(Qarnell Httioeratty ffitbrarg Strata, Hero fork BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE FISKE ENDOWMENT FUND THE BEQUEST OF WILLARD FISKE LIBRARIAN OF THE UNIVERSITY 1666-1883 1905 The date shows when this volume was taken. To renew this book cony the call No. and give to the librarian. ■* -aotiaai H0ME ™ RULES All Books subject to recall AH borrowers must regis- ter in the library to borrow books for home use. All books must be re- turned at end of college year for inspection and repairs. Limited books must be returned within the four wsek limit and not renewed. Students must return all books before leaving town. i I Officers should arrange for . [ „ the return of books wanted during their absence from ■ town. Volumes of periodicals s '** and of pamphlets are held in the library as much as possible. For special pur- poses they are given out for a. limited time. Borrowers should not use their library privileges for the benefit of other persons. •_ Books of special -value and gift/books, when the ,". giver wishes it, are not allowed to circulate. Readers are asked to re- port all cases of books marked or mutilated. Do not deface books by marks and writing. Cornell University Library PR 447.G76 The last hundred years of English litera 3 1924 013 259 787 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924013259787 THE LAST HUNDRED YEARS OF ENGLISH LITERATURE BY CHARLES GRANT. JENA, FR. FEOMMASN. LONDON, WILLIAMS AND NOBOATE. 1866. /\5\£oSt TO MY MOTHER I DEDICATE THIS BOOK. ' PREFACE. This book is based on a course of lectures which I read in Jena in the winter of 1864 — 5. I then endeav- oured to sketch the history of modern English litera- ture by criticising the works of those poets and novelists who have exercised the greatest influence over it , and pointing out the nature and extent of that influence. I confined myself almost entirely to works of imagination 'and mentioned none that did not seem to have a perma- nent value. I now offer those lectures in a modified form to a larger public. Though a great part has been re- written and the whole carefully revised, this volume still bears, I fear, too many traces of its origin. In the first book I have not mentioned those writ- ers who like Sterne belonged in character to the pro- ceeding period but confined my attention to those who prepared the way for the age of Wordsworth, Byron and Scott. In the last I have left unnoticed those who had not obtained a wide celebrity hefore the year 1860, though the later works of earlier writers will be found mentioned in the proper place. This rule which I have been obliged for many obvious reasons to observe has prevented me mentioning several interesting and remark- VI PEEGACE. able works as for example the dramas of M r Swinburne, several novels of George Meredith and Henry Kingsley, the Angle House^and many others. The American literature did not seem to me to be- long to my subject, for though it has doubtless been greatly influenced by that of England, and has in its turn exercised a great influence on that of the latter country, it has been modified by different circumstances, and is the result of a different form of social and nation- al life. The distance of any English library has rendered it impossible for me to verify my quotations from Robert Browning and Owen Meredith. CONTENTS. BOOK I. Chapter I. page Character of the proceeding age. James Macpherson. Ossian. Percy's .„Reliques" 1 Chapter II. Thomas Chatterton. His life. The Rowley poems. William Cowper 16 Chapter III. Scotch Literature. Jacobite songs. Other lyrical poetry before 1760. Robert Burns. His Life. Tarn o' Shanter. The Cot- ter's Saturday Night. Lyrical poems ... . . . 25 BOOK n. Chapter I. General character of the period. Causes of the poverty of the dramatic literature. State of the stage. The poetical schools 43 Chapter II. Sir Walter Scott. Poems. Novels. Life of Napoleon. Charac- ter of Scott's genius .... . . . . . 52 Chapter HI. Lord Byron. His youth. Hours of Idleness. English Bards and Scotch Reviewers. First Cantos of Childe Harold's Pilgri- mage. Tales. His marriage and separation from his wife. Political poems. Contrast between Byron and Scott's feeling for Napoleon . ... .... ... .62 Chapter IV. Byron's Domestic Poems. The Dream. Manfred. Heaven and Earth. His life in Italy. Last Cantos of Childe Harold. The Vision of Judgement. Don Juan. His death. Moral character of his works. Its causes. Camparison between Scott and Byron. Thomas Moore. His Satires. Narrative and lyrical poems. Prose works. General character .... 75 VIII CONTENTS. p»go Chapter V. William Wordsworth. His School contrasted with that of Scott and Byron. His subjects. Lyrical Ballads. The Excursion. Sonnets. General character. Samuel Taylor Coleridge. Frag- mentary nature of his works. Christabel. Ancient Mariner. Diversity of his talents. General character .... 98 Chapter VI. Percy Bysshe Shelley. Early Life. Qulen Mab. His marriage. Alastor. Revolt of Islam. Prometheus Unbound. The Cenci. Adonais. Lyrical poems. His death. General character. John Keats. Walter -Savage Landor. Charles Lamb . 119 BOOK m. Chapter I. General character of the period The Novel. Influence of Foreign writers and of periodicals . . . . . . . 141 Chapter II. Alfred Tennyson. Early poems. The Princess. In Memoriam. The Idylls of the King. General character. Elizabeth Bar- ret Browning. Robert Browning. Owen Meredith . . 147 Chapter III. Thomas Carlyle. Sartor Resartus. Latter Day Pamphlets. Essays. Historical works. Macaulay. Hallam . . ... 168 Chapter IV. Novels of the Period. Bulwer Lytton. Eugene Aram. Disraeli. Anthony Trollope. Charles Dickens. Pickwick and other novels. David Copperfield William Makepeace Thackeray. Vanity Fair. Pendennis. General character. The London School as a whole. Religious novels: Charles Kingsley and the Muscular Christians . . . . . . . 176 Chapter V. George Eliot. Scenes of Clerical Life. Adam Bede. Romola. General character ... ... . . . . 198 Chapter VI. Review of the period , . . . 214 BOOK I. 1760 — 1800. CHAPTER I. The poetry of the age that succeeded the Eestoration differed widely from all that had gone before it. The revo- lution had passed like a deluge over England, and had obliterated the old landmarks. The traditions of the great age had been lost amid the storms of the civil -wars. The whole character of English life had been changed. The courtiers who surrounded Charles II bore little or no re- semblance to the Cavaliers who had fought round his father, still less did his subjects resemble the yeomanry who had gathered round "Good Queen Bess" in the hour of England's need. The theatres had been closed for years, and the master- pieces of the Eliszabethan drama were all but forgotten when they were reopened. Hence there was no English taste to oppose that which the courtiers imported from France. In their exile they had become acquainted with the literature of that country, and had imbibed its taste. To this the decline of our poetry has often been ascribed , and it doubt- less hastened, though I do not think it caused it. It injured our poetry for the same reason that it stimulated our science, it brought us into connexion with the other nations of Europe, and so exposed us to the influences that were governing them. The end of the seventeenth, 'and the beginning of the eighteenth century was the age of science as opposed to poetry. Everywhere in Europe there was an endeavour to systematize. Every thing must be weighed and measured 1* 4 Book I. Chapter I. and explained. Human nature itself was reduced by the philosophers of the day to a mere system of forces. Man was to these thinkers nothing but a cunningly made machine. His moral nature was but a nicely adjusted balance, in which different interests were weighed. All that is demonic in our nature , the noble passion that makes men forget selfinterest, the fine enthusiasm that leads to self-abnegation, was either ignored, or put aside as folly and madness. In such a system there could be but small room for art. It could not, it is true, like religion be quite done away with, for the saloons must be decorated, and the philosophers taust be amused^ but it was degraded into a mere servant of luxury. A taste for music or pictures and a taste for wine were placed on nearly the same level, both were signs of an expensive edu- cation. Poetry was a little better treated than her sister arts. She was changed into a pedagogue. There were cer- tain moral lessons which it was necessary to teach, and poetry was charged with the care of putting them into an agreeable form. As soon as -she was safely installed in the school- room, a series of school -laws were drawn up ac- cording to which she was to teach. By these laws all poets living and . dead were judged. Those who had written on other principles were misrepresented or condemned. The sublime poetry of Greece was cut down to the saloon stan- dard-; the luxurient and romantic literature of Spain was accused of fancifulness and childishness, while ShakspeajM was put aside as a barbarian, who had now and then chanced upon a lucky thought. Didactic poetry became the favourite form of verse. The tales and dramas that were still written were moulded on a conventional standard. Neither imagi* nation nor passion were allowed full scope.- The flowing rhetoric of Dryden, and the polished brilliancy of Pope were prefered to the gorgeous imagination of Spenser, and the heartrending passion of Shakspeare. Nor was this dislike for the sublime and the irregular confined to art. Goldsmith Introduction. 5 preferred the scenery of the Netherlands to that of Scotland, and Addison wrote when at Geneva; — „My head is still giddy with mountains and precipices, and you can't imagine how much I am pleased with the sight of a plain, that is' as agreeable to me at present as the sight of a shore was about a year ago , after our tempest at Genoa." These two poets were in many respects the representatives of their age. And Goldsmith at least had a much clearer perception of the beauties of nature than most of his contemporaries. Now a poet can hardly be expected to produce grand works of art when he is incapable of admiring the beauties of nature. Accordingly we find that the writers of this age paid more attention to their diction and rhythm than to any thing else. Even in this they were conventional. Neatness was consi- dered the highest literary beauty, and the monotonous and stereotyped rhythmical forms of Pope were preferred to the wild melody of the poets of the Elizabethean age. These faults must at least in part be attributed to the scientific spirit of the age. Literary criticism had become a science, but, like every other science, it was some time be- fore it found the system it ought to persue. Indeed, before the time of Lessing, it bore almost the same resemblance to real criticism that alchymy does to chemistry. It was studied by many men of talent, and several truths were discovered. 3?rom these a few laws of more or less importance were de- duced, but the system persued was false; and the end that was aimed at was impossible. Nor is this to be wondered at. Criticism presents more temptation to superficiality than any other science. A naturalist may ignore the phenomena which are opposed to his theory, but he cannot declare that nature is wrong in producing them or that they have no right to exist. A critic on the other hand can- and often must- say that works of great popularity are the results of a depraved taste. Thus he is at once discoverer, lawgiver, and judge. g Book I. Chapter I. How injurious the influence of the critics was, a Single glance at the literature of this age will show. The value of each branch of it stands almost exactly in inverse proportion to their influence over it: Novel writing is almost the only department in which the century which succeeded the Kestoration can be said to excel, and, in it, the in- fluence of the critics was least felt. Tet even here it was all but insupportable, as the frequent and angry protests of Fielding and his contemporaries prove. If we turn to the Drama, we find that in tragedy where the laws were stric- test, the age produced no single work that belongs to the first, and very few that stand high in the second class, while in comedy which, from its very nature, is more difficult to control, we find several names that belong to the very highest order. In satire it is true our rule does not hold good; but the laws that govern this style of writing are much more obvious than those of dramatical, epic or lyrical poetry, and they were well known to the critics of the day. But not only were many of the rules which were at this time universally accepted superficial and injurious, the end they aimed at was unattainable, the foundation on which they rested was false. It was taken for granted that a stan- dard could be fixed for every branch of literature. The writers of Germany, France, and England freed themselves as far as possible of their national typus, -and endeavoured to. approach this universal ideal as nearly as possible. Thus the drama of Greece was held up to universal admiration, and by it all plays were judged. The works of Shakspeare and Fletcher might be full of passion and humour, their cha- racters might be drawn with exquisite truth, and their plots constructed with consummate skill, they had not observed the unities, and these beauties were as nothing in the ba- lance, they -were condemned. Now, if we compare the drama of Greece with that of England in the Elizabethan age , we find that each is perfect in its kind, and each is in some Introduction. 7 respects superior to the other. In art, as in nature, there are many kinds of beauty.- Sophocles and Shakspeare were both poets of the highest order, but a Shakspeare cut and pruned into a bad imitation of Sophocles would be a mon- strosity. Still we cannot but confess that the critics of this age eonferred some very important benefits on our literature. The drama of the . Shakspearean age, with all its beauties, was often barbarous, and the lyrical poetry of the same period is frequently disfigured by quibbles and conceits. Both these faults, the critics of the French or classical school banished from our poetry. Nor must we deny them the credit of paving the way for a purer and more catholic taste than their own. "Whatever the cause may have been, it cannot be doubted that the poetry of England from the Restoration down to the .year ,1760 or thereabouts was, taken as a whole, very shallow and common -place. Swift is perhaps the only writer of the period who had any thing gigantic about him, and his was the grandeur of a fallen angel. For the rest primness had usurped the place of beauty, and ele- gance that of grace. The same is true of France and Ger- many. Every where we find mental activity and scientific research, nowhere any great creative power, or even a capability of appreciating the sublimest works of art. In that age there were people in England who thought that Pope's translation of Homer was superior to the original, and critics, in France who preferred Racine to Sophocles. But, after all, this false and artificial taste was confined to the higher classes, it never became general among the people. "While Dryden and Addison were praised by the critics, Shakspeare and Fletcher retained their places on the stage. "While the „Rape of the Lock" and the „Henriade" were ad- mired by the fine gentlemen and ladies of Berlin and Lon- don , German peasants repeated, by the chimney corner, the g Book I. Chapter I. marvellous fairy tales which had been the delight of their forefathers, and the wives of Scotch, fishermen sung their children to sleep with ballads whose passion and tenderness will bear a comparison with any part of our literature. In the year 1760 Dr. Johnson , Oliver Goldsmith, and Lawrence Sterne were the greatest representatives of English literature. They were all men of talent, and even the se- verest critic cannot deny genius to Sterne. But in character they belonged to the age that was passing away, so that we cannot enter into an examination of their works. For the same reason we shall pass the plays of Sheridan without no- tice. But about this time a reaction began in our poetry! We may notice two circumstances which probably hastened, though they did not cause it, and which were at least signs that it was near. Garrick had acted Shakspeare's plays to admiring crowds, and Dr. Johnson's edition of the same poet had been sold with extraordinary haste. We cannot but think that the crowds that thronged the theatre and the students who read Lear and.Macbeth in their studieB could not help asking themselves whence came the strange charm of his writings, and why it was wanting in Cato, and the other masterpieces which the classical school held up to their admiration. Be this as it may, a taste for our old literature, and a longing for novelty grew up side by side. The Poems of Ossian were a very successful attempt to satisfy both. The popularity which this work once enjoyed all over Europe renders it necessary for us to linger a few moments over it. In the year 1760, James Macpherson published a work entitled „Fragments of ancient poetry translated from the Gaelic or Erse languages". This volume consisted of a series of Fragments, written in a very bombast and mannerized prose style. These were, as he stated, literal translations of songs which were sung in Gaelic by the natives of the North of Scotland, and were the works of a poet who lived, probably, in the second or third century after Christ. It Macpherson. 9 •was not the first time that Macpherson had appeared before the public as an author. In his twenty first year he had published an heroic poem, >,The Highlander", one of the worst of the miserable productions of that age. It had been treated with well deserved neglect. Another fate however awaited his new volume. It attracted universal attention, and a subscription was made to enable him to travel through the Highlands and continue his studies. In 1762 he pub- lished „Fingal", an Epic poem in six books, and in 1 763 fe- mora" in eight books. These too he attributed to the same poet, Ossian. They caused one of the bitterest controversies which have raged in England. There can now be no doubt that they were forgeries, nor were they very ingenious for- geries ; it is one of the greatest proofs of the shallowness of the age that they should ever have been considered genuine. Let us turn for a moment to the real epics which have been handed down by word of mouth as these professed to be. The most remarkable of which we are possessed are the Hiad . and the Odyssey, the Nibelungen and the Gudrunlied. Here we find the greatest simplicity. The poet has a tale to tell, and he tells it in the simplest manner. He is too busied with his subject to waste his time in seeking orna- ments. He describes, when description is necessary to make us understand his tale, but never for the mere sake of de- scribing, whereas the tale in Eingal is but a peg on which Ossian hangs gaudy and incorrect descriptions of nature, and other rags of tawdry finery. Again, in all really popular epics we find that, when pictures are used, they are used to make the sense clearer or more impressive, and not for their own sakes alone. In these poems, on the other hand, they are piled on each other till they obscure the sense and ■we see the characters-~moving, as it were, in a thick fog. In a narrative poem which is intended to be declaimed or sung, the interest must be centred on the story, and all minor beauties must be sacrificed, if they interfere -with it. i| Book I. Chapter I. Every thing must be clear and sharply drawn that it may make the intended impression on the, audience. This is the ease with all, the works above mentioned. Let us take the Nibelungenlied which approaches far more nearly than the Homeric poems the character of the age and nation to which Ossian's works were attributed. "Who that has read it ever forgot a single incident in the tragic story? From the girlish dream of Krimhilda to the death of the last of her race, each scene lives as clearly in our memories as if we had seen the whole. In Eingal, on the other hand, it is often difficult to follow even the thread of the story, and but few could retell even the outlines of the tale six weeks after reading it through. In short, it has not one of the distinguishing qualities of the class to which it was said to belong. But this is not all. The Highland society,: after making a strict search, was unable to find any Gaelic poem which resembled those of Macpherson. There can therefore, be no doubt that the poems of Ossian were forgeries. Nor have they any very great poetical value. But this only makes their popu- larity the more remarkable, as it is a proof of the desire for novelty which was beginning to make itself felt in England. The next work > which demands our attention is of a very different kind. Dr. Thomas Percy, afterwards bishop of Dromore, published, in 1765 his „Beliques of Ancient English poetry". This work was professedly based on a manuscript of ancient ballads which had fallen into his hands , but a great part consisted of lyrical poems from the age of EEzabeth and Charles I. The older and rougher pieces were smoothed and polished into something like mo- dern rhythm, and, though critics and antiquarians may blame him for this, we must ' confess -that the poems exer- cised a much greater influence than they could otherwise have done.' These corrections, too, were made with so much care , and the lyrical poems were chosen with so much Percy. \ \ good taste, that it -would be difficult to find a more delight- ful book in the whole range of our literature. The English ballads contained in these volumes are, for the most part, the productions of the minstrels of the middle ages which had been handed down, by word of mouth, to comparatively modern times. That we do not possess them in their original form is clear from the variations of dif- ferent copies. These changes were sometimes rendered ne- cessary by the development of the language, by words and phrases growing obsolete and having to be replaced by new ones : oftener however they were the voluntary additions or alterations of the singer who looked upon the poem as a piece of property which he might treat as he liked. To this a great part of the life, force, and conciseness of expression which distinguish these poems seem to me to be owing. A clever declaimer would soon perceive which verses pleased, and which tired his audience > and he would be careful to retain the one, and leave out or alter the others. Again, on hearing a ballad in two forms, he would naturally choose the best verses of. both versions. Thus, by a process not unlike that which is known in zoology as natural selection, a popular ballad would go on improving. Of course at a certain point of time this process would cease. When the minstrels had been superseded by books, and the old songs were no longer sung in the Baronial hall, or on the village green, they would become gradually corrupted and forgotten. A few old men would still remember the outlines of the story, but they would forget the incidents, and retain only a verse here and there till, at last, the ballads would sink with them into the silence of the grave. Thanks to Bishop Percy and the industrious collectors who followed him, we Still possess a few in their most perfect form. We may di- vide them into two classes 1) those that treat historical events, and 2) those that treat subjects resembling those of our old romances. "We have an excellent specimen of the 12 Book I. Chapter I. first class in „Clievy Chase" and of the second in „Sir Cauline". In the first of these poems the story is told as simply and straight forwardly as if it were written in prose. There is no ornament, nor is there any attempt to heighten the effect of the tale by the manner of telling it. The subject is grand and heroic, and the interest centres on the subject and not on the form. In these respects it bears no slight resemblance to the Mbelungenlied. In fact, though of course no one would think of comparing it with that incomparable poem, it belongs to the same class — to the poems that spring from the heart of a nation and therefore speak directly to every heart. The ballads which treat romantic subjects differ, in many respects, from the above. If we compare „Sir Cau- line" with the chivalrous romances, we find that it has much more simplicity, much more life, and a much greater dramatic power than they. Compared with the historical ballads, on the other hand, it seems highly ornamented, while the rhythm is much smother and more sonorous. The subject of the poem too is sentimental rather than heroic. It oc- cupies, in short, a position between the romance and the ballad, and was doubtless a great favourite with all who had imbibed the spirit of chivalry. The Scotch ballads contained in Percy's Keliques are, taken as a whole, far superior to those we have above exa- mined. The subjects of the English poems are heroic and sentimental, these are tragic and pathetic. They were only stories, well and simply told, while these are full of bursts of wild and lyrical passion. Here too we have tales of war and battle, but they are no longer told by the merry and careless soldier or in his spirit, but by one whose heart has bled for those whom the hero has left behind him. They are filled with a strange wild pathos and tenderness. They treat a far larger range of feelings Percy. 13 than the English ballads. Patriotism, courage, and love are almost the- only feelings which the latter touch upon. They delight in the glitter of the tournament and the pomp of battle. The Scotch poets, on the other hand, prefer do- mestic crimes and incidents. They touch all our elementary emotions by turn, from the lawless barbarous courage and hate of the border — nobleman to the despair of a mother weeping over her murdered children, from the wild joy of battle to the agony of a vain remorse. „Edward", whose dark melancholy made such an impression on the mind of Heine that he wove it into the unearthly plot of his youth- ful tragedy Kadcliffe, is known to most Germans in Platen's excellent, but rather too polished translation, but the fol- lowing lines from „Edoni o' Gordon" seem to me even more characteristic. That robber chieftain has set fire to the house of his enemy during his absence, while his wife and children are within. „0 than bespaik 1 hir 2 little son, Sate on the nurses knee: Sayes, „Mither s deare gi 4 owre s this house, Eor the reek 6 it smithers 7 me." „I wad 8 gie 4 a' 9 my gowd x ° my childe Sae i * wald 8 I a' my fee, Tor ane 1 2 blast o' 13 the western wind, To blaw 14 the reek frae 15 thee." then bespaik hir dochter 1 6 dear, She was baith x 7 jimp * 8 and sma 1 9 : „0 row 2 ° me in a pair o' sheits 2 1 , And tow me owre the wa 23 ." 1 spoke. 2 her. 3 mother. 4 give. 5 over, up. 6 smoke. 7 9mothers. 8 would. 9 all. 10 gold. 11 so. 12 one. 13 of. 14 blow. 15 from. 16 daughter. 17 both. 18 slender. 19 small. 20 roll. 21 sheets. 23 wall. 14 Book I. Chapter I. They rowd hir in a pair o sheits, And towd hir owre the wa: But on the point of Gordons spear She gat 24 a deadly fa 25 . r bonnie 2 6 bonnie -was hir mouth, And cherry were her cheiks 27 , And clear 2 8 clear was hir zeljow 2 9 hair, Whereon the reid 30 bluid 31 dreips 32 . Then wi' 33 his spear he turnd hir owre, gin 3 4 her face was wan ! He sayd 3 5 , „Ze 3 6 are the first that eir 3 7 1 wisht 38 aliye again." He turnd hir owre and owre againe, gin 3 4 hir skin was whyte ! 3 ? „I might ha 40 spared that bonnie face To hae 40 been sum 41 mans delyte 42 . Busk and boun 4 3 , my merry men a', For ill dooms 4 4 I doe 4 5 guess, 1 cannae 4 6 luik 4 7 in that bonnie face, As it lyes 48 on the grass." The purely lyrical poems which Percy included in his collection were either popular Scotch songs, or pieces chosen from English poets who had already become antiquated. Most of these belonged to the Elizabethan age, the greatest period in the history of our literature. The lyrical poetry of that time, it is true, is frequently disfigured by quibbles and con- ceits. It is often fanciful and sometimes artificial. Yet, in 24,got. 25 fall. 26 beautiful. 27 cheeks. 28 bright. 29 yellow. 30 red. 31 blood. 32 drips. 33, with. 34 a Scottish idiom to ex- press great admiration. 35 said. 36 you. 37 ever. 38 wished. 39 white. 40 have. 41 some. 42 delight. 43 up and about. 44 fate. 45 do. 46 cannot. 47 look. 48 lies. Percy. 15 the purely lyrical element, in richness of imagery, in melody, and freshness of feeling the songs of that age are superior not only to all that the classical school produced, but to every thing our modern literature has to boast of, with the one exception of Burns' poems. From the above it will at once be evident that Percy's „Beliques" was opposed, in almost every important respect, to the taste of the day. The beauties and the faults of the pieces contained in that work were the reverse of those which were in fashion at the time of its publication. The subjects in which the classical school had been most success- ful were didactic or satirical, the poems which formed the principal part of this collection were narrative or lyricaL The epigrammatic brilliancy, the studied elegance, and the artificial nicety of the followers of Pope were here brought into contrast with the barbarous grandeur, the wild imagi- nation, and the Titanic passion of the middle ages and the period which immediately succeeded them. They were not carefully weighed and polished verses, such as the critics then valued most highly, but they were the natural expres- sion of natural feelings. Hence the publication of this work marks the epoch in the history of our literature from which we may date the beginning of its reformation. ' "We have lin- gered long over these volumes, but not longer than they deserve for they were at once the record of the past, and the herald of the future, the relics of the age which preceeded Shakespeare, and the text books of Burger and Scott. 16 Book I. Chapter II. CHAPTER II. Though Dr. Johnson and most of the other leading cri- tics of the age were opposed to Percy's „Reliques" an ^ treated it -with great severity, it -was on the whole -well re- ceived by the public. This is a proof that a more healthy and Catholic taste than that of the classical school was gra- dually developing itself in England. None felt this craving for a more imaginative and na- tural poetry more deeply than the talented and unfortunate Thomas Chatter ton. He was born in Bristol on the 20 th of .November 1752. His father, who died before the birth of the poet, had been the teacher of the charity- school in that "town, and all the education Chatterton ever had was picked up at a free school. Tet even under these unfavourable cir- cumstances he exhibited a wonderful genius at an uncom- monly early age. At fourteen he was apprenticed to an attorney, in iis na- tive town, but he devoted much of his attention to poetry and antiquities. It is sad to think of a boy like Chatterton being bound down to the dreary and irksome routine of an at- torneys office* at so early an age. But his energy, his genius, and his untiring application surmounted every obstacle. His leisure time was spent in study or in wandering alone through the fields, and sketching the village churches near Bristol. "Without a guide, a friend, or any one who could sympathize with his literary tastes, it is no wonder that the youthful poet should become excessively proud and sensitive. Tet these years were probably the happiest 'in his whole life, though even then we find that the thought of suicide was familiar to him. Young as he was, he was already busied with the great work of his life, a series of the most extraordinary literary forgeries in our language. He pretended to have •discovered a number of ancient manuscripts, in an old box Chattel-ton. J 7 which had been removed from Bristol Church as old lumber "by his grandfather, who had been sexton there. Most of these manuscripts, the poet said, had been used by his father as covers for school books, but some that remained were works of the greatest interest. He published the first in 1768 when he was but 16 years old. It was an account of the opening of the old bridge at Bristol, taken, as he said, from an ancient manuscript. After this he presented various extracts from these writings to his friends, some in trans- lations, and some in old English. At last he published a series of poem's in the Town and Country Magazine which were written, as he said, by a M r Canynge, and Thomas Bow- ley- a priest in the 15 th Century. These poems which were written in old English occasioned a warm controversy among literary antiquarians. In April 1770 Chatterton was forced to leave his office. Encouraged by his success in Bristol, he went to London where he tried to support himself by writing for the book- sellers. At first he seems to have been successful, as he wrote very happy and hopeful letters to his mother and sister, and even sent them several presents. He looked at the essays and poems he wrote at this time merely as a means of earning his bread, without taking any great interest in the subjects he wrote upon. England, at that time, was engaged in a great struggle the court with the liberal party; Chatterton alone, living in the midst of the struggle, and writing continually about it, seems to have taken no deep interest in public questions. „He is but a poor author," he writes home, „who cannot write on both sides." This is of course very wrong, but let us pause before we condemn him. Let us remember how sad his life had been, how his glorious genius had been cramped and fettered by poverty, how manfully he was struggling for life, alone and unaided in the midst of the busy battling world. Let us ■remember, too, the tenderness of his letters to his mother, Grant litterature. o 18 Book I. Chapter II. and -those little presents he sent her with his hardly earned money. Nor must we forget how foreign all these questions were to the great purposes and ends of his life. How could the young poet, absorbed in what has been called the sub- lime egotism of Genius, be expected to take any great in- terest in political questions ? How shall we dare to blame the unhappy youth for laxity in respect of them ? But pa- pers, and poems written in such a frame of mind, and on such subjects, cannot be expected to be of any great value. Some of Chattertons were terse and well expressed, but this is almost all that can be said in their praise. Thought and opinion must become passion, before they become fit sub- jects for lyrical poems. This is not the case with these. Literary employment, always proverbially uncertain, was, at that period, more than usually so, and for a number of reasons, which we have not time to enumerate, Chat- terton got out of employment and, sunk into real want. We have not time to trace the misfortunes and vain struggles of the ill fated youth. At last he was without a penny to buy bread. Too proud to be a burden to his mother, or to ask help of his friends, too wearied out and broken spirited to make a last effort, he poisoned himself on the. 25 th of August 1770. He was then seventeen years and nine months old. „No English poet," says Campbell, „ever equaled him -at so early an age." The great work of Chatterton's life was the forgeries of which I have spoken. They were collected and published shortly after his death, under the title of „Poems, supposed to have been written at Bristol, by Thomas Bowley and others, in the fifteenth century." They are written in the language, and mostly in the taste of that age. Here we cannot but ask, what could have induced the youthful poet to bind his genius by the use of crabbed, and antiquated dialect, and the imperfectly developed rhythmical forms of that period? This question leads us to one of the most Chatterton. jg wonderful characteristics of these poems — their thorough objectiveness. Byron, whose sorrows, great as they doubt- less were, cannot be compared with those of Chatterton, spent his whole life in telling the world the doleful story of his misfortunes. His genius modulated the notes, and added depth and variety of colouring to the tale , but it could not raise him above his woe. This comfort Chatterton scorned. If we were to read the poems of Eowley without knowing anything of their author, we should fancy he was some rich, or at least some independent man , who was endowed with an exquisite sense of beauty and melody, but had never known much of sorrow: we should never imagine that he was a poor, neglected and all but hopeless youth, who, after battling bravely and even madly with the troubles of the world , could find no place of rest but a grave. Chat- terton, as we have seen, scorned the comfort which most poets seem to find in such sympathy as they can beg from their hearers, but he doubtless found a deeper and nobler consolation in poetry. The world around him was dark and dreary, his life was monotonous, and he was tired of its drudgery, so he created an ideal world, into which these sorrows could never come. Into it he retired when the of- fice was shut, and the days work over, and in it he met the loving faces and kind hearts, that he sought in vain in this. I must confess that, in excluding all the petty cares and troubles of his every day life from his verses , he seems to me to have acted better and more nobly, than those who show their wounds, and boast of their sorrows. It is easy to see why he laid the scene of his poem in such a distant age. It was not only the pomp of chivalry, and the dreamy retirement of monastic life which attracted him as they af- terwards did the romantic school. Then our poetry had been very different from the monotonous verses which the clas- sical school had made the standard of excellence. The im- perfectly developed forms of that period seemed sweeter to 2* 20 Book I. Chapter H. his ear than the cold alexandrines of Pope , and the wild luxuriance of faney, in which our ancient poets delighted, could not fail to attract an imagination so lively and vivid as his. As to the old spelling, there is something strange- ly attractive in old words a&d forms of expression to those who have pored long on old black letter volumes, and these had been the chief intellectual food within Ghattertons reach. Besides , they were a necessary part of the forgery , if we must call it by so hard a name, which he had determined to carry out. Had he published his verses in his own name, they would probably, even had he, found a publisher, have been oast aside unread as barbarous. But the poems of Rowley, a monk of the 15 th century, could not be treated in so unceremonious a manner, nor could their author be charged with barbarism for writing according to the tastes of his age. But was the imitation successful? On this que- stion much has been written and said and I think that lately the skill of Chatterton has been rather under -than over- valued. It has often been said that Rowley's poems resemble those of the poets of the first half of the nineteenth century, rather than those of the fifteenth. But we must remember that most of these poets imitated, either directly or in- -directly, our ancient literature, and the very parts of their poems which resemble Chatterton's most are those which are most like our pre - Elizabethan writers. There are, of course, thoughts and lines in these poems which could not have been written at the period to which their author ascribed them. , Such for instance is the criticism in the ^epistle to Canynge: „Plays made from holy tales I hold unmeet; > Let some great story of a man be sung; When, as a man, we God and Jesus treat. In my poor mind, we do the Godhead wrong." It is not however by separate lines that such a work must Chatterton. 