. Lang was in i6og sentenced 
 on several counts to death, and on others to perpetual incarceration ; 
 and he appears to have died in prison (where a servant was allowed 
 him) early in 1610. His wife obtained a decent annuity from 
 the Emperor Matthias ! 
 
 p3) P.21. — Daniel Eremita, whose journal well deserves republica- 
 
NOTES. 93 
 
 tion, was attached to an embassy sent, in 1609, by the Grand-Duke 
 of Tuscany to the Emperor Rhodolph 11., and several princes of the 
 Empire. They waited upon the Emperor at Prague, upon the 
 Elector (Christian II.) of Saxony at Torgau, upon the Elector 
 ( Joachim II. ) of Brandenburg at Berlin ; upon the Margrave of 
 Brandenburg-Anspach, the Landgrave of Hesse, the Prince of 
 Anhalt-Dessau, the spiritual electors of Treves and Mayence, the 
 Bishop of Wiirzburg, the Duke of Wiirttenburg, Philip Lewis 
 Count Palatine at Neuburg, and the authorities of the Free 
 Imperial cities of Ulm, Niimberg and Augsburg. Brunswick they 
 avoided on account of the plague prevailing there ; and Frederick IV, 
 Elector Palatine, was unable to receive them at Heidelberg, being 
 laid up with the gout. Daniel Eremita is a shrewd observer, fully 
 conscious of his superiority as an Italian and a Catholic, and by no 
 means dazzled by the splendour which the German courts exhibited. 
 His journal leaves the impression that (as in the succeeding century) 
 the highest degree of culture was to be found at the courts of the 
 Spiritual Electors, and in the Free Cities. The memorials close with 
 an enthusiastic description of the wonderful clock at Augsburg — 
 "quod sane ut omnium operum et artium complementum et finis, 
 ita finis epistolse meae erit ;" for the age shared Rhodolph II. 's love, 
 of mechanical inventions, and the Italian traveller would have been 
 shocked to be obliged to confess (like Yorick on contemplating the 
 "great clock of Lippius of Basil," at Lyons), that he could hardly 
 account for the great devotion with which he beheld its "surprising 
 movements. " 
 
 (") P.23. — A full account of these transactions is given by Gindely, 
 U.S. The Capuchin friar was the well-known Lavprence of Brindisi. 
 When John Frederick, the brother of Bernard of Weimar, was 
 confined in consequence of his dangerous mania, his brothers simi- 
 larly approached him through a clerical medium. (B; Rose, Johann 
 Friedrich VI. H. zu Sachsen, p. loi.) No history of the Thirty 
 Years' War should fail to take into account the operation of the 
 belief in dsemonology, then so prevalent both in court and camp. 
 See, among recent publications on this topic, C. Schneider, Der 
 allgemeineund der Krieger-Aberglaubeim 16., 17., k. 18. Jahrk. — 
 Rhodolph proposed to marry a Tuscan princess. (Ritter, Gesch. 
 d. d. Union, vol. i. p. 249. ) 
 
 Q^) P. 24. — Ludwig Hausser, Gesch. d. Zeitalters d. Reformation, 
 
94 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA. 
 
 (published posthumously from the lectures of the lamented historian), 
 p. 487. 
 
 (16) P. 26. — Quoted by Hurter (Gesch. Ferdinand'' s II. u. seiner 
 Eltem, vol. iii. p. 412, note) : " Laurati in agro Piceno 
 coram Virgine Matri Deo vovit, vel cum vitse discrimine abacturum 
 se e Styria, Carinthia, Carniola sectas sectarumque magistros." Of 
 course the story grew, as Hurter indignantly points out, while he 
 confirms the authenticity of its germ. 
 
 C) P. 28. — The Jesuits were introduced into Styria in 1572; the 
 two first of the order coming not from Bavaria, but from the Tyrol. 
 (See Hurter, u.s. vol. i. p. 260, note.) The allusion on p. 27 is 
 to Droysen's Testament d. grossen Kurfiirsten. I need hardly 
 say with how much hesitation I venture to differ from any conclu- 
 sions arrived at by one of the master historians of this generation ; 
 but I confess that, after all the perversions have been removed by him 
 from the consideration of the question, the fact seems to me to 
 remain that the great Elector before his death disintegrated the 
 dominion which he had been accumulating — for the benefit of an 
 historical theory of the future. 
 
