PA HI If? I _, Cornell Unlveralty Library PA 6452.B1 1871 Llvy. books -X 3 1924 026 482 855 Si- r DATE DUE MffrSs '968MP ^^^^W4W W^ i2.W^^ JEftwwfei ^ll^ g GAYLORD PRINTED IN U 5 A The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924026482855 ©larcnKon ^xt%% S'Wfes LIVY SEELEF Sontiott MACMILLAN AND CO. PUBLISHERS TO THE VNJVERSITr OF OxforD ClarenlJBn ^resisf ^tvits LIVY BOOKS I-X Wzi(/i Introduction, Historical Examination, and Notes BY .V J. R. SEELEY, M.A. Professor of Modem History, Cambridge Book I AT THE CLARENDON PRESS M DCCC LXXI — 6-4-©-^-tfrf7 'c6rnell\ university ^- LIBRA RV^ PREFACE. The Edition of the fiirst decad of Livy, of which I now publish the first instalment, is intended to put the reader in possession of the information necessary for forming a judgment not only about the meaning but also about the truth and value of what Livy says. In other words, it comprises a historical as well as a philological commentary. The reader will, therefore, be prepared to find the quantity of annotation somewhat large, and may even not refuse to believe me when I assure him that I have studied compression throughout. Nevertheless, it is the first book of the decad more than any later one that presents difficulties to the his- torical student, for it is the first book that suggests the principal questions which have occupied so many scholars since Niebuhr's time. I expect to be able to elucidate the rest of the decad as fully by means of a much shorter commentary. I have found it possible to throw my historical elucidation of this book into the form of a continuous essay, which will bear to be read by itself. It will be vi PREFACE. found, however, that I have not wandered from my author's text in order to do this, but that every sec- tion of the Historical Examination is a commentary upon some definite passage or passages of it. Questions which the text does not suggest are, therefore, passed over, even such as I should have discussed at length had I been merely writing an essay on the regal period of Rome. For instance, the vexed question of the clients is reserved for the next volume. The patricians are discussed here because Livy discusses them ; but as the plebs remains quite in the background throughout the first book, I have refrained as much as possible from discussing it. I have to acknowledge valuable help received from the Dean of Christ Church and from Mr. Max Cul- linan, Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge. vn CONTENTS. PAGE INTRODUCTION i HISTORICAL EXAMINATION OF BOOK I. CHAP. I " CHAP. II i8 CHAP. Ill 53 TITI LIVI LIBER I loi INTRODUCTION. Lite of Livy. Of the life of Titus Livius very few facts are known to us. It is important to recognize this and to guard against the temptation to which many critics have yielded of creating a detailed narrative by loose inferences or by pure imagination. The statements we find will therefore here be considered separately, no attempt being made to weave them together. The Bate of his Birth. In Jerome's Latin translation of the Chro- nicon of Eusebius there are many additions made by the translator himself referring to Latin literary history. Among these we find it stated that Livy was born in 01. i8o. 2 according to Scaliger's Edition, 01. 180. 4 according to Mai's Armenian Version. Ritschl (Parerg. Appendix) has shown that the statements contained in these annotations of Jerome's are founded on Suetonius de Viris lUustribus (a work of which the lives of Grammatici Rhetores, &c., printed in Suetonius' works form a fragment) but that they are often exceedingly untrustworthy in- ferences from those statements. If therefore Suetonius wrote lives of his- torians (on which point there has been a controversy between Ritschl and Mommsen) and among these of Livy, and in the life of Livy mentioned in what consulate he was born, Jerome's statement is authoritative; but as we do not know these facts, we can only say that probably or possibly Livy was born in B. C. 59 or 57. His Place of Birth. This is established on good authority. The poet Statius, in congratulating a contemporary historian, says, ' Orsa Sallusti brevis et Timavi Reddis alumnum,' and we read (Quint. Inst. Orat. I. 5, 56; 8. 1, 3) that Asinius Polio, Livy's contemporary, found a certain Patavinitas in his style. Martial, too, where he says, ' Censetur Apona Livio suo tellus' (Ep. 1.62, 3), seems to point to the same part of Italy. Later writers (Sid. ApoU. 2. 189, Symmachus, Ep. 4. 18, and Jerome, in the annotation above-mentioned) call him Patavine. \ Of the town of Patavium, now Padua, a brief history may be collected B a INTRODUCTION. from Livy himself. It was one of those towns which ascribed its origin to emigrants from the mysterious Troy (i. i). The leader of this emi- gration is supposed to have been Antenor. It resisted the power of the Etruscans (5. 33), and, according to Polybius (2. 23), also that of the invading Gauls^ In B. C. 301 it repelled an invasion of the Spartan Cleonymus. At this time it is described as constantly at war with the neighbouring Gauls. Livy tells us that the spoils of the Spartans had remained in the temple of Juno at Patavium up to the lifetime of men who were living when he wrote, and that an annual sham fight of boats in memory of the battle still took place in the town (10. 2). There was a sediito in the town in B. C. 1 74, which was instantly quieted on the appearance of the consul (41. 27). For a long time after this we hear little of Patavium, nor do we hear anything of its fortunes in the earlier part of the revolutionary period. How it behaved in the civil wars of Marius and Sulla we do not know, nor which side it took in the conflict between Caesar and the aristocracy. Plutarch relates after Livy, that a certain Caius Cornelius, a friend of the historian, astonished the inhabi- tants of Patavium by predicting the battle of Pharsalia and the victory of Caesar ; but whether the event pleased or grieved them he does not hint by a single word, though W. infers from the passage that the town took the aristocratic side^ After the death of Caesar in the war of Mutina, we do indeed find Patavium on the side of the senate. In the 1 2th Philippic (4. .10) we read, 'Et ut omittam reliquas partes Galliae, nam sunt omnes pares, Patavini alios excluserunt, alios ejecerunt missos ab Antonio : pecunia, militibus et, quod maxime deerat, armis nostros duces adjuverunt.' But that it would be delusive to infer from this that the Patavini were aristocratically disposed, will appear when we consider the confusion of political parties at that time. Though Antonius was a Caesarian, he was fighting to annul one of Caesar's acts. The senate was engaged to maintain that act, and Hirtius the consul, who com- manded for the senate, was a leading Caesarian. The question now arises, what was the size and character of the town of Patavium. We have the evidence of Strabo that it was among the most important towns of the Roman world. He places it above Mediolanum, Verona, and all the other towns of that part of Italy; speaks of its populousness, and the quantity of manufactured articles, particularly articles of dress, that it sent to Rome ; and as a proof of the wealth of its inhabitants, mentions that it had been registered as ' Weissenborn strangely confuses these two statements together. This editor will be referred to for the future as W. ^ In his German edition (Weidmann) the error is corrected. INTRODUCTION. 3 containing 500 men of equestrian income (5. i, 7) ; and in another passage, relating the same thing of Gades, he says, that of no town even in Italy, except Patavium, could the same be said (3. 5, 3). Finally, we read that the inhabitants of Patavium were celebrated for the strictness of their morals (Martial 11. 16, 8); Pliny (Ep. i. 14) has, ' Nosti loci mores. Serrana tamen Patavinis quoque severitatis exemplum est.' Facts of Livys life which are known to us. 1. He had at least two children, a son and a daughter. We know that he had a daughter, because his son-in-law, L. Magius, is mentioned (M. Seneca^ Contr. 10. 2), and that he had a son, because Quin- tilian quotes a letter of Livy's to his son, which seems to have been published. (Inst. Or. 10. i.) 2. He wrote books on philosophy, and also dialogues, partly historical and partly philosophical. This is expressly testified by L. Seneca (Epp. i6- 5) 9) : ' Scripsit enim et dialogos quos non magis philosophiae annu- merare possis quam historiae et ex professo philosophiam continentes libros.' These half historical, half philosophical dialogues may perhaps have resembled Cicero's Dialogue de Republica : Hertz supposes them to have been of the same character as the \oyurropiKa, of Varro. 3. Some circumstances render it probable that he was a professed rhetor or teacher of rhetoric. In the first place, his son-in-law was a rhetor and owed his popularity as such mainly to his connection with Livy. This we learn from M. Seneca (Contr. 10. z): ' Pertinere autem ad rem non puto quomodo L. Magius gener T. Livii declamaverit, quamvis aliquo tempore suum populum habuit, cum ilium homines non iil ipsius honorem laudarent, sed in soceri ferrent.' This may mean that Livy's fame as an historian procured honour for his son-in-law's declamations, but it becomes more probable if we regard Magius as a rhetorician formed in Livy's school and expounding his views. Next, that Livy had such views, and that many maxims on rhetoric of which he was the author were in circulation, we know from some allusions to them in M. Seneca and Quintilian. They are as follows (Inst. Or. 8. 2. r8), 'In hoc malum (i. e. obscurity) etiam a quibusdam laboratur ; neque id novum vitium est, cum jam apud T. Livium inveniam fuisse praeceptorem aliquem qui discipulos obscurare quae dicerent juberet, Graeco verbo utens, Tov KaracrTd^ovTa ^vtrtrivov tpdpos, kvkXoi Be naaav olKeriov nap.'jikrjGiaV aviiir\d{cTai 8e 7r\Tj6os ov^ Saov SoKfls 01 rijaS' ipSurt Trjs diroiKias ipvy&v. It is true that both Arctinus and Sophocles represented Aeneas not as leaving the country, but as establishing a colony in Ida ; which proves conclusively that the voyage of Aeneas to Italy is a later invention. But it is also true, that for any later mythologer who had heard of a Trojan colony in the far west, and wanted a leader for it, such a hint as Homer's prophecy about Aeneas, and the lines just quoted from Sophocles, afforded the best possible starting-point for a new Odyssey. If to this there be added the fact already mentioned, that the name AiVeidr appeared frequently in the cultus of Aphrodite, and therefore that every temple of Aphrodite on any Mediterranean coast gave a fresh stimulus to imaginations already at work upon the adventures of Aeneas, and finally that the town of Lavinium was an ancient seat of the worship of Venus, the choice of Aeneas as olnioTqs seems sufiiciently explained ^. " The story of Macrobius (Sat. 5. i, 4), that Virgil's whole Second Book is taken almost word for word from a very ancient epic poet Pisander, which would throw the legend of Aeneas' wanderings many centuries back, has been overturned by Welcker, in his Epischer Cyclus. THE LEGENDS: AENEAS. 23 The question how the Romans came to fancy themselves of Trojan stock at all, is more difficult. But it is important to remark, that, though this belief cannot be clearly traced beyond the time of Aristotle, the belief of Trojan colonies in the far west can be traced considerably earlier. Egesta, in Sicily, believed itself to be a Trojan colony in the fifth century before Christ, as we know from Thucydides 6. 2, and there exists a statement which carries the behef not only in a Trojan colony, but a Trojan colony headed by Aeneas, back to the Sicilian poet Stesichorus, who belongs to the first half of the sixth century, and to the Regal Period of Rome. The Iliac Table in the Capitoline Museum has representations of dififerent Trojan legends, the last of which is Aeneas, with Ascanius and Anchises, and the trumpeter Misenus, embarking, and the inscription Aiv^as avv rdis ISlois caraipvtv tit rriv ''Ewirfpiav. The Table also gives the names of four Greek poems as authorities for the repre- sentations, and among them the only one from which this scene could be taken is the 'iXi'ou Uepo-is of Stesichorus. Now Stesichorus was born either in the extreme south of Italy or in the north of Sicily, and belongs to the region in which we have already found the supposed Trojan colony of Egesta. It is impossible to avoid putting the two facts together, and connecting them with Virgil's statement of the tomb of Anchises being at Egesta. How the inhabitants of Egesta came to believe themselves of Trojan descent we cannot positively affirm, but we have a perfectly sufficient and probable cause in the statement of Stesichorus. He, as a poet, was quite capable both of inventing the story and of procuring credit for it. What suggested it to him we cannot tell ; perhaps the accidental resemblance of two proper names ; perhaps, as Mommsen suggests, the wish to account for the resemblance, and yet the difference and the inferiority, of the native Sicilian races to the Greeks. Now the close connection between the Trojan legend of Latium and that of Egesta is visible throughout the Aeneid, particularly in the Fifth Book. It also appears in the mention of Aegestus in Dion, 1. 67, in the account of the founding of Alba. About the time of the first Punic war, when the Trojan descent of the Romans begins to be spoken of, they had more intercourse with the northern Sicilians than at any previous time, and probably perceived their ethnical affinity to be closer than the affinity of either with the Greeks. Beyond this nothing certain can be said, but the ingenious theory of MuUer (published in the Classical Journal, 1822) ought not be passed over without notice. It rests not upon the imagination of poets and mythologers, but upon a historical and undeniable connection between the Teucrian country 34 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. and Italy. ' Among the colonists of the Campanian Cumae were natives of the Aeolian Cyme (Strabo 5. 4, 4)- If *ere existed anywhere people who had a right to claim Trojan descent, it would be in Cyme. Now the connection of the legend of Aeneas with Cumae, is plainly visible in the Aeneid (Book 6), and it is remarkable that the Iliac Table, profess- ing to quote from Stesichorus, introduces the trumpeter Misenus. Misenus was the name of a headland over Cumae : it is possible, then, that a tradition of Aeneas existed at Cumae long before it existed' at Rome. But how did it pass from Cumae to Rome? Through the Sibylline books, says Muller, which the Romans undoubtedly got from Cumae. One of the Sibyls was said to have lived at Cumae, but she had left no books xC]'^i""' °' Kufiaioi ■rt\s yuvaiKbs TavTTjS oiSeva et^oK airoSei^aa-dai, Says Pausanias 10. 12, 8. Their Sibylline oracles seem to have been a collec- tion of the oracles of the Sibyl of Erythrae, who seems to be identical with that of Gergis. Now as these oracles came to Cumae and thence to Rome from the Teucrian country, and as in this Teucrian country there had for some ages ruled a house of Aeneadae, what more likely than that they contained references to the Aeneadae, and predictions of the glory of their house? But Dionysius asserts that they actually did so (i. 49. TibuUus 2. 19, does not seem to prove anything). When, therefore, the Romans in later times, on consulting these oracles, found passages referring to the sons of Aeneas, what more natural than that they should persuade themselves that they themselves were meant ? The objection to this theory is that it takes no account of Lavinium. If the Romans believed themselves to be Aeneadae, why did they not believe that Aeneas founded Rome itself instead of Lavinium ? This difficulty might indeed be surmounted, but only by conjectures supported by no evidence. Again, the oracles referred to by Dionysius as men- tioning Aeneas were not the original ones, but the second collection, made after the burning of the Capitol, that is, long after the legend of Aeneas had become matter of belief It is quite unsafe to trust to the possibility that in this point they resembled the original ones. But Mailer's theory has ihe merit of pointing out a real historical connection between the Teucrian country and Italy, and a very probable source of Trojan legends in Italy in the Teucrian settlers of Cumae and their Sibylline books. II. Aeneas in Ilaly. Let us pass to the particulars of Aeneas' settlement in Latium. Here there at once meets us a fact from which a conjecture may be formed as to the period when the legend grew up. It is that the legend in its THE LEGENDS: AENEAS IN ITALY. 25 earliest form, as it appeared in Naevius and Ennius, made Romulus the son of Ilia, Aeneas' daughter (Serv. ad Aen. i. 273 ; 6. 778), and described Alba Longa as already existing at the arrival of the Trojans. The legend would hardly have taken this shajJe earlier than the time when Rome had crushed the Latin league, since it passes by the Latin cities altogether, and even their metropolis Alba, taking account only of Lavinium, the city of the worship of Venus and of the Penates, and then directly of Rome. This leads us to conjecture that the connection between Aeneas and Rome is not earlier than 338, though his con- nection with Lavinium may be earlier. When the belief spread that Aeneas had been the original colonizer of Latium, the Latins had already other native traditions about their origin. They had an eponymous hero Latinus, mentioned even in the Hesiodic Theogony (1013), and represented by the Greeks as a son of Odysseus and Circe, by the native tradition as the son of the god Faunus and the nymph Marica. He is said to have been worshipped under the name of Juppiter Latiaris (Festus 194). They had, also, a Pater Indiges, who was very possibly really identical with Latinus. The old capital of the Latin league was Alba Longa, and Juppiter Latiaris continued to be worshipped on the Alban mount. But the city had long been destroyed, and Lavinium was considered the central city of the league, in which the Latin Penates dwelt. It is represented as more ancient than Alba Longa; whether it was really so, or, having taken the place of Alba after its destruction, had in later times, perhaps through its connection with the legend of Aeneas, claimed superior antiquity. The Latins thus had to reconcile their new belief in Aeneas as their founder with their old belief in Latinus. This they did partly by representing Aeneas as marrying the daughter of Latinus, partly by identifying him with that Pater Indiges who perhaps had at first been no other than Latinus himself. If the story of Aeneas came to Rome through-Lavinium, which it probably did through the worship of Venus that prevailed there (Strabo 5- P- 232, ash, nia-ov Si rovrav tS>v irSKeiov iari tA Aaovlviov exov Koivhv tS>v Aarivav Uphv 'A.'^pohiTrjs), we understand why he is represented as founding that city, and the story of his disappearance on the banks of the Numicus is a case of Euhemerism. Euhemerus, in representing the gods as famous men, seems to have explained their temples as being properly their tombs ( ' ab Euhemero autem et mortes et sepulturae demonstrantur deorum,' Cic. N., D. i. 42, 119). On the banks of the Numicus there was a temple of Pater Indiges. When this god was identified with Aeneas, it was said that on this spot Aeneas had either died or disappeared. 26 HISTORICAL EXAMINATIOf^T. Aeneas in Italy engages in war with Mezentius, king of Caere, and Turnus, king of Ardea. Caere was an Etruscan town, and the name Turnus (Tyrrhenus) seems to show that Ardea at this time was Etruscan too. Mezentius (also Messentius, Medientius) cannot be explained mythically. He is a tyrant such as probably was often to be found among the half-barbarous Etruscan aristocracy. It is not impossible that he is a historical tyrant whose atrocities were long remembered, and who is here introduced amidst more shadowy company. Taken as a whole, this war is a struggle of the Latins against the Etruscan power which surrounded them on all sides. It may be an obscure tradition of the first forming of the Latin league, and of the founding of a federal city in order to make head against the Etruscans. The conjecture that Aeneas and Latinus were originally one and the same personage is con- firmed by the fact that they quit the scene in the same manner. See note on 1.2, 2. III. Alia. Before inquiring how the legend of the Alban kingdom grew, let us consider what we know historically about the city. Though it was destroyed long before historical times, it cannot be said that we know absolutely nothing about it, for in this instance we have one of those testimonies which are independent of the aid of writing. The temple of Juppiter Latiaris stood on the Alban mount, and every year a festival was held there called ' Feriae Latinae.' A white bull was sacrificed, and part of the flesh sent to every Latin town. In this fact we have a strong confirmation of the statement of Livy and Dionysius that Alba had been the capital city of the Latin league. But the further statement of those writers (Dion. 3. 31, 34; 6. 20; Livy i. 52) that the other Latin cities were colonies of Alba, is contradicted by Dionysius himself in the case of Tibur (i. 16), and by Livy himself in the case of Lavinium (i. 3). Virgil, too, in his account of the Trojans in Latium, supposes many of these towns to be already in existence, though Alba was not yet built. Nevertheless, that Alba had colonies was believed by Virgil (Aen. 6. 773), and stories of the settling of one city from another are among- those in which tradition is most trustworthy. Niebuhr had a theory that Alba had thirty colonies, and that the cities of the Latin league, being also thirty in number, were confounded with them, though really quite distinct. This he founds upon Pliny 3. 9, where, in speaking of the towns of Latium which had perished, Pliny says, after enumerating twenty-one : ' Cum his camera in monte Albano soliti accipere populi Albenses, Albani, Aesulani, Acienses . . . Vitellenses. Ita THE LEGENDS: THE ALB AN KINGS. o.'j ex antique Latio liii. populi interiere sine vestigiis.' This Niebuhr would translate: 'Among these were accustomed to receive the (sacrificial) flesh on the Alban mount the following Alban townships, the Albani,' &c. Translating in this way we get thirty-one townships, including Alba itself, or thirty townships named from Alba. The result, however, is, that adding this thirty-one to the twenty-one mentioned before, we have a total of fifty-two, whereas Pliny says the total is fifty-three. Moreover, we are expressly told by Varro (L. L. 8. 35), that the adjective ' Albensis' belonged to the town Alba on Lake Fucinus (' quod cum duae sint Albae ab una dicuntur Albani ab altera Albenses'). The theory, therefore, evidently falls to the ground. That Rome was a colony of Alba cannot have been believed by those who, as Naevius and Ennius, described Romulus as the grandson of Aeneas; nor is it likely that if the Romans had regarded Alba as their metropolis, they would have razed it to the ground, as they are said to have done under TuUus Hostilius, for this would have been, according to ancient ideas, an act of parricide. The points of connection between Alba and Rome are : (i) That Rome had probably in the time of Alba's greatness acknowledged her as the capital of the league; (2) That there were in Rome families which, perhaps truly, traced their descent from Alba. These facts, together with the necessity which was felt, as soon as chrpnology began to be studied, of fiUing the gap between Aeneas and Romulus, led to the interpolation of the history of Alba, for which these traditions of the Alban families furnished some material. IV. The Alban kings. The earliest trace of this list of Alban kings is in Alexander Polyhistor, a writer of the time of Sulla quoted in Servius (ad Aen. 8. 330), who says that Livy follows Alexander in his account of the death of Tiberinus. It is to be noted that different writers make the period during which these kings reigned, of considerably different length. Livy does not give the length of each king's reign, but he believes with Virgil, that Alba was built 300 years before Rome (this appears from an expression in I. 29, 6, ' quadringentorum annorum opus'). The account given in Dion. I. 71, on the other hand, lengthens the period to 432 years. The explanation of this late invention of a list of kings of Alba, lies in the fact that the chronological difficulties of the older story came to be perceived. Eratosthenes laid it down that the fall of Troy took place more than 400 years before the first Olympiad. Cato then drew the inference (Dion. i. 74) that the foundation of Rome must have taken 28 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. place 432 years after the fall of Troy. It became necessary to fill up the gap. Dionysius' scheme was so framed as to do this exactly; Livy's follows the geometrical progression (3, 30, 300) mentioned by Virgil Aen. i. 265-274. Two of the names which figure in this list of kings are taken from the Trojan legends, viz, Ascanius and Capys. Capys in Homer is father of Anchises (II. 20. 239). The Julian house furnished Julus, who was confounded with Ascanius, and possibly Procas, as we find Proculus a praenomen in the gens Julia at a very early time (Livy 1. 16, 5). The gens Aemilia, which also claimed to be Trojan (Festus, s. v. Aemilius), seems to have furnished Amulius. In Calpetus (Dion. i. 71) we seem to see the eponym of the gens Calpumia, and as this same gens claimed connection with Numa, it is not impossible that it contributed Numitor. The story of Tiberinus giving his name to the river was taken by Livy, we are told, from Alexander Polyhistor. A precisely similar story about the Anio is quoted by Plutarch (Parall. 40) from the same writer, and he is referred to by Servius (ad Aen. 10. 388) for another mytholo- gical statement. Niebuhr and Mommsen (Rom. Chron. 156) give this Greek the credit of inventing the whole list. This seems unlikely, but he is perhaps entitled to the two aetiological kings, Tiberinus and Aventinus. Atys and Rhea or Rea have a Phrygian appearance. It is to be noticed that the belief of the Romans that they were of Trojan descent drew their attention towards the Phrygian legends. Atys be- longs to this mythology. Ovid tells us (Fasti 4. 259) that the worship of Rhea was introduced at Rome in obedience to an oracle which said, 'Mater abest, matrem jubeo, Romane, requiras.' It is not sur- prising that this name should be given to the mother of Romulus. But after all this may be a false scent. Atys is perhaps simply the eponym of the gens Atia, as Virgil has it : — ' Alter Atys, genus unde Atii duxere Latini, Parvus Atys, pueroque puer dilectus lulo.' (Aen. 5. 568.) (Compare Atys with the Phrygian Atys or Attis.) Nor is there anything to prevent us from regarding Rhea or Rea as purely Italian. The mother of Sertorius is called by Plutarch 'via (Sert. 2), and we have an Italian priestess Rhea in Virgil, 'Aen. 7. 659. The explanation of Silvia as a mere translation of Idaea does not seem happy. It seems probable enough that after all the other traditions of Alba were lost, it was still remembered that a family of Silvii had lived there, and there might be memorials of them in the temple of Juppiter Latiaris. Niebuhr thinks that Rea not Rhea was the original form, and that it THE LEGENDS: EVANDER. 29 was no proper name, but simply means ' the accused.' Preller trans- lates it 'the dedicated,' that is, the Vestal, comparing 'voti reus,' Aen. 5. 237. The legend in Virgil (Aen. 7. 659) seems not to have been sufficiently considered. It describes a priestess Rhea, who bears Aventinus to the god Hercules, ' coUis Aventini silva.' Virgil seems clearly to be thinking here of Rhea Silvia, the Vestal. Cp. Aen. 6. 765. Editors say that this is an invention of Virgil's, founded on the story of Romulus. But as we hear no more of Aventinus, such an invention would want a motive ; besides that poets, when they adopt stories, generally alter at least the proper names. It seems to me that we have here the original legend, and that, just as Romulus was confounded with Quirinus after the union of the Palatine with the Quirinal, so he was confounded with Aventinus after the Aventine was included in Rome. V. The earliest traditions of Rome. Evander. The original germ of Rome seems to be the cave called the Lupercal, on the Palatine, in which the god Faunus was worshipped. It was a cave from which a stream flowed, and was still shown in Dionysius' time (i. 79), though the grove which had originally surrounded it had then disappeared. Faunus was an agricultural deity who was invoked to bless cattle with fruitfulness (Hor, Od. 3. 18), and to guard them from the wolf. He therefore had the title Lupercus. Close by there seems also to have been an altar to Pales, god or goddess (for the word has both genders) of cattle ; whence perhaps Palatium. The resemblance between the cultus of the Latin Faunus and of the Greek Pan could not but strike both nations when they came to com- pare their institutions. In particular, the worship of the Lupercal re- sembled the worship of Pan Lycaeus in Arcadia. First, the word Lycaeus answers to Lupercus; next, the place where the worship of Pan took place on mount Lycaeus seems to have resembled the Lu- percal. It is described in Pausanias (8. 38) as having near it the stream Hagno, as surrounded with a grove, and having a hippodrome and a stadimn, in which the Lycaean games were held, just as the 'holy chase' of the Luperci began from the Lupercal. Accordingly, Faunus and Pan Lycaeus were identified. But in the meanwhile the Euhemeristic tendencies of the Italian mind had been at work upon Faunus, and it had become the custom to represent him as an ancient king of the Aborigfines, who was worshipped after his death because of his wisdom and merits. This is the represen- 30 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. tation of him given in Virgil (see above, p. 19 ; comp. Suet. Vit. i). Diony- sius (i. 31) calls Faunus am^p y.iTa Tov Spaa-njpiov Koi ovvctSs. The name ' Faunus ' is connected mth/aveo and faustus, and means ' propitious.' Servius says (Aen. 8. 314) : 'Quidam Faunum appellatum volunt eum quem nos propitium dicimus.' It answers to ' le bon Dieu,' or ' der liebe Gott.' But when Faunus came to be regarded as a man, his name had to be explained as meaning the good or benevolent man. Hence perhaps the name Evander. On this theory the god Faunus becomes divided, and appears in two characters at once. He is Pan Lycaeus at the Lupercal, and he is Evander the earliest settler on the Palatine. The point of connection between them is now, that the Arcadian worship of Pan is said to have been introduced by Evander. The name Palatium is explained so as to suit this view. It is connected with Pallanteum in Arcadia, and to Evander a son Pallas is given. Carmenta, who is called the mother of Evander, seems to have been a goddess of fruitfulness in women, and therefore of the same order as Faunus. Preller thinks Carmenta is identical with Fauna (Rom. Myth. 356). Having once acquired a Greek wanderer settled in Rome, the Romans might naturally refer to him anything in their institutions which ap- peared borrowed from the Greeks. In particular the alphabet, which actually did come to the Latins from Greece, is said to have been in- troduced by Evander (Dion. i. 31). VI. Hercules and Cacus. As the story of Evander rises out of the worship of Faunus on the Palatine, so does the story of Cacus out of that of Hercules at the Ara Maxima, on the bank of the Tiber. The Italian Hercules differs considerably from the Greek. He is a god of fidelity, so that ' me hercule' and 'me dius fidius' have the same meaning ; he is also a god of property, so that any treasure found accidentally was attributed to Hercules (Hor. Sat. 2. 6, 10). We are told by Dionysius (i. 40) that covenants of unusual solemnity were commonly made before the Ara Maxima of Hercules. Mommsen holds that the deity, whose name is written by the Oscans Herecles or Hereclus, by the Etruscans Hercle, and by the Romans Hercoles or Hercules, had originally no connection with 'Hpa/cX^s, and he connects the name with the old Italian verb 'hercere.' The Romans themselves differed as to the name of the conqueror of Cacus. Verrius Flaccus called him Garanus (Serv. ad Aen. 8. 203) ; Propertius (5. 9, 74 Paley) calls him Sancus, a Sabine deity, who is the proper Dius Fidius, and whose name Sancus connects itself with sancio and sanctus. Stesi- THE LEGENDS: ROMULUS AND REMUS. 31 ehorus, whom Mommsen calls the ' great transformer of myths,' wrote a Geryonis, in which he celebrated the adventures of Hercules in the West. As he seems to have known something at least of the native Sicilian race (see above, p. 23), it is possible that he interwove into this poem a num- ber of legends of western origin, and identified certain indigenous western heroes with Hercules. The cultus at the Ara Maxima was thoroughly Greek in the time of Dionysius (i. 39), but this may have been a change introduced when, in the time of Appius Caecus, the family of the Potitii gave up their hereditary function of superintendence over it. The Ara Maxima was not far from the Circus Maximus, though ' the exact spot,' says Mr. Burn, ' cannot now be determined.' It was, therefore, in the neighbourhood of the oldest part of Rome, and we are not surprised to find it mentioned in the oldest legends. A legend was necessary to explain this ' Ara Maxima,' and the great veneration that was paid to it. It was said that near the spot the deity had vanquished a monster Cacus. Cacus is a son of Vulcan, and has the peculiarity of vomiting smoke ; his den is compared by Virgil to hell. It is the later and rationalized legend which represents him simply as a shepherd of bad character. The etymology which connects his name with koko'i and opposes him to Evander, ' the good man' (though Ihne still adheres to it, Rom. Gesch. p. 22), forgets the quantity of the first syllable, and interprets a genuine Italian tradition from the Greek language. The founder of Praeneste, Caeculus, is also a son of Vulcan, and this suggests a better etymology. Cacus is ' Caecus,' and repre- sents a power of darkness. He is called son of Vulcan because smoke is produced from flame. It has been suggested that we may have in this story an allegory of the volcanic origin of the Roman hills, but to this Mr. Burn answers, that Praeneste has a similar story, and yet is far removed from any volcanic influences. If Hercules is the same as Semo Sancus, then, as Semo Sancus seems to have been a power of light, the legend resolves itself into an allegory of the victory of light over darkness. See Br^al, Hercule et Cacus. VII. Romulus and Remus. That the town Roma would have a mythical founder bearing some such name as Romulus might have been presumed before- hand. So the lonians are descended from Ion, the Dorians from Dorus, &c. But, further, it is quite explicable that the foundation of the city should be attributed to twin brothers. This arises out of the Roman belief in Lares. Every Roman household worshipped certain Lares, who were regarded as the present protecting spirits of dead 32 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. ancestors. In them the notion of founders and of guardian deities met. But they were not confined to single households. Every neighbourhood had its Lares, who were worshipped at cross-roads (Lares Compitales), and, what is most important here, so had every town (Lares Praestites). Now these deities are always represented as a pair of brothers (Ov. Fast. 2. 615; 5. 143). We might expect, therefore, the original ancestors and divine guardians of the Roman state to be conceived in the same form. The story of the she-wolf and the suckling of the twins was considered by A. W. Schlegel as an invention of the Greek Diodes of Peparethus, who is said by Plutarch (.Rom. 8) irparos eKSovmi 'Paiir)s nr'unv, and to have been followed by Fabius Pictor. (Rom. 3.) But the story has a great many local features which a Greek would be unlikely to introduce. We know that it was received at Rome as early as 296, when the she-wolf was set up in bronze beside the 'ficus Ruminalis' (Livy 10. 23). We do not know the date of Diodes, but it is almost impossible that he should have written so minutely about Rome at an earlier date than this. It is also unlikely that the Romans should have received from abroad a story of their origin, at a time when the native tradition (for scarcely any ancient town wanted 'Such a tradition) must have been deeply rooted. We must therefore look in Rome itself for an explanation. The story had a visible monument in Rome in the ' ficus Ruminalis.' This fig-tree stood on the Palatine near the Lupercal. Beside it, according to Livy, the twins were exposed, and here the she-wolf suckled them (Livy i . 4, 5 ; compare Tac. Ann. 13.58; Varr. L. L. 5. 54). What was this Ficus Ruminalis ? It was a fig-tree sacred to a goddess Rumina (Augustine Civ. D. 7. ri, speaks of a god Ruminus also), whose name is derived from ' ruma,' an old Latin word for the breast. To this goddess fig-trees were commonly planted. Varro says (de R. R. 2. 2, 5) : ' Non negarim ideo apud Divae Ruminae sacellum a pastoribus satam ficum. Ibi enim solent sacrificari lacte pro vino at pro lactentibus. Mammae enim rumes sive rumae, ut ante dicebant, a rami, et inde dicuntur subrami agni.' We have spoken of Faunus and Fauna as deities who gave fruitfulness. A number of minor goddesses appear whose functions slightly diflFer from those of Fauna, and whose names were perhaps originally epithets of Fauna. Among these Carmenta has already been mentioned ; Rumina is another, the goddess of suckling. It seems likely that her fig-tree had originally nothing to do with the legend of Romulus, but it was in that oldest part of the city in which memorials of Romulus were naturally looked for, and there was a resemblance between the names Romulus and Ruminalis, which struck the Romans THE LEGENDS: ROMULUS AND REMUS. 33 ■when they began to be antiquaries. Festus (s. v. Ruminalis) says: ' Ruminalis dicta est ficus, quod sub ea arbore lupa mammam dederat Rerao et Romulo. Mamma autem rumis dicitur,' and Plutarch (Rom. 6) says : KKi)&r\vax, ano t^s flijX^s JffTopoCo-i 'Pa/ivXoi' Kai 'P£/iov trri drjKdiovres &4>driirav rii drjpiov. It appears that the word Romulus suggested to a Roman ear the notion of ' suckling.' We thus discover the association which converted the twin Lares of the Roman state into 4wo sucking children. The she-wolf seems to have been suggested by the worship of Faimus Lupercus, which was carried on close by, even if the worship of Rumina was not really identical with it. Faunus and Fauna not only keep wolves away from the flock, but they also deprive them of their savage- ness. ' Inter audaces lupus errat agnos,' says Horace, in his address to Faunus. Faustulus, who takes them from the wolf, is none other than Faunus himself, whose name appears as Faunus, Faustus, or Faustulus. Acca Larentia has passed into the legend from a different source. Rome was at all times full of religious guilds or societies, which existed for the purpose of performing special sacrifices to special deities. Among these sodalicia or collegia, one of the most noted was that of the Fratres Arvales. It consisted of twelve members, and its object was to sacrifice yearly, with certain peculiar ceremonies, to a certain Dea Dia, who seems to be a goddess of harvest. Now this brotherhood preserved a iepos \6yos to the effect that the guild had arisen from the twelve sons of one Acca Larentia, who, with their mother, had sacrificed yearly ' pro agris,' and that when one of the twelve died, Acca Larentia had adopted Romulus in his place. Probably the legend meant that the brotherhood and the mode of election into it were as old as the state itself. Acca Larentia may be a rationalising explanation of the Dea Dia herself, the object of a cultus being, as in the case of Evander and Faunus, confused with the founder of it. Acca is explained by Preller as an old word for mother, and Acca Larentia he considers to be mother of the Lares. However this may be, the notion of Romulus as the adopted son of Acca Larentia seems taken from the traditions of this guild. It is Ukely that the legend of Romulus and Remus had originally no connection with the story of the Alban kingdom and of Aeneas. The names given to his mother, Rhea Silvia (if Rhea be Phrygian) or Ilia, are therefore to be considered as a later addition. It is possible that the original legend called her simply a Vestal. The worship of the Lares is closely connected with that of Vesta, and with the household hearth. Thus the founder of Praeneste is said to have been discovered on the hearth (Virg. Aen. 7. 680) ; and the same feature appears in 34 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. the legend of Servius Tullius. The Lares of Rome, therefore, are said to have been sprung from a Vestal. Out of these materials it was not difl&cult for any one who had read in Herodotus the account of the infancy of Cyrus, to construct the story with which we are so familiar. VIII. Remus. It has been shown how it may have come to be believed that Rome was founded by two brothers. Rome, however, was afterwards governed not as Sparta, by two kings, but by one. It thus became necessary to eliminate one of the brothers, and hence arose that contrast between Romulus, happy glorious and diyine, and Remus, human and unfor- tunate, which meets us so often in mythology. Their names resemble each other closely, because they are the same idea presenting itself in a double form ; but the form Rgmus by the side of Romus and Romulus has perplexed etymologists. We find in Paul, Diac. the two following articles : (i) ' Remores aves in aus'picio dicuntur quae acturum aliquid remorari compellunt ; ' (2) ' Remurinus ager dictus quia possessus est a Remo et habitatio Remi Remona. Sed et locus in summo Aventino Remoria dicitur, ubi Remus de urbe condenda fuerat auspicatus.' These statements seem to explain not only the form of Remus' name, but much of his history. ' Remores aves,' being the name in augury of unlucky birds, were taken to be the birds of the unlucky brother, and his name, which was perhaps originally Romus (as the Greek writers generally call him), may have been corrupted into Remus to suit the etymology. If there was a place on the Aventine called ' Remoria' for some reason connected with augury, it would be instantly assumed as the place where the unlucky birds of Remus had appeared, and this being connected with the neglected character of the Aventine as compared with the splendour of the Palatine, would suggest the whole story which is contained in Livy I. 6 and 7. Nothing further requires to be explained in Remus except his death. This happens just when the story demands that Romulus shall be left alone to govern the new city. The story of his death is aetiological, that is, it is introduced to account for an existing usage. The Etruscan sacred books, which laid down many rules to be observed in founding a city, spoke of the inviolability of its walls. Festus says : ' Rituales nomi- liantur Etruscorum libri in quibus praescriptum est, quo ritu condantur urbes, arae, aedes sacrentur, qtia sanctitaie muri, quo jure portae .... ordinentur,' &c. In describing the foundation of Rome, therefore, the old historians explained the doctrine of the inviolability of its walls THE LEGENDS: ROMULUS. 