21 be judged, and, taken as a whole, the poet has been won- derfully successful. "We cannot now enter into a criticism of each of the poems, they differ from each other very widely in value, but taken as a whole , no one can deny that thei prove that their author possessed a highly refined taste, and considerable genius. "We cannot wonder that his contemporaries could hot believe him to be their author, for, from beginning to end, there is nothing boyish in them. In the whole volume there is no bombast, no false sentiment, sickly pathos, nor over- drawn heroism. Can the same be said of the writings of any other poet before reaching his eighteenth year. Who can say what Chatterton might have become? "We will not try to guess. He stands as it is alone, the greatest English poet of his own age , the only boy whose poems will last as long as our language endures. Yet his verses are not entirely free from faults. We find in them the besetting sins of our pre-Elizabethan and modern poetry; Chatterton, when once determined to palm off his poems as ancient, could not, it is true, have avoided them, but they are faults nevertheless. The greatest of those is an inclination to use imagery for its own sake. This is a fault into which the lyrical poets of the fourteenth, fif- teenth, and sixteenth centuries frequently fell. It is also a fault of some- of our modern poets. This we often meet in the writings of Chatterton , but it is so inextricably inter- woven with many beauties that, while regretting its pre- sence , we hardly know how the poet could have avoided it, without destroying much we would not willingly lose; The following lines will show what I mean: Brown as the filbert dropping from the shell, Brown as the nappy ale at Hochtide game, So brown the crooked rings that featly fell Over the neck of the all beauteous dame. 22 Book I. Chapter H. Taper as candles laid at Cuthbert's shrine, Taper as elms that Goodrickes abbey shrove, Taper as silver chalices for wine, So taper was her arms and shape yegrove, As skillful miners by the stones above Can know what metal is yelach'd below, So Kennewalcha's face, yemade for love, The lovely image of her soul did show; Thus was she outward formed; the sun her mind Did gild her mortal shape and all her charms refined. It is quite clear that the „filberts", the „nappy ale", the „candles", the „elms", and the „silver chalices" were not used here to give a clearer idea of the lady whom the poet is describing, but because they in themselves, pleased his fancy. It w just as clear too that this description leaves no vivid impression on our minds. The pictures do not place Kennewalcha before us, they rather draw our at- tention away from her. Yet we cannot deny that these verses have a great beauty of their own. They recall lovely scenes whose beauty the harshest critic must acknowledge. I might mention the half philosophical lines in Ella as defir cient in poetical feeling, but they are written so exactly in the spirit of our earlier poets, and the local colouring is so exquisitely worked out, that I incline to consider them rather as a beauty than a defect. The Weakest piece, in my opinion, in the book is the much praised „Death of Sir Charles Bawdin - '. It is written in imitation of our old bal- lad style, but the subject and manner were too far removed from the circle of Chatterton's thoughts and feelings to be successfully treated by him. Such were the great faults of his verses, and surely it is rather a cause of wonder that they are so few, than that these few are there. Living in the midst of a prosaic and critic — ridden age, his poems are remarkable for their freshness and force of imagination. Their indirect effect on our literature has been all but in- Cowper. 23 calculable. From him. "Wordsworth, Coleridge and Shelley learned much, and each of them has lamented his fate and celebrated his genius in verses of admirable tenderness and power. That he is little known out of England, and even there comparatively little read, is probably owing to the antiquated dialect in which his poems are written, which is much more difficult than the language of Chaucer and Gower. Such was the life, and such are the poems of Chatterton. Surely the sternest moralist will rather lament his untimely fate, than blame The marvellous boy, The sleepless soul that perished in his pride for his last rash act. His poems will never cease to delight all lovers of the imaginative, but somewhat fanciful poetry of the middle ages. Nor will his name ever be mentioned without a sigh of regret, that one so gifted should have been so unfortunate , that so great a genius should not have sur- vived to enjoy the fame he so well merited, and to leave behind him some great work, which might have taken its place among the noblest productions of our literature. It would be difficult to find a character which presents a more thorough contrast to Chatterton in every respect than the man whose name stands next on our list — William Cowper. The one, born in the midst of poverty, and hem- med in with difficulties on every side, allowed none of these to mar, or even to colour his poems; The other, born of one of the highest English families, and in Ms whole life suffering scarcely any trouble that deserved the name, fret- ted himself into madness over imaginary evils. The one, urged on by the wild fire of Genius, was engaged during the greater part of his short life in a hopeless struggle with fate; the other, living retired from the world and far from its toil and turmoil, argued himself into despair by fears of an eternal punishment. Yet the works of William Cowper form an important link in the history of our lite- 24 Book I. Chapter II. rature. He was and perhaps still is the most popular poet of his age. But he is most popular in circles where the grandest productions of our literature are seldom read. Cowper's mind was more nearly related to the classical writers than to the great poets who preceeded them. His favorite subjects are either didactic or satiric. He is seldom passionate and enthusiastic. He is a dreamer rather than a singer, and his dreams are not glorious visions of beauty and of splendour, like those of Shelley, they are the reveries and meditations of a religious recluse, who loves to linger by the willowy streams, and to stray down the woodland ways of English scenery. Yet his works did almost as much to reform our literature as those we have been examining. The classical poetry had become, as we have seen, al-. most inane, a series of polished lines without life, passion, beauty, truth, or power. Percy and Chatterton had com-r bated this taste by republishing and reproducing our ancienti poetry. They had held up the simple truth and heroism of pur old ballads , and the wild imagination and tenderness of ancient lyric to the admiration of the public. Cowper at- tacked the false taste of the day on another side — ■ by the studied truth of his details. He clothed the simple events' of every day in verse. He loved to tell his readers how well M rs Unwin made tea, and how they chatted over it, to talk about his dogs and his hares, his walks and his day dreams. Such subjects are not very grand or poetical, nor are his verses brilliant, but his poetry is true. Nature breathes through every line. This is the reason why he attained po- pularity, and still remains popular. He was, however, most successful as a religious poet, His hymns are among the best in our language, though they have not the deep fervour of those of Wesley and Kewton» They are still sung in the churches and chapels of most Engr lish sects, and they deserve their popularity. They have, it is true, many faults; the chief of which is that they are Cowper. 25 often dogmatic, and the narrow creed of their author often spoils even the finest passages. Percy, Chatterton and -Cowper may be looked upon as the leaders of the literary revolution which dethroned the classical poets. They exercised a far greater influence over the tasto of the succeeding age than any of their contemporaries. Indeed, we shall find that each of them may be looked upon as the forerunner of a particular school. We must pass over the minor poets of the age without notice, that we may have time for the Scotch; literature of this period. CHAPTER III. The Scotch literature , during the latter half of the eighteenth century, differed very widely from that of Eng- land during the same period. It could not but be so. Down to 1707 England and Scotland had been different nations, governed, it is true, by the same sovereign, but in every other respect dissimilar to each other. The history of Scot- land had been the story of a brave and succesful resistance to the unjust demands of her powerful neighbour. Nor was the history forgotten. It lived in the hearts of the people. Tales about Bruce and "Wallace were still told by every fire- side. Songs relating their deeds , and praising their bravery still passed from mouth to mouth. Nor did the union at first do much to diminish this feeling. The Scotch were treated by the English as a set of poor and greedy adventu- rers, who wished to prey on the riches of England, while they, in their turn, regarded the English as arrogant enemies who had managed to trick Scotland out of 1 her freedom. Scotch too was not a dialect of English in the same sense as the. languages of Suffolk and Yorkshire were dialects. It had, as its historians proudly and with truth asserted, a 26 Book I. Chapter in. thoroughly independent literature. Nor was this literature contemptible. In the fifteenth century it had been one of the finest in Europe. It was rich in Romances, fabliaux, and satires. In short, the nations were, at the commen- cement of the last century, so thoroughly estranged that a union with France would probably have been much more popular in Scotland than that with England. Such was the state of public feeling, when in 1745 Charles Edward landed almost unattended in Scotland, and half the nation rallied round its banished prince. The history of the rebellion does not of course concern us at present, but the feeling that pro- duced it is embodied in a series of songs which we cannot leave unnoticed. In a political point of view the Jacobite rebellion of 45 was foolish in the extreme, but looking at it in a poetical light, by means of these songs, it would be difficult to find a grander movement in modern history. The story of the rebellion, even when simply and prosaically re- lated, seems more like a wild chivalrous romance than a piece of sober history. Charles Edward is well fitted to be the hero of such a tale. Young, noble, brave, and hand- some, the descendant of a long line of kings, he returned from exile almost unattended, and quite unannounced. He did not come to take the lead in a well organised' insur- rection, he came to win back, with his own hand, the crown of his fathers, trusting to himself and the loyalty and bra- very of his country alone. It is no wonder that the brave and chivalrous highlanders rallied round him, that the low- landers flocked to his standard, and that the poets of Scot- land vied with each other in singing his praise. In their eyes the Jacobite cause united every noble and disinterested feeling. It was Scotland rising upon her old foes, who had tricked and insulted her. It was a country rushing to wel- come and defend the king that had been torn from her. It was the old noblesse demanding vengeance on the men who had pawned Scotch Literature before 1760. 27 The Scottish crown To a wee bit German lairdie. The prince was passionately welcomed, and his courage proudly contrasted with George's phlegm in such songs as this Silken beds, and carpet rooms Wad hardly do to suit Geordie, Bot a far better prince, he lay on the groun', Weel row'd up in his tarten plaidie. Then came the bitter hour of woe and disappointment. The Scotch army was defeated, its leaders imprisoned and exe- cuted, and the prince himself, the brave, the noble, the heroic prince was flying from cottage to cottage, seeking in vain a means of escape. Yet even then, Scotland, sung the poets, had a right to be proud. "While hiding among the poorest free peasantry in Europe, known to almost every one, no one was found to betray his king for the immense sum the government had set upon his head. Then came the songs of mingled joy and sorrow: Bonnie Charlie's gane awa Safely o'er the friendly main, Mony a heart wad break in twa', Should he niver come again. Will ye nae come back again? Will ye nae come back again? Better lo'ed ye canna be. Will ye nae come back again? In short, almost every shade of feeling is mirrored in these poems: hope, joy, exultation, sorrow, and despair. There are playful poems, and poems that breathe a passionate af- fection and loyalty> that we cannot understand. Many of them too are exquisitely beautiful, and will bear a compar- ison with the lyric poetry of any country in the world. There were many causes for this rise in the Scotch lyric. These songs were at once the death song of ancient Scotland, 28 Book I. Chapter IH. with her chivalrous bravery, and the birth song of modern Scotland, -with her enterprise and industry; and, while the philosopher and the politician go forth eagerly to meet the new world, the poet and the artist cannot help casting a longing lingering glance behind them „at the picturesque ruins, and venerable abuses of the past." But Scotch poetry did not die with Old Scotland. It sprung up, and blossomed, and hung garlands and wreathes of ivy around the ruins from which it sprung. We have seen that the old Scotch ballads had been distinguished from those of England by their melancholy, their tenderness, and the wild music of their rhythm. These too were the characteristics of the poems that succeeded them. But the subjects were changed. It was no longer the border raid, or the highland foray that was sung. The common events of every day modern life, were now the burden of these songs. But they' were told by no retired recluse like Cowper, who sat musing by the tea-urn, lost in the depths of philosophical contemplation. They were sung by the men who had felt them, with tears or laughter , and sometimes with - laughter mingled with tears. The Scotch dialects are excellently suited for such poetry. They are musical, forcible and expressive, and yet they have something strangely simple about them, that re- minds one of the prattling of a child. "No Scotch poet who immediately preceeded Burns attained any great celebrity; yet the lyrical poetry of the age as a whole is very rich. . These songs are known by many who never heard the name of their authors. They have passed from mouth to mouth, and become the property of the people. They are sung in the cottages of the high- land^ and in the drawing rooms of Edinborough. In Ca- nadian log cottages mothers sing their children to sleep with them, and in the backwoods of America and the sheep - walks of Australia the hardy emigrant hums them as he works. In short, wherever a Scotch man goes, he carries Scotch Literature before 1760. 29 these songs in his memory with him, as a relic of the land he has left behind him., One of the best known of these poems is Auld Eobin Gray. It was written by Lady Anne Barnard. When the sheep are in the fauld 1 , when the kye's 2 v come hame, And a' 3 the weary warld 4 to rest are gane 5 , The waes 6 o' my hpart fa' 7 in showers frae 8 my e'e 9 , TTnkent l ° by my gudeman 1 1 wha x 2 sleeps sound by me. Young Jamie lo'ed * 3 me weel, and sought me for his bride, But saving x 4 ae x 5 crown piece he had naething ' 6 beside ; To make the crown a pound my Jamie gaed x 7 to sea, And the crown and the pound-they were baith 1 8 for me. He hadna x 9 been gane a twelvemounth and a day, When my father brake his arm and the cow was stown 2 ° away; My mither 2 * she fell sick — my Jamie was at sea, * And Auld Bobin Gray came a courting me. My father, could'na 2 2 wark 2 s , my mither couldna spin — I toiled day and night, but their bread I couldna win; And Bob maintained them baith, and, wi 2 4 tears in his e'e, Said: „Jeanie, for their sakes, will ye no marry me?" My heart it said na 2 5 , for I looked for Jamie back, But hard blew the winds, and his ship was a wrack, His ship was a wrack — why didna Jamie die, Or why am I spared to cry wae is me? 1 fold. 2 cattle. 3 all. i world. 5 gone. 6 woes. 7 fall. 8 from. 9 eye. 10 unknown. 11 husband. 12 who. 13 loved. 14 except. 15 one. 16 nothing. 17 went: 18 both. 19 had not. 20 stolen. 21 mother. 22 could not. 23 work. 24 with. 25 no. 30 Book I. Chapter I. My father urged me sair 26 — my mither didna speak, But she looked in my face till my heart was like to break; -They gied 2 7 him my hand — my heart was in the sea — And so Robin Gray he was gudeman to me. I hadna been his wife a week but only four, When mournfu' as I sat on a stane 2 8 at my door, I saw my Jamie's ghaist 29 , I couldna think it he, Till he said: „I' m come hame 30 , love, to marry thee!" 0, sair sair did we greet 31 , and mickle 32 say of a' I gied him ae kiss , and bade him gang 3 3 awa' — I wish I were deal, but I am na like to die, For, though my heart is broken, I' m but young, wae is me! I gang like a ghaist, I carena much to spin, 1. darena think o' Jamie for that wad 3 i be a sin, But I'll do my best a gude wife to be, For Auld Bobin Gray he's a kind gudeman to me. Such were the poets who immediately preceeded Burns, and such the songs which were sung over his cradle. "We must now enter into an examination of his works. Robert Burns -was born on the 25 th Jan. 1759. His father seems to have been a clever, sensible, and he certainly was an honest and pious man. But his life had not been an easy one, nor had it been fortunate. He had before the poets birth been obliged to, accept a place as gardener in the service of the Laird of Fairly. Afterwards he took a small farm which he cultivated with his own hands. When Bobert was six years old he was sent to school where he learnt reading, writing and grammar. John Murdoch, the teacher of this school, seems to have taken an interest in 26 much. 27 gave. 28 stone. 29 ghost. 30 home. 31 weep. 32 little. 33 go. 34 would, Robert Burns. 31' him; for, when he took lessons in French, he used to teach his little pupil of a morning, what he himself had learnt the evening before. These lessons only lasted for a fortnight, as Bobert had to return home. He took with him a French grammar, dictionary and a Telemaque , from which he taught himself French enough to be able to read any prose writer in that language. In after years he was very proud of this accomplishment, and often inserted French words and sentences in his letters.' After Bobert' s return home, his father took his education into his own hands. He used to borrow books on all kinds of scientific subjects, and study them after the days work was over, in order that he might teach their contents to his children. In the mean time his son devoured every book that came within his reach. But this happy life was not to continue long. The farm did not pay, and a series of misfortunes overtook the poor family. The fathers health too broke down, and Bo- bert, at the age of fifteen, was the manager and chief la- bourer on the farm. At this time they were plunged in the deepest poverty, and at is probable that the hard labour, bad nourishment, and anxiety of this period was the cause of the desease which was never thoroughly cured. Bobert however struggled bravely on. Strangely enough this was the time that he wrote his first poem. Here is his own ac- count of the matter. „This kind of life — the cheerless gloom of a hermit, with the unceasing moil of a galley-slave, brought me to my sixteenth year; a little before which pe- riod I first committed the sin of Bhyme. You know our country custom of coupling a man and woman together as partners in the labours of the harvest. In my fifteenth au- tumn my partner was a bewitching creature a year younger than myself. My scarcity of English denies me the power of doing her justice in that language How she caught the contagion, I cannot tell — but I never expressly said I loved 32 Book I. Chapter III. her. Indeed I did not know myself why I liked so much to loiter behind with her, when returning in the evening - from our labours ; why the tones of her voice made my heart- strings thrill like an Aeolean harp ; and particularly why my pulse beat such a furious ratan when I looked and fingered over her little' hand to pick out the cruel nettle stings and thistles. Among her other love -inspiring qualities, she sung sweetly, and it was her favourite reel to which I attempted giving an embodied vehicle in rhyme. I was not so pre- sumptuous as to imagine that I could make verses like printed ones, composed by men who had Greek and Latin; but my girl sung a song, which was said to be composed by a small ■country laird's son on one of his fathers maids, with whom he was in love; and I saw no reason why I might not rhyme; as well as he, for, excepting that he could smear sheep; and cast peats, his father living in the moorlands, he had no more scholarcraft than myself." At last the lease of the farm was out, and a new one was taken. Here for four years things seemed to be getting on better; but the old difficulties returned, and the poets father was only saved from a debtors prison by death. The whole care of the family now fell on the shoulders of Bo- bert and his brother, and he bravely endeavoured to do his duty; but misfortune after misfortune overtook him, until, at last, he resolved to emigrate to Jamaica. Up to this time Burns had never had more than £ 7. a year to live upon, and he had never exceeded his income. This is a sufficient proof that his life cannot, at that period, have been very wild. His greatest excesses cannot have been more than a dance now and then, and an occasional glass. These however were, when united to habitual absence from church, high crimes and misdemeanors in the eyes of the rigid calvanists among whom he dwelt, and the clergy re- solved to reprimand, and disgrace him publicly. Burns Robert Burns. 33 ridiculed them in a series of satires which will never loose their sting, till religious hypocrisy, and intolerance have gone out of fashion. The poet at this period was attached, and even engaged to a girl in the neighbourhood, Jean A mour. Her father however would hear nothing of the engagement, and the connection had to he broken off. Before leaving Europe Burns resolved to publish his. poems. This he did by subscription. They were received, with rapture - by the public , and instead of starting for Ja- maica, he was, in a few months, the darling of Edinburgh. The most flattering attentions were lavished upon him. He was carressed by the nobility, flattered by the wits, and courted by the ladies of that then brilliant capital. Spite of all however, he returned home, and married his old love. He sent nearly half of the money he received from his pu- blisher to his mother, with the rest he took a farm. The brilliant society of Edinburgh forgot Burns, and hurried on to admire the next novelty, but it was riot so easy for him to forget the witty and polished society he had for awhile enjoyed. After a time he began to neglect his farm, and every thing seemed to go wrong with him. Every tour- ist who passed his house endeavoured to catch a glimpse of the peasant poet. His neighbours, too, sought his com- pany, and were enchanted by his wit and humour. Far too much has, I believe, been said of the poets dissipation. There can be no doubt that he, like most people of that age, sometimes drank a glass too much, but the straitlaced Calvinists among whom he lived were only too glad „to find or forge a fault" in the satirist who had so mercilessly chastised their intolerance and hypocrisy. It is certain how- ever that he soon became disgusted with farming, and that it was a great relief to him when a friend procured him a^ place in the Excise. His salary was never more than L. 70 a year, but on this he resolved to life, and to hope for - promotion. At this time the Erench revolution was Grant litteratiue. " 34 Book I. Chapter HI. filling Europe with hope and terror. Burns was passionately- attached to the cause of the French people, and eagerly defended them. Information as to his sentiments was given to the Board of Excise, and he received a severe reprimand!. This was a hard hlow to a mind so proud and sensitive as his. A report was spread that he had lost his situation, and a friend proposed a subscription in his favour, but Burns refused the offer in a very characteristic letter: „The partiality of my countrymen has brought me for- ward as a man of genius, and given, me a character to support. In the Poet I have avowed manly and independent sentiments, which I hope have been found in the man. Bea- sons of no less weight than the support of a wife and children, have pointed out my present occupation as the only eligible line of life within my reach. Still my honest fame is my dearest concern, and a thousand times have I trembled at the idea of the degrading epithets that malice or miss representation may affix to my name. Often, in blasting anticipation, have I listened to some future hackney scribb- ler, with the heavy malice of savage stupidity, exultingly asserting that Burns , notwithstanding the fanfaronade of independence to be found in his works, and after having been held up in public view and to public estimation as a man of some genius, yet, quite destitute of resources within himself to support his borrowed dignity, dwindled into a paltry exciseman and slunk out the rest of his in- significant existence in the meanest of pursuits and among the lowest of mankind. „In your illustrious hands, Sir, permit me to lodge my strong disavowal and defiance of such slanderous falsehoods. Burns was a poor man from his birth, and an exciseman by necessity; but — ■ I will say it ! — The sterling of his honest worth poverty could not debase, and his independent British spirit oppression might bend, but could not subdue." One of the last acts of his life was tore-copy this letter, Robert Burns. 35 and to place it carefully among his MSS., that it might serve as an eternal protest against slander. All hope of promotion was now at an end, and the story of the rest of his life is easily told. He was taken severi- ly ill soon after, and never quite recovered. On his death- bed he was tormented by anxiety for his wife and children; but he was soothed by the care, love, and forgiveness of his wife, whose constant patience, forbearance, and ten- derness did all that could be done to comfort him. He died on the 22 nd of July 1796. We must now proceed to an examination of his works. Foremost among them stands Tarn o' Shanter, a tale written in broad Scotch. It is a masterpiece in its way, the best story of the kind in our literature, with the exception of those of Chaucer. The poem commences with a description of an Inn at Ayr. It is a market-night and Tarn is seated at the fire side by Johnny: His ancient trusty drouthy crony Tarn lo'ed him like a vera blither, They had been fou for weeks thegither. The night drave on wi' sangs and clatter And ay the ale was growing better; The souter tauld his queerest stories; The landlords laugh was ready chorus. The storm without might rair and ristle, Tarn did na mind the storm a whistle. His wife mean while was sitting at home Gath'ring her brows like gath'ring storm, Nursing her wrath to keep it warm. So the evening passes away and Tarn finds at last that it is time to go home. It's a wild stormy night, a perfect huri- cane, thunder, lightning and rain: That night a child might understand, The Deil had business on his hand. The way too is dismal enough, every turning has been the 3* 36 Book I. Chapter in. seene of some unnatural crime, or fearful accident. But Tarn has a good mare under him, and is well wrapt up and as to spirits he has drank too much good ale and whisky to care for them. So, humming one old song after another, and turning round every now and then prudently lest the ghosts should catch him unawares, he rides safely on, till he comes within sight of Alloway Church, a celebrated ga- thering place of the witches. "When lo ! the whole church is in a blaze. This frightens' Tarn's horse, who stands, still, but her owner, with all the bravery of a glass or two too much, urges her on and peeps in. There a strange sight presents itself to him. The devil himself is enthroned in the midst of the church, playing the bag-pipes with aH his might, while round him all the witches of the whole country side hurry, and leap, and spring, in a fiendish dance. The dead stand around in their open coffins, each holding a light in the right hand, The other particulars of the ghastly scene I need not diseribe. For a time Tarn looks on in silence, while; Old Nick plays ever louder, and quicker, and the dance becomes ever wilder and" madder. But as ill luck would have it, among the hideous crew there, was one pretty face, and that turned his head. It was Nannie, who had joined the company for the first time that night, and who outdid all the rest of, the dancers. At last, when the riot is at the height, Tarn hollows out his applause. In a moment all the lights, are extinguished, and the fiendish crew rush out upon Tarn, with Nannie at their head. Away rushes the horse with Tarn on her back, and the witches at her heels. If she can get across the bridge, they are safe, for witches and fiends cant pass running water. Just. as she xeaches it, however, Nannie, who is far in advance of the rest, catches her by the tail — • But little wist she Maggie's mettle — Ae spring brought aff her master hail, ' And left behind her ain grey tail. Robert Burns. 37 Such is a slight sketch of the story of Tarn o' Shanter. The whole piece is written -with inimitable ' spirit and humour. It is treated so realistically, that even the wild and unearthly dance seems a simple matter of history. There are too strange touches of pathos in the wild tale. Such are the few lines the author addresses to Nannie. A little kenn'd * thy reverend grannie, The sark 2 she coft 3 for her wee 4 Nannie, "Wi twa 5 pund 6 Scots (twas a' her riches) "Wad ever grace a dance of witches. In short, in variety, life, and artistic execution it takes a high place among Burns's poems. The Cotter's Saturday night is a strange contrast to Tarn o' Shanter. It is the expression of the strict Calvinism which has become a national characteristic of Scotland. Burns has painted it, in this poem, with a very loving hand. Saturday evening is an important time to the peasantry of Scotland. The implements of work have been laid aside, early in the afternoon, and the evening is spent in prepa- ration for the Sunday. The various members of the family, if possible, meet together, and the earnestness of the „Sab- bath", without its painful strictness, seems to sanctify the last hours of the week. It is clear that such a subject is not unpoetical, but it owes a great part of its charm to early associations. Perhaps no one but a Scotchman can thoroughly enjoy this poem. I must confess, I am at a loss to understand the rapture with which it is often spoken of. Yet it is a poem of great beauty, one of the best idylls in our language, but then our literature is not rich in idylls* Putting the subject aside, and examining the execution alone , we shall -find I think , that it has two great faults. An idyll is, by its nature, as objective as an epic. Every in- trusion of the authors person or opinion breaks the charm, 1 knew. 2 shirt. 3 bought. 4 little. 5 two. 6 pounds. 38 Book I. Chapter HI. because it is out of tone with, the rest of the picture. So we find in the most beautiful of modern idylls, „Hennann and Dorothea", and „Alexis and Dora", that the poet keep? himself quite out of sight. Ho one could have done this better than Burns had he been so inclined. He has done it in, „the Jolly beggars", in „Hallowe'en<' , and in many other poems. But in the „ Cotters Saturday night" he takes the tone of Cowper, he preaches.and reflects. He tells us so often how much he admires the Cotter and his family, that we ca'nt help having an unpleasant feeling that perhaps they are doing it all to be admired. The simple rustic grace of the idyll is wanting. In fact, the subject was not exactly suited to the character of Bums; he had too much of the gay, sensuous nature of the artist about him to be a real CaU vinist, or to sympathise deeply with the exaggerated idea-- lity, and hard ascetism of that sect. But he was a peasant, and he admired the honest, hard working, pious ways of his: neighbours. He had gone to the dancing -school against his father's will, he had lived for years in constant contention with him because of his love for gaiety? yet he seems to have looked on him as one of the best and noblest of man- kind. His quick eye saw the various poetic beauties of the Saturday evening, and he endeavoured to weave them into a poem; but it was an endeavor, and not the natural out- pouring of his heart. He seems to me, too, to have been unfortunate in his choice of rhythm. The „Cotters Saturday night" is written in the Spenserean stanza. This is a highly complex and melodious form of verse excellently suited for the aerial dreams of the fairy Queen, but much too artificial for such a subject as this. In short, this poem, though it has many beauties, does not seem to me nearly equal to the best of his works. „Hallowe'en" shows what Burns could do in this line when the subject suited him. It takes its name from a Scotch festival, and the different customs are sketched with great truth and humour. The satirical poems of Burns Eobert Bums. 39 were mostly personal, or directed against the church autho- rities. They are terribly biting and cruel, and are pervaded by. a rich vein of humor. To understand the bitterness of hatred which they breathe, we must remember that the church of Scotland was at that period, and alas in many places still is , the most bigotted of sects. Buckle , who of all English historians has the greatest grasp of mind and width of reading, gives it as his deliberate opinion, that no land in Europe, with the sole exception of Spain, is so so- rely priestridden as Scotland. The authorities of the Kirk endeavoured to crush Burns, so that he, is scarcely to be blamed for holding up their names to eternal ignominy. Clo- sely connected with but, infinitely superior to these poems is the „ Address to theDeil", a tragicomical poem of great beauty and power. Burns' s epigrams are, for the most part, weak and pointless. „The jolly beggars" is an excellent picture of low life. It is a series of songs connected by Bhort pieces of narrative. The characters of the singers are finey distin- guished by a few broad lines and simple touches, and the songs are fine specimens of roaring merriment. But it is as a lyric poet that Burns is greatest. As a narrative, descriptive, and satirical poet he had predecessors, and has had successors, who may dispute his right to the highest place. As a song writer he stands alone. Chaucer is not more surely the greatest of our tale-tellers, nor Sha- kespeare more certainly the first of our dramatists, than Burns is the greatest of our lyrical poets. In his songs there is no struggle after effect, no rhetoric, no selfcon- sciousness. They are simply songs, the expression of strong natural feeling, and no more. This is what has made them so widely popular. They are sung in every] Scotch cottage, they are to be found beside the Bible on every peasant's bookshelf, and were every copy of his works to be des- troyed, all his songs might, I believe, in twenty years time be collected by word of mouth from the Scotch pea- 40 Book I. Chapter III. Eobert Burns. santryj This cannot be said of any other English 'writer and it is the highest praise that can be given to a lyric poet. His songs sprung from the heart of the people, and have entered so deeply into the national life, that it is al- most as easy to imagine an England without Shakespeare, as a Scotland "without Burns. BOOK II. 1800 — 1830. CHAPTER I. We must now enter into an examination of our litera- ture during the second period -which falls under our conside- ration. This age may be said to begin with the century, and to end with the death of Scott, in 1832, It differs in many important respects from that which preceeded it. The latter was, as we have seen, an age of struggle. The cold regularity of the classical school had been attacked and conquered by a few men of genius. This struggle had not, as in Germany, been fonght by the critics, but by the. poets. ,They had des- troyed the old taste by creating a new one; and it was not till this taste had been embodied in works of art that the critics declared in its favour. In Germany a single man, Lessing, attacked and destroyed an absurd code of literary laws, and set poetry free from the chains that had bound heri In Eng- land the same work was done by Chatterlon, Percy , and Cowper* But the way in which it was done was very diffe- rent. Lessing measured the authbrs of the classical school by the literature that they themselves had chosen, and found them wanting. Percy appealed to another standard, and repub- lished our ancient poems. He turned from Greece to the Eng- land, of the Elizabethan and pre -Elizabethan age. Hence the different directions which the two literatures took as soon as they were freed from their trammels. That of Germany passed through the lofty and somewhat highfLown verses of Klopstock and the would-be classicism of "Wieland, to the Grecian purity of Goethe. The first original productions 44 Book II. Chapter I. of our poetry, on the other hand, -were tales moulded on the old metrical romances. "We had alas no Goethe to direct and enobJ.e our poetry, to modify and moderate its excentri- cities, to unite its beauties and to make it of European inte- rest. And here we cannot help asking how it was that the poets of this period chose the metrical romances rather than the Elizabethan drama as their models. This question has, I believe , never been satisfactorily answered. All I can do is to throw out a few hints ou the subject. At first sight their choice between the two literatures seems a strange one. Our metrical romances, as a whole, are certainly not superior to those of France and Germany, while our drama stands alone. Perhaps this waB one of the very reasons that preven- ted it being more widely imitated. The poets of the first half of the present century could not hope to write plays that could surpass, or even equal' those of Shakespeare and his contemporaries; whereas they might well hope to write poems- in a new or at least forgotten style that would deserve and receive applause. But the real reason of their choice lay. I believe, principally in the nature of their own talents and character, and in the age in which they lived. The first of these we shall examine when we come to speak of the great poets separately, the second we' must now glance at for a few minutes. In the Elizabethan age books had been scarce and dear and but a small proportion of the inhabitants of England could read and write. Yet the craving after intel^ lectual food was deeper and more widely extended then, than at almost any other period of our history. This was a neces- sary result of the sudden changes which had been wrought by the Eeformation. In England these changes had not, as in Germany and Scotland, originated in the people. It was the government of the country which had ordered that all should be changed, and the people had looked on with a- mazement while their churches were plundered, and the most beautiful of pictures, and the holiest of relics were commit 1 Introduction. 