 (1*) P. 30. — The University of Ingolstadt stood at this period at 
 the height of its fame. According to Schreiber, Maximilian I. d. 
 Kathol. pp. 6, 7, it was attended by students of all classes, from 
 the prince to the poor man's son, and of various countries — Poland, 
 Italy, Spain, France, Belgium, Denmark, and England. Even 
 Protestants were attracted by its reputation. Among its teachers 
 were the English physician, Edmund Holling, and " Robert Turner, 
 of Devonshire, to whom, expatriated by the intolerance of Queen 
 Elizabeth, Ingolstadt offered a learned asylum." As to the reputa- 
 tion of Eck, see Ranke, Deutsche Geschichte, &c., vol. i. pp. 399-401. 
 He had begun to lecture at Ingolstadt in his twentieth year. The 
 University of Wittenberg was founded by Frederick the Wise, in 
 1502. As to the Electress Magdalena Sibylla see Koch, Gesch. d. 
 deutsch. Reiches icnter Ferd. III. vol. i. p. 5- On hearing the report 
 of the death of the Elector of Bavaria, she expressed a hope that 
 the Emperor and Tilly might meet with a similar fate, in which 
 case she would " don a robe of variegated hue instead of a suit of 
 sables." The religious views of this sagacious princess did not pre- 
 vent her from penetrating the worldly motives of the court-preacher, 
 Hoe von Hoenegg. (See Miiller, Joh. Georg. u. sein Hof, p. 198,) 
 
NOTES. 95 
 
 (18) P. 31. — Maximilian I.'s 'Monita Paterna^ were first pub- 
 lished in Adlzreitter's Annates Boica gentis ; after which several 
 translations from the original Latin appeared in different modern 
 languages. The edition from which I quote is that of Aretin(i822), 
 which accompanies the Latin text by a German parallel ver.sion. 
 Aretin gives a curious list of similar works by royal hands, from 
 Constantius to the unfortunate Gustavus IIL of Sweden. As to 
 Ferdinand's motto, taken from 2 Timothy ii. 5, see Hurler, u.s. 
 voL ii. p. 235 and note. I have not thought it necessary to mention 
 a quarrel about precedence between Ferdinand and Maximilian, 
 which much occupies their several biographers. 
 
 {^) P. 32. — For an account of the training of the Weimar princts, 
 under the eye of their admirable mother Dorothea Maria, see the 
 first volume of Rose's Herzog Bernhard d. Grosse von Sachsen- 
 Weimar. She had borne her lord eleven sons, of whom Bernard 
 was the youngest. Of these eleven, seven arrived at man's estate ; 
 and while the eldest remained at home to administer the paternal 
 inheritance, six went out to do battle for the cause of Protestantism 
 and princely "liberty;" and three died in the field. The readers of 
 Schiller will not forget his eloquent apostrophe to the unfortunate 
 John Frederick, the victim of Miihlberg, as avenged by his heroic 
 descendants. (Dreissigj. Krieg, I. Buch.) Unhappily, Bernard 
 avenged John Frederick by the policy of Maurice. 
 
 1^) P. 34. — Both these lines of defence seem to me to be adopted 
 by Hurter in his chapter on the "execution of the ecclesiastical 
 restoration," u.s. vol. iv. pi 218, ff. 
 
 (''*)P.34. — The following account of this coupd'itat, as he calls it, 
 is quoted by Miiller, Fiinf Biicher vom Bohmischen Kriege, p. 33, 
 from a letter written by the Saxon envoy at Vienna : — " Yesterday 
 afternoon about two o'clock Cardinal Klesel was introduced by the 
 apostolical nuncio to an audience before the Archduke Maximilian ; 
 but when he had entered the presence-chamber. Master Seyfried 
 Breuner, in the name of the entire House of Austria, wherein the 
 King in Spain was also mentioned, arrested him prisoner ; where- 
 upon he was in the presence of certain cavaliers, among them Count 
 Dampierre, Count CoUalto, Conte Cuculi, &c., secretly led into 
 a great apartment ; and although he vainly desired to be taken 
 before his Imperial Majesty, and appealed to his clerical character, 
 his request was refused, and his appeal quashed by the exhibition 
 
96 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA. 
 
 of a Papal bull ; whereupon he (the Cardinal) was deprived of his 
 red coat and hat, and, instead, dressed in a black hat and cloak 
 of cloth. Thereafter, unknown to his people, he was conducted by 
 the long narrow passage by the city wall to the other bastion, 
 placed in the carriage there held in readiness, and taken by Breuner 
 in a closed carriage to the Neustadi, and, it is said, to the Tyrol; 
 All his gear was sealed up, and an inventory thereof taken this 
 day in presence of Count Mansfeld and the Chief Chamberlain ; and 
 his servants, with the reverend Prior, were placed under arrest. 
 Ferdinand, Maximilian, and the Spanish Ambassador have here- 
 upon notified this to the Emperor ; and on the following day to 
 the Empress also. For the rest, his Imperial Majesty has of late, 
 and up to yesterday, been in good health and spirits (ist itsso, und 
 nochgestern, wohlauf gewesen)," 
 
 f") P. 35.— According to the Golden Bull of Charles IV., the' 
 Bohemian crown was undoubtedly elective ; but Ferdinand I. had 
 in 1545 declared it hereditary ; and the declaration had been prac- 
 tically acquiesced in. Yet Matthias himself had been only elected 
 successor to it in 1608, and thus the House of Austria had again 
 waived its unwarrantable claim. The Protestant party protested' 
 against the nomination of Ferdinand (II.) as interfering with free 
 election ; but they relinquished their protest in consideration of his 
 conciliatory attitude towards the question of their privileges ; after 
 he had sworn on the Scripture that he would maintain them, and 
 after he had undertaken to abstain from interference during the 
 reign of Matthias. These were the promises which he broke. 
 