35 by representing Remus as slaughtered by his brother for leaping over them, and as denouncing a curse on all who should thereafter do the like. The later historians (Ovid. Fast. 4. 843), shocked at the fratricide, call the murderer Celej^ IX. Romulus as king. The account of Romulus' reign may be explained as chiefly aetiolo- gical. We know the facility with which the Attic orators, when they refer to an ancient law, ascribe it to Solon. By this they meant simply that it was ancient. In like manner a number of institutions in Rome, which were really of unknown origin, seem to have been attributed to Romulus. But as he figures as a hero, the historians referred to him warlike institutions by preference, and of peaceful ones only those which must necessarily have been founded at the foundation of the city. In Livy 1.8, is an account of some of the institutions of Ro- mulus. But sometimes the aetiological character of the story is less evident, particularly in the most romantic incident of Romulus' bio- graphy, the rape of the Sabines. On some of the circumstances of this legend see notes on Livy i. 9. In the main it seems an attempt to explain some of the ceremonies of a Roman wedding. These ceremonies proceeded on the theory that the bride was taken by force. She was torri violently from her mother's arms .('rapi simulatur virgo ex gremio matris,' Festus s. v. Rapi.) Her hair was parted with a spear. No marriage could be celebrated on a ' dies feriatus,' because no act of violence could be done on such a day (Plut. Quaest. Rom. 105 ; Macr. Sat. i. 15. The same notion is dwelt on by Catullus 61. 3, and see 62. 24 : ' Quid faciunt hostes capta crudelius urbe ? ') For the most probable explanation of these customs see Mr. MacLennan's ingenious ' Essay on Primitive Marriage.' But the Romans themselves explained them by a story, and, to express their immemorial antiquity, connected it with Romulus. It is possible that the tradition of the Asylum is in like manner aetiolo- gical. There was a spot between the ' Arx ' and the ' Capitolium ' which went by the name of ' Inter duos lucos.' It was fenced round (Dio Cass. 47. 19), and therefore inaccessible (acroXov), and was apparently regarded as sacred. It seems that nothing was known about it, nor are the historians able to say to what god it was dedicated. (Dion. 2. 15; Plutarch, Rom. 9.) Having thus no tradition connected with it, it lay at the service of any mythologer who might desire to fit it into a legend. Now the belief that Rome grew up from a gathering of robbers and runaway slaves, though contrary to all the little evidence we have about its 36 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. earliest condition, yet sprang up quite naturally. Some of the oldest institutions, such as those marriage ceremonies just mentioned, were perceived to have a fierce and wild character, and the tendency of civic institutions being to soften manners and improve morality, the earliest historical speculators assumed that those among whom these institutions were for the first time introduced must have been a lawless and disorderly rabble. There is a similar legend of the original population ofLocri (djrouei'a hpaaerav oIkctSiv, fioixS>v, dv8panoSurr&v, Volyh. 12. 8, 2). When once the rape of the Sabines had become a matter of belief, it was impossible not to take this view of the original Romans. Some Greek mythologer may have taken the remaining step, and introduced the notion of an Asylum opened by Romulus, into which all criminals who flocked acquired the inviolability of suppliants. Such an institution was altogether strange to the Romans, and Dio Cassius tells us (47. 19) that when the right of sanctuary was given to the temple of Julius Caesar, it was the only instance of such a privilege since the Asylum of Romulus. But it is possible that a ' jus exulandi ' between the Romans and Latins may, as Ihne thinks, have lent some countenance to the invention (Ihne, Researches, &c. p. 25), and 'the bricks were there to testify it,' i. e. the enclosed space ' Inter duos lucos,' which, to be sure, was not on the Palatine, but on the Capitoline. Of the wars of Romulus there is nothing to be said. A warlike hero must fight and win victories. This seems the simple explanation of all of them, except that with Tatius. They are rhetorical amplifications of a few vague traditions of ancient wars between Rome and the Crustumines, Antemnates, &c. An opportunity is taken in one of them to claim for Romulus the time-honoured institution of the ' spolia opima.' The Sabine settlement will be most conveniently discussed under the head of Tatius, and the translation of Romulus under that of Quirinus. X. Taitus and Tarpeia. The legends we have hitherto considered not only seem not historical, but it is not even necessary to suppose that they disguise history. They are not exaggerations or perversions, however extravagant, of incidents which really happened in the eighth century before Christ, but confused and imaginative attempts to account for institutions and worships which existed in the third and fourth centuries. The story of the Sabine settle- ment, on the other hand, may probably contain a historical fact really belonging to a very early period. In the form, however, in which it appears, it is like the other legends. We are concerned at present THE LEGENDS: TATIUS. 37 with the manner in which it acquired this form, not with the truth which the form conceals. About Titus Tatius we are left very much in the dark. His import- ance seems to be derived from the fact that he was at the same time the eponym of two distinct corporations. The Sodales Titii, like the Fratres Arvales, were a religious brotherhood, but we have exceedingly little infor- mation about it. All that we know is that it lasted into the imperial times (Becker, Rom. Alt. 4. 147), that its object was the maintenance of Sabine rites, and that Tatius was supposed to be its founder (Tac. Ann. i. 54 : ' Ut quondam T. Tatius retinendis Sabinorum sacris sodales Titios insti- tuerat.') Tatius was also, no doubt, regarded as the founder of that very ancient tribe, the Titienses, of which also we know very little. But his relation to these two institutions is sufiBcient to explain the position he occupies in the history. That he must have shared royalty with Romulus was inferred from the fact that the Titienses, that is, his followers, were of equal dignity with the Ramnes, the followers of Romulus. That he was a Sabine, followed from the Sabine rites prac- tised by the Sodales Titii. That in the case of Tatius also a deity has been Euhemerized is probable, both from his giving his name to the religious brotherhood of the Titii, and from the fact attested by Varro (L. L. 5. 152), that yearly offerings were brought to his (so-called) tomb on the Aventine. The same is stated of Tarpeia. Dionysius says (2. 40) : x""* ""S 'Vrnfiaioi Kaff cKaarov iviavrhv diroreXova-i. This is the more to be remarked, because — though a great king might be worshipped after his death, if this had been a Roman usage — Tarpeia would hardly be deified for betraying a fortress. We must here again suppose an ancient worship, the mean- ing of which had become forgotten; and that, as usual, what is called her grave was simply her temple. It appears that near it there was a gate, which for some ceremonial reason was always kept open. This may have suggested the fancy that Tarpeia had opened the door to the Sabines. Dionysius 10. 14: ela-l yap nves Upai TtiiKai rov KarriToKiov Kara ti 6eiT(jjaT0V dveiittvai. The story of the battle between Romulus and Tatius is connected with the temple of Juppiter Stator on the Palatine. Juppiter Stator is the god that rallies troops and stays flight. We are told that M. Atilius Regulus, in 294, vowed a temple to him during a battle with the Sam- nites (Livy 10. 36.) This temple, however, was built in Rome, so that we are not to suppose that such temples were usually built on the spot where the tide of battle turned. The Greek custom, however, of erect- ing memorials on the spot where the victory was won came in later (see Diet, of Ant. s. v. Tropaeum.) In these later times it was natural to 38 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. conjecture that the ancient temple of Juppiter Stator marked the place where a battle had been decided, and this could only be a battle be- tween the earliest Palatine city and its neighbours. Besides the temple of Juppiter Stator on the Palatine, the temple of Janus on the north side of the forum was commonly connected with the war between Romulus and Tatius (see Ov. Fast. i. 259). The custom of keeping its doors open in war and shut in peace may have suggested that it had once marked the passage through which troops went out to war. Its position would suit best a war between the Palatine and Sabine settlements. Further, the Janus worshipped in this temple had the epithet Quirinus. The Roman antiquaries differed much in their explanation of this word. Some connected it with the earliest Sabines, others with Romulus ; but both schools would be satisfied to connect the temple with a battle be- tween Romulus and the Sabines. The incident related of Mettius Curtius is evidently an attempt to explain the Lacus Curtius in the Forvmi. On the name Mettius, see below on ' Mettius Fuffetius.' XI. Quirinus and Hersilia. The etymology of Quirinus and Quirites is still undecided. But this does not affect the question how it happened that Quirinus was supposed to be the name of Romulus after his deification. Quirites was a name given to all Roman citizens ; accordingly, as they believed that they were called Romani from Romulus, they also believed that they were called Quirites from Quirinus, and hence it followed that Romulus and Quirinus must be the same. But the invention is unusually transparent, for the identity of Romulus and Quirinus is quite unknown to many of our authorities. For example, Dionysius (2. 48) gives a totally different account of Quirinus, describing him as an ancient Sabine deity answering to the Greek 'EvudXtoy, and he adds that the Romans themselves were doubtful whether he was identical with Mars, or a distinct deity (Kupii/oy ovo\ta^ovaui oiiK exoirer elwelv t6 axpi^es Are" Afyris itrnv eiTc cTfp6s nc Sfioias "Apei npas ^xpaTpmTiKbv ovk itTevriv&xeu oTrovSalau ovre SUrjv ov8€p,iav (la-axdijvai c^v). Accordingly the consuls were in early times judges ; and when praetors were introduced, they also received the ' imperium ' by a ' lex curiata.' The king, therefore, was probably a military commander and a judge. That he was also a priest we know from the fact that the ' rex sacri- ficulus ' was appointed on the abolition of the monarchy to perform such sacrifices as could only be performed by a king. From the relation of the senate in republican times to the consul 56 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. it may be gathered, as will be shown below, that the king had had the right of forming and summoning the senate, and that their province was simply to give advice. A single man who was at the same time commander-in-chief, judge and priest of the community, and the president both of the senate and popular assembly, could evidently become, if he had any force of character, a despot. And it is to be observed that these powers were even greater than they at first sight appear in the two following respects: (i) As there was no written code of laws at this time, the office of judge carried much greater power than after the promulgation of the Twelve Tables. The king's decisions were no doubt practically regulated to a considerable extent by custom, but theoretically his wisdom decided in every case what was right to be done. He had thus the power of creating as well as administering law, and there was no appeal from him if he should venture to throw off altogether the restraint of custom. (2) In the ' comitia' there was at no time any freedom of debate. Permis- sion to speak could only be obtained by the favour of the presiding officer. We are therefore to regard the king when he presided in the ' comitia ' as being the only speaker. The functions of the assembly itself were limited to an affirmative or negative vote on his proposals. That the monarchy was really, as it is described, elective, is proved by the existence in later times of an office of interrex, which implies that the kingly power did not devolve naturally upon a hereditary successor. The fact that the interrex was always obliged to be a patrician, and that the consulship was confined for a long period to patricians, makes it most probable that the king was chosen from the patricians, and renders the statements that Tarquin was an Etruscan adventurer and Servius the son of a slave improbable. II. The Patricians and Senate. Livy's statement, ' Patres ab honore, patriciique progenies eorum ap- peUati,' (i. 8, 7) was exploded by Niebuhr, who gave a different ex- planation of the patrician order. It was afterwards revived by Rubino, but Niebuhr's view holds its ground, and is still generally received. No question in the early history is more important than this, and it seems to me capable of solution. Rubino urges first that our authorities are in favour of his view. Livy's statement is fully confirmed by Cic. de Rep. 2. 12, and the first words of it which explain the title 'patres' are confirmed by SaUust, Cat. 2. Plutarch also (Romul. 13) explains patricians as meaning senators. Dionysius (2. 8) is the only writer who regards the patricians as being so mSTITUTIONS : PATRICIANS AND SENATE. 57 before they were senators. Of course this argument would be strong if these writers had any means of knowing the fact. If they had not, then their statements are conjecture, not testimony. Now the only authority they can be imagined to have had is the tradition of patrician families. If patrician families understood themselves to have derived their nobility from their connection with the original senate, such a tradition would have a certain value. We know, however, that many patrician families traced their nobility much further back, to Aeneas or to deities. It seems, therefore, that Livy's statement is not historical evidence, but conjecture. As the senators were called ' patres,' it was natural to suppose that the patricians had something to do with the senate, and the fact that the later ' nobilitas' had arisen out of the families of the ' magistratus,' suggested that the patricians might have sprang from the families of ' patres.' The origin of the patricians, then, cannot be discovered from testi- mony. It must be discovered, if at all, by inquiring what a patrician was in later times understood to be, and in what respect he differed from a plebeian. (i) In historic times, until the emperors, the patricians were an abso- lutely closed corporation of families. Their number is said, indeed, to have been increased more than once under the kings, and shortly after the expulsion of the kings the gens Claudia is said to have been added to the corporation. But from that time until the end of the republic there is no example of the foundation of a new patrician family. Mommsen shows that the statement about the gens Domitia, which occurs in Suet. Ner. i, need not be taken as an exception; nor does Livy, in 4. 4, 7, assert anything inconsistent with this fact, though his language is rhetorical and exaggerated. In the historical times of the republic there were no means of gaining the patriciate except by adoption, and even the adoption of a plebeian by a patrician seems until the last age of the republic to have been very rare. In this respect the patriciate differs from the later ' nobilitas,' which was only diflScult, not at all impossible, to attain. (2) Certain priesthoods were tenable only by patricians. (3) The office of interrex was tenable only by patricians. (4) The patrician part of the senate had the right of choosing the interrex, and the nominal right of sanctioning laws. (This much-dis- puted question will be fully discussed below.) In fully historic times such was the patrician order, a definite number of famiUes inheriting certain privileges of trifling political importance. But at an earlier time — 58 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. (5) They had possessed exclusive eligibility to all offices and priest- hoods. (6) There was no ' conubium ' between them and the plebs. But it is to be observed that Livy and Cicero speak of this rule as having been introduced by the decemvirs. (7) They were in exclusive possession of the legal and religious traditions of the state. (Livy 4. 3 ; 9- 46 ; 6. i.) (8) They were considered to be in exclusive possession of the favour of the gods and the ' auspicia.' (9) Through the monopoly of office, of knowledge, and of sanctity, and also through superior wealth, they had in early times reduced the plebs to complete subjection. (10) At this time they possessed such a majority, at least, in the senate, that it practically represented them. So much may be fairly considered as sufficiently attested about the patrician order. Let us now turn to the senate, and consider it in the same way; first in fully historic times, next so far as we can get information about it in earlier times. (i) The senate, then, was a deliberative assembly, nominated by the two censors, who had the absolute right of admitting or expelling any man from it. (2) This power was practically regulated by a public feeling, accord- ing to which those who had held public office had a right to admission. These, with the public officers themselves during their year of office, seem in the later times of the republic to have entirely composed the senate. (3) Before the establishment of the censorship, we read that the election of the senate was in the hands of the consuls (Livy 2. i). (4) As in the earlier time the number of public officers was much less, while the senate is represented from the time of Tarquinius Priscus as consisting of 300, the senate must then have consisted in great part of a non-official class. (5) The public officers being at that time patrician, and the electing consuls patrician, we may be sure that the great majority, if not the whole body, of the senate was at this time patrician. (6) Though it had great practical power under the republic, yet essentially it was but an advising body. It was summoned at the pleasure of the consul, who could fine those who absented themselves, and who directed the debate and terminated it at pleasure. The members had no right to give their opinion, except on being asked by the presiding officer. (7) From this character of the senate in the early republican times, chosen by the consul and directed by him, we may infer its character INSTITUTIONS: PATRICIANS AND SENATE. 59 under the kings. It was no popular or representative assembly, but a body of counsellors summoned at the pleasure of the king, chosen by him, and assisting him humbly with its advice. This view is confirmed by all the traditions of the regal time. Such being the character of the senate, it is Rubino's view that the patrician order formed itself out of the families of the first senate. He points out how the ' nobilitas ' of later times arose in the same way ; men gained office, and by that means a seat in the senate, and were able to transmit to their families such prestige, that office and senatorial rank became a monopoly in these families. But it may be answered, (i) that this prestige attached not to membership in the senate alone, but to that and office together. The family of a consul was naturally in a manner ennobled. But under the kings the pubUc ofiices were exceed- ingly few, and of insignificant dignity, being eclipsed by the royalty. (2) Everything shows that the senate was a much more powerful body under the republic than under the monarchy. It was a much greater distinction to be a member of the republican senate, which was really the governing power in the state, than of the monarchical senate, which was a submissive assembly of subjects. (3) The later ' nobilitas ' ac- quired substantial power and wealth through office, for oflBce admitted them to lucrative provincial governments, and greatly increased their reputation as pleaders. But it does not appear how the families of the original senators could have gained that monopoly of the wealth and property of the state which the patricians are described as enjoying at the time of the first secession. Again, Rubino's theory requires us to assume that at the time when the first senate was chosen there existed no distinction of noble and commoner in the population. It is true he does not assume this. He represents Romulus as choosing his senate out of an already existing class of nobles, and in this way he avoids the objection that many of the patrician houses are known to have traced their nobility far higher than the foundation of the city. But if so, what became of those nobles who were not included in the first senate? The heads of great 'gentes' owning large possessions, and attended by troops of clients, would not cease to be noble because they were not summoned to the senate; and yet we read of no other order of nobility in the early time but the patricians. It is to be observed that the question of the origin of the patrician order is quite distinct from that of the origin of the word patrician. The order may have existed long before the senate, and yet its name may be derived from its close connection with the senate. 6o HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. For these reasons any sudden creation of the patrician order seems incredible. Niebuhr's theory of its origin is supported by a few slight indications, which, however, become weighty evidence when the better- known history of some Greek states is compared with that of Rome. In Livy (lo. 8. 4) it is said of the patricians : ' Semper ista audita sunt eadem, penes vos auspicia esse, vos solos gentem habere! We read constantly of plebeians as belonging to ' gentes,' but it seems from this passage that the patricians held the institution of the ' gens ' to belong in strictness only to their own order. It is a confirmation of this, that after the condemnation of M. Manlius Capitolinus, the gens Manila decreed that henceforth no patrician of their body should bear the name of Marcus (Cic. Phil. i. 13), as though they had no concern with the plebeian members of it. Now the institution of the ' gens ' was not peculiar to Rome, but was widely spread through all the nations of antiquity. At Athens the yewj were organized into ^pai-pwi and ^vKm, in a manner precisely parallel to the Roman organization of the 'gentes' into 'curiae* and 'tribus.' Now at Athens we find that up to the time of Clisthenes the members of these ' gentes ' monopolised all ofiices, but that by him a new arrange- ment was made, introducing to political power the large miscellaneous population which had grown up outside them. Yet neither was this outside population introduced into the ' gentes,' nor were the ' gentes ' abolished. They retained their dignity, their religious character, and their peculiar usages, but they lost their political importance. When we observe that the ' gentes ' at Athens had originally a mono- poly of ofBce, and that the class at Rome which had originally a monopoly of ofiice claimed to be the only proper members of the ' gentes,' we can scarcely resist the conclusion that the two aristocracies were of the same kind. If so, we may lay it down that the patricians were the members of ancient clans who claimed political privilege on the ground of being the original citizens, and that the plebeians were the population which had gradually grown up round them, through the settlement of strangers in the country, the emancipation of slaves, and other similar causes. If a plebeian was not in strictness a member of a ' gens,' it follows that neither was he strictly a member of a ' curia.' The ' comitia curiata' therefore, must have consisted originally of patricians only. Thus we make our way back to a time when the plebeians were politically non- existent, the state being governed by a king elected from the patricians, a council of chiefs, the eldfers, ' senatus,' of the clans, and the general assembly of the clans, ' comitia curiata.' INSTITUTIONS: COMITIA CURIATA. 6i So far Niebuhr seems right, but in two points it is necessary to differ from him. (i) In his assertion that the ' comitia curiata' was even in later times exclusively patrician. This will be discussed below. (2) In supposing the senate to have been originally elected by the ' comitia curiata.' This is rendered extremely improbable ; first, by the fact that the senate was never in historical times chosen by popular election, but nominated at first by the consuls, afterwards by the censors, which suggests that it had originally been nominated by the king ; secondly, by the analogy of the primitive Greek constitutions in Homer, where the chiefs are quite independent of the people, and by that of the con- stitution of the Athenian Areopagus and the Spartan yepova-ta. The meaning of the name patrician may now be considered. In the plural Livy and Cicero say either ' patricii ' or ' patres.' That ' patres ' is used for the patricians as well as for the senators has been de- nied, but is proved conclusively by the passages quoted in Becker (Alterth. 2. i, p. 143), e.g. Livy 2. 23 ; 4. 43 ; Cic. de Rep. 2. 37. In the singular we find neither ' pater ' nor ' patricius,' but ' vir patricius ' or ' vir patriciae gentis.' The word ' patricius ' is evidently an adjective. Niebuhr regards the senate as the assembly of heads of houses, or ' patres familias,' and each patrician as being ' pater ' to his family and ' patronus ' to his clients. It is against this that ' pater ' is never in any clear instance used for a patrician, and also that a man might be a patrician without being a 'pater familias.' It is evident also, from Livy's statement (' patres ab honore,' &c.), that, though he elsewhere uses ' patres ' of the patricians, he believes it to refer properly in the first instance to the senate. Probably the senators were first called ' patres ' either as being predominantly heads of families, or as being elderly men (smatus, cf. yfpovaia, Sij/joytpoirVs), and afterwards the patrician body took their name from the assembly which best represented them. III. The Comitia Curiata. Of the public assemblies of the republic the Comitia Curiata is evidently the most ancient. The tradition which attributes the Comitia Centuriata to the last king but one, and the Comitia Tributa to the early republic, is in itself of value, and is confirmed by the character of those institutions. We may therefore regard the Comitia Curiata as the assembly of monarchical Rome. The questions for us, then, are. What is known of this assembly in the later period ? and what can be thence inferred concerning the assembly in the earlier period ? (i) The 'comitia curiata' gave the 'imperium' to certain magistrates, as the consuls, praetors, pro-consuls, pro-praetors. What powers were 6a HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. conferred by this ' lex curiata de imperio ' has been stated above. (See on the King.) (2) Wills were made and the ceremony of ' arrogatio ' performed in the presence of the ' curiae.' ' Arrogatio ' was the ceremony by which a man adopted as his son any person who was 'sui juris.' There is no instance of its being performed in any assembly except the ' comitia curiata/ though it was proposed to bring the case of Clodius before the comitia centuriata (' Is ad plebem P. Clodium traducit ; idemque fert ut universus populus in Campo Martio suffragium de re Clodii ferat,' Cic. ad Att. i. 18, 4). (3) The next question is, Of whom was the assembly composed? It is Niebuhr's theory that it consisted always of patricians solely. This has been generally received, but has been denied by Schomann, and more recently by Mommsen. The question is intricate, because the argument for Niebuhr's theory assumes another theory of Niebuhr, that the phrase ' concilium populi ' where it occurs in Livy means the ' comitia curiata,' ' populus' having the sense not of the whole people but of the original citizens, that is, the patricians. Putting this question aside for the present, we will examine the few passages where the ' comitia curiata' is spoken of by name, and consider whether it is regarded as a patrician assembly. In Livy 5. 52 the comitia curiata and the comitia centuriata are men- tioned together, a clause marking their specific character being subjoined to each. But instead of ' the comitia curiata, which patricians attend, the comitia centuriata which comprehend the whole people,' we read, ' Comitia curiata, quae rem militarem continent: comitia centuriata, quibus consules tribunosque militares creatis, ubi auspicato, nisi ubi assolent, fieri possunt ? ' In the Oratio de Domo Sua, ascribed to Cicero (c. 14), the writer is picturing the disappearance of the patrician order : ' Jam patricius nemo relinquetur.' He mentions the institutions that would disappear along with it : ' Ita populus Romanus brevi tempore neque regem sacronim, neque flamines, nee salios habebit, nee ex parte dimidia reli- quos sacerdotes, neque auctores centuriatorum et curiatorum comitiorurri ; auspiciaque populi Romani, si magistratus patricii creati non sint, inte- reant necesse est, quum interrex nullus sit, quod et ipsum patricium esse et a patriciis prodi necesse est.' In this passage it is remarkable that the ' auctoritas patrum,' which was given to the acts both of the ' comitia curiata ' and ' centuriata,' is described as a patrician institution, but the ' comitia curiata ' itself is passed over. Nor can it be said that it is passed over because it had become a mere form, for so had the INSTITUTIONS: COMITIA CURIATA. 63 auctoritas patrum, which is not passed over. It is quite impossible, I think, to doubt that the writer of this passage did not believe Niebuhr's doctrine, and though the writer is perhaps not Cicero, he is certainly an ancient witness. The whole eleventh and twelfth chapters of Cicero's second speech ' De Lege Agraria ' deal with the comitia curiata. They contain an argument against the proposal that a certain Land Commission should be chosen by this body. The passage is not easy to understand through- out, but it is plain that the one objection which would have been made most prominent had the body been exclusively patrician, is either omitted or barely mentioned. He urges that a ' lex curiata ' ought to be a subsequent confirmation of an election made in the other ' comitia.' ' Our ancestors decreed that you should vote twice in all elections ; when a " lex centuriata " was passed for the censors, and a " lex curiata " for the other patrician magistrates, then a second decision was taken about the same persons, that there might be means of revising, if the "populus" should repent of its gift.' He does not say 'that the patricians may have a veto on the decisions of the people,' but ' that the people may have a means of expressing a change of opinion.' But he goes on, ' Nam, quia prima ilia comitia tenetis, centuriata et tributa, curiata tantum auspiciorum caussa remanserunt. Hie autem tribunus plebis quia videbat potestaterti neminem injussu populi aut plebis posse habere, curiatis ea comitiis, quae vos non sinitis (initis Baiter, after Lauredanus) confirmavit; tributa, quae vestra erant, sustulit.' Here it may, at first sight, seem that the exclusive character of the assembly is asserted, and ap- plying Niebuhr's notion that 'populus' and 'plebs' are mutually exclusive we may explain, ' seeing that no one can hold ofiice but by vote of " populus" (i. e. patricians) or " plebs," he established the matter by means of the " comitia curiata," in which you have no place (or taking the other reading, which I prefer, he secured those measures which you oppose by the " comitia curiata"), and took away the comitia tributa, your own assembly.' Not to urge here my objection to this explanation of populus (on which, below), how does this suit the next sentence? ' Ita cum majores binis comitiis voluerint vos de singulis magistratibus judicare, hie homo popularis ne unam quidem populo comitiorum potestatem reliquit.' Cicero's objection is not that the election is handed over to the patricians, but that there is no real election at all. Throughout the passage it will be seen that the patrician order is completely absent from Cicero's thoughts. If, therefore, we read 'initis' we must explain it, 'which you do not attend because it has become a mere form;' and whatever we hold about the word ' populus ' in general, we must admit 64 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. that here, at least, it cannot be exclusive of plebs, since it occurs in close connection with ' homo popularis,' a democrat. He goes on to point out that even this formal election by the ' comitia curiata' was to be dispensed with, and then says, ' Sint igitur decemviri neque veris comitiis, hoc est populi sufFragiis, neque illis ad speciem atque ad usurpationem vetustatis per XXX lictores, auspiciorum caussa, adumbratis constituti.' This marks the real difference which Cicero sees between the assemblies, not that the ' curies ' are patrician, but that their assembly is an obsolete assembly, doing business only for formal reasons, while the others have vitality. In the passage quoted above about the adoption of Clodius it is said that it was proposed to bring the matter before the ' comitia cen- turiata,' in order that the whole people might vote upon it. This implies that in the ' comitia curiata ' only a part of the people would vote, and it might be inferred that this part of the people must be the patricians. But comparing the passage with that just discussed from De Leg. Agr., we should rather gather that ' universus populus ' is con- trasted with the thirty lictors who had taken the place of the original voters in the comitia curiata. Direct evidence, then, does not support Niebuhr's view. There are also circimistances which render it improbable. For example, ofiScers called ' curiones ' presided in the ' comitia curiata.' Now these officers were sometimes plebeian. Livy says (27. 8): 'Ita primus ex plebe creatus maximus curio C. MamUius Vitulus.' Again, the fact that the ceremony of ' arrogatio ' was always performed before the ' comitia curiata,' is against Niebuhr's view. If the assembly comprehended the whole people, it is intelligible that it should be sum- moned to witness the act of adoption ; but if it was exclusively patrician, what control could it have over the concerns of plebeian families ? Yet that plebeians and patricians performed the act of adoption before it, appears from the case of Clodius. He was adopted by the plebeian Fonteius. And to Marquardt, who urges that the ' curiae ' were necessary in this case to relieve the patrician Clodius from his obligations to his original ' gens,' Mommsen justly answers that the ceremony concerned the father, not the son. This appears from the formula preserved to us in Gellius (5. 19) : ' Rogationis verba haec sunt : Velitis jubeatis uti Lucius Valerius Lucio Titio tam jure legeque fUius siet, quam si ex eo patre matreque familias ejus natus esset, utique ei vitae necisque in eum potestas siet uti patri endo filio est.' It seems incredible that an exclusively patrician assembly should have the power not merely of releasing a son from the ' potestas ' of a patrician father, but of conferring the ' patria potestas ' upon a plebeian. , INSTITUTIONS : COMITIA CURIATA. (,e^ Again, the ' comitia curiata ' was simply the assembly of the people in its ' curiae.' If, then, the plebeians were members of the ' curiae,' how could they be excluded from the assembly ? But that they were members of the ' curiae ' will not be doubted by any one who reads Ovid's descrip- tion of the Fornacalia (Fasti, 2. 507) : — ' Curio legitimis nunc Fornacalia verbis Maximus indicit nee stata sacra facit ;' Inque fore, multa circum pendente tabella, Signatur certa curia quaeque nota. Stultaque pars populi, quae sit sua curia, nescit, Sed facit extrema sacra relata die.' Again, it may be said that indirectly we have the testimony of Cicero to the fact that in his time the ' comitia curiata ' was an assembly of the whole nation. For in giving an account of the accession of Numa he says : ' Quanquam popnlus curiatis eum comitiis regem esse jusserat tamen ipse de suo imperio curiatam legem tulit' (De Rep. 2. 13, 2g). Niebuhr holds that the word ' populus ' in the authorities from which Cicero drew this statement means not the whole nation, but the original citizens or patricians. If we waive this question, it is certain that in Cicero's own time ' populus ' had not this meaning, except perhaps in one or two formulae, of which more further on. It follows that Cicero meant to say that the whole nation elected Numa in the ' comitia curiata,' and however little this may prove that the ' comitia curiata ' had originally included the plebs, it is good evidence that in Cicero's own time, and within his experience, it did. Not only Cicero, but Livy and Dionysius, are quite ignorant of this exclusive character of the ' comitia curiata.' They uniformly represent the plebs as having a voice in it from the earliest times. Their evidence, like Cicero's, proves nothing for the early time, but much for their own age. But, it is argued, we have express testimony that the assembly was patrician, for the sanction which it gave to laws and elections is expressly called an ' auctoritas patrum,' and the regular formula with reference to it is ' patres auctores fiunt.' When we inquire how it is proved that this refers to a decision of the ' comitia curiata,' the answer is as follows. (It will be found most fully and clearly stated in Becker, Alterth. 2. i, PP- 316-3270 In the first place, the ' patres ' spoken of cannot be the senate. This is clearly proved by Livy 6. 42, where we read, in the account of the passing of the Licinian rogations, that the senate had yielded, (' per ingentia certamina dictator senatusque victus, ut rogationes tribuniciae 66 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. acciperentur') ; and he then adds, ' Et ne is quidem finis certaminum fuit, quia patricii se auctores futures negabant;' so that the ' auctoritas ' was given (i) not by the senate, (2) but by some patrician body. With this agrees Sallust (Hist. Fr. 3. 6, 15, ed. Kritz): ' Libera ab auctorihus patricUs suifragia majores vostri paravere.' Dionysius has the same expression (2. 60) : t5>v Trarpmav imnvpaaavrmv to. SS^avra ra TtKrjdu, and (6. 90) ; koI Toiis TrarpiKiovs irettravres einicvpSuraL rr^v apxr)v. What, then, was this patrician assembly which sanctioned elections and laws ? It is argued that it must necessarily be the ' comitia curiata,' and that the ' auctoritas ' given is nothing but that ' lex curiata de imperio ' of which mention has already been made. It is argued that the ' patrum auctoritas ' and the ' lex curiata de imperio ' are spoken of in the sd,me terms by Cicero. Speaking of the latter, he says (de Leg. Agr. 2. 11) : ' Majores de singulis magistratibus bis vos sententiam ferre voluerunt . . . . ut esset reprehendendi potestas, si populum beneficii sui poeni- teret;' and of the former he says (pro Plane. 3): 'Nam si ita esset quod patres apud majores nostros tenere non potuerunt, ut reprehen- sores essent comitiorum,' &c. Again, it is a curious fact that, while Cicero de Republica, in his account of the accession of the successive kings, is careful to say of each one that he carried a ' lex curiata ' about his own 'imperium' (de Rep. 2. 13, 17, 18, 20, 21), Livy omits this, but is equally careful to say that the ' patres ' gave their ' auctoritas ' to the appointment, so that it might appear that Livy and Cicero are stating the same fact in different language. This is the argument for the patrician assembly in question being the ' comitia curiata,' and to it is to be added the negative argument that we know of no other patrician assembly which can be meant. Nevertheless, that it was not the ' comitia curiata ' seems to me nearly certain. In the first place, the last argument drawn from Cicero's account of the accession of the kings is weakened by the fact that he says of Servius : ' Non commisit se patribus sed Tarquinio sepulto populum de se ipse consuluit, jussusque regnare legem de imperio sue curiatam tulit,' which at least seems to mean that he prociu-ed the ' lex cimata' but not the 'auctoritas patrum.' Next, as it has already been shown that Livy, Cicero, and Diony- sius are ignorant of the patrician character of the ' comitia curiata,' we must infer that they considered the ' auctoritas patrum,' or ratification by the patricians, to be given in some other assembly. In other words, the theory is not only not supported, but is tacitly condemned by all the authorities. Again, the ' patres ' who ratified cannot possibly have been in the later INSTITUTIONS : COMITIA CVRIATA. 67 times the 'comitia curiata,' because we are expressly told that they ratified the proceedings of the 'comitia curiata;' (see Cic. de Domo, 14 quoted above; and compare Livy 6. 41 : ' Non leges auspicato ferantnr, non magistratus creentur, nee centuriatis nee curiatis comitiis patres auctores fiant.') As both these passages are describing the conse- quences of abolishing patrician privileges, they prove in the most decisive manner (i) that the 'lex curiata' was distinct from the 'auctoritas patrum ;' (2) that the second was a patrician act and the first not. Becker, in fact, admits the former of these two propositions as true of the latest time, though he denies it of the earlier. We are concerned at pre- sent only with the later and fully historical period, and it seems to me that we may now take it as proved, (i) that there then existed by the side of the comitia centuriata and tributa another assembly of the whole people organized in curiae, which possessed the exclusive pri- vilege of conferring the imperium upon magistrates, and a certain authority in family matters, such as adoptions, and that this assembly was believed to be older than the others, and continued to exist mainly for religious reasons ; (2) that there was an assembly of pa- tricians which had the right of ratifying the laws passed in the comitia curiata and centuriata, though the practical value of the right had been destroyed by making the ratification precede the passing of the law. We are also told that the appointment of an interrex was in the hands of the patricians, and the established phrase for the election is ' Coiere patricii ad prodendum interregem.' Now, why should we identify this second assembly with the first? The common argument is, ' it must be the " comitia curiata," because if not, what can it be ?' It can be an assembly of patricians, and we might be content to say no more about it, if we had no further information. Its functions being almost obsolete, we naturally hear scarcely anything of it, and cannot expect to be able to assert much more than its existence. The account however which Livy gives of the first interregnum (that following the death of Romulus), though of course mythical, may be assumed to contain a generally correct account of the institution, since the institution never became quite obsolete. Now this account evidently identifies the assembly which chose the interrex with the senate. We possess, then, these two facts : (i) The assembly in question had originally been the senate, and was in some way connected with it ; (2) It was not identical with the senate, and was purely patrician, (see above.) An obvious hypothesis brings these two facts together, viz. that it was a meeting of the patri- cian part of the senate, and that for religious reasons certain unim- F 2 68 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. portant privileges were left to these patrician members when they had lost all practical superiority. The question now is, Can we infer anything from the character of the ' comitia curiata ' in later times, about its character and position in earlier? In the first place, we may fairly assume it to be older than the other assemblies. This follows from its obsolete condition, from its connection with the ' gentes,' which were the most primitive element in Roman society, and from uniform tradition, which represents it as coeval with the city itself. But, if it was the original assembly of the citizens, we must suppose it to have been originally exclusively patri- cian, for we have already convinced ourselves that the patricians were the original citizens. This is confirmed by the fact that it was sum- moned by lictors, and not, as the comitia centuriata, by horn-blowers (Gell. 15. 