45 ted to the flames. The Queen of Heaven had been cast down from her high place. The -priests whom they had loved and reverenced, who had been their counsellors in difficulty and their comforters in woe, were banished as traitors from the shores of England. The monasteries, which had been the granaries of the poor, had passed from the holy orders to which they had belonged. The people had seen Sir Thomas More led out to execution for holding doctrines which, but a short time .before, none of them had doubted to be the truth of God. Again, they had seen the fires of Smithfield lighted, and the leaders of the reformation dying there. They had seen the purest and the holiest of both parties seal their testimony with their blood, and had heard them appeal from their mortal judges to the same Gpd and the same Christ. Such scenes could not but make the most eareless thoughtful. It was this that caused the hunger after intellectual food of which I have spoken. But, as I have already said,' books were rare and dear. In the churches theological questions were treated, and the churches were crowded; but the inte- rest of the people was not confined to Theology. Hence the influence of the theatres at that period, and the throngs with which they were crowded. The age of Byron and Scott was not entirely dissimilar to that of Shakspeare. Once more the old and the new had met in a death-struggle. The French monarchy had been overthrown, and it had dragged down the church and aristocracy with it in its fall. A new gospel had been proclaimed at Paris which had made a thou- sand eyes beam brighter and a thousand hearts beat more quickly. Prisoners had smiled in their dungeons, while monarchs trembled on their thrones. A new truth had been proclaimed, a new age was born. Hence we find that this period was one of unusual intellectual activity in the whole of the civilized world. But, in many respects, the age of the reformation and that of the revolution were vastly diffe- .rent. Only a few of these points of difference concern us 46 Book II. Chapter I. now. The commencement of the nineteenth century had newspapers, magazines, reviews, and novels, the seven- teenth century had none of these things. Hence the inte- rest, which had formerly centred on the drama, was divi- ded into a thousand chanels, and the theatre, of all intel- lectual amusements, profited least by the newly awakened interest. A few facts prove beyond a doubt that this was the case. The dramatist was the only author, in the age jof Elizabeth, Who could hope to live by the sale of his writings. Any other poet had to seek out some rich nobleman or cour- tier, who was willing to support a man of genius for the sake of his genius alone, ■ or to pay a high price for a few pages of graceful flattery. In the age of Scott play- writers were the worst paid of literary drudges. The theatre, too, was no longer looked upon with anything like the respect it had once enjoyed. It was no longer respected as a teacher and guide. It was considered at best but an innocent, and many thought it a sinful amusement. Nor can this be wondered at. The frivolity and ribaldry of the comic dramatists of the Kestoration had desecrated the boards that the genius of Shakspeare and Fletcher had once hallowed. But, though this dislike to the theatre was excusable , it was not the less injurious. Being looked upon as a mere luxury the theatres became luxurious. Two great buildings took the place of the 19 playhouses, which had flourished in London in the age of 'Elizabeth. There can be no doubt that these theatres where much more commodious, and that their decorations were much more splendid, than those of the old playhouses had been. But to pay for tbJB> the prices of admission were necessarily high. Thus it became impossible for the lower and middle classes to frequent them as they had once done. A visit to the play was considered a treat for special occa- sions, an expense which could only be incurred once or twice in the year. Thus the taste of the public was not edu- cated as it had formerly been, This was an incalculable- Introduction. 47 loss, and it was attended by another of almost equal extent. A play which took had often a ran of fifty or a hundred nights, which would have been impossible if the same people had frequently visited the theatre. Thus there was but a small demand for new plays, and this demand has been principally supplied by bad adaptations of old English plays and French farces. This circumstance has, I believe, done much to discourage our modern authors, and lias prevented many of them trying their powers as dramatists. Another evil has still to be mentioned. Almost all great dramatists have been nearly connected with the stage. Those of the Elizabethan age were, almost without an exception, either actors themselves, or the constant companions of ac- tors. The necessity of such an acquaintance with the stage is evident from the number of great poets who, from want of it, have been unable to master the technicalities of the theatre. But in modem times it is almost impossible for an English author of eminence to form such a connection. The- position of authors in society has risen since the days of Eli- zabeth. This is partly owing, no doubt, to the much larger sums that are paid for literary work; but it is, in an equal degree, to be attributed to the much higher request in which literature stands among men of all classes. But the position of our actors has altered for the worse, rather than the bet- ter. They are excluded from society. The fact of a person being on the stage is looked upon, by a great part of our middle classes, as a disgrace, which can hardly be atoned for by the union of the most brilliant genius, and the most unsullied character. Hence men of taste and education shrink from the profession of an actor, unless they are spured on to it by the high instinct of genius. This has done much to prevent our poets forming close connexions with the stage. These are I think the principle reasons why no drama- tist of high standing is to be found among our modern poets. Since we have already entered, at such a length, into an exa- 48 Book II. Chapter I. mination of our modern stage, we may as well finish what we have to say about it before going, farther. The English stage has, I believe, sunk to a lower level than- that of either, Germany or France. Hot that our greatest living actors may not take a place beside those of other countries, but because, the average play of our second or third rate actors is much worse. In fact; our stage suffers from two great evils.. ; Thq, management of a theatre is either looked upon as a purely mercantile speculation, or it falls into the hands of a single actor. The evils in, both cases are great and nearly the same. The manager, in the first case, generally knows but little of dramatic art, and in order to attract a large audience, he engages one or two of the most popular actors he can find. Their names are printed in large type on the play- bills, plays are written and arranged to suit them, and: the whole world goes not to see Othello, but to see M r sucib a one as Jago, or Miss so and so as Desdemona. If the manager be an actor we are not much better off. He is ge- nerally a man of known and acknowledged talent, and he supposes, rightly enough, that when we come to his theatre we wish to see him. He consequently engages one or two* actors and actresses of some celebrity, and gives the minof parts to people who have about as much claim to the name of actors as a signboard painter has to that of an artist. It. follows , as a matter of course , that the less that is seen of them the better, and the drama is cut down into little more than a series of dialogues and monologues. Now every great dramatist, when he writes a play, writes it as a whole. Each character has its proper part, and all the parts are well proportioned, and carefully put together. Nothing can be left out, and nothing added without marring the effect. This is the case with Shakespeare more than perhaps with any other mo/dern writer-, except Goethe. Some of his dra- mas cannot, for various reasons, be produced on the stage as they were in his time, but no alteration should be under- Introduction. 49 taken without the greatest care and forethought. His plays should not be treated as waste paper on which every bungler may try his scissors. But we are perhaps still worse off when the whole of the drama is given , for the minor characters serve no purpose, in many London theatres, but that of destroying the effect intended by the poet. It is this that frightens many people of taste from our theatres, and makes others prefer seeing farces and sensational pieces to the great masterworks with which our literature is supplied. To people of a sensitively refined taste it seems almost a des- ecration to see Lear and Hamlet as they arc too often given on the English stage. This is, I think, the reason why the great dramas of the Elizabethan age are banished from our theatres, to make room for third-rate French comedies , and had dramatizations of sensational novels. Endeavours have been made to stop the downward course of our theatres. Mac- ready battled earnestly with the depraved taste of his day and he did something to raise the tone of the theatre, but his work died away almost as soon as he left the stage. Then came Charles Kean who applied his great genius and refined taste to the great end of reestablishing Shakspeare on the stage., While' he was manager of the Princess's we could boast, that there Was at least one theatre in London in which the works of the greatest of our dramatists were produced un- mangled, and so as not to offend the most fastidious taste. But with his- retirement the effects of his long work passed away, and our theatres seem now to have sunk to as low a level as ever. ISor can we hope for a lasting improvment'un- tfl the taste of the public 'has improved. I have already said that in England the drama has almost ceased to be considered an art, and that it is looked upon as at best a harmless way of killing time ; yet no art has a larger scope or a higher mission. It unites music, poetry, and painting. It gives life to pictures, and form to words. A great part of the religious public of England turns from it with disgust, and yet, pro- Grant littcvaturo. A 50 Book II. Chapter I. perly employed, it would be the mightiest instrument of ef- fecting the highest of their ends, -the education of the people- We, hear constant complaints that, -while- the lower classe* are being enticed and allured into schools and evening class*' es, -while they are being crammed -with chemistry, and ma- thematics, and immense sums are being spent on mechanics institutes and libraries, their manners and morals remain almost unaltered. As if a perfect acquaintance with the elements must necessarily make a man a good father , or a knowledge of equations prevent him beating his wife ! It is a fact that all philantropists would do well to remember that mere knowledge does nothing! towards refining the mind. That is the province of Art; and lyrical and dramatic poetry are the only branches of art which, in our age, can make any deep impression on the_ mind of the people. I am convinced that a series of good dramas, well acted, would do more to. educate the people than a dozen courses of lectures, beneficial as they doubtlessly are. "When, the English public learns thesei. facts, when it ceases to look upon the drama as a frivolous, amusement, and begins to reverence it as a high and holy art, when our religious public has discovered that the theatre is not the „devils chapel" but the temple of that which is best and noblest in man ; when our actors begin to reverence their calling, and discover how high their mission is, then-r- and not till then — can we hope to have in England such man- agers as Dingelstedt, ■ and actors that are worthy of such: a manager. The literature of England , during the first thirty years of the, present century, was uncommonly brilliant. No period in our history, with the one exception of the age of Eliza- beth, has an equal number of poets to boast of. None of them, it is true, were of the very first rank, but many- stood high in the second. Byron and Scott have European reputations, and Wordsworth, Shelley, and Keats were scar- cely inferior to them in poetical genius. In examining the Introduction. 5 J works of these writers it will, I think, be better to devide them into groups than to follow the strictly chronological order. We may de-vide them into three great groups, each of which will be found to correspond with one of the leaders of our literary reformation. The first consists of those poets who chose heroic subjects, and who may be looked upon as the followers of Percy. They turned away from common everyday -life, and delighted in portraying distant lands and ages. The second on the other hand confined themselves, for the most part, to modern subjects. They were the intel- lectual successors of Cowper. This school may be said to have split into two. The one party, under the leadership of Crabbe, (b. 1754. d. 1832) followed a realistic method. They have had so slight an influence on our literature that they will not claim any farther notice. Their great fault was that they merely reproduced nature, without idealizing it. The second party,, that of Wordsworth, after passing through various phases, became, like Cowper, reflective or, as they called themselves , philosophic poets. The third group , of whom Chatterton may be considered the forerunner, indulged in splendid and gorgeous dreams. They built, so to speak, cloud -palaces, which were grand, beautiful, and unreal. The first of these three groups was the most brilliant, and gained the greatest, and most immediate popularity; the last two have exerted by far the most permanent influence over our poetry. This classification is of course arbitrary, but it may serve our purpose which is to get a clear view of the greatest poets of the age. Each of the schools produced men who were far greater than the poet of the last century whose name we have connected with them; no one for instance would, think of comparing Cowper with Wordsworth. There are several poets with whom it is difficult to deal; the prin- cipal of these is Coleridge who belonged to all three schools. 4* 52 Book II. Chapter II. We shall leave him in. the p}ace that is most frequently given him — hy Wordsworth, CHAPTER II. The first of the groups, into which we have divided the poets of our second period contains Seott, Byron and Mo ore. These poets,, though the difference between them is wide, were more nearly related to each other than to any of their contemporaries. We must now proceed to examine their -works severally. Sir Walter Scott was born in Edinburgh, the 15 th of August 1771. He was sent, on account of ill health, while very young, to live with his grand -father in the country. Here the wild mountain -scenery, and the Border -tales and ballads made a deep impression upon him. At the age of thirteen he first read Perey's „Keliques", a book which v al- ways remained a .great favourite of his. Scotts father was a presbyterian , and the first of his verses which have been preserved are of a religious cast. He was educated at the High school and University of Edinburgh, after which he studied for the bar, and was called in his twenty-first year. His studies however did, not prevent him making frequent journeys into the country during which he observed the man- ners, and collected the legends and songs of the peasantry. At this time the intellectual society of Edinburgh had be- gun to take a deep interest in the literature of Germany. Scott became more deeply interested in it than almost any one else. He translated „Leonore" and the „Wild Huntsman" in 1796. On the 24 th of December of the following year he married Charlotte Margaret Carpenter a young lady of French extraction. He still continued his German studies and in 1 799 he published a translation of „Goetz von Berlichiugon." Walter Scott. 53 His next work was the „Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border", a collection of old songs and ballads, which he had gathered in his frequent excursions. He soon after edited and publish ed an old metrical romance, „Sir Tristrem". Thus we see that three distinct influences had been , up to this time , ac- ting on Scott's mind; they were firstly the ballad -literature of the Border, with its heroism, tenderness and truth, secondly the German literature, which was then in the flush of youth- ful power, and lastly the old metrical romances, with their wildly imaginative fancy and- grace. Under the influence of these three his mind mas formed, and their influence over the whole of our modern literature can hardly be estimated too highly. Scotts next work was an original poem, „The Lay of the Last Minstrel", This poem at once raised him to a high place among living poets. It is a border -story of the sixteenth century. The tale partakes of the character both of the metrical romance 1 and the ballad. It is more ornate than the last, more simple forcible and natural than the first usually were. Everywhere we find the skill in description, and the music of rhythm, which were so peculiar to Scott. These beauties ensured the poem an imense success. His next work, „Marmion'' appeared in 1808. It wants the unity of the „Lay", but it has passages of far higher beauty than the earlier poem contains. The great fault of the poem was pointed out by Jeffreys at its first appearance It lies in the character of the hero. ITot that Marmion is falsely drawn. Such characters may , and probably have existed. It lies in its opposition to the character and tone of the poem. The tale, like all Scott's stories, is full of the wild heroism and chivalrous sense of honor which distinguishes the literature of the middle ages. The hero of such a tale might have committed any violent crime, he might have been cruel, sensual, and revengeful, but he should not have been mean and deceitful. The romance- writers of the middle ages taught 54 Book II. Chapter II. that courage and honesty, and fraud and cowardice went together; and, though they were doubtless psychologically wrong, they were aesthetically right in doing so. But Mar- mion is a hero and a villain, a knight and a forger. Byron translated this criticism into a series of biting epigrams. „Next view in state, proud prancing on his roan, The golden - crested haughty Marmion, Now forging scrolls, now foremost in the fight, Not quite a felon, yet but half a knight, The gibbet or the field prepared to grace, A mighty mixture of the great and base. Yet Marmion was a poem of great originality and power. The description of the.battlefield and the death of Marmion is one of the finest poetical passages of the kind in our language. It was followed (1810) by the „Lady of the Lake'' , which was still more popular than its predecessors. The descriptions of scenery in this f)oem are more brilliant and executed with greater skill than in either of ' the other poems, and the story is interesting and well told; but the characters want the distinctness and force of the earlier poems with the one exception of Boderik Dhn, the Highland chief, whose bravery honour and generosity are well drawn, and powerfully contrasted with his inplacable hatred. He is one of those characters which Byron delighted to draw dark, gloomy and sublime as the m'ountains among which he moves. The poems which followed are written in the same style, but they are not to be compared with the first three. The Lord of the Isles is the best of them. It is an attempt to tell the story of Bruce but, with the exception of one or two brilliant passages, the poem is scarcely worthy of its author. As soon as Scott found that his poems began to pall on the public taste/ and that his genius in verse was beginning to wane , he resolved to abandon poetry forever. But he had no intention of leaving off Writing. In 1814 he publish- Walter Scott. 55 ed his first prose romance , jjWaverly". This novel is a tale of Scotch life during the insurrection' of 1745. The subject, style and characters were entirely new. No more striking scene or time could have been chosen. The rugged mountains of the Scotch highlands, the half patriarchal, half feudal man- ners of their inhabitants , and the wild pomp and chivalrous devotion of the clans were new to English readers. The time too was one of the most strikingly romantic in the history of Scotland. It was the last gathering of the clans, the last hopeless but chivalrous struggle of the house of Stuart to regain its birthright. The period was one of glaring con- trasts. It was as if the middle ages , with their enthusiasm, loyalty, and well marked individuality, had declared war with the civilization , the science , and organization of mo- dern times. There could be no doubt that the new must be victorious over the old> and it was well that it should be so, but few can help.sympathizing with the heroism and self devo- tion of the weaker party. The time too was sufficiently distant to have cooled down all party hatred and yet near enough to have something 1 of modern interest. Many were still alive who could remember the hope or fear with which they heard that the highlanders were on the march, and that the ban- ner of the Stuarts was once again unfurled. But they were old men now, new interests had banished the old question from their minds , and they looked back at it as one of the dreams of their youth. The whole style of the novel was very different to any that had gone before it. "We had had great novelists before. The names of Fielding, Sterne and Smollet will be remembered, and their works will be read as long as the English language endures. But their tales are for the most part humourous and they are confined to private life. No great historical event had before the time of Scott been treat- ed by a novelist of genius. In "Waverley all the heroism and enthusiasm, all the high interests and passions which had before been confined to the tragedy were brought into play, 56 Book. II. Chapter' II. and toned down and contrasted witk passages of refiriediand delicate humor. Besides the spirilof Waverley was very dif- ferent to that of our earlier novelists. It breathed the chi- valrous feelings of. its heroes. Their loyalty, generosity, and love of danger for its own sake seemed to be as much parte of the authors character as of their own. His interest in them seemed to be the sympathy of a kindred nature. All these things contributed to. make the book universally popu- lar. . Old men still remember how eagerly it was bought and rea,d by people of all classes. Scott had not affixed his name to it from fear that his poetical fame might be endangered by an attempt in an entirely new branch of literature , and he kept up his incognito. A long series of prose romances followed Waverly and occupied his time from 1814 to 1831. Scott had in his own character something of the romance he delighted in depicting. Born himself of an old, though not of a noble family, he longed to be the father of a race whidji might take its place among the old Border- families. "Witii this view he had engaged in a printing and publishing spec- ulation which, never brought him much money. I^ow, with the proceeds of his novels, he bought a princely estate* He spent about £ 35,000 in the purchase of land, and mor« than £ 5000 in improving it. He then built' his celebrate|I mansion Abbotsford which certainly did not cost less than £ 20,000. Here he lived in a princely style „doing the ho- nours for all Scottland." His house was crowded with guesljs whom he entertained as if he had been the richest noblemati in the country. In 1820 George IY conferred on him the ha-j nour of the Baronetcy. At this time he used to rise early and devote his mornings to writing, the rest of the day hfl spent, in riding round his estate and superintending improve- ments, .or in the company of his guests. Yet he never exi ceeded his: income, and this income was almost entirely th^ product of his literary labours. Every ihing that he had de- sired now seemed to be within his reach, and he could look Walter Scott. 57 forward with all but certainty to the fulfilment of his hopes. In 1825 however the bankruptcy of Constable brought losses of £ 60,000 on the poet. On the following year the publish- ing speculation in which he had been engaged failed and he found himself in debt to the amount of & 117,000. This was a heavy blow to Scott, but he bore it nobly, he refused to make any composition with his creditors and declared his in- tention of paying the whole sum, demanding only time to do it in. He sold his town house in Edinburgh and retired to Abbotsford, where he now lived very simply. In four years he had paid off the sum of £ 70,000. The first great work which he thus wrote under the pres- sure of necessity was the Life of Napoleon. This book ex- cited great expectation in the whole of Europe. The English government had, it was said, supplied the materials. Scott would now furnish a masterpiece , it was supposed , which would throw all his former works into the shade. The wisest, it is true, shook their heads. They remembered that Scott was an Englishman and a Tory ; and they hinted that his preju- dices were stronger than those of any great living author. Some indeed whispered that he had been bought by the go- vernment, others answered that there had been no need of buying. The public had not long to wait; in a year the work appeared. It is needless to say that it was a complete failure. No life of Napoleon could then have been written which would have satisfied all, or perhaps any party. The time was not then, perhaps it is not yet come, when this man could be fairly judged, and Scott was of all men the most unfitted for the task. By birth he was a Scotchman, by in- clination an antiquarian, in feelings and politics a Tory. How could a man who had spent his life in casting the bright est hues of romance over the history of the past, whose great aim in life it had been to found a family which at some distant period might take its place among the aristocracy, and who. was even now working like a slave to pay off with 58 Book II. Chapter II. mercantile exactness a debt which the strictest moralist would never have blamed him for compounding, sympathise with this wonder of the nineteenth century, this Titan child of the revolution, who trampled with equal carelessness on the crowns of kings and the rights of nations ? He was un- fitted, alike by his virtues and his weaknesses, for doing so. Nor could he understand even the circumstances in which Napoleon had been placed. The wild enthusiasm of the re- volutionists Was incomprehensible to him. He shrank from it as from an infectious madness. He could not see that the great leaders of the- revolution were men who were intox- icated with an idea, who were fighting desperately for a hope which, if it was distant and unachievable, was at least noble and pure. Scott approaches this giant representative of the revolution, this incarnation of the French people with a look of puzzled wonder, he measures him with his little foot-rule and finds him wanting, he judges him by the laws against which his whole life had been a protest and finds him guilty. All this was riatural — unavoidable, but Heine very justly remarks that it was strange that so clever a portrait- painter as Scott should not have been able to give a clear idea even of the external appearance of Napoleon. Yet per- haps after all even that was natural, and, though we may regret Scott's failure, we shall hardly blame him for it. The life of Napoleon was followed by several new no- vels which, though greatly inferior to the earlier volumes of the series, were received with great applause by the pub- lic. These works brought in money and Scott had reason to hope that his debts would soon be paid, and that he should be able to return again to the way of life which he had found so congenial. But his constitution, though remarkably strong, > could not support the amount of mental exertion which he had undergone. In 1830 he had an attack of paralysis and, from that time, his health continued to decline. He would not Jiowever give up his literary labours until he became too Walter Scott. 59 weak to continue them. In 1831 he went to Italy, in the hope that a change of air and scene might benefit his health. It came too late. He returned to Abbotsford only to die. He breathed his last on the 21 8t of September 1832. On considering Sir Walter Scott's works as a whole, the first thing that strikes us is their healthy moral tone. Their purity is no doubt partly owing to the age in which he lived. A hundred, nay fifty years before, a lady who could not read or write was no curiosity, good spelling was looked upon with suspicion, and a young lady who read much was sure to get the character of a pedant, and to be shunned as a blue - stocking. Swift, Fielding and Sterne wrote for men alone, so they wrote loosely. As soon as the education of ladies improved, and they began to read the no- vels of the day , the tone of works of imagination improved. All looseness of thougt or expression was banished from our lighter literature , so that Scott is deserving of no particular praise on that account. But seven other devils, worse than the former, seemed to have taken the place of the one that was cast out. I believe that there never was a period, except that which immediately succeeded the restoration, in which our literature was so beset with unhealthy influences as it was during the first part of the present century. Egotistical- misanthropy and, overstrained sentimentality walked hand in hand. On one side their was a deification of crime, on the other a sickly delicacy that would not believe that vice exis- ted. Here Atheism strutted her little hour upon the sta- ge , there a piety which was scarcely less blasphemous stood praying at the corners of the streets. Everywhere there was cant and hypocrisy. Of all these moral diseases Scott was singularly free. The moral tone of his writings is al- ways manly and open. He calls right and wrong by their proper names. He paints men as they . are , neither angels nor devils , and does not preach about them. He had none of the unhealthy love of paradox which marred the works of 60 Book n. Chapter II. Byron and many others among his contemporaries. These are moral qualities •which can scarcely be praised too highly. He has had his reward. ' His books are in every Jibrary and on every table, and they have done more to educate the young, people of England than all other works of fiction ta- ken together. When we look at them critically and from an aesthetical point of view , we find that, spite of the great power and the many beauties of his writings, we cannot give him a place among the very greatesfrof our poets. No poet, not even Shakespeare or Goethe, ever showed a greater power in grouping his characters. They are arranged naturaly and yet with the clearest possible perception of effect. They are con- trasted with a masterly skill and placed amid scenes exactly fitted to be the back-grounds of such groups. In what art- ists call the massing of colour he is unsurpassed. The tale runs on through a ceaseless variety of incident. Scene suc- ceeds scene in unending variety, yet there is no dissonanoe, no glaring want of harmony. He is not, it is true, a polished writer, nor are the various details studied and elaborated with the untiring patience of Hawthorne. He loves broad effects, he delights like Eubens in firm, forcible lines. la the description of scenery, too, he has never been surpassed. His pictures have almost geographical truth. Yet they have none of the tedious minuteness which often wearies us in other writers. He knows what to say and what to leave un- said. Above all, his pictures both of men and things are distinct. They stand out clearly from the canvas, their out- lines are sharp, and their colouring well marked. This is one of the things which separate him so widely from the writers of the romantic school, who were his German contempora- ries — from De laMotte Fouque for example. If we compare the „Zauberring" with „Ivanhoe", for example, we find that the effect which the German romance produces is caused for the most part by the. sentiments and feelings which are the Walter Seott. 61 ground -tone of the tale. The scenes and figures are bathed in the rosy hues of sunset, and the dim twilight of evening. It is this dim religious light , this indistinctness which gives ■the story its indescribable charm. Its beauty, Hke that of a fairy tale, of the Arabian nights for example, owes much to its distance from us. Scotts novel, on the other hand, and it is far from being his best, fascinates by the rea- lism of his treatment. He conjures up the middle ages and places them before us , and we are surprised and pleased to find that they were so like our own. The object of Scott too was quite different from that of the German romantic sohooL He tried to reproduce the past as it had really been, and drew his materials from old chronicles, antiquities, and bal- lads. They endeavoured to reconstruct the ideal of chivalry and Catholicism as it was embodied in the chivalrous roman- ces and other poems of those ages. It is this pieturesque- ness, this sharpness which makes Scott such a favourite with artists. „His novels are a series of pictures", an English pain- ter once said to me, „and it is hard to say whether he is grea- test in landscape or history." Yet, as I have said, Scott does not belong to our very greatest poets. His characters are forcibly and truely drawn. "We know Marmion, Eebecca, Meg Merriles, and Domine Samson as well as we know our everyday acquaintances, but we know them no better. We should recognise them if we met them in the streets , but we have not looked into their hearts , we have not sat in judgement on their most secret thoughts; we know what they are, but we do not know how they became so. Who ever knew his dearest friend as well as he knows Macbeth, Jago and Desdemona ? Who ever look- ed so deeply into the heart of his sister, or his wife, as he has into the hearts of Gretchen, Glarchen, and Otilia? The characters of our nearest friends and relations are riddles to us. In the works of the greatest artists the riddle is solved. In those of Scott it is merely stated. He is a mighty, per- 62 Book n. Chapter H. haps the mightiest of magicians but he is no God. He can conjure up and command a thousand forms , but he cannot create and reveal. This is, I think, what Carlyle means when he says that he paints his characters from without in- wards, that he paints first the clothes, then the form, then the manners, and last of all, or sometimes not at all, the hearty that he makes the man to fit the clothes, instead of the clothes to fit the man. Closely connected with this weakness is his inability to express passion. He can describe it wonderfully, with a truth, power and simplicity that have seldom been equaled, but as soon as he must express it his power fails him. Hence his lyric poems , except when they are descriptive , are for the most part, failures. Some ballads in the old English manner are dashed off with extraordinary force and spirit. The Young Lochinvar has more of the character of our old poetry than any other modern poem. But as soon as he at- tempts a purely lyrical subject he gets beyond his depth. In short, Scott, though skilled beyond all his English contem- poraries in dramatic effect, in the description of characters, and in, fertility of imagination, cannot claim the place, that has too often been assigned him, among poets of the highest rank. ■■' C h a p t e r m. In our last chapter we had to do with the works of Scott. "We found that they were distinguished by their great power of painting the outside of life, but that he had not the power of expressing deep paBsion. His works- are distin- guished by variety , and dramatic arrangement , but he sel- dom , if ever, speaks words which- go directly to the, heart. In these respects he is almost the exact opposite of Lord By- i Byron. 63 ron. Indeed, it .has. been said, that the latter poet had all that Scott wanted, and wanted all that he possessed. "With- in certain bounds this is the case. They are the two poets of this age who had most immediate and universal success. I doubt whether they were the greatest poets of the period, but they certainly understood and embodied the spirit of their time better than any of their contemporaries. This is the reason why we have examined their works before those of the other poets of their age. Byron was born in London on the 22 n<1 of January 1788. Though descended of an ancient and noble house, he was not born to wealth. His father had been a spendthrift and was separated from his wife. Lady Byron had not more than £ 150 a year on, which to live with her son. But this was not his only misfortune. He had been born lame, and much of his sensitiveness may be attributed to this defect. Nor was his mother qualified to educate such a son. Passionate and thoughtless, she alternately smothered him with carresses, and taunted him with his lameness. Before he was five yeara old he had learnt to wince under the taunt, and, to the end of his life, he could not bear to hear his deformity mention- ed* At the death of his grand-uncle he succeeded to the title and estate of the family. He was then sent first to a private school, and afterwards to Harrow. But in his hol- idays he returned ever and again to Kewstead-abbey, the house of his ancestors. This building made a deep impression on his mind, and long afterwards , when his boyish hopes had all been wrecked and he himself was exiled by public opinion from his native land , he dwelt lovingly on his old home. Here the young poet loved to linger and to muse. Pre-i vented by his lameness from mixing in the games of his school- fellows, he became a thoughtful and rather dreamy boy ; and Sfewstead - abbey was a place well fitted to dream in. Here too occured an event which, in his own opinion, made a deep impression on his life, and which was the subject of 64 Book II. Chapter in. Some of his most beautiful poems. In 1 803 he spent his va- cation in the country. He was then 15 years old. Near Newstead abbey -was. the estate of the Chaworths, and he was a frequent guest at Ahnesley, their family - residence. Through neighbours the families had not always been friends. Indeed the last Lord Byron had killed the head of the Cha- worths' house in a duel. Miss Ghaworth, the daughter and heiress of this gentleman, was the poets senior by about two years. She was known in the whole country round for her beauty. Byron saw and fell in love with her. He followed her about wherever he could. She seems not to have dis- liked her boy admirer, but then he was a b o y. She liked Mm, played with him, chatted with him, and laughed at him. Things went on in this way for a time , but they were des- tined to come to a sad end. As he stood one evening beneath her window, he heard her say to her maid-servant, who had been teasing her about him. „Do you think I care anything for that lame boy?" The speech, he said, was like a shot through -his heart; and long afterwards he wrote, ^Our union would have healed feuds in which blood had been shed .by our fathers, it would have joined lands broad and rich, it would have joined at least one heart and two persons not ill matched in years , and — and what has been the result?" In his later years he looked back to the boyish day-dream which was so cruelly dispelled as the turning point of his life. I do not think that it was really so important> an event as he supposed it to be. He was too proud and sensitive ever to have been a happy man. But when looking back on the storms and troubles of a life that had not been wisely spent, when reviewing the shipwrecked hopes of his youth, and the feverish pleasures of his later years, it was natural that he should love to dwell on that happy day-dream of his boyhood, and sigh, if that had only ended otherwise how different it all might have been. In 1805 he left Harrow and entered Trinity college Byron. 