 (^) P. 36. — In order that there might be no mistake as to the 
 exclusion of the Calvinists from this Lutheran jubilee, the court- 
 preacher. Hoe von Hoenegg (see Note 30), " analysed" the text 
 given out for the sermons to be preached on the occasion for the 
 benefit of the ordinary clerical mind. (See Bottiger, Gesch. 
 Sachsens, voL ii. p. 54.) 
 
 (25) p_ 29.- — I have no wish, in a mere note, to pursue a question 
 of so transcendent an historical importance. But, leaving Leo X. 
 out of the question, I beg the reader's consideration of the character 
 and antecedents of Adrian VI., and of the actual proceedings in the 
 direction of a "rational Papacy, "favoured by Paul III. (see Ranke's 
 Popes, bk. i. chap. 3; and bk. ii.). The "critical moment" to 
 which I refer was that when Luther accepted and met the mediation 
 
NOTES. 97 
 
 of Miltitz, which the unfortunate activity of Eck and the zeal of the 
 Dominicans were allowed to render futile. That opportunity was 
 irreparably lost after the Leipzig Disputation ; and thus it has come 
 to pass that, in the solemn words of a Cardinal of the Roman 
 Church (Diepenbrock), it is the duty of German Catholics, till the 
 day of reconciliation dawns, to bear the schism of the faith " in the 
 spirit of repentance for a common guilt." These words are quoted 
 by Dollinger in the memorable introduction to his book on the 
 Church and the Churches {Kirche und Xirchen, Munich, 1 86 1), 
 where that great and generous theologian has thus spoken in his own 
 name : "We must acknowledge, that in this instance also God has 
 permitted much good, by the side of much evil, to issue out of the 
 errors of men, out of the conflicts and passions of the sixteenth 
 century ; that the impulse of the German nation, towards the 
 abolition of those abuses and vexations in the Church which had 
 become intolerable, was in itself well justified, and had originated 
 in the better qualities of our people, in its moral disgust at the 
 mutUation and desecration of sacred things, by the abuse of religious 
 institution for the purposes of avarice and hypocrisy. We are ready 
 to confess that the great schism, and the agitations and troubles 
 connected therewith, constituted a solemn judgment upon Catholic 
 Christendom, and a judgment, too well deserved by clergy and laity, 
 — a judgment, moreover whose effects have been salutary and 
 purifying. The great spiritual struggle has purged the European 
 atmosphere, has impelled the mind of mankind into new courses, 
 and has produced a wealth of scientific and intellectual life," 
 
 H 
 
LECTURE II. 
 
 (26) P. 42. — This saying was reported to his masters, the States- 
 General-, by the envoy Francis von ^Erssen, in a despatch of July 
 29th, 1609. (See Cornelius, Der grosse Plan Heinrichs IV. von 
 Frankrdch, in Munchner Histor. Jahrbuch for 1866.) In this 
 very remarkable essay it is demonstrated that the supposition of 
 the famous scheme of Henry IV. rests on the doubtful evidence of 
 Sully's Memoirs; and that, accordingly, the current view on the 
 subject should at least be received with cautious hesitation. The 
 Treaty of Hall was concluded in the year 1610, shortly before the 
 death of Henry IV. ; and, in consequence of it, the forces of the 
 Union occupied the Duchies of Juliers, Cleves, and Berg, on behalf 
 of the two Protestant claimants, Brandenburg and Neuburg. 
 
 (^') P. 44. — For a more detailed account of the situation, see G. 
 Droysen, Gustav Adolf, vol. i. bk. ii., where the attitude of 
 Denmark is fully explained. 
 
 i^") P. 44. — ^I confess that I am unable to discover the authority for 
 the famous anecdote referred to in the text. Khevenhiller, Annates 
 Ferdhiandei, torn. ix. p. 398, is too decorous to enter into the 
 particulars of the conduct of Thonradel and the other members of 
 this determined deputation, though he mentions Dampierre's 500 
 cuirassiers as " miraculose" appearing at the critical moment. The 
 story is repeated by Hausser, m. s. p. 495, where the words are 
 given, " Nandel, surrender ; thou must subscribe!" The familiar 
 diminutive constitutes no addition to the insult ; for the Viennese 
 have always treated the Imperial house as their domestic property ; 
 and we find Ferdinand's mother, in her correspondence, speaking of 
 her daughter Anna (afterwards Queen of Poland) as " Andl." The 
 
NOTES. 99 
 
 first Emperor of Austria was allowed to hide many sins of omis- 
 sion and commission under the aspect of " a good Viennese" (cf. 
 Springer, Gesch. OesterreicJis, vol. i. p. in). The ceremonies at 
 the coronation of Ferdinand II. are described in a pamphlet of the 
 year 1619, where the sword of Charlemagne and the simultaneous 
 imposition of the crown by "all the three spiritual electors," are 
 mentioned with particular emphasis. 
 