27); and Dionysius (2. 7) tells us that this was a distinction of patricians : Stj tovs [iJh traTpiKimis, more 86§ete rots ^aaiKevai (ruyKaKelv 01 KrjpvKes e^ ovofiaros re Koi Trarpodev dvtjyopcvov' Toi/s Be dtjpoTiKovs vjrrjperai nvkt mi a6p6oi Kcpatn ^oelois ifi^vKavavrcs fVi ras iKi SvBpas Kara (f>v\a, Kara ippfirpas, 'Aydfiefivou, Hom. II. 2. 362), and therefore retaining the old tribal names. It is commonly assumed that the sex suffragia were exclusively patrician. This, as Mommsen shows (Rom. Forsch. 135), is not proved. But as the patricians were originally the only citizens, they must have been origi- nally the only Ramnes, Titienses, and Luceres; and as they would naturally be enrolled principally in the cavalry when an army was formed out of the whole nation ; lastly, as that ceremonial sacredness which belonged to these centuries is what we always find attaching to patrician institutions, we may well believe that originally these cen- turies were patrician. Another trace of this reform attributed to Tarquinius, is the expression ' minores gentes ' applied to some patrician houses. Of these ' minores gentes' exceedingly littie is known, but that they existed in historical times is proved by Cicero (ad Fam. 9. 21): 'Sed tamen qui tibi venit in mentem negare Papirium quemquam unquam nisi plebeium fuisse ? Fuerunt enim patricii minorum gentium, quorum princeps L. Papirius Mugillanus qui censor cum L. Sempronio Atratino fuit.' Cicero . (de Rep. 2. 20, 35) expressly identifies them with the new houses added by Tarquin, so that there seems every reason to believe that the ' minores gentes ' and the ' secundi ' Ramnes, Titienses, Luceres, are one and the same. Thus our positive knowledge on these questions is confined to the following facts : — (i) The whole nation (i. e. at the beginning the patricians) had ori- ginally been divided into three tribes, Ramnes, Titienses, Luceres. (2) These tribes were sub-divided into primi and secundi. (3) The same division and sub-division appear in the sex suffragia, probably at first patrician. (4) It appears also in the division of the patricians into gentes majores and minores. There has been endless speculation about the origin of these three tribes, about their mythical correspondence with the first three kings, about the Sabine origin of the Titienses, the inferiority of the Luceres, &c. The later history throws no light upon these points. If any- thing can be learnt about them it must be from the traditions, and in these I have no faith. We must be content to remark that all the states of antiquity of which we have accurate knowledge, are found 76 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. to rest ultimately upon a tribal organization, and that the Ramnes, Titienses, and Luceres of Rome, answer to the Hylleis, Pamphyli, and Dymanes of Sparta, and to the Geleontes, Hopletes, Aegikoreis, and Argadeis of Athens. The two facts, however, that these original tribes are connected with the army, and that the comitia curiata conferred military imperium (see Livy S- 2, quoted above, p. 62) give some probability to Ihne's assertion that the oldest organization of the Roman people, like that introduced by Servius, was fundamentally military. It must not be omitted that Niebuhr identifies the minores gentes not, as above, with the secundi Ramnes, &c., but with the Luceres. He rests this (i) upon some traces, which undoubtedly appear, of a twofold classification by the side of the threefold one, from which he infers that the first two tribes were earlier and superior to the last. Thus there were twenty fetiales, of whom four were sent on embassies at a time. We read (Livy 10. 6) that at an early time there were four pontiffs, and some writers speak of four Vestals (Dion. 2. 67). (2) He rests on the tradition that Tarquinius raised the senate from two hundred to three hundred, Livy expressly calling the additional senators patres minorum gentium, and on the traditions of the first kings, which represent the state as consisting of Romans and Sabines, that is, according to Niebuhr, of Ramnes and Titienses. Any one who is disposed to attach importance to the story of Tarqui- nius, should remember that it is contradicted by other traditions, which say that he doubled the senate. The other indications, though faint, are no doubt singular ; they do appear to indicate a twofold classification, but we have no reason to connect them with the Ramnes and Titienses. We need not deny the facts : that there were three original tribes is certain, and that there was also a twofold division is not improbable, but to attempt to draw inferences in such a beggary of information would be absurd. VIII. The Comitia Centuriata. We pass to an assembly which is most important, as marking the introduction into the state of a principle of organization other than the primitive one of family. If it is rightly attributed to Servius Tullius, it is but little later in date than the very similar classification introduced at Athens by Solon. But Solon's classification was only for the purpose of taxation,' that of Servius seems to have had a mili- tary object. Some of the ancients tell us that Servius conceived the plan of establishing a timocracy, and that his idea was that property was a INSTITUTIONS: COMITIA CENTURIATA. 77 guarantee of patriotism, &c. ('Is valebat in sufFragio plurimum cujus plurimum intererat esse in optimo statu civitatem,' Cic. de Rep. 2. 22, 40.) But if we examine the system we shall see that this result was accidental. The classification was originally planned purely with a military view. The classes are arranged according to the armour they carry; the heavy-armed are first, not because precedence is given to the rich, but because they are most exposed to the enemy's attack. But the plainest proof is the position of the carpenters, trumpeters, and horn- blowers in the system. It was evidently no political consideration that gave it to them, but their necessary attendance upon an army in the field. This observation reveals to us that the historians who describe to us the Servian constitution, attribute to it, at its commencement, the character it acquired after it had existed for centuries, and arbitrarily credit Servius with designing all that the natural course of development had actually brought about. In order to create the 'comitia centuriata' as Livy describes it, two measures, perfectly distinct in themselves, must have been taken : — (i) A classification of the citizens for military purposes. (2) The giving of the suffrage to the military assembly so constituted. Now the earliest Roman historians found no doubt a tradition that the comitia centuriata was the work of Servius, but before we infer that he was a great political reformer, or that he had the intention of dimi- nishing the power of the patricians, we must know in what sense he was the author of it. Did he devise both the measures just men- tioned, or only the first of them ? If the first only, he was no political reformer, but simply a military organizer. There is no great probability that the comitia centuriata was an important assembly under the kings. The king being little less than despotic, there was no place in the state for a popular assembly. But it is probable that the development of the exercitus into a political assembly was gradual. The king was general, and had no doubt the practice of exhorting his troops. If he announced to them any important plan, they would at first express their approval by shouts, or their disapproval by murmurs. If shouts and murmurs were mixed, the natural way of discovering which pre- dominated was to take the votes of each century. When this had once become a practice, the army had already become a political assembly. Another scruple arises when we examine the elaborate scheme attri- buted to Servius. On what authority do these figures rest. The answer seems to be that a great reform took place in the comitia centuriata during the republican period, and that the system ascribed to Servius 78 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. is the system which was remembered to have existed before the reform. But it is possible that this may have been widely different from the ori- ginal system of Servius, and particularly that the proportion of power assigned to birth, wealth, and numbers respectively, may have been several times changed during the political changes of the republican time. Our historians, however, have not fallen into the error of confounding the assembly of Servius with that of their own time. Though they have, perhaps, too hastily assumed that it was only once reformed, yet this one reform they have borne in mind ; and, when Liyy says emphatically (i. 43, 13) that the centuries had originally nothing whatever to do with the tribes, he marks the principal distinction between the unre- formed assembly and the reformed one, in which the system of centuries and that of tribes were combined. We proceed to examine the details of the classification which, though we cannot be sure that it is as old as Servius, was certainly in use early in the republican time. It has already been remarked that the assembly is in the first instance an army, and that its character was determined in the first instance by military considerations. When, however, it had become a political assembly, and the manner of voting in it had been settled, it remained unaflFected by the changes which were subsequently made in the military system, so that ultimately the political ' exercitus ' was quite different from the military one. It may also have undergone certain modifications, introduced for political reasons, but in the main it is likely to be, and has every appearance of being, the actual army of the state in a very ancient form. If the patricians were the original citizens they would also be the original army. A time would then come when the plebeians would be so numerous and respectable that the exclusive military service of the patricians would become an intolerable burden to themselves. It would therefore seem to be rather in the interest of the patricians than the plebeians that the latter were introduced into the army. The franchise which they gained, even supposing that belonged to the ori- ginal plan, could not have been very valuable to the plebeians, who would be placed principally in the lower classes, while the obligation of service was a heavy additional burden. Niebuhr's opinion that the patricians were all included in the 'sex suffragia' is contradicted by Livy (3. 27), as well as by the probability of the case; for there would be poor patricians, and the patrician army which this arrangement superseded must have had infantry. Nor is it credible that the patri- cians would be content with six votes in the great national assembly. But when the old patrician army was abolished, it is d. priori likely INSTITUTIONS : COMITIA CENTURIATA. 79 that some traces of it would be left, as we find that everything connected with the patricians, being consecrated by religion, was in form almost indestructible. We find just such a trace of it as we should expect. We find six equestrian centuries which had the names primi and secundi Ramnes, Titienses, Luceres, the most ancient and, at first, purely patrician tribes. The nature of the case fully confirms the express statement of the historians, that these centuries were found existing by Servius, and were left unaltered from respect for their augural consecration. Our historians, however, do not state, what almost all writers now assume, that they were at all times exclusively patrician. This silence is in itself important evidence that they were not; and we have further evidence to the same effect in the two important passages, Cicero de Domo. 14. 31, and Livy 6. 41, in which the effects of abolishing the patrician order are enumerated, for the ' sex suffragia' are not mentioned as liable to be affected by it. (See Mommsen Rom. Forsch. p. 135.) We are therefore to conclude that as the plebeians became members of gentes, though the gens was originally peculiarly patrician, and as they were admitted into the comitia curiata which was originally patrician, so they were at some unknown time admitted into the sex suffragia, which was the only relic of the original exclusively patrician army. That there are no traces of patrician infantry seems strange. Mar- quardt suggests that cavalry was the most important arm up to the time of the war with Perseus, and supports this by the following passages : Livy 2. 65 ; 3. 62, 63 ; 4. 38 ; 7. 7, 8 ; 9. 39 ; 10. 14 ; 22. 49 ; 39. 31 ; 40. 40; 42. 61. By the side of the sex suffragia are twelve other centuries of knights, Livy mentions these before he speaks of the sex suffragia, and Momm- sen endeavours to show that they took precedence of them in dignity. It is to be remarked that Festus, differing from all other authorities, seems to make the twelve centuries, and not the six, the original cavalry : ' Sex suffragia appellantur quae sunt adfectae ei numero centuriarum quas Priscus Tarquinius constituit.' The passage, as it stands, is corrupt, but it is proposed to read adjectae for adfectae. Though Rubino regards the statement thus elicited out of Festus as more probable than that of the other authorities, it seems rash to attach importance to a passage which is at once isolated, short, and corrupt. These eighteen centuries together constitute that body of 'Equites equo publico ' which continued always to be a prominent institution at Rome. They had much more the character of a corporate body than the classes of the infantry, principally for the following reason: — In the classes 8o HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. a man's place was determined simply by his property, e. g. the first class contained all, however many there might be, who possessed more than 100,000 asses; but the number of knights was limited, because the state only found a limited number of horses, and they were therefore not the whole number of persons who had an equestrian census, but a selection out of that number. Hence, in the^ later times of the republic, arose the important distinction between the ' equester ordo,' who had the census, and the ' equites equo publico,' who were actually enrolled in the centuries. The preference in the selection seems to have been given to men of high family, so that the equites equo publico were practically an aristocratic club. This was perhaps equally true at all periods, but there are points in which the equites of the early repubhc must have differed widely from those of the age of Cicero. (i) In the later time the real cavalry of the Roman armies was almost entirely furnished by the allies, of which Caesar (de B. G. i. 42) furnishes a striking example. The equites, therefore, so far as they served at all, merely formed the staff or filled the highest commands. But at the beginning they were the sole cavalry of the state, and, being also the noblest men in it, they must have formed a real chivalry. A trace of this ancient fame of the order appears in Livy 42. 61, 4 : 'Meliorem partem hostium, equitatum Romanum, quo invictos se esse gloriabantur, fudistis.' (2) In the later time, the equites were all young (see above, p. 74). In the earlier time it appears that the senate voted in the equestrian centuries. This is proved by a passage in Cicero (de Rep. 4. 2.), which, rightly explained, has thrown much light on the whole subject : ' Quam commode ordines descripti, aetates, classes, equitatus, in quo suffragia sunt etiam senatus ; nimis multis jam stulte hanc utilitatem toUi cupientibus qui novam largitionem quaerunt aliquo plebiscito reddendorum equorum ; ' on which passage it was acutely observed by Niebuhr, that the meditated plebiscitum which Scipio is represented as disapproving, must be the plebiscitum by which the change was introduced, and which Cicero knew to have been passed just after the time at which the dialogue De Republica is placed. It thus appears that in the early time a knight kept his equos publicus after serving the dena stipendia required of him, but that from the time of the younger Scipio he gave it back, and passed out of the equestrian centuries into the first class. This explains the case of L. Scipio Asiaticus, who, being a consular, was deprived of his horse by the censor Cato, and the case of the censors, Livius Salinator and Claudius Nero, who deprived each other of their horses. INSTITUTIONS: COMITIA CENTURIATA. 8i In short, the equites were much more important in the earlier than in the later time, both as containing the senate and as being the strength of the army. We have next to speak of the number of knights. It has been men- tioned that Livy makes it three hundred under Romulus, six hundred under Tullus Hostilius, and then (in i. 36) describes it as doubled by Tarquinius. Livy adds that he did not alter the number of centuries: ' Posteriores modo sub iisdem nominibus qui additi erant appellati sunt, quas nunc, quia geminatae sunt, sex vocant centurias,' i. e. the added knights were classed under the same names (i. e. Ramnes, Titienses, Luceres), but called 'posteriores,' which now, as being doubled, they call the six centuries. This seems to explain the term ' sex suifragia.' Servius gave them six votes, but for a long time there was a superstitious unwillingness to describe them as six centuries, so they were called six votes, but in Livy's time the word ' centuries ' had come in. Livy's calculation, then, would give us 1,200 in the ' sex sufFragia,' and this seems to be confirmed by Cicero, who says of Tarquin (de Rep. 2. 20) : ' Sed tamen prioribus equitum partibus secundis additis mille ac ducentos fecit equites numerumque duplicavit postquam bello subegit Aequorum magnam gentem.' Assuming this number, and adding twice the number for the twelve centuries, we get 3,600 knights in all. But then arise two perplexing difiiculties : First, though Livy's calcula- tion gives 1,200, yet he himself calls it 1,800: ' Ut mille et octingenti equites in tribus centuriis essent ; ' next, it seems very awkward to translate the passage in Cicero so as to make ' numerumque duplicavit ' merely epexegetical of what went before; it appears rather to mean, that after he had made 1,200 knights he again doubled the number, and so raised it to 2,400. It is impossible to clear up these difiiculties with anything like certainty. Zumpt thinks that 3,600 was the full number, and that in Cicero we should read mdccc for maccc (i. e. mille ac ducentos), so that the second doubling would give 3,600, and Cicero would ascribe to Tarquin, and not to Servius, the completion of the full number. The guess seems the best that can be made, and yet it has little to recommend it. What the number of the knights actually was in repub- lican times is nowhere stated, but Priscian (5. 8) quotes from a speech of Cato the following words : ' Nunc ego arbitror oportere institui ne quo minus duobus milibus ducentis sit aerum equestrium ; ' from which it appears that in Cato's time the number of knights was not over 2,000. Possibly in Cato's time the number may have fallen off, owing to the introduction of ' equites equo private ' and, since the second Punic war, of foreign cavalry. g 83 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. ■ We pass to the infantry. In Grecian warfare we find that between the Homeric and the historic age a great revolution took place. In Homer those who answer to the cavahy, that is, the riders in chariots, are prominent, and the infantry insignificant; but in the Persian wars the infantry are all in all, and cavalry are scarcely to be found. Further, the infantry are ranged in phalanx. We have here a parallel to the traditional history of the Roman army, which gives much confirmation to that history. The earliest army of Rome is spoken of as consisting entirely of cavalry, and called 'celeres;' the first infantry mentioned is that of Servius. We are also told that the earliest infantry, which was in use imtU the time of Camillus, was ranged in phalanx (Livy 8. 8). In fully historic times a triple line was the peculiarly Roman array ; but in the ' comitia centuriata ' we seem to have the original phalanx, the most fuUy armed men occup3dng the foremost ranks, and those less completely armed the hindmost and most sheltered. We also find it divided into the ' juniores,' who serve in the field, and the ' seniores,' who defend the city. Thus the ' exercitus' in its 'comitia' became in time altogether diflFerent from the army in the field, and passed into a purely political assembly. This makes it the more important for historical purposes, as affording a glimpse of the Roman military organization at an earlier stage. But it seems to me rash to assume the arrangement of the comitia as absolutely identical with the earliest army. This is done by Momm- sen and others, who assume that the number of centuries in each class, which was permanently fixed, represents the actual number of citizens possessing the required income at the time when the first census was taken. How can we know that the numbers were never changed between the first introduction of the system and the time when the account of it which is preserved to us was written down? The ' fact that the centuries of seniores are equal in number to the centuries of the 'juniores ' — whereas the number of men between forty-six and sixty can never have been equal to the number between seventeen and forty-six (but see below, p. 84, on the ' filii-familias') — warns us against regarding the system ais having arisen as it stands out of actual facts. It is agreed by Cicero and Dionysius that the number of centuries of infantry was 175; Livy makes them 176. But there is consider- able difference among these three authorities in the distribution of the centuries into classes. Dionysius places the carpenters with the second class, Livy with the first; Dionysius places the trumpeters and horn- blowers in the fourth class, Livy in the fifth; Dionysius makes the INSTITUTIONS : COMITIA CENTURIATA. 83 ■ capite censi ' a sixth class, Livy does not give them this name. These differences are of little practical importance ; but when Cicero says that the first class, with a single century of carpenters and the eighteen equestrian centuries, made a total of eighty-nine centuries (de Rep. 2. 22), so as to give only seventy centuries instead of eighty to the first class, the difference is important, because Cicero's account, if true, takes away that absolute majority which the other accounts give to the knights and first class combined. The difference between Dionysius and Livy in the total number of centuries lies in the century of ' accensi,' which Livy adds to the fifth class. His words are : ' In his accensi, cornicines, tubicinesque, in tres centurias distributi.' Sigonius conjectured ' duas ' for ' tres,' and Lewis thinks this is probably right. But, in Lewis' own words, the emendation is founded ' on the gratuitous assumption that it is neces- sary to reconcile Livy with Dionysius;' and moreover it does not do so. If Livy's statement is wrong, the mistake is just as probably his own as a transcriber's. Perizonius conjectured ' His accensi,' understanding ' accensi ' as equivalent to ' adjecti.' But that there was a body of men called ' accensi,' and that they were connected in some way with the musicians, appears from the mutilated passage (Cic. de Rep. 2. 22): 'Quinetiam accensis velatis liticinibus, cornicinibus pro- letariis.' Lange believes that ' accensi' was a name for the whole fifth class, and would read, ' In his accensis,' &c. But surely no writer who wished to be understood would write simply ' In his accensis,' for ' In his qui etiam accensi appellabantur.' It may, however, be true that Livy misunderstood the word ' accensi,' which belonged to the whole class, as describing a particular century in it. The important difference between Cicero on the one hand, and Dionysius and Livy on the other, has produced a whole literature of conjecture and controversy. Nothing, however, has been decided by it, and perhaps after all nothing is more probable than simply that one of the conflicting statements is wrong. If so, it seems most likely that Cicero is wrong, since his work is much less elaborate at least than that of Dionysius, and he does not appear to have given much attention to the early history. The number of centuries in each class appears to have been fixed. Evidently, however, the number of citizens possessing a particular amount of property must have changed constantly. It follows that the number of men in a century must have been variable, and that the word 'centuria' must have been used in a loose way. Similarly, in the historical army, we find centuries of sixty and thirty men. In 84 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. this elasticity of the century lay the possibility of stamping the ' comiti^ ' with a peculiar political character, aristocratic or democratic. We see how the opportunity was used. In the first place the number of centuries was so arranged that the knights and the first class should have either a majority or almost a majority; in the second place the men between forty-six and sixty were equal in influence to those between seventeen and forty-six, though necessarily less numerous. Thus wealth and age were decidedly favoured. It has been before remarked, that we have no right to attribute this arrangement to Servius, since the first design of the legislator was a military rather than a political reform. But neither have we any right, with Mommsen, to treat it as purely accidental, and to say that the number of centuries in the first class represents the exact number of citizens possessing that particular qualification at the time the first census was taken. Since we find rank and age favoured at a time when rank and age were held in the greatest respect, the probability is that they were favoured intentionally, though we cannot attribute the design to any particular individual. With respect to. the 'centuriae juniorum' a curious difBculty suggests itself. ■ They- woiild naturally consist in great measure of ' filii-familias ' i. e. men whose fathers were living, and yet these had by the Roman law no property. If, therefore, they were admitted, the^ money quali- fication was not regarded; on the other hand, if they were excluded, the best soldiers must have been excluded from the army. I find Puchta asserting (Gesch. des Rom. Rechts. vol. i. p. 167) that the ' filii-familias ' were admitted into the military centuries, but not into the comitia. For this he gives no authority. On the other hand, Lange (Rom. Alterth. vol. i. p. 404) quotes Festus (s. v. Duicensus), 'Duicensus dicebatur cum altero id est cum filio census,' and two passages in Livy (24. 11; 43. 14), where the son is rated according to his father's property, and decides that the ' filii-familias ' voted. It is evident that if the ' filii-familias ' were excluded, the ' centuriae juniorum' would be much reduced in numbers, and what has been said of the advantage given to age must be modified in form. But age was equally favoured whether the 'juniores' were crowded into a small num- ber of centuries, or whether many of them were excluded altogether. When we consider the assessments of the different classes, we are struck with the fact that the lowest class is required to have what was at that early time a large property. Ten thousand asses, says •Livy (4. 45), was at that time riches, yet below 11,000 asses, according to Livy, or 12,500 according to Dionysius, military service was not Jrequired, and no franchise given. To furnish an explanation of this, INSTITUTIONS : COMITIA CENTURIATA. 85 the changes in the Roman coinage have been referred to. It is sug-. gested by Bockh that, whereas the 10,000 asses which Livy says were accounted riches are ' aes grave,' that is, asses each of which were five- sixths of a pound of copper, the asses mentioned in the accounts of the Servian census are those of a later time. These accounts probably describe a state of things which at the time of Fabius and Cato had recently passed away through the reform of the comitia centuriata. It is natural, therefore, that they should refer to the coinage of about the time of the first Punic war. Following this investigation, Bockh concludes that in order to convert these sums into ' aes grave ' we should divide them by five. Mommsen pushes the theory further, and suspects that the Servian census only took account of landed property, so that, for example, the first class contained not those who had 100,000 asses, but those who had an estate rated at that sum; and he thinks it probable that in the census of the later time a ' jugerum ' was reckoned at 5,000 asses. Both writers seem to aim at more exact results than our information enables us to arrive at. But the conjectures seem suflSciently probable to show us how far we are from having before us in the extant accounts the original Servian constitution. Bbckh's theory furnishes at the same time a probable explanation of the difiiculty which the amount of the ' aes equestre ' and the ' aes hordearium' present. We find a sheep valued at ten asses, an ox at 100 (see Festus s. v. Ovibus : ' boves centenis assibus, oves denis aestimatae'), yet the State supplied every knight with 10,000 asses to buy a horse, and 2,000 annually to support him. In discussing the earliest form of Roman institutions, I have taken the later and better-known constitution as my starting-point, and have endeavoured to draw from it retrospective conclusions. For example, some inferences concerning the senate of the regal period have been drawn from the character of the senate of the republican period, which is well known to us. But in the case of the comitia centuriata this method fails us. The assembly, indeed, continued to be summoned and to be influential up to the imperial time, but it so happens that no writer has left us any full description of it, and the comitia cen- turiata of the time of Cicero throws no light on that of the age of Servius, because it is itself equally or even more obscure. It is, indeed, only from a few hints that we can discover that it had received considerable alterations. The later form of the institution, since it throws no light on the earlier, would not concern us here, had not Livy made some allusions to it in the last sentences of c. 43.- In 86 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. order to explain his language it is necessary to mention the principal reform that had been introduced. This lay in a certain combination which had been accomplished of two originally distinct classifications of the people, the classification according to property into classes and centuries, and the classification according to locality into tribes. When- ever the centuries of the later time are mentioned, we notice their intimate connection with the tribes. For example, Cicero (pro Plancio, c. 20) calls a century 'unius tribus pars;' and in the same chapter, in describing an election by the comitia centuriata, he says, ' Vocatae tribus, latum suffragium, diribitae, renuntiatae.' The nature of this connection between the centuries and tribes is very obscure, but the existence of it in Livy's time explains his motive for stating so ex- pressly (i. 43, 13) that it did not exist at the time of Servius: ' Neque eae tribus ad centuriarum distributionem numerumque quicquam per- tinuere.' Above he has the following difficult sentence, ' Nee mirari oportet hunc ordinem qui nunc est post expletas quinque et triginta tribus duplicato earum numero centuriis juniorum seniorumque ad institutam ab Servio Tullio summam non convenire;' that is, 'Nor need we wonder that the well-known arrangement which now exists since the completion of the thirty-five tribes, their number being doubled by the centuries of juniors and seniors, does not agree with the total instituted by Servius Tullius.' This is certainly not lucid writing ; but the contemporaries of Livy had the information which made it readily intelligible to them. In their time the whole number of Roman citizens was divided into thirty-five tribes, and each tribe was divided according to a scale of property into so many centuries, half the number of centuries in each tribe being ' juniores ' and half 'seniores.' Now, it seems to have become usual to think of all the ' centuriae juniorum ' in a tribe as constituting one whole, and all the ' centuriae seniorum ' as constituting another, so that the citizens were really divided not so much into thirty-five tribes as into seventy half- tribes. This appears from numerous inscriptions, in some of which the half-tribe gets an express appellation, and is called ' corpus juniorum ' or ' seniorum.' (See Mommsen, Tribus, p. 76.) It is evidently to this that Livy refers when he speaks of the tribes as having their number doubled. In the words ' duplicato earum numero ' we must plainly refer 'earum' to tribes, not to centuries; which I mention because it has been inferred from this passage that under the later system there were seventy centuries. We have perhaps advanced as far as is safe into the labyrinth of the ' comitia centuriata.' What we have been examining is no myth. INSTITUTIONS : THE TRIBES. 87 but a real institution, and a most curious one. This explains the endless industry of speculation which has been bestowed upon it. But the evidence upon which this speculation has to work is not strong enough to support any solid or secure results. Our witnesses seldom speak precisely, and when they do we have no means of know- ing either that they had examined the extant sources of information carefully, or even that any piue sources of information existed. But while we have no satisfactory information about the details of the in- stitution, we have just that amount of unsatisfactory information which keeps curiosity always sanguine and busy. The subject has there- fore become a dangerous one, and Peter tells us that he was once advised by a distinguished philologer carefully to avoid it. My own discussion of it has been longer than I could wish, and yet I have rejected much more matter than I have admitted. IX. The Tribes. In historic times the whole number of Roman citizens were divided into thirty-five tribes, of which thirty-one were rustic tribes, the Claudia, Aemilia, Cornelia, Fabia, Horatia, Menenia, Papiria, Sergia, Veturia, Camilla, Galeria, Lemonia, Pollia, Pupinia, Romilia, Voltinia, Stellatina, Tromentina, Sabatina, Arniensis, Crustumina, Pomptina, Publilia, Maecia, Scaptia, Ufentina, Falerna, Aniensis, Terentina, Velina, Quirina, and the other four were urban, the Palatina, Suburana, Collina, Esquilina. There was an assembly of the people called the ' comitia tributa ' in which this classification was followed ; it was also followed in the assessing and collecting of the war-tax (' tributum'), and in the en- rolling of an army (Polyb. 6. 20), so that each legion contained the same number of men from each tribe ; it made the foundation of the census, and the property classification was subordinated to it. But what is most important is, that the principle of this distribution was not birth, as in the three ancient tribes, nor property, as in the classes and centuries, but locality. Such were the tribes of later times ; but when the Roman territory was smaller they were fewer. We can go back to a time (Livy 2. 21) when of the thirty-one rustic tribes only sixteen existed, those which are named first in the above list. The remainder were added at different periods as new conquests were made. About the year 239 the number was made up to thirty-five (Livy Epit. 19), which was never exceeded. Although the division was merely local, yet the sixteen ancient 88 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION: tribes bear many of them the names of famous Roman gentes, the Claudia, Fabia, &c., and the names of the others appear to have belonged to 'gentes' which afterwards became extinct. This is not true of the later tribes, which appear to have territorial names. It would thus seem that there was a time when the great clans which united to form the Roman population had separate local habitations, so that a tribus was the district occupied, or principally occupied, by a particular gens. We come now to the traditional account of the origin of this insti- tution. Liv/s account is defective. In i. 43, 13 he mentions the division of the city into four tribes, and in 2. 21 he speaks of the addition of a new tribe, and says that it made the whole number twenty-one. Thus he omits to explain the origin of the sixteen rustic tribes. Victor also (de Vir. 111. 7. 7) says of Servius, ' Populima in quattuor tribus distribuit.' But Dionysius has the following important passage (4. 15): 'He divided the whole territory, according to Fabius, into twenty-six /uolpat, which he (i. e. Fabius) also calls tribes, and adding the four city tribes, he says that in Tullius' time there were thirty tribes in all; but, according to Vennonius, into thirty-one, so that with those in the city the complete number of the thirty-five tribes which still exist is made up. Cato, however, a greater authority than either, does not specify the number of the /idipcu.' The tradi- tion then, though it wavers in the numbers, seems to be uniform in the general statement, which is that Servius founded the four urban tribes, and divided the country into districts, which were not originally called tribes, but had some other name. This name was perhaps ' regiones.' Livy's words are (in the best MSS.), ' Quadrifariam enim urbe divisa regionibusque collibus qui habitabantur, partes eas tribus appel- lavit' These words evidently want some emendation. But whether we read ' coUibusque' with Mommsen, or ' et collibus' with Weissenborn, or 'regionibus colUbusque' with Madvig, the meaning is the same. The ablatives are of the kind sometimes used in specifying the principle of a classification. (See Madv. Lat. Gr. § 255. b, who quotes Cic. Legg. 3. 19: ' Populus Romanus descriptus erat censu, ordinibus, aetatibus.') We must translate ' according to the districts and hills which were then inhabited.' This seems to suit pretty well the four urban tribes, of which three are called from hills, and the fourth, the Suburana, from a district. The tradition that the local tribes were instituted by Servius is con- firmed by some traces of an earlier arrangement which they superseded. INSTITUTIONS : THE TRIBES. 89 Varro says (L. L. 5. 45) : ' Relicua Urbis loca olim discreta, cum Ar- georam sacraria in septem et viginti partes urbis sunt disposita. Argeos dictos putant a principibus, qui cum Hercule Argivo venere Romam et in Saturnia subsedenint. E quis prima est scripta regio Suburana, secunda Exquilina, tertia Collina, quarta Palatina.' So Paul. Diac. (p. 17) : 'Argea loca Romae appellantur, quod in his sepulti essent quidam Argivorum illustres viri.' And Livy (i. 21) speaks of ' Argei ' as ' loca sacris faciendis.' About these Argei another very obscure statement is preserved (Varro 7. 44 ; Dion. i. 37); which it is not necessary to discuss here. The above passages seem to show that there were a number of chapels in Rome which were of the same kind, and which were under- stood to be the central points of ancient districts which were after- wards superseded by the city tribes. Again, as in the country the tribes superseded older pagi, there remain a few traces of ancient pagi in the town. Varro (L. L. 5. 48). speaks of a pagus Succusanus in the neighbourhood of the Carinae, and we find in inscriptions pagus Aventinensis and Janiculensis. (Lange, Rom. Alt. i. 73.) The festival of the Septimontium is also a monument of a time when there were seven distinct communities (Palatium, Cermalus, Velia, Fagutal, Oppius, Cispius, and Subura) on the same ground which was afterwards occupied by the city tribes. That these are really traces of an eariier arrangement there is the following strong reason to believe. The local tribes appear to have had no connection whatever with religion, but to have been contrived purely with a view to practical convenience. On the other hand, when we hear of pagi and Argean districts, it is always in connection with religion, with the Argeorum sacella, the Paganalia, the Septimon- tiimi. Now we have already frequently had occasion to remark that the oldest constitution of Rome is religious throughout. Institutions sug- gested by naked utility come in later, and those which they practically supersede are not abolished, but formally retained on account of their religious character. This is the relation of the curies to the centuries, and thus in the case of the Argean districts and pagi we may consider that religion has acted the part of a historian, and has preserved in permanent forms the memory of primitive realities. The ' comitia tributa ' does not belong to the regal time, and will be more conveniently discussed, along with the rise of the plebs, in the notes to the Second Book. 90 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. X. Quaestorship. Besides the king, we find mentioned as public functionaries in the regal period, the 'tribunus celerum' and the 'praefectus urbis.' But as these magistrates are unknown to the later republic (though the ' prae- fectus urbis' is mentioned by Livy more than once in the history of the early republic (see 3. 3 and 24), and though the office was revived under the empire), it does not enter into my plan to speak of them here. Of the magistracies of the later republic, the only one which perhaps existed under the kings was the quaestorship. The quaestors were forty in number under Caesar, twenty under the constitution of Sulla, in the time of the Punic wars apparently eight (Livy Ep. 15), before this up to B.C. 421 they were four (Livy 4. 