65 Cambridge, Two years later he published his first work: *,Hours of Idleness." This book is a collection of lyrical poems. Taken as a whole, the verses are neither much bet- ter, nor much worse than those most boys write at that age. The verse is not bad, but there is little or nothing of the nervous force^ which distinguished Byron's later poems, about it In the thought and feeling expressed there is little orig- inality. The poems are, for the most part, common -place imitations of older writers. Loch na (Jarr has it is true kept its place in our memories, and deserves to do so, bat it owes much to the name of its author. Spite, the weakness and insignificance of these poems, many traces of Byron's character are to> be found in them. He is here, as always, the hero of his verses. Every lyric poet must of course write subjectively, he must speak in the first person, and so on. Every real poet too, whether lyrical or not, will often weave scenes and feelings from his own life into his verse. His life is the material ftjpm which his poems must be fashioned. He cannot be blamed for using this material, as all poets before him have done, but then he must remember that it is raw material. It is the ore which contains the gold not the gold itself. It must be purified and refined in the fire of, thought, before it really becomes poetical. It is the thoughts and feelings of the poet, not his person and circumstances , which should interest us. Part of this Byron afterwards learnt. He learnt to distinguish the poetical from the unpoetical, but he always remained the hero of his verses, and in these, his earlier poems, he con- stantly reproduces thoroughly unpoetical incidents merely be- cause they have a personal connexion with himself. He gives us two rhymed histories of his family; he tells us how he played, fought, and acted at school, and is-careful to add that he was applauded in Lear , and he' does not smooth and shape the scenes into form, or illumine them with a glow of passion, as he did in after-life. He tells us all in a boast- Grant litterature. r , 66 Book n. Chapter HI. ful tone, and minutely, as if it must needs interest us. In short the „Hours of Idleness" is, as I have already said, as foolish and vain a series of poems, as most young men write — and publish , if they are unfortunate enough to have an opportunity. The book might have sunk quietly into ob- livion, as most such books do, but, unfortunately, a copy fell into the hands of Lord Brougham. Jle seems to have been nettled by the arrogance of the preface , for he Wrote a criticism -.of ihe work for the Edinburgh Eeview, to which he was then a. contributor. The cristicism does not seem to me to have been unjust, but it was bitter, much bitterer than it would have been if undeserved. It cut By- ron to the quick, and he resolved to be revenged, but he could not discover who was the author of the article in ques- tion. Some attributed it to Croker, some to Scott, some to other authors of the day. He did not however allow this difficulty to , deter him. As he could not find out who his enemy was, he resolved to chastise every living author of note, of whose innocence he was not convinced. In this spirit „English bards and Scotch Reviewers" was written. This satire appeared in 1809. The most cursory glance shows the progress which Byron had madein two years. The verse is ringing, the style clear and sharp, the wit biting, and the tone that of a proud man justly angry, not that of a con- ceited boy wishing to show off. The poem deserves a high place in our satirical literature, and is likely to be remem- bered longer than many better works of the kind. It is the fate of most satires to be forgotten with the follies which they ridicule, and most follies pass quickly away to make room for new ones. The Dunciad, masterly as it is, is sel- dom read with pleasure in our own days, because we know but little of the miserable scribblers, whose absurdities Pope immortalized in it. But in ^English Bards and Scotch Review- ers" Byron attacks men with whose works every educated man is familiar. Scott, Wordsworth, Coleridge, and other Byron. 67 poets, whose poems -will be read as long as our language en- dures, are the heroes of his satire, and every point against them tells as well to 'day as when the book was first published. The strangest thing in the satire is, that in it Byron declared himself ; an adherent of the classical school. We have al- ready traced the struggle between it and a purer taste. At the commencement of the 19 th century it was all but dead in poetry, but in criticism it still continued to exist. Now it is not strange that Byron, when declaring war against' all living poets, should be glad to avail himself of the partisanship of the classical writers. He was bound to them, by a common hatred. But it is strange that, when he had become recon- ciled to his old enemies, when he had written works which were moulded on the very principles which he had formerly combatted, he should still continue to praise and defend the very school to which he himself had given the death-blow. Macaulay believes his admiration to have been sincere. He thinks that through his whole life he broke the laws which J he himself believed to be just, from a love of praise. It may have been so, but may we not in part attribute this contra- diction between his works and his opinion to his pride? Is it not possible that he may have been unwilling to declare himself in the wrong, and still more unwilling to confess that his admiration of Pope had never been genuine, and that he therefore praised Pope and Dryden so loudly; that he at last became a believer in his own praise. English Bards and Scotch reviewers was a great success for a young poet; yet it was, I think, unfortunate that he published it. It devided him from the greatest of his con- temporaries. It placed a great gulf between him and -men who could have helped and guided him. After its publica- tion he stood alone, and though this position may have been gratifying to his pride, it was in many ways injurious to him. He himself confessed long afterwards, when he had be- 5* 68 Book H. Chapter III. come the friend of many of those whom he had attacked, that it had been a thorn in his side ever since its publication. During the years 1809, 1810,* and 1811 he made* journey through Spain, Ghreeee, and Turkey. The literary results of this journey were the two first Cantos of Child* Harold's Pilgrimage, and a series of lyrical verses which are now included in his Occasional Poems. The part of ChiMe Harold which he had already finished he published in 1812. Childe Harold, the hero of the poem , is a young,, ill edu- cated nobleman who, sated with the dissipations -of England, sets out on his wanderings tbrtfugh the Continent. He is proud and gloomy, but gifted with an exquisite perception of the beauties of nature, and this poem consists of a series of his musings. The mountains and valleys of Spain with the muleteer singing as he passes slowly among them , the hills and plains of Greece with their thousand memories, the wide forests of Arcanania with the wild soldier groups revel- ing among them, and the deep blue sea — > Byrons favourite theme, are all shortly and graphically painted, and over all is thrown, like the gloomy lurid light of an approaching thunderstorm, the melancholy pride of the hero and his dreary hopelessness. The rhythm which the poet chose is the Spenserian stanza, a form of verse excellently suited to the subject. "No poem of. such force and originality had appeared in England since the death of Milton. It had an immense success and it deserved it. It was exactly suited to the spirit of the age. Of the gloomy melancholy which is com- mon to it and all the other poems of its author, I intend to speak hereafter. "We have now to do with the descriptions of scenery which occupy the greatest part of the poem. "We shall see, when we come to the poetry of "Wordsworth, Keats, and Shelley, that the. commencement of the present century was marked by an intense enjoyment of the beauties of na- ture. Poets^of all ages have loved woods and mountains, the Byron. 69 bright flowers of spring and the deep tints of autumn, and they have introduced them into their poems. But our old poets used them as illustrations alone.' They described ladies gathering flowers , but the flowers were only the ornaments of the lady ; they told of dark forests and rocky hillsides, but these were only used as the background for their pictu- res of knights and magicians. But in the age of which we are now speaking nature was described for its own sake alone. "Wordsworth introduced his characters very often merely to increase the charm of his landscapes. Byron was not nearly so thoroughly acquainted with nature *s Wordsworth. He could not paint the subtle ever changing beauty of natural landscapes with anything like the exactness of the lake-poet. But he made nature instinct with passion. He filled it with human emotions. He used it as a symbol of the soul. That is what makes „Childe Harolds Pilgrimage" so universally comprehensible, and bitterly as Byron hated Wordsworth, Macaulay is doubtless right in saying that he interpreted him to the people. The success of the poem was immediate , and, as he himself said, he awoke one morning and found himself famous. Passing a few unimportant pieces we now come to his Eastern tales. These poems have much in common with the metrical romances of Scott. The form is nearly the same ; though Byron's tales are shorter, and their rhythm more va- ried. Eastern life, with its gorgeous colouring and strange customs, was to Byron, what the history of the middle ages was to Scott. It was his peculiar province — the land of dark passion and mystery, in which every thing was pos- sible. This series of tales began with the Giaour. It is a tale of love and wrong avenged by a deeper wrong. The scene is the Orient with its thousand strange and fantastic forms, with the mosque and the convent standing side by side, and peopled with monks and robbers, with lovely maidens and turbaned warriors, and amid them all moves the Giaour, with 70 Book II. Chapter in. his despairing frown and hopeless loneliness. The poem is a series of fragments, now a burst of passion, and then a description of scenery, or a hurried sketch of an event; yet the impression made is deep and clear. The Giaour was followed by a long series of tales of the same class. These are the writings in which Byron approach- eses Scott most nearly, yet here the difference between the poets is most clearly marked. The Lady of the Lake and Marmion attract us by^the variety of their characters, and the wildness of their adventures. These: tales move us by the depth of their passion. Scott delights in heroic acts , Byron in fearful crimes. Scott was a masterly painter , he could portray the outside of every character. Each of hds persons is individualised by a thousand little, but exact touches^ each apparently insignificant yet each important in its place. The Highland Chieftain, and the Southern knight are distinguish hed by their very language. Byron had none of this power. His poems are wild bursts of passion and dispair. His heroes differ only in their circumstances, alter these, and the Cor- sair becomes the Giaour, and the Giaour the Corsair. But this one character is drawn with masterly depth and power. He is a strong , brave man , bound by no laws , but capable at once of acts of astonishing generosity and of fearful crimes. His heart is a volcano- of passion, of undoubting inexhaus- tible love and of implacable hatred. He scorns the world, and is engaged in a ceaseless contest with it — a contest in which he is forever vanquished, The heroines are fitting companions for such men — women , capable of boundless, passionate, unthinking love , but capable too of hatred. as passionate — maidens who will perish for their lovers withi out a sigh, but who have daggers hid beneath their robes for the faithless lover, or the hated rival. Such characters are doubtless unreal, but the passion they express is real. As soon as Scott's heroes begin to express deep feeling they be- come common place, and we begin to doubt their sincerity; Byron. 71 as' soon as Byron's characters speak of their love or hatred, we forget that they are unnatural, we forget that the plot is unreal, and we are carried away by their joy and anguish — by their love and dispair. Byron wrote very quickly. His tales are impassioned monologues. Their tone never al- ters, except that the gloom deepens towards the end, while Scott's tales are full of contrasts of light and shade. Scott was in fact the story-teller, Byron the prophet. These tales established their authors fame as a poet. He was now the darling of English society. Men of all par- ties and creeds united in praising him. The highest ladies in the land agreed in flattering him. Whatever he said was admired; whatever he wrote was eagerly readf His slightest acts were noted and imitated. "Whatever he wore became fashionable. He was a perfect gentleman, a light, witty and agreeable companion, but the people of that age saw more in him than that. They persisted in confound- ing him with his poetical creations. He was in their eyes the Giaour, the Corsair and Childe Harold. They beheld the man for whose sorrows they had wept living and mov- ing before them, and they fell down at his feet and wor- shiped him. It it a pleasant thing to be worshiped, and he assumed the character they forced upon him. Nor was this adoration confined to literary circles , or to the society in which he was accustomed to move. In distant villages, among the middle classes , and in religious families , where poetry and fiction were in general forbidden, his poems were to be found. Dissenting ministers who looked on poetry as a sin prayed for him, as if he had been their own son. Tillage maidens, who had seldom read any book but the Bible , hid his verses under their pillows. The wife of one clergyman of the church of England wrote a prayer for him, which she repeated every morning and eve- ning. In short,- all England united in flattering and prais- ing a young man of 26 years old. It is difficult for us to 72 Book II. Chapter III. understand this enthusiasm, but -those who have read Byron's poetry when young can form at least some idea of it. Now that we can look at his character coolly, that we know his weakness, bis littleness, and bis vsinity, we feel that such admiration was absurd. It was soon to come to an end. On the 2 ad of January 1 8 1 5 he married Miss Milbank. That was a blow to popular admiration. It robbed Byrons character of much of its romance. He had been looked upon as the hero pf his own poems, and we must confess that it, was rather strange that the Giaour should leave his cell and be married at church, in a common-place way, like other people. Had he committed a great and daring crime, it would not have been out of keeping with his imaginary character. But a common- place marriage was so unromantic that he eould no more be looked upon as a noble, broken hearted hero. The best that could be hoped from him was that he would become a good matter of fact husband. "But even this was not to be. Byron could not have found a wife more unsuited to him than Miss Milbank. She was a well educated, but passionless woman, with no taste for poetry, but with some inclination to math- ematical studies. Strict , exact , and highly respectable and methodical, she was the opposite of the poet in every re- spect. They quarrelled. Whose the fault was is not, and probably never will be known. Perhaps neither, perhaps both were to blame. At any rate the idol of the world was broken. Here was Conrad quarelling with Medora. Here was the poet who had been looked upon as the truest of lov- ers, and 'admired as such, illusing his wife, so that she was obliged to run away from him. The rage of the public was as extravagant as its worship had been. Before none had dared to whisper censure, now none dared to hint at excuse. The papers were filled with libels on the very man whom, a short time before , they had deified. Crowds collected to pelt him on his way to the house of Lords, and to hiss him at the theatre. - Such was the state of public feeling, when, BJron. 73 on the 25 lh of April 1816 he left England forever. He had one child by this marriage, a daughter — Agusta Ada. By- ron seems to have felt the separation acutely, though he had not lived happily with his wife. We must now turn to the lyrical poems which Byron wrote about this time. The first that demand our attention are the Hebrew Melodies, which were published before his marriage. The old Testament had always been one of his favourite books, and we find traces of its influence in many of his poems. At the request of a friend he consented to write the words for a series of Hebrew melodies which were then to be published. The subjects are passages of the Bible and laments over the fallen glory of Zion. The political events of 1813, 1814 and 1815 could not fail to attract the attention of Byron. The character and fate of Napoleon exerted a great influence over his imagination. He was too largehearted to be blinded by a national preju- dice. He sympathized with the fall of the hero ; he partook of the grief of the French. These feelings produced a Beries of poems. The first of these was the „Ode to Napoleon Buo- naparte", which was written on April the 10? h 1814. It was a burst of bitter sarcasm, an outbreak of passionate anger. But such anger and sarcasm are evidently, to use the words of one of our modern poets } „only love turned inside out". Napoleon had abdicated. The high hopes of his followers were all wrecked. The man who had sat in judgement upon kings had bent to the sentence of his enemies. It was a sad sight to those who had worshiped this man, an unheroic end to the great tragedy, had it been indeed the end. „The desolator desolate! The victor overthrown! The arbiter of others' fate A suppliant for his own. Is it some yet imperial hope That with such change can calmly cope, 74 Book n. Chapter VI. Or dread of death alone? To die a prince, or live a slave, Thy choice is most ignobly brave. "Who does not feel that such lines as these are the ex- pression of a dissappointed hope , of reverence for an object that has proved itself unworthy of reverence ? Napoleon' re- turned from Elba, and in all the crowds that thronged to meet him , there was no heart that was filled with a wilder exstacy of gladness than Byron's. Then came "Waterloo, when the last hope of France was trodden down beneath the feet of the united kings of Europe ; then the dark days of dis- pair, the capture and imprisonment of Napoleon and the murder of Ney. Byron embodied many of the sad feelings of those days in poems. Nowhere is the contrast between the characters of Scott and Byron more clearly marked than in their treatment of Napoleon. Scott could see in him nothing but a tyrant and an enemy. He looked at him from the national point of view. Byron 'saw that both his fate and character were colossal, that he had to do with one who could not be judged by common standards — with a man whose work, both for good and evil, had been gigantic. He looked at him from a poetical point of view. 1 Scott was the poet of the past, Byron the exponent of the future. • He had none of that nar- row-minded patriotism which is so often praised as a virtue. The picture of the hero on the lonely rock, of the gi- gantic genius bound by pigmies, of the conqueror of Europe dying broken-hearted and in exile, was too like the dark creations of his own imagination not to affect him deeply. But it was not the tragic fate of Napoleon alone, that excited his admiration He believed that the people would gain no- thing by Waterloo. He felt that the one great ruler would be replaced by a hundred petty tyrants, that the blood, which the nations had sown so plentifully at Leipzig and "Waterloo, would bring forth no fruit, and a deeper and higher feeling Byron. 75 was mingled with the pity and the terror , which the great tragedy of 1815 could not fail to excite. He mourned not only over the banished hero and enslaved France, he griev- ed that the revolution was conquered. While Scott saw no- thing but the blaze of bonfires and the pomp of victory, Byron saw that mankind had gained little by the fall of Na- poleon. Hence the one poet wrote a life of Napoleon, that was so superficial that it may almost be called a caricature, while the other composed songs in his honour which have seldom been surpassed even by French poets. CHAPTER IV. It had been hard for Byron to be cast down from the high place he had occupied. Praise was more than usually sweet, blame more than usually bitter to his excitable, sen- sitive, and vain nature. The time that passed between his separation from his wife and his departure from England was doubtless one of keen mental anguish. But this sorrow exer- cised a purifying and deepening influence on his poetry. He had coquetted with grief and dispair before, but he had worn his melancholy as a „dark mask in the carnival of the world." Now his disguise had become too real. Every hope was blighted, and, even if it were by his own fault, that would not make it less bitter. He was parted from his wife and child, he was excluded from the society which he had ruled, the doors of advancement in the state were closed against him, and he was exiled, by public opinion, from his native land. The first poetical products of this state of mind were the poems which are printed in his works under the title of Domestic pieces. In these we find a depth, a truth and power, for which we should seek in vain in his earlier verses. The words seem to come directly from his 76 Book II. Chapter IV. heart, <> They are the poets protest against the injustice of the world , yet ever and anon the sad confession is repeated „I have been cunning in mine overthrow The careful pilot of my proper woe." These are, I believe, the sincerest poems Byron ever wrote, but they fell iupon estranged ears. The people who had caught at his slightest verses and had found romance in his slightest movements, refused to believe his confes- sion. Formerly they had persisted in accepting each of his poetical creations as a picture of himself , now they re- fused to believe him when he opened up to them the very depths of his heart. On leaving England, Lord Byron proceeded up the Rhine, to Switzerland, and thence to Italy. On the way he completed the third Canto of Child Harold. Here his ge- nius for the first time appeared in its full power, but we will leave it till the conclusion of the fourth Canto, when we shall be able to consider the work as a whole. We cannot pause to examine all the smaller poems which he wrote in 1816, but the Dream is to important to be passed by without a word. It is the story of the poets life in a series of pictures. As he looked back on the past, with its wasted powers and wrecked hopes, ihe face of his first love, Mary Chaworth, rose before him. In the days of his fame and happiness she had been all but forgotten. We find no trace of her exis- tence in the poems which he published between the Hours of Idleness and his separation from Lady Byron. But now that his heart was softened by sorrow, the hours of his boy- hood seemed very bright and joyous, and all that had passed since very gloomy and drear. Since then his life had been a feverish struggle, a weary wandering, and it now seemed to him as if that had all come because Mary Chaworth had not loved him. The struggle and the wanderings , his ill fated marriage, and indeed the whole past seemed to him to have been nothing but a vain attempt to forget her. Such Byron. 77 is the tale of the dream The plan is masterly. It is intro- duced by a few lines on sleep and dream - life , which are among the finest that ever fell from his pen. Then the Dream itself begins. The first scene is a hill near Newstead Abbey, though the name is not mentioned, and below lies a beauti- ful English scene. „ These two, a maiden and a youth, were there Gazing — the one on ■ all that was beneath Pair as herself — - but the boy gazed on her; And both were young, and one was beautiful." Them the love of the boy is described in a few delicate and forcible lines, but „she loved another, And on the summit of that hill she stood Looking afar, if yet her lovers steed Kept pace with her expectancy, and flew." Then we have the parting of the lovers in an „antique Oratory" t in which the suppressed passion of the youth is painted with wonderful force and delicacy. Afterwards we see him on his wanderings through the East, and we feel that he is wandering only that he may forget that old love of his. Again the dream is changed, and „she is wed to one who did not love her better'- and children play around her knees, and yet she is not happy. „A change came o'er the spirit of my dream. The wanderer was return' d. — I saw him stand Before an Altar — with a gentle bride; Her face was fair, but was not that which made The Starlight of his Boyhood; — ■ as he stood Even at the altar, o'er his brow there came The self same aspect, and the quivering shock Which in the antique Oratory shook His bosom in its solitude ; and then — As in that hour — a moment o'er his face The tablet of unutterable thoughts 78 Book II. Chapter IV. Was traced, — and then it faded, as it came, And he stood calm and quiet, and he spoke The fitting vows, hut heard not his own words, And all things reel'd around him; he could see Hot .that which was, nor that which should have been — But the old mansion, and the accustom'd hall, And the remember'd chambers , and the place, The day, the hour, the sunshine, and the shade, All things pertaining to that place and hour, And her who was his destiny, came back And thrust themselves between him and the light: What business had" they there at such a time?" Then again the scene is changed, and we behold the lady of his love plunged in madness,- and the youth at war with his kind, hating, and hated by them. „My dream was past, it had no further change. ■ It was of a strange order, that the doom Of these two creatures should be thus traced out Almost to a reality — the one To end in madness — both in misery." Such is the dream, which seems to me the most perfect of Byron's poems. In other of his works he doubtless shows a greater command over language, and a vaster range of ge- nius, but none of them seize the imagination so forcibly as this, none have such unity of design, such finish of exe- cution; It is too an important' moment in the life of Byron; after writing it he seldom or ever refered to Lady Byron, in his poetry, as having had an important influence on his life. In fact he treated his marriage, in his later writings, as an unfortunate attempt to banish the memory of the sweet girl- ish face, „which made the starlight of his boyhood." „I've tried anothers fetters too", he exclaims „With charms perchance as fair to view, And I would fain have loved as well; But some unconquerable spell . Byron. 79 Forbade my bleeding breast to own A kindred care for aught save one." His next great work was Manfred. This dramatic poem was commenced in 1816, and finished in 1817. It was By- ron's first attempt at dramatic composition. The plot, if Manfred can be said to have any plot, is very simple. The hero oppressed by a deep sorrow, and the remembrance of a mysterious crime appeals to the spirits of Earth, Air, and Ocean for forgetfulness, in vain. He then penetrates into the hall of Arimanes, where he meets the spirit of Astarte — his former love , who fortells his death. Finally the Abbot of St. Maurice visits him, and exhorts him to repent, but is unsuccessful, an evil spirit then rises and claims Manfred's soul, but he braves it, and the evil spirit retires; on this Manfred dies. Even this slight sketch is sufficient to show that the dramatical element is entirely wanting in the poem. There is no action , there are n6 characters in the piece. It is so to speak a series of episodes. The last scene must of course come at the end, because the hero dies in it, but the position of almost any of the other scenes might be changed without diminishing the effect. The inferior characters come and go without making much impression on the reader , or doing much to help the plot forwards. The Abbot is the best of them, but, how little depends upon him, is proved by the fact that in the first draft of the piece he was a diaboli- cally wicked wretch,, while in the poem , as it now stands, he is a saint. Even the external, dramatic form is not sustain- ned. Manfred, is a series of monologues. The hero muses in- stead of acting. In his tower, on the cliffs of the Jungfrau, and in the hall of Arimanes he does nothing but expatiate on his greatness and his wretchedness. His character is, it is true, powerfully drawn, but it is not dramatically developed. It is from his- soliloquies, and not from his actions, that we learn that he is great, proud, and unhappy. In short, the whole treatment is essentially undrainatic; but then Byron 80 Book II. Chapter IV. did not iatend to write a drama. He says that he has endeav- oured to render, it „quite impossible: to produce it on the stage". As a poem then it must be judged, and we must confess. that it contains several passages in the poets best style. Such is the scene in which Manfred meets the spirit of As'tarte, and the description of the Coliseum by moonlight. Yet we cannot but wonder, at the enthusiasm with which this work was hailed at its publication. The unvarying wretch- edness of -the hero is monotonous, and it wearies rather than interests us Besides the impression is weakened by its frequent repetition. Manfred is only Child Harold in a new position. The other dramatic works of Byron have the same faults as Manfred, and are less powerful than it. There is but one exception, Heaven and Earth. The rest we may pass without farther notice, but on this poem we must linger a few moments. It is in many respects one of the finest, of Byrons works. It has more unity, interest and finish than any of his other dramatical essays.. He called it a mystery^ not beeause there is any thing particularly mysterious in the plot, but because, like the old plays of that name, it. is tak- en from the biblical narrative. The passage on which it is founded is the following extract from the book of Genesis. „And it came to pass that the sons of God saw the daughters of men that they. were fair; and they took them wives of all which they chose .... And there were giants on the earth in those days-. , . . And God saw that the wickedness of man was great in the earth, and that every imagination of the thoughts of his heart was only evil continually .... And the Lord said, I will destroy man whom I have created from the face of Earth". A grander subject can scarcely be con- ceived, and Byron's genius was well fitted to treat it. Here was colossal passion, a fearful fate, and an age where ima- gination could run riot without passing the bounds of proba- bility. "What cannot he believed of a time when the Earth blossomed in her primeval beauty , when the fiery sword of Byron. 81 the Archangel might still be seen guarding the paths that led to the tree of life, and when the very sons of God descended from the regions of the blest to hold converse with the daugh- ters of men. The whole subject is placed before us in all its grandeur. In the very first scene Anah and Aholibah- mah, two sisters of the daughters of Cain, leave their fa- thers' tents at the dead of night, to invoke their Angel lovers, and the tragic interest of the story goes on deepening to the moment when „the windows, of heaven are opened, and the fountains of the great deep are broken up", and all created life, save the little remnant of Seth's seed , is overthrown in the universal destruction. The characters too , though they are for the most part only sketched, are better conceived than in any other of Lord Byron's dramas. Anah, the younger of the sisters, is an embodiment of sincere self forgetting love. She is religious too,' bowing with resignation to the will of God, and fearful of disobeying his commands. Aholibahmah on the other hand is well fitted to be a Seraph's bride. She feels that in love she is equal to him, that his love has raised her above the rest of the daughters of men. Their characters are finely contrasted even at their first entrance. Anah says „But, Aholibahmah, I love our God less, since his angel loved me; This cannot be of good; and though I know not That I do wrong, I feel a thousand fears That are not ominous of right. And her sister proudly answers ; Then wed thee Unto some son of clay, and toil and spin! *********** Marry and bring forth dust. So in their invocation Anah prays, Aholibahmah almost commands her lover to descend ; and when Japhet would fain save them from the approaching destruction, she taunts him Grant litterature. C 82 Book n. Chapter IV. with his descent from Seth, and boasts that the first mur- derer was her forefather. And doest thou think that we , "With Cain's, the eldest born of Adam's, blood "Warm in our veins, would mingle with Seth's children? And again: He was our father's father ; The eldest born of man, the strongest, bravest And most enduring : — Shall I blush for him, Prom whom I had my being? Look upon Our race; behold their stature and their beanty. And again: Must we Cling to a son of Noah for our lives? Yet in the fearful hour of destruction, it is she who bids her lover return to heaven and leave her to her fate , while her sister still clings to Azaziel fbj: protection, and can hardly bring herself to give up his. love. The angels say and do but little, they would be lay figures but for their resolution to forfeit heaven rather than desert their human brides. Japhet is the hero of the piece. He is in love with Anah, and would gladly-, save her even at the cost of his own life. But he grieves not over her alone , but over the whole lovely earth. At times he almost questions the justice of God , at others he defends it against all accusation. But in all moods, he shrinks with horror from the fearful loneli- ness of the new world. „"Why", he exclaims at the end of the drama, amid all the horrors of the new chaos, „ Why,, when all perish, why must I remain?" Noah is a thorough con- trast to his' son, cold and passionless, he reminds us often of the puritans, by the calmness with which he looks on the destruction of the world. When Japhet in a passion of an- guish beseeches God, even now, in the last hour, to spare the doomed creation he calmly says „Wouldst thou have God commit a sin for thee? Such would it be Byron. gg To alter his intent For a mere mortal sorrow. Heaven and Earth as we have it is only a fragment. It was not very favourably received by the public , so Byron never finished it. From the first part it is difficult to guess at what the second might have been. It would probably have fol- lowed the fates of Anah and Aholibahmah, who are carried away by their Angel lords at the conclusion of the play as it now stands. The key to the whole plan is I think contain- ed in the following passages. The first is from Aholibahmah's invocation. — There is a ray In me, which, though forbidden yet to shine, I feel was lighted at thy God's and thine. It may be hidden long: death and decay Our mother Eve bequeathed us — but my heart Defies it: though this life must pass away, Is that a cause for thee and me to part? Thou art immortal — so am I: I feel — I feel my immortality o'ersweep All pains, all tears, all time, all fears, and peal, Like the eternal thunders of the deep, Into my ears this truth — „Thou liv'st forever!" But if it be in joy I know not, nor would know; That secret rests with the Almighty giver Who folds in clouds the fonts of bliss and woe. But thee and me He never can destroy; Change us He may, but not o'erwhelm; we are Of as eternal essence, and must war With Him, if He will war with us: with thee I can share all things, even immortal "sorrow; For thou hast ventured to share life with me. The second is Japhet's answer to the spirits. The eternal will 6* 84 Book H. Chapter IV. Shall deign to expound this troubled dream Of good and evil; and redeem Unto Himself all times, all things;. And, gathered under his almighty wings, Abolish hell! And to the expiated Earth Eestore the beauty of her birth, Her Eden in an endless paradise, Where man no more can fall as once he fell, / And even the very demons shall do well! Spirits. And when shall take effect this wondrous spell? Japhet. When the Eedeemer cometh; first in pain And then in glory. No one can read the sad story of Byrons life in Italy without profound sorrow. It is the story of talents wasted, and genius misapplied. He resided for a long time at Venice where " he plunged into the lowest depths of disoluteness. Maddened by the injustice with which he had been treated, he sought forgetfulness in wine. The young English nobleman, who had lately been the Idol of London society, now mixed with the lowest of the low. The poet, whose impassioned words still moved all hearts, revelled in the most tasteless excesses. By degrees this evil life began to tell upon his health, and it almost seemed as if the end of the poet were to be low indeed. He was rescued from it by a connection which, though in itself culpable, seemed pure to the society mid whom he lived. The few important works of his which remain to be no- ticed we must now shortly review. They are the last two cantos of Childe Harold , the Vision of Judgement, and Don Juan. When we pass from the second to the, third canto of Childe Harold, we are struck at once by the difference bet- ween the two. The first isji series of fine descriptions, tinged by melancholy, the last a .passionate outburst of anguish. The woe no longer colours the descriptions, it penetrates them, and uses all nature as a mere picture of itself. Harold's Byron. 85 name is still used in the third Canto, but it has ceased to be even an attempt at a character, it is merely another name for Byron. The poet describes his own sorrows, and his own fate, and sometimes in words that we cannot but feel are sin- cere. But it is not only in depth of feeling, and force of ex- pression that the last part of this poem is superior to the first. The descriptive pieces are written with a liveliness and pow- er which it would be difficult to find elsewhere. The Vision of Judgement is a very different poem. On the death of George the third, Southey, the poet laureate, wrote a vision' of Judgement in hexameters. In it he told how the king had ascended to heaven^ and been received there, with a series of complements, such as those with which earthly courtiers are accustomed to greet their sovereigns; The whole thing was as absurd as bad taste could make it. George the third was a much better man than most princes are, but he was a much worse king. His stupidity was almost incredible, and his obstinacy was almost greater than his stupidity. He did all in his power to ruin England, and to overthrow the constitution. He was unsuccessful, it is true, and there can be no doubt he was a good husband and father, still he was hardly fitting subject for celestial praise. Byron at once saw the whole absurdity of the situation ; hence his Vision of Judge- ment, a parody on that of Southey. This is one of the bitterest satires of the age. Hatred, scorn, and wit are united in a mar- vellous degree. Finally, it is true, King George is left in heaven, but he slips in through the back door, in the midst of the con- fusion occasioned by Southey, commencing one of his poems. And when the tumult dwindled to a calm, I left him, practising the hundredth Psalm We now come to Don Juan, the last, and in some re- spects the greatest of Lord Byron's works. In it he com- menced an entirely new style, unless we like to consider Beppo as its forerunner. It is a wild story, told in a light gossiping style. Goethe wrote thus of it: 86 Book II. Chapter IV. „Don Juan is a work of boundless genius, misanthropic to the bitterest cruelty, philanthropic to the depths of the Sweetest sympathy , and as we know and respect the author, and have made up our minds not to wish him other than he is, we enjoy thankfully what he offers us with such lavish freedom* and even licence. The strange, wild, inconsiderate contents of the poem is suited to the technical treatment of the verse." The poem treats of every thing, from the dispair of dis- appointed love , to the best way of curing a headache. On one page we find a rhymed criticism on modern poetry, on the next an account of a shipwreck, and on a third a vio> lent attack on the ministry. Here, for the first. time, we find the style of writing which Heine afterwards appropriat- ed and used with such power that it has since been called by his name. „The poet raises us to the highest summits of romantic enthusiasm, only to dash us more cruelly against the rocks of reality". But this is not, I think, to be attribu- ted to frivolity. It is in keeping with the conversational tone of the poem. In society, when a subject becomes painfully serious, we end the discussion by a joke. That is just what Byron does in Don Juan. With a light word he quits a sub- ject that is getting too serious for the nature of the poem. The book is a delightful bit of gossip upon things in general, loosely held together by the thread of the story. It has been mueh blamed for its immorality, and we must confess that, when placed by the side of Marmion or the Excursion , it is loose ; but it is not more so than many classical works are. The tone too, though far from pure, is -much more healthy than that of most of his earlier poems. But what we most admire in Don Juan is the poets mastery over the English language. Their is no single poem in the whole range of our literature in which its various capabilities are exhibited in an equal degree. H. von Treitschke in his masterly essay on „Lord Byron and Radicalism" gives it the highest place among all the poet's works , and it certainly is the one in Byron. 