 (^) P. 45. — The refiisal of Frederick the Wise to accept the proffered 
 support of a majority of the electors was founded upon considera- 
 tions not dissimilar to those which may have prompted the rumoured 
 "Pas si btte" of King Ferdinand of Portugal. (See R. Rossler, Die 
 Kaiserwahl KarPs V. p. 193.) Rossler refers to Spalaiin's 
 Nachlass, p. 59, where the reader will find a very enthusiastic 
 account of the discretion and firmness manifested on this occasion 
 by Spalatin's master. 
 
 P") P. 49. — As to the earlier projects of the Bavarian line to secure 
 the Palatinate Electorate, see Kluckhohn, Briefe Friedrich d. From- 
 men v. d. Pfalz, vol. i. p. 45. Daniel Eremita's description of Christian 
 II. commences thus : — " Hujus tibi formam describere paene pudori 
 duco. Nihil in illo, quo Principem cognoscas. Immanis bellua ; 
 voce, auribus, omni corporis gestu convenienti destituta. Nutu 
 tantum et concrepitis digitorum articulis loquitur; nee inter fami- 
 liares quidem, nisi obscoena qusedam, et fere per convicium, jactat. 
 In vultu ejus nihil placidum ; rubor et maculae, e vino contractse, 
 oris lineamenta confuderant. Vasta corporis forma, proceri et 
 immensi artus, sed inconditi. Vestis nuUo cultu, sed detrita, et sor- 
 dibus obsita. Atque, ut in breve omnia contraham, nomine tenus 
 Princeps est. " This amiable and accomplished prince died in June 
 i6ii, from the consequences of what the Saxon historian, Bottiger, 
 calls " a too rapid potation." John George I., who succeeded him, 
 reigned till 1656. Ample opportunities are afforded by the researches 
 of Karl August Miiller (KurfUrst Johann Georg I. , seine Familie, 
 und sein Hof) for aniving at a conclusion as to the private character, 
 as well as to the system of government in his state, of this Elector. 
 His conduct with respect to the war will, of course, be variously 
 judged. It was guided by dynastic considerations ; but he was faith- 
 ful to the Emperor as long as the latter adhered to the engagements 
 which he had contracted towards Saxony. The Albertine line of the 
 House of Wettin is not to be branded with infamy, because 'of the 
 H 2 
 
100 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA. 
 
 double treason of the founder of its greatness, or because of the 
 sins of Augustus 'the physically strong.' It has numbered many 
 princes whose patriotism and good faith have dignified misfortune ; 
 and many whp have, to the extent of their abihty, contributed to 
 make Saxony what it is — the very heart of Germany. — To Hoe 
 von Hoenegg reference has been already made ; his influence 
 was exerted throughout the first half of the war against the 
 Calvinists ; and in favour of the House of Austria, which encou- 
 raged him by presents of Peruvian gold. (Gfrorer, Gustav Adolf, 
 p. 603.) In the song from which I have quoted (it forms one of 
 Opel and Cohn's interesting collection), Pater Job (a representative 
 of the Catholic priests), Herr Matz (Hoenegg), and Father Abraham 
 (Scultetus, the spiritual adviser of Frederick, Elector Palatine) are 
 held up to popular odium as the real authors of the existing 
 misery : — 
 
 " God, left alone, would set things right; 
 It is fhe priests who cause the blight." 
 
 (O. a. C, Der dreissigjiihrige Krieg, p. 105.) Schwarzenberg's 
 policy has met with elaborate attempts at defence as well as assaults ; 
 into the merits of which it is impossible here to enter. And I hope 
 to find another occasion for discussing the difficult question as to 
 the reasons of Gustavus Adolphus' delay in coming to the rescue of 
 Magdeburg, which, notwithstanding the insinuations of such writers 
 as KIopp, and his echo Keym, I believe to have been truly stated 
 in the Swedish king's own Apology. — The name of Joachim II. 's 
 Jew was Lippold. — Already at the time of the Interim, Magdeburg 
 was, in Protestant Germany, saluted as the " chancery of God." 
 
 (^1) P. 51. — Miiller, Bohmischer Krieg, :g. 308. My view of the 
 conduct of King James is founded upon a consideration of Mr. S. 
 R.' Gardiner's Letters, &'c., illustrating the Relations between Eng- 
 land and Germany at the Commencement of the Thirty Years' War 
 (printed for the Camden Society in 1865). These seem to me to 
 prove that James was not wise before the event j and that he wished 
 the event to decide the question which distracted courtiers and 
 envoys : whether he approved, or disapproved, of Frederick's ac» 
 ceptance of the Bohemian crown. 
 