43), and before that two. _ Of the quaestors in the later time, two remained in the city (' quae- stores urbani'), one was stationed at Ostia (Cic. pro Mur. 8), one at Cales in Campania (Tac. Ann. 4. 27), one in Cisalpine Gaul (Suet. Claud. 24), and the rest apparently were distributed through the provinces. The 'quaestores urbani' have charge of the 'aerarium.' To them taxes and other moneys due to the state are paid (Livy 5. 6; 26. 47 ; 33. 42 ; 42. 6); they keep the ' signa militaria,' and bring them out at the beginning of a campaign (Livy 3. 69; 4. 22; 7. 23); they make pay- ments in behalf of the state (Cic. Phil. 9. 7 ; 14. 14). The other quaestors had corresponding duties outside the city. Of all the great magistracies, the quaestorship was the lowest in dignity. Such being the office, a question arises about the appropriateness of the title ' quaestor.' The proper meaning of ' quaestor ' is ' judge,' and we see the difficulty, that was felt in connecting the title with the function in Varro's explanation (de L. L. 5. 81): 'Quaestores a quaerendo, qui conquirerent publicas pecunias et maleficia, quae triumviri capitales nunc conquirunt ; ab his postea, qui quaestionum judicia exercent, Quaestores dicti.' It is hinted in this passage that the quaestors had in earlier times had judicial duties. If so, we may venture to question Varro's explan- ation, and to take for granted that the name was suggested by the^e judicial functions alone, and was not chosen as being equally appro- priate to the judicial and the financial functions. Now in the earlier republic the quaestors actually appear as law-officers: not so much judges as public prosecutors. The cases are that of Spurius Cassius, who is said to have been impeached by the quaestors (Livy 2. 41 ; Cic. INSTITUTIONS: QUAESTORSHIP. 91 de Rep. 2. 35), and that of Volscius (Livy 3. 24, 25). When it is urged that a quaestor may have occasionally brought an accusation without being an official accuser, the answer is, that in the case of Volscius the prosecution passes on to the quaestors of the next year (Livy 3. 25), and is thus shown to be ofScial. But it may be argued that the quae- stors here meant are not the ' quaestores aerarii' at all, but the ' quae- stores parricidii.' Who were these 'quaestores parricidii?' Paul. Diac. (p. 221) has 'Parricidi quaestores appellabantur qui solebant creari caussa rerum capitalium quaerundarum.' And Pomponius (de Or. Jur. § 23) says, after speaking of the ' quaestores aerarii,' ' Et quia, ut diximus, de capite civis Romani injussu populi non erat lege permissum consulibus jus dicere, propterea quaestores constituebantur a populo, qui capitalibus rebus praeessent; hique appellabantur quaestores parricidii; quorum etiam meminit lex duodecim tabularum.' All we know, then, of the ' quaestores parricidii,' is that such an oflfice existed before the decem- virate. Whether it was a permanent or occasional oflSce, whether it was identical with the ' quaestores aerarii' or distinct from it, we have no evidence except the conjecture of late writers. There remains the fact that the word ' quaestor' expresses legal, not financial functions. It seems not improbable that 'quaestores parri- cidii' was the original title, but that when the legal functions of the quaestor became obsolete, the word 'parricidii' was dropped, as too obviously inappropriate. The Romans knew of no time when there had not been quaestors in the state. It is true that we have in Livy (4. 4), 'Tribuni plebis, aediles, quaestores nuUi erant ; institutum est ut fierent,' and that Pom- ponius also says that the quaestorship was created when the state began to grow rich. But these writers are thinking of the quaestorship purely as a financial office. That in another form it existed under the kings, is attested by Tac. Ann. 11. 22: 'Quaestores regibus etiam tum imper- antibus instituti sunt, quod lex curiata ostendit ab L. Bruto repetita;' and by Ulpian and Junius Gracchanus, as appears from the following: 'Origo quaestoribus creandis antiquissima est et paene ante omnes magistratus. Gracchanus denique Junius libro septimo de potestati- bus etiam ipsum Romulum et Numam Pompilium binos quaestores habuisse quos ipsi non sua voce sed populi suffragio crearent refert. Sed sicuti dubium est an Romulo et Numa regnantibus quaestor fuerit, ita 'TuUo Hostilio rege quaestores fuisse certum est. Sane crebrior apud veteres opinio est, TuUum Hostilium primum in rem publicam induxisse quaestores.' (Dig. i. ij,) The assertion, however, that the 93 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION. quaestors were introduced by Tullus Hostilius, seems founded on an. assumption of the identity of the 'quaestores parricidii' and the 'duum- viri perduellionis.' (See note on i. 26, 5.) What Tacitus says about the 'lex curiata' mentioning the quaestors, is perhaps to be explained as Lange suggests, by Cicero's statement (de Rep. 2. 17. 31), 'that Tullus would not use the insignia regia without a decree of the populus, and. gained permission from them' (apparently, but the passage is inutilated) ' to have lictors.' In the same way the lex curiata might expressly give the king a power of appointing quaestors. Although the question is obscure in all its details, the single fact seems highly probable, that the quaestorship as a judicial, not as a financial office, existed in the regal period. The statement of Die Cassius, preserved to us in Zonaras (7. 13), seems substantially trust- worthy. He says of Valerius Poplicola, Km ■n]v rmv xpvf"''''"'' SioiKijtrii' aXXow dneyeifieVf iva fifj .Tovrav iyKpareis tipres oi VTrmevovres fieya dwavTot' ore irpatTOV ol rafitai yiueaBm ^p^avro' KoiatoTopas 8' eKviXovv avrovs' ot irpSyrov p.ev ras davav dvoKpicreav ^rfrrjatv' vtnepov. 8e <=«". therefore to put no In 23 4 auilius is • rex- and Mettius ■ die- stop after ■tempus,' -"d make ' se .nvtos, Lor/ but in H- ^ Mettius is ' rex.' etc., the object-clause of ' P"^f "\°^ j^^, ,3 comi fronte. There is great variation 31. "ter pr.us The ^^^^^^j^^*' in the MSS. here, but the meanng is clear. order seems to be "' '" ^^ /Tj?"-' tantisper, 'meanwhile.' See above. 3. 1 ■ uter prius r. r. 1. »• ;f-' °™"\„7„ji„, „; 27 purgando. The editors take this is relative, as m 44- '9- '4 n"°t'"«- "> 136 TITI LIVI mentibus divinis lovi Elicio aram in Aventino dicavit, deum- que consuluit auguriis, quae suscipienda essent. XXI. Ad haec consultanda procurandaque multitudine omni 1 a vi et armis conversa et animi aliquid agendo occupati erant, 5 et deorum adsidua insidens cura, cum interesse rebus humanis caeleste numen videretur, ea pietate omnium pectora imbuerat, ut fides ac ius iurandum proximo legum ac poenarum metu civitatem regerent. et cum ipsi se homines in regis, velut unici 2 exempli, mores formarent, tum finitumi etiam populi, qui antea 10 castra non urbem positam in medio ad sollicitandam omnium pacem crediderant, in eam verecundiam adducti sunt, ut civita- tem totam in cultum versam deorum violare ducerent nefas. Lucus erat, quem medium ex opaco specu fons perenni rigabat 8 aqua, quo quia se persaepe Numa sine arbitris velut ad con- 15 gressum deae inferebat, Camenis eum lucum sacravit, quod earum ibi concilia cum coniuge sua Egeria essent. et soli Fidei 4 sollemne instituit. ad id sacrarium flamines bigis curru arcuato vehi iussit, manuque ad digitos usque involuta rem divinam I. deumque consuluit anguriis. Note the studied omission to state when or by whom the augurs were first estab- lished. See above, on l8. 21. It seems dear that Livy's authority said that Numa established the auguTS, which Livy, to avoid inconsistency, here slurs. 7. pioximo legum. Various emen- dations have been proposed here : — ' pro- pulso legum ;' * proxime legum . . . metum ;' ' pro timore legum ;' • pro proximo legum ;' * pro mole legum ;' ' pro summo legum ;' * procul legum.' Madvig, as usual, is more ingenious with * pro obnoxio.' Cp. 6. 34, 3 and 43. 46, where • obnoxius' means * sla- vish.* W. and Alan do not influence me with their defence of the MS. reading. They quote * tu secundo Caesare regnes,* and would translate • proximo ' * secondary.* But Horace does not mean ' Reign superior to Caesar,* but • Reign with Caesar next to you.' 15. Camenis. The Italians connected brooks with the gift of prophecy. See Ovid, Fasti, 3. J99. They at the same time personified them as maidens called * Camenae * or ' Casmenae.' See Serv. on Eel. 7. 21. As prophecy and madness were supposed to go together, * lymphatus * and ' lymphaticus ' mean ' maddened.' The principal of these ' Camenae ' are Juturna and Egeria. Egeria was also worshipped at Aricia. Cp. Virg. Aen. 7. 763. She is spoken of also as a goddess of childbirth ; ' Egeriae Nymphae sacrificabant praegnantes quod eam putabant facile conceptam alvum (conceptum alvo, Tumeb.) egerere.' Paul. Diac. 58, 5. 16. et soli Fidei. I see no meaning in 'soli.' W. doubts the reading, but thinks the word may contrast the solitary ' Fides ' with the plural ' Camenae ' just mentioned. Surely this can satisfy no one. Dionysius, in the parallel passage 2. 75, declaims in his tedious way upon the originality and singu- larity of Numa in consecrating ' Fides :' — ■nparfiuj. e^evptbv ijyvoij/ievov inro ■ndvTwv Tuv KaTaffn]iTa/Ji4v(uv t^* tWoyi/iovs iro- KiTftas . . . MKr/v fiiv yAp Kal @iiuv . . . iiroxpiiVTois iKTeSeiSiaffat re K6pot. The name * Celeres ' is evidently very ancient, as well as the office of ' Tribunus Celemm.' We can only conjecture that it may have been an old name for the cavalry, and that the 300 here mentioned are identical with the 'centuriae tfes equituip' mentioned in 13.8. Possibly Mommsen is right in supposing that originally there were three * tribuni Celenim,' who were superseded by the 'seviri equitum' when the number of cen- turies was doubled. 16. immortalihus. Creviey conjectured ' mortalibus,' but it seems natural that the account of Romulus' translation should be _ preceded by wprds implying that his deeds had entitled him to immortality. Cp. ' im- mortalitatis virtute partae* 7. 15. 19. regem eperuit nimbo, Cicero (de Rep. j. 16) tells us that the sun was eclipsed, and that it happened on the Nones of July. Now, on the Nones of July there was a feast of ' luno Caprotina,' which re- minds us of ' Caprae paludem * just men- tioned. Two days before the Nones was the festival called the • Poplifugia,* or "Peoples' flight." This, like the 'Rpgifu- gium,' seems to have been a sin-offering, which was offered with terror and instant flight of all concerned. These usages be- came gradually unintelligible. Thg ' Regi- fiigium' was referred, without any plausi- bility, to the flight of Tarquin. Tlje 'Poplifugia' also demanded an explana- LIB. I. CAP. XVII. 131 id ab re, quod nunc quoque tenet nomen, interregnum appel- 7 latum, fremere deinde plebs, multiplicatam servitutem, centum pro uno dominos factos ; nee ultra nisi regem et ab ipsis 8 creatum videbantur passuri. cum sensissent ea moveri patres, offerendum ultro rati quod amissuri erant, ita gratiam ineunt S summa potestate populo permissa, ut non plus darent iuris 8 quam detinerent. decreverunt enim, ut, cum populus regem iussisset, id sic ratum esset, si patres auctores fierent. hodie quoque in legibus magistratibusque rogandis usurpatur idem ius vi adempta : priusquam populus suffragium ineat, in in- 10 10 certum comitiorum eventum patres auctores fiunt. tum interrex contione advocata 'quod bonum faustum felixque sit' inquit, ' Quirites, regem create : ita patribus visum est. patres deinde, si dignum qui secundus ab Romulo numeretur crearitis, auctores 11 fient.' adeo id gratum plebi fuit, ut, ne victi beneficio vide- 15 rentur, id modo sciscerent iuberentque, ut senatus decerneret qui Romae regnaret. ten.ie. The imperfects denote the uniform practice during an ' interregnum,' the per- fect the length of the particular ' interreg- num' in question. 6. populo permissa. Remark Livy's entire ignorance of the distinction which Niebuhr tried to establish between populus and plebs. Mommsen seems very dogmatic when he declares (Rom. Forsch. p. i68. n. 1.) that the original meaning of populus is determined beyond question by usage to be ' army.' Only in the very doubtful case of the dictator's title ' magister populi ' (his subaltern being ' magister equitum ') does populus mean ' army.' He suggests that 'populari' means to quarter an army on a country, and answers to ' verheeren.' This is only a guess, but, even granting that in these two cases populus means army, at a time when every citizen was a soldier, the army might as well be called from the people as 4e people from the army. In usage, populus is almost exactly equivalent to 7r(5\is. The only difference is that it can never be used for urbs as ■n6\ii is used for aarv, e. g. in itoKiofxiiv. Its English equivalent is not 'people,' i.e. 'nation,' but 'state' or ' body politic' ' Populus Romanus ' is ' the Roman Re- public' 10. vi adempta. See 8. 12, 15. 13. contione advocata. Public meet- ings at Rome could only be called by a K magistrate. They were either ' comitia ' where there was voting, or * contiones' where there was only speaking. See 39. 15. It appears that the ' interrex' summons a contio as introductory to the comitia. This is illustrated by Varro, L. L. 6. 88 (quoting from the ' Commentarii consu- lares') ' Consul dicit voca ad conventionem omnes Quirites hue ad me. Accensus dicit sic : Omnes Quirites, ite ad conventionem hue ad iudices. Dein consul eloquitur ad exer- citum, Impero qua convenit ad comitia centuriata.' Which passage shows the de- rivation of contio from conventio. 16. sciscerent iuberentque. These words express in strictness the decisions of different assemblies, as appears from Cic pro Flacco 7. 15 'quae scisceret plebes aut quae populus iuberet,* where the context shows that he is thinking of the comitia tributa and centuriata. One or two in- stances may be produced of ' scisco ' and 'scitum' applied to an assembly not ple- beian ; but as in this place ' plebi ' has im- mediately preceded, we must suppose that Livy expects us to believe that there were comitia tributa in the days of Numa, although he himself represents plebeian as- semblies as a startling novelty in the days of Menenius Agrippa 2. 28. Cicero (Rep. i. 13) tells us expressly that Numa was chosen king in the comitia curiata. I30 TITI LIVI versabat. necdum ad singulos, quia nemo magnopere eminebat in novo populo, pervenerat ; factionibus inter ordines certabatur. oriundi ab Sabinis, ne, quia post Tati mortem ab sua parte 2 non erat regnatum, in societate aequa possessionem imperii S amitterent, sui corporis creari regem volebant ; Romani veteres peregrinum regem aspernabantur. in variis voluntatibus regnari 3'^ tamen omnes volebant libertatis dulcedine nondum experta. timor deinde patres incessit, ne civitatem sine imperio, exer- 4 citum sine duce, multarum circa civitatium inritatis animis lo vis aliqua externa adoriretur. ) et esse igitur aliquod caput placebat, et nemo alteri concedere in animum inducebat. ita 5 rem inter se centum patres decem decuriis factis singulisque in singulas decurias creatis, qui summae rerum praeessent, con- sociant. decem imperitabant, unus cum insignibus imperii et IS lictoribus erat ; quinque dierum spatio finiebatur imperium ac 6 per omnes in orbem ibat ; annuumque intervallum regni fuit. With chaps, xvii-xxi. cp. Hist. Ex. pp. 39-41- I. ad singulos. So Madvig and Hertz after Graevius. The MSS. have ' a singulis ;' but ' pervenerat' requires the terminus ad quern. W., instead of this correction, alters ' pervenerat ; factionibus' into ' per vim aut factionibus.' But the question is not by what means the contest was carried on. The general sense is, there was a dissension, but the subject of it was not whether A or B should be king, but whether a Roman or a Sabine. This use of ' singuli ' is rather un- common. It generally means ' each individual out of a number ;' here ' some individuals.' Cp. Cic. de Or. 3. 55, 211 ' frequentes an pauci an singuli;' 3. ab Sabinis. Remark that Livy speaks here of Sabine senators. He has not before told us that the Sabines had been admitted into the senate. The common story was that the senate was doubled in number by the admission of 100 Sabines, and that afterwards it^as raised to 300 by Tarquinius Pfiscus. I^ow, that Livy be- lieved this is plain from c. 35, in which he tells us that 'Tarquin added 100 members, and from 2. I, in which we read that the senate, which had dwindled, was restored to its full complement of 300. Why then does Livy omit to mention the addition of the hundred Sabines ? In order to conceal the inconsistency of that view with the ac- count here given of the ' interregnum ' in which the senate is represented as consist- ing, at the death of Romulus, of only a hundred members. 5. volebant . . . aspernabantur. It is somewhat difficult to render the delicacy of these imperfects. Translate, ' It was the wish of the Sabine families . . . while the Romans could ill brook a foreign king." 'Aspernari' expresses 'rejection,' not neces- sarily ' contempt.' 6, voluntatibus, * political ■ views.' For this use of the word and the verb ' velle,' cp. Cic. pro Sext. 45-47. regnari tamen omnes,--* all were for monarchy,' not, ' all wanted to be ruled by a king.' In Livy's time ' regno' is only trans- itive in poetry, as in Horace, who, after his fashion, follows the Greek construction, ' Daunus agrestium Regnavit populorum' Od. 3.30, II. 9. circa civitatium, ' surrounding states.' Cp. ' circa populorum' in 59. 9. II. inducebat. ' Could make up his mind.' ita rem Inter, etc. A description of an institution which had existed in Livy's own time. Up to the second Punic war the ' interregnum' is frequent. Cp. 3. 40 ; 4- 7. 43 ; 5- 31 ; 6- 41 ; 9- 7 ; lo. 1 1 ; 22. 33. 34- Though from this time to that of Sulla we do not read of the appointment of an ' interrex,' yet the office was not for- gotten. See 41. 9. In the last age of the republic there occurred several ' interregna.' It always continued to be a patrician office. 16. ibat . . fuit. Note the change of LIB. I. CAP. XIX. 133 deos consuli iussit. inde ab augure, cui deinde honoris ergo publicum id perpetuumque sacerdotium fuit, deductus in arcem 7 in lapide ad meridiem versus consedit. augur ad laevam eius capite velato sedem cepit, dextra manu baculum sine nodo aduncum tenens, quem lituum appellarunt. inde ubi prospectu s in urbem agrumque capto decs precatus regiones ab oriente ad occasum. determinavit, dextras ad meridiem partes, laevas 8 ad septemtrionem esse dixit, signum contra, quo longissime conspectum oculi ferebant, animo finivit; turn lituo in laevam manum. translate dexfra in caput Numae imposita precatus ita 10 9 est : ' luppiter pater, si est fas hunc Numam Pompilium, cuius ego caput teneo, regem Romae esse, uti tu signa nobis certa adclarassis inter eos fines, quos feci.' turn peregit verbis auspicia, quae mitti vellet ; quibus missis declaratus rex Numa de templo descendit. 15 1 XIX. Qui regno ita potitus urbem novam, conditam vi et armis, iure earn legibitsque ac moribus de in-tegro condere parat. 2 quibus cum inter bella adsuescere videret non posse, quippe efferari militia animos, mitigandum ferocem populum armorum desuetudine ratus lanum ad infimum Argiletum indicem pacis 20 bellique fecit, apertus ut in armis esse civitatem, clausus 3 pacatos circa omnes populos significaret. bis deinde post Numae regnum clausus fuit, semel T. Manlio consule post Punicum pri- mum perfectum bellum, iterum, quod nostrae aetati dii dederunt asserts distinctly ' pontiiices augures Romulo lum' at the north-east point of the Capi- regnante nulli erant: ab Numa Pompilio toline hill, according to Becker and Mai- creati sunt.' It would appear that in the quardt, part T. p. 409. present passfge Livy followed another ac- versus. This seems to be a participle, count, which made Romulus the founder of aJ W. shows by comparing 36. 15, 7 'm the college, and then, discovering the incon- septentrionem versa Epiros' and 31. sr, 3 sistency saved himself by inserting the ' omnibus ad orientem versis regibus.' clause ' cui deinde honoris ergo,' etc. That 8. quo. _ ' quo ' M ' quod ' P. Madvig there was such an account appears from reads ' quo,' W. ' quoad. Cicero, who expressly asserts of Romulus 12. uti expresses a wish. Cp. 'uti- (Rep. 2. g) "ex singulis tribubus singulos nam." ,., . < j 1 j 1 • cooptavit augures.' 14. declaratus. Not declared k,ng 2. deductus ill arcem. 'Deducere' by the augur,' but, 'manifested to be kmg is ' to conduct solemnly,' and may be used by the signs.' _ of leading up as well as down. It is used I?, iure earn. This 'earn is merely of the ritinue that conducted the Roman introduced lor clearness. They compare 28. noble from the forum to his house, though lo ; 49- 9J =">d S-.S^' ' •, "7/ °f '''"'^'^ this was frequently up hill. But the passage, instances however "^ /^'J^ 'y^' °°g- quoted by W. 32. 11, 3, seems hardly 23. clausus fuit, it has been m a ^ ,11 closed state. . ^"l in lapide. This is the • auguracu- T. Manlio consule. 235 B.C. 132 TITI LIVI XVIII. Inclita iustitia religioque ea tempestate Numaei Pompili erat. Curibus Sabinis habitabat, consultissimus vir, ut in ilia quisquam esse aetate poterat, omnis divini atque humani iuris. auctorem doctrinae eius, quia non extat alius, 2 5 falso Samium Pythagoram edunt, quem Servio Tullio regnante Romae centum amplius post annos in ultima Italiae ora circa Metapontum Heracleamque et Crotonem iuvenum aemulantium studia coetus habuisse constat, ex quibus locis, etsi eiusdem 3 aetatis fuisset, qua fama in Sabinos aut quo linguae commercio lo quemquam ad cupiditatem discendi excivisset .'' quove prae- sidio unus per tot gentes dissonas sermone moribusque perve- nisset .' suopte igitur ingenio temperatum animum virtutibus 4 fuisse opinor magis, instructumque non tarn peregrinis artibus quam disciplina tetrica ac tristi veterum Sabinorum, quo ge- ifi nere nullum quondam incorruptius fuit. Audito nomine Numae patres Romani, quamquam inclinari 5 opes ad Sabinos rege inde sumpto videbantur, tamen neque se quisquam nee factionis suae alium nee denique patrum aut civium quemquam praeferre illi viro ausi ad unum omnes Numae ao Pompilio regnum deferendum decernunt. accitus, sicut Romulus e augurato urbe condenda regnum adeptus est, de se quoque S. falso Samium. The anachronism so ' fama in Sabinos' is ' Sabine reputation.' had been remarked before by Cicero (Rep. Pythagoras' reputation belonged to Magna 2. 15), though he places the arrival of Graecia, and did not extend to the Sabine Pythagoras in Italy in the reign of Tar- country. quinius Superbus. Cicero also (de Fin. 5. 2) 14. quo genere. W. says this is put describes memorials of him as existing at for * gente' and refers to 5. 2 ; 8.29,4; Metapontum. Mr. Grote agrees with Cicero 22.43,3. '" '''s second of these two and Livy as to the period at which he passages * genus' seems really equivalent to lived. ' gens.' In the other two it is not so much 7. Crotonem. This is Hertz' reading * nation,' i. e. the whole number of persons after one MS. The other MSS. have of the same descent, as ' stock' or ' blood.' ' Crotonam,' from which Madvig conjee- And in the passages cited by Fore, a shade tures 'Crotona.' 'Crotonem" is the com- of difference is generally discernible. Here, mon form, and is used in all other passages for example, it is rather ' type.* So Cic. by Livy himself. See 23. 30 ; 24. 2. Phil. 4. 5 ' Virtus est propria Romani aemulantium studia. * Studia' is generis.' See above on 9. 4. governed by 'aemulantium.' Op. Tac. 21. augurato ... augure. It seems to Hist. 3. 81 ' studium philosophiae et placita be Livy's view that there was a science of Stoicorum aemulatus.' Also Cic. pro augury, but no recognised college of augurs Mur. 29. in the reign of Romulus. In 7 Romulus 9. qua fama in Sabinos. The and Remus are represented as taking an MSS. have ' quae.' The coirection is augury in regular form, but no augur is Sigonius', adopted by Madvig. ' In Sa- mentioned. Here we have an augur, but binos' may be illustrated by the common he seems to be an amateur, and only use of ' in volgus.' See examples in Fore. wins his official character through being 'Fama in volgus' is 'popular reputation;' employed on this occasion. In 4. 4 Livy LIB. I. CAP. XX. 135 sacerdotem creavit, insignique eum veste et curuli regia sella adornavit. huic duos flamines adiecit, Marti unum, alterum s Quirino ; virginesque Vestae legit, Alba oriundum sacerdotium et genti conditoris baud alienum. iis, ut adsiduae templi antis- tites essent, stipendium de publico statuit, virginitate aliisque 5 4 caerimoniis venerabiles ac sanctas fecit. Salios item duodecim Marti Gradivo legit, tunicaeque pictae insigne dedit et super tunicam aeneum pectori tegumen, caelestiaque arma, quae ancilia appellantur, ferre ac per urbem ire canentes carmina cum tripudiis soUemnique saltatu iussit. 10 5 Pontiffcem deinde Numam Marcium Marci filium ex patribus legit, eique sacra omnia exscripta exsignataque adtribuit, quibus hostiis, quibus diebus, ad quae templa sacra fierent, atque unde 6 in eos sumptus pecunia erogaretur. cetera quoque omnia publica privataque sacra pontificis scitis subiecit, ut esset, quo consultum 15 plebes veniret, ne quid divini iuris neglegendo patrios ritus per- 7 egrinosque adsciscendo turbaretur ; nee caelestes modo cae- rimonias sed iusta quoque funebria placandosque manes ut idem pontifex edoceret, quaeque prodigia fulminibus aliove quo visu missa susciperentur atque curarentur. ad ea elicienda ex 20 ' commetacula.' His whole life was a rou- know nothing of the identity of Romulus tine of ceremonies, and we are not surprised and Quirinus. to hear (Tac. Ann. 3. 58) that the office 4. conditoris. That is, Romulus. He remained vacant for seventy-two (75 Nip- is thinking of Rea Silvia, perdey) years after the murder of Cornelius 5. stipendium de publico. The Merula. Though inferior in dignity to the Vestals were endowed with land, i. c. part Pontiff, he must have seemed much more of the ' ager publicus.' This is several like the true successor of Numa, as Livy times mentioned in the Gromatici Mar- says he was ; and we can understand why quardt thinks Livy means here to say that in this passage the ' flamens' and ' Vestals,' the state administered their property for who were exclusively sacerdotal, are men- the Vestals. See the discussion of the tioned before the Pontiffs, upon whom, as earliest Roman church endowments in in the case of Julius Caesar, their priestly Becker and Marq. Ah. 3. 2, 68. character often sat very lightly. 8. arma, quae ancilia. 'Arma' is I. insigni veste. From 27. 8, 8 we ' shields.' See below, 25, 17. For the shape find that it was the ' toga praetexta.' This and appearance of the ' ancilia,' see Smith's passage contains a curious story of a certain Diet. Ant. s. v. Salii. c ,. . Valerius Flaccus, who, on account of his 9. carmina. The 'Carmen Sahare dissolute life, was made 'flamen Dialis' of Numa is mentioned by Horace (Ep. :j. I, against his will, and immediately reformed Se') and Quint (l. 6, 40) as a monument himself and became eminent for sanctity. of the most ancient Latmiiy. But Servius (ad Aen. 4. 262) says that II. I^ontificem. Schwegler remarks the dress was a double 'toga' called that both here and below, 32, Livy knows .]jgna' of 0"'y °"« 'pontifex,' whereas Cic. Plut. 3 Quirino. Plutarch (Num. 7.6) says and Dion, agree in making Numa institute that to the two already existing ' flamines ' a ' collegium' of five. In 4. 4, 2 he seems Numa added another in honour of Romu- to say that the ' pontifices were created by lus, but here, as above (16. 8), Livy will Numa. 134 TITI LIVI ut videremus, post bellum Actiacum ab imperatore Caesare Augusto pace terra marique parta. Clauso eo cum omnium 4 circa finitimorum societate ac foederibus iunxisset animos, positis externorum periculorum curis ne luxuriarent otio animi, quos 5 metus hostium disciplinaque militaris continuerat, omnium primum rem ad multitudinem inperitam et illis saeculis rudem efficacissimam, deorum metum iniciendum ratus est. qui cum 5 descendere ad animos sine aliquo commento miraculi non posset, simulat sibi cum dea Egeria congressus nocturnos esse ; eius lo se monitu, quae acceptissima diis essent, sacra instituere, sacer- dotes suos cuique deorum praeficere. Atque omnium primum ad cursus lunae in duodecim menses e describit annum ; quem, quia tricenos dies singulis mensibus luna non explet, desuntque dies solido anno, qui solstitiali 15 circumagitur orbe, intercalariis mensibus interponendis ita dis- pensavit, ut vicesimo anno ad metam eandem soHs, unde orsi essent, plenis omnium annorum spatiis dies congruerent. idem 7 nefastos dies fastosque fecit, quia aliquando nihil cum populo agi utile futurum erat, 20 XX. Tum sacerdotibus creandis animum adiecit, quamquam 1 ipse plurima sacra obibat, ea maxime quae nunc ad Dialem flaminem pertinent, sed quia in civitate bellicosa plures Romuli a quam Numae similes reges putabat fore, iturosque ipsos ad bella, ne sacra regiae vicis desererentur, flaminem lovi adsiduum I. Caesare Augusto. An expression 43. 11, 13; 45.44,3. important in fixing the date of publication 16. metam eandem, 'position of the of this first book. See Introduction, p. 5. sun.' IT. cuique deorum. The expression 18. cum populo agi. According to * praeficere deo' for ' sacris dei' seems Gellius (13.15,9) this expression applies loose. ' Eorum ' has been suggested. only to ' comitia,* not to ' conliones.' So 13. tricenos dies. Carelessly ex- that Livy here includes the ' dies comitiales' pressed, for if there were thirty days to the in the ' dies fasti.' Later these were dis- month, twelve months would still not make tinguished. up the solar year. 34. adsiduum sacerdotem. Not merely 14. solido anno, * the full year.' Cp. 'perpetual' but 'resident.' Fore, gives Horace's ' solido de die.' « several clear instances of this use of the solstitiali .. orbe, ' through the solar word. So ' adsiduae' below, 3. The orbit.' Abl. of the way along which. ' flamen Dialis,' along with the ' Rex sacri- Madvig, 5 274. ficulus,' and the 'Vestal Virgins,' seems to 15. intercalariis mensibus. The have been the most completely sacerdotal best MSS. have ' iutercalares (intercaelares character in Rome. He was long forbidden M, iniercaleres P) mensibus interponendis.' to hold a secular office — always forbidden Hertz and Alschefski read ' interponendo ' to leave Rome. His wife was priestess after some inferior MSS. Madvig takes (flaminica) and he never appeared but in Heerwagen's correction 'intercalariis,' which his official dress, the ' albogalerus' with the is the form Livy uses elsewhere, 37. 59, 2 ; ' apax,' the ' laena,' the ' secespita,' and the LIB. I. CAP. XXII. 137 facere, significantes fidem tutandam sedemque eius etiam in edexteris sacratam esse, multa alia sacrificia locaque sacris faciendis, quae Argeos pontifices vocant, dedicavit. omnium tamen maximum eius operum fuit tutela per omne regni tem- epus haud minor pads quam regni.— Ita duo deinceps reges, s alius alia via, ille bello hie pace, civitatem auxerunt. Romulus septem et triginta regnavit annos, Numa tres et quadra- ginta. cum valida turn temperata et belli et pacis artibus erat civitas. 1 XXII. Numae morte ad interregnum res rediit. inde Tullum 10 Hostilium, nepotem Hostili, cuius in infima arce clara pugna adversus Sabinos fuerat, regem populus iussit : patres auctores 2 facti. hie non solum proximo regi dissimilis sed ferocior etiam quam Romulus fuit. cum aetas viresque tum avita quoque gloria animum stimulabat senescere igitur civitatem otio ratus 15 3 undique materiam excitandi belli quaerebat, forte evenit, ut agrestes Romani ex Albano agro, Albani ex Romano praedas 4 in vicem agerent. imperitabat tum Gains Cluilius Albae. utrim- que legati fere sub idem tempus ad res repetendas missi. Tullus praeceperat suis, ne quid prius quam mandata agerent. 20 satis sciebat negaturum Albanum : ita pie bellum indici posse. 5 ab Albanis socordius res acta : excepti hospitio ab Tullo blande ac benigne comi fronte regis convivium celebrant, tantisper Romani et res repetiverant priores et neganti Albano bellum e in tricesimum diem indixerant. haec renuntiant Tullo. tum 25 legatis Tullus dicendi potestatem, quid petentes venerint, facit. illi omnium ignari primum purgando terunt tempus se invitos quicquam, quod minus placeat Tullo, dicturos, sed imperio subigi : res repetitum se venisse ; ni reddantur, bellum indicere 7 iussos. ad haec Tullus 'nuntiate' inquit 'regi vestro, regem 30 Romanum deos facere testes, uter prius populus res repetentes 3. Argeos. See p. 89. absolutely, ' waste time in making excuses.' With chaps, xxii-xxxi. cp. Hist. Ex. pp. I do not find the word used so elsewhere. iLi-iA. In 24. 47, 6, which W. cites, the excuse 18. imperitabat. Livy is doubtful what made is put after ' purgare' as an object- title to give both to Cluilius and Mettius. clause. It seems better, therefore, to put no In 23. 4 Cluilius is ' rex' and Mettius 'die- stop after ' tempus,' and make 'se invitos,' tator,' but in 24. 2 Mettius is ' rex.' etc., the object-clause of ' purgando.' 23. comi fronte. Thereisgreatvariation 31. uter prius. The grammatical in the MSS. here, but the meanng is clear. order seems to be ' ut in eum populum, tantisper, ' meanwhile.' See above, 3. i. uter prius r. r. 1. a. A., omnes,' etc. ' Uter 27. purgando. The editors take this is relative, as in 44. 19, 14 'nuntiare, ni 13^ 7777 LIVI mentibus divinis lovi Elicio aram in Aventino dicavit, deum- que consuluit auguriis, quae suscipienda essent. XXI. Ad haec consultanda procurandaque multitudine omni i a vi et armis conversa et animi aliquid agendo occupati erant, 5 et deorum adsidua insidens cura, cum interesse rebus humanis caeleste numen videretur, ea pietate omnium pectora imbuerat, ut fides ac ius iurandum proximo legum ac poenarum metu civitatem regerent. et cum ipsi se homines in regis, velut unici 2 exempli, mores formarent, tum finitumi etiam populi, qui antea 10 castra non urbem positam in medio ad sollicitandam omnium pacem crediderant, in eam verecundiam adducti sunt, ut civita- tem totam in cultum versam deorum violare ducerent nefas. Lucus erat, quem medium ex opaco specu fons perenni rigabat 8 aqua, quo quia se persaepe Numa sine arbitris velut ad con- 15 gressum deae inferebat, Camenis eum lucum sacravit, quod earum ibi concilia cum coniuge sua Egeria essent. et soli Fidei 4 sollemne instituit. ad id sacrarium flamines bigis curru arcuato vehi iussit, manuque ad digitos usque involuta rem divinam I. deumq.ue consuluit auguriis. Note the studied omission to state when or by whom the augurs were first estab- lished. See above, on l8. 21. It seems clear that Livy's authority said that Numa established the auguTs, which Livy, to avoid inconsistency, here slurs. 7. proximo legum. Various emen- dations have been proposed here : — ' pro- pulso legum ;* * proxime legum . . . metum ;* * pro timore legum ;' * pro proximo legum ;* •pro mole legum;* 'pro summo legum;' * proGul legum.' Madvig^ as usual, is more ingenious with * pro obnoxio.' Cp. 6. 34, 3 and 42. 46, where ' obnoxius' means ' sla- vish/ W. and Alan do not influence me with their defence of the MS. reading. They quote ' tu secundo Caesare regnes/ and would translate * proximo ' ' secondary.' But Horace does not mean * Reign superior to Caesar,' but * Reign with Caesar next to you.' 15. Camenis. The Italians connected brooks with the gift of prophecy. See Ovid, Fasti, 3. 399. They at the same time personified them as maidens called 'Camenae' or ' Casmenae.' See Serv. on Eel. 7. zi. As prophecy and madness were supposed to go together, * lymphatus * and ' lymphaticus * mean * maddened.* The principal of these * Camenae ' are Juturna and Egeria. Egeria was also worshipped at Aricia. Cp. Virg. Aen. 7. 763. She is spoken of also as a goddess of childbirth : ' Egeriae Nymphae sacrificabant praegnantes quod eam putabant facile conceptam alvum (conceptum alvo, Tumeb.) egerere.' Paul. Diac. 58, 5. 16. et soli Fidei. I see no meaning in * soli.' W. doubts the reading, but thinks the word may contrast the solitary ' Fides ' with the plural * Camenae' just mentioned. Surely this can satisfy no one. Dionysius, in the parallel passage 2. 75, declaims in his tedious way upon the originality and singu- larity of Numa in consecrating * Fides :' — irpdyfM e^tvp^v ■^yvoTjfiivov {tiro itavTtuv Toii' Karaarriaafiivojv rd.s e?J<.oylfiov5 iro- \iTelas . . . AIkijv fikv yAp Kal ®4fuv . . . diroxp^VTcus €KT€9etua0ai t€ koI KaQoi- fftaffdai €p6fuff€ .... HiffTiv Si . . ovtto) Oi&aafiSiv Tvyx^vHV . . . ravra Z\ Zia- vorjBels irpSnos dvOpdiman' Uphv Ihpiffaro Ulareons. These last words are an almost exact translation of ' solus Fidei sollemne instituit.' Surely then we should read here * solus.' 18. vehi. It was in a 'curru arcuato' that Vestals rode. Livy says it was used in the worship of Fides to show that Faith should be carefully guarded, 'fidem tutan- dam.* LIB. I. CAP. XXIV. I3g causam huiusce esse belli audisse videor, nee te dubito, Tulle, eadem prae te ferre. sed si vera potius quam dictu speciosa dicenda sunt, cupido imperii duos cognates vicinosque populos 8 ad arma stimulat. neque, recte an perperam, interpreter ; fuerit 1aO^ ^^^^ ""^ deliberatio, qui bellum suscepit : me Albani gerendo 5 ' belle ducem creavere. illud te. Tulle, monitum velim : Etrusca ': f^ res quanta circa nos teque maxime sit, quo propior es Tuscis, » hoc magis scis. multum illi terra, plurimum mari poUent. memor , ■^^''^' esto, iam cum signum pugnae dabis, has duas acies spectaculo "'Y^'' I , A\ ^°''^' "*■ fosses confectosque simul victorem ac victum adgre- ^° *"-'^ diantur. itaque si nos di amant, quoniam non contenti libertate certa in dubiam imperii servitiique aleam imus, ineamus aliquam viam, qua, utri utris imperent, sine magna clade, sine multo 10 sanguine utriusque populi decerni possit.' haud displicet res Tullo, quamquam cum indole animi tum spe victoriae ferocior '5 erat. quaerentibus utrimque ratio initur, cui et fortuna ipsa praebuit materiam. 1 XXIV. Forte in duobus tum exercitibus erant trigemini fratres nee aetate nee viribus dispares. Horatios Curiatiosque fuisse satis constat, nee ferme res- antiqua-alia est nobilior. so tamen in re tam clara nominum error manet, utrius populi Horatii, utrius Curiatii fuerint. auctores utroque'trahunt ; plures tamen invenio, qui Romanes Horatios vocent ; hos ut sequar, 2 inclinat animus, cum trigeminis agunt reges, ut pro sua quisque patria dimicent ferre : ibi imperium fore, unde victoria fuerit. 25 3 nihil recusatur. tempus et locus convenit. priusquam dimicarent, audisse videor. Supply 'dicentem.' .q 91 describes the twins Larides and Thym- W. compares 4. 20, 7 ' Augustum Caesa- ber as ' gratus parentibus error,' ' a delight- rem . . se . . legisse audissem.* ful puzzle to their parents ;' and the Cretan 2. prae te ferre. W. remarks that labyrinth is an ' inextricabilis error' to Virgil, Livy prefers the ace. with inf. to 'quin' and an 'inobservabilis error' to Catullus, after ' dubito.' 22. utroque. So ' moderatum utroque' 7. es Tuscis. The MSS. have 'Uulscis.' in 2. 30, i, and 'in diversum auctores tra- The correction is Stroth's. hunt' in 25.11,20. The quotations are 8. memor esto. Notice that ' esto ' is W.'t a future tense, since it stands with 'cum plures invenio. This is the infancy jabis.' of historical criticism. Livy simply counts 16. quaerentibus . . . ratio initur. the witnesses without inquiring whether The dative of the agent after the indicative they were independent of each other or mood of the verb is rare in the prose of what means they had of knowmg the the best age, and not common even in truth, verse. Cp. 31. 4- ^5- ibi • • ""de. Cp. 45. 5 ,' unde .s 21 error, not 'error,' i.e. a going here almost equivalent to ubi. in me wrong, but 'a possibility of going wrong,' same way 'undique' is sometimes hardly here, ' a discrepancy :' so Virg. Aen. 10. distinguishable from ' ubique. 138 TITI LIVI legates aspernatus dimiserit, ut in eum omnes expetant huiusce clades belli.' XXIII. Haec nuntiant domum Albani. et helium utrimque i summa ope parabatur, civili simillimum bello, prope intef 5 parentes natosque, Troianam utraitique prolem, cum Lavinium ab Troia, ab Lavinio Alba, ab Albanorum stirpe regum oriundi Romani essent. eventus tamen belli minus miserabilem dimi- 2 cationem fecit, quod nee acie certatum est, et tectis modo dirutis alterius urbis duo populi in unum confusi sunt. 10 Albani priores ingenti exercitu in agrum Romanum impetum 3 fecere. castra ab urbe haud plus quinque milia passum locant, fossa circumdant : fossa Cluilia ab nomine ducis per aliquot saecula appellata est, donee cum re nomen quoque vetustate abolevit. in his castris Cluilius Albanus rex moritur ; dictatorem 4 15 Albani Mettium Fufetium creant. interim Tullus ferox prae- cipue morte regis, magnumque deorum numen, ab ipso capite orsum, in omne nomen Albanum expetiturum poenas ob bellum inpium dictitans, nocte praeteritis hostium castris infesto exer- ^{^ citu in agrum Albanum pergit. ea res ab stativis excivit Mettium. s'. jfk'A^V 20 ducit quam proxume ad hostem potest, inde legatum prae- j missum nuntiare TuUo iubet, priusquam dimicent, opus esse ^^V"* colloquio : si secum congressus sit, satis scire ea se allaturum, quae nihilo minus ad rem Romanam quam ad Albanam per- tineant. haud aspernatus Tullus, tamen, si vana adferantur, e 25 in aciem educit. exeunt contra et Albani. postquam instruct! utrimque- stabant, cum paucis procerum in medium duces procedunt. ibi infit Alljanus : ' iniurias et non redditas res ex 7 foedere quae repetitae sint, et ego regem nostrum Cluilium absistatur bello, per utnim stetisset eum non * Hist. Ex. p. 42. Note that we have here pro amico nee pro socio habituros esse.' again, as in 12, it contest between Mettius See also 21. 18, 15 and Cic. Div. in and Hostilius. Caec. 14.45. 24. si vana adferantur. 'Tametsi I. expetant. Below, 23.4, we have vana aiferri rebatur,' Madvig, after Tanaquil this word used actively. See also in 3. 40, Faber, because the propositions were not and more than once in Cicero. It is pos- ' vana.* Codd. ' afferebantur.' ' Tamen si sible to take it so here, making * dii ' the vana afFcrantur* is Heerwagen's. It gives subject. On the other hand it seems more the best sense, for why should Tullus have natural to regard it as neuter, and this is suspected Mettius of trifling with him ? supported by several passages in Plautus, For the construction, compare 41. 1 * Si e. g. Amph. i. 2, 32 ; 2. 1, 42 ; 3. destituat spes, alia molitur.* 2, 14. 25. instructi. So for ' structi," Mad- II. passum. So the MSS. for ' passuum.' vig, who says the in has dropped out 15. Mettium. Virgil writes 'Mettum' after m. Aen. 8. 642. On him and Cluilius, see 28. regem nostrum Cluilium . . . t LIB. I. CAP. XXV. 141 dixit, porcum saxo silice percussit. sua item carmina Albani suumque ius-iurandum per suum dictatorem suosque sacerdo- tes peregerunt. * "^oj" ^°^<^^''^ icto.trigemini sicut convenerat arma capiunt. cum sui utrosque adhortafentur, deos patrios patriam ac paren- S tes, quidquid civium domi, quidquid in exercitu sit, illorum tunc arma, illorum intueri manus, feroces et (^pte ingenio et pleni adhortantium vocibus^in medium inter duas acies procedunt. a consederant utrimque pro castris duo-exercituS;periculi magis praesentis quam curae expertes : quippe imperium agebatur^ in 10 tarn paucorum virtute atque fortuna positum. itaque ergo erecti suspensique in minime-gratum-spectaculum animo incenduntur. 