87 •which his various powers come most fully into play. The lat- ter Cantos are however inferior to the earlier. Such was the work with which Lord Byron was busied when the news reached him that the Greeks had recommenced their long struggle with the Turks. He had- ever been an ardent lover of liberty, and he had assisted the Italian pa- triots by contributions of large sums of money. To Greece he was bound by a thousand ties. It had been to him what Italy is to most artists. It was the land in which his cha- racter and genius had ripened. There he had written a great part of the poem on which his fame was founded. There too he had laid the scene of many of his earlier romances, and his imagination still loved to linger amid the hills and valleys which are hallowed by so many sacred memories. Accor- dingly he resolved to go in person to take part in the great struggle in which the Greeks were engaged. He arrived on the 5^ of January 1824, and was received with the greatest enthusiasm by the patriots. The vigour of his movements there proved him to be possessed of powers which he had never be- fore exhibited. But his constitution was worn out by the sorrows and excesses of his latter years. It was evident that he could not live long, and he himself only wished to die on the field of battle. But this was not to be. . On the 19 th of April 1824 he died of a fever brought on by a cold. The last act of his life, says a French poet, was the noblest of his poems. Byron cannot be judged alone, nor can we understand his genius thoroughly, if we compare him with English wri- ters only. His works were but a link in a great chain of literary productions. He belonged to the school which was commenced by the Nouvelle Helmse and the Confessions, which then produced "Werther and the Bobbers and whose last great productions were the works of Heine. He had some qualities in common with each of these authors. He had the gloomy egotism of Rousseau, the love of nature which 88 Book II. Chapter IV. Goethe displayed in Werther, the love of savage daring which. Schiller' embodied in Carl Moor, and in bis latter days some of the wit and irony of Heine. The moral teaching of this school, as far as they can be said to have had any, was that man is born to wretchedness, and that the best thing he can. do is either to plunge into fearful crime, or sit down and alternately laugh and cry over his misery, that virtue and duty have no existence, and that all great men must necessa- rily be at war with society. In short their system was the negation of all that men had been used to reverence. Of this gospel Byron's works are the greatest embodiment. I do not of course mean that he was the greatest of the writers I have just mentioned, far from it, Eoussau is the only one of them who stood below him; but he was more entirely pos- sessed of the spirit of the school than either of the others. His works are, -with the exception of Don Juan, one unbrok- en cry of anguish. The form is ; altered, but the subject is ever the same, it is his own greatness and his own misery. Much of the popularity of his poetry is attributable to its egotistical and melancholy tone. It is difficult for us to un- derstand how this could be the case. Few grown up people in our own days can, I fancy, really enjoy the Robbers or the Sorrows of "Werther, still fewer can sympathise with the sorrows of Rousseau, and if Heine's works are still read, it is in spite rather than because of the melancholy, scornful tone of some of them. To us the Confessions seem a record of troubles which were either imaginary or well deserved. Their author, even by the testimony of his own works, seems to us a weak and foolish man. To his contemporaries he seemed a hero, and a saint. Schiller gave expression to the feelings of his own age , when he compared him to Socrates. By many he was placed beside our Saviour in moral purity. The same is true of Byron. When we compare his works and life , we feel that he had known great sorrows , but we feel also that much of the misery he boasts of is mere affec- Byron. 89 tation. "We know that, while he proclaimed aloud that the praise and blame of the world was nothing to him , the re- mark of an anonymous writer on his lameness maddened him. We know that, while he was writing poems to Mary Chaworth in which he attributed all the misfortunes of his life to his love for her, he was passionately attached to another woman. "We know that spite of his declaration that „Eew who dwell beneath the sun, Have loved so long and loved but one," he was one of the most fickle and inconstant of lovers. But his contemporaries did not know all this. They believed he was the gloomy heroic being he represented himself to be, and they admired him. It is easy to ridicule such admiration, to show how much weakness lay in the pretended strength, but the time is past when such ridicule is needed. A few clever boys, it is true, still look upon his heroes as the mod- els of all true greatness, and practise before their looking — glasses a Byronic sneer, but this admiration passes away with the other follies of boyhood. With these the critic has nothing to do. It is useless to ridicule a folly that has pas- sed away. But we may well ask, whence came the false taste that was once so general, and how was it that such men as Goethe, Schiller and Byron should have been affected by it? Every healthy literature is the expression of the wants and longings of its own age. It is the embodiment of its ideal, or at worst of its search after an ideal. It gives a voice to the dumb yearnings of the national heart. Some times the works of a single poet do this. Shakespeare is such a representative of England in the Elizabethan age. All that was highest and best in our country, at that time , is to be found mirrored in his works. But oftener a number of poets are needed. Each mirrors a single side of the na- tional life. Each speaks to a sect or party, and gives them what they want. He speaks not for himself alone but for them. Such was our literature at the commencement of the I 90 Book II. Chapter IV. present century. During the latter half of the seventeenth and the commencement of the eighteenth century, on the other hand, no nation in Europe had a really national liter- ature. The poetry of France , great as it was , was court- poetry. That of Germany and England was a mere imi- tation of that of France. Hence the feelings, which were embodied in the writings of Byron and the other poets whom we have classed with him , may have slumbered long in the hearts of the people without finding an outlet. That it was so we have clear proof. Before Rousseau pub- lished the first of his works, suieide had raged like a mania in France. Young men shot themselves, leaving letters behind them to say that they had done so not because of any particular misfortune, but because life did not seem worth the having. In Germany Werther was written after Goethe and several of his friends had passed through the state of mind which the book describes, and, though the work itself may be slightly coloured by the study of Rous- seau, we cannot attribute the whole state of feeling that caused it to the influence of a French author. Indeed I be- lieve that his influence on the book itself is greatly over- rated. From this, I think, it is pretty clear that the works were the symptoms, and not the cause, of a deep seated disease. Indeed the influence of books is as a rule greatly overvalued. People are not made religious or irreligious, vir- tuous or vicious by the books they read; they choose their reading according to their character. But whence came this deep feeling of restless discontent, this morbid disgust of life? That is the question we have now to answer. The history of the world proves that it is impossible to do away with the ideal part of man's nature. If it is not allowed to develop itself healthily it makes itself felt as a disease. If religion be repressed it only makes way for superstition. The age which preceded the revolution offers a thousand proofs of this. The philosophers declared, there was no God. Byron. 9| The men of science showed that there was no room left for the soul in the universe, and the wits ridiculed in no meas- ured terms the absurdity of the doctrines in which their parents had believed. Never was there to be found a more enlightened and less, prejudiced society than that of Paris at that period. Tet it was in freethinking, sceptical Paris that every new superstition found eager votaries. The age of Voltaire and Diderot was also the age of Mesmer and Gagli- ostro. - The same people who Relieved in „The System of nature'*, thronged the halls where, in the garb of an oriental priest, the cunningest of modern impostors taught a system in comparison with which the rudest superstitions of the middle ages appear wise and beautiful. It is useless to mul- tiply examples. The fact, however it may be explained away, is I believe universally acknowledged. Now when we compare the state of society in the middle ages with that of modern times we find that much of its vast progress must be attributed to the division of labour. By the application of this principle much more can be produced, by a given amount of labour , than in any other way. But I doubt if the system is as beneficial to each individual labourer as is generally supposed. In the middle ages the retainer of a Baron led a life of never ending variety. One day he wag tilling the ground, the next he was following his lord to battle, or helping to repair his castle. The farming, fight- ing, and building were all no doubt badly done, but all the different talents of the man were called into play. In our days such a life is impossible. One man spends the whole of his life in making pins' heads, another in adding up ac- counts , a third in copying letters. Each of these things is better done by the modern plan, but the workmen, in their hours of business, have ceased to be men, and have become mere parts of a huge machine. , All that is highest and best in their nature is utterly useless , but it is not — it cannot be — utterly destroyed. It seeks a vent for itself. It be- 92 Book II. Chapter IV. comes sometimes a curse instead of a blessing. Hence the brutal immorality of our great towns. Hence, too, the fa- naticism of our religious sects, the spread of Mormonism and many of the most appaling phenomena of our age. To the same class I believe the ,/Welt-Schmerz" which is embodied in Byron's poetry belongs. A clever boy comes from school, full of high hopes and aspirations , and he is apprenticed to a dry mechanical business. He feels that here there is no room for his character to develop itself. He discovers that his hopes have been mere dreams. The very ends for which he is to work seem mean and low to him, all life appears nothing but an unweeded garden. Man delights him not nor woman neither. The nobler his nature the more glar- ing is the contrast between it and his circumstances; the deeper his intellectual interests the greater the gulf which is fixed between his ideal and his real life. He feels that no one understands him, that he cannot comprehend his own yearnings., He nurses his melancholy. He wears it as a badge to distinguish him from the unthinking herd. To such a youth Byron speaks as a prophet. His poems are the expression of. the thoughts and feelings for which he could find no words. His heroes are at war with the so- ciety which he hates. Their very crimes seem nobler to him than the selfish morality of the counting - house. To him "Werther, Carl Moor and Manfred seem martyrs for the truth that the soul is more than the body. Such a state of mind is now only a transition state , a kind of „mental mea- sles", which most clever boys pass through, but the time was when the whole intellectual society of Europe was infected with it. It was the age of "Werther, the Bobbers, and Byron. If we examine Lord Byrons works critically, we shall find that, spite his extraordinary power, we cannot award him any more than Scott a place among poets of the very high- est rank. In Shakspeare's works we find characters truer than those of Scott, and passion truer than that of Byron. Byron. 93 It is so with all poets of the very first order. They draw a character which is individualized in. the highest degree, a man as distinct as those we meet daily, as clearly distinguish- ed from every other, as each man is from his fellows. Then they reveal the inmost recesses of his heart. They let him speak of his love and sorrow, of his joy and woe. Take Lear. What passage in Byron's works can be compared in passion with the best scenes in that fearful tragedy? What words of his touch the heart like those of the mad old king? Yet who ever thought of confounding 'Shakespeare with Lear? He stands before us a distinct personality, a clearly objective fi- gure, no poet in disguise. It is only poets of the very grea- test genius that can thus unite passion with characteristic. Poets of less power fall for the most part into two great classes. The first of these draw characters. They observe closely and copy nature. They draw men who have a strong appearance of reality, and who are clearly distinguished from each other. Their characters act and speak naturally. But they " can go no farther. They cannot reveal the secret springs of their actions. They cannot stir the heart with pas- sion, because they cannot identify themselves with their he- roes. The second class consists of subjective poets. . Their power begins where that of the first class oeases. They speak from the heart. Their poems are bursts of passion. Their characters are only a series of emotions. They have no reality, no individuality. They are at best but the masks which con- ceal the features of the poet — the vessels from whieh his emotions are poured. Scott belongs to the first, Byron to the second class. It follows , as a matter of course , that Scott's range is wider while Byron's poetry is deeper. The outside of life is the province of the one, the heart that of the other poet. It need not therefore surprise us that Scott was more easily dazzled than this great contempo- rary by the pomp of the tournament , and the circumstance of battle , that he delighted in vivid contrasts of light and 94 Book II. Chapter IV. shade , or that these contrasts are for the most part external. It was his nature to do so ; just as it was the nature of By- ron to seize at once the heart of the matter. "When they treat the same subject, the difference of their talents becomes at once evident. The song of the Hebrew maid in Iven- hoe is well known. In it Scott has selected all that is most picturesque in the history and belief of Israel. It would be difficult to find a poem, of equal length, in which the wond- rous story of that "fated race is painted with equal taste and discernment. Yet when we compare it with the Hebrew me- lodies it seems cold and shallow. It was this power of looking below the surface that led Byron into his worst fault — ■ a love of moral paradox. Much of Scott's moral heathiness must be attributed to the fact that he dealt with the outside of life alone. He believed that men and things are nearly what they seem. He did not trouble himself with the springs of thought and feeling, he cared for actions alone ; and these are easily divided into bad and good. Byron looked deeper. He saw that good feel- ings, ill directed, may lead to crimes, that the words and deeds of a man are but faint, and often false pictures of his character, that the laws that bind the world are not always jnst, that the opinions of men are not always the highest court of appeal. He told wild tales of exceptional characters. They were received with rapture. He painted strange mix- tures of good and evil. They were applauded. So he went on , until at last he began to believe and teach that *che laws of society are always unjust, the opinions of mankind always wrong. This may justly be regretted and blamed, but it would be unjust not to remember when reviewing his poems and his character, that the worst errors of his workB arose from an endeavour to comprehend the mysterious nature of man, and that the last act of his wayward and all but wasted life was truly disinterested and noble. Thomas Moore was a light, versatile writer, gifted with Thomas Moore. Q5 a sharp wit and lively fancy, but -with, no very great imagi- native power. His earlier works, though they were well received at the time of their publication, are now but little read. His satires however have a more permanent value. They have none of the broad humour of Hudibras, none of the epigrammatic point of Pope, none of the bitterness of Byron. They seem to be the products of high spirits rather than of hatred. Their wit is that of a man of the world. It does not cut deep, indeed it hardly stings. It aims rather at mak- ing the hearer laugh, than at making its subject miserable. In short, it is the wit of the diawing-room , not that which is generally to be found in satire. These poems are all lightly and gracefully written, and there are passages in them which are exceedingly comic. The most celebrated is the „Fudge family in Paris". The narrative poems of Moore resemble , in some re- spects, those of Scott and Byron. They have the same form of verse, and nearly the same tone ; but they want the plas- tic power of the one poet, and the deep passion of the other. Their principal charms are the melody of their rhythm, and the richness of their imagery. The customs and poetry of Persia were Moores favourite subjects. They were to him what Scotch history was to Scott, and Turkish life to Byron; but his pictures have much less truth and power than those of his great contemporaries. His characters are English men and women in Persian masks. His tales are graceful roman- ces, but they never make any deep impression. Lalla Eookh is the most celebrated of them. It is a series of four poems, loosely connected by a prose tale. It was at one time very popular, and it may still be read with pleasure. The Loves of the angels was far less successful. The subject was beyond his power. His angels are not angels, nor are they men and women, they are gentlemen and ladies, and we must confess that the ladies are blue - stockings , and even the gentlemen 96 Book II. Chapter IV. rather inclined to be pedantic. Yet it contains some passages in bis best manner. It is however on his songs that Moore's fame will rest. He was the greatest lyrical poet of his age , and his Irish melodies will be remembered long after all the rest of his poems are forgotten. They are not wild bursts of passion like Byron's shorter poems. They resemble the amatory poetry of the middle ages rather than any .modern poet with whom I am acquainted. His verses are fanciful and musical rather than deeply ' affecting ; but in grace and melody they have seldom been surpassed. Those that relate to the wrongs of Ireland, and the fate of her patriots are particularly beau- tiful. There is more real feeling in them than in any of his other verses. For Moore was a thorough Irishman.. He had all the wit, the versatility, the fi6kleness and the vanity of that gifted, but unfortunate race, and he has em- bodied the spirit of his nation in these beautiful songs. On turning to his prose works the first that attracts our attention is the „Epicurean". It is a romance , the plot of which is laid in Egypt, during the first ages of Christianity. The hero is a young philosopher , who has come to Egypt to learn wisdom from the mouths of the priests and sages of that land of marvels. Dissatisfied with their teachings and the long and tedious years of trial through which he has to pass, he meets a Christian who converts him. The charac- ters are not well drawn, nor is the change in the heroes opi- nions well conceived or carefully enough executed, but some of the scenes are very striking. It is not however a very powerful tale nor is it now generally read. The only works of Moore which still remain to . be no- ticed are his biographies. The best of these is the life of Lord Byron , one of the best works of the kind in our lan- guage. It is carefully arranged and well written, and is de- servedly a great favourite with all who are interested in the literary history of that age. Thomas Moore. Q'J His works as a whole are rathert light and graceful es- says than masterpieces of art. He was gifted with fancy- father than imagination. He eould not paint either charac- ters or passion with much force, but he could write cleverly and even poetically about them. All the minor talents of a poet he possessed in a high degree. In melody of rhythm, ease of style, and variety of imagery he has seldom been sur- passed. His colouring is always gorgeous, and his narrative poems are sometimes overladen with ornament. His lyrical poetry on the other hand is always graceful, and generally simple. His songs are to be found in every Irish house, and they are sung at every Irish festival. This was probably what induced Byron to call him the Irish Burns. This title has been so often repeated that it has now become proverbial) yet no nickname could be more inappropriate. Both poets were, it is true, the authors of popular songs; but there the resemblance ceases. Burns was a realist in art. He drew men and things as he saw them. Like a Dutch painter he chose his subjects from every- day life. He loved to paint the village ale-house, the peasant's fireside, and the popular festivals of Scotland. Moore loved to revel in imaginary scenes. He placed his heroes in distant countries, and among circum- stances as unlike his own as possible. His pictures have* al- ways something dreamy about them. He delights in the daz- zling splendour of the East, in halls hung with gorgeous drapery, and glittering with costly jewels. The air of the en- chanted land he loves to paint is faint with the perfume of roses. The light- that he throws upon his characters is tinted with rainbow hues. Again, Burns excels in characteristic. His peasants are men such as you meet in the fields. Their hands are hardened by work. They-are not, it is true, ele- gant and heroic, but they are men. His women characters are rosy-cheeked peasant girls, not high born ladies, but what is wanting in elegance -is made up for in truth. Moore , on the other hand , is so anxious to make his characters heroic 1 Grant litterature. n 98 Book II. Chapter V. and graceful that he forgets to make them men and •women. One feels that they can only exist in the fairy land -which he has created for them. Finally Burns's songs are forcible and immediate bursts of emotion. In reading them, we feel that they are true — as true as nature itself. Moore, at best, only describes passion, and the finest of his songs are those ■which are purely reflective. We have now come to the end of our first group of poets. We have seen that, in spite of the originallity of each, they had much in common. They were all narrative poets, and all of them laid the scenes of their narratives in distant lands and times. They loved to describe the heroic and the unusual, or at least the distant. Some of Scott's novels seem, it is true, to be ex- ceptions, but none of them can be called tales of every-day life. CHAPTER V. Our second group consists of the poets who formed what was then called the „Lake school". Wordsworth and Coleridge are the chief of these. The tie that united them was rather external than internal. Their poetical opinions and theories differed widely. So did the character of their works. But they were friends, they understood and loved each other. They constantly defended each other when attacked by the critics. Hence'they began to be looked upon as a school of poets, who strove for the same end, and submitted to the same critical laws. This belief was so general, and it has left so deep an impress on our critical literature, that it would be very difficult to separate them ; and the inconvenience would far out - weigh any advantages which might result from a more scrupulous correctness. William Wordsworth was by far the greatest poet of the Lake school. Indeed he is considered by many the great- William Wordsworth. gg est poet of the period/ The influence of his poetry was not so quickly and widely felt as that of Byron, but it was deep- er and more permanent. For years he laboured on, amid the scorn of his contemporaries , certain that the works he wrote would be unpopular, but certain also that they would be immortal. He was not generally acknowledged to be a poet till he was an old man, but his writings contain no com- plaints of this injustice. It would have been impossible for Byron or Scott to have done this. They hungered after pre- sent fame and present profit. Wordsworth, though not careless of fame, wrote mainly from a pure love of writing. He moulded and polished and finished off his verses with a care which is a striking contrast to the haste with which his more brilliant contemporaries dashed off their works. His life had little in it that was either striking or interesting, but it was the life of all others best suited to a philosophical poet. He lived by the lakes he loved so well, with his wife and sister, satisfied with the simple pleasures of country life. He spent his time in his garden, amid his books, and in wan- dering alone or with his sister through the beautiful scen- ery which surrounded his house , meditating or conversing with the simple hearted peasantry who surrounded him. Yet it is pleasant to turn from the splendour of Abbotsford, and from the scenes of glittering dissipation amid which By- ron moved, to "Wordsworth's humble cottage at Grasmere or Bydal mount. It is pleasant to hear of the primative hospitality to be found there , and of the kindly care with which the poet strove to diminish the hardships, and in- crease the pleasures of his poorer neighbours. Scott too took an interest in the affairs of his tenantry, and he was always ready with a kind word and a helping hand, to assist them in trouble. But this was one of his many luxu- ries, while it was one of the principal ends of "Wordsworth's life. But it is not with the man but the poet that we have to do. More than any of his English contemporaries he 7* 100 Book H. Chapter V. ■wrote with a purpose. Most ,of our great poets, during this age, gave free scope to their imagination, and let it carry them where it would. They did not inquire into the .prut- eiples of art, or, if they did, their studies had but little ef- fect on their poems. Wordsworth, on the other hand, had a theory of poetry , and this theory had a great effect on his verses. It certainly did not make him a poet; indeed, it seems to me, to have often rather injured his poetry than otherwise; but it certainly directed his poetical talents. It is only justice to confess, that his one-sided theory did not make him one-sided in his judgement of others. He had not, it is true, a eatholic taste; but his dislike of "Wilhelm Meister and the poetry of Byron arose from moral, and not from aes r thetical scruples. He liked the works of Scott, and was pasr sionately fond of our early poets, who differed from him as widely as possible. While the group of poets whose works we have exam- ined were seeking their subjects in distant lands and ages, he directed his attention to every day modern life. Here, he contended, was the true material for modern poetry. .The age of chivalry was 'beautiful, and it doubtless contained subjects of high poetical interest , but it is past. Its poets did well to sing about it, for they were its exponents. But modern life has also its beauties, its noble struggles, and its poetical motives, if we had only- eyes .to see themj and it is with these that we have- to do; Qod, man, and nature are still the same, and it is the duty of the poet of the nineteenth century to show, that his own age too is God-like, noble, and beautiful. He must free its beauty and truth from the dust that 1 veils it from common eyes. It avails us little to know, how a man might live a pure and noble life in centuries and forms of so- ciety long since past away, we must show how it is possible for him to do it to - day. He is never weary of repeating that the common - place affairs of every day life only appear William Wordswortli. 101 unpoetical to us because our own eyes are not capable of dis- covering their beauty. Thus in one of his poems he writes Long have I loved what I behold, The night that calms, the day that cheers; The common growth of mother earth Suffices me — her tears and mirth, Her humblest mirth and tears. The dragon's wing, the magic ring, I shall not covet for my dower, If I along that lowly way With sympathetic heart may stray, And with a soul of power. It is not strange that, having gone thus far, he should go. farther, that after insisting on truth to nature, and on making common feelings the subjects of poetry, he should insist on their being expressed in common words. Hence his celebrated theory of poetical language , which caused the witty remark of Byron' He both by precept and example shows That prose is verse, and verse is merely prose. But this remark is as unjust as satire usually is. Words- worth merely meant, that the language should be suited to the subjeet, and that the taste for high flown phrases, which was so common in his age, was false. < That he was right in this no one in our days will deny. We will now cast a hasty glance at a few of his works. The first of these , which has any great importance , was en- titled „Lyrical ballads". This work was greeted by a storm of hostile criticism, which the most partial critic cannot say was entirely undeserved. His theories here were carried to an extreme which bordered on caricature. The subjects can hardly be said to be chosen from common life, they were mere transcrpts of whatever came first. Sometimes it is im- possible to tell whether the poet intends to be serious or hu- 102 Book n. Chapter V. mourous. The language and rhythm , of many pieces were mannerised in the highest degree. Now a mere copy of every-day life is worth nothing. The greatest English poets who, hefore the time of "Wordsworth, had painted it realis- tically were Chaucer and Burns. But they had either treated their subjects humourously, or rendered them poetical by colouring them with deep passion. "Wordsworth did neither. Tet some of the poems have a simple grace and delicacy that it would be difficult to match elsewhere. But rustic and idyllic subjects do not make up the whole of modern life, or even the most poetical part of it. This "Wordsworth felt, and, in his long meditative waits, his mind was often busied with subjects very different from those he treated in the lyrical ballads. "While his eyes were always open to catch the most fitful shades of natural beauty, he was pondering deeply over the great -questions of life, and death , and immortality. These were the subjects which he now resolved to treat poetically. Hence the „Excursion" was produced. This is his great masterpiece. It is a philosophical but not a didactic poem. Wordsworth was far too great a poet to wander back to the dreary regions in which the poets of the classical school had loved to linger. He saw that the creation of beauty, and not the discovery of truth, was the great end of poetry. He believed with Hegel that beauty has a right to exist for its own sake alone, or as he phrased it, that „the end of poetry is to produce excitement in coexis- tence with an overbalance of pleasure". He knew well enough that no good end could be answered by writing philosophical treatises in rhyme. But there are arguments drawn from ex- perience , might not they be stated in verse that should de- serve the name of poetry? Let us take an example. Few indeed of the many thousands who have read with delight the simple poem „We are seven" ever imagined that it was intended by its author to be a serious argument for the immor- tality of the soul Tet such was the fact. No child or un- William Wordsworth. 103 sophisticated person, argued the poet, ever imagines the pos- sibility of anihilation. They feel instinctively that their lives must endure forever. This is not the result of religious training; it is the natural feeling which is common to all mankind. Now let us examine his poetical statement of it. We are Seven. A simple child, That lightly draws its breath, And feels its life in every limb, What should it know of death? I met a little cottage girl: She was eight years old, she said; Her hair was thick with many a curl That clustered round her head. She had a rustic woodland air, And she was wildly clad: Her eyes were fair and very fair; — Her beauty made me glad. „Sisters and brothers, little Maid, How many may you be?" „How many? Seven in all", she said, And wondering looked at me. „And where are they? I pray you tell" She answered „Seven are we; And two of us at Conway dwell, And two are gone to sea. Two of us in the church -yard lie, My sister and my brother, And in the church -yard^ cottage I Dwell near them with my mother!" „Tou say that two at Conway dwell, And, two are gone to sea, 104 Book n - Chapter V. Yet ye are seven! — I pray you tell, Sweet Maid, how this may be". Then did the little Maid reply, „Seven hoys and girls are we: Two of us in the church -yard lie, Beneath the church- yard, tree!" „You run about, my little Maid, Your limbs they are alive; If two are in the church -yard laid, Then ye are only five." „Their graves are green, they may be seen", The little Maid replied, „Twelve steps, or more, from mother's door, And they are side by side. My stockings there I often knit, My kerchief there I hem; And there upon the ground I sit, And sing a song to them. And often after sunset, Sir, When it is light and fair, I take my little porringer, And eat my supper there. The first that died was sister Jane, In bed she moaning lay, Till God released her from her pain; And then she went away. So in the church -yard Bhe was laid;- And when the grass waB dry, Together round her grave we played, My brother John, and I. And when the ground was white with snow, And I could run and slide, William Wordsworth. 105 My brother John was forced to go, And he lies by her side!" „How many are you then", said I, „If they two are in heaven?" Quick was the little Maid's reply, „0, Master! we are seven." * ,,But they are dead; those two are dead! Their spirits are in heaven!" I was throwing words away; for still The little Maid would have her will, „Nay, Master! we are seven." Here there is no dull statement of the argument, no subtle reasoning; he describes a simple natural scene, and leaves his readers to deduce the argument from it, as they might have done from the fact itself. The value of the ar- gument as an argument does not, of course, concern us here; "We have only to do with Wordsworth's way of stating it poeti- cally. But this is not the only way of writing a philosophical poem ; it is not the way in which his greatest philosophical poems are written. Modern life was in his opinion the pro- per subject for poetry, it was the material out of which poems should be formed, but the mood of mind in which the sub- ject was to be approached, the forms into which this raw material was to be cast were still left to the option of the poet. He was not obliged to put aside the rich hoard of re- flection with which his mind was stored when he began to speak of common things. Might he not, after having formed a theory of the world by means of long experience, and deep meditation, arrange his. facts and observations, his tales of human life, and his descriptions of natural scenery, in such a way as to illustrate his theory. Such a plan had many ob- vious advantages. The simplest tale would cease to be com- mon place, because it would be brought into connexion with the great idea of the universe. For every day life is unin- 106 Book II. Chapter V. teresting, not because it is common, but because it seems to be accidental, a thing quite apart from our noblest thoughts, and our highest aspirations. How if it could be brought into harmony with them? Would not it then gain a quite new significance ? This is the idea of the „Excursion". The plan of the poem is simply and unskillfully constructed. It is merely the account of a three days walk among the hills, of the scenes he passed through, and the people he met. He intended it to form a part of a much greater, work, „The Ee- cluse", which was to treat „the sensations and opinions of a poet living in retirement". This work was never completed. The Excursion is masterly in the highest degree. Never, since the days of Milton, had blank verse so sonorous and so nervous been written in England. The descriptions of scen- ery, though they have not the fire and spirited dash of By- ron about them, betray a much nearer acquaintance with nature, and a much deeper sympathy with it>, than those of his more brilliant rival. The spirit too that breathes through the whole poem is that of the deepest reverence — of rever- ence for man, reverence for nature, and for nature's God. Some of the pictures of human life in this poem are very striking and powerful. Among these that of the Solitary takes a' high place. He was the son of humble parents and educated for the ministry, but his heart was too bold, and his spirits too high for him to relish the quiet life of a coun- try clergyman. He therefore became the chaplain of a troup of soldiers, and lived among them, Lax, boyant; less a pastor with his flock Than a soldier among soldiers.. At last he met, and fell in love with a lady of beauty, taste, and fortune. With her he retired to his old home, and they lived very happily, till — Death suddenly overthrew Two lovely children, all that they possessed, The mother followed; miserably bare William Wordsworth 107 The one survivor stood. We wept, he prayed For his dismissal, day and night, compelled By pain to turn his thoughts toward the grave, And face the regions of eternity. From this passionate grief he passed into apathy. The news of the French revolution awoke him from his lethargy, and he travelled to Paris, inspired by the wild hope which then filled Europe. There for a time he lived preaching The cause of Christ and civil liberty As one, and moving to one glorious end. Here his belief, which up to this time had been sincere, was undermined, and, though he continued to preach, he ceased to believe the religion in which he had been educat- ed. At last the great day of disenchantment came, and he saw that the freedom which he had worshipped was a dream. He left France, and settled again in England. Here the poet meets him, sunk in the lowest despair, scorning mankind and himself. "We have not time to linger over the „ White doe of Bylstone", or his other long poems. Many of his lyrics are exquisite. Those addressed to Lucy, who seems to have been his first love, are full of deep feeling, and all of them have a simplicity which is strangely attractive. The lines to his wife are perhaps the best known of all his poems. They were written long after his marriage and are very charac- teristic. A portrait. She was a phantom of delight, : When first she gleamed upon my sight; A lovly apparition, sent To be a moment's ornament; Her eyes as stars of twilight fair; Like twilight's, too, her dusky hair; But all things else about her drawn From May -time a the cheerful dawn; 108 Book H. Chapter V. A dancing shape, an image gay, To haunt, to startle, and waylay. I saw her upon nearer view, A spirit ^ yet a woman too ! Her • household motions light and free, And. steps of virgin liberty; A countenance in which did meet Sweet records, promises as sweet; A creature not too bright and good For human nature's daily food; 3?or transient sorrows, simple wiles, Praise, blame, love, kisses, tears and smiles. And now I see with eye serene The very pulse of the machine; A being breathing thoughtful breath, A traveller betwixt life and death; The reason firm, the temperate will, Endurance, forsight, strength and still, A perfect woman, nobly planned, To warn, to comfort and command; And yet a spirit still, and bright "With something of an angel light. It was not, as we have already seen, in expressing deep passion that Wordsworth excelled, but in quiet musings, and -descriptions of scenery. ITo form of verse is better suited for such poetry than the sonnet. Accordingly we find that he has left behind him a vast number of poems of this kind ; and in sonnet writing he reigns supreme. Almost all our great poets have tried their hands at this form of verse, but Milton alone can be compared to Wordsworth, and he has left us not more than twenty sonnets, while Words- worth's may be counted by hundreds. They are' all finished William Wordsworth. JQ9 off with great care. With respect to the form of verse it- self he says Nuns fret not at their convents narrow room, And hermits are contented with their cells, And students with their pensive citadels, Maids at the wheel, the weaver at his loom Sit blithe and happy; bees, that soar for bloom High as the highest peak of Eurness Fells, "Will murmur by the hour in fox -glove bells. In truth, the prison unto which we doom Ourselves no prison is, and hence to me, In sundry moods, twas pastime to be bound Within the