 ('^) P. 52. — The quotation is from Opel and Cohn, «. j. p. 106. 
 Wootton's charming lines to the Princess Elizabeth are printed 
 
NOTES. lOI 
 
 in Mr. Palgrave's Golden Treasury, p. 71. The interest which 
 Ralegh took in the favourite sister of his Prince Henry, is evinced 
 by his Discourse on the proposal of marrying her to the Prince of 
 Piedmont (l6ii). But her history is naturally to English readers 
 the most familiar episode of the great war. — The attempt at rehabi- 
 litating Tilly, already partially made by Gfriirer, was elaborately 
 repeated in 1861 by Onno Klopp {Tilly im dreissigjdhrigen 
 Kriege). The ' popular ' historians of the same school follow in 
 his wake ; among the rest, Keym and a patriotic annalist from whom 
 I will venture to quote a sentence, not on account of its intrinsic 
 value, but because it significantly exemplifies the way in which 
 history is taught " to yotag and old," in districts where, as the 
 phrase is, religious feeling runs high. " Of these two generals 
 [Tilly and Wallenstein], the former combined the best of hearts and 
 an immaculate conduct [author's italics], with the strictest military 
 attention to duty ; while the latter obscured his gifts as a commander 
 by an unbounded ambition and an ambiguous character ; wherefore 
 the Emperor found himself obliged to depose him." (J. Bader, 
 Badische Landes-Geschichte, fiir yung und Alt bearbeitet. Freiburg 
 im Breisgau, 1864. Third Edition, p. 251.) 
 
 (^) P. 53. — Miiller, in point of fact, argues that the Bohemians 
 might have obtained their ends by peaceable means, as the Silesians 
 did, through the interposition of Saxony. But it remains unproved that 
 this interposition would have been made, or, if made, accepted. The 
 same historian, I should add, has no belief in the existence, in Ferdi- 
 nand's mind, of a crusade against Protestantism ; but he proves the 
 existence of such a plan in what he calls the "purely Jesuitico- 
 Roraanist" party, and concedes their influence upon the conduct of 
 affairs. The passage in the Vie de Char to which I have ven- 
 tured to allude occurs torn. i. p. 339, where the argument seems to 
 be that Cicero's couf d'etat in suppressing the Catilinarian conspiracy 
 was illegitimate as well as illegal : because he was not supported by 
 the mass of the nation, and because, as representing a government 
 which was only a faction in the state, he exposed it to the awkward 
 charge of having saved the commonwealth for the sake of a party. 
 
 ('*) P. 54. — For a full account of them see F. Kurz's Reitrdge 
 und Geschichte d. Landes Oesterreich ob der Enns. The author is 
 a Catholic priest and a loyal Austrian, and is therefore unlikely to 
 have overstated the case against the monarch whom he calls " the 
 
102 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA. 
 
 good Emperor Ferdinand ; " or against the ally whom he terms the 
 Emperor's "dear Maximilian." The Catholic historian Gfrorer, in 
 his account of the Bohemian "judgment," is obliged to resort, in 
 defence of Ferdinand, to a tu quoque against England's treatment 
 of Ireland. Would that he had been unable to adopt even this 
 unsatisfactory expedient ! 
 
 (35) P.55. — "Clericorum Attila," in the strange doggrel inhonour 
 of the hero of the Acta Mansfeldica, in Opel and Cohn, u. s. 
 pp. 174 — 179. If is strange that even Mansfeld should have met 
 vi^ith apologists. Christian of Anhalt, as Gindely has shown, was 
 the real author of the Union. I have before me the list of his sins 
 in the Copia Kaiserlicher Achtserkldrung issued against him and 
 others in 1621. Mansfeld, after being driven by Wallenstein out'of 
 the Empire, finally set out for Venice, and died on the way, fttU of 
 schemes against the victorious Emperor; but Christian made his 
 submission, and was pardoned in 1624. In a curious little book, 
 from which many details are to be gathered as to the court and 
 administration of the Empire under Ferdinand II. {Status Imp, 
 Reg. Ferd. II. ), it is related that no sooner had the penitent been 
 re-invested with his rights and royalties than he demanded to be 
 allowed to cover his head in the presence; which trait of self- 
 assurance struck the Emperor with such admiration that he not only 
 gave the required permission, but bade Christian take a seat at the 
 Imperial table. Christian died in 1630. 
 
 (3') P. 56. — For an account of these transactions and the proofs of 
 the fatal influence of James I. 's balancing policy upon their progress, 
 see G. Droysen, Gustav Adolf, vol. i. p. 157, f. Lord Digby 
 was sent to Spain to make preliminary inquiries concerning the 
 feasibility of the marriage as early as 161 7 ; the journey of Charles 
 and Buckingham to Madrid was made in the spring of 1623 ; and 
 they were summoned home in the autumn of the same year. (See 
 Guizot, Un Projet de Manage Royal. ) The fatal mistake of James 
 lay not so much in the original conception of his policy, as in the 
 obstinacy with which he adhered to it, long after the Spanish 
 Government had evidently resumed a line of conduct in consonance 
 with that of the German branch of the House of Habsburg. 
 