3datur signum, infestisque armis, velut acies, terni iuvenes (magnorum exercituum animos gerentes) concurrunt. nee his nee illis periculum suum, 'publicum- imperium servitiumque 15 obversatur animo ^ futuraque ea deinde patriae fortuna, quam 4ipsi fecissent. ut primo statim concursu_,increpuere arma^mican- tesque fulsere gladii, horror- ingens spectantis perstringit, et 5 neutro inclinata spe^torpebat vox spiritusque. consertis deinde manibus cum iam non motus tantum corporum agitatioque 20 stance, ' si sciens fallo, turn me Diespiter,' etc., abd cp. Horace — ' Saepe Diespiter Neglectus incesto addidit integrum.' I. silice. This flint appears often in the proceedings of the ' fetiales.' We are told that it was taken out of the temple of ' luppiter Feretrius.' Paul. Diac. p. 92. It seems to have been a symbol of Jove him- self. See Polybius 3. 25. We have the expression ' lovem lapidem iurare' in Gell. N. A. I. 21, Cic. ad Fara. 7.12. App. de Deo Socr. 131. It is conjectured that a meteoric stone was taken as the symbol of the power of the Thunderer. So Virg. Aen. 12. 200 ' Audiat haec genitor qui foedera fulmifie sanxit.' 5. cum sui. So Madvig following M. The other MSS. have ' armati cum.' 7. feroces et suopte ingenio et pleni etc. The position of the ' et' — 'et' shows that ' pleni ' is not added to ' feroces,' but explanatory of it. Translate, ' Ardent both from their natural disposition and as inspired by,' etc. II. itaque ergo. For this combina- tion of particles, see 3. 31, 5 ; Ter. Eun. 2. 3- ^S- 12. suspensi is 'nervous.' Cp. Virg, Aen. 2. 629 * Suspeusum et pariter comitique onerique timentem,' minime gratum spectaculum. W. suggests that there is an allusion here to the gladiatorial shows. ' A show, but not ' — like other shows — ' entertaining.' incenduntur. ' intenduntur,' Madvig and Hertz, after H i. W. says 'intendere' generally takes ' animum.' For ' animus,' used of a number, W. refers to 3. "J, 2. 14. auimos. ' Animus ' is ' the heart,' ' animi,' ' courage.' 15. publicum. For the omission of ' sed,' W. compares 17. i » 3' 7^»^- 16. fnturaque . . fortuna, for ' fu- turam esse . . fortunam.' This construction is not uncommon with participles. In later Latin it was extended further, of which one of the earliest examples is Horace's ' Sed minuit furorem Vix una sospes navis ab ignibus.' 17. arma, ' shields.' See above, 11. 9, be- low, 12, and 7. 10, 9. Cp. Virg.Aen.12. 491 ' Substitit Aeneas et se coUegit in arma.' 20. agitatioque anceps, 'movement from both sides.' So 'ancipitla tela' 37. 11,8. 140 TITI LIVI foedus ictum inter Rotnanos et Albanos est Ijis-legibus, ut, cuius -populi cives eo certamine vicissent, is alteri populo cum bona pace imperitaret. Foedera alia aliis legibus, ceterum eodem modo omnia fiunt. S turn ita factum accepimus, nee uUius vetustiot^Toederis memoria * est. fetialis regem Tullum ita rogavit : ' iubesne me, rex, cum patre patrato populi Albani foedus ferire?' iubente rege 'sag- mina' inquit 'te, rex, posco.' rex ait 'puram tollito.' fetialis 5 ex area graminis herbam puram attulit. postea regem ita 10 rogavit : ' rex, facisne me tu regium-nuntium populi Romani Quiritium, vasa comitesque meos?' rex respondit : 'quod sine fraude mea populique Romani Quiritium fiat, facio.' fetialis 6 erat M. Valerius, is patrem patratum Spurium Fusium fecit; verbena caput capillosque tangens. pater patratus ad ius 15 iurandum patrandum, id est sanciendum fit foedus, ' multisque id verbis, quae (longo effata carmine") non operae est referre, peragit. legibus deinde recitatis 'audi' inquit, ' luppiter, audi, 7 pater patrate populi Albani, audi tu, populus Albanus : ut ilia palam prima^'postrema ex illis tabulis "fcerave recitata sunt 20 sine dolo malo, utique ea hie hodie rectissime intelleeta sunt, illis legibus populus Romanus prior non deficiet. si prior defexit 8 publico conSilio , dolo malo, tum illo die, Diespiter, populum Romanum sic ferito, jit ego hunc porcum hie hodie feriam, tantoque magis ferito, quanto magis potes pollesque. ' id ubi 9 2. cuius. So Madvig for ' cuiusque,' testas' over them. See Cic.de Or. 1,40, l8l which cannot be right. * quia memoriae sic esset proditum quern 6. fetialis. Preller would connect this patec suus aut populus vendidisset aut pater word with * fides' without much probability. patratus dedidisset ei nullum esse postlimi- Mommsen says it is of doubtful origin. nium.' Cp. Cic. pro Caec. 34. 98. 7. patre patrato populi Albani. 8. puram tollito. Ussing writes The institution of Fetials is here assumed ' [puram] tollito/ considering the word to not to be peculiar to Rome. It seems, in have crept in from the next line. At least fact, to have been widely spread in Italy. we ought to have * pura.* We find it among the Samnites, 8. 39 ; 9.1. 2Z. tum illo die, etc. The MSS. have The 'pater patratus* seems not a president * tum ille dies luppiter.* But in M 'lup* of the College of Fetials, but a president of is crossed out, and there is an alteration of a particular deputation from it elected for ' ille' to ' illo.' Madvig follows the MSS. the occasion. The expression seems to making 'ille dies' the subject of 'ferito.' mean * one who is made father.' See be- But it seems plain from what foHows low, 6. Some passages suggest that the (' tanto magis ferito,* etc.) that ' ferito' is title is connected with the doctrine of the second person. He suggests 'illo die ' patria potestas.' A principal duty of the luppiter' as the alternative. But ' Diespiter' Fetials was to give up to a foreign state is a form specially belonging to these old for- citizens who had violated its rights. In mulae, and its rareness affords an explanation order to give them up it seems to have of the perplexity of the copyists. Paulus Dia- been held that they must have 'patria po- conus, p. 115, has preserved a parallel in- LIB. I. CAP. XXVI. 143 sustinenti arma,gladium superne iugulo defigit, iacentem spo- i3liat Romani ovantes ac gratulantes , Horatium accipiunt eo maiore cum gaudio, quo prope metum res fuerat. ad sepulturam inde suorum nequaquam paribus animis vertuntur, quippe 14 imperio alteri aucti, alteri dicionis alienae facti. sepulcra extant S quo quisque loco cecidit, duo Romana uno loco propius Albam, tna Albana Romam versus, sed distantia locis, ut et pugnatum 1 XXVI. Priusquam inde digrederentur, roganti Mettio ex foedere icto, quid imperare.t, imperat Tullus, uti iuventutem 10 in armis habeat, usurum se eorum opera, si bellum cum Vei- entibus foret. ita exercitus inde domos abducti. 2 Princeps Horatius ibat trigemina spolia prae se gerens. cui soror Virgo, quae desponsa uni ex Curiatiis fuerat, obvia ante portam Capenam fuit ; cognitoque super umeros fratris palu- is damento sponsi, quod ipsa confecerat, solvit crines et flebiliter 3 nomine sponsum mortuum appellat. movet feroci iuveni animum conploratio sororis in victoria sua tantoque gaudio publico, stricto itaque gladio simul verbis increpans transfigit puellam. 4'abi hinc cum immaturo amore ad sponsum' inquit, 'oblitaM fratrum mortuorum vivique, oblita patriae, sic eat quaecumque 5 Romana lugebit hostem. ' atrox visum id facinus patribus plebique, sed recens meritum facto obstabat. tamen raptus in ius ad regem. rex, ne ipse^Jam tristis ingratique ad volgus iudicii ac secundum-?iudicium supplicii auctor esset, concilio 25 populi advocate 'duumviros' inquit, 'qui Horatio perduellionem 6 iudicent secundumi,legem facio. ' lex horrendi carminis erat : 'arma' means 'shield,' which Dr. Dyer 52,31, where Cato is arguing against overlooks. mercy to the conspirators, and says, ' Vide- I. iugulo defigit. In 57. 11 we have licet cetera vita eorum huic sceleri obstat.' 'in corde' after ' defigit.' 'Meritum' is ' service' not 'merit,' which is 7. ut et pugnatum est. That is, the 'laus.' surviving Horatius had fled in the direction 24. ingratique ad volgus. So, 'ad of Rome, and so the Alban tombs were muliebre ingenium efficaces' 9, 16. nearer Rome than the Roman ones. The 25. auctor esset, 'might be responsible ' sacer- campus Horatiorum' is placed by for,' 'Ac secundum' is Rhenanus' correc- Martial (3, 47) outside the Capene gate, tion for ' ad secundum.' 15, portam Capenam. Not that the 26, perduellionem. Lit. 'being in a ' porta Capena ' existed at this time. state of war,' i. c, against the state, a public 17. feroci iuveni, 'the triumphant enemy. The regular word answering to soldier.' See above on 25, 7. and below on high treason. It is strange that Horatius 31, 2, should be charged with this and not with 23, facto obstabat, ' was a set-off murder, ' parricidium.' against the deed.' W, compares Sail. Cat, 27, carminis, ' formula,' 142 TITI LIVI anceps telorum armorumque, sed vulnera quoque et sanguis spectaculo essent, duo Romani super'^alium alius (vulneratis tribus Albanis) expirantes corruerunt. ad quorum casum cum 6 conclamasset gaudio Albanus exercitus, Romanas legiones iam 5 spes— tota, nondum tamen cura deseruerat, i'exanimes vicem) unius, quem tres Curiatii circumsteterant. forte is integer fuit, 7 ut universis solus nequaquam par, sic adversus singulos ferox. ergo ut segregaret pugnam eorum, capessit fugam, ita ratus secuturos, ut quemque vulnere adfectum corpus sineret. iam 8 10 aliquantum spatii ex eo loco, ubi pugnatum est, aufugerat, cum respiciens videt magnis intervallis sequentes, unum baud procul ab sese abesse. in eum magno impetu rediit ; et dum Albanus 9 exercitus inclamat Curiatiis, uti opem ferant fratri, iam Horatius caeso hoste victor secundam pugnam petebat tunc clamore, IS qualis ex insperato faventium solet, Romani adiuvant militem^^ suum, et ille defungi proelio festinat. prius itaque quam altef^io qui nee procul aberat, consequi posset, et alterum Curiatium conficit. iamque aequato Marte singuli supererant, sed nee u spe nee viribus pares, alterum intactum ferro corpus et gemi- ao nata victoria, ferocem in certamen tertium dabat, alter fessum vulnere, fessum cursu trahens corpus, victusque fratrum ante se strage,victori obicitur hosti. nee illud proelium fuit. Roma- 12 nus exultans 'duos' inquit 'fratrum Manibus dedi, tertium causae belli huiusce, ut Romanus Albano imperet, dabo.' male 2. alium alius for ' alterum alter/ Cp. 'fames deinde, qualis clausis solet/ But 21. 6. Madvig denies that it can be omitted here, 5. vicem unius. The MSS. have 'vice/ and reads, 'qualis esse ex/ etc. He which W, retains, translating, ' on account corrects the other passage in the same of the condition.' But, as Madvig says, way. this is not the meaning of the word ; faventium. The appropriate word for ' vicem,' • in behalf of,' is quite in place encouraging combatants with shouting. Cp. here, and the omission of * m' at the end of 12. lo, and Horace : words is common in the archetype, * Vel nos in Capitolium 7. ut universis . . sic, * though, etc.. Quo clamor vocat et turba faventium . . * yet.' 17. nee procul. *Nec' used appa- ferox. The fundamental meaning of rently for * haud,' but I can iind no parallel this word is * spirited.' Sometimes it is instance, except in archaic expressions, such used of temperament, and then it means as ' nee mancipi,' etc. * warlike,' 'chivalrous;' sometimes of mood, 20. dabat. Drakenborch has ' dabant.' ■ and then it means ' sanguine,' * triumphant.' In any case the subject is, the fact that he Translate here ' confident.' See below, was unwounded and had been twice vic- II and 26. 3. Dr. Dyer, in paraphrasing torious. 22. 2 and 23.4, speaks of ias ferocity of 22. nee illud proelium fuit. 'Illud' Tullus. here is ' what followed.' Cp. 28. 3 ' nee I.";, qualis .. solet. 'Esse' is often imperium illud meum/ omitted in such clauses. Cp. t. 34, 1, 24. male sustinenti arma. Again LIB. I. CAP. XXV/I. 145 infelici suspende, verbera vel intra pomerium. modo inter ilia pUa etspoha hostium, vel extra pomerium, modo inter sepulcra Curiatiorum. quo enim ducere hunc iuvenem potestis, ubi non 12 sua decora eum a tanta foeditate supplicii vindicent?' non tulit populus nee patris lacrimas nee ipsius parem in omni periculo s ammum; absolveruntque admiratione magis virtutis quam iure causae, itaque, ut caedes manifesta aliquo tamen piaculo luer- isetur, imperatum"patri, ut filium expiaret pecunia publica. is quibusdam piacularibus sacrificiis factis, quae deinde genti Horatiae tradita sunt, (transmisso per viam tigillojCcapite ad- 10 opertoVelut sub iugum misit iuvenem. id hodie quoque/publice 14 semper refectumj manet '; sororium tigillum vocant. Horatiae sepulcrum, quo loco corruerat icta, constructum est saxo qua- drato. t '^ 1 XXVII. Nee diu pax Albana mansit. invidia volgi, quod 15 tribus militibus fortuna publica commjssa fuerat, vanum inge- nium dictatoris corrupit, et, quoniam recta consijlia baud bene 2 evenerant, prayis recojiciliare popularium animos coepit. igitur ut prius in bello pacem, sic in pace bellum quaerens, quia suae civitati animorum plus quam virium cernebat esse, ad bellum 20 palam atque ex edicto gerundum alios concitat populos, suis c>. 3 per speciem societatis proditionem reservat. Fidenates, colonia Romana, Veientibus sociis'^consilii adsumptis,''pacto transitionis 4 Albanorum , ad bellum atque arma incitantur. cum Fidenae aperte descissent, TuUus , Mettio exercituque eius ab Alba 25 accito, contra hostes ducit. ubi Anienem transiit, ad confluentis collocat castra. inter eum loeum et Fidienas ,Veientium exer- 5 citus Tiberim transierat. hi et in acie proper flumen tenuere 1. modo . . . modo. I suppose this vanum iogenium, 'weak character.' stiange use of 'modo' is to be thus ex- 19. in bello pacem. This reminds plained : ' quod dicit vel intra vel extra one of Horace's ' pacem duello miscuit.' pomerium modo iubet lex inter spolia ho- 21. ex «dieto must mean 'with a stium modo inter sepulcra C. eum verberari.' formal declaration.' But 'edicere' is not 2. pila. On thePila Horatia, see p.43. elsewhere used in this sense, though ' indi- 7. aliquo tamen, i.e. 'si non digno cere' is. at aliquo.' 22. Fidenates, colonia Romana. 9. deinde, 'thenceforward.' Cf. 7. 2. We read of a conquest of Fidenae in c. 14. 13. quo loco, i. e. before the Capene It is here assumed that » colony had been gate. He means, I suppose, on the ' Cam- sent to it. pus Horatiorum.' See above, 25. 14. 23. transitionis, 'desertion.' Cf. 2. - 15. Nee, here='but not.' Cf. 53. i. 25,1. 16. commissa fuerat. So Madvig. 26. confluentis, i. c. 'Anienem et The MSS. have ' fiierit.' Tiberim.' 144 TITI LIVl duumviri perduellionem iudicent. si a duumviris provocarit, provocatione certato. si^vmcent, caput obnubito, infelici arbori reste suspendito, verberato vel intra pomerium vel extra pome- rium. hac lege duumviri creati, qui se ^^bsolvere non rebantur 7 5 ea lege ne innoxium quidem posse^um condemnassent, tum alter ex iis 'Publi Horati, tibi perduellionem iudico' inquit. 'lictor, conliga manus.' accesserat lictor iniciebatque laqueum. s tum Horatius auctore Tullo, clemente legis interprete, 'provoco' inquit. ita de provocatione certatum ad populum est. moti 9 10 homines sunt in eo iudicio maxime Public Horatio patre pro- clamante, se filiam iure caesam iudicare ; ni ita esset, patrio iure in filium animadversurum fuisse. orabat deinde, ne se, quem paulo ante cum egregia stirpe conspexissent, orbum liberis facerent. inter haec senex iuvenem amplexus, spolia lo IS Curiatiorum fixa eo loco, qui nunc Pila Horatia appellatur, ostentans, 'huncine' aiebat, 'quem modo(decoraturti ovantemque victoria) incedentem vidistis, Quirites, • eum sub furca vinctum. inter verbera et cruciatus videre pptestis,^quQd vix Albanorum oculi tam- deforme-spectaculum'ferre possent "i i, lictor, conliga U 2o manus, quae paulo ante < armatae imperium populo Romano pepererunt. i, caput obnube liberatoris^jorbis huius ; arbore 1. provocarit. Supply *reus.* This be an extraordinary commission, whereas omission is common in the old laws. E. g. other writers identify them with the * quae- ' Si iniuriam faxit alteri, viginti quinque stores parricidi.' In Dig. I. 13 we read, aeris paenae sunto.' (From the Twelve * sicuti dubium est an Romulo et Numa Tables.) regnantibus quaestor fuerit, ita Tullo Ho- 2. si Vincent, i.e. *duumviri,' * obnu- stilio rege quaestores fuisse certum est ;* bito,' i. e. • lictor' (see below, § 11). (4) that the king has no power of granting infelici arbori. W. regards this as a a pardon ; (5) the strange construction locative. Observe thatLivy alters it in § II, Livy puts on the words 'duumviri perduel- when he is repeating the same thought in lionem iudicent.' We should naturally take his own language. Unfruitfulness and dark- this to mean, let them pass sentence, if the ness of colour (' furvi boves') were qualities accused is guilty. But Livy thinks they of things dedicated to the infernal gods. bind the * duumviri' to condemn. And g. de provocatione. So MSS. Mad- Cicero (pro Rab. 4. 13) supports him, ' hie vig omits 'de' after Tanaquil Faber, who popularis a duumviris, iniussu vestro, non proposed ' itaque.' iudicari de cive Romano sed indicta caussa On the whole story, observe (i) that it civem Romanum capitis condemnari coegit ;' seems taken from the pontifical books, (6) that the appeal seems to depend on the for Cicero (de Rep. a. 31, 54) says, 'provo- king's permission; see 8 'auctore Tullo.' cationem etiam a regibus fuisse declarant This is, perhaps, the diiference of the ' pro- pontificii libri ;' (2) that this practice of the vocatio' of the time of the kings and the kings of choosing assessors in capital cases absolute right of ' provocatio ' which was is confirmed by the charge brought against given by the ' Lex Valeria.' Cp. Hist. Ex. Superbus (49. 4) 'cognitiones capitalium pp. go-92. rerum sine consiJiis per se solus exercebat ;' ai. arbore infelici. Not arbori. (3) that Livy imagines the ' duumviri ' to See above, 2. LIB. I. CAP. XXVIII. 147 11 arcebat. qua postquam fugaiinclinavit, alii arma foede iactantes, in aquam caeci ruebant, alii, dum cunctantur in ripis, inter fugae pugnaeque consilium, obpressi. non alia ante Romana pugna atrocior fuit. 1 XXVIII. Turn Albanus exercitus, spectator certaminis, 5 deductus in campos. Mettius Tullo devictos hostes gratula- tur, contra Tullus Mettium benigne adloquitur. "'quod bene vertat, castra Albanos Romanis castris iungere iubet ; sacri- 2 ficium lustrale in diem posterum parat. ubi inluxit, paratis omnibus, ut assolet, vocari ad contionem utrumque exercitum 10 iubet. praecones^ab extreme orsi, primos' excivere Albanos. ii novitate etiam rei moti, ut regem Romanum contionantem 3 audirent, proximi constitere. ex conposito armata circum- datur Romana legio. centurionibus datum negotium erat, ut 4(sine mora) imperia exequerentur. tum ita Tullus infit : ' Romani, 15 si umquam ante alias ullo in bello fuit, quod primum dis in- mortalibus gratias ageretis, deinde vestrae ipsorum virtuti, hesternum id proelium fuit. dimicatum est enim non magis cum hostibus quam, quae- dim icatio maior atque periculosior I 5 est, cum proditione ac perfidia sociorum. nam, ne vos falsa 20 opinio teneat, iniussu meo Albani subiere ad montes, nee imperium illud meum,sed consilium et imperii simulatio fuit, ut jiec vobis, ignorantibus deseri vos, averteretur a certamine animius, ,et hostibus (circumveniri se ab tergo ratis) terror ac e fuga iniceretur. nee ea culpa, quam arguo, omnium Albanorum 25 est : ducem secuti sunt, ut et vos, si quo ego inde agmen decli- nare voluissem, fecissetis.^ Mettius ille est ductor itineris huius, Mettius idem huius machinator belli, Mettius foederis Romani Albanique ruptor. audeat deinde talia alius, nisi in hunc insigne e Turn Albanus. Livy does not tell the camp, where the Albans were, the us what the end of the war with Fidenae Albans were summoned first. They stood and Veil was, and has forgotten it altoge- nearest both for this reason and also (etiani) ther in 30. 7. ^o™ curiosity to hear a Roman king har- 7. quod bene vertat for quod bene angue. ■ ..-. verteret I2. ii novitate, MadvJg reads ' hi. 10. ut assolet. The form 'assolet' ai. nee imperium illud meum. See occurs generally in short parenthetical 25.11. ,ir • ■, , - clauses like this, e.g. 'deinde, ut assolet, 24. ac fuga iniceretur. ''"g* « » suifragia- Cic.Phil. 2 33. ' Cum in hortos disposition to flee. W. conipares 10 14, 20 BTuti^ommentandi cauL, ut assolet, venis- ' errorque utilis Roman.s °l?btus /«g-a. for- c.,^„=' T ad 2 7 Cf 1.1 \± t, midinisque Samnites implevit. 1 error ac "71 praecone's abel^tremo orsi, etc. fuga' answer to -Pallor ac Favor' above. As the heralds began at the further part of 27, 7. L 2 146 TITI LIVI dextrum cornu, in sinistro Fidenates propius montes consis- tunt. TuUus adversus Veientem hostem derigit suos ; Alba- nos contra legionem Fidenatium collocat. Albano non plus animi erat quam fidei. nee manere ergo nee transire aperte 5 aususjsensim ad montes succedit. inde, ubi satis subisse sesee ratus est, erigit totam aciem, fluetuansque animo, ut tereret tempus, ordines explieat. consilium erat, qua fortuna rem jdaret, ea inclinare vires/ miraculo primo esse Romanis, qui 7 proximi steterant, ut nudari latera-sua sociorum digressu sen- lo serunt ; inde eques ( citato equo\ nuntiat regi, abire Albanos. Tullus in re trepida duodeeim vovit Salios, fanaque Pallori ac Pavori. equitem elara increpans voce, ut hostes exaudirent, 8 redire in proelium iubet, nihil trepidatione opus esse ; suo iussu circumduci Albanum exercitum, ut Fidenatium nuda terga 15 invadant. item imperat, ut hastas equites erigerent. id^factum 9 (magnae parti peditum Romanorum) conspectum-^abeuntis Al- bani exercitus intersaepsit ; qui viderant, id quod ab rege auditum erat rati, eo acrius pugnant. terror ad hostes transit : at audiverant clara voce dictum, et magna pars Fidenatium, 20 ut_qui coloni additi Romanis assent, Latine sciebant. itaqua, 10 na subito ex collibus decursu Albanorum intercluderantur ab oppido, terga vertunt. instat Tullus (fusaque Fidenatium cornu ) in Veientam (aliano pavore perculsum) ferocior radit. nee illi tulere impetum, sad ab affusa fuga fluman 'bbiectum ab targo] 3. legionem. See above, on 11,3. P has 'equites erigerent iubeat.' There 10. citato equo, ' galloping up.' appears a confusion between two read- 11. duodeeim vovit Salios. These ings, 'hastas equites erigere iubet,' and are the Salii of Quirinus, as distinguished ' imperat ut hastas equites erigerent.' I from those of Mars, mentioned in c. 20. have followed Madvig and W. Servius ad Aen. 8. 285, says that they were 20. additi Romanis. If the reading in honour of Pallor and Pavor, but as this is is right it must be explained as Gronovius mentioned nowhere else, we may, perhaps, suggests. He refers to 3. i, where it is said, conclude that it rests on a misconception on the sending of a colony to Antium, of this passage. It is the ' fana' only, not ' adeo pauci nomina dedere ut ad explen- the Salii, that TuUius here vows to Pavor dum numerum coloni Volsci adderentur.' and Pallor. Fidenae was a colonia, but we are to sUp- Pallori ac Pavori. Acf/tos and ^6Pos, pose that when it went to war with Rome closely connected with Mars in Horn. II. the Roman settlers were driven out. The IS- 1I9- natives would speak Etruscan; but, says 15. item imperat. The reading of Livy, there were many 'coloni additi Ro- W. (Weidm.) and Madvig. The MSS. have manis,' settlers perhaps from other towns ' idem,' for which Gronovius would read in alliance with Rome, who went with the ' eidem.' Roman colony ; and of these many under- equites erigerent. M has 'erigere stoodXatin. erigerent iubeat,' with a correction ' iubet ;' LIB. I. CAP. XXX. 149 3 flammaque miscet, sed silentium triste ac tacita maestitia ita defixit omnium animos, ut prae metu obliti, quid relinquerent, quid secum ferrent, deficiente consilio^rogitantesque alii alioS) nunc in liminibus starent, nunc errabundi domos suas liltimum- 4illud visuri pervagarentur. ut vero iam equituin- clamor exire S iubentium instabat, iam fragor tectorum quae diruebantur ultimis urbis partibus audiebatur, pulvisque ex distantibus locis ortus(velut nube inducta) omnia impleverat, raptim quibus quisque poterat elatis, cunularem ac penates tectaque, in qui- bus natus quisque educatusque esset, relinquentes exirent, iam 1° 5 continens-agmen migrantium impleverat vias. et conspectus aliorum mutua miseratione integrabat lacrimas ; vocesque etiam miserabiles exaudiebantur , muHerum praecipue, cum obsessa - ab-armatis-templa-augusta praeterirent , ac velut captos relin- e querent deos. egressis urbem Albanis,Romanus passim publica 15 privataque omnia tecta adaequat solo, unaque hora quadrin- ''^- gentorum annorum opuS) quibus Alba steterat, excidio ac minis dedit : templis tameo deum — ita enim edictum ab rege fuerat — temperatum est. 1 XXX. Roma interim crescit Albae minis : duplicatur civium 20 numerus ; Caelius additur urbi mons, et 'quo frequentius habi- taretur, eam'^sedem TuHus regiae capit, ibique deinde habitavit. 2 principes Albanorum in patres, u,t ea quoque pars rei publicae cresceret, legit : TuHios, Servilios,QuinctioSjGeganios,CuriatioS; 2. defixit, 'petrified." sage lies in the use of the imperfect tense. prae metu obliti. Madvig suspects The 'ex' in 'exaudiebantur' conveys that that 'obliti' should be omitted, and 'quid there was some difficulty in the hearing, relinquerent,' etc., made dependent on Translate, ' began to make themselves ' deficiente consilio." ' Prae' expresses a heard.' preventive cause. 15. egressis urbem. For the construc- 4. ultimum illud visuri, 'then for tion, compare 29. 6, 4. the last time.' Similar in construction to 16. quadringentorum, i. c. 300 years ' tum ipsum," ' at that very time,' Cic. Off. before the foundation of Rome and 100 2. 1 7, 60 ; or ' nunc ipsum' Cic. ad Att. since, y - 2 It -is a curions fact, mentioned by 6 iam.. instabat, 'began to press.' Preller, that the inhabitants of Bovillae 8. quibus quisque poterat. ' Qui- call themselves on inscriptions Albani Lon- bus ' is attracted into the case of the antece- gani Bovillenses. dent. Madvig remarks that this can only 23. in patres .. legit. By the word take place when the relative is dependent 'ordini' which occurs below, we see that on the same verb (understood) as the an- Livy intends senators by ' patres, but ,he tecedent, as here the regular construction no doubt implies that the number of patri- would have been 'lis elatis quae q. p. cian 'gentes' was increased ; only he holds eferre.' *at the 'gentes' became patrician through 12' integrabat ... exaudiebantur. admission into the senate. Much of the beauty of this briUiant pas- 24- TuUios, etc. It is a significant 148 TITI LtVI iam documentum mortalibus dedero.' centuriones armati Mettiuffl 1 circumsistunt. rex cetera ut orsus erat peragit : ' quod bonum faustum felixque sit populo Romano ac mihi vobisque, Albaiii, populum omnem Albanum Romam traducere in animo'^est, 5 civitatem dare plebi, primores in patres legere, unam urbem, unam rem publicam facere. ut ex uno quondani in duos populos divisa Albana res est, sic nunc in unum redeat.' ad 8 haec Albana- pubes^inermis ab armatis saepta)in va'riis volun- tatibus j^communi tamen metu cogente] silentium tenet, turn 8 10 TuUus ,' Metti Fufeti' inquit, ' si ipse discere posses fidem ac foedera servare, vivo tibi ea disciplina a me adhibita asset : nunc, quoniam tuum insanabile ingenium est, at tu tuo sup- plicio doce humanum genus ea sancta credere, quae a te violata sunt, ut igitur paulo ante animum inter Fidenatem Roman- 15 amque rem ancipitem gessisti, ita iam corpus passim distra- hendum dabis.' exindeCduabus admotis quadrigis] in currus 10 earum distentum inligat Mettium, deinde in diversum iter equi concitati, lacerum m utroque curru corpus, qua mhaeserant vinculis membra, portantes. avertere omnes ab tanta foeditate 11 120 spectaculi oculos. primum ultimumque illud supplicium apud Romanos, exempli parum memoris legum humanarum^fuit. in aliis gloriari licet, nulli gentium mitiores placuisse poenas. XXIX. Inter haec iam praemissi Albam erant equiteSj^qui 1 multitudinem traducerent Romam. legiones dfeinde ductae ad 85 diruendam urbem. quae ubi intravere portas, non quidem fuit 2 tumultus ille nee pavor, qualis captarum esse urbium solet, cumLeffractis portiSj stratisve ariete muris, aut arce vi capta^ clamor hostilis et cursus-per- urbem- armatorum omnia ferro I. documentum, ' a lesson.' 20. supplicium ... exempli. One S. paties. See on 30. 34. rather expects ' exemplum . . supplicii.' urbem .. rem publicam. [okttu .. 21. legum humanarum. Here equi- vl>\a>. valent to ' humanity.' 8. in variis voluntatibus. See 17.3. . 23. praemissi. They had been sent ' 12. quoniam tuum.. at tu. Com- beforehand in order to prevent resistance, pare 41. 3 'Si tua re subita consilia tor- 25. non quidem fuit tumultus ille pent, a/ <« mea consilia sequere.' nee payor. W. translates, 'There arose 16. duabus .. earum. This construe- not indeed tiiat tumult and panic which,' tion is less common than ' duarum admo- etc. — making ' ille ' refer to ' qualis.' I tarum quadrigarum.' It seems used for would suggest that the 'ille' is to be cfearness. taken as in 25.11 ' nee praelium illud • quadrigis .. in diversum. Virg. Aen. fuit,' and in 38.3 'nee imperium illud 8. 642 has almost the same word, 'Haud meum,' etc., so that we should render procul inde citae Mettum in diversa qua- ' What followed was not indeed tumult drigae Distulerant.' See Hist. Ex, p. 42. and panic, such as,' etc. LIB. I. CAP. XXXI. 151 Sabini, haud parum memores jt suarum virium partem Romae ab Tatio locatam et Romanam rem nuper etiam adiectione populi Albani auctam, circumspicere et ipsi externa auxilia. 7 Etruria erat vicina, proximi Etruscorum Veientes. inde, ob residuas bellorum irasjjnaxime sollicitatis ad defectionem ani- 5 misj)Voluntarios traxere, et apud vagos quosdam ex-inopi- plebe etiam merces valuit: publico auxilio nullo adiuti sunt, valuitque apud Veientes — nam de ceteris minus mirum est — 8 pacta cum Romulo indutiarum^ fides. Cum bellum utrimque summa ope pararent, vertique m eo res videretur, utn prms 10 arma inferrent, occupat Tullus in agrum Sabinum transire. pugna atrox ad silvam Malitiosam fuit, ubi,_^et peditum quidem robore, ceterum equitatu-aucto-nuper plurimum_, Romana acies 10 valuit. ab-equitibusrepente-invectis turbati ordines sunt Sabi- norum ; nee pugna deinde illis constare^nec fuga explicari sine 15 magna caede potuit. 1 XXXI. Devictis Sabinis, cum in magna gloria magnisque opibus regnum Tulli ac tota res Romana esset, nuntiatum a regi patribusque est, in monte Albano lapidibus pluvisse. quod 'cum credi vix posset, missis ad id-visendum-prodigium in con- 20 spectu haud aliter, quam cum grandinenT^enti ^lomeratam 3 in terras agunt, crebri cecidere caelo lapides. visi'etiam audire vocem ingentem ex summi-cacuminis luco, ut patrio ritu sacra Albani facerent, quae ivelut diis quoque simul cum patria re- lictis J oblivioni dederant, et aut Romana sacra susceperant 25 4 aut fortunaelTutlTtrobiratijCultum reliquerant deum. Romania quoque ab eodem prodigio, novendiale- sacrum - publice sus- ceptum est, seu voce caelesti ex Albano monte missa — nam id quoque traditur — seu aruspicum monitu : mansit certe sol- 'lemne, ut, quandoque idem prodigium nuntiaretur, feriae per 30 novem dies agerentur. 5 Haud ita multo post, pestilentia laboratum est. unde cum 9. pacta cum Romulo indutiarum Supply ' monentem,' and see note on fides. Yet Livy has introduced the Vei- 23. 28. Ues at war Jth Rome in 27. , . ^7- ■'b ^''^^^.^'^^ll^^^.^fl^ ^ 22. cecidere caelo lapides. 'Caelo' consequence of. So I. 4 f ='™'\ f pr for 'de caelo' is reckoned by Madvig (Lat. 28. ex Albano monte missa. Ct. Gr §'75 Obs.4.)as apoe'^ical usa|e. It 3- 56. 6 "Audita vox una vmdex hber- occurs however in a similar passage in '»'''«" ^'""'.'" "^- N„, ,u»urs but Etrus- ag. aruspicum. filot augurs, dui r,irus- *%udire vocem. .ut patrio ritu, etc. can spothsayers. ISO TITI LIVI Cloelios ; '*t*emplunique ordini , ab se aucto curiam fecit, quae Hostilia usque ad patrum nostrorum aetatem appellata est. et 3 ut omnium-ordinum viribus aliquid ex novo populo adiceretur, equitum decern turmas ex Albanis legit, legiones'^r veteres 5 eodem supplemento explevit et novas scripsit. Hac fiducia virium Tullus Sabinis bellum indicit, gent! ea 4 tempestate secundum Etruscos opulentissimae viris armisque. utrimque iniuriae factae ac res nequiquam erant repetitae : Tullus ad Feroniae fanum 'mercatu frequenti negotiatores Ro- 5 10 manos comprehensos' "querebatur ; Sabini suos prius in lucum confugisse ac Romae retentos. hae causae belli ferebantur. 6 fact, as showing how obscure and waver- ing, even in the principal points, were the family traditions- of the Romans, that there are two quite distinct accounts of the origin of the most famous of Roman * gentes,* the lulii. Dionysius, 3. 29, putS' the lulii for the TuUii in this list, and Tacitus, Ann. II. 24, makes the emperor Claudius say that the lulii came from Alba. On the other hand, Livy introduces a lulius in the reign of Romulus. It was-, perhaps, the existence of the myth about Proculus lulius that made Livy, or some writer whom he follows, write Tullii for lulii in this list. That there were patrician Tullii is men- tioned by Cicero, Brut. 16. 2. us(^ue ad patrum n . 6. ictum foedus erat. This has not 12,45. 152 TITI LIVI pigritia militandi oreretur, nulla tamen ab armis quies dabatur a bellicoso rege, salubriora etiam credente militiae quam domi iuvenum corpora esse, donee ipse quoque longinquo morbo est implicitus. tunc adeo fracti simul cum corpore sunt spi- 6 5 ritus-illi-feroces, ut, qui nihil ante ratus esset minus regium quam sacris dedere animum, repente omnibus magnis parvis- que superstitionibus obnoxius degeret, religionibusque etiam populum impleret. vulgo iam homines, eum statum rerum, qui 7 sub Numa-rege fuerat, requirentes, unam opem aegris corpori- 10 bus relictam, si pax veniaque ab diis impetrata esset, crede- bant. ipsum regem tradunt; volventem commentarios Numae, 8 cum ibi quaedam occulta- sollemnia-sacrificia lovi Elicio facta invenisset, operatum us sacris se abdidisse ; sed non rite initum aut curatum id sacrum esse, nee solum nuUam ei oblatam IS caelestium speciem, sed ira lovis ~ sollicitati prava religionC; fulmine ictumj cum domo conflagrasse. TuUus magna gloria ■belli regnavit annos duos et triginta. XXXII. Mortuo Tullo res, ut institutum iam inde ab initio i erat, ad patres redierat, hique interregem nominaverant. quo 20 comitia habente Ancum Marcium regem populus creavit ; patres fuere auctores. Numae Pompili regis nepos filia ortus Ancus Marcius erat. qui ut regnare coepit, et avitae gloriae a memor, et quia proximum regnum, cetera egregium, ab una parte haud satis prosperum fuerat aut neglectis religionibus 3. iuvenum corpora, in this and morbo est implicitus. Madvig's many other passages the notioii of youth correction for ' iiMpUcatus.' seems to have disappeared from the word 7. superstitionibus . . . religioni- ' iuvenis.' It means simply a soldier. busqiie, ' religious terrors . . . religious Those within the military age were * iuve- ceremonies.* nes,' in contrast with the ' senes,' who were 8. impleret. See note on 46. 10. excused from service. Cp. 52. 5. Hence 14. operatum iis sacris, 'busied with the military force of a state is its ' iuventus ' these observances.' Cp. 4. 60, 2. / and the individual members of it ' juvenes.' 16. conflagrasse. SJiiipIy' eum' from /**» So Virg. Aen. I. 497 'magna iuvenum the preceding ' ei.' ^ . " stipante caterva,' 'attended by » body of With chaps, xxxii-xxxiv. cp. Hist. Ex. guards;' and in Hor., ' fidens iuventus pp. 44, 45. horrida brachiis,' ' a threatening host trust- 19. interregem nominaverant. ing in their muscles ;' and Tac. Hist. I. 68 ' Prodere' is the more usual expression. On ' Raeticae alae cohortesque et ipsorum the whole passage, see 17. and 22. On the Raetorum inventus' i. e. 'the native use of the pluperfect, see 7. I. . militia of the Raeti as distinguished from 21. fuere auctores. ' Fuere' for ' facti the troops quartered among them ;' and sunt." Livy 3. 18, 4 'Placet ferri auxilium, in- 23. cetera egregium. This phrase ventus conscribitur,' i. e. ' the troops are occurs again in 35. 6. See Madvig, Lat. called out.' Gr. 237 c, Obs. 3; LIB. I. CAP. XXXIII. 155 eorum ferret, et non minus tribus puberibus praesentibus di- 13 ceret : ' quod populi Priscorum Latinorum hominesque Prisci Latirti adversus populum Romanum Quiritium fecerunt deli- querunt, quod populus Romanus Quiritium bellum cum Priscis Latinis iussit esse, senatusque populi Romani Quiritium cen- 5 suit consensit conscivit, ut bellum cum Priscis Latinis fieret, ob cam rem ego populusque Romanus populis Priscorum Latinorum hominibusque Priscis Latinis bellum indico facio- que.' id ubi dixisset, hastam in fines eorum emittebat. hoc 14 turn modo ab Latinis repetitae res ac bellum indictum ; mo- 10 remque eum posteri acceperunt. 1 XXXIIL Ancus demandata cura sacrorum flaminibus sacer- dotibusque aliis exercitu novo conscripto profectus Politorium urbem Latinorum vi cepit, secutusque morem regum priorum, qui rem Romanam auxerant hostibus in civitatem accipiendis, 15 2 multitudinem omnem Romam traduxit. et cum circa Pala- tium, sedem veterum Romanorum, Sabini Capitolium atque arcem, Caelium montem Albani inplessent, Aventinum novae should be either one or the other ; ^gain, if ' sanguineam' and ' praeustam' are to be taken together, what connection there is between the two notions ; or if, which is more natural, ' praeustam' belongs both to ' ferratam' and ' sanguineam,' how a spear which is ' ferrata' can be ' praeusta.' That there is some foundation for ' sanguineam' appears from the description of the same ceremony in Amm. Marc. 19. 2, 6, where he mentions ' hastam jufectam sanguine ritu patrio,' as well as from Dio Cassius, 7'- 33- , , . I. non minus tribus. In later times the question rose more than once whether the declaration of war must be made to the opposite king in person or not. Cp. 31- 8 ; 36 3- diceret. This, according to Servius (ad Aen. 9. 53), is the ' clarigatio.' He tells us that when war was declared agamst Pyrrhus; who was ' transmarjnus hostis,' the Romans were driven to the contrivance of forcing a prisoner taken from Pyrrhus to buy ground in the circus into which the spear might be thrown. It is generally thought, however, that ' clarigatio' is rather the previous ceremony of reclaiming pro- perty, which suits better Livy's use of the word in 8, 14 ' usque ad mille pondo clari- gatio esset.' 9. id ubi dixisset. The subj. is used here because ' ubi ' means ' as often as.' Compare 2. 27, 8. Cicero, Caesar, and Sallust prefer the indicative in these cases. See Madvig. Lat Gr. § 359. 17. Capitolium atque arcem. Both words signify ' citadel,' but one was applied to the north-eastern, the other to the south- western summit of the hill. The German topographers, whom Mr. Bum follows, make the south-western summit the Capi- tolium, the Italian school, to which Dr. Dyer belongs, the north-eastern. Perhaps Virgil includes both when he says, ' Hinc »d Tarpeiam sedem et Capilolia dupit.' Compare Cip. Cat. 4. 9 ; Verr. 5. 72 ; Livy 2. 7, 10; 49,7; 3.18,1; 4.45,1; 5.39, 12; 40,1; 41,5; 47,1; 51,3. etc- 18. Aventinum. Correspondmg to the two forms Palatiura and Mons Palatinus, Capitolium and Mons Capitolinus, Janicu- lum and Mons Janiculps, we have Aventi- num and Mons Aventinus. Aventinum is rare, but occurs below, § 5 "nd 3.67,11, perhaps also above, 6. 4. We say the Righi more frequently than Mount Righi, 154 TITI LIVI velato filo — lanae velamen est — 'audi, luppiter' inquit, 'audita fines' — cuiuscumque gentis sunt nominat, — ' audiat fas! ego sum publicus nuntius populi Romani ; iuste pieque legatus venio verbisque meis fides sit.' peragit deinde postulata. inde 7 5 lovem testem facit : ' si ego iniuste inpieque illos homines il- lasque res dedier mihi exposco, tum patriae compotem me numquam siris esse.' haec, cum fines suprascandit, haec, qui- 8 cumque ei primus vir obvius fuerit, haec portam ingrediens, haec forum ingressus paucis verbis carminis concipiendique lo iuris iurandi mutatis peragit. si non deduntur quos exposcit, 9 diebus tribus et triginta — tot enim sollemnes sunt — peractis bellum ita indicit : ' audi luppiter et tu lane Quirine diique lo omnes caelestes vosque terrestres vosque inferni audite ! ego vos tester, populum ilium' — quicumque est, nominat — ' iniustum 15 esse, neque ius persolvere. sed de istis rebus in patria maiores natu consulemus, quo pacto ius nostrum adipiscamur.' cum iis nuntius Romam ad consulendum redit. confestim rex his u ferme verbis patres consulebat : ' quarum rerum litium caussa- rum condixit pater patratus populi Romani Quiritium patri 20 patrato Priscorum Latinorum hominibusque Priscis Latinis, quas res nee dederunt nee solverunt nee fecerunt, quas res dari fieri solvi oportuit, die,' inquit ei, quem primum sententiam rogabat, 'quid censes.'' tum ille : 'puro pioque duello quae- 12 rendas censeo, itaque consentio consciscoque.' inde ordine alii 25 rogabantur, quandoque pars maior eorum qui aderant in ean- dem sententiam ibat, bellum erat consensum. fieri solitum, ut fetialis hastam ferratam aut [sanguineam] praeustam ad fines 16. cum iis. Madvig reads ' cnm his.' 19. pater patratus. See above on 18. patres consulebat. Here we have 24. 7. a picture of the monarchical senate, con- 22. dari fieri solvi. Madvig writes sisting of the majores natn, thence called ' dari solvi fieri,' to suit the previous clause, patres, and consulted, man by man, in a iixed 23. puro pioque duello. According order by the king, as under the republic by to Cicero's maxim (de Oif. I. 11), ' nullum the consul. bellum esse iustum nisi quod aut rebus repe- litium caussarum. This genitive is titis geratur aut denuntiatum ante sit et said to occur in legal formulae, and ' damni indictum.' infecti promiserit'(Cic.Top.4. 22) is quoted. 27. [sanguineam]. I have followed Madvig thinks this not satisfactory, and Madvig in bracketing this word. He asks conjectures ' caussa," adding, however, ' etsi how, whether 'sanguineam' be taken to difficile est de huiusmodi veteribus verbo- mean ' cruentam ' (which is a poetical use rum formulis indicium.' ' Caussam' has of the word) or blood-coloured, it can be also been conjectured. opposed to 'ferratam,' why the spear LIB. I. CAP. XXXIV. 157 quoque fossa, haud parvum munimentum a planioribus aditu slocis, Anci regis opus est. ingenti incremento rebus auctis cum in tanta multitudine hominum discrimine recte an per- peram facti confuso facinora clandestina fierent, career ad terrorem increscentis audaciae media urbe inminens foro aedi- 5 ficatur. nee urbs tantum hoc rege crevit sed etiam ager fines- que : silva Mesia Vdentibus adempta usque ad mare imperium prolatum, «t in ore Tiberis Ostia urbs condita, salinae circa . factae ; egregieque rebus beilo gestis aedis lovis Feretrii amplificata. 10 1 XXXIV. Anco regnante Lucumo, vir inpiger ac divitiis potens, Romam commigravit cupidine maxime ac spe magni honoris, cuius adipiscendi Tarquiniis — nam ibi quoque pere- 2 grina stirpe oriundus erat — facultas non fuerat. Demarati Corinthii filius erat, qui ob seditiones domo profugus cum 15 Tarquiniis forte consedisset, uxore ibi ducta duos filios genuit. nomina his Lucumo atque Arruns fuerunt. Lucumo super- fuit patri bonorum omnium heres, Arruns prior quam pater 3 moritur uxore gravida relicta. nee diu manet superstes filio pater ; qui cum ignorans nurum ventrem ferre immemor in 20 testando nepotis deeessisset, puero post avi mortem in nul- 4, lam sortem bonorum nato ab inopia Egerio inditum nomen. tes as well as of some other people,' but the generally sent to cities already existing, ditch of the Quirites, as well as other works, In this case Ancus founds the city, and was Ancus' work. Compare 36. i. This sends colonists to it; but Festus, s. v. lax usage begins to be common in Ovid, as, ' Ostia,' represents the founding of the ' Omnia pontus erat ; deerant quoque colony as quite distinct from the build- litora ponto. ing of the town (he notices at the same 3. discrimine recte an perperam time that the word is fem. sing., though facti. For the expression, compare 6. originally neut. plur. from 'ostium'). 