sonnets scanty plot of ground; Pleased if some souls, for such there needs must be, Who have felt the weight of too much liberty, Should find short solace there, as I have found. His patriotic sonnets deserve mention as he is the only really great English poet of this age who took England's side against Napoleon in verse that can be called poetry. The verses themselves have great beauties , some of them indeed are almost perfect. In Wordsworth's works we find neither the lively cha- racteristic of Scott, nor the deep titanic passion of Byron. Still less do we find any trace of the light wit, and sprightly fancy of Moore. He dealt with other subjects, and sought other beauties — beauties which, if they are less striking, are at least as enduring as those of his more popular contem- poraries. Jt is a remarkable fact that, while Byron is fall- ing into the shade and even Scott is less read than formerly, the fame and influence of Wordsworth are steadily increas- ing. He has educated the public taste to an appreciation of his works. In his youth he was ridiculed, in. his old age he was admired, now he is reverenced. This is easily accoun- ted for. The faults of his poetry all lie on the surface, and are visible to the most careless reader, while its beauties ap- 110 Book H. Chapter V. peal only to the reflective and observant. His verse is often harsh, and his diction is seldom happily chosen. His style ( and the nature of his subjects were new ; and they were not brilliant. The most casual reader feels that the plan of se- veral even of his noblest works is clumsy, and inartistic, and that the subjects of many of his smaller poems are trivial; but not one in a thousand, even of his admirers, perceives the wonderful truth of his descriptions of nature. No Eng- lish poet, with the exception of Shakspeare, can be com- pared with him in this respect. No tone is too soft to catch his ear, no shadowing too slight to attract his eye. The truth of his details is marvellous. He notes all the apparently unimportant facts which, for the most part, are known only to the landscape painter, and reproduces them with a truth that the greatest landscape painter might envy. This is not so slight or easy a thing as it at first seems. It is not till we endeavour to observe nature carefully that we discover the dif- ficulty of doing so. A landscape, or an effect of light and shade impresses us as a whole, but very few attempt to ana- lyze the feeling, and still fewer can point out the various causes that produced it, or divide the necessary from the accidental parts of a scene. Hence comes the difficulty that young painters feel in copying correctly the cojours of a giv- en piece of scenery: One of the greatest of English artists is said to have told a young painter that to look at nature was the most difficult part of art. How little we do look at nature, in the sense in which he used the words, we feel when we endeavour to form an opinion of a painting. How seldom are we able to say with certainty, this Or that part of the picture is true or false. When we reflect on this, we shall not wonder that the first critics of Wordsworth did not perceive the fineness of his detail. In fact one must take the Excursion into the fields and woods, and compare it line by line with nature , before we can appreciate its wonderful exactness. Tet in his later works the poet seldom or ever William Wordsworth. m fell into the common fault of describing for the mere sake of describing; he used his wonderful knowledge either as illus- tration, or in painting a back ground for his human characters. When we turn to these characters, it is true, we find that the poet is less happy in his, mode of painting them. He had not the talent of depicting the external appearance of men and women which Scott possessed in so extraordinary a degree. "We often find, it is true, realistic touches of won- derful truth, but it is too often generalized and not indivi- dualized truth. He seems to have observed children, for example , in nearly the same way in which he observed the cows and sheep browsing on the hills. He noticed what chil- dren as a rule would say and do, not what a particular child would say and do under given circumstances. Hence he describes childhood rather than children. He gives us what is common to all, not what is peculiar to each. Close- , ly connected with this is another of his faults. In describing persons and events he does not sufficiently distinguish between the necessary and the accidental. This is the stranger be- cause his descriptions of scenery are remarkably free from this fault it is however the case, in many of his earlier poems. A great artist omits all that is unimportant. He reproduces -with care every trait that can help to produce the effect he intends, and leaves out the rest. He knows that all that does not help hinders. Sometimes, it is true, it is at first difficult for the reader to say why this or that little circum- stance was inserted , but a deeper consideration will show a reason for each. If we take Alexis and Dora for example, the most perfect of all modern idyls, we shall find this to be the case. As Alexis leaves his fathers house, after receiving his blessing, his mother places in his hand a bundle that she has made up after his other things had been sent away, and bear- ing it under his arm he leaves them. This little touch gives a perfect air of reality to the tale , but as- soon as this end has been answered the bundle would only be in the way, 112 Book IL Chapter V. and we lose sight of it. Wordsworth would have followed it as closely as Alexis. He would/have told us how he put it down, when he entered Dora's garden, and took it up when he left it. It is needless to say that this would have greatly weakened the effect. This is the case with many of his scenes and characters. He tells us a thousand circum- stances that do not help on the story, a thousand traits that are not characteristic. But if in this respect he is' inferior to Scott, we must confess that he is in some xespects superior to that great story-teller, even when dealing with human nature. ^Neither Scott nor Byron could have equaled the con- ception of the Solitary, neither of them could have described the internal life of a character so different from their own. That is Wordsworth's great power. He sees the connection of thought, feeling and action. He can conceive a spiritual disease, he can point out its cause, trace its symptoms,, and tell its cure. The way in which he describes the Solitary's case is masterly. It betrays a knowledge of human nature, and the principles of human action, that Scott with all his powers did not possess. Had the talents of these three poets been united in one we should have had a second Shakespeare. Another want in Wordsworth's nature was sensuousness, a quality which all artistic geniuses of the )iighest order pos- sess. It is this want which will prevent him ever being a popular poet. Spite his own principles of criticism he does not love beauty for its own sake, he saturates it with thought; and his love for it decreases in exact proportion to its sen- suousness. In his poetical affection inanimate nature came first ; then the inferior animals, and then children. The few love poems he has written are singularly aerial and unreal. He shrinks from describing the beauty of his love directly, as surely poet never did (before. He chooses his images , not to make her beauty apparent, but to veil it. He compares Lucy to a violet half hidden by a mossy stone, and to a star; his wife is a phantom of delight, and a spirit. He delighted Samuel Taylor Coleridge. JJ3 m nature, ' it is true, he loved its beaut/ as few men have loved it. Yet it was to him a symbol, and, beautiful as he felt it to be , he loved the hidden meaning more than the outward sign. Hence his reverence for the lakes and moun- tains , and the feeling of awe with which he moved among tiiem. This brings us to the secret of the truth of his des- cription of scenery, and to their great difference from those of Lord Byron. The latter poet looked at nature as a store- house , from which he could take and leave what suited his fancy. He too used it as a symbol for his woe, but while he did so he felt that the use was arbitrary. Wordsworth, on the other hand , felt that in dealing with it he was dealing with a holy thing. He tried to woo it to tell its secrets, to explain its hidden significance. It was his friend, his love, his teacher, and his comforter. „To me", he says in the noblest of his poems „To me the humblest flower that blows can give Thoughts that do often lie to deep for tears" The finest of Wordsworth's poems are those in which this feeling has free room, and among these the noblest seems to me to be his „Ode on Intimations of Immortality from Eecollections of early Childhood" Emerson has called it the high water -mark of English poetry, and it would certainly be difficult to find, in the whole range of our literature, a poem of the same class which is worthy to be placed beside it. Samuel Taylor Coleridge was one of the most remarkable men England ever produced. In talents he was equal to any poet of his age, in learning he was superior to them all; yet he produced no great masterpiece. His works are a series of fragments. They have a marvellous beauty, it is true, and are without exception the most original productions of the age; but they are still only the signs of what he might have done. Sometimes a few words of his hint at long trains of thought or summon up forms of wonderful beauty, but be- fore the mind can grasp them they have vanished. He is the Grant Htterature Q 114 Book u - Chapter V. most suggestive of English poets , but then his works only suggest. Hence, though his influence on our literature has been great, it has been indirect. He was the first to introduce the modern metrical romance, but it was Scott and Byron who reaped the harvest of fame and wealth from this style of writing. He was the first Englishman who studied and to a certain degree appropriated the ideas of German philosophy, but the praise was lavished on his disciples. Finally, it was he who first introduced into England the principles of philo- sophic criticism, but his scholars, who cannot be compared with him either in learning or taste, have forced their way in- to the place that he should have occupied. This was doubt- less owing to the want of mental concentration, which seems to have been aji organic defect of his mind, but which was increased by his excessive use of opium as a stimulant. Be- sides this he had that inveterate habit of day-dreaming which is often mistaken for indolence, but which is in fact a state of great mental activity. He loved it to lose himself in dreams of future works. He delighted in what Balzac calls in- tellectual cegar smoking. He was perpetually forming plans. This is at once the highest pleasure, and the greatest danger of an artist. So much seems to be done when a great thought has been grasped, or a great plan conceived, and the me- chanical labour of composition seems at once so unimport- ant and so dry, that a man of great imagination, or subtle intellect seldom or ever overcomes the habit when he has once sunk into it. This was the case with Coleridge. His conversation was filled with brilliant thoughts and pictures. The most intellectual and refined society in London thronged his rooms to hear him explain philosophical systems, which, had he written them, would, as they unanimously assure us, have gained him a place among the greatest of modern phi- losophers, but he never wrote down more than a few scat- tered thoughts , so that we are obliged to guess at his inte- Samuel Taylor Coleridge. J 15 lectual power by a few written fragments, and the imperfect reports of his conversations which remain. The most important of Coleridge's poems is „Christabel." It is the fragment of a metrical romance, and was the first of its kind. From it Scott learned the form of Marmion and the lady of the Lake , but the spirit of Coleridge's poem is very different from that of Scott's. It approaches much nearer to that of the old romances. It is a wierd tale of enchant-' ments and wonders. The dim light through which the cha- racters move reminds one strongly of the novels of Fouque"; but it is much more powerfully written than the Zauber-ring. The rhythm, of this poem is strikingly melodious. It differs from the melody of Moore's best verses just as the music of the wind amid the pine boughs, or the sound of an Aeolean harp differs from a song of Verdi's. Sometimes it reminds one of long forgotten melodies, sometimes it suggests music far wilder and sweeter than its own. Short passages fix themselves in the memory, not on account of their sense so much as 'their music. We repeat them to ourselves just as we hum over, an old tune without thinking of the meaning. The imagery of the poem is exceedingly beautiful. The poet's vast and curious learning opened up to him stores of illustra- tion that were hidden from his less learned contemporaries. He was deeply read in the poetical and mystical literature of the middle ages, and this gave a colouring to his verses. His very style spoke of his acquaintance with our old poets ; and the fine taste with which he selected the form of expres- sion which suited his subject cannot be too highly praised. The diction of Christabel is just antiquated enough to give it the rich flavour of age. It abounds in phrases and forms of expression that are now obsolete, but it is never so anti- quated as to render it difficult for the most unlearned reader to understand it. „The Ancient Mariner" has some points of resemblance with Christabel. It is, like it, a tale of supernatural won- 8* 116 ' Book II. Chapter V. ders, but they are of a very different, description. They have a seriousness about them that has something aweful in it. Above all, the dreaminess which gives such a charm to Chri- stabel is wanting here, but in its place we have a clearness which is far better suited. to this subject. ... - ( , Coleridge's dramas are better than those of Byron and Scott, They have great poetical .beauties though but little dramatic power. His translation . of Wajlenstein occupies a very high, if not the highest place, among our metrical trans- lations. His smaller poems are , taken ; as a whole , hardly equal to their fame. The mind of Coleridge was endowed with vast, and very dissimilar powers. He was at once a poet and a man of deep learning. In both, of. these characters too he displayed an uncommonly large range of powers. Some of his poems have much of the dreamy beauty and melody of Shelley, while, in his dramas,, the. firmness of his touch often reminds us of Scott. On the other hand he was equally acquainted with the dreamy systems of the mystics, and the clear logic of the modern German philosophers. In his later years, most pf his time was iakpn up in planning two great works, neither of, which was executed. The one was a treatise on the „^ord" in the Gospel according to St. John ; the other was a new system of philosophy, founded on that of Kant. Pro- bably no single Englishman of the age could have undertaken either with so much hope of success. When we remember that his remarks on Shakespeare are beyond all comparison the finest essays on that poet in our language, we shall at once see that his was a mind of no ordinary power. But this power was to a great extent lost, from his incurable want of method and power of will. The sad lines which he addres- sed to "Wordsworth are but to true. Ah! as I listened jvith a heart forlorn, The pulses of my being beat anew; And even as life returns unto the .drowned, Samuel Taylor Coleridge. \\*j Life's joy rekindling roused a throng of pains — " Keen pangs of Xove, awakening as a babe Turbulent, -with an outcry in the heart; And fears self-willed, that shunned the eye of hope; And hope that scarce would know itself from fear; Sense of past youth, and manhood come in vain, And genius given, and knowledge won in vain; And all which I had culled in wood -walks wild, And all which patient toil had reared, and all Commune with thee had opened out — but flowers Strewed on my corse, and borne upon my bier, In the same coffin, for the self- same grave! It is impossible to criticise the verses which he has left us as a whole, impossible to say where his power began and where it ended , for they are all only fragments. Whe read them with delight, but we are not satisfied ; they are all only hints of what might have been , and is not. He has been charged with obscurity, but his obscurity is never verbal. His trains of thought are to deep to be expressed wiih all the clearness of Byron or Scott, and he merely hints at, and seldom expresses his thought. His" imagery, too, is certainly less sharp than that of the two poets I have just mentioned, but this arises from no want of distinctness in the pictures themselves, nor from any fault of the language in which they are clothed. It is , so to speak , part of his technic. He shadows his poetic forms in a mist ; but it is no ordinary dreary fog that envelops them, but a golden haze, like that caused by the sunlight falling on rain. The very indistinct- ness adds to the charm. In that peculiar kind of imagina- tion which gives birth to mythologies and forms of religion, Shelley is the only poet of the age who can be compared to him. This faculty is one which is seldom to be found in civilized society. It js one of the powers of which education seems to rob us, we have lost is as we have lost the keenness of our senses. Among the poets of the middle ages it was de- 118 Book II. Chapter V. veloped to an extraordinary degree, as the story of Arthur, the Holy Grail and a thousand other myths show. But in no English writer of the middle ages do we find it more clearly exhibited, than in the writings of Coleridge and Shelley. "We cannot better conclude this short sketch of his poetry than by an extract from Ferd. Freiligrath's biographical me- moir of the poet. „Coleridge, with all his errors and shortcomings, is yet a name never to be omitted in a history of the march of the English mind. Wot so much for what he has actually performed, as for the stimulating impulses given by him. His gifts were of the richest and highest order, yet, how- ever powerful as a Critic, however profound as a metaphysi- cian, however melodious and imaginative as a poet, he from an innate want of courage and energy of character had it not in his power to give to his faculties that development, which , if it had been attained , would entitle him to one of the very highest places in English literature". The critic then traces Coleridge's influence in promoting „that all important exchange of ideas between two great kin- dred nations, which at present, stirring and humanising, fluctuates to and fro across the German Ocean". He then proceeds, „Eor a metaphysician, Coleridge was perhaps too imaginative; for a poet, may be, too metaphysical. At least some of his earlier poems (not the very earliest * * *) are of a greater abstruseness , than would seem pardonable in a poet. His later and maturer effusions happily avoid this de- fect. -They are, even if their subject-matter is wild and faneiful, simple and natural in expression, and full of a music which, in the English language , has rarely been, surpassed. .... Altogether, there was little of the plastic artist in Co- leridge. He is sometimes a painter, but never a sculptor. Life, palpable reality are things which evade his grasp. His domain lies in Cloudland; his world is but too often a visio- Percy Bysshe Shelleys. 119 nary world. Hence, let us not forget, the insufficiency of his dramatic attempts; hence, too, the otherwise startling and inexplicable fact, that his Toyage to the South has been utterly resultless to his poetry." The works of Coleridge may be looked upon as the con- necting link between our second and third group. To this we must now pass ; for, though the works of Southey are by no means unimportant , he cannot claim a place among the greatest writers of the age. CHAPTER VI. The story of Percy Bysske Shelley's life- is as strange as any romance could be, far stranger, nobler and perhaps even sadder than that of Byron , which set all the world weeping- It is, however, but very imperfectly known. No really trust- worthy biography has as yet appeared, and we are obliged to collect stray hints from the writings of his contemporaries, and to test by them the trustworthiness of the different sketch- es of his life or of parts of it which from time to time are -published. His poetry has had the same fate as that of "Wordsworth. At the time of its publication it was laughed at, or treated with entire indifference, but since his death its popularity has daily increased , until now it equals that of Byron, while his influence on our literature has been nearly as great as that of "Wordsworth. He was born on the 4 th August 1792. His father was Sir Thomas Shelley, one of the richest baronets in Surrey. He seems to have been a rough man, strongly conservative in his political views, and fond of hunting ; not at all capable of understanding the sen- sitive nature of his son. At ten years old the poet was sent to Sion house school, but his life there does not seem to have been a happy one. Nor were matters much im- 1 2|0 Book II. Chapter VI. proved when he was removed to Eton, The system of fag- ging which still exists, there was then carried to an in- credible extent. : Shelley's fine sense of justice was outraged at every turn. It was here , if we may helieve his own ac- count , that he made the great resolution of his life to stand on the side of the weak against the strong , and of truth against, error. His resolution was only too well kept, and from that hour his life was a protest against injustice and falsehood. Such were the feelings with which he went to Oxford, the seat of conservatism and orthodoxy. He studied hard, but not the subjects which are generally studied there. The works of Plato and the Neoplatonists occupied much of his time; but the German and Italian literature, and the philosophy of Ger- many and France, seem to have been the principal objects of bis study. The writings of the encyclopaedists led him to the natural sciences; and he spent much of his. time over his microscope and in chemical experiments. We have se- veral pictures of him at this time from his fellow students. We hear much of his bright face , and the eagerness with which he disputed on any subject, which lay near his heart, and still more of his gentleness and charity. At this time Shelley imbibed atheistic principles. He was probably predisr posed to heterodoxy, for he had seen Christianity in its most unfavourable light. He had not seen it standing between the. oppressed and their oppressors, soothing the sick and lighting up the cottages of the poor, but united with the king and the nobles to resist what seemed to him the pro- gress of mankind. He had found in its professors not love but intolerance , not belief but bigotry. Hence its dogmas had but little hold upon him, and he became an easy convert io the opinions taught with such clear but superficial logic in the ,;System of nature". For a young man so much in earnest as Shelley to form on opinion and to act upon it is the same thing. He immediately composed, with the assis- Percy Bysshe Shelley 121 tance of a fellow -student, a pamphlet, entitled „The neces- sity of Atheism". It was in all probability a very weak and daring; work — a mere repetition of the arguments of the French philosophers, of the age. In order to prevent the possibility of its being passed over in silence, the authors sent a Copy of it to each of the professors, with a request that they would answer it. The consequence was, that both the authors were expelled from the university. This has of- ten been blamed as an act of intolerance , but I cannot say that it seems to me to have been unnecessarily harsh. We may indeed regret that there was no man of riper years and experience to take the young poet by the hand; but we must not allow our sympathy for him to make us unjust to others. Oxford was, at that time, a University founded on the prin- ciples of the Anglican church. Even protestant dissenters were not permitted to study there. Hence she could not allow books which were professedly heterodox to be* published by her students. The imprudent behaviour of the young men, in sending the book to the professors, had rendered it im- possible that its publication should be passed over in silence, and it was obviously impossible that the academical teachers of Oxford should enter into a discussion of such questions with their own pupils. Still the effect of the expulsion on SheL- ley's life and opinions was very unfortunate. . It confirmed him in his Atheism , and it separated him farther than ever from his family. Indeed it is said, that his father forbade his mother and sisters to hold any communication with him\ Be- fore this time he had been deeply attached to his cousin Har- riett Grove, now he was forbidden to have any intercourse with her. Shelley removed to London and there continued his stn* dies , which now led him into still wilder theories. He saw clearly that all the miseries to which human nature is subject could not be traced back either to a false religion, or a tyran- ical government; they must therefore , he argued, be attri- 122 Book II. Chapter VI. buted to the abnormal state of society ; for the idea that evil was necessary never entered his mind. The two great causes of human wretchedness now seemed to him to be the institution of marriage, and the unequal division of wealth. There can be no doubt that he sincerely and disinterestedly believed in this theory. BTor was his philanthropy confined to his opin- ions. He spent a great part of his time and money in relieving the poor. Once indeed he pawned the great joy of his life, his solar microscope, in order that he might at once relieve the wants of a poor family. His own way of life was simple in the extreme. He seldom drank anything but water, and often lived for days on bread and raisins, which he bought and eat while walking through the streets. For a long time he hesitated whether he should devote himself to poetry or metaphysics. ■ In this state of mind he wrote „ Queen Mab," an unfortunate attempt to unite both» This poem was written before Shelley had completed his eighteenth year. He did not intend it for publication, but, a copy getting into the hands of a bookseller, it was published withouth his know- ledge and' against his will. It is a mere collection of ab- stract theories, entirely unfit for poetical treatment; but, wild and dreamy as they are, ,he believed in them so sin- cerely that to him they were passionate emotions rather than cold trains of reasoning. Hence come the bright flashes of poetry which are to be found here and there even in this poem. The diction too already shows much of the nervous force clearness,, and wild melody which distinguished his lat- «r works. The description of the Fairy queen, with which the poem opens, is a wonderful flight of imagination for a boy in his eighteenth year. The theories which. form the subject matter of Queen Mab are of course crude and wild in the extreme, and it would be difficult to match the impiety of some passages ; but even here we find that Shelley's heart was pure and true and loving. It was because he loved man- kind with such a deep, passionate love that he hated the creeds Percy Bysshe Shelley. J 23 and governments which seemed to him to be their curse so bitterly. > One of Shelley's sisters was at school in London, and he frequently visited her. One day , as they were walking in the garden together , they met one of her school fellows, Harriet "Westbrook, a pretty blonde of sixteen. She attracted his attention, and finding her name was Harriet — the name of his first love, he insisted on being introduced to her. He made a deep impression on her , and the acquaintance soon ripened into intimacy. This young lady he afterwards mar- ried, without the knowledge' or consent of her parents or his own, in August 1811. This exasperated his father, and well it might. Miss "Westbrook's father kept a coffee - house in London, and the proud old Baronet could scarcely be ex- pected to take such a daughter - in - law into his family. He -stopped his sons allowance, but the relations of the young couple allowed them a sum of money sufficient for their wants. For a time things went well enough, and many strange sto- ries are told of their childishness. So imprudent a marriage could not be expected to end well. They were separated. No trustworthy account of the particulars has been published. This is the one dark spot in Shelley's life, the only thing the most rigid moralist can blame. Left in the dark as we are with respect to the causes which induced him to take the step, we cannot blame him very severely. The consequences of the separation however cast a dark cloud over his life. M r9 Shelley commited suicide. , About this time the poets fa- ther agreed to allow his son £ 800 a year. This he did be- cause the estate was entailed on him. ■ Shortly afterwards Shelley was, by means of an old and most iniquitous law, deprived of the guardianship of his own children, because he was a declared atheist. The charge was based on some pas- sages in Queen Mab. On the 10 th , of December 1816 Shel- ley married his second wife, Mary Godwin, the daughter of an author of some celebrity in those days, who agreed with 124 Boot II. Chapter VI. the poet in his religious and social theories. This lady was a very talented and well educated woman, and they lived very happily together till the poet's death. The only important work which he published between his first and his second marriage is a poem entitled „Alastor or the spirit of Solitude". It is a strange, unreal, and sad story of a poets life. Human interest it has none. It tells how a young man wanders , without any definite intention, through the whole world. He has neither friends, home, nor country. At last he falls in love with a dream, and wanders on seeking it in vain. It is the embodiment of that yearn- ing after fellowship which we feel when young, and it is now a favourite book of dreamy boys and girls. At the time of its publication it passed unnoticed. In 1816 Shelley had travelled on the Continent at the recommendation ' of his physicians, who thought him in dan- ger of sinking into consumtion. At Geneva he met Lord Byron for the first time. On his return to England he sett- led at Mario w. Here „the EevohV of Islam", the longest of his poems, was written. "We need not trace even the outline of this strange story. It tells how a youth and maiden attempt to reform the world by overthrowing tyranny and religion, how they for awhile succeed, but are at last overthrown and executed, upon which the poem follows them to the abode of the blest. It is needless to say that the tale is improbable; no incident in it could well have happened. The charac- ters too are not only unreal, they are impossible. Yet they are clearly and sharply drawn, and they have a certain truth. They are true to our purest and highest thoughts. They are not what we are, but they are, spite their many errors, what, in our- highest moments, we should wish to be. Shel- ley has often been blamed for painting dark and horrible pic- tures. If this were true of any of his writings it would be true of this. Nowhere else, except in his Prometheus, has he attempted a subject which gave him such room for Percy Bysshe Shelley. 125 the description of horrors, and in that poem, he draws a veil over the sufferings of the Titan. In the revolt of Islam this is not the case, he does not attempt to disguise the pain and suffering with which he has to do, but before we blame him for this, we must ask whether it would have been possible for him to do so. He tells the story of the greatest self-sacrifice, and the most heroic daring for the human race, but/to un- derstand and sympathize with such actions we must feel that they are necessary, or they appear mere foolery if not some- thing, worse. Shelley never gloats over such descriptions with that unhealthy love of ugliness which so many modern poets have shown. He uses them as the dark background of a picture of truth and love. This poem too is the clearest statement of his creed , which he has left us. Men, he saw, were wretched, cruel and intolerant. He himself had suffered, as few equally pure men have ever suffered, from these faults; but these, he thought, were only the necessary results of accidental circumstances. Man, he is never tired of repeat- ing, is not by nature bad; he is pure and holy; but he is blind. Show him the good and he will love it , aye and die for it. Teach him the lesson of love and he will sit at thy feet. It is his blindness, his ignoranee, and madness which make him evil, but we must love him all the more for these, as a mother loves her crippled child better than the strong one who has less need of her care. Even the very tyrant who spreads desolation around him must not be. hated but pitied, Alas! is not he the most unhappy of us all? We may have to fight against him, but let.it not be in hate, but in sorrow, for is not he too a brother? This may be a dreamy idealism ■, but there is something in it which speaks to the hearts of the noblest of our young men, and it has done much to make Shelley's poems, a book which stands to them in the place of a friend. The execution of the poem is rather unequal. It contains passages which are among the finest he ever wrote, and .others which remind us strongly of the in- 126 Book II. Chapter VI> coherencies of Queen Mab. The form of verse — the stanza of Spenser, was excellently suited to the subject, and he has treated it in masterly a manner, but it left little scope for 'the wonderful and 'Irregular bursts of melody which are one of the great charms of many of his other poems. While residing at Marlow Shelley continued his old ha- bit of caring for the poor. No country clergyman could have devoted his time more exclusively to his congregation than the young poet did his to his poorer neighbours. Wherever sickness, poverty, or sorrow was, there might Shelley be found, with a kind word and a helping hand. Neither bad weather, nor sickness could keep him away from these self imposed du- ties. It was this self- devotion which brought on a severe attack of illness that forced him to leave England for Italy on the 12 th of March 1818. He never returned to his native country. In Rome he wrote his „Prometheus unbound." There is probably no mythological subject which has so deep an interest for modern times as the story of Prometheus. It is, like Faust, a tragedy whose basis is as broad as human nature. The plan of Shelley's poem is so utterly different from that of Aeschylus that they can not be compared with each other. It has a much- nearer resemblance, in spirit, to Goethe's marvellous frag- ment on the same subject. At least it will be more profitable- for us to compare them. Of course the power, the classical clearness, and the admirable characteristic of the German poem are wanting in the English one. Of course their can be no comparison between Goethe and Shelley; but the ra- dical difference between the two poets makes the compari- son only the more interesting. We find that both aimed at the same thing, both endeavoured to cast a modern idea into an antique form — to use a classical myth as the dress of a new thought. Goethe's fragment is unfortunately less known than it deserves to be. Had it been completed, it would take its stand among the noblest of his works. Shelley's Percy Bysshe Shelley. 127 drama is perhaps of all his works the one which shows his various powers to the most advantage. All the talents which are displayed in it are perhaps shown to more ad- vantage in some of his other poems, but here they are united while in the others they can only be found singly. The essential difference between the characters of the two poets is to be seen at the most hasty glance at the plans of the two works. Goethe was by nature a heathen; Shelley, spite his Atheism and his almost fanatical hatred of the dogmas of Christianity, was a Christian. Hence the leading idea of the German work is purely artistic, that of the English pure- ly moral. The Prometheus of Goethe treats of the struggle between the individual and the universal good. His hero is a being of Titanic might, who demands space for the exer- cise of his powers. He has, he thinks/ as much right to his own world as the gods to theirs. Thus he says That which I have they cannot take from me, And that which they have let them guard themselves. Here mine and thine. To the question „What then belongs to thee ?" he answers „The circle that my power of working fills, Nought under nor above". Shelley's Prometheus is a very different character. He is moved by no desire of mere personal freedom, he sufferB for the human race. In Goethe's poem the gods only Beem evil to Prometheus, here they are evil. That is the great idea of the poem, the contest of good and evil. Evil, in the person of Jupiter, sits crowned in heaven, all power and might are given into his hands. His rule would be unbounded , but for the lonely sufferer who hangs nailed to peaks of the Caucasus. If he can be overcome , the power of the gods can never be shaken, the good will be utterly vanquished. If he remains unshaken, the day of deliverance may, nay it must, come. The feeling that moves him is love not pride. Like Christ on the cross, he suffers not for {28 Book II. Cha|>tei> VI. himself, but for the salvation of the whale world. It is evi- dent that; such, a contest can be terminated by no truce. In Goethe's poem such a conclusion was possible, nay as it seems to me , necessary. His hero might , and I believe would, have been brought to see that the good- of the indivi- dual is not opposed to the laws of the universal : — -nay that he can only find real happiness in submitting to- those laws. This conclusion is foreshadowed in the words with which his brother leaves him , after he has refused the offer of Jupiter, „Thou stand' st alone, And in thy self-will dost despise the blessing; That the gods , and thou, And thine, the universe, and heaven, and earth United in a single whole would feel. In Shelley's Drama this was impossible, Prometheus and Jupiter-^ good and evil — can never come to terms. One of them must: be crushed. Hence it was necessary that the poem should conclude with the fall of Jupiter. "We cannot follow out the comparison farther, because the time chosen by the two poets^was different. The German fragment ends before the hero has been fastened to the rock. Shelley's drama does not begin till he has already hung there three thousand years. It opens with, a monologue by Prometheus, who .hangs, chained to the precipice, with Jone and Panthea seated at Jris feet. He demands to hear the curse which he spoke, when he was first condemned to his long anguish. After the spirits of Earth and air have refused to speak, from fear of Jupiter, a shade from the regions of the dead repeats it. Prometheus then exclaims It doth repent me. Words are quick and vain. Grief for awhile is. blind, and so was mine, I wish no living thing to suffer pain. On this Mercury appears, and offers peace on condition of submission. This is at once refused. AH bodily tortures have now in vain been tried , a greater yet remains behind. Percy Bysshe Shelley. 