 (37) P.61. — Fbrtser has long since cleared the fame of Wallenstein 
 from the grosser imputatioijs under which malice and prejudice had 
 made it suffer; but his life as a politician yet remains to be written. 
 
NOTES. 103 
 
 In the most recent biography of Wallenstein, which professes on its 
 title-page to be written " in the spirit of modern historical inquiry" 
 (by W. von Janko), only a brief reference is made to the great 
 Hanseatic scheme, though the important fact is mentioned (p. 38), 
 on the authority of a letter in the Saxon archives, that Wallenstein 
 was the first to conceive the idea of a canal uniting the Baltic and 
 the German Ocean. As to Wallenstein's share in the scheme there 
 can be no doubt after the narrative of Droysen, u. s. p. 319, if. ; and 
 I am convinced that it is an erroneous view to believe him to have 
 been merely interested in it for the sake of securing Mecklenburg. 
 (This is Gfrorer's view, Guslav Adolf, p. 478. ) The following summary 
 of the plan is quoted by Droysen from Khevenhiller (Annales Ferd. 
 xi. 143) : — " Thus the King of Spain thought to attract to himself 
 all the maritime trade; and to make tlie Hanse towns, which are 
 very powerful on the Baltic and have great store of men and vessels, 
 devoted to him ; whereby the Hollanders and Zealanders would 
 be much weakened, arid deprived of great part of their trade and 
 profit by sea. Thus the Emperor had already in his power several 
 well-situated ports iu the Baltic, and Wismar among the rest; and 
 the Duke of Friedland had already been appointed Admiral over the 
 Baltic ; who, with the aid of the Hanse towns and the vessels which 
 he expected from Spain and Flanders, meant to take the Sound." 
 The scheme was already described in its true character, and the 
 reasons shown why in the interests of the Hansa it came far too late, 
 in Sartorius, Gesch. d. Hanseathchen Bundes, vol. iii. p. 78, ff. 
 Worms {Histoire de la Ligue Hanshtique) appears to be ignorant 
 of the matter, or to attach no importance to it. — The English play 
 referred to is Henry Glapthome's Alberttis Wallenstein (1639 — 
 1640) ; a most wretched piece. Its scene lies alternately at " Egers" 
 and at the Emperor's court. W. is an ambitious ruffian who murders 
 his son for engaging in an intrigue with one of the Duchess's women, 
 and has the woman hanged on the stage, in the " Spanish Tragedy" 
 style. His other son is married at "Egers" to Emilia, daughter of 
 "Saxon Weimar." W., as in Schiller, is haunted by anticipations 
 of his fate, and seeks the repose of sleep before the murder, a page 
 singing him to rest like Brutus's boy in "Julius Caesar." When 
 interrupted by the Duchess, W. , in a fit of terror, kills the page. 
 He is murdered by Gordon, Leslie, and Butler, who are charged 
 with his removal by the Emperor. "Newman" is a comic character 
 
104 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA. 
 
 of a very gross cast. The play contains no allusion to W.'s astro- 
 logical pursuits, except one metaphor, where he declares that he will 
 not fall like a comet "by his own fire consumed." The point of 
 the moral is taken outby W.'s dying exclamation, — 
 
 "Idle 
 Not for my ambition, but my cruelty. " 
 
 The "admiral sans ships" occurs in the 'New Wallensteinian 
 Epitaph'' in Opel and Cohn, u.s. p. 346. A curious bundle of 
 epitaphs, "ex quibus facile patebit quibus Wallensteinius amicus, 
 quibus hostis fiierit," will be found in cap. xii. of the ' Itinerarium 
 ThomcB Carvts Tipperariensis ' (the chaplain of the Irish regiment 
 which furnished W.'s assassins), lately reprinted by Mr. Quaritch. 
 Wallenstein's saying about Stralsund, which Droysen appears to 
 doubt, is unhesitatingly accepted by Fiirster (Wailenstein's Brief e, 
 vol. i. p. 234), who merely indicates the authority of the Stralsund 
 protonotarius Vahl for this and a similar expression of the Duke's. 
 (Ibid. p. 233.) The Hanseatic "jubilate" is quoted by Droysen 
 (p. 348) from ' Nachklang des Hdnsischen IVeckers ; ' and a similar 
 contemporary conceit is quoted by Murr ( Wal/enstein's Bildnisse 
 in Beitrage zur Gesch, W. 's, p. 390) as inscribed, under a portrait 
 of W., in a book published at Upsala in 1631 : — 
 
 " Dum superat tygrim, vulpemque lupumque magistros 
 Bestia Waldsteinius, sanguine, dente, dolo : 
 Respuit hoc monstrum tellus, sed suscipit unda, 
 Egregius rapidis fitque natator aquis." 
 
 The " Swedish and Scottish helpmates'' numbered five thousand, 
 and were commanded by Sir Alexander Leslie. See Mr. James 
 Grant's Memoirs and Adventures of Sir yohn Hepburn (com- 
 mander of the Scots or "Green" Brigade imder Gustavus Adolphus), 
 p. 48, where it is stated that the Stralsunders caused medals to be 
 Struck in remembrance of Leslie's honour and their gratitude. 
 