14, 1 1 ' omisso discrimine vera an vana ' Ostiam urbem ad exitum Tiberis in mare iaceret.' fluentis Ancus Martius rex condidisse et 4. career. See Hist. Ex. p. 45. feminino appellasse vocabulo fertur. Quod 7! silva Mesia Veientibus adem- sive ad urbem, sive ad coloniam quae pta. Ablative. Livy spares us the details postea condita est refertur'... The pas- of these wars. Dionysius (3. 41) is more sage is imperfect. copious It is perhaps to the 'silva Mesia' 9. aedis lovis Feretrii. See c. 10. that Cicero (de Rep. 2. 18) refers when he 19. uxore gravida relicta. 'Re- says 'silvas maritimas omnes publicavit, licta' is here a pesent participle. See ouas' ceperat.' Silva Mesia is mentioned in above on 12. 16. Nagelsbach, Stilistik 260, Sj;n„ collects examples of this, of which the 8 Ostia urbs condita. See above most striking is Livy 2. 36, 1 'servum qui- onis 10 Festus, ». V. ' Quaeso,' has pre- dam paterfamilias ... sub furca caesum served the lines in which Ennius related medio egerat circo,' where ' caesum means this ' Ostia munita est : idem loca navibu' ' in the act of being beaten.' Comp. Cic. pulc'ris Munda facit, nautisque mari quae- Div. I. 26, 55. On Demaratus, see Hist, sentibu' vitam.' Roman ' coloniae' were Ex. p. 46. 156 TITI LIVI multitudini datum, additi eodem haud ita multo post TeUenis Ficanaque captis novi cives. Politorium inde rursus bello re- 3 petitum, quod vacuum occupaverant Prisci Latini. eaque causa diruendae urbis eius fuit Romanis, ne hostium semper recepta- 5 culum esset. postremo omni bello Latino MeduUiam compulse 4 aliquamdiu ibi Marte incerto varia victoria pugnatum est : nam et urbs tuta munitionibus praesidioque firmata valido erat, et castris in aperto positis aliquotiens exercitus Latinus com- minus cum Romanis signa contulerat. ad ultimum omnibus 5 lo copiis conisus Ancus acie primum vincit, inde ingenti pra,eda potens Romam redit, turn quoque multis milibus Latinorum in civitatem acceptis, quibus, ut iungeretur Palatio Aventinum, ad Murciae datae sedes. laniculum quoque adiectum, non 6 inopia loci, sed ne quando ea arx hostium esset. id non muro IS solum, sed etiam ob commoditatem itineris ponte Sublicio, tum primum in Tiberi facto, coniungi urbi placuit. Quiritium 7 4. leceptaculum, 'refuge.' Compare Tac. Germ. 46 * Hue redeunt iuvenes ; hoc certum receptaculum.' 5. omni bello .. compulso. This expression occurs again, 2. 16, 8 ' omne Auruncum bellum Pometiam compulsum est.' 9. ad ultimum. Compare I. 53, 10 ; 5.10,9. 10. primum .. inde ingenti, etc. That is, first wins a battle, then takes the towns, then does as before, and transfers the population to Rome. Madvig thinks that * deinde urbem vi capit,* or something equi- valent has fallen out after ' vincit.* Livy seems to have found in his autho- rities an account of the destruction of MeduUia by Ancus, then further on an ac- count of its destruction by Tarquinius Pri- scus (38. 4). He has tried two ways of explaining or slurring over the discrepancy. In 38. 4 he hints that towns which had been conquered by earlier kings had re- volted again from Rome. ' Haec de Pri- scis Latinis aut qui ad Latinos defecerant capta oppida.' But this seems to have been unsatisfactory, because he found it recorded that Medullia had been not merely con- quered by Ancus, but destroyed, and its population removed to Rome. He there- fore simply omits to state what happened to Medullia when Ancus appeared as a victor before its walls, and thus saves his verbal consistency, though he implies what he omits when he says that Ancus returned with immense plunder and thousands of Latin captives. ^ 13. ad Murx:iae datae sedes. Be- tween the Aventine and Palatine was the altar of Venus Murcia, which, with those of Venus Cloacina and Venus Libitina, was the oldest altar of Venus in Rome. Preller connects the word with ' mulceo,* and com- pares it with the epithet * Mulciber,' given to her husband Vulcanus. He thinks that the word was later corrupted to ' Myrtea,' and that in this way the myrtle became sacred to Venus. 14. ea arx. That is, ' such a strong position.' 15. ponte Sublicio, i.e. 'made with wooden piles.* In Livy's own time it con- tinued to be of wood, though often re- built. ' Tum quoque priscorum virgo simulacra virorum Mittere roboreo scitpea ponte solet' Ov. Fast. 5. 622. 16. in Tiberi. So P. and Madvig. The other reading is ' Tiberim.' Quiritium quoque fossa. This use of 'quoque' seems rather licentious. About this particle the general rule is that it ' always stands after the word to which it belongs, and which contains the new idea that is added, as, ' me quoque haec ars de- cepit' (Madvig), i. e. ' me as well as some one else.' Sut here it is not, ' of the Quiri- LIB. I. CAP XXXV. 159 virum iubet : earn alitem, ea regione caeli et eius dei nuntiam venisse, circa summum culmen hominis auspicium fecisse, le- vasse humano superpositum capiti decus, ut divinitus eidem loredderet. has spes cogitationesque secum portantes urbem ingressi sunt, domicilioque ibi comparato L. Tarquinium Pri- 5 11 scum edidere nomen. Romanis conspicuum eum novitas divi- tiaeque faciebant, et ipse fortunam benigno adloquio, comitate invitandi beneficiisque quos poterat sibi conciliando adiuvabat, 12 donee in regiam quoque de eo fama perlata est. notitiamque earn brevi apud regem liberaliter dextreque obeundo officia 10 in familiaris amicitiae adduxerat iura, ut publicis pariter ac privatis consiliis bello domique interesset, et per omnia ex- pertus postremo tutor etiam liberis regis testamento insti- tueretur. 1 XXXV. Regnavit Ancus annos quattuor et viginti, cuilibet 15 superiorum regum belli pacisque et artibus et gloria par. iam filii prope puberem aetatem erant. eo magis Tarquinius in- a stare, ut quam primum coraitia regi creando fierent ; quibus I. earn alitem, ea regione caeli, et eius dei nuatiam veuisse. Three points are mentioned upon which the au- gury depended : (i) the bird itself might be lucky or unlucky, e. g. the bubo, spinturnix, subis, were unlucky birds ; (2) the quarter in which it appeared might be favourable or unfavourable. This was different with different birds (CSc. de Div. i. 39, 85 ' quid (habet) augur cur a dextra corvus, a sinistra cornix faciat ratum ? ') ; (3) each bird was messenger of some particular god (Serv. ad. Aen. 5.517 ' Nulla enim avis caret conse- cratione, quia singulae aves numinibus sunt consecratae '), c. g. the picus was sacred to Mars, and the eagle, as here, to luppiter. Note further, that the word ' alitem ' is used. Birds were ' alites ' or ' oscines,' according as they gave augury by their flight or voice. This was an augury by flight. On the whole subject, see Becker and Marquardt, Alt. 4. 359. 3. humano. This does not answer very well to divinitus. Wex proposes 'humana manu.' If we are to alter anything it would be better to read ' humane.' 10. dextreque. Madvig and W. (Weidm.) * dextereque.* This uncommon adverb is used in Horace — ' Nemo dexterius fortuna est usus.' Translate, ' adroitly." 12. bello domique. With *domi' usually stands either 'belli' or 'in bello.* Cic. Brut. 73. 256. ' Domi belloque' occurs in 9. 26, 21, and Madvig does not alter it, though here he reads ' belli.' expertus. Used passively, though the verb is deponent. See Madvig, Lat. Gr. 13. testamento. According to the principle afterwards laid down in the Twelve Tables, ' Pater-familias uti de pecunia tute- lave rei suae legassit jus esto.' But though the power of willing existed very early at Rome, it seems surprising — but this is a question for jurists — that it should have been used to put the ' tutela ' into the hands of a stranger, unconnected with the gens Marcia. With chaps, xxxv-xxxix. cp. Hist. Ex. pp. 45-47. 16. iam filii, that is, at the time of his death, which is not distinctly men- tioned. Dionysius also has nothing to tell about the manner of the death of Ancus (3- 46)- . M.V 18. comitia regi creando. Nothing is here said of the ' interrex,' as in 32. i ; 22. 1 ; and 17. 7. Observe also that here, as everywhere, Livy supposes the plebs to have a share in the election, though the ' comitia' must have been ' curiata.' 158 TITI LIVI Lucumoni contra omnium heredi bonorum cum divitiae iam ani- mos facerent, auxit ducta in matrimonium Tanaquil summo loco nata, et quae baud facile iis, in quibus nata erat, humiliora sineret ea, quo innupsisset. spernentibus Etruscis Lucumonem 5 6 exule advena ortum, ferre indignitatem non potuit, oblitaque ingenitae erga patriam caritatis, dummodo virum honoratum videret, consilium migrandi ab Tarquiniis cepit. Roma est 6 ad id potissimum visa: in novo populo, ubi omnis repentina atque ex virtute nobilitas sit, futurum locum forti ac strenuo lo viro ; regnasse Tatium Sabinum, arcessitum in regnum Nu- mam a Curibus, et Ancum Sabina matre ortum nobilemque una imagine Numae esse, facile persuadet ut cupido honorum, 7 et cui Tarquinii materna tantum patria esset! Sublatis itaque rebus amigrant Romam. ad laniculum forte s IS ventum erat. ibi ei carpento sedenti cum uxore aquila sus- pensis demissa leniter alis pilleum aufert, superque carpentum cum magno clangore volitans rursus, velut ministerio divinitus missa, capiti apte reponit, inde sublimis abit. accepisse id au- 9 gurium laeta dicitur Tanaquil, perita, ut vulgo Etrusci, caele- ao stium prodigiorum mulier. excelsa et alta sperare conplexa a. auxit ducta .. Tanaquil. Not, of the existence of the usage of 'imagines' T., whom he married, increased; but, his in the time of the kings. Observe that marriage with T. increased. Ancus is regarded as having his mother's 4. quo innupsisset. W.'s emehda- 'imagines' as well as his father's. Becker tion for ' cum," ' quum ;' he compares 2. 12, asserts that this was so, and refers to Tac. 7 ' quo temere traxit fortuna facinus, scri- Ann. 3. 5, and Cic. in Vat. 11. But in the bam pro rege obtruncat.' first passage he depends on Lipsius' cor- 6. ingenitae erga patriam cari- rection of ' Liviorum' for ' luliorum,' which tatis. The Romans have no single word is rejected by Ritter and not adopted by for patriotism. Nipperdey. The second passage is rather 8. potissimum visa. It seems im- obscure, and, as Mr. Long says, hardly sufB- possible to give 'visa est' the sense of cient to support the conclusion. Livy's ' placuit.' Perhaps we ought to read with words somewhat confirm Becker's view. Madvig, 'potissima.' The adjective occurs 14. amigrant. atmi Kp^&ji&av : omit- in 5. 12, 12. ted in Forcellini. repentina .. nobilitas. So the vtfs- 15. carpento sedenti. The simple ■B\ovros is called by Cic. Phil. 2. 27, quoting ablative with • sedeo' occurs again in 41.6, a poet, 'modo egens repente dives.' and 5. 41, 2. 'Carpentum' is a covered 11. et Ancum not 'and Ancus;' it is cart. "The word is used here because the contrary to Latin usage to put the conjunc- travellers have all their property with tion only with the last term of an enume- them. ration. Translate, ' even Ancus ' or ' Ancus 16. demissa. Middle, not passive. ' De- himself,' i. c. the reigning king. scending.' 12. imagine Numae. In speaking of 17. clangore, 'cry,' not 'rustling of ' imagines,' Livy writes in the language of a wings." Cp. 5. 47, 4, and Cicero's trans- later time, perhaps consciously. It is surely lation of Horn. II. 2. 316 in De Div, a. absurd to cite this passage, as Lange does, 30, 63. (Rom. Alt. 2. §91), as historical evidence 20. excelsa, 'majestic things.' LIB. I. CAP XXXVI. i6i spriores reges fecit, tunc primum circo, qui nunc maximus dicitur, designatus locus est. loca divisa patribus equitibusque, ubi spectacula sibi quisque faceret, fori appellati. spectavere furcis duodenos ab terra spectacula alta sustinentibus pedes. 10 ludicrum fuit equi pugilesque ex Etruria maxime acciti. sol- 5 lemnes, deinde annui mansere ludi, Romani magnique varie appellati. ab eodem rege et circa forum privatis aedificanda divisa sunt loca, porticos tabernaeque factae. 1 XXXVI. Muro quoque lapideo circumdare urbem parabat, cum Sabinum bellum coeptis intervenit. adeoque ea subita lo res fuit, ut prius Anienem transirent hostes, quam obviam ire ac prohibere exercitus Romanus posset, itaque trepidatum 2 Romae est. et primo dubia victoria magna utrimque caede pugnatum est. reductis deinde in castra hostium copiis dato- que spatio Romanis ad conparandum de integro bellum, is The plunder being that of a town consisted of furniture, statues, etc. Compare 3. 70, 6 ' conficerent equos virosque, ne quis reve- beretur inde ad praelium,' i. e. ride back. ludos. The ' Consualia' have been men- tioned above ; according to Tert. de Spect. 5, the Equina on Feb. 27 and March 14 were instituted by Romulus. W. says that Livy does not here attribute the introduction of the ' ludi Romani' to Tarquin, but assumes them to have been celebrated before, only with less splendour. It seems to me more natural to understand that the games cele- brated by the earlier kings were different from the ' ludi Romani," particularly as Cicero says expressly that Tarquin was said to have introduced these — ' eundem primum ludos maximos, qui Romani dicti sunt, fecisse accepimus.' De Rep. I. 20, 36. 1. circo. Between the Palatine and Aventine. 2. loca divisa, etc. That is, spots were assigned to the senators and knights where they might build 'stands' for them- selves : ' fori,' ' benches.' On ' spectacula,' compare Cic. pro Mur. 34 ' At spectacula sunt tributim data.' 4. furcis, wooden props branching out at the top. Dionysius (3. 68) says that Tarquin was the first to give the spectators roofed seats, and that before they had stood on wooden benches raised on wooden platforms. It would seem that he and Livy are drawing from the same source, but understand their authority differently. 5. ex Etruria. Tacitus, Ann. 14. 21, says that horse-racing came from Thurii. sollemnes, deinde annui. Madvig omits comma, saying that ' sollemnes ' and ' annui ' are not opposed to each other. If so, ' annui ' seems superfluous. Mommsen (Rom. Gesch. I. 222) represents the games as frequently repeated, but still extraor- dinary festivals of thanksgiving. Thus we might suppose ' ludi sollemnes ' to stand between ' ludi votivi ' (performed only once) and ' ludi annui.' But I find no parallel instance. Cp. 25. 12; 26.23. 6. Romani magnique varie appel- lati. And yet we find that Livy by ' ludi magni ' invariably means not the ' ludi Romani,' but special ' ludi votivi.' See Ritschl's Parerga, p. 290. He refers to the following passages : 4. 27, I ;. 5. 19, 6 ; 31, 2; 7. 11,4; 30. 27; 31.9; 3S; 49; 34.44; 35. i; 36. 2; 36; 39. s; 22; 40. 44. For the ' ludi Romani,' also called ' ludi maximi,' see 6. 42, 12 ; 8. 40, 2 ; 10. ■^7. 3- , , . , .,j 7. aedificanda ..loca. Mots for build- ing on.' I do not find a parallel to this construction in any better writer than Sue- tonius. He writes (Vesp. 8), ' vacuas areas occupare et aedificare, sipossessores cessa- rent, cuicunque permisit.' 9. Muro quoque. See on 33, 16. II. transirent, 'were crossing,' I sup- pose s ' crossed' would be ' transierint.' But cp. 51- 9- M i6o TITI LIVI indictis sub tempus pueros venatum ablegavit. isque primus et petisse ambitiose regnum et orationem dicitur habuisse ad 3 concilia-ndos plebis animos conpositam. cum se non rem no- vam petere, quippe qui non primus, quod quispiam indignari ' mirarive posset, sed tertius Romae peregrinus regnum adfectet ; 5 et Tatium non ex peregrino solum sed etiam ex hoste regem ' factum, et Numam ignarum urbis non petentem in regnum 4 ultro accitum : se, ex quo sui potens fuerit, Romam cum con- iuge ac fortunis omnibus commigrasse ; maiorem partem ' aetatis eius, qua civilibus officiis fungantur homines, Romae lo 5 se quam in vetere patria vixisse ; domi militiaeque sub baud paenitendo magistro, ipso Anco rege, Romana se iura, Ro- manos ritus didicisse ; obsequio et observantia in regem cum omnibus, benignitate erga alios cum rege ipso certasse: — haec eum baud falsa memorantem ingenti consensu populus Roma- ij nus regnare iussit. Ergo virum cetera egregium secuta, quam e in petendo habuerat, etiam regnantem ambitio est ; nee minus regni sui firmandi quam augendae rei publicae memor cen- tum in patres legit, qui deinde minorum gentium sunt appel- lati, factio baud dubia regis, cuius beneficio in curiam vene- 20 rant, bellum primum cum Latinis gessit, et oppidum ibi Apiolas vi cepit, praedaque inde maiore, quam quanta belli fama fuerat, revecta ludos opulentius instructiusque quam I. ablegavit. This word is used of be a single person who,' etc. Madvig is clearing out of the way a hindrance or an- evidently right in reading ' quispiam/ i, e. noyance. So ' a man.' He also corrects ' posset ' to • Aliquo mihi est * possit.* Hinc ablegandus' 11. haud paenitendo magistro. A Ter. Hec. 3. 3, 54 ; very sufficient teacher. See above on 8. 1 2. ' Mercis ablegandae Tiberim ultra' The gerundive seems to imply a personal Juv. 14. 201. 'paenltere.' W. compares 40. 56, 3. 2. petisse ambitiose. He was the 12. iura .. ritus. Institutions civil and first who • canvassed ' for royalty. * Petiisse,* religious. according to Madvig (Lat. Gr. 113. b) is 14. haec •■ memorantem. Notmerely the right form, and 'petisse' is poetical. 'saying these things,' but 'stating these 3. cum se non. Cp. 48, 2. facts.* 4. quod quispiam indignari. * Quis- 16. cetera egregium. See 32, 2. quam' MSS. ' Quisquam' is 'any single 18. centum in patres legit. This person.' It is evidently out of place here. passage is consistent with 8, 7. Livy does The passages by which W. defends it are not say that Tarquin created new patrician not parallel. 25. 6, 17 'commisimus ut gentes, which were then represented in the quisquam ex Cannensi acie miles Romanus senate, but that he created new senators, superesset,' means, ' It is due to us that a whose families in consequence became pa- single Roman soldier survived.' Cic. de Nat. trician. D. 2. 37, 93 'ego non rairer esse quern- 20. factio hand dubia regis, ' uncom- quam qui sibi persuadeat?' etc. means, promising supporters of the king.' 'Am I not to wonder that there should 23. revecta, 'brought back in vehicles.' LIB. I. CAP- XXXVII. I6J quam mutavit, numero alterum tantum adiecit, ut milk et octingenti equites in tribus centuriis essent. posteriores modo sub isdem nominibus qui additi erant appellati sunt, quas nunc, quia geminatae sunt, sex vocant centurias. 1 XXXVII. Hac parte copiarum aucta iterum cum Sabinis 5' confligitur. sed praeterquam quod viribus creverat Romanus exercitus, ex occulto etiam additur dolus, missis qui magnam vim lignorum in Anienis ripa iacentem ardentem in flumen conicerent ; ventoque iuvante accensa ligna, et pleraque in 2 ratibus inpacta sublicis cum haeferent pontem incendunt. ea lo quoque res in pugna terrorem attulit Sabinis, et fusis eadem fugam impediit, multique mortales, cum hostem effugissent, in flumine ipso periere ; quorum fluitantia arma ad urbem cognita in Tiberi prius paene, quam nuntiari posset, insignem 3 victoriam fecere. eo proelio praecipua equitum gloria fuit : 15 utrimque ab cornibus positos, cum iam pelleretur media pedi- tum suorum acies, ita incurrisse ab lateribus ferunt, ut non sisterent modo Sabinas legiones ferociter instantes cedentibus, 4 sed subito in fugani averterent. montes efifuso cursu Sabini 5. iterum .. confligitur. In trans- lating the implersonal passive of neuter verbs it is well to avoid using a personal subject. Translate, ' there was a second collision with.' 7. ex occulto additur dolus. This is the imKpoKoyia which was remarked as characteristic of Livy. The words ' ex occulto' are purely superfluous. Compare Quintilian's example (Inst. Or. 8. 3, 63), ' legati non impetrata pace retro domum, unde venerant, redierunt,' where ' retro' and ' unde venerant' are superfluous. 9. pleraque in ratibus inpacta. It seems impossible that the text here can be sound, though none of the recent edi- tors attempt to mend it. Livy has abridged the story so much that if we could not compare it with Dionysius (3. 55). ^^ should not understand it. For instance, he introduces a bridge suddenly without say- ing what bridge he means. Dionysius tells us that the Sabines and Etruscans were in alliance, and' that they pitched two camps with the river between them. The bridge was built to connect them, and Tarquin burnt it to divide them. He says the bridge was 7^d>upa ^v\6(ppaKfos aic&(paii Afexo- aivri Kal ax^S'uus. We know from Dion. M 5. 24, that lv\6ippa«Tos is the Greek for ■ sublicius.' W. translates, ' when most of them, being on rafts, drove against the piles and stuck there,' and supposes that Livy inserts ' in ratibus' to explain why they were not extinguished by being thrown into the water, but he admits that the ex- pression is not clear. It is, however, true that Dionysius says the tinaber was put into rafts. J. F. Gronovius suggested ' ratibus impacta sublfcisque cum,' etc. supposing the bridge to be partly of boats, partly supported on piles. He has not re- marked that his supposition is expressly confirmed by the words of Dionysius quoted above, which seem to be taken from the same authority as Livy's account. 10. ea quoque res. Perhaps, ' this in- cident, as well as the great force of the Romans,' referring back to 'praeterquam quod viribus,' etc. . 11. et fusis. The MSS. have ' effusis. The younger Gronovius made the correc- tion which has been received by Madvig, and seems right. 'Fusis,' after the rout, is opposed to ' in pugna.' 12. impediit. So Madvig for ' im- pedit.' , 14. insignem, 'palpable. i62 TITI LIVI Tarquinius, equitem maxime suis deesse viribus ratus, ad^ Ramnes Titienses Luceres, quas centurias Romulus scripserat, addere alias constituit, suoque insignes relinquere nomine, id 3 quia inaugurate Romulus fecerat, negare Attus Navius, inclitus S ea tempestate augur, neque mutari neque novum constitui, nisi aves addixissent, posse, ex eo ira regi mota, eludensque artem, 4 ut ferunt, 'age dum' inquit, 'divine tu, inaugura, fierine pos- sit, quod nunc ego mente concipio.' cum ille augurio rem expertus profecto futuram dixisset, 'atqui hoc animo agitavi' 10 inquit, ' te novacula cotem discissurum : cape haec et perage, quiod aves tuae fieri posse portendunt.' turn illqm baud cunc- tanter discidisse cotem ferunt. statua Atti capite velato, quo 5 in loco res acta est, in comitio, in gradibus ipsis ad laevam curiae fuit, cotem quoque eodem loco sitam fuisse memorant, 15 ut esset ad posteros miraculi eius monumentum. auguriis certe 6 sacerdotioque augurum tantus honos accessit, ut nihil belli domique postea nisi auspicato gereretur, concilia populi, ex- ercitus vocati, summa rerum, ubi aves non admisissent, diri- merentur. neque turn Tarquinius de equitum centuriis quic- 7 4. Attus Navius. An account of this minori te re experti sumus ' 24.8, 13, augur is given in Cic. Div. I. I^. which W. quotes, nor by Horace's 6. addixissent. The technical word. ' Expertus fidelem We find * admittere* in the same sense, luppiter in Ganymede fiavo. below, 6; 55.12; 4. 18, 7. The opposite 9. futuram. Note that this word is words are ' abdicere ' Cic. Div. i. 17; here used as a participle of ' fio.' 'occinere' Livy6. 41, 8; 10.40,14. 14. sitam, ' buried.' Cicero, in telling eludensque artem. * Eludere' occurs this story (Div. 1. 17), says ' defossam.' in this sense in 2.45,6; 7.13,6; and in 15. ad- posteros. W. refers to 2. Cic. Cat. I. I. It means, to ' laugh to 10, 11. scorn.' certe. Whether this story be true or 7. age dum. ' Dum' emphasises im- not. peratives, and in the older Latin some 17. exercitus vocati. This refers to superlatives, as • primum dum' (Plant. Trin. the ' comitia centuriata.' For the sum- 98). It answers to 8^. moning of this assembly the regular phrase divine. ' Divinus,' as an adjective, gets was ' viros vocare' (Cic. de Nat. D. 2. 3, the sense of ' predictive.' Cic. Div. I. 38 9), or in old Latin, ' illicium vocare' (Varro, has ' habere aliquid in animis praesagiens de L. L. 6. 9, § 86). But the assembly atque divinum.' And Horace, itself was called ' exercitus urbanus,' or ' Imbrium divina avis imminentum,' simply 'exercitus.' See Livy 39. 15, 11 imitated by Milton, ' cum aut vexillo in arce posito comitiorum ' Adam, whose heart, divine of some- caussa exercitus eductus esset.' thing ill.' 18. summa rerum 'matters of the Then as a substantive it is used for a highest importance.' W. quotes 28. 22, 6 ' soothsayer.' So Hor. Sat. 1. 6, 113. ' pretiosissima rerum.' So Lucretius (r. 86) inaugura generally takes a case. It' has ' prima virorum.' is here simply equivalent to ' divina.' 19. neque turn, ' and even at the time 8. augurio. MSS. have ' in augurio.' (augury had so much influence that) Tar- The ' in' may have crept in from ' inau- quin,' etc. On the historical statement here gura' above. It is not defended by 'in made see Hist. Ex. p. 81. LIB. I. CAP. XXXIX. 165 s Maiore inde animo pacis opera inchoata quam quanta mole gesserat bella, ut non quietior populus domi esset, quam mili- etiae fuisset: nam et muro lapideo, cuius exordium operis Sabino hello turbatum erat, urbem, qua nondum munierat, cingere parat ; et infima urbis loca circa forum aliasque in- 5 teriectas collibus convalles, quia ex planis locis baud facile 7 evehebant aquas, cloacis fastigio in Tiberim ductis siccat ; et aream ad aedem in Capitolio lovis, quam voverat bello Sabino, iam praesagiente animo futuram olim amplitudinem loci oc- cupat fundamentis. 10 1 XXXIX. Eo tempore in regia prodigium visum, eventu- que mirabile fuit : puero dormienti, cui Servio Tullio fuit 2 nomen, caput arsisse ferunt multorum in conspectu. plurimo igitur clamore inde ad tantae rei miraculum orto excitos reges, et, cum quidam familiarium aquam ad restinguendum 15 ferret, ab regina retentum, sedatoque eam tumultu moveri 3 vetuisse puerum, donee sua sponte experrectus esset. mox cum somno et flammam abisse. turn abducto in secretum viro Tanaquil ' viden tu puerum hunc' inquit, ' quem tam 4. munierat. Wex conjectures 'mu- Madvig's reading that the ' prodigium' was nita erat/ and Madvig thinks the conjecture not ' at the time ' wonderful in the event. probable. ' Munierat,' however, gives a But probably ' visu eventuque mirabile ' sense, namely, that he had begun the work conveyed to a Roman ' as marvellous in when the war interrupted him, and that he the appearaifce as it proved in the event ;' took it up where it had been left. nor does ' eo tempore ' refer to ' mirabile,' 7. fastigio. This passage is wrongly but to ' fiiit,' ' at that time took place,' etc. explained in Andrew's Dictionary, and the 15. reges, 'the royal family.' Compare wrong reading, 'e fastigio,' adopted after 2. 3, 5 ' legati ab regibus superveniunt,' and Fore, who however gives the true reading Virg. Aen. 2.457. and explanation as well. ' Fastigio ' means familiarium. This would seem to ' along a regular slope,' ' at an angle :' it is mean ' slaves,' though perhaps it is not opposed to 'ex planis locis.' The first necessary to give it that meaning, and in meaning of ' fastigium ' seems to be 'eleva- 2. 40,4 'familiarium quidam' may well be tion,' but as this may be measured angu- taken in the ordinary sense. Seneca (Ep. larly, it gets the secondary meaning of 5.6, 4) says that this was an old use of the 'angle.' So in Caes. B. C. 1.45,5 we word, and was still retained in mimes, have ' deelivis locus tenui fastigio,' and in We find it in Plautus, e. g. Mil. Glor. 278 B. G. 4. 17, 4 'non directe ad perpendi- ' quantumst familiarium,' 'all of us slaves,' ciilum sed prone ac fastigate.' though even in Plautus it seems generally 8. area is the regular word for a 'site.' put into the mouth of slaves speaking of See 4. 16, I. their fellow-slaves. See Ep. 1. 1, 2 ; Amph. ad aedem. The dative is more usual 1.1,203. in this sense, but see 2. 31, 3. restinguendum, used absolutely. With chaps, xxxix-xlv. cp. Hist. Ex. 16. sedatoque eam. So Madvig for pp. 47, 48. ' sedatoque iam.' It seems impossible to 11. 'visum, eventuque. Madvig reads dispense with the subject, 'visu eventuque,' and denies that 'visum' 19. tam humili cultu, 'm such humble can be written for ' visum est' when it is style.' Below we have ' artibus quibus coupled to ' mirabile fuit.' W. objects to ingenia ad magnae formnae cultum exci- i64 TITI LIVI petebant ; et pauci tenuere, maxima pars, ut ante dictum est, ab equitibus in flumen acti sunt. Tarquinius instandum 5 perterritis ratus, praeda captivisque Romam missis, spoliis hostium — id votum Vulcano erat — ingenti cumulo accensis 5 pergit porro in agrum Sabinum exercitum inducere ; et quam- 6 quam male gesta res erat, nee gestures melius sperare pote- rant, tamen, quia consulendi res non dabat spatium, iere obviam Sabini tumultuario milite ; iterumque ibi fusi per- ditis iam prope rebus pacem petiere. lo XXXVIII. Collatia et qujdquid citra Collatiam agri erati Sabinis ademptum; Egerius — fratris hie filius erat regis — CoUatiae in praesidio relietus. deditosque CoUatinos ita ac- cipio eamque deditionis formulam esse : rex interrogavit ' est- 2 isne vos legati oratoresque missi a populo Conlatino, ut vos IS populumque Conlatinum dederetis ?' 'sumus.' "estne populus Conlatinus in sua potestate?' 'est' 'deditisne vos populum- que Conlatinum, urbem agros aquam terminos delubra uten- silia, divina humanaque omnia in meam populique Romani dieionem?' 'dedimus.' 'at ego reeipio.' Bello Sabine perfecto 3 20 Tarquinius triumphans Romam redit. inde Priseis Latinis 4 bellum feeit. ubi nusquam ad universae rei dimicationem ventum est ; ad singula oppida circumferendo arma omne nomen Latinum domuit. Corniculum, Ficulea vetus, Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia, Nomentum, haec de Pri- 25 seis Latinis aut qui ad Latinos defecerant eapta oppida. pax deinde est faeta. 3. spoliis hostium . . accensis. So the genitive dependent on that following Virg. Aen. 8. 562 both words. In old English it was ' sister's ' Scutorumque incendi victor acervos.' son to' etc, as in the authorised version. In 45. 33, 1 we find mentioned ' deos qui- 14. oratoresque. See above, 15. 5. bus spolia hostium dicare ius fasque est.' ij. delubra. We read in Macr. Sat. 3. That of these gods Volcanus was one of 9, 2 and 7 of the practice of inviting the the chief we gather from 8. lo, 13 ' Vol- gods of a city about to be taken to leave it cano arma sive cui alii divo vovere volet,' and migrate to the city of the conquerors etc. Compare 23.46,6; 30.6,9; 41. ('evocatio deorum'). After the capture the 12, 6. ' sacra' were generally transferred to Rome. 6. gesta res erat. So Madvig, after P., In 8. 14, 2 see an instance of the 'sacra' for ' gestae res erant.' being restored. II. Egerius. See above, 34. 3 ; below, 20. Priseis Latinis bellum fecit. 67- ^- F" the phrase, compare Cic. Cat. 3.9 ' gens fratris hie filius erat regis, ' he was una r^stat quae Populo Romano bellum nephew to the king.' ' Fratris filius' and facere et posse et non nolle videatur," and ' sororis filius' are 3ie words for ' nephew,' Cic. Mil. 23 ' bellum patriae feciet.' the genitive regluarly standing first, and 24. Medullia. See on 33. 10. LIB. I. CAP. XL. 167 impensius iis indignitas crescere, si ne ab Tarquinio quidem 3ad se rediret regnum, sed praeceps inde porro ad servitia caderet, ut in eadem civitate post centesimum fere annum quod Romulus, deo prognatus, deXis ipse, tenuerit regnum donee in terris fuerit, id Servius, serva natus, possideat. cum s commune Romani nominis tum praecipue id domus suae dedecus fore, si Anci regis virili stirpe salva non modo ad- 4venis sed servis etiam regnum Romae pateret. ferro igitur eam arcere contumeliam statuunt. sed et iniuriae dolor in Tarquinium ipsum magis quam in Servium eos stimulabat, 10 et quia gravior ultor caedis, si superesset, rex futurus erat quam privatus ; tum Servio occiso quemcumque alium gene- rum delegisset, eundem regni heredem facturus videbatur:— 5 ob haec ipsi regi insidiae parantur. ex pastoribus duo fe- rocissimi delecti ad facinus, quibus consueti erant uterque 15 agrestibus ferramentis, in vestibulo regiae quam potuere tu- multuosissime specie rixae in se omnes apparitores regios convertunt. inde, cum ambo regem appellarent clamorque eorum penitus in regiam pervenisset, vocati ad regem pergunt. 6 primo uterque vociferari et certatim alter alteri obstrepere. 20 coerciti ab lictore et iussi in vicem dicere tandem obloqui 1. indignitas. Here ' indignation.' So These three reasons would naturally be in- 5. 45, 6 'Inde primum miseratio sui, de- troduced by ' et iniuriae dolor. . et quod inde indignitas atque ex ea ira animos .. denique quod ;' they are loosely introduced cepit.' See below, 59. II. as above. The confusion produced is then 2. ad servitia caderet. Livjr for- remedied by the addition of 'ob haec ipsi,' gets that he has just denied that Servius etc. There seems no reason for omitting was a slave. ' quia ' with Gronovius and Madvig, nor for 3. annum quod Romulus. 'Quod' altering it to ' cum* with Sauppe. is Madvig's emendation for 'quam.' Livy 15. quibus consueti erant. 'lis' is could not say, ' a hundred years after R. omitted before ' quibus,' though it is in a held the kingdom, while he was ore earth.' diiferent case. This happens when the sub- The'id' too which follows seems to require stantive is drawn into the relative proposi- • quod.' Hertz has adopted this emendation, tion, as ' ferramentis ' here. See i. I, 3 * in W. not. quem primum egressi sunt locum Troia 5. Servius serva natus. Madvig vocatur.' A dative after 'consueti' does very plausibly corrects ' servus serva natus.' not seem to occur elsewhere in Livy. Fore. It seems possible however that to Livy the quotes from Col. (1.8) 'Genus mancipi- significant proper name seemed equivalent orum consuetum campo.' ' Uterque ' oc- to the epithet, and the name of Romulus curs with a plural in Caes. B. C. 3. 30. In had been mentioned above. 7. 19, -i, we have, ' Delecti nobilissimus 9. et iniuriae dolor .. et quia .. quisque.' This 'uterque' suggests that tum Servio, etc. Three reasons for kill- they wfre armed with different weapons, ing Tarquin, not Servius. (l) Tarquin was Dionysius however represents them as the offending party ; (2) he would punish both armed Spe-iravois i\ovpyois. (3. the death of Servius ; (3) he would remedy 73.) it by procuring another son-in-law. (Tar- 16. tumultuosissime. Madvig pro- quin s sons are forgotten. See 46, 4.) poses 'tumultuosissimae. i66 TITI LIVI humili cultu educamus ? scire licet -hunc lumen quondam rebus nostris dubiis futurum praesidiumque regiae adflictae : proinde materiam ingentis publice privatimque decpjis omni indulgentia nostra nutriamus.' inde puerum liberurn loco 4 S coeptum haberi erudirique artibus, quibus ingenia ad magnae fortunae cultum excitantur. evenit facile, quod diis cordi est. iuvenis evasit vere indolis regiae, nee, cum quaereretur gener Tarquinio, quisquam Romanae inventutis ulla arte con- ferri potuit, filiamque ei suam rex despondit. 1° Hie quacumque de causa tantus illi honos habitus credere 5 prohibet serva natum eum parvumque ipsum servisse. eorum magis sententiae surd, qui Corniculo capto Servi TulU, qui princeps in ilia urbe fuerat, gravidam viro occiso uxorem, cum intef reliquas captivas cognita esset, ob unicam nobili- 15 tatem ab regina Romana prohibitam ferunt servitio partum Romae edidisse Prisci Tarquini domo. inde tanto beneiicio 6 et inter mulieres familiaritatem auctam, et puerum, ut in domo a parvo eductum, in caritate atque honore fuisse ; for- tunam matris, quod capta patria in hostium manus venerit, 20 ut serva natus crederetur fecisse. XL. Duodequadragesimo ferme anno, ex quo regnare 1 coeperat Tarquinius, non apud regem modo sed apud patres plebemque longe maximo honore Servius TuUius erat. tum 2 Anci filii duo, etsi antea semper pro indignissimo habuerant 25 se patrio regno tutoris fraude pulses, regnare Romae adve- nam non modo vicinae sed ne Italicae quidem stirpis, tum tantur,' where 'cultum' seems to mean 14. cognita esset, i.e. known for ' pursuit.' what she was. Compare 6. I. 2. rebus nostris dubiis. See 2. 50, II. 16. domo. Compare this with 'in 3. proinde. See g. 4. domo' just below. The one is equivalent ingentis publice privatimqae de- to a preposition, the French ciez, the other coris. The adverbs are used adjectively. is dans la maison. Madvig suspects we As examples of this, W. refers to 2. ^3, II ; should read ' domi.' 44, 12 ; 8. 1,9. Add 1. 45, 2. 17. ut .. eductum, ' brought up as he 4. liberurn loco. Livy prefers the was.' Compare 34, 7. abbreviated form of this word. See 9, 15 ; 21. ferme, 'about.' See 3,4. 13' 2 ; 42, I. 26. non modo vicinae sed, etc. 5. coeptum. The passive is used with The phrase is almost repeated in 5. 3, 11. a passive infinitive. So also ' desitum.' Compare 2. 61, 6 ; 3.24,4. 'Non modo,' 6. quod diis cordi est. This is ='I do not say.' Hertz reads 'civicae' Madvig's reading for 'esset.' 'Evenit' is for ' vicinae,' after J. F. Gronovius. present, and the sentence contains a general tum impensius iis indignitas cre- maxim. A subjunctive mood seems quite scere. An anacoluthon. inadmissible. LIB. I. CAP. XLII. i6g ictu, ferrum baud alte in corpus descendisse, iam ad se redisse ; inspectum vulnus abterso cruore, omnia salubria esse conhdere prope diem ipsum eos visuros ; interim Servio TulHo lubere populum dicto audientem esse, eum iura redditurum eobiturumque alia regis munia esse. Servius cum trabea et 5 lictonbus prodit, ac sede regia sedens alia decernit, de aliis consulturum se regem esse simulat. itaque per aliquot dies, cum lam exspirasset Tarquinius, celata morte per speciem ahenae fungendae vicis suas opes firmavit. tum demum pa- lam factum est comploratione in regia orta. Servius prae- w sidio firmo munitus primus iniussu populi voluntate patrum 7regnavit. And liberi iam tum comprensis sceleris ministris, ut vivere regem et tantas esse opes Servi nuntiatum est, Suessam Pometiam exulatum ierant. 1 XLII. Nee iam publicis magis consiliis Servius quam pri- 15 vatis munire opes, et ne, qualis Anci liberum animus adversus Tarquinium fuerat, talis adversus se Tarquini liberum esset, duas filias iuvenibus regiis Lucio atque Arrunti Tarquiniis 2iungit. nee rupit tamen fati necessitatem humanis consiliis, quin invidia regni etiam inter domesticos infida omnia atque 20 infesta faceret. peropportune ad praesentis quietem status bellum cum Veientibus — iam enim indutiae exierant — ali- 3 isque Etruscis sumptum. in eo bello et virtus et fortuna enituit Tulli ; fusoque ingenti hostium exercitu baud dubius 3. confidere.. iubere. The subject opposed to the 'patres fiiere auctores' of of confidere is * se/ that of iubere is regem. 32. i. Cp. 4. 22. 12. iam tum comprensis. One MS. 5. trabea, ' a coloured toga.' Servius has ' iam tum cum.' By adopting this and ad Aen. 7. 612, says, * Tria esse genera omitting * ut,' as proposed by Klicks, we trabearum, unum dis sacratum quod est get the best sense. tantujn de purpura. Aliud regum quod est 18. iuvenibus regiis. See 46, 4, where purpureum ; habet tamen album aliquid. Livy doubts whether they are sons or Tertium Augurale de purpura et cocco grandsons of Tarquinius Priscus. If they miictum.' This will be the second kind, were his sons, these marriages were between purple and white. It was worn under the uncle and niece, which was illegal till the republic by consuls on special occasions, emperor Claudius gave the precedent. Tac. Virg. Aen. 7. 6t2, and by the 'equites' Ann. 12.6. (Tac. Ann. 3. 2). 19. nee rupit tamen fati necessita- 10. factum est. W.'s emendation for tem. This is one of Livy 's commonplaces. ' factum et.' So 8. 24, 4 ' ut ferme iiigiendo in media 11. voluntate patrum regnavit, 'by fata ruitur.' Compare 25.16,4. For the the passive acquiescence of the patres.' expression, compare Virgil's That this is the meaning appears from the ' Si qua fata aspera rumpas.' expression in Cic. de Rep. 2. 21 ' non iussu 22. indutiae exierant. The last men- sed voluntate atque concessu civium.' It is tion of war with the Veientines was in 33, 9. 1 68 TITI LIVI desistunt; unus rem ex composite orditur. dum intentus in? eum se rex totus averteret, alter elatam securim in caput de- iecit, relictoque in vulnere telo ambo se foras eiciunt. XLI. Tarquinium moribundum cum qui circa erant exce- 1 S pissent, illos fugientes lictores comprehendunt. clamor inde concursusque popuH mirantium, quid rei esset. Tanaquil inter tumultum claudi regiam iubet, arbitros eiecit ; simul quae curando vulneri opus sunt, tamquam spes subesset, sedulo conparat, simul, si destituat spes, alia praesidia molitur. Servio a lo propere accito cum paene exsanguem virum ostendisset, dex- tram tenens orat, ne inultam mortem soceri, ne socrum ini- micis ludibrio esse sinat. 'tuum est' inquit, ' Servi, si vir es, 3 regnum, non eorum, qui alienis manibus pessimum facinus fecere. erige te deosque duces sequere, qui clarum hoc fore 15 caput divino quondam circumfuso igni portenderunt. nunc te ilia caelestis excitet flamma, nunc expergiscere vere. et nos peregrini regnavimus. qui sis, non unde natus sis, reputa. si tua re subita consilia torpent, at tu mea sequere.' cum 4 clamor impetusque multitudinis vix sustineri posset, ex supe- 20 riore parte aedium per fenestras in novam viam versus — habitabat enim rex ad lovis Statoris — populum Tanaquil ad- loquitur, iubet bono animo esse : sopitum fuisse regem subito 5 1. dum intentus .. averteret. Mad- in Lat. Gr. § 215 a. 'Populus' is not here vig, after Gronovius, * cum.* W. defends * the state,' as when we say, * populus iubet,* the imperfect by reference to 2. 47, 5 ! 10. but ' the public' Yet even ' populus,' ' the 18, 1 ; 39. 49, 8. state,' is put with a plural adjective in 2. se.. totus averteret. Translate, 2.2,5. *was absorbed in attention to him.' The 7, eiecit. This seems to be really a * a' in ' averto ' has no object. See 12. 10 ; present. See above, 40, 7. 6. 23,8, and for a close parallel, 28. 6, 4 9. si destituat spes. Compare 23,6. * cum omnium animos oculosque id certa- 16. expergiscere vere. Alluding per- men avertisset, porta marititnae arcis Plator haps to ' experrectus esset * in 39, 2. Romanes accepit.' 18. consilia torpent. The phrase is Hertz regards ' deiecit ' as a present, re- repeated in 6. 23 ' frigere et torpere senis ferring to Lachmann on Lucr. 2. 951, consilia.' where it is shown that the present was at tu mea sequere. Compare 28, 9 written either ' deicit ' or ' deiecit.' But for ' at tu." The MSB. have ' mea con- the repetition of ' iacere ' (' deiecit . . eici- silia,' which is evidently tame. Madvig unt ') becomes disagreeable if the tense also collects a number of instances to prove that is the same. the archetype contained repetitions of this deiecit, 'brought Jeaw'/y down.' Cora- kind, arising from explanatory annotations pare 7. 10, 9. afterwards incorporated in the text. 6. populi mirantium. Madvig omits 20. versas Madvig, ' versus ' MSS. * populi,' and says Livy could not put 11. sopitum fuisse regem. * Sopitum' it with ' mirantium.' But he admits ' in- is the regular word for ' stunned.' Com- gens turba circumfusi fremebant ' in 26. pare 8. 