129 The furies summon up before him pictures of all human wretchedness and meanness; they show him men living and dying for their kind in vain, truths taught and battles fought in vain, hearts broken > and lives self- sacrificed in vain. These tortures are designed to show that Prometheus is struggl- ing for a worthless race. Though crushed by the sight, his answer sounds clear and high: This is defeat, fierce king, not victory. The sights with which thou torturest giri my soul With new endurance, till the hour arrives When they shall be no types of things which are. The way in which the poet makes us feel the whole effects of the terrible scenes without bringing their horrors directly before our eyes is masterly in the extreme. As soon as the Furies withdraw, Prometheus is comforted by a cho- rus of spirits, who tell him of the pure and noble deeds that are done by mankind. Four lines will serve as a specimen. A spirit sings. „I alit On a great ship lightning split, And speeded hither on the sigh Of one who gave his enemy His plank, and plunged aside to die. Thus the first act terminates. We need not follow the progress of the drama farther. Jupiter is hurled from his throne, and the poem concludes with a magnificent series of choruses from the spirits of the delivered world. Shelley's next work was „the Cenci" , a tragedy in five acts. During his residence in Eome, he had spent much of bis time in the picture galleries of that city. He had there seen Guido Reni's picture of Beatrice Cenci, and it had made a deep impression on his mind. He himself says, he could get no rest till he had written the sad story of that beautiful and unfortunate lady. Her history is too well known for it to be necessary, to retell it. It is one of those stories which at once attract the dramatist by their striking contrasts, and Grant litteratoie. Q 130 Book H. Chapter VI. - overwhelming passion. Ford or Massenger would have de- lighted in such a subject, but most modern poets would have shrunk from it with horror. Indeed resemblance between the two ceases. Macaulay gathers as much information about his characters as he can get, he then chooses the most salient parts of it, and' gives them to the reader. He paints his characters with great skill , • as Scott did, from without inwards; and he is very careful to add nothing that he cannot support by good authority. He is not troubled by apparent discrepancies in his characters as long as they are historically proved. He lets you see them as nearly as possible as their contemporaries saw them, and pro- nounces judgement upon them in alm'ost the same tone as we judge our every day acquaintances. With what- wonderful skill he does all this, I need not say. Carlyle pursues a very different method. After carefully collecting everything that can throw a light on the person whose life he is describing, he endeavours to form an idea of his character, and to reconstruct it as a poet does. He is not contented with giving us his words and actions, he endeavours to lay bare the nature from which those words and actions spring. Sometimes he !does this by a clever nickname, and sometimes by long pages of descrip^ tion. This is what gives his narrative the strong dramatic interest which we find in no other historian. We feel that we have to do with men, and not with mere abstractions. His history has the interest of a poem. His Mirabeau and Danton excite feelings akin to those which are touched by Macbeth and Lear, rather than those which are awakened by other historical portraits. But there is a danger in this style of writing. When the mere facts are given us, we can. form what idea of a character we will, we can test it by facts \ derived from external sources, and judge it for oursel- ves; But with characters presented to us in Carlyle's man- ner this is impossible, we must accept them, or leave them. If you take his picture as the true one, it is as impossible to have two opinions on the moral worth of the character, as to dispute over the crimes and virtues of Macbeth. It is how- Macaulay. Hallam. ^ 75 ever but justice to add that most critics praise the truth of Carlyle's pictures, and that the publication of papers which were inaccessible to him has, it is said, almost invariably supported his opinions. Lord Macau/ay's essays possess many of the beauties of his history. But few of them are purely critical. He uses most of the books, whose names are placed above them, me- rely as texts from which he can diverge to any interesting subject which falls in his way. Nor is the literary criticism that is to be- found in them very deep. Macaulay seldom touches on the principles of art, or refers to the great laws which govern literary composition. He is content to judge separate cases, to detect unwary authors, who have stolen stray -thoughts or indulged in bad Latin. He is decidedly greater as an historian than as a critic. Hallam is certainly a far greater critic than his more brilliant rival , many would add and a greater historian , but that is a question on which I can form no opinion. His Introduction to the Literature of Europe in the 15 th , 16 th and 17"> centuries is by far the greatest work on literary his- tory in our language. It is of course impossible for me to enter into an examination of the works of our critics and es- sayists. I should be but ill qualified for such an undertaking, nor does it lie within the plan of this book which has to do with our imaginative literature alone. 176 Bot* DO.. Chapter IV. CHAPTER IV Polonius divided the plays of his day into tragedy, co- medy, history, pastoral, pastoral comical , historical pastoral, tragical historical, and. tragical comical, and critics of his disposition would find it easy to divide the novels of our age into at least twice as many classes. A much more simple classification will suffice for our purpose. Successful novels may be divided into two great classes, those whose interest is temporary, and those whose interest is permanent. To many this would seem like dividing them simply into bad or good tales, but this is not the case. To write any successful book a certain, talent is needed, and a novel that runs through a dozen editions in as many weeks can not be an entirely stu- pid work , even though it should be forgotten at the end of the year. Many such tales are written. We can remember many novels which we have read with breathless interest, hut which once finished we cast aside and never opened again. On examining these books we shall find that their interest depended on one of two things. It was due either to some external circumstance, or to the plot of the tale. When a, nation is interested in any subject, a novel putting the po- pular view of the matter into a startling light often has a suc- cess quite disproportioned to its literary value. During the Catholic reaction , for example , a tale dealing with the hor- rors of the inquisition, or having for its villain a crafty Jesuit was almost sure to find a large circle of readers. The reason of this is obvious. The middle classes in England have a strong instinctive hatred of Catholicism. This had been brought into play by the numbers of converts which had passed from the Anglican to the Catholic church. They were enraged, they knew not why, and any libel however absurd, any falsehood however ridiculous, was gladly credited and eagerly read. As soon as the excitement had passed away, Introduction. |77 the tales it had produced were forgotten. But by far the greater number of novels which have a great temporary success are those whose- interest is .centred not on exter- nal, circumstances but on the mere plot. These are the' books which we cannot lay down till we have finished them, and which, once finished, we never take up again. They treat of great crimes, strange adventures and striking events. We are interested in the fate of the heroes rather than in the heroes themselves. The tale excites curiosity that is almost feverish, but as soon as this curiosity is satisfied it has no farther hold upon us and. is therefore never reread. The most successful novel of our age unites both kinds of tem- porary interest. Uncle Tom's Cabin is at 5nce a very clever sensational story and a popular statement of the popular theory of slavery. Hence its vast success. In vain critics showed that the characters were impossible and the senti- ments exaggerated and sickly, in vain thinkers protested that the arguments were one - sided and false. It passed from house to house, and from land to land. It was read by everyone, it' was discussed every where. Thackeray, Di- ckens and Hawthorne were forgotten. Who. reads it now? Who will remember its name in fifty years time ? Such must be the fate of all tales whose interest depends on the story told rather than the manner of telling it, on the material rather than the form. But the form must be taken in its widest sense, as embracing the characters, the wit, humour, and pathos of the tale, not the mere development of the plot, though the latter is a more important element in a good novel than some modern authors are willing to believe. — • Of the first class of novels we have already said enough , they have no claim to be considered works of art. They may therefore interest the historian and the student of social life, they do not concern the literary critic. Foremost among the novelists who belong to our se- Grant litteratore. - J 2 178 Book HI. Chapter IV. cond class, .both in time and versatility, stands Bulwer Lyt- tqn. He has tried his hand at almost every kind of novel and, And , since he has gone , and the saints have no more work to do in the universe, they too have disappeared. "We have discovered that good people are not so very good, nor bad people so very bad as our forefathers thought- them. "We have begun to suspect that our own na- tures contain the germs of the same passions which lead one man to the murderer's gallows and another to a martyr's stake. In short tolerance is one of the characteristics of our Bulwer Lytton. \ 79 time. How nearly this virtue may be related to scepticism, does not concern us here. "Whether we find so much good in the worst, so much evil in the best characters from Christian charity and humility, or merely because we have no very strong belief in either good or evil, is a question which we need not ask. It is enough that the tolerance exists; that we no longer draw a broad line between the good and the evil, but see in the worst and best of characters men and brothers. This ' being the case , it follows as a matter of course , that the change from good to evil must form an interesting subject for artistic treatment. In the Elizabethan age it was fre- quently treated. During the dominion of the French or clas- sical school poetry became too shallow to grapple with such subjects, and we find few traces of crime. That is crime subjectively considered with reference to its effect on the cri- minal's character as a tragical subject during that period, un- less we stretch the word so as to make it cover the sins of Richardson's heroes. When however our poetry was again freed from foreign influence, it was. natural enough that it should recur to such subjects. It was not the material, but the manner of treating it that was unhealthy. This will at once be seen if we compare Macbeth with Eugene Aram. In both a murderer is the hero , in both he excites a lively and deep interest. In both he is represented as no inhuman monster, but as a man with like passions to ourselves. Where then lie's the difference? In the treatment of the subject. With all our interest in and sympathy for Macbeth we never loose sight of his guilt. Shakespeare keeps clearly before our eyes the fact that murder is a fearful crime. Our feel- ings , even while they sympathise with the hero, condemn him. It is in this feeling that the moral influence of the work lies, far more than in the mere fact that at the end the hero is killed. We see a truly grand and noble character, led step by step to a deed which places him not, it is true, beyond the range of our sympathy, but at least in a position 12* 180 Book III. Chapter IV. which we shudder to think of, a position in which all that is good in his character must needs be turned to evil. The tragic power of the piece depends on the fact that crime , is crime. In Eugene Aram this is not the case , the hero be- comes interesting because he is a murderer. The "guilt is lost sight of. His punishment is entirely external. No ghost disturbs him. No horrible consciousness of crime haunts him-' He himself declares, he never knew remorse. His rest is broken, it is true, but it is broken only by fear that pun- ishment may overtake him. Still the novel is powerfully written, and, though the tone is unhealthy, it is not immor- al. Unfortunately men who had neither the talents nor the sound moral sense of Bulwer imitated him in the choice of subjects, and a series of criminal novels arose. These works cannot be too severely censured. Their authors reason thus* A good and great character may fall into crime ; therefore there is nothing so very bad in crime. Starting with the perfectly correct belief that a criminal is not a monster but a human being, and that the very feelings which might lead to the no- blest! virtues can, when misdirected, lead to the most 'fearful pjns, the writers of this school arrive at the strange conclusion that there is after all no difference between vice and virtue, good and evil. It is as if a physician should undertake to show the progress of a physical disease, and the very influences which in health strengthen and nourish may, when dis- ordered, produce illness and death, but in the middle of his dissertation he should become confused and should state that these evil effects were after all' signs of the most per- fect health. The unhealthy moral tone is not however the only fault to be found with these tales. Few of the writers of this class have dared to provide no punishment for the crime at last. In the end the hero is executed, and the author exclaims, what more will you have, behold the pun- ishment, of murder. But in fact he has commited two faults Disraeli. J gf instead of one. His hero does not deserve to be executed. If, as he has taught us, moral law does not exist, why pun- ish this pure and noble being? If murder is only an amiable •weakness, why execute the murderer? He is unjustly treated, and we are as deeply enraged with human as with divine laws. This is the. only effect that poetical justice can possibly ' have in the hands of such writers. In his later works Bulwer has entirely freed himself from this love of moral paradox which in truth he never carried to such length as his followers. „The Caxtons", „My Novel" and „What will he do with it?" take deservedly a high place in our novel Ii^ terature. One characteristic of this author can hardly be too highly praised. He never looks upon authorship as a mere means of gaining fame or profit. Art is a sacred thing to him. Hence, whatever the faults of his works may be, they are free from levity and conscious a struggle after false effect. Disraeli's novels are brilliant and full of wit and para- dox. They abound in original social, religious, and philoso- phical theories. They bear witness to the learning, culture, and mental power and dexterity of their author. No ordinary man could have written Coningsby, or the Psychological Romance. No one who was without the „fine fire of ge- nius" could have conceived and executed the character of'Si- donia, and no common character would have undertaken his chivalrous defence of the Jews. His very errors are dazz- ling and bear witness to the subtility and force of his intel- lect and the vigour of his imagination. But his tales can scarcely be said to be true to nature, and it is fortunate both for his country and his fame that he has devoted his brilliant and various talents to the service of the state. The works of Anthony Trollope occupy a higher place than those of the above authors in execution, though not in intention. He is not so ambitious as they in the choice of subjects. He is content with simple domestic events, but 182 Book 10. Chapter IV. he treats them in a masterly manner. His novels are char- ming tales. They realise the old idea of a novel better than any works of the kind our age has produced. They are books which fill up a leisure - hour very pleasantly. They require no deep thought, they suggest no new and startling views of life, they are what they profess to be, a recreation and no more. The characters are correctly drawn, the con- versation is light and witty, the style has the elegant ease of a gentleman's conversation. No writer of the day is equally successful in painting English respectable life. Tha- ckeray anatomizes it; Dickens distorts it into humourous con- tortions; Trollope simply reproduces it. All common forms of character are familiar to him, and he paints their outside well. Sometimes he tries to do more, and he has once or twice succeeded, but, as a rule, he is content to write pleasant and graceful tales. He pays more attention to his plot than most novelists of our age have done , and his stories are interesting, without having any of the unhealthy and feverish excitement which belongs to the sensational novel. Charles Dickens is the most widely popular -writer our age has produced. The work on which his fame is founded is the Pickwick Club. It was published in 1837, in monthly numbers, and had an. unparalleled success. As it is a good example both of the beauties and faults of its author's writings, we may enter into an examination of it. It is a series of sketches, bound together by a very slight thread. Four gentle- men, members of the Pickwick club, make a journey through England to observe the manners of different classes of society. The book is the story of their adventures Nowhere in our literature, except perhaps in the comedies of Ben Jonson, are an equal number of comical situations to be found. I know of no other book over which one can laugh so heartily. The fertility of the author's imagination is truly marvellous. The Charles Dickens. ]g3 characters are conceived and drawn with an appreciation of comical effect that cannot be overpraised , > and with a know- ledge of London life which, though it is far from being as exact as it appears, is still vast and varied.' The diction is strikingly original, and proves that Dickens has a sharp ear for homourous stylistic effects. In his later works this has degenerated into mere mannerism and trickery, but in the Pickwick papers this was not the, case, and there is something irresistably comic in the way in which he sometimes uses -long rhetorical' phrases for simple every - day objects. The situations too , improbable as they are, are worked out with such truth, of detail, and so cleverly modified that they seem at the first glance not only probable, but real. But the Pickwick papers are far from being without faults. The most •apparent, and perhaps the greatest of these is the love of horrors for their own sake which the author displays. This is the more inexcusable , as they form no necessary part of the plot and are only introduced as episodes, in the form of tales, by the different characters. We have one, for in- stance, describing the death of an actor in Delirium Tremens. Such a subject is merely disgusting and therefore entirely unfit for artistic treatment. In a great work it might pos- sibly have been introduced as the necessary end of a long- course of folly, but even then it must have been treated with great delicacy not to produce utter loathing. But here it is introduced for no apparent reason, with all its grotesque horror, into the midst of the humourous characters and comic adventures which form the staple of the book. The very realism and power with which it is painted makes it all the more hideous. It is idealised by no poetic touch, enobled by no redeeming trait , it is utterly loathsome. It produces a certain effect on the reader, no doubt, but it is no artistic effect. Horrors of all kinds are exciting, and they are for that reason degrading, unless they produce something more 1§4 'Book III. Chapter IV. than mere excitement. If they produced no effect, the gla- diatorial games of ancient Borne, and the Bull-fights of mo- dern Spain would have had no demoralizing influence on those who witnessed them. Were mere excitement the end of art, an execution would be the most artistic of modem specta- cles, for what tragedy can equal in horror such a sight? It is because Lear and Macbeth produce something more than mere horror that they are works of art Dickens has not even the excuse of the great dramatists* of the Elizabethan age. Many Of them produced scenes at which we now shud- der, but they did not cover the stage with jacks and red hot irons merely to give the spectators the brutal excitement of watching a wretch's agony, but to show the power of the heroes soul and his steadfastness in the strongest possible light, and when reading their playB, we admire while we shudder, while we turn from Dickens's scenes of horror with simple disgust. The characters of the Pickwick papers have, as I have said , a great appearance of reality. They are, like, those of Scott, drawn entirely from the outside. But Dickens is far inferior to the earlier poet both in range and truth. There seems to be no end to the fertility of Scott's imagination. He can picture the highest and the lowest. The king on his throne and the beggar in his hovel, the old knight errant and the modern gipsy are equally familiar to him. Dickens rules over a much more limited kingdom. London low and middle - class life is his proper sphere. A farmer, it is true, and even an elderly lady living in the country he can paint with some power, but when he leaves such subjects he gets ^beyond his depth. Nothing can be more false and melodra- matic than his scenes from high life and his historical no- vels. This is less apparent in the Pickwick papers than in his later writings, 'because they move in the society which he can depict most happily. But we find , when we Charles Dickens. 1 85 turn to the Old Curiosity Shop,- Oliver Twist, or indeed al- most any of his longer tales, that he cannot paint the whole even of' the limited world in which he is most successful. His works are a collection of oddities, and even these he cannot follow into all the phases of life. Scenes of humour and simple pathos like the death of a child he can draw with great power, but he can do little more. Deep passion he cannot even depict or describe, far less- express. He al- ways writes melodrama when he attempts it. His love- scenes are mawkish and sentimental in the extreme. He is equally unsuccessful in drawing criminals, though he gener- ally introduces at least one into each of his stories. He is al- ways careful to motify the externals of his tales , he seldom even attempts to do this for his characters. Take ftuilp, the most hideously grotesque of all his creations , a being, by the way, as impossible physically as morally, whose two great pleasures are drinking boiling brandy and tormenting everybody who comes in his way ; as he stands he is a simple monstrosity. By what steps did he sink to that depth of evil? Shakespeare has drawn a Richard III and an Sago, but he has condescended to trace their downward way, to show us the influences that led them to their bad eminence; Dickens is satisfied when he has drawn a nightmare. But, even in the field in which he is most at home, the characters of Dickens are inferior to those of Scott. The latter writer, though he drew his characters from the outside , drew each as a whole. Dickens does not do this. He seizes upon one or two outward traits or habits , and patches them together into a character. These habits are striking and generally taken from real life, so that they give a strong air of reality to the figure. But, if we look deeper, we too often find that there is nothing behind them. In his later novels this has gone so far that each of his comic characters has a phrase which he constantly repeats , and by which he is known, so 186 Book III. Chapter IV. that a modern critic says, it would be easy to draw up a list of his characters and their characteristic expressions. In his women characters he is particularly unfortunate. Old ladies and servant girls, it is true', he within the range of his ge- nius. But his young ladies are all insipid aud unnatural. Florence in Dombey and Son, as soon as she ceases to be a child, is a remarkable union of these two qualities. Fancy a rich and well educated young lady running away from home and seeking a refuge With the father of her lover, a nearly ruined shopkeeper, and an old and vulgar captain of the merchant service. And she is represented as a model of de- licacy and virtue! His pictures of children, on the other hand, are very beautiful. Little Nell, Paul Dombey, and a crowd of others are masterly in the extreme. The fact seems to be, that Dickens is a very exact and quick observer, with a keen sense of humouf, but without much feeling for grace and beauty. As far as his observation goes he has no equal; whenever their is an opportunity for humour, he makes the best of it. But ugliness does not repel indeed it some- times seems to attract him. For grace he seems to have no sense. His pictures all want delicacy. , This and a loye ' for striking situations are the causes of his greatest faults. Another great fault of most of his novels is their want of unity. It would be unjust to blame the Pickwick Pa- pers for this, for they are only intended to be a series of scenes, but the same is the case with almost all his novels. They are often discordant. It would be difficult to find a ■single one where the plot is harmoniously developed. This may be owing to the fact that they have all appeared in monthly or weekly parts , with the exception of the smaller tales. Indeed, the works of Dickens are the most striking example our literature exhibits both of the advantages and disadvantages of periodical writing. He is seldom or ever dull. One cannot read twenty pages in any of his works Charles Dickens. J 87 ■without coming to some interesting scene. But there is something incongruous and discordant in most of his novels. Again, we find that, though the greater part of his tales are quietly and leisurely developed, they are almost all crowded towards the end, so as to leave the disagreeable impression that the author is in haste to get finished. Yet, after all, there are few pleasanter books than his novels. We return to them with pleasure ever and again. Pickwick never ceases to amuse and interest us. Their humour is proved by their immense popularity. In England every one reads them, and they have been translated into most European languages. I cannot of course enter into an examination of each of his works. The best among them seems to me to> be David Copperfield. It contains, it is true, no scenes which equal in humour the best parts of some of his other tales, but the characters are better drawn, and the plot is much more pro- bable and carefully constructed than in any of his other sto- ries. This work too is much less mannerized than most of his are , . and it contains passages which betray powers that we should not have supposed him to possess. In fact it makes us doubt if Dickens might not have become a far greater artist, had he attained a less general and early popularity. Perhaps much of its superiority lay in its form. It is an autobiography. Dickens is not, as we have seen , happy in drawing the depths of human nature , the internal character •of his heroes. Even their outsides which he sketches so cleverly he usually tinges with a subjective feeling of fondness or dislike. This is a fault in a common novel, in an autobiography it is a beauty, for in it he has not to paint real people, but the impression such people make on the mind of his hero. ¥e may doubt if the characters are quite possible as he represents them, above all we may suspect that behind the uncouth exteriors a human soul lies hid, a capability of love and sorrow, of tears and laughter, but we know that our impression of the people we meet every 188 Book III. Chapter IV. day is one sided, and that we do not see into the depths of their souls. Therefore we do not expect omniscience in David Copperfield, and are not disappointed that the other characters have sometimes father scant justice at his hands. The late? novels of Dickens are far inferior to the earlier. The pathe- tic scenes are more melodramatic, the humourous scenes more highly caricatured. Yet, with all his faults, Dickens is one of our greatest novelists and by far the most popular of our modern writers. While Dickens was at the very summit of •his fame , a far greater writer, William Makepeace Thackeray, was slowly fighting his way into public notice. He was known and re- spected by literary men long before the general public had learnt to distinguish his papers from those of the other pe- riodical writers of the day. Indeed he can hardly be said to have become celebrated till 1847, when he published his first great novel, Vanity Fair, in monthly parts. The plot of this work is not very striking. Indeed Thakeray never succeeds in interesting his readers in his tales. He seems to look upon his incidents merely as a means of exhibiting his characters. This is a fault, it is one of the things which will always prevent him obtaining anything like the po- pularity of Dickens. One feels no feverish interest in his stories, one lays them down without difficulty. Indeed one does not care very much what the fate of Dobbin, Amilia and Becky may be. But, if his books are easily laid down, they are taken up again with pleasure and will bear rerea- ding as few novels will. One of their principal charms is the truth of the cha- racters. The technic of Thackery in this respect is worthy of notice. No writer of our age, except George Eliot, con- ceives his characters so entirely from within as he. The whole mechanism of their nature, their inmost thoughts and actions are revealed to him. Yet 'he assumes an entirely outward position, he talks about them as we do of real men and wo- William Makepeace Thackeray. Jgg men. He pretends to guess at their feelings and motives. He says „It is only charitable to suppose so and so", but hints that there may be reasons for thinking otherwise. In fact he criticises them in the same way in which we criticise our friends and acquaintances as soon as their backs are turned and they are fairly out of hearing. This gives his characters a strong air of reality which is increased by his whole style of introducing them to us. At first we know little more about them than we do about the people we have met once or twice, that is to say we known their appearance, their position in life, and their style of conversation. In the course of time one little secret comes to light after another as if by chance, until at last they stand before us in their whole integrity. Thus in Pendennis it is not till Warrington is about to drop out of the story altogether, that we find the key to his character, his unfortunate mar- riage. To return to Vanity Fair. Foremost among the per- sonages of this tale stands Becky Sharp, one of the best con- ceived and most exquisitely executed figures to be found in the whole range of English fiction. The daughter of a poor artist and a French dancing girl who dies shortly after her birth, she is educated almost exclusively among men. Her intellect which is naturally fine is excited and called forth in a thousand ways, while her heart is left untouched. The « tenderness of a woman's care , the depth of a mother's love, those sweet remembrances of childhood which return re- proachfully to the most hardened worldling and shame his selfishness, she never knew. She grows up in her father's *tudio , alternately eoaxing away his duns and amusing his friends with her mimicry and wit. From hence she passes to the cold and dull respectability of a ladies' school. "What could such a girl become, with what principle could she start in life but with that of utter selfishness? She adopts it deli- berately and follows, it consistantly. She looks at all other people as the mere means of her advancement and uses 190 Book III. Chapter IV. them as tools. She tries to gain their love that they may- help her, to make herself neecessary to them, that they may serve her; -when they are of no more use she casts them aside. If they oppose her she does not hate them. "Why should she? It is a part of the game. The vanity and affec- tions of mankind she looks at in nearly the same light, they ire the weaknesses which put other people in her power. There was still one hope for her. Had she met a man of an intellect equal to her own, who loved her deeply, a husband in short, whom she could respect, she might have been saved. Instead of that she marries Kawdon Crawly , a man who loves her passionately, it is true, but who has no intel- - lectual power, who becomes her servant and no more. Yet; bad as Becky is, we never lose our interest in her; in fact; we rather pity than condemn her. She is rather unscrupu- lous than wicked. She never does wrong for the mere sake of sinning. There are too some slight but exquisitely true touches which bring her within the reach of our affections. Her short exclamation „If such a man had loved me so, a man with a head as well as a heart, I should not have mind- ed his large feet," moves me, I must confess, more than all Amelia's sentimental troubles. That young lady is the exact opposite of Becky, a woman without any great intel- lectual power, quite an insignificant thing in fact, but a pure and loving nature. Every reader looks down upon her with a feeling of sympathy not untinged by contempt. Yet she is an exquisitely finished character, and one that was pro- bably much harder for the artist to draw than her more brilliant rival. Becky, once conceived, afforded by her strongly marked character a firm point from which to pro- ceed. It was easier to catch her likeness because her features were more striking, while Amelia is one of those figures which it is difficult to paint because they seem to have no in- dividuality. The faces which are the despair of portrait pain- ters are not those which have a firmly marked form or a pe- William Makepeace Thakeray. \Q\ culiar expression, but those whose features have nothing re- markable about them, and whose expression is varied and undefined. Such is Amelia, a simple, common-place, insig- nificant being enough, and just on that account a master- piece. She and Becky are the two opposite poles of female character , as it is to be seen in the drawing rooms of fash- ionable life ->- Thackeray's Vanity Fair. The male charac- ters are just as masterly. The changeable , impressionable, successful and superficial George Osbom is painted with won- derful truth. So is Major Dobbin, the awkward, faithful, and really clever lover of Amelia. The satire of the book deserves at least as much praise as the characters. No satirist, since the time of Swift, had displayed anything like the power of Thakeray, and the cy- nicism of that great writer will prevent his books ever attain- ing a wide popularity. Thackeray had much in common with Swift. He had some of his powerful sarcasm, and in know- ledge of men and their motives he is at least his equal. But nothing was holy to Swift. Our best and our worst feelings seem to him equally vain and foolish. He ridicules the love of a mother to her children 1 with nearly the same zest as the follies of courtiers. His works are loveless and pitiless , we shrink from them with something like dread. Thackeray on the other hand, though he walks with a scornful smile among the booths of Vanity Fair and decries the wares that are sold there , has a heart full of tenderness. He is not senti- mental, it is true, and I fear he can lay but small claim to the charity that thinketh no evil. He has a little piece of scandal to tell of most of the passers-by; He hints that the jewels you are admiring* are false , or hired for the occasion. He whispers that the lovely lady who looks so gentle lays her sweet temper aside with her fine clothes, and so on. But his eyes brighten as he looks at the children, and his voice grows soft as he tells you how their mother loves them, how gentle she is, and what she bears for their sake. If you 192 Book in. Chapter IV. chance to meet some poor wretch, at whom the world cries shame, he does not join in the cry, but tells you; there are excuses even for him, that he too has virtues of which the world knows nothing, and that he might, had circum- stances favoured him, have been very different. In short Thackeray's tone always reminds one of Emerson's defini- tion of Englishmen in general „He is a churl with a soft place in his heart". Vanity Fair was followed by Pendennis , a tale which displayed all the powers that had made its predecessor popu- lar, and which was written in a less bitter tone. The cha- racter of Miss Amory is equal to that of Becky Sharp both in force and originality, and "Warrington is perhaps the gran- dest character Thackeray ever attempted. A man of great men- tal powers and a strong will, he has been ruined by an un- wise marriage with a girl of no education, and lives on, with- out hope or purpose , wasting his great genius on unworthy objects, The character is developed with great power, and the sketch is quite free of the sentimentality into .which almost every other writer of our age would have fallen, had he tried his hand on such a' subject. The death of M rs Pendennis is a scene of such true and simple pathos as it would be dif- ficult to find anywhere but in the writings of Thackeray. His customary bitterness makes bis tenderness exquisitely touch- ing. And M ra Pendennis and Laura, pictures of pure and simple womanhood, move through the tale with an indescri- bable purity and beauty. They seem to be Arthur's guardian angels, and we cannot think that a man who is loved by two such women can in the end be injured by the glitter- ing emptiness of the society among which he lives. In this work Thackeray aimed at something more than he had ever -tried before. , He touched upon the intellectual side of our nature, aud in Arthur's character he has given a forcible picture of the scepticism which haunts most young English- men. It is not a doubt as to this or that doctrine , or insti- William Makepeace Thackeray. £93 tution, but of all, a doubt as to the very basis ou which all -belief and action rests. We cannot dwell at greater length on Thackeray's works. Each of them is a masterpiece in its way. He certainly ex- cels Dickens both in truth to nature and power of satire. He is inferior to him in the production of comic situations alone, and, if humour be indeed „laughter with one's eyes full of tears", we must give him the higher place even as a humour- ist. Indeed it almost seems as if the absence of, the purely comic element in his books is rather intentional than from want of power. There are passages and characters in his minor works, in the Shabby Genteel Story for example, which will bear a comparison with the best ^passages in Dickens's novels, even in comedy. But he saw that life is not made up of strange adventures , that nature does not delight in lu- dricous monstrosities, however amusing they may be, and he was content to follow her teachings and paint things as they are. This is the reason that there is no self-repetition in his works and that no mark of failing powers is to be found in the last them. Dickens and Thackeray are usually classed together, and form with their followers what is called the London school of fiction. They treat as we have seen common every - day life , and they treat it realistically. All that part of English character which is to be found in the drawing-rooms of our aristocracy or in the beer - shops of the metropolis is open to them. They know the city too and can introduce their read- ers to merchant - princes and their clerks. They can intro r duce them into ball-rooms and betray the weaknesses of the ladieB who move through them, and retell their love -tales. In short, all that makes up the worldly and domestic side of English character is, their province ; but farther they do not go. They know nothing of heroes and saints, and we must confess, London is not the most likely place to give birth to such characters. They do not paint enthusiasm. The self- Grant iittcrature. Jg 194 Book III. Chapter IV. devotion of the priest, the scholar and the artist is incom- prehensible to them. They are all haunted by an uneasy conviction that after all a pretty wife , a good position in society and a large income are the chief ends of life. The instinct which prompts some men to cast all these aside, that they may spend their lives in bringing hope and peace to the cottages of the poor, that encourages patriots to die ' on the scaffold for a principle that can bring them no wordly» good, that forces artists to give up riches, position and comfort for the hotpe of creating some great work, in short the whole demonic side of our nature is a sealed book to them. It appears in their works only as folly or knavery. But these feelings have not died out in England, they have only taken the form which it is most difficult for educated people who stand beyond its influence to appreciate, a religious form. It is impossible for any per- son, who examines impartially the religious phenomena of our age, to doubt that amid the follies and incoherencies'of our sects there is something that is not foolish or incoherent, some real self-devotion and earnestness, something that is true to the highest part of our nature. It is impossible to deny that the forms of the Anglican church are something more than a grand and beautiful ritual, that the spirit of that church is a great power levening society, that it softens the hearts of the rich, and opens up to the poor a realm of pure and holy thoughts which cast an ideal glory over the com- mon cares and humble work of their every - day life. "With these things the London school of fiction cannot deal. It is interesting to observe the different positions which Thackeray and' Dickens take up with -respect to them. Dickens simply ignores all the feelings "which are unworldly except when speaking of very little children. He has some sympathy with religion, it is true, when it takes the Christmas form of roast- beef and plum-pudding,' but anything that goes beyond these seems hypocrisy' to him. Thackeray on the other hand Charles Kingsley. ^95 speaks with a certain awe of all holy things. Occasionally a tone, as from a far country hinting at such subjects, is to be found in his novels, as for example in the death of M re Pendennis and Colonel Neweombe, but for the most part he draws back from such subjects as from things unsuited to the character of his tales. But feelings which absorb so much of the attention of Englishmen could not fail to be mirrored in our literature. Thus we find that a great part of the novels of our day are religious novels, and truly it would be difficult to find a series of works which are as a rule more absurd, narrow and inane than these. Their cant is only equalled by their dullness. Their heroes are for the most part pale - faced cu- rates of high birth and small means, who after three vo- lumes of mental struggles die of a decline , deeply lamented by the female part of their congregations. The tone of these works is ascetic in the highest degree, but it is a gentle- manly asceticism which wears white surplices and unim- peachable linen. Muscular Christianity was a reaction against these ab- surdities. Its chief representative is Charles Kingsley , a ■ novelist of real power. Of all religious or critical theo- ries that of the Muscular Christians seems to me the worst Carlyle's worship of brute force is bad, the bigotry and narrowness of the religious novelists -is at least equally so , but to have united the evils of both systems seem- ed impossible until the genius of M' Kingsley, accdm- • plished it. The heroes of his school must be at least six feet high and must be able to drink unlimited quan- tities of beer and smoke incredible numbers of cigars. They must be able to hunt and box, and these talents ■ must be exercised in the course of the tale. Still they must be religious men, strict members of the church of England, who during the intervals of their more active du- ties can fall back upon religious enthusiasm and internal 13* 196 Book III. Chapter IV. conflicts with evil. In short the highest characters these writers can conceive are hunting bishops and praying prize- fighters. Their villains are equally strange and original. They are not dark and cruel men, nor intriguing lawyers, nor desperate thieves, for all these have energy, and power, "be it used for good or ill, is the god these writers worship, the one virtue they respect. Their villains are men of re- finement and polish, who delight in art and have weakness enough to shrink from fighting with bargemen and to know very little about horses and to care very little for hunting. For Chatterton dying in his garret, for Shelley living a life of long continued martyrdom for what he believed was true and right, the Muscular Christians have no sympathy. They never speak of Goethe without a sneer, and the trait in our Saviour's character for which they have the greatest sympathy is the fact that he „came eating and drinking". In short, spite the talents of some of its supporters, Muscular Christianity seems to me one of the most unhealthy signs of our modern literature. It tends to foster the worst vices of our national character, our insular self- deifying patriotism, our bigotry and our utili- tarianism — vices which the greatest minds England has produced in the last hundred years have done their best to combat or to satirize. Still, several authors of this school are men of real ta- lent; among these we have only space to notice Charles Kingsley. Within certain bounds his power of drawing character is doubtless great, but his genius is continually hampered by his theory. Thus one always feels inclined to side against the author in judging his characters. He seems to have a personal hatred to some of them and a most unjust partiality for others. It is strange that after drawing both the author should never have perceived, that John Briggs whom he is perpetually abusing and who is killed off at the end of the work, is a far nobler character than his brutal favourite Tom Thurnall who rewards the girl that saves him from Charles Kingsley. 