 (28) P. 64. — On p. 493 of his Gustav Adolf (Klopp's edition) Gfrbrer 
 regrets that " nearly all the historians of the Thirty Years' War 
 represent the Edict of Restitution as an act of arbitrary violence and 
 desire for aggrandizement on the part of the Emperor, who was in 
 fact forced into it." Two pages further on it is noted (without 
 comment) that " the fullest portion of the ecclesiastical spoils," in 
 
NOTES. lOS 
 
 certain divisions of the Empire, "was designed for the youngest son 
 of the Emperor, Leopold William, who had been educated as a 
 clergyman." In the circles of Upper and Lower Saxony alone, 
 120 abbeys, and other foundations and churches, were claimed, 
 chiefly for the Jesuits ; and the complaints of Protestant princes and 
 other estates fill several volumes in the Saxon archives. (See 
 Helbig, Gustav Adolf u. d. Kurfursten von Sachseii u. Brandenburg, 
 p. I, ff.) I confess myself at a loss to understand how Gfrorercan 
 see in the promise made at Miihlhausen in 1620, " that now and 
 hereafter (fiir jetzt und spdter') the occupants of ecclesiastical pro- 
 perty in the two Saxon circles should be in no wise vexed or deprived 
 by force," a renunciation "not in perpetuum, but only till times had 
 changed." (Gfrbrer, Gustav Adolf, p. 246.) 
 
 (^) P. 65. — See Ranke, Franzosische Gischichte, vol. ii. p. 
 
 349. ff- 
 
 (*•) P. 67. — See Otto Heyne, Der Kurfurstentag zu Regensburg 
 von 1630, where the situation is thus forcibly summed up: — 
 
 " From the lowest decline, and after being already near to its fall, 
 the Austrian power had inafewyears risen toamighty height, above all 
 by its alliance with the Catholic League. A man of ruthless energy 
 had then created for it in his vast army a strong support, subservient to 
 no other interest ; he had — and in truth he may, in more than one 
 respect, be compared to the great statesman who in those days directed 
 the destinies of France — conceived and began to realize the idea of 
 establishing in the Empire a monarchical government, which sup- 
 pressed the independence of the estates. And in point of fact he 
 had created for the Emperor a power in Germany, of which the 
 world had not known the like since times long-forgotten. 
 
 " But it was precisely this which had filled the princes of the 
 League, Ferdinand's ancient allies, with the most serious anxiety, 
 and which had aroused in them the determination to bring about, 
 at any cost, the overthrow of the man who now held them in terror. 
 For years they live and act in this one intent ; and it is this which 
 they hope to accomplish at Ratisbon. 
 
 " And as in Germany, so in the whole of Europe, the wonderful 
 rise of Austria had provoked an opposition, powerful in itself. 
 When the meeting of the Electors opened, all the neighbours of the 
 Emperor confronted him with open hostility or with ill-concealed 
 aversion. And in France all found their most important reserve ; 
 
I06 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA. 
 
 France was, above all, the prop offering itself to the Liguistic princes, 
 should they resolve to abandon the alliance which they had hitherto 
 maintained with the Emperor. 
 
 "But Ferdinand appeared blind to the dangers arising against 
 him ; and, full of lofty schemes, he opened the assembly. He hoped 
 to preserve for himself Wallenstein and his army, without at the 
 same time giving up the Electors ; rather, the latter were to support ■ 
 him in the execution of the aggressive plans of his foreign policy. 
 And in addition he meant to obtain for his son the crown of Roman 
 king ; and thus to confirm in the possession of his House the 
 Imperial power in the extent which it had reached under himself. 
 
 " How very different was the turn which events actually took ! 
 What sacrifices had not Ferdinand to make, in order to preserve to 
 himself the Catholic princes, which he deemed himself unable to 
 spare ! 
 
 " He let drop the General, before whom the Empire trembled ; 
 he made the most important reductions in the army which constituted 
 the principal means of power in that General's hands ; with France 
 he concluded a peace, which severed his policy from that of the other 
 branch of the House of Habsburg, and by which he abandoned the 
 conquests made by his Victorious army ; all his warlike intentions 
 against Holland he relinquished ; the election of Roman king he 
 was unable to carry through. And in return for all this he gained 
 nothing but aid against Sweden. 
 
 " The meeting ended with a complete victory of the Catholic 
 League, which kept up an understanding with the Franco-Italian 
 opposition, over the Emperor. 
 
 " But, however high a price Ferdinand had to pay, at all events 
 the result was the continuance of the alliance, so much shaken, 
 between the Catholic powers of the Empire. And necessarily the 
 Protestants recognised herein an extreme danger for themselves ; for 
 against them the harmony of opposition had never been broken, and 
 they had nowhere been able to insist upon a regard being paid to 
 their interests. Nothing had been done to secure them by honest 
 concessions against the origin of the Swedish war. 
 