6 • impactus imo ita est saxo ut 35, 7, and he seems to admit the principle sopiretur,' and 42. 15, 10 and 16, j. LIB. I. CAP. XLIII. J7I gererent. arma his imperata galea clipeum ocreae lorica omnia ex aere ; haec ut tegumenta corporis essent : tela in shostem hastaque et gladius. additae huic classi duae fabrum centunae, quae sine armis stipendia facerent ; datum munus 4ut machinas in belle ferrent secunda classis intra centum s usque ad quinque et septuaginta milium censum instituta, et ex iis,^ senioribus iunioribusque, viginti conscriptae centuriae. arma imperata scutum pro clipeo, et praeter loricam omnia seadem. tertiae classis in quinquaginta milium censum esse voluit. totidem centuriae et hae, eodemque discrimine aeta- lo tium factae ; nee de armis quicquam mutatum, ocreae tantum ademptae. in quarta classe census quinque et viginti milium ; 6 totidem centuriae factae; arma mutata, nihil praeter hastam 7et verutum datum, quinta classis aucta, centuriae triginta factae. fundas lapidesque missiles hi secum gerebant. in his 15 accensi, cornicines tubicinesque, in tres centurias distributi. 8 undecim milibus haec classis censebatur. hoc minor census reliquam multitudinem habuit : inde una centuria facta est immunis militia, ita pedestri exercitu ornato distributoque equitum ex primoribus civitatis duodecim scripsit centurias. 20 8 sex item alias centurias, tribus ab Romulo institutis, sub isdem, quibus inauguratae erant, nominibus fecit, ad equos emendos dena nulia aeris ex publico data, et quibus equos millium aeris censi sunt,' and Gellius 7. So 3. 55, 13 ' haec consulares leges fuere,' I3> 1 'Classic! dicebantur non omnes qui and 21. 21, 4 ' haec gentes.' Madvig thinks in classibus erant sed primae tantum classis it doubtful, and prefers to print 'hae.' I homines.' Hence our words ' classical ' and have followed him. ' the classics.' 15. in his accensi. Discussed in Hist. I. arma his imperata, ' defensive Ex. p. 83. weapons,' opposed to 'tela' below. See 21. sex item alias centurias. This above, 25, 4 ' imperata,' because they should be compared with 36, 8. Translate, furnished them themselves. ' in the same way he made (not ' scripsit,' clipeum, ocreae, lorica. 'Clipeus' because they were aheady enrolled as horse- is more usual. The first class had a small, soldiers) six other (we should say patrician, round, brazen shield (' clipeum') and a coat but Livy consistently ignores the patrician of mail ('lorica'); the second, an oblong character of the sex sui&agia) centuries, wooden shield ('scutum') and no coat of though only three had been formed by mail. The Romans afterwards gave up Romulus, under the same names (i. e. Ram- the ' clipeus.' See 8. 8, 3. nes, Titienses, and Luceres, primi and 9. tertiae classis in quinquaginta. posteriores), under which they were inau- Madvig ridicules the attempts that have gurated (and which, being connected with been made to defend this, and omits ' in ' a religious ceremony, were therefore un- after Rhenanus. alterable). 10. totidem centuriae et hae. The 22. ad equos emendos. This was the MSS. have ' haec,' which W. keeps, holding ' aes equestre.' that Livy uses sometimes ' haec ' for ' hae.' 23. quibus equos alerent. The 'aes 170 TITI LIVI rex, seu patrum seu plebis animos periclitaretur, Romarii rediit. Adgrediturque inde ad pacis longe maximum opus, ut, quem 4 ad modum Numa divini auctor iuris fuisset, ita Servium con- 5 ditorem omnis in civitate discriminis ordinumque, quibus inter gradus dignitatis fortunaeque aliquid interlucet, posteri fama ferrent. censum enim instituit, rem saluberrimam tanto fu- 5 turo imperio, ex quo belli pacisque munia non viritim ut ante, sed pro habitu pecuniarum fierent. turn classes centuriasque lo et hunc ordinem ex censu descripsit vel paci decorum vel bello : XLIII. Ex iis, qui centum milium aeris aut maiorem cen- 1 sum haberent, octoginta confecit centurias, quadragenas seni- crum ac iuniorum : prima classis omnes appeliati ; seniores 2 15 ad urbis custodiam ut praesto essent, iuvenes ut foris bella Dionysius however describes Tarquin as engaging in war with Etruria and with Veii expressly (3. 57, 58). I. seu patrum seu' plebis. Referring to ' iniussu populi voluntate patrum' above, 41. 6. 3. Aggreditnrque inde ad, etc. • Aggredior ' takes * ad ' after it in the best writers when it is used of an tindeitaking, e. g. ' aggredittt ad hanc disputatiooem,' Cic. N. D. 3. 3, 7. On the contrary we say, * Aggredior hominem' and ' aggredior hostem.* 'Qtte' seems used here to mark the intimate connection between Servius' undertaking a great reform, which is stated in this sentence, and his feeling secure in the sovereignty, which is stated in the last. 5. ordinumque. The word 'ordo' is generally used of senators or knights, and 23. 23, 4, which W. quotes, is hardly an exception, but in his other reference, Cic. de Rep. 4, 2, it is certainly used as here of all the distinctions used in the ' comitia centuriata.' ' Quam commode ordines de' scripti, aetates, classes, equitatus, in quo suifragia sunt etiam senatus.' quibus .. aliquid interlucet, 'by which a clear distinction is drawn.' The best parallel to be found to this use of 'interlucet' is in the Auct. ad Her. 3. 19 ' Dissimiles forma atque natura loci com- parandi sunt, ut distincte interlucere possint,' i. e. that they may not be confused to- gether. 9. habitu pecuniarum. Generally translated, * the scale of his possessions.' So io. 46, I • ut illorum temporum habitus erat,' ' according to the scale of those times.' Fore, suggests fhat it may mean, ' according to his having in money,' in the old English sense of having : see Shakspeare — 'Your having in beard is a younger brother's revenue.' classes centuriasque et hunc or- dinem, ' classes and centuries and the following distribution of them.' 10. hunc ordinem, not 'the present,' as 43, t2, but ' the following.' decorum. Cp. Preface, 13. He means that it was at the same time a military organization and a political assembly. The important chapter which follows should be compared with Hist. Ex. pp. 76-87. 14. prima classis, 'thefirst call,' kKtiois, This etymology is given by Dionysius 4. 18 &s "Pai/mtbi KoXomi KXiatts, rds 'EAXij- vikAs uXijaus vapovoiUuttana. It is treated with contempt by Liddell and Scott, s. v. K\TJaiSt but I do not see ort what ground. Lange adopts it, Rom. Alt. I. 402, and W. The 'Aufgebot' in the Prussian land- wehr answers to it. It seems to have been used in early times for an army, whence Virgil's ' Hortinae classes' (Aen. 7. 716), and Fabius Pictor ap. Gell. i. 11 wrote ' procincta classis ' for ' exercitiis' armatus.' This is probably the solution of Livy's difficulty in 4. 34, 6. The first class was called ' classis ' par excellence. So Festus (s. V. infra) says, ' Infra dassem significantur qui minore summa quam centum et viginti LIB. I. CAP. XLIV. i;3 eodem inita ratio est ;— neque eae tribus ad centuriarum dis- tributionem numerumque quicquam pertinuere. 1 XLIV. Censu perfecto, quem maturaverat metu legis de incensis latae cum vinculorum minis mortisque, edixit ut om- nes cives Romani, equites peditesque, in suis quisque cen- 5 2 turiis in campo Martio prima luce adessent. ibi instructum exercitum omnem suovetaurilibus lustravit, idque conditum lustrum appellatum, quia is censendo finis factus est. milia LXXX eo lustro civium censa dicuntur. adicit scriptorum antiquissimus Fabius Pictor eorum, qui arma ferre possent, 10 eum numerum fuisse. 3 Ad earn multitudinem urbs quoque amplificanda visa est. addit duos coUes, Quirinalem Viminalemque ; inde deinceps auget Esquiliis, ibique ipse, ut loco dignitas fieret, habitat, aggere et fossis et muro circumdat urbem ; ita pomerium pro- 15 4 fert. pomerium, verbi vim solam intuentes, postmoerium in- terpretantur esse : est autem magis circamoerium, locus, quem in condendis urbibus quondam Etrusci, qua murum ducturi erant, certis circa terminis inaugurate consecrabant, ut neque interiore parte aedificia moenibus continuarentur, quae nunc ^o I. aeque eae tribus. Discussed on notion first of putting away or concealing, Hist. Ex. p. 78. next of ending. 4. cum vinculorum minis. W. com- 13. Ad earn multitudinem. Com- pares Cic. de Off. 3. 20, 80 ' edictum cum pare 8, 4. poena et iudicio.' 'Vinculorum' is 'im- 14. Esquiliis. This name has been prisonment.' So 'duci in vincula' 5.9, 4. connected with ' aesculus.' But the original 1. omnem suovetaurilibus lustra- form is ' Exquiliae.' Buschke's explanation vit. The sacrifice was performed at the is now generally adopted, viz. that it was altar of Mars, from which the Campus the place of those who lived outside, who Martins took its name. See 40. 45, 8 ' Co- were not ' inquilini.' -Esquaiis' is Gro- mitiis perfectis, ut traditum antiquitus est, novius' correction, adopted by Madvig. It censores in Campo ad aram Martis sellis suits ' inde deinceps' (i..e. 'next in succes- curuUbus consederuot." The ' suovetau- sion') better that precisely the same thing rilia' seem to belong specially to the cultus should be asserted of ' Esquiliae,' which has of Mars See 6. 10, 14 ' si potiatur, Marti been asserted of the Quirmal and Vimi- suovetaurilibus piaculum fieri.' nal. Compare 5. 37, 6 ' antecedente fama lustravit .. conditum lustrum. On nuntiisque Clusinorum, deinceps inde alio- the etymology of 'lustrum' see Corssen rum populorum.' ' Auget (1. e. urbern) Formenlehre 410. The root is 'lucre,' Esquiliis ' is equivalent to ' additEsqmlias. XoUai. Hence 'lustrum' is (i) purifica. 16. verbi vim solam. 'Vim is here tion, (2) the period oT five years between 'etymology. So Cic.Tusc. 3.5,11 verbi two purifications; ' lustrare' is (i) to purify, vis ipsa declarat.' • . „„ (2) since the purification was performed by postmoerium .. circamoerium, on solemnly carrying the victims round the the further side of the wall— on both sides assembled ' exercitus,' to traverse. Whe- of the wall.' ,„,„;„;, m Tac ther • iUustris ' and ' lustra ' (e. g. ' ferarum') 19- certis circa term.n.s. !« Tac are to be referred to the sami root is dis- Ann. 12. 24 (a passage which hould be puted 'Cond^re,' like 'to close,' has the compared with this this is explained by 172 TITI LI VI alerent, viduae attributae, quae bina milia aeris in annos sin- gulos penderent. haec omnia in dites a pauperibus indinata onera. Deinde est honos additus : non enim, ut ab Romulo tra- lo 5 ditum ceteri servaverant reges, viritim suffragium eadem vi eodemque iure promisee omnibus datum est ; sed gradus facti, ut neque exclusus quisquam suffragio videretur, et vis oriinis penes primores civitatis esset. equites enim voca- ii bantur primi, octoginta inde primae classis centuriae primum 10 peditum vocabantur ; ibi si variaret, quod raro incidebat, ut secundae classis vocarentur, nee fere umquam infra ita de- scenderent, ut ad infimos pervenirent. nee mirari oportetia hunc ordinem, qui nunc est post expletas quinque et triginta tribus duplicato earum numero centuriis iuniorum seniorum- 15 que, ad institutam ab Servio Tullio summam non convenire. quadrifariam enim urbe divisa regionibusque et collibus, qui 13 habitabantur, partes eas tribus appellavit, ut ego arbitror a tributo — nam eius quoque aequaliter ex censu conferendi ab hordearium/ The antecedent to • quibus ' is ' bina millia aeris.' The clause stands somewhat out of its place, that it may answer to • ad equos emendos/ * First, for purchase of the horse,' etc., ' secondly, for keep of it,' etc. 1. haec omnia .. onera. Deinde, etc. ' So far of the burdens of the rich ; next we come to their privileges.' 4. ut ab Romulo traditum. This should refer to the * comitia curiata,' and therefore in strictness asserts not only that every individual had an equal vote in that assembly, but also that it comprised the plebeians as well as the patricians. Livy however does not seem to be thinking of the ' comitia curiata,' nor does he even mention this assembly in speaking of the collective acts of the people before Servius Tullius. It seems that he never asked himself the question what assembly had preceded the ' comitia centuriata.* 7. neque exclusus quisquam, etc., * to combine universal suffrage with a practically aristocratical government.' But see Hist. Ex. p. 77. g. primum peditum vocabantur. Madvig brackets these words as spurious. They are commonly explained by taking * primum' as put for * primorum,' which Madvig denies to be possible. The words were omitted by Drakenborch, following Sigonius ; but Alschefski, Hertz, and W. have restored them. Mommsen also treats them as genuine, Trib. 66. 10. ut secundae classis vocarentur, dependent on * it was arranged ' understood. 11. descenderent. The subject is to be supplied — the superintendents of the elec- tion. 13. hunc ordinem, ' the actually ex- isting arrangement.' post expletas quinque et triginta tribus. This took place 241 B. C, when the Velina and Quirina were added. Livy Feriocha 19. The questions arising out of this obscure passage are discussed in Hist. Ex. p. 86. 16. regionibusque et collibus. Mad- vig reads ' regionibus collibusque qui.* Mommsen Tribus. p. 2 * regionibusque col- libusque qui.' Hertz prints, ' regionibns quae (collibus qui) habitabantur partes, eas tribus,' etc. Cp. Hist. Ex. pp. 87-89. 17. ut ego arbitror a tributo. 'Tri- bus,' * tribuo,' and * tributum,* are commonly referred to ' tres,' but if this be the true ety- mology, it is evident from the present in- stance that the meaning was afterwards extended. * Tribus ' in usage is * division.' 18. aequaliter, not 'equally,' but 'at an equal rate/ LIB. I. CAP. XLVI. 175 magnitudine ac specie, fixa per multas aetates cornua in vestibule templi Dianae monumentum ei fuere miraculo. 6 habita, ut erat, res prodigii loco est ; et cecinere vates, cuius civitatis earn civis Dianae immolasset, ibi fore imperium ; id- 6 que carmen pervenerat ad antistitem fani Dianae, Sabinusque, 5 ut prima apta dies sacrificio visa est, bovem Romam actam deducit ad fanum Dianae et ante aram statuit. ibi antistes Romanus, cum eum magnjtudo victimae celebrata fama mo- visset, memor responsi Sabinum ita adloquitur : ' quidnam tu hospes paras ? ' inquit, ' inceste sacrificium Dianae facere ? 10 quin tu ante vivo perfunderis flumine ? infima valle praefluit 7 Tiberis.' religione tactus hospes, qui omnia,, ut prodigio re- sponderet eventus, cuperet rite facta, extemplo descendit ad Tiberim. interea Romanus immolat Dianae bovem. id mire gratum regi atque civitati fuit. '5 l XLVI. Servius quamquam iam usu baud dubie regnum possederat, tamen, quia interdum iactari voces a iuvene Tar- quinio audiebat se iniussu populi regnare, conciliata prius vo- luntate plebis agro capto ex hostibus viritim diviso ausus est ferre ad populum, vellent iuberentne se regnare ; tantoque 20 34. a, I 'in sua quisque nostrum matre familiae.' ?. monumentum ei fuere mira- culo. One expects either ' monumento ' or ' eiifs miraculi.' 4. civis. . immolasset. The common reading is ' cives immolassent,' but P h*s ' civis,' from which Madvig has drawn his correction. 5. ad antistitem fani Dianae. • Antistes ' is not a technical word, though it is used most commonly of a religious officer. See 23. II, 5; Cic. Div. 2.54. I suppose the ' aedituos ' is here meant, whose business it was to be always on the spot. See Suet. Dom. i. 'Fanum' is not properly the temple, but the consecrated ground. See 10. 37, 15. 6. bovem Romam actam. It is remarkable that though the statue in this temple was the Greek Artemis, and though Artemis and the Italian Diana were very early confounded, ' yet the sacriiices in this temple always continued to be different from those offered to Artemis. Hinds were offered to Artemis ; the cow is offered here to Diana. So Plut. Qu. R. raises the ques- tion. Aid ri rots aJJiois 'Apreiuaiois Itt- Tciws kK&poJif aipara TrpoffiraTTaXevovffi, rif S' 'A00>Ttv PoSir ; 11. quin tu .. perfunderis. 'Quin' is much more peremptory than its literal equivalent, 'Why not?' Translate, 'Go, and bathe yourself.' 12. religione. A scruple or mis- giving. . , qui .. cuperet, ' desiring as he did. 13. rite facta. On the perfect pass, inf., with ' esse ' omitted after ' volo,' ' cupio,' see Madv. Lat. Gr. 396, Obs. 2. With chaps, xlvi-lxi cp. Hist. Ex. pp. 48, 49. 19. viritim diviso, the first agrarian law. For a parallel to this accumulation of ablatives absolute, see 13. I. 20. vellent iuberentne. In this form the 'ne' is sometimes omitted. See Cic. pro Dom. 17. 44. But we have it in Livy 22.10 'Rogatus in haec verba populus, Velitis iubeatisne hoc sic fieri.' I suppose the subjunctive must have been dependent on ' rogo vos, Quirites," which was under- 174 TITI LIVI vulgo etiam coniungunt, et extrinsecus puri aliquid ab humano cultu pateret soli, hoc spatium, quod neque habitari neque 5 arari fas erat, non magis quod post murum esset, quam quod murus post id, pomerium Romani appellarunt, et in urbis 5 incremento semper, quantum moenia processura erant, tantum termini hi conseerati proferebantur. XLV. AuctRi civitate magnitudine urbis, formatis omnibus i domi et ad belli et ad pads usus, ne semper armis opes ac- quirerentur, consilio augere imperium conatus est, simul et lo aliquod addere urbi decus. iam turn erat inclitum Dianae Ephesiae fanum. id communiter a civitatibus Asiae factum fama ferebat. eum consensum deosque consociatos laudarea mire Servius inter proceres Latinorum, cum quibus publice privatimque hospitia amicitiasque de industria iunxerat. saepe 15 iterando eadem peipulit tandem, ut Romae fanum Dianae populi Latini cum populo Romano facerent. ea erat con- 3 fessio caput rerum Romam esse, de quo totiens armis certa- tum fuerat. Id quamquam omissum iam ex omnium cura Latinorum ob 20 rem totiens infelieiter temptatam armis videbatur, uni se ex Sabinis fors dare visa est privato consilio imperii recuperandi. bos in Sabinis nata cuidam patri familiae dicitur miranda ■ certis spatiis interiecti lapides.' ' Circa ' is sacred symbols, as the ' lapis ' for luppiter, ' on both sides.' the spear for Mars, the fire for Vesta). I. etiam x:oniu9gunt, ' they majce The change seems to have taken place positively to touch.' The phrase occurs in through Greek influences. Mommsen thinks 10. 10, 1 and 34, r. it not incredible that the Ionian league, 7. Aucta civitate magnitudine. with its temple of Artemis, did form a Madvig suspects ' et magnitudine.' model to Servius and the Latins. See Hist. formatis omnibus domi. * Omnibus* Ex. p. 47. is neuter. Compare 4, 1 ; 22,6; and 49, 7. 15. perpulit, i. e. 'eos.' We have 'omissis omnibus' in 3. 23, 3. Romae fanum Dianas. It is to be Compare ' aliis ' in 53, 1, and 'talibus' in remarked however that the Aventine was Virg. Aen. I. 370, 559. outside the pomerium. Geliius says (13. 10. Dianae Ephesiae fanum. That 14): ' qnaesitum est . . qnam ob caussam . . the statue in the Servian temple was like that neque id gervjus fuUius rex, neque Sulla, in Massilia we learn from Strabo (4. i, 51, qui proferendi imperii titulum quaesivit, KoX 8^ k6X th ^6avoy t^s 'Apr^fiiSos ttjs ev neque divus lulius, cum pomoerium pro- T$ 'A/SevWyy oi 'Pai/mfoi riiv auT^v SlA- ferret, inter effatos urbis fines incluserint.' Seatv exoxTes Ty irapd Tofs MaaaaXtiii- 16. ea erat cpnfessio. 'Ea' means Tois di/tflccrac. And that the Artemis of ' their doing so.' Massilia was like that of Ephesus we learn 21. fors dare visa est. 'Fors' seems from Strabo 4. 1,4. It was reckoned one here equivalent to ' occasio,' and means 'an of the most ancient worshipped images in opportunity.' Elsewhere it means ' the Rome, for the earliest Romans, as we are power of chance.* told, had neither temples (but only ' atria,' 22. patri familiae, ' man of property.' e.g. 'atrium Vestae') nor idols (but only Livy prefers 'familiae' to ' famihas.' Sep LIB. I. CAP. XLVIL 177 7 virum nacta muliebri cessaret audacia. contrahit celeriter simi- htudo eos, ut fere fit malum malo aptissimum ; sed initium turbandi omnia a femina ortum est. ea secretis viri alieni adsuefacta sermonibus nullis verborum contumeliis parcere de yiro ad fratrem, de sorore ad virum ; et se rectius viduam et 5 ilium caelibem futurum fuisse contendere quam cum inpari smngi, ut elanguescendum aliena ignavia esset. si sibi eum, quo digna esset, dii dedissent virum, domi se prope diem visuram regnum fuisse, quod apud patrem videat. celeriter 9 adulescentem suae temeritatis implet. Arruns Tarquinius et 10 Tullia minor prope continuatis funeribus cum domos vacuas novo matrimonio fecissent, iunguntur nuptiis magis non pro- hibente Servio quam adprobante. 1 XLVII. Tum vero in dies infestior TuUi senectus, infestius coepit regnum esse, iam enim ab seelere ad aliud spectare 15 muHer scelus, nee nocte nee interdiu virum conquiescere pati, ne gratuita praeterita parricidia essent: non sibi defuisse, cui 2 nupta diceretur, nee cum quo tacita serviret ; defuisse, qui se regno dignum putaret, qui meminisset se esse Prisci Tarquini husband she was not animated by the spirit of a woman.' For the ablative with ' ces- sare,' see 42. 6, 8, and Lucan 4. 24 ' Prima dies belli cessavit Marte cruento.' 5. viduam, used here simply as the feminine of ' caelebs.' 6. quam cum inpari, etc. The MSS. have ' iungi,' and at the end the best have ' esse,* not • esset.' Madvig says that ' iungi ' for ' iunctos * is not Latin. His reading, ' cum irapari : nunc elanguescen- dum . . esse ' leaves ' cum imparl ' some- what bald, and is not very close to the MSS. 10. adulescentem. He is called ' iuve- nis' in 42. 1, at the beginning of Servius' reign ; he is still ' adulescens ' at its close, and yet it lasts forty years. suae temeritatis implet, 'infects with her own recklessness." Compare 4. 30, 9 ' urbs delude impletur,' sc. ' morbo.' And see Tac. Ann. I. 31. So in Greek, dvariimXiiiu. Arruns Tarquinius. Editors agree that this should be ' Lucius.' W. conjec- tured, ' ita L.' Hertz inserts between ' Tullia ' and ' minor ' the words, ' maior hand multo post morbo eodem obeunt ; t; Tarquinius et Tullia,' evidently having in view the words of Dionysius : bie\B6vTos oil iToXKov fierct ravra ■j(p6vov rots ainoTs ■ttSStffiv d.Tro9v^(XKovfftv ^ te npeaffvT^pa Twv TuWiou Bvyaripai' nal 6 veiirepos t&v TapKvviav. Madvig represents it as a slip made by Livy himself, and collects a num- ber of similar instances of carelessness in Livy which editors have concealed by emendation, Em. Liv. p. 50. AH these critics agree that 'fecissent' and 'iungun- tur ' must have the same subject, on account of the harshness of the omission of the second subject. But see on 41. 3 ; 4. 22 ; 50. 9. To me the proper names placed at the beginning of the sentence seem most naturally to introduce new persons, not the Tarquin and Tullia whose conversations have just been related, but those that died. But Dionysius (4. 28, 27) tells us expressly that the wicked Tullia was the younger. We have to suppose, therefore, either that Livy differs from Dionysius, which is no- thing new, or that he has made a slip, not in writing ' Arruns Tarquinius," but in writ- ing ' Tullia minor.' 17. parricidia. See 13, 2. cui nupta diceretur, 'a nominal hus- band." N 176 TITI LIVI consensu, quanto haud quisquam alius ante, rex est decla- ratus. neque ea res Tarquinio spem adfectandi regni minuit : 2 immo eo inpensius, quia de agro plebis adversa patrum vo- luntate senserat agi, criminandi Servii apud patres crescendi- 5 que in curia sibi occasionem datam ratus est, et ipse iuvenis ardentis animi et domi uxore Tullia inquietum animum stimulante. tulit enim et Romana regia sceleris tragici ex- 3 emplum, ut taedio regum maturior veniret libertas, ultimum- que regnum esset, quod scelere partum foret. Hie L. Tar- 4 10 quinius — Prisci Tarquinii regis filius nepbsne fuerit, parum liquet ; pluribus tamen auctoribus filium ediderim — fratrem habuerat Arruntem Tarquinium, mitis ingenii iuvenem. his 5 duobus, ut ante dictum est, duae Tulliae regis filiae nupse- rant, et ipsae longe dispares moribus. forte ita inciderat, ne IS duo violenta ingenia matrimonio iungerentur, fortuna credo populi Romani, quo diuturnius Servi regnum esset, constitui- que civitatis mores possent. angebatur ferox Tullia nihil e materiae in viro neque ad cupiditatem neque ad audaciam esse ; tota in alterum aversa Tarquinium eum mirari, eum 20 virum dicere ae regio sanguine ortum ; spernere sororem, quod stood. The * ne ' seems to stand after the states it, is not broken in the passages second verb, because both verbs together which W. quotes as parallel to this, viz. are treated as composing one conception. 2.45, 12 ; 6. 35, 9; 25. 14, 11 ; and Cic. 2. adfectandi regni. 'AiTectare' is de Fin. 4. 4, 10. After verbs of iof^enin^ here ' to make his way to,' not ' to seek.' ' ne ' is inadmissible ; after verbs of agency, 3. adversa patrum voluntate, *in either * ne ' or * ut non ' may stand. Prob- dejiance of the opinion of the senate.' So ably Livy writes ' ne ' here because h'e is 2- 35> 4 ' restiterunt adversa invidia,' ' they mentally personifying the ' fortuna populi held on in defiance of unpopularity.* So Romani.* 'adversa nobilitate' in 6. 42, 9, and 'ad- 17. ferox Tullia. This is contrary to verso movimus ista deo' Ov. Her. 7. 3. the rule that proper names in prose do not 4. criminandi Servii. 'Criminari* take epithets (Madvig. Lat. Gr, § 500, is generally used, as here, of informal accu- Obs 4). Compare however in Cic. Legg.' sations and slander. i. 15, 39, and Cic. Or. 30. 105. It is not 7. sceleris tragici, 'guilt like that of merely 'the high-spirited Tullia,* but 'that Clytaemnestra or Eteocles.* one of the two Tullias who was high- II. pluribus tamen auctoribus — si spirited.* filium edam, plures auctores habeam. nihil materiae. Probably not merely ediderim, 'should give him out as.* 'material' but 'fuel.' So Cic. pro Dom. See 18, 2. 5, 13 'ne in banc tantam materiem sedi- 14. forte ita inciderat. So 26. 23, 2 tionis ista fonesta fax adhaeresceret.' The * forte ita incidit ut comitiis perfectis nun- object-clause after ' angebatur' is rare. In tiaretur.' In both cases, and in others that 28. 8, i we have ' maerebat et angebatur ' might be quoted, ' incidit* seems to mark a followed by an object-clause. secondary and subordinate contingency. 20. regio sanguine ortum. There is ne duo violenta. 'Ne* here is put in Latin no single word for ' prince.* contrary to rule for ' ut non.' See Madvig's quod virum nacta muliebri cessa- Lat. Gr. § 456. But the rule, as Madvig ret audacia, ' because having a man for LIB. I. CAP. XLVIII. I7g e per praeconem ad regem Tarquinium citari lussit. convenere extemplo, alii iam ante ad hoc praeparati, alii metu, ne non venisse fraudi esset, novitate ac miraculo attoniti et iam de 10 Servio actum rati, ibi Tarquinius maledicta ab stirpe ultima orsus, servum servaque natum post mortem indignam parentis 5 sui, non interregno, ut antea, inito, non comitiis habitis, noh per sufifragium populi, non auctoribus patribus, muliebri dono iiregnum occupasse. ita natum, ita creatum regem, fautorem infimi generis hominum, ex quo ipse sit, odio alienae hone- statis ereptum primoribus agrum sordidissimo cuique divisisse ; " 12 omnia onera, quae communia quondam fuerint, inclinasse in primores civitatis ; instituisse censum, ut insignis ad invidiam locupletiorum fortuna esset, et parata unde, ubi vellet, egen- tissimis largiretur. X XLVIII. Huic orationi Servius cum intervenisset trepido 15 nuntio excitatus, extemplo a vestibulo curiae magna voce ■ quid hoc' inquit, ' Tarquini, rei est .' qua tu audacia me vivo 2 vocare ausus es patres aut in sede considere mea V cum ille ferociter ad haec : se patris sui tenere sedem, multo quam servum potiorem, filium regis, regni heredem, satis ilium diu 20 per licentiam eludentem insultasse dominis ; clamor ab utri- usque fautoribus oritur, et concursus populi fiebat in curiam, 3 apparebatque regnaturum qui vicisset. tum Tarquinius, ne- cessitate iam etiam ipsa cogente ultima audere, multo et aetate et viribus validior medium arripit Servium, elatumque 25 e curia in inferiorem partem per gradus deiecit ; inde ad his seat on the throne, i\6isv S' «» ri wealth rather than a franchise given awfSptoy «al rbv Tapicii/iov iSan/ iirl t^s to it. 0aai\tic7js Kae^/ievov fSpat. It is possible l6. vestibulo. That is, the ■irp6raos or however that 'pro curia' may have the space under the columns in front of the sense of ' in the senate-house,' as we are building. told by Festus, 'Pro significat in ut pro 21. per licentiam eludentem, 'play- rostris, pro aede, pro tribunal!.' ing his reckless game." 4. ab stirpe ultima orsus, 'beginning 24. iam etiam ipsa. Madvig omits as far back as his birth.' So Auct. ad Her. ' etiam,' considering that^ it has sprung I. 9, 14 'si non ab ultimo initio repetere 'e geminatione litterarum.' volemus,' i. e. quite from the beginning. 26. in inferiorem partem, that is, 10. ereptum primoribus, i.e. prac- 'into the forum below.' See 36,5. bo tically taken from the nobles, because they Dionysius (4. 38) itard toiv xprirrlBay tov ought to have enjoyed it alone. Pov\ivTr,plov ruv «'s rb (KicKr,amariipiao 11. onera. Cp. 43. 9. This seems a ipfpovaSiv. touch of truth. If the reform of Servius deiecit, is present. See on 41. 7- had a military rather than a political object, ad cogendum senatum. i "is is tne it would seem at first a burden laid upon regular phrase for assemblmg the senate. N 2 i;8 Tin LIVI filium, qui habere quam sperare regnum mallet. ' si tu is es, 3 cui nuptam esse me arbitror, et virum et regem appello : sin minus, eo nunc peius mutata res est, quod istic cum ignavia est scelus. quin accit^eris ? non tibi ab Corintho nee ab 4 S Tarquiniis, ut patri tuo, peregrina regna moliri necesse est ; di te penates patriique et patris imago et domus regia et in domo regale solium et nomen Tarquinium creat vocatque re- gem, aut si ad haec parum est animi, quid frustraris civi- 5 tatem } quid te ut regium iuvenem conspici sinis .' facesse itj hinc Tarquinios aut Corinthum, devolvere retro ad stirpem, fratris similior quam patris.' his aliisque increpando iuvenem e instigat, nee conquiescere ipsa potest, si, cum Tanaquil, per- egrina mulier, tantum moliri potuisset animo, ut duo continua regna viro ac deinceps genero dedisset, ipsa, regie semine IS orta, nullum momentum in dando adimendoque regno faceret. his muliebribus instinctus furiis Tarquinius circumire et pren- 7 sare minorum maxime gentium patres, admonere paterni bene- ficii, ac pro eo gratiam repetere : adlicere donis iuvenes ; cum de se ingentia pollicendo tum regis criminibus omnibus locis 20 crescere. postremo, ut iam agendae rei tempus visum est, 8 stipatus agmine armatorum in forum inrupit. inde omnibus perculsis pavore in regia sede pro curia sedens patres in curiam 3. quod istic cum ignavia est see- 15. momentum .. faceret. Compare lus. 'Istic' = in te. See Nagelsb. 234. 4. 13,9 'nullum momentum annonae fe- The sense is, ' my first husband had only cisset.' "ignavia," you will have both "ignavia" 18. adlicere donis iuvenes. QiCicero and "scelus."' 'Ignavia' is not merely sloth, (de Petitione Consulatus) speaks more than but sloth and cowardice together. once of the importance of securing the 4. non tibi ab Corintho nee ab influence of the ' adolescentes nobiles' Tarquiniis, i.e. ' Corinthio nee Tarqui- (1. 6), particularly the ' centuriae equitum' niensi.' This use of ' ab ' is not uncommon (8.33). This sketch of Tarqnin's canvass in Livy. See below, 50, 3 ' Turnus Herdo- introduces republican traits, as in the word nius ab Aricia.' So 2. 22, 2 ' obsides dant ' prensare.' trecentos principum a Cora atque Pometia 19. regis criminibus = ' regem crimi- liberos,' and in 6. 17, 7 'simul colonis Cir- nando.* Cp. 46. 2. ceiensibus et a Velitris.' omnibus locis must mean ' among all 6. patris imago. The waxen image ranks.' in the ' atrium.' See above, on 34. 14. 22. pro curia sedens. See 30, 2. It 8. quid frustraris civitatem ? is not clear why he should have seated him- 'Frustror' here means not 'to disappoint self before the 'curia' and then summoned hopes,' but ' to excite hopes destined to be the fathers into it. Did he afterwards hav« disappointed.' Compare 2.15,5 ' Nee Tar- the 'sella regia' removed into the ' curia' and quinios spe auxilii . . frustrabor.' address the fathers from it ? Livy leaves 12. conquiescere ipsa potest, si, etc. this obscure. Dionysius is perfectly clear. Compare 40, 2. He makes Tarquin stand before the ' curia ' 14. regio semine orta. See on (irpd too PovKtvnjpiav crrcis), and when 46. 6. the senators assembled, enter it and take LIB. I. CAP. XLIX. i8i caedis paternae cruento vehiculo contaminata ipsa respersa- que tuhsse ad penates suos virique sui, quibus iratis malo 8 regni pnncipio similes prope diem exitus sequerentur.— Servius Tullius regnavit annos IIII et XL ita, ut bono etiam mode- ratoque succedenti regi difficilis aemulatio esset. ceterum ids quoque ad gloriam accessit, quod cum illo simul iusta ac 9 legitima regna occiderunt. id ipsum tam mite ac tam mode- ratum imperium tamen, quia unius esset, deponere eum in animo habuisse quidam auctores sunt, ni seeks intestinum liberandae patriae consilia agitanti intervenisset. lo 1 XLIX. Inde L. Tarquinius regnare occepit, cui Superbo cognomen facta indiderunt, quia socerum gener sepultura 2 prohibuit, Romulum quoque insepultum perisse dictitans ; pri- moresque patrum, quos Servi rebus favisse credebat, interfecit ; conscius deinde male quaerendi regni ab se ipso adversus se '5 3 exemplum capi posse, armatis corpus circumsaepsit. neque enim ad ius regni quicquam praeter vim habebat, ut qui neque 4 populi iussu neque auctoribus patribus regnaret. eo accede- bat, ut in caritate civium nihil spei reponenti * metu regnum tutandum esset. quem ut pluribus incuteret, cognitiones capi- 20 5 talium rerum sine consiliis per se solus exercebat, perque earn caussam occidere, in exilium agere, bonis multare poterat non suspectos modo aut invisos, sed unde nihil aliud quam prae- 6 dam sperare posset, praecipue ita patrum numero imminuto statuit nullos in patres legere, quo contemptior paucitate ipsa 25 7 ordo esset, minusque per se nihil agi irtdignarentur. hie enim regum primus traditum a prioribus morem de omnibus senatum II. occepit. See 7, 6. allow an appeal. But a king was thought Superbo. 'Tyrannical' renders this tyrannical who judged 'sine consiliis,' that word better than ' proud.' is, without hearing the opinions of wise 17. ad ius regni quicquam, 'nothing men. towards, or to make up, a claim to royalty, perque earn caussam, 'under this nothing by way of a right.' pretence,' i. e. under pretence that he had ut qui neque. See Madvig, Lat. Gr. a right to dispense with ' consilia.' So Ov. §366, Obs. 2. W. says 'ut qui' is not Her. 20. 139 found in Cicero. ' Dumque suo tentat saUentem poUice 18. eo accedebat ut in caritate venam, civium. That is, he could not, like Servius, Candida par caussam brachia saepe who also ruled for a long time illegally, tenet.' ^ fall back upon the affection of his subjects. 26. ordo esset. The expression 'ordo 21. sine consiliis. The king seems to for the senate belongs to the last age of be supreme judge, and his judgment with- the republic, and still more characteristi- out appeal. In 26 the king deputes judg- cally to the imperial time, ment to ' duumviri,' apparently in order to 27. de omnibus. See on 45, 1. i8o TITI LIVI cogendum senatum in curiam redit. fit fuga regis apparitorum 4 atque comitum. ipse prope exsanguis [cum semlanimis regib comitatu domum se reciperet pervenissetque ad summum Cyprium vicum] ab iis, qui missi ab Tarquinio fugientem con- 5 secuti erant, interficitur. creditur, quia non abhorret a cetero 5 scelere, admonitu Tulliae id factum, carpento certe, id quod satis constat, in forum invecta nee reverita coetum virorum evocavit virum e curia, regemque prima appellavit. a quo e facessere iussa ex tanto tumultu cum se domum reciperet, 10 pervenissetque ad summum Cyprium vicum, ubi Dianium nuper fuit, flectenti carpentum dextra in Urbium clivum, ut in coUem Esquiliarum eveheretur, restitit pavidus atque in- hibuit frenos is qui iumenta agebat, iacentemque dominae Servium trucidatum ostendit. foedum inhumanumque inde? IS traditur scelus monumentoque locus est : Sceleratum vicum vocant, quo amens agitantibus furiis sororis ac viri Tullia per patris corpus carpentum egisse fertur, partemque sanguinis ac It must mean here to keep them together, to rally them and coelrce the disaffected. They are supposed to be in a dispersed and confused state. I, redit. So Madvig. *rediit' the MSS. 1. exsanguis ab iis. After ' exsanguis' the MSS. have the words in brackets, of which all, except ' semianimis regio com- itatu,' is repeated below (6), where it can- not be spared. The question rises whence these three additional words come ? Mad- vig inserts ' regio comitatu ' in 6 after ' cum.' * Semianimis ' might perhaps be a gloss on * exsanguis.' 6. admonitu. * Suggestion' renders this better than ' admonition.' 8. evocavit virum. Dionysius makes her find Tarquin standing on the steps. 10. Cyprium vicum. This seems to be opposed to the ' Sceleratus Vicus,' for ' Cyprius * is Sabine for * good.' So Varro, de L. L. 5, § 159 'Vicus Cyprius a cypro quod ibi Sabini cives additi consederunt qui a bono omine id appellarunt. Nam cyprum Sabine bonum.' ad summum Cyprium vicum. This expression for the highest part of a street which runs uphill was common in Rome, A particular part of the Sacra Via went by the name of Summa Sacra Via. See Cic. pro Plane. 7> ^i^i^ Becker, Rom. Alt. 239 We find also ' summa Nova Via ' and * summa Velia.' Dianium. The Greek termination is here added to a Latin word. 11. in Urbium clivum. It has been conjectured that this name comes from Virbius, who in the Italian mythology was a kind of demigod, worshipped in con- nection with Diana, identified with the Greek Hippolytus. Virg. Aen. 761 ; Ov. Met. 15. 544. See Preller, Rom. Myth. 278. 12. Esquiliarum. The MSS. have ' Esquiliarium,' but the adjective is ' Esqui- limmi.' Madvig's correction seems right. We have been told above (44, 3), that Servius lived on the Esquiline. It was believed that Tarquin did so too, but in a different part. Solinus, i. 25 (quoted by Becker), says, ' Servius Tullius Esquiliis supra clivum Urbium. — Tarquinius Superbns et ipse Esquiliis supra clivum Pallium ad Fagutalem lucum.' The topography of the Esquiline is extremely obscure. Readers who wish to know what has been conjectured about the exact position of the places here mentioned are referred to Becker, Rom. Alt. I. 525-8. 15. Sceleratum vicum. Some inferior MSS. have ' quem Sceleratum," etc., upon which Rhenanus remarks curtly, ' quem pronomen asinus aliquis assuit.' LIB. I. CAP. LI. 183 eum appellabant; — an quicquam superbius esse quam ludi- 4iicari sic omne nomen Latinum ? principibus longe a domg excitis ipsum, qui concilium indixerit, non adesse. temptari profecto patientiam, ut, si iugum acceperint, obnoxios premat. 5 cui enim non apparere, adfectare eum imperium in Latinos ? 5 quod si sui bene crediderint cives, aut si creditum illud et non raptum parricidio sit, credere et Latinos, quamquam ne 6 sic quidem alienigenae, debere : sin suos eius paeniteat, quippe qui alii super alios trucidentur, exulatum eant, bona amittant, quid spei melioris Latinis portendi ? si se audiant, domum "> suam quemque inde abituros neque magis observaturos diem 7 concilii quam ipse, qui indixerit, observet. haec atque alia eodem pertinentia seditiosus facinorosusque homo iisque arti- bus opes domi nactus cum maxime dissereret, intervenit Tar- 8 quinius. is finis orationi fuit. aversi omnes ad Tarquinium 15 salutandum ; qui silentio facto monitus a proximis, ut purgaret se, quod id temporis venisset, disceptatorem ait se sumptum inter patrem et filium cura reconciliandi eos in gratiam mora- tum esse ; et quia ea res exemisset ilium diem, postero die 8 acturum quae constituisset. ne id quidem ab Turno tulisse 20 taciturn ferunt ; dixisse enim nullam breviorem esse cogni- tionem quam inter patrem et filium, paucisque transigi verbis posse : ni pareat patri, habiturum infortunium esse. 1 LI. Haec Aricinus in regem Romanum increpans ex con- cilio abiit. quam rem Tarquinius aliquanto quam videbatur 25 aegrius ferens confestim Turno necem machinatur, ut eundem terrorem, quo civium animos domi oppresserat, Latinis iniceret. 2 et quia pro imperio palam interfici non poterat, oblato falso 1 quicquam superbius. Not phrase ' taciturn ferre ' occurs in 3. 45, 6 'prouder,' but ' more the act of a tyrant,' ' ut taciturn feras quod celari vis. because, as he goes on to say, it shows that 21. dixisse enim. The subject is hemeaAstoenflaveus. suddenly changed. In the clause before, 6 bene crediderint, 'with good re- 'Turnus' was the agent though not form- u . rvf™„,™ T^ 3 ally the subject. We have an exactly "13. s?dufosus.'' Livy imagines him a parallel case of the change of subject in 43^ demagogue like the tribunes of his later and a much harsher one m 41, 6- t^P- ^'=0 ""Sue artibus. Madvig reads ' his- jf- '--r^^,^ ^.t ig" -l4,c.. maxime. 'at the very moment ^t^l^^^^^^ ^lo tulisse tacitum. 'Taciturn' is by Livy to mark the roughness of Turnus here passive, 'not commented upon." The manner. 1 82 TITI LIVI consulendi solvit, domesticis consiliis rem publicam admin- istravit, bellum pacem foedera societates per se ipse cum quibus voluit iniussu populi ac senatus fecit diremitque. Lati- 8 norum sibi maxime gentem conciliabat, ut peregrinis quoque 6 opibus tutior inter cives esset, neque hospitia modo cum primoribus eorum sed adfinitates quoque iungebat. Octavio Mamilio Tusculano — is longe princeps Latini nominis erat, o si famae credimus, ab Ulixe deaque Circa oriundus, — ei Mamilio filiam nuptum dat, perque eas nuptias multos sibi 10 cognatos amicosque eius conciliat. L. lam magna Tarquini auctoritas inter Latinorum pro- 1 ceres erat, cum in diem certam ut ad lucum Ferentinae con- veniant indicit : esse quae agere de rebus communibus velit. conveniunt frequentes prima luce, ipse Tarquinius diem qui- 2 15 dem servavit, sed paulo ante quam sol occideret venit. multa ibi toto die in concilio variis iactata sermonibus erant. Turnus 3 Herdonius ab Aricia ferociter in absentem Tarquinium erat invectus : haud mirum esse Superbo inditum Romae cogno- men — iam enim ita clam quidem mussitantes volgo tamen 3. iniussu populi ac senatus. The Tei. And. 2. I, i ; Id. Ad. 3. 2,48; Id. 'populus' is said 'iubere,' but not the Phorm. 4. 5, 8. We have ' nuptnm coUo- senate. This is a zeugma for * iniussu care ' in Gaes. B. G. I. 18. populi ac sine auctoritate senatus ' 12. Ferentinae. Preller (Rom. Myth. 8. ab Ulixe deaque Circa. The 383) identifies this goddess with Venus, effect of the Iliad in transforming the ori- who had in Oscan the name Herentatis giual Italian mythology is seen in the (from which root the Samnite proper names legend of Aeneas. But that legend is only Herius and Herennius may come). We have one of many similar legends which acci- a Ferentinum among the Hernicans, another dentally have been less famous. The whole in Etruria, and a Ferentum in Apulia, See eastern coast of Italy was filled with the above, on 30. 9. supposed settlements of Diomedes, and the conveniant indicit. We should western with those of Ulysses. The belief expect either ' indicit diem ' or ' indicit in Ulysses as a coloniser is probably earlier concilium in diem.' than the belief in Aeneas, as arising more 14. diem quidem servavit. Better naturally out of Homer. Probably some Latin is ' diem servavit ille quidem.' See indigenous Italian god or hero was identi- Madvig, Lat. Gr. § 489 b. fied with Ulysses and some goddess with 16. toto die. W. has in his later Circe. The goddess was perhaps Marica, edition altered * toto ' to ' tota,* because of for Virg. Aen, 7-47 niakes Latinus a son 'in diem certam' in §1. Both readings of Faunus and Marica, while in Hesiod, have good authority, but ' dies ' is more Theog. 1013, he is said to be a son of commonly masculine in the sense of ' day.' Ulysses and Circe. Telegonus, son of The ablative to express duration is rare Ulysses and Circe, is the mythical founder in the best authors. Madvig,' Lat. Gr. of Tusculum and the gens Mamilia pro- § 235, Obs. 3. fessed to be descended from him. On the 17. ab Aricia. Compare 47, 4. Accord- coins of the Mamilii appears Ulysses as a ing to Dionys. 4. 45, he was from Corioli. beggar recognised by the dog. 18. Superbo. Supply ' ei.' 9. nuptum dat. For the phrase 19. mussitantes. Compare Virg. Aen. 'nuptum dare,' compare 23. 3,6; 30. 13, 5: ri. 345 ' sed dicere mussant.' LIB. I. CAP. LII. 185 conlaudatisque. qui Turnum novantem res pro manifesto par- 2 ncidio merita poena adfecissent, ita verba fecit : posse quidem se vetusto lure agere, quod, cum omnes Latini ab Alba ori- undi sint, [m] eo foedere teneantur, quo ab Tullo res omnis Albana cum coloniis suis in Romanum cesserit imperium ; 5 3 ceterum se utilitatis id magis omnium caussa censere, ut reno- vetur id foedus, secundaque potius fortuna populi Romani ut participes Latini fruantur, quam urbium excidia vastationesque agrorum, quas Anco prius, patre deinde suo regnante perpessi 4 sint, semper aut expectent aut patiantur. baud difficulter lo persuasum Latinis, quamquam in eo foedere superior Romana res erat. ceterum et capita nominis Latini stare ac sentire cum rege videbant, et Turnus sui cuique periculi, si adversatus 5 esset, recens erat documentum. ita renovatum foedus, indic- tumque iunioribus Latinorum, ut ex foedere die certa ad is 6 lucum Ferentinae armati frequentes adessent. qui ubi ad edictum Romani regis ex omnibus populis convenere, ne ducem suum neve secretum imperium propriave signa habe- rent, miscuit manipulos ex Latinis Romanisque, ut ex binis singulos faceret binosque ex singulis ; ita geminatis manipulis 20 centuriones inposuit. 4. [in] eo foedere. 'Teneri foedere' is tlie regular expression. ' 6. id magis omnium. 'Id censere ut' being an unusual expression, and 'id' being repeated immediately after, Ussing marks it as probably spurious. 13. sui cuique. See Madvig, §49ob. 19. miscuit manipulos. It seems possible to grasp Livy's meaning here with- out entering into the intricate question of the earliest organization of the legion. In the later time the maniple consisted of two centuries. The maniple, not the century, was always regarded as the unit. (Tac. Ann. 1. 34 'discedere in manipulos iubet.') We always read of the standard of the maniple rather than of the century. So Caes. de B. G. 6. 34 * si continere ad sigaa manipu- los vellet ;' 6. 40 ' se in signa manipulosque coniiciunt.' Livy 27. 14 'manipulum eius signi se sequi iussisset.' (Not but that there seems also to have been a standard of the century. Polyb. 6. 24.) Nevertheless the maniple, properly speaking, had no com- mander: its officers were centurions, each commanding a half, though probably one had precedence. Livy's object in the pre- sent passage seems to be to explain this anomaly. The last words, * ita geminatis,' etc., may perhaps be paraphrased, ' thus it was that he did not set one commander over the maniple, but only centurions over the two halves of it.' He did it, says Livy, to prevent the Latins having an officer of their own or a separate command or a standard to themselves, as would be the case, if the Roman and Latin maniples had been kept separate. He made maniples of Romans and Latins together, so that he made one thing where there had been two, i. e. one Romano-Latin maniple instead of a Roman troop and a Latin troop, and at the same time two where there had been one, that is, for a simple maniple a double one con- sisting of two centuries. It may be said, that the Latins would still have an oificer of their own, the centurion, and a. separate command of the century. The answer to this is, that the century was regarded as a mere subdivision of the maniple. i84 TITI LIVI crimine insontem oppressit. per adversae factionis quosdam Aricinos servum Tumi auro corrupit, ut in deversorium eius vim magnam gladiorum inferri clam sineret. ea cum una nocte 3 perfecta essent, Tarquinius paulo ante lucem accitis ad se 5 principibus Latinorum quasi re nova perturbatus, moram suam hesternam, velut deorum quadam providentia inlatam, ait saluti sibi atque illis fuisse. ab Turno dici sibi et primoribus popu- 4 lorum parari necem, ut Latinorum solus imperium teneat. adgressurum fuisse hesterno die in concilio ; dilatam rem esse, 10 quod auctor concilii afuerit, quem maxima peteret. inde illam 5 absentis insectationem esse natam, quod morando spem desti- tuerit. non dubitare, si vera deferantur, quin prima luce, ubi ventum in concilium sit, instructus cum coniuratorum manu armatusque venturus sit. dici gladiorum ingentem esse nu- e 15 merum ad eum convectum. id vanum necne sit, extemplo sciri posse, rogare eos, ut inde secum ad Turnum veniant. suspectam fecit rem et ingenium Turni ferox et oratio he- 7 sterna et mora Tarquini, quod videbatur ob eam differri caedes potuisse. eunt inclinatis quidem ad credendum animis, 20 tamen nisi gladiis deprehensis cetera vana existimaturi. ubi s est eo ventum, Turnum ex somno excitatum circumsistunt custodes ; conprehensisque servis, qui caritate domini vim parabant, cum gladii abditi ex omnibus locis deverticuli pro- traherentur, enimvero manifesta res visa, iniectaeque Turno 2i catenae ; et confestim Latinorum concilium magno cum tu- multu advocatur. ibi tam atrox invidia orta est gladiis in medio positis, ut indicta causa novo genere leti delectus ad caput aquae Ferentinae crate superne iniecta saxisque con- gestis mergeretur. 30 LI I. Revocatis deinde ad concilium Latinis Tarquinius 1 1. corrupit, ut in. 'Ut'is not in the 13. instructus cum. W. comp. 4. 14, 4. MSS., but seems indispensable. 34. enimvero manifesta, 'only too 9. hesterno die. Put sometimes for certain.' 'Enimvero' expresses the irre- ' heri.' Here however it seems used be- sistible effect of the evidence on their minds, cause of the oratio obliqua. It is yesterday. Closely parallel is 5. 25, 6 ' Enimvero illud not to Livy, but to Turnus. se tacere suam conscientiam non pati ;' 10. quem maxime peteret. We ex- where we might translate, ' however much pect 'petat' or 'petierit.' This is the only he might wish to do so,' or 'sorry as he imperfect in the passage. It is not easy to was to speak.' See HandTurs. 2, 406. trace, as W. tries to do, any motive for the 29. mergeretur. One would rather ex- sudden change of tense. pect ' mersus sit,' by Madvig, § 382, Obs.i. LIB. I. CAP. LIV. 187 . 7 se quidem inter tela et gladios patris elapsum nihil usquam sibi tutum nisi apud hostes L. Tarquini credidisse. nam ne errarent, manere iis bellum, quod positum simuletur, et per soccasionem eum incautos invasurum. quod si apud eos sup- plicibus locus non sit, pererraturum se omne Latium, Volscos- s que [se] inde et Aequos et Hernicos petiturum, donee ad eos perveniat, qui a patrum crudelibus atque impiis suppliciis 8 tegere liberos sciant. forsitan etiam ardoris aliquid ad bellum armaque se adversus superbissimum regem ac ferocissimum lOpopulum inventurum. cum, si nihil morarentur, infensus ira 10 porro inde abiturus videretur, benigne ab Gabinis excipitur. vetant mirari, si, qualis in cives, qualis in socios, talis ad ulti- mum in liberos esset. in se ipsum postremo saeviturum, si u alia desint. sibi vero gratum adventum eius esse, futurumque credere brevi, ut illo adiuvante a portis Gabinis sub Romana 15 moenia bellum transferatur. 1 LIV. Inde in consilia publica adhiberi. ubi cum de aliis rebus adsentire se veteribus Gabinis diceret, quibus eae noti- ores essent ; ipse identidem belli auctor esse, et in eo sibi praecipuam prudentiam adsumere, quod utriusque populi vires 20 nosset, sciretque invisam profecto superbiam regiam civibus 2 esse, quam ferre ne liberi quidem potuissent. ita cum sen- sim ad rebellandum primores Gabinorum incitaret, ipse cum promptissimis iuvenum praedatum atque in expeditiones iret, et dictis factisque omnibus ad fallendum instructis vana ac- 25 3 cresceret fides, dux ad ultimum belli legitur. ibi cum inscia multitudine, quid ageretur, proelia parva inter Romam Gabi- osque fierent, quibus plerumque Gabina res superior esset, tum 2. nam ne errarent. ' Nam' refers to 'esset in eo.' The emendation is AI- • hostes,' ' for enemies they were.' schefski's. 6. [se] inde. Madvig follows Grono- 21. nosset, sciretque. W. thinks the vius in marking ' se ' as spurious. two words are used here only for variety, but 9. ferocissimum populum. W. tries that 'scire' properly expresses deeper and to give ' ferocissimum ' the bad meaning more exact knowledge than • nosse.' The of 'fierce and violent,' but the usual truth is that 'nosse' does not take an object meaning, 'warlike,' is sulEcient. Translate, clause after it, and that is why 'scire' is 'a pitiless tyrant backed by a warUke used here. 'Nosse' is right with 'vires, people' ''"* 'scire' with 'invisam superbiam regiam 10 si nihil morarentur, 'if they dis- esse.' So French co»«fl»»-e and sai/oiV, etc. regarded him.' So 4. 42, 8 ' C. Sempronium invisam profecto. .;Profecto is here nihil moror,' i. e. C. Sempronius is safe for equivalent to ' a fortiori. If his children "" ' cannot endure his tyranny the feeling of the "" ig. esse et in eo. The MSS. have citizens must he strong. 1 86 7777 LIVI LI 1 1. Nee, ut iniustus in pace rex, ita dux belli pravus l fuit : quin ea arte aequasset superiores reges, ni degeneratum in aliis huic quoque decori offecisset. is primus Volscis bellum 2 in ducentos amplius post suam aetatem annos movit, Sues- S samque Pometiam ex iis vi cepit. ubi cum divendita praeda 3 quadraginta talenta argenti refecisset, concepit animo earn amplitudinem lovis templi, quae digna deum hominumque rege, quae Romano imperio, quae ipsius etiam loci maie- state esset. captivam pecuniam in aedificationem eius templi 10 seposuit. Excepit deinde eum lentius spe bellum, quo Gabios propin-4 quam urbem, nequiquam vi adortus, cum obsidendi quoque urbem spes pulso a moenibus adempta esset, postremo minime arte Romana, fraude ac dolo, adgressus est. nam cum veluts 16 posito bello fundamentis templi iaciendis aliisque urbanis ope- ribus intentum se esse simularet, Sextus filius eius, qui mini- mus ex tribus erat, transfugit ex composite Gabios, patris in se saevitiam intolerabilem conquerens : iam ab alienis in suos 6 vertisse superbiam, et liberorum quoque eum frequentiae 20 taedere, ut quam in curia solitudinem fecerit, domi quoque faciat, ne quam stirpem, ne quem heredem regni relinquat 1. ut iniustus. Ovid has almost the dita'Madvig reads ' divendenda,' which he same words, elicits out of * dividenda ' in P. 'Vir iniustus fortis ad arma tamen.' IJ. templi iaciendis. So Madvig Fasti a. 688. with great probability for ' faciendis.* 2. degeneratum in aliis. The fact 19, vertisse superbiam. 'Eum' is that he had degenerated. W. calls this a omittedj^ because 'patris saevitiam' in the construction peculiar to Livy, and compares clause before is felt as equivalent to ' pattern ' cautum' in 4. 16,4, and ' diu non perlita- saevum esse.' See Madvig Lat, Gr. §401, tum'iny. 8, 5. Obs. 2 ; and cp. below II ' futurumque 4. in ducentos. A strange expression credere brevi,' and i. 31,11 ' magistratu for a war that was to last more than two abisse.' hundred years. On the stratagem of Sextus, see Hist. Suessamque Pometiam. There is Ex. p. 49. We ought however to re- also Suessa Aurunca, and a Suessula in member that there is nothing improbable Campania, and an Umbrian town Suasa. in the story. The most dangerous enemies Corssen holds that Suessa contains the same of every state were its exiles. They were suilix ' ent ' that appears in Laurentum, the most trustworthy allies and mercenaries Tarentum, etc., and that 'essa' has been of any hostile state. An exile of rank formed out of ' entia.' He explains it as and reputation, placing himself at the ser- the Pig Town, comparing Bovillae, Bovi- vice of his country's enemies, like Hippias, anum, Taurasia, Caprasiae, Aquilonia, like Coriolanus, would naturally be hon- which also are formed from the names of cured and trusted in proportion to the animals. wrongs he had to revenge. Nothing there- 5. ex iis. Madvig for ' ex his.' fore is more natural than that the character 6. refecisset. Cp. 35. i ' quod inde of such an exile, bent on revenge, should refectum est militi divisum.' For 'diven- sometimes be treacherously simulated. LIB. I. CAP. LV. 189 1 LV. Gabiis receptis Tarquinius pacem cum Aequorum gente fecit, foedus cum Tuscis renovavit. inde ad negotia urbana animum convertit ; quorum erat primum, ut lovis templum in monte Tarpeio monumentum regni sui nomiriisque relinqueret : Tarquinios reges ambos, patrem vovisse, filium 5 2 perfecisse. et ut libera a ceteris religionibus area esset tota lovis templique eius, quod inaedificaretur, exaugurare fana sacellaque statuit, quae aliquot ibi a Tatio rage primum in ipso discrimine adversus Romulum pugnae vota, consecrata 3 inaugurataque postea fuerant. inter principia condendi huius to operis movisse numen ad indicandam tanti imperii molem tra- ditur deos ; nam cum omnium sacellorum exaugurationes ad- 4 mitterent aves, in Termini fano non addixere. idque omen auguriumque ita acceptum est, non motam Termini sedem unumque eum deorum non evocatum sacratis sibi finibus firma 15 6 stabiliaque cuncta portendere. hoc perpetuitatis auspicio ac- cepto secutum aliud magnitudinem imperii portendens pro- digium est : caput humanum Integra facie aperientibus funda- 6 menta templi dicitur apparuisse, quae visa species baud per ambages arcem eam imperii caputque rerum fore portende- zo bat ; idque ita cecinere vates, quique in urbe erant, quosque ad eam rem consultandam ex Etruria acciverant. augebatur 7 ad inpensas regis animus, itaque Pomptinae manubiae, quae With this chapter comp. Hist. Ex. Rome's supremacy was to be gained, Dio witn V V Cassiusll.8. We find in other towns a ^' i monte Tarpeio. The name of the Capitolium with the three great gods. S°J«? . U2. xI.o. ,^Z,^ae, examp.. Serins j^ed.ated^^,- ^Capua ^TT Ta'tio So M and Madvig for ■ a Sid. Ap. to be ' potens salubritate Delubris, »■ » i,»t'°- °° 6 capitoliis, monetis.' The word is commonly ,1 movisse numen. Cp. Cic. pro taken to mean ' Arx ' or d«p,iiroA.«. Strabo meal words of auguo.. Cp. 3^ » ^^^ .^ ^^^ ^^ ^ ^^^^^^^ ^^^ It,^^^:'^- - the ^-.-Cagtoli^. Stra.5..^^30 = "ir'^a^u^t'^umanum. This attempt 49= 3- xB; 4-45 = 6 - to explain'the word ■ Capitolium' wa a^^^^^ etc^.'cTe'' T- ' bdon^s s^ciVto doVe wards improved by the addition that the «*^- J^'l ■ ^ See Madvig, Lat. Gr. '^^>T;rv*Aen^%^4'5l °' Tn^gTa-'flcS' f4rObtr V. says Livy Lver has it l88 TITI LIVI certatim summi infimique Gabinorum Sex. Tarquinium dono deum sibi missum ducem credere, apud milites vero obeundo pericula ac labores pariter, praedam munifice largiendo tanta caritate esse, ut non pater Tarquinius potentior Romae quam 5 filius Gabiis asset, itaque postquam satis virium collectum s ad omnes conatus videbat, turn ex suis unum sciscitatum Romam ad patrem mittit, quidnam se facere vellet, quando quidem, ut omnia unus Gabiis posset, ei dii dedissent. huic e nuntio, quia, credo, dubiae fidei videbatur, nihil voce respon- 10 sum est. rex velut deliberabundus in hortum aedium transit sequent! nuntio filii ; ibi inambulans tacitus summa papave- rum capita dicitur baculo decussisse. interrogando expectan- 7 doque responsum nuntius fessus, ut re imperfecta, redit Gabios, quae dixerit ipse quaeque viderit, refert : seu ira seu odio seu 15 superbia insita ingenio nullam eum vocem emisisse. Sexto s ubi, quid vellet parens quidve praeciperet tacitis ambagibus, patuit, primores civitatis criminando alios apud populum, alios sua ipsos invidia opportunos interemit. multi palam, quidam in quibus minus speciosa criminatio erat futura, clam inter- 20 fecti. patuit quibusdam volentibus fuga, aut in exilium acti 9 sunt, absentiumque bona iuxta atque interemptorum divisui fuere. largitiones inde praedaeque ; et dulcedine privati com- 10 modi sensus malorum publicorum adimi, donee orba consilio auxilioque Gabina res regi Romano sine ulla dimicatione in 25 manum traditur. 2. apud milites vero. 'Vero' con- corrects ' quidque ' unnecessarily, veys that his popularity with the soldiers 17. primores civitatis. In particular, was far greater than with the people. according to Dionysius (4. 57), a certain ' The people thought him a heaven-sent Antistius Petro. The coins of the Antistii general, but as for the soldiers !' show that they considered themselves to 8. unus Gabiis. Between these words have come from Gabii. They bear two M has p and P has p, which no one has sacrificers, * capite operto,' and the legend succeeded in explaining. Conjectures are ' foedus Populi Romani cum Gabinis.' *praeter Gabinos ' (W.), * publice Gabiis' 24. in manum traditur. The treaty (Heerwagen), *ipsis Gabiis' (Rhenanus), etc. with Gabii was to be seen in Livy's time in 11. sequenti. So MP, contrary to the temple of Sancus. Dionysius, unlike Madvig's rule (Lat. Gr. § 42. 3. b, Obs. 2), Dr. Dyer, feels the inconsistency of this which is, that in ablatives absolute the pres. fact with the story of Gabii having been part, ends in «. conquered, and says that the Gabines, ex- 12. baculo decussisse. Dionysius pecting massacre, or at least slavery and (4. 56) perceives that this is the same story confiscation, were astonished at Tarquin''s that Herodotus tells of Thrasybulus, and forbearance, the object of which was to suggests that Tarquin was imitating Thra- secure an alliance to help him against his sybulus. subjects. Livy avoids saying anything about 16. quidve praeciperet. Madvig the treaty. LIB. I. CAP. LVI. 191 lignea elapsus cum terrorem fugamque in regia fecisset, ipsius regis non tam subito pavore perculit pectus quam anxiis Sinplevit curis. itaque cum ad publica prodigia Etrusci tan- tum vates adhiberentur, hoc velut domestico exterritus visu Delphos ad maxime inclitum in terris oraculum mittere sta- 5 6 tuit. neque responsa sortium ulli alii committere ausus duos filios per ignotas ea tempestate terras, ignotiora maria, in 7 Graeciam misit. Titus et Arruns profecti. comes iis additus L. Junius Brutus, Tarquinia, sorore regis, natus, iuvenis longe alius ingenio, quam cuius simulationem induerat. is cum pri- 10 mores civitatis in quibus fratrem suum ab avunculo interfectum audisset, neque in animo suo quicquam regi timendum neque in fortuna concupiscendum relinquere statuit, contemptuque 8 tutus esse, ubi in iure parum praesidii esset. ergo ex indu- stria factus ad imitationem stultitiae cum se suaque praedae 15 esse regi sineret, Bruti quoque baud abnuit cognomen, ut sub A similar bad omen is described in 25. 16, and interpreted as betokening danger ' from secret men and plans.' Yet in Aen. 5. 92 it seems considered a good omen. The snake is very prominent in Italian religion. It is the symbol of the Genius, which is a personification of the individual life. For this reason, even in late times, pet snakes were very common in Roman houses. Suet. Tib. 72 ; Sen. de Ira. 2. 315 ; Martial, 7- 87. 7. 3. Etrusci. That is, the ' haruspices.' See above, 5S.6. To illustrate the distinc- tion between a 'publicum' and 'privatum prodigium,' and also the competition for influence at Rome between Etruscan and Greek theology, see 5. 15. According to Dionysius (4, 69), it was a ' publicum pro- digium,' a plague, that caused the embassy to Delphi. 6. responsa sortium. The only kind of oracle known in Italy was that by ' sortes.' It was practised at Caere, Prae- neste, Falerii, Patavium. The superstition had died out in Cicero's time, except at Praeneste (' ceteris vero in locis sortes plane refrixerunt' de Div. 2.41). The 'sortes' were bits of wood with inscriptions on them (* sortes in robore insculptae priscarum lit- terarum notis '). The ' sortes Vergilianae ' were a later form, but as old as Hadrian, of the same superstition. See Spartian. Hadr. 2. In default of another word to describe the Greek oracle (for ' oraculum ' refers to the temple) the Romans use ' sortes.' So Virgil ' Nunc Lyciae sortes nunc et Jove missus ab ipso,' etc., and Horace ' Sortilegis non discrepuit sententia Delphis.' 10. alius ingenio. Madvig reads ' alius ingeni,' comparing 59, 8. He believes that the error arose from the copyists not understanding the old form of the genitive. It was also easy to mistake the genitive ' alius ' for a nominative agreeing with ' iuvenis.' 11. interfectum. Madvig reads ' in- terfectos.' But the attraction seems not unnatural. W. quotes * omni ornatu ora- tionis tanquam veste detracta,' Cic. Brut. 75. 262, and other examples. I,?, suaque. According to Dionysius (4. 69) he was robbed of his property, and had barely enough to live upon, and yet made a magnificent present to Apollo, Livy words it more cautiously. 16. Bruti quoque. 'Dull,' 'lumpish,' is usually the meaning of * brutus.' But Festus (p. 31 Miiller') says 'Brutum antiqui gravem dicebant,' upon which Miiller re- marks ' hinc confutatur omnis ilia fabula de L. lunii Bruti stupore.' Lewis answers that 'gravem' here may merely mean ' slug- gish.' But if so, why should Festus say that the ancients used it so when the moderns did the same ? I90 TITI LIVI perducendo ad culmen open destinatae erant, vix in funda- menta suppeditavere. eo magis Fabio, praeterquam quod 8 antiquior est, crediderim quadraginta ea sola talenta fuisse, quam Pisoni, qui quadraginta milia pondo argenti seposita in a S earn rem scribit, [quia] summam pecuniae neque ex unius turn urbis praeda sperandam, et nuUius ne horum quidem magnificentiae operum fundamenta non exsuperaturam. LVI. Intentus perficiendo templo fabris undique ex Etruriai accitis non pecunia solum ad id publica est usus, sed operis •o etiam ex plebe. qui cum baud parvus et ipse militiae adde- retur labor, minus tamen plebs gravabatur se templa deum exaedificare manibus suis, quam postquam et ad alia, uta specie minora sic laboris aliquanto maioris, traducebantur opera, foros in circo faciendos cloacamque maximam, recepta- «S culum omnium purgamentorum urbis, sub terra agendam ; quibus duobus operibus vix nova haec magnificentia quicquam adaequare potuit. his laboribus exercita plebe, quia et urbi 3 multitudinem, ubi usus non esset, oneri rebatur esse, et colonis mittendis occupari latius imperii fines volebat, Signiam Circe- 20 iosque colonos misit, praesidia urbi futura terra marique. Haec agenti portentum terribile visum : anguis ex columna 4 the MSS. It has been altered to ' Pome- to ' opus magnificum,' which seems very tinae ' quite unnecessarily. ' Pomentinas ' questionable Latin. Two corrections have occurs elsewhere. ' Pomptinus ' occurs in been suggested, ' nuUotum ne huius quidem,' 2.34; 4. 25,4, though not in clear con- etc. (Reiz), and the omission of 'magni- nection with ' Pometia.' iicentiae' (Ussing). manubiae. The money realised from exsuperaturam. On this hypothetical the sale of plunder, of which a percentage a„d adjectival use of the future participle, went to the general, and was often devoted unknown, except in the case of ' futurus,' by him to the building of a temple. Cp. to Cicero, Caesar, and Sallust, see Madvig, the temple built at Actiiim by Augustus, Lat. Gr. § 424, Obs. 5. ^ «acratas Augusti manubias,' Tac. Ann. t..„„.~ » _ uii > ° ' 12. quam postquam. Bekkersemen- ' ~~' J.J • • Tarquinius 1. magnificentiae. The expression without distmguishmg which. Dionysius is to be compared with ' nova haec magni- 4- 44 speaks of all the works accom- iicentia' in 56,2, and with 'opus vel in P""™'! °y Superbus as having been begun hac magnificentia urbis conspiciendum ' in ^ Pnscus. 6.4,12. The early years of the Augustan ^S- sub terra. So Madvig, after P. age, when Livy wrote, was a time of great Others have ' terram.' buildings. But in this passage we have to 21. anguis ex columna. Ov. Fast, take 'magnificentia operum' as equivalent 2.711 makes the snake eat the sacrifice. LIB. I. CAP. LVII. 193 4 munitionibusque coepti premi hostes. in his stativis, ut fit longo magis quam acri bello, satis liberi commeatus erant 6 pnmonbus tamen magis quam militibus ; regii quidem iuvenes mterdum otmm conviviis comisationibusque inter se terebant e forte potantibus his apud Sex. Tarquinium, ubi et Collatinus s cenabat Tarquinius Egerii fiUus, incidit de uxoribus mentio ; 7 suam quisque laudare miris modis. inde , certamine accenso, Collatinus negat verbis opus esse, paucis id quidem horis posse sciri, quanturn^^ ceteris praestet Lucretia sua. ' qiiin" si vigor- iuventae inest", conscendimus equos, invisimusque prae- lo sentes nostrarum ingenia .? id cuique spectatissimum sit, quod necopinato viri adventu occurrerit oculis.' incaluerant vino. 8 'age sane!' omnes. citatis equis avolant Romam. quo cum Lprimis se intendentibus tenebrisj pervenissent, pergunt inde 9 Collatiam, ubi Lucretiam^ haudquaquam ut regias-nurus, quas 15 in convivio luxuque cumviaequalibus viderant tempus'^terentes, sad [nocte seraJ, deditam Hlanae inter lucubrantes ancillas in 10 medio aedium sedentem inveniunt. muliebris-certaminis laus penes -^Lucretiam fuit. adveniens vir Tarquiniique excepti ^"f benigne ; victor maritus comiter invitat regios - iuvenes. ibiao 3. primoribus. Not 'ofScers,' as Dr. Dyer translates, for which there is no word in Latin, but men of high rank. 5. Collatinus cenabat. Emphasis is thrown upon 'Collatinus' by thus separating it from ' Tarquinius,' and putting it first. The freedom of Latin with respect to the order of words appears nowhere more start- lingly than in the separation of the names that belong to the same man. Nothing like it appears in modern lan^iages, and as the Greeks did not use double proper names, we are not prepared for it by anything in Greek. (In Homer, where the patronymic is so often given as well as the individual name, it would perhaps be hard to find them separated.) It is however a logical consequence of the principle of depending on the inflection for meaning and using order for emphasis. II. id cuique spectatissimum sit. Most of the editors and historians pass over this singular expression. I find an attempt at interpretation in Dr. Dyer, who gives, ' There can be no better proof than what shall meet our eyes on so unexpected a call,' and in Freund's school edition, who gives, 'Let that be for each the thing most noticeable,' i. e. most convincing. Ingerslev, in his Dictionary, refers to the passage, and translates ' spectatissimum' 'most trust- worthy.' Lemaire simply says it refers to ' ingenium,' without explaining how in that case ' quod occurrerit oculis ' is to be ex- plained. All these explanations refer * cui- que ' to the husbands, which makes ' viri ' entirely superfluous and out of place. All too, except the last, put a strain upon the meaning of ' spectatissimum.' Freund's meaning would more naturally be expressed by • id spectet praecipue quisque ;' Ingers- lev's by ' id maximo sit cuique indicio.' It seems to me that the * viri ' shows that ' cuique ' refers to the wives. Nor can I give any meaning but that of ' testing ' to ' spectare ' here. The expression ' specta- tissima foemina ' would be just in place : below we have * spectata castitas.' I be- lieve that Livy has transferred the word from the peiison to the action, as we have TO 7' ip^a. fxov TTitTovBdr^ effri fioKKov ^ deSpaxSra for ir(wov96TOs, SeSpaxdros. The expression would then be equivalent to ' sit spectatissima quaeque secundum id quod,' etc. It would be loose, but not unnatural , writing. 192 TITI LIVJ eius obtentu cognominis liberator ille populi Romani animus latens opperiretur tempora sua. is turn ab Tarquiniis ductus 9 Delphos, ludibrium verius quam comes, aureum baculum in- clusum corneo cavato ad id baculo tulisse donum Apollini s dicitur, per ambages effigiem ingenii sui. quo postquam lo ventum est, perfectis patris mandatis cupido incessit animos iuvenum sciscitandi, ad quern eorum regnum Romanum asset venturum. ex infimo specu vocem redditam ferunt : ' impe- rium summum Romae habebit qui vestrum primus, o iuvenes, 10 osculum matri tulerit.' Tarquinius Sextus, qui Romae re- ii lictus fuerat, ut ignarus responsi expersque imperii esset, rem summa ope taceri iubent ; ipsi inter se, uter prior, cum Romam redissent, matri osculum daret, sorti permittunt. Brutus alio ratus spectare Pythicam vocem, velut si prolapsus 12 15 cecidisset, terram osculo contigit, scilicet quod ea communis mater omnium mortalium esset. reditum inde Romam, ubi 13 adversus Rutulos bellum summa vi parabatur. LVII. Ardeam Rutuli habebant, gens, ut in ea regione 1 atque in ea aetate, divitiis praepoUens. eaque ipsa causa belli 20 fuit, quod rex Romanus cum ipse ditari exhaustus magnifi- centia publicorum operum, turn praeda delenire popularium animos studebat, praeter aliam superbiam regno infestos etiam 2 quod se in fabrorum ministerio ac servili tam diu habitos opere ab rege indignabantur. temptata res est, si primo im- 25 petu capi Ardea posset, ubi id parum processit, obsidione 3 4. <;orneo cava.to. Not 'made after the 'nomen.' Menenium Agrippam of horn,' as Arnold translates (Hist. I, in 2. 32, 8 he admits on the grovind of the p. 102), but from ' cornus.' Cp. ' venabula obsoleteness of Agrippa as a praenomen. cornea ' Ov. Her. 4. 83. Dionys. 4. 69, in But he is not able to show, though he telling the story, has lv\lvriv. asserts, the corruptness of ' Manlio Cnaeo ' 5. per ambages effigiem. A sym- in 7. 22, 10, nor of ' Cotnelium Setvium' in bolical representation. 29. 2,11, and *Lucretio Spurio ' in 30.1 9. o iuvenes. The ' o' with the simple he allows to pass. In 29. 14, 12 we have vocative is poetical. When the vocative ' Claudiae Quintae,' but on the practice of has an epithet which is emphatic, ' o ' is treating the praenomen of women as a common in prose. For examples, see Mad- cognomen, see Mommsen, Rom. Forsch. vig, Lat. Gr. § 236, Obs. I. p. 33. 10. Tarquinius Sextus. This is the 19. in ea aetate. On ' in,' with words leading of M P. Madvig takes the reading of time, see Madvig, Lat. Gr. § 276, Obs. ' Tarquinii ut Sextus,' omitting the ' ut ' I and 4. The present phrase may perhaps before ' ignarus.' In this way ' Tarquinii ' be compared with ' in tali tempore,' i. e. in is contrasted with ' Brutus ' at the beginning such circumstances. Sail. Cat. 48 and Lucr. of the next sentence, besides that 'iubent' 1. 93. seems to want a subject. But Madvig de- 23. ministerio. Madvig reads ' min- nies that Livy ever puts the ' praenomen ' isteriis ' after P. LIB. I. CAP. LIX. 195 Collatinus cum L. lunio Bruto venit, cum quo forte Romam rediens^ab nuntio uxoris erat conventus. Lucretiam sedentem 7 maestam in cubiculo inveniunt. adventu suorum lacrimae obortae. quaerentique viro 'satin salve?' 'minime' inquit : ' quid enim salvi est mulieri ^ amissa pudicitia ? vestigia viri 5 alieni, Collatine, in leeto sunt tuo. ceterum corpus est tantum violatum'^ animus insons : mors testis erit. sed date dexteras 8 fidemque haud inpune adultero fore. Sex. est Tarquinius, qui hostis pro hospite, priore nocte^vi armatus^mihi sibique, 8 si vos viri estis, pestiferum hinc abstulit gaudium.' dant lo ordine omnes fidem ; consolantur aegram-animi^ avertendo noxam ab coacta in auctorem'^delicti : mentem peccare non 10 corpus, et unde consilium afuerit, culpam abesse. 'vos' in- quit ' videritis, quid illi debeatur : ego me etsi peccato absolvo, supplicio non libero ; nee ullaT deinde inpudica'Xucretiae ex- 15 11 empio vivet.' cultrum, quern sub veste abditum habebat, eum 12 in corde defigit, prolapsaque in volnus moribunda , cecidit. conclamat vir paterque. 1 LIX. Brutusfillis luctu occupatisi cultrum ex-volnere-Lucre- tiae -extractum manantem cruore prae se tenens ' per hunc ' 20 inquit ' castissimum [ante regiam iniuriamj sanguinem iuro, vosque, dii, testes facio, me L. Tarquinium Superbum cum scelerata coniuge et omni I liberorum stirpe ferro igni, quacum- que denique vi possim, exsecuturum, nee illos nee alium 2 quemquam regnare Romae passurum.' cultrum deinde Col- 35 latino tradit, inde Lucretio ac Valerio, stupentibus miraculo rei, unde novum in Bruti pectore ingeniumf "^ ut praeceptum erat, iurant ; totique ab luctu versi in iram^Brutum, iam inde 4. satin salve. Livy has the expres- that 'ue' dropped out owing to the resem- sion in 3. 26,9; 6. 34,8; 10. 18, II. It blance of the 'ui' that follows, and then is commonly explained by supposing a verb that 'deniq' was altered to 'dehinc' such as ' agis," with which ' salve ' stands as ' Dehiiic ' appears not to be elsewhere used an adverb. by Livy, and if used here would stand nafu- Q. hostis pro hospite. We have had rally with ' exsecuturum.' ^ this rhetorical conceit before. See 12,8. exsecuturum. ' Exsequi isusedinthe 18. conclamat vir paterque. Refer- sense of punishing with an accusative of the ring to the custom of calling a person loudly offence, but not elsewhere of the crnumal. by name just after death. The conjecture of Rhenanus, ■ exacturum, 20. manantem cruore. The best is adopted by Madvig and Hertz. MSS. have ' manante,' but Hertz and Mad- 27. in Bruti pectore. This of course vie prefer 'manantem;' rightly, I think. sounded more forcible to a Roman than Td /^ ZX V ■28.11,4. it can to us, to whom Brutus is a mere 24. denique vi. 'Denique vi ■ is Mad- proper name. 'In the breast of the duU vig's correction for ' dehinc' He thinks lard,' O 2 194 TITI LIVI Sex. Tarquinium mala- libido Lucretiad^per vim Stuprandae ' capit"^; cum forma tum spectata^ castitas incitat. et turn qui- dem ab nocturno-iuvenali-ludo in castpa redeunt. ii LVIII. Faucis interiectis diebus, Sex. Tarquinius Linscio i 5 CoUatinq] cum comite uno CoUatiam venit. ubi exceptus be- g nigne ab ignaris consiliijCum post cenam in hospitale-cubi- culum deductus esset, amore ardens, postquam satis 'tuta circa sopitique omnes videbantur, stricto gladio ad dormientem Lucretiam venit, sinistraque manu mulieris'^ pectore oppresso 10 ' tace Lucretia ' inquit ; ' Sex. Tarquinius sum ; ferrum in manu est, moriere, si emiseris vocem.' cumfpavida ex somnqjs mulier nullam opem, prope mortem- imminentem videret, tum Tarquinius fateri amorem, orare, miscere precibus minas, versare in omnes partes muliebrem-animum. ubi obstinatam 4 15 videbat et ne mortis quidem metu inclinari, addit ad metum dedecus : cum mortua iugulatum- servum- nudum 'positurum ait, ut in sordido adulterio necata dicatur. quo terrore cum 5 vicisset obstinatam- pudicitiam velut victrix- libido, profectus- que inde Tarquinius [ferox expugnato-decore-muliebri]| esset, 20 Lucretia maesta tanto malo nuntium Romam eundem ad patrem Ardeamque ad virum mittit, ut cum singulis fidelibus amicis veniant : ita facto maturatoque opus esse ; rem atro- cem incidisse. Spurius Lucretius cum P. Valerio Volesi filio, e ■A. et tum quidem. 'Et .. quidem* in adulterio deprehenderim.* has here the force of /iJc, that is, it excites i8. velut victrix. This cannot pos- expectation, and implies that there is more, sibly be right. Hertz and Weissenbom and something more important, to tell. enclose the words in brackets. Markland 4. Sex. Tarquinius. One would proposed ' velut ultrix' with no probability; suppose that there would be agreement, if on Madvig reads ' vel vi victrix," explaining anything, on the name of the dishonourer of ' libido quae vel sola vi, ne adhibito quidem Lucretia. Yet Servius (ad Aen. 8. 646) illo terrore et dedecoris minis, vincebat calls him Arruns, and leaves Sextus entirely superiorque erat.' Surely this is very point- out of the story. ^ less. Dr. Liddell writes to me that some 7. satis tuta circa, i.e. 'omnia,' which single long word seems concealed under is to be supplied from ' sopitique omnes,' ' velut victrix.' If so, it must be ' violatrix.' which follows. ' Sopiti,' '/as< asleep." Cp.95. It is to be remembered that ' libido ' 14. muliebrem animum. Not merely means merely 'a fancy," not necessarily equivalent to ' mulieris animum." ' He ap- sensual or vicious, and rather requires a de- plied every motive likely to influence a fining adjective. So above, 5. 10 ' mtda female heart." libido.' 16. servum nudum. Not ' o slave," as 23. Volesi filio. We find both ' Vole- Dr. Dyer translates, but ' the slave," refer- sus ' and ' Volusus." It appears to be re- ring to 'cum comite uno" above. Servius lated to Valerius as Marcus to Marcius says this slave's name was Aethiops, and Quintius to Quintus. We must consider it he makes Sextus say, 'Nisi mecum concu- as a praenomen here. In later times we bueris Aethiopem tecum interimo, tanquam find it also as a cognomen. LIB. I. CAP. LX. 197 invecta corpora patris nefando vehiculo filia, invocatique ultores Uparentum dii. his atrocioribusque credo aliis, quae praesens rerum indignitas' haudquaquam jrelatu) scriptoribus ia'cilia^subi- cit, memoratis incensam multitudinem perpulit, ut imperium regi abrogaret, exulesque esse iuberet L. Tarquinium cum 5 12 coniuge ac liberis. ipse iunioribus, qui ultro nomina-dabant, lectis armatisque; ad concitandum inde adversus^regem exer- citum Ardeam in castra est-profectus ; imperium in urbe Lucretio, praefecto urbis iam ante ab rege institute, "relinquit. 13 inter hunc tumultum TuUia domo profugit , execrantibus qua- 10 cumque incedebat invocantibusque parentum furias viris muli- eribusque.- 1 LX. [Harum rerum nuntiis in castra perlatis^cum re nova trepidus rex pergeret Romam ad comprimendos motus, flexit viam Brutus — senserat enim adventum, — ne obvius fieret ; 15 eodemque - fere - tempore diversis itineribus Brutus Ardeam, 2 Tarquinius Romam venerunt. Tarquinio clausae portae exi- liumque indictuin'^f liberatorem urbis laeta- castra accepere, exactique inde liberi regis, duo patrem secuti sunt, qui ex- ulatum Caere in Etruscos ierunt ; Sextus Tarquinius Gabios ^o tamquam in suum regnum profectus.ab ultoribus veterum simultatium, quas sibi ipse caedibus rapinisque concierat, est about him except what is implied in this absence of the king, ' 1"' '"^J^^ff "'^ .co^pori-withsom'LLferiorMSS. is mentioned agam m 3- 3- 6 and 3. 7i^k^^^^^^ ;Hr^m:;-r^c:^r:;^ ^^r,^" f B^ns-'LectT/e ag'Lst Tarqui- ment already begun but -t -ayj- k ^us Superbus^ observing that t^ presen proceed be used of the^beg^^ ^g ^^,„„; posture of affairs rendered it difficult for ^""^^^"^ Jf„^^ him, and indeed he is writers to insert them;' thus converting the ^jl suthcientiy ^^.^^ ^^ ^.^^^^ words into » venomous insinuation aga.ns refuted by ne p g _ ^_^^, the government of Augustus. Dr.Dyerwntes 'i^°''i-^;^>-^^^^p„,JJoM translate as if Livy had a report of Bru-^s sFeech be (E^K 6. J3), -^ich ^^^^^^^^^^ ^^ ^^_ ^^^ fore him; whereas, the word 'credo im <:°n™" ' by' begin.' It answers to phes that he is thinking what Brutus would remarks to me, by beg be likely to say. ■ Praesens rerum indg- MUton s ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^„ , nitas- is the keen sense of present injustice ^egm ' ,^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^ in Brutus' mind, which, says L.vy, suggests ^^- *""'> g) , that after the cap- bitter words that no mere chronicler can D.onyf,;^^ 5^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^ ki„g „f j. reproduce. A^mrHin^ to Bv using ' tanquam' Livy shows that he rl A^;."'""an"offi'^ app^ItfdTn .^e ha^d I solewha? different account. 196 TITI LIVI ad expugnandum regnum vocantem, secuntur ducem. elatum 3 domo^ Lucretiae corpus in forum deferunt, concientque mira- culo, ut fit, rei novae atque indignitate homines, pro se quis- que scelus regium ac vim queruntur. movet cum patris 4 S maestitia, turn Brutus castigator lacrimarum atque inertium querellarum ; auctorque, quod viros, quod Romanes deceret, arma capiendi adversus'Tiostilia*- ausos. ferocissimus quisque 6 iuvenum cum armis voluntarius adest, sequitur et cetera iuventus. inde parte praesidio "^elicta Collatiae ad portas, 10 custodibusque datis, ne quis eum- motum regibus nuntiaret, ceteri armati Induce Bruto' Romam profecti. ubi eo ventum 6 est, quacumque incedit armata multitude, pavorem ac tumul- tum facit. rursus ubi anteire primores- civitatis vident, quid- quid sit, haud temere esse rentur. nee minorem motum 7 IS animorum Romae tarn- atrox- res facit, quam Collatiae fecerat. ergo , ex omnibus locis urbis , in forum curritur. quo simul ventum est, praeco ad tribunum Celerum, in quo tum magi- stratu forte Brutus erat, populum advocavit. ibi oratio habita 8 nequaquam eius pectoris ingeniique, quod simulatum ad eam 30 diem fuerat, de vi ac libidine Sex. Tarquinii, de stupro infando Lucretiae et miserabili caede, de orbit^te Tricipitini, cui morte filiae causa- mortis indignior ac miserabilior esset addita 8 superbia ipsius regis miseriaeque et labores plebis in fossas cloacasque exhauriendas demersae : Romanos homines, victo- 25 res omnium- circa -populorum, opifices ac lapicidas pro bella- toribus factos. indigna Servi-Tulli- regis memorata , caedes, et lo 2. miraculo .. atque indignitate. 13. rursus ubi, i. e. to counteract their For the expression, cp. 47. 9. fears they had the consideration that the 9. parte praesidio. M has ' pari leading men were in it. praesidio relicto,' which Alschefski explains 17. tribunum Celerum. The sup- ' praesidium quantum et tempus et locus posed improbability that Brutus, being a postulabant.* P has • paris,' from which dullard, should yet have held this magis- J. F. Gronovius has drawn the suggestion tracy, would not seem very formidable in a * inde pars praesidio relicti Collatiae,. ad history otherwise well attested. Cahgula portas custodibus datis.' I have followed was mad, and Claudius was * brutus ' in the Madvig and W., though not satisfied with strictest sense of the word, i. e not an idiot their reading. Madvig says that ' pari ' but slow-witted and inert. Tarquin is re- sprang from * parti,' the old form of the presented as devoted to famil)' government, ablative. But it seems clear tha^.it was the and of such governments the appointment custodes, not the praesidium, that were at of notoriously unfit men to high office is the gates. The best sense is given by Gro- the most, characteristic fault. The 'tribu- novius' reading or Heerwagen's ' parte prae- nus celerum ' is said to have been com- sidio relicta Collatiae custodibusque datis ad mander of the cavalry (Lydus de Mag. portas.' 1. 14). We have no further information^ 198 TITI LI VI LIB. I. interfectus. L. Tarquinius Superbus regnavit annos quinque 3 et viginti. regnatunf' Romae ab condita urbe ad liberatam annos ducentos quadraginta quattuor. duo consules inde co- 4 mitiis centuriatis a praefecto urbis Cex commentariis Servi TulliJ S creati sunt, L. Junius Brutus et L. Tarquinius CoUatinus. 4. a praefecto urbis. According to Dion, 4. 84, Lucretius was named • interrex ' by Brutus to conduct the elections. The question has been much discussed whether the ' tribunus celerum ' and the ' praefectus urbis ' had the powers which they are here described- as exercising. But these proceed- ings were avowedly revolutionary. Momm- sen says it must be a fiction that a ' tribunus celerum ' brought forward the resolution of deposition, because that officer could not have had such competence, as not even the 'praefectus urbis' had it. 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