 "And it was for tliis reason that Saxony and Brandenburg were 
 induced to seek a support for themselves elsewhere. They resolved 
 to enter into communications with the other Evangelical estates ; 
 and soon the progress of affairs led them on from this step to that 
 
NOTES. 107 
 
 of their alliance with Sweden — with the foe of Ferdinand and of the 
 Catholic League." 
 
 (*') P. 69. — It would carry me beyond the limits of a note, were 
 
 I to attempt to develop the reasons on which I ground my view of 
 
 the conduct of the German war by Gustavus Adolphus. Though, 
 
 on referring to Archbishop Trench's eloquent lecture on Gustavus 
 
 Adolphus (p. 42), I observed that the natural illustration of the 
 
 case of Hannibal had been employed by his Grace as well as 
 
 myself, I thought it unnecessary to strike out the passage in my 
 
 text ; particularly as the Archbishop finds the resemblance between 
 
 Hannibal and the Swedish king's motives in the improbability that 
 
 either could have taken the enemy's capital had he attacked it. On 
 
 this point I venture to entertain the very opposite opinion ; on the 
 
 other hand, I believe that it suited neither Hannibal's nor Gustavus' 
 
 plan to enter into possession of the hostile capital. The Archbishop's 
 
 view of the character of Gustavus Adolphus is full of sweetness ; 
 
 but the attempt which I have made for myself to understand the 
 
 King's proceedings makes me consider a modification of the picture 
 
 necessary in more points than one. The Swedish Intelligencer is the 
 
 well-known chronicle of the war, of which the first part commenced 
 
 with an account of the Diet of Ratisbon. The exclusion of Gustavus 
 
 Adolphus' agent from the Llibeck conferences was undoubtedly 
 
 anticipated by the King ; although the attempts of the envoy 
 
 (Salvius) to obtain a hearing are almost unsurpassed in the history 
 
 of diplomacy. A full account of them was given by the envoy's 
 
 secretary Lehausen, to the Frenchman Ogier, when the latter 
 
 visited Stockholm in the suite of the French embassy in 1634. (See 
 
 Ogerii Ephemerides. Paris, 1656.) The object of Gustavus 
 
 Adolphus was obviously to be insulted ; and Salvius individually 
 
 obtained his revenge, inasmuch as he lived to be one of the Swedish 
 
 plenipotentiaries at the negotiations for the Peace of Westphalia. 
 
 (*^) P. 73. — The best recent work on the reign of Ferdinand 
 III. is that of M. Koch (Geschichte des deutschen Reiches unter 
 der Regierung Ferd. JTI. ), of which two volumes have been pub- 
 lished. The second reaches up to the Peace of Westphalia, and 
 thus concludes the survey of the policy of the House of Austria 
 during the war. It is written in a friendly spirit towards that House ; 
 and thus the question as to the altered relations between it and the 
 Jesuits is, perhaps, hardly treated with the requisite incisiveness. The 
 
I08 THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA. 
 
 old ^Panegyricus Ferdinandi III.' (published at Cologne in 1647 
 by Everard Wessenberg) is an attempt to prove the identity of 
 the principles of the last two Ferdinands. — ' Satisfaction ' is the 
 technical term corresponding to ' compensation ' in the instruments 
 of the Treaty of Westphalia. — The visitor to Osnabriick is not a little 
 impressed by the antlers of the stags which the diplomatists found 
 time to shoot, and by the ponderous drinking-cups with which they 
 refreshed themselves after their labours ; and is inclined to imagine a 
 connexion between the cups and the modest wooden box into which, 
 as he is informed, were dropped their fines for unpunctuality. At 
 Miinster (which as the most Catholic city of Northern Germany 
 had less cause for a grateful remembrance of the Peace than Osna- 
 briick, whose see the treaty made epicene) I found fewer memorials 
 of this episode in its history. But those who have followed the 
 long and leisurely course of the negotiations in the account of 
 Bougeant, the Jesuit historian of the Peace, need no confirmation 
 of their impressions by such relics. Mr. Montague Bernard, in his 
 Lectures on Subjects connected with Diplomacy, p. 29, truly says 
 that " at Miinster and Osnabriick the whole negotiation was carried 
 on as people drive a bargain in Italy or Spain." And the real 
 reason of the protracted nature of the negotiations lies in the fact 
 that the questions which they involved were too wide and complicated 
 to allow of the Conferences to begin with clearly-understood bases. 
 
 (*^) P. 76. — Views not dissimilar to these were put forward in one 
 of the most remarkable political pamphlets produced by recent 
 events on the continent of Europe — which, I believe, attracted the ' 
 notice of the London journals — Actualith Politiques, published 
 (in the French language) at Vienna in 1868. But, apart from all 
 discussions of the hour, will it be denied that we live in a century 
 in which dynastic policy has the choice before it of merging into 
 national policy, or ceasing to exist ? 
 
 R. CLAY, SONS, AND TAYLOR, PRINTERS, LONDON. 
 
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