197 drowning at the risk of her life by accusing her of theft, and persecutes a man who never did him an injury under pre- tence of improving his treatment of his wife. In short, Kingsley has no tolerance for differences of character, a quality which is by the bye much rarer than tolerance for dif- ferences of opinion and much more necessary for an artist. Even the latter he does not possess in any great degree. His bigoted hatred of the nonconformists peeps out every now and then in the most comical spite. Grace's mother is an excellent specimen of this. She is a methodist and a thief. Now, had Kingsley worked out this character, had he shown her internal life, bad he revealed the outbursts of her emotional religion and traced their influence in weak- ening her moral nature, he might have drawn a very powerful picture, or at least have created a character that had an internal reality and necessity. This he does not even attempt. She is merely a lay figure, a part of the machinery of the tale and nothing more. "Why then make her a methodist ? These flaws in his works are the necessary results of his principles. Where they leave him free to follow his genius, he develops great artistic power. Hypathia and Westward Ho! are novels of a high order, and the many beauties of Two Years Ago more than outweigh its faults. In it the genial character of the author every now and then comes to light in spite of his Muscular Christianity, as in the character of Claude Mellot, the artist who according to the usage of the school ought to have been executed at the conclusion as an idler instead of being dismissed with honour. His writings too have always a manly tone and he is not afraid of describing the world as it really is. In a word his faults are those of his school, his beauties are all his own. 198 Book HI. Chapter V. CHAPTER V. In 1859 the' literary world of London was astonished by the appearance of Adam Bede , by George Eliot. It was at once evident to all thinking people that this novelist must be placed among the very greatest of our writers, that Thackeray alone, if even he, could be placed as high. The work run through five editions in as many months, yet' it had nothing sensational about it. It was a simple tale of every- day English life. Everybody was busied with guesses as to the real name of the author. We- will content ourselves with the published name and speak of the writer as George Eliot, spite the current and probably correct report that this gentleman is after all no gentleman , but a lady. Adam Bede was not the author's first work. In 1858 he had published three novelettes under the title of Scenes in Clerical Life. This work had passed almost unnoticed at the time, yet it is a very remarkable book. The three stories treat three thoroughly different sides of human life. The first, the position of a man in society and his money - difficulties ; the second, passion; the third, moral life. Each tale displayed very extraordinary power and a knowledge of human nature as exact as, it was varied. Tet this book was inferior to Adam Bede. The tales had not nearly the same interest as tales, and they had not nearly the same range. Of the book taken as a whole this cannot perhaps be said. The three great moments •of human life were treated in it, but they were treated separately. This is a fault into which many novelists fall. They look at the world from a single point of view, they consider it merely in its relationship to a single set of inter- ests. Thus their pictures seem exaggerated and distorted. Eor the universe is not a church, nor a ball room, nor a workshop, it contains all these and many things beside. A George Eliot. 199 man may be a good Christian, but, if he is worth anything, he will not always be on his knees; he may be a faithful lover, but, if he is in a healthy state of mind, he will not spend his whole life in writing sonnets to his lady's eye- brow ; he may be an earnest worker, but, if he is any- thing better than a machine , other thoughts will intrude on the work he has in hand, he will devote some of his" time to interests that lie outside his workshop or his studio. It is one of the great advantages of the novel, that it lea- ves the, author room -to draw a full man, to show the dif- ferent sides of his character, to paint his various and of- ten dissimilar interests. This is not equally the case with the drama. In it only a single moment in a man's life can be taken, the great crisis of his fate. This crisis is often, nay generally, brought about by a single set of feelings gaining the entire mastery over him. In Macbeth it is ambition, in Romeo and Juliet love, which hurries the hero on to his destruction. This set of feelings must be painted with as much force as possible , in order that the hero's fall may be motifled. This is one of the great difficulties on which dramatic authors suf- fer ship -wreck. Some paint only the set of passions neces- sary for the piece, in which case we have stage -heroes in- stead of men, others paint the whole characters with so great exactness that the dramatic element is lost. It is only a great master like Shakspeare who can hint at other sides of the hero's nature than those which hurry on the catastrophe, without bringing them into undue prominence. In the novel this difficulty does not exist. The novelist is not obliged to crowd his whole story into a piece that must not occupy more than three hours in acting , he is not obliged to force all he has to say into a series of striking situations. He has therefore more room to paint our many-sided life. If he does not do this, he neglects one of the greatest advantages of the style of writing he has chosen. In treating great and simple catastrophes the novel will never equal the drama. In de- 200 Book in. Chapter V. Unseating those wild bursts -of passion -which seize a man and hurry him on, as if against his" will, to crime or destruc- tion prose can never equal poetry. It is because such situa- tions and catastrophes as are suited for the drama are un- usual, because our life is not made up of wild bursts of un- governable passion, that the prose novel is a neceessary form of art. It is because in our age dramatic subjects are rarer than ever, and such passion is almost incredible, that now the novel is the most popular of all artistic forms. Of all English novelists George Eliot has comprehended the p™> pose and scope of the novel best. In Adam Bede almost every feeling which could enter into the sphere of life in Which the tale plays is touched upon. Love plays a great part in it; but it is no mere love'-story; religious sentiments and feelings are touched upon , but it is no religious novel ; there are scenes of humour in it, far superior to anything Dickens ever wrote, but the interest is not centred upon them alone. This is not equally the case with the Scenes in Clerical Life; still they are masterly stories, far the best novelettes in our language, Adam Bede is a tale of English country-life. It begins in the year 1799 and ends in 1 807. That was the time when the Evangelical or Low church party was gradually fighting its way upwards in the church, and Methodism was gradually spreading among the lower classes. The hero of the book, Adam Bede, is a carpenter. He is a man who delights in his work for its own sake, but is not without the English wish to get on in the world. He is a cunning workman and has that kind of practical intellect which helps a man to do his work , whatever it may be , well. He has no taste for the doctrinal subtilties in which his brother Seth delights and but little liking for his emotional religiousness. He thinks there is such a thing as being over spiritual, that a man needs something besides the gospel to be able to build coal- pit engines and Arkwright mills. „But to hear those George Eliot. 201 preachers, he exclaims, you'd think that a man must be doing nothing all his life but shutting his eyes and looking what's going on inside him. I know a man must have the love of God in his soul, and that the Bible's God's word, but what does the Bible say? Why it says that God put his spi- rit into the workman that built the tabernacle, to make him do all the carved work and things that wanted a nice hand". Adam has a firm will and clear idea of what is right and honourable. This makes him sometimes rather hard to others. It is not easy for him to forgive. He does not bear his father's drunkeness or his old mother's querulousness with nearly as much patience as his brother Seth. He does his best to keep- things in order at home, but he can't help saying an angry word now and then. A very cha- racteristic trait in his character is conservatism. On build- ing and wood work he has an opinion of his own, and he is willing to support it. He wishes to see all the new inventions introduced into his neighbourhood as quickly as possible, but he is not anxious for any farther change. He „can't bear a fellow who thinks he makes himself fine by being impudent to his betters". Yet Adam is not a cold moralist, he can love and hate as the story proves. When he is wronged even unintentionally, he has a fierce thirst for revenge which neither Seth nor Arthur Donni- thorne can understand. He is one of those men who can- not sit still under injustice or sorrow. The very energy of his nature makes him long to do something, if it is only to find a vent for his feelings. He is in short an exact picture of the better kind of peasant artisan. His brother, Seth, has a strong family resemblance to him, but he is in- ferior to him both in intellect and force of character. He is a Methodist. Much of his intellectual power is spent on re- ligious discussion. His temper and pride have been quieted down by religious emotions. He reads biographies and theological books while his brother is studying mathematics. 202 Book III. Chapter V. His very love for Dinah, deep as it is , has little of the stormy selfishness of passion. It too is tinged by his, emotional religion. He is more patient, forbearing and gentle than Adam. He gives up Dinah to him almost without a struggle. While Adam's power is centred in himself, Seth seeks some- thing external to lead and guide him. He leans on Adam, he asks counsel of Dinah. His religion- is a staff which sup- ports him. In difficulty Adam would be apt to go over both sides of the question by himself and form his judgement alone , Seth would probably go to some, friend for advice, or take the first text that struck him as a mysterious gui- dance. Strongly contrasted with both these young men is Ar- thur Donnithorne, the heir to the squire. He is rich and well educated, high spirited and noble minded. Every- body likes him, and he, wishes well to everybody. He is kind and affable, always ready to do a kindnesss to any one. He is determined, when he becomes squire, to be a model landlord and set a good example to all the people round. But then his goodness is all impulse. He has no firm principle , he does right because it pleases him to do so. When wrong things seem pleasant, he does not cast them away from him as Adam would, or pray himself out of a de- sire for them , as Seth would , he looks longingly at them, and argues with himself about them, and resolves not to do them, and does ithem. The struggle in his mind about Hetty is powerfully and delicately depicted, more delicately, than anything of the kind which I remember in our whole novel- literature. He makes a half appointment to meet her and resolves not to go. He rides away to get out of temptation and comes back in time to keep his appointment. He is an- gry with himself and determines never to see her again, and then thinks she. may suppose, he is in love with her, and get wild, fancies into her head, so it will be better to go and undeceive her. He goes, but forgets the reason of his going George Eliot. 203 as soon as he sees her. Then he goes to breakfast with M r Irvine, the clergyman, that he may tell him all about it, and comes back without doing so. Adam always looks the future fairly in the face, and calculates cooly the chances for and against him. Seth takes no thought for the morrow. Arthur always hopes for the best and puts disagreeable chances out of sight and trusts to his luck. We must now turn to the women. First comes Hetty. It is very difficult to describe her. She is very pretty, very vain and very shallow. Her cha- racter is not at all beautiful, it wants depth and simplicity, it is utterly selfish. She takes no interest in the children that grow up around her and partly under her care. She does not hate them, but she thinks them troublesome, quite uninteresting things. She has no love for her -uncle and aunt who bring her up at their own expense. Even her love for Arthur is not true , self- forgetting passion. More than half of it is vanity. She is pleased that a gentleman loves her. She thinks that her love must end in a nice house; fine clothes and no work. Yet the impression of her beauty takes such a hold on the reader, that he, like Arthur and Adam, is almost in love with her faults. . Dinah is. as exact a contrast to Hetty as can well be ima- gined. She too is beautiful, but her beauty does not leave an impression on the mind as that of her cousin does. It is chastened down and subdued by the beauty of her mind. She is a methodist and works in a factory. This is "never for a moment lost sight of. She is not witty nor clever nor well educated. Yet she influences all who see her. The roughest are respectful to her. The least considerate drop their voices when they speak to her. It is her spiritual life, a life of long continued self- devotion, which gives her this charm. She does not ask herself what is pleasant, but what can I do to be of use to others, where can I be of the most use ? She always lives as if in the presence of a higher power. She 204 Book III. Chapter V. looks upon her duty- as the work God has given her to do. She go^s to him for help, comfort and guidance. Heno& beneath her simple , Methodist phraseology a deep meaning, lie's hid. We may look upon her as the incarnate ideal of Methodism in its first and purest period. There is no Other writer of our age who could have painted such a picture of a spiritual life. Our admiration for it and the genius of the author is heightened when we turn to the character of M r Irvine , the clergyman of the town. He is a perfect gentleman both by birth and education, but with comparatively small means. He lives unmarried that he may keep his mother and sisters in the ease and luxury to which they are entitled by birth. He is loved by the whole of his congregation, for he is a good-natured, open-hearted man. His tenderness to his delicate sister and his affection for his mother are exquisite traits in his character. But he is no saint. He does not like Dinah feel that his life is but a charge from God. The whole world is not to him a temple. His every act is not a prayer. He is indolent, fond of chess, of horses and of dogs. He loves the classics more than the fathers of the church and „finds a savouriness in a quotation from Sophocles and Theocritus that is quite absent from any text in Isaiah or Amos". His very tolerance smacks of indif- ference. He is so kind to Dinah because after all he is not so very much in earnest for the doctrines of the' church. His sermons were short moral essays, not doctrinal discourses or deep inquiries into Christian experience. Yet I must con- fess he is a great favourite of mine, the character in the whole book whom -I like best. M ra Poyser too is perfect in her way. She is a good bustling farmer's wife, with a sharp tongue and a sharper wit ( a woman with a tender heart, but one who keeps every thing in order and loves to rale. Many of her speeches have the true ring of old proverbs. We may take an example or two. She says of Craik , the Scotch gardner, „he's like the cock who thought the sun got George Eliot. 205 up to hear him crow", and again „if you could make pudding with thinking of the batter, it would-be easy getting dinner. — Those who choose a soft for a wife may as well buy up the .shorthorns. — If you get- your head stuck in a bog, your legs may as well go after it". Of Dinah she says, „It comes over you sometimes as if she'd a way of knowing the rights of things more than other folks have, but I'll never give in, that's because she's a methodist, no more than a white calf's white because it eats out of the same bucket as a black one". — „ You make buj; a poor trap to catch luck, if you go and bait it with wickedness". I might go on talking about these characters and others in the book but it would be useless to do so. They are all drawn to the life and , what is more , so arranged that the principal characters stand out clearly and the others are subordinated to them. They are too dramatically devel- oped. That is to say we find out their characters from their words and actions, not from long descriptions, and when we .close the book, we feel as if we were taking leave of old friends. But psychological truth is not the only, or perhaps even the chief merit of Adam Bede. As a story it is exceedingly interesting. No sensational novel could excite so lively an interest as Hetty's flight awakens. The very shallowness and weakness of the poor girl's mind excite our pity, as the sor- rows of a child might do. We feel she is but ill qualified to bear the passion and despair which surround her on every side. It is this disproportion between her character and her fate which makes the story so pathetic. The influence of the German literature and particularly of Goethe's writings is clearly to be traced in Adam Bede. But it is no mere imitation like that in which other English authors have so frequently indulged, it is real study. The scene in the grove for example has much of that indescrib- able charm which attaches to Goethe's love-scenes, and which, 206 Boot HI. Chapter V. as far as I kno-w, is to be found nowhere in our literature but in the novels of George Eliot. Yet there is no scene in all Goethe's writings in which circumstances at all similar are treated. It is the spirit not the mere accidents which is imitated. But the author has studied nature much more clo- sely than any writer. Every page bears witness to a most exact and close observation of men. "We must pass over the Mill on the Floss without any notice at all except the remark that neither here nor in any other book of the author is there any trace of self-repe- tition. Silas Marner too must not detain us long. This is, of all the novels I know, the one in which the interest ,is most purely intellectual. We are not excited by the story. Our interest is concentrated on the development of the hero's character. As a study of character it is exceedingly powerful, as a novel it is inferior to Adam Bede both in interest and variety. In Bomola George Eliot entered a new field. His name was so intimately connected with English country -life that it was with a general feeling of surprise that English read- ers heard that the author intended to Write an historical novel. The age in which the story plays is one of marked contrasts- The scene is Florence, the place where these contrasts were most glaring. It is the age of Lorenzo di Medici, of Macchiavelli, of Savonarola. On one side we have the heathen epicureanism and refinement of the scholars of that age, on the other the deep faith of the reformer. Here we have the high endeavour and J great success of the artist, there the daring enterprise of the merchant and the deep intrigue of the politician. The scene is bright and varied, the characters are strange and striking. This age George Eliot has conjured up before us. Every side of 'that varied life is introduced into the tale. The scholar, the politician, the artist and the monk, each play their part in the story, and to each justice is done. It is hard to divide the characters into groups because they are Qeorge Eliot. 207 not as in most novels contrasted by pairs, each is, so to speak, contrasted -with all the rest. Thus Savonarola may be said to be the exact opposite of Tito, but he is equally op- posed to Bardo , to Piero di Cosimo , to Dolfo Spini , and even to Nello. ¥e have not space to analyze the various characters, but we must linger, a few moments, over the three most pro- minent. First among these stands Tito, the beautiful, clever and subtle hero of the novel. He is a man of a pleasant, sensuous nature , of great and well cultivated talents. Like all men of a highly wrought and delicately balanced consti- tution, he shrinks from pain. He has positively no prin- ciples, but he has a firm will and a clear intellect. He loves the applause, wealth and pleasure, particularly those in- tellectual pleasures which wealth alone can furnish. He is in short a character which can become either good or bad as circumstances may decide. During the whole tale we see his fall, a gradual descent from innocence which was not virtue to treachery and infamy. Evil is not pleasant to him, but he is driven into it step by step. He does not like de- ceit, treachery and cruelty, but he likes scorn and poverty still less. He is the personification of intellect and emotion, without conscience or passion. This character is delineated with masterly truth and skill. It is too a character which could only be produced by the circumstances and age in which he is placed, in the land and time of Macchiavelli. Savonarola's is a very different character, it is perhaps the greatest which any English author has attempted to draw since the. age of Shakspeare. He is at the beginning of the tale a pure and sincere enthusiast. He endeavours to be- come, in thought and deed, a true Christian. From the .depth of his heart he speaks to the people words of fire that go directly to their hearts. He speaks of justiee and mercy, • and they rush to hear him. But he feels that neither the church nor the state are what they should be. He uses his in- 208 Book III. Chapter V. fluence to bring about reform. For the same end he endea- vours to increase his influence. But, to gain and retain his hold on the minds of the people, he is obliged to lower hie ideal. At last, when five enemies of his party are unjustly condemned to death and a word of his would save them, he is silent. Outwardly he rises ever higher, internally ' he sinks ever lower. His rapt devotion, and his noble sim- plicity have given place to ambition and a somewhat tortuous potiey. His ambition is, it is true, still noble, but it is not entirely free from egotism. He will reform the church, he will regenerate the world, and then he will lead the united hosts of Christendom against the Turk and the Saracen. It is not till the power has passed from his hands, till his dreams have been wrecked, and he has learnt to say. „I am not worthy to be a martyr. The truth shall prosper, but not by me*' that the faith and purity of his early days return to him. Such is a sketch of Savonarola, as he appears in Eomola. He is the grandest character in the tale, perhaps in any mo- dern English tale , and yet, in this character, the greatest fault of the work seems to me to lie. It is finely conceived and, the critics say, that it is historically correct. The au- thor has evidently endeavoured to make it so. But there is something that is of more importance in a work of art than correctness , and, that is clearness. An historian may have doubts about his various characters; he may say, this and that seems to be irreconcilable , but there is proof of both, or he may say , this view seems probable , but it cannot be proved. The poet has not this right. He must create his ' characters. He may add to what history says about them, and he may take from it. But his characters must be clearly drawn, and must not admit of a doubt. Let us take an ex- ample. The faet that both Elizabeth and Mary Queen of Sootts were vastly different in reality to the characters which Schiller drew of them does not in the least affect the poet- George Eliot. 209 ieal value of Marie Stuart. If new records should come to light which made it clear that Macbeth and Eichard III were spotless characters, Shakespeare's dramas would not lose any of their importance by the fact. Thus, when George Eliot had once chosen Savonarola as a charac- ter, she should have drawn the picture fully and left us without a doubt. The historian may find it difficult to recon- cile the accounts of the last days of that ill - fated reformer, he may with justice say that the official statement is so garbled that it is impossible to get at the truth. The novel- ist should not have done this. He should have led us to the cell, where he passed through his last mental struggles, and have shown us the great soul bowed down by its anguish, as he showed it exalted by high hopes and vain dreams. As it is we have a clear picture of his mind down to the time when he is imprisoned, and after that we are left in doubt. This seems to me to be the great, the one fault of the book. There were difficulties certainly to be overcome in doing this. The torture was perhaps the greatest of these , as it would have been impossible to show us the reformer on the rack, which certainly had an influence npon him. Komola's character is finely conceived and well deve- loped, though perhaps its last phases are passed rather light- ly over. In her the polish of the heathen and the earn- est self- resignation of the Christian elements of the age are united into something higher than either could alone produce. When we turn from the other novelists of our age to the works of George Eliot, we feel at once that we are enter- ing a new realm. The difference is not quantitive, it is qual- itive. It is not that his novels are merely better than those of Dickens and Thackeray, they are something utterly diffe- rent and indefinitely higher. The first peculiarity of his style is its realism, its simple truth to nature. Like Words- worth he can say, Grant Uttcrature. J 4 210 Boot IH. Chapter V. The common growth of mother earth Suffices me — her tears, her mirth, Her humblest mirth and tears. . It is this love of and truth to nature, which has pre- served George Eliot from the greatest faults of our other no- velists. His characters have nothing odd and eccentric about them, they are simple and natural, real studies from nature. If we compare Adam Bede with Sam Weller for example, this at once becomes evident. The one character is clever, amusing, and false, the other is real and interesting on that account. In fact the difference between George Eliot and Dickens is the same^ in character as that between Shaks- peare and Congreve, though of course it is far less in degree. The one strives after effect, he dazzles by a blaze of wit. Every thing his characters say or do is comic or pathetic in the highest degree. The other aims at truth. "With a wit at least as brilliant and a humour of far vaster grasp, he is content to bridle these, and to give them their proper place as ornaments alone. Therefore there is hardly any trace of ex- ternal comic in his writings. If we compare a passage of the Tickwick papers, say the scene in the garden of the ladies- school with the conversation of M r3 Poyser and Bartle Mas- sey in Adam Bede, the difference of the two manners be- comes at once apparent. The comic of the first scene depends entirely upon the situation. To be found at midnight in the garden of an establisment for young ladies, is a strange posi- tion for an elderly gentleman of strictly respectable habits. The appearance of such, a gentleman, in torn clothes and high excitement, before an elderly and highly fastidious lady in curl papers has something incongruous about it, which provokes a smile that has nothing at all to do with the cha- racters of the people concerned. Nor do their characters con- tribute in the least to the details of the scene. These details are taken from nature, but they are generalized and not in- dividualized. The spinster lady of the establishment, the George Eliot. 211 three teachers, the five female servants, and the thirty hoar- ders do not act as individuals but as representatives of a class. Upon this a great part of the humour depends. The rest is owing simply to verbal trickery. In the scene from Adam Bede on the- other hand the humour depends entirely on the characters of the disputants. Each word gives us a glance into the secrets of the two Characters, and it is this which makes the scene so humourous. This is what I mean in saying that the humour of Dickens is external and that of George Eliot organic. This brings us to the second great difference between this writer and the other novelists of our age. He is not only realistic in his treatment and choice of subjects, he is also idealistic, indeed he is the greatest idealistic writer of our time. To say that an artist is at once idealistic and realistic may seem like a contradiction in terms. And so it would be , if I used the words in one sense. The word idealism, as applied to art, is so undefined that it may be well to ex- plain what is meant by it here. In every person there are certain qualities which seem to be necessary to his individua- lity, and others which are purely accidental. These latter, in the real world around us, often overhang and hide the others , so that we can seldom see the real man through the mask that hides him. Eor example a man of real refinement and a cultivated taste may squint. This is something purely accidental, a defect that has nothing to do with the essence of his character. These accidental circumstances the ideal- istic artist omits, and thus the true character is brought to light. This we call artistic idealisation when speaking of poetry. Now George Eliot is the only writer of our age who can be said to do this, Dickens's characters are for the most part drawn in exactly the opposite way. They are made up of accidents alone. Every great poet idealizes, and the greatest, such as Shakespeare and Goethe, do it most. One cannot point to a single trait in Othello, Macbeth, Hamlet, 14* 212 Book in. Chapter V. Faust or Egmont, which is not characteristic. "We know why Othello is black and Richard III a hump -back, that is to say, we can trace the effect of these circumstances on their characters. Just so there is. nothing superfluous in any character in Bomola or Adam Bede. Every part of each character has on organic relation to every other part. This is evidently not opposed to realism of treatment. In , George Eliot the two manners are united, as they are in a higher degree in Shakspeare and Goethe. The tone of the novels we have been examining is as different from that of other novels of the day as can well be imagined. They have the gay and healthy objectivity of genius, a tone equally op- posed to flippancy, melancholy and dogmatism. The author's mind seems to have no whims and crotchets. He is con- tent to let his characters play their parts, without using them to teach either a moral or an immoral lesson. This is a rarer-quality than it at first seems. Most poets have theo- ries to which they cramp their characters. What are Childe Harold, the Giaour and the Corsair but the means by which Byron teaches a false and unhealthy theory? But few, like the author of Adam Bede , are content with a purely artistic purpose. This is one of the reasons why his tales remind us rather of the breezy freshness of the fields and woods, than the close and unhealthy air of a study or a theatre. Tet his novels have a far higher moral value than those of any of his contemporaries , just as the plays of Shakespeare are more moral, in the true sense of the word, than the best story for little girls and boys. He does not teach that mere external happiness is the end of life. Indeed none of his novels end very happily. Tet they satisfy us. The hap- piness of his heroes is rather internal than external They reach a height, from which they can look down on the changes of the world. This too is the result of his truth to na- ture. Is not the great Erench woman right when she says, that the theatre is the only place in our world, where vice George Eliot. 213 is punished and virtue rewarded? Is it not true that the most virtuous men are not the most successful, that those who lead the purest and nohlest lives are not those who gain ; what the world thinks the highest prizes in the great lot- tery? If this is the truth, and who can doubt it, why should we create a false system of rewards and punishments in our novels? Why are we there to shut our eyes persis- tently to the fact that the good things of life, its pleasures and enjoyments, are not meted out, like an old nurse divi- des her sweet meats, according to the merits of the receivers? It is not better openly to state the fact, as George Eliot does, that this is not the case, and that just for that reason plea- sure is not the highest good, l nor pain the greatest evil ; that we are not like children to do good only that we may get a store of sugar -plums, either in this world or the next, or to avoid evil for fear of the cane or the black man that hides in the nursery chimney, but rather, because good is good and evil evil, to choose the one and avoid the other? That this is healthy morality in practice, can scarcely be doubted ; and that these principles may be applied to poetry, the grandest tragedies of Germany and England prove. George Eliot has shown that they are at least equally applicable to the novel. Tet there is nothing ascetic in his writings. He does not turn with a puritanical scowl from the cakes and ale, or deny that ginger is hot in the mouth. His characters do not despise the good things of this life any more than sen- sible men in reality do, on the contrary they confess that pleasure is pleasant, that riches and comfort are good things which it is worth while to pay a high price for. They do not prefer water to wine , or sack-cloth and ashes to silk and fine linen any more than we do. But the best characters in his novels, like the best men in the real world, do not make these things the one or even the principal end of their life. Nor does he pretend to reward the sage and the martyr with a coach and four and a sufficient income, as if these were 214 Book III. Chapter VI. a sovereign balm for all the ills of life. This is owing partly to his truth to nature, and partly to the spirit of his tales, in which, as I have said, all the various sides of human life are mirrored, to the fact that his heroes have minds and souls as well as hearts. But we must pause. George Eliot is in my opinion the greatest English novelist, the greatest writer that England has in our age produced. With him we will close our sketch of the English novels of our period. It has been very imperfect.- Several important names as for instance those of Currer Bell and the author of Paul Ferrol I have passed over entirely without mention, and others I have treated very slightly. My excuse is that a thorough criticism of the novels of our age which deserve attention would alone fill a much larger book than the present. CHAPTER VI. As we have now come to the end of our period, it may not be amiss to cast a hurried glance at the ground over which we have passed. The period which extends from the Bestoration to the middle of the last century was, as we have seen , a prosaic age. It was the time of common sense , wit and logic; not of passion, heroism and poetry. It was a useful and necessary phase in the development of our civili- zation, but not grand or beautiful one. The history of our modern literature is the history of a great revolution in the thoughts and feelings of men. This change was felt all over Europe, in France and Germany eyen more than in England. It was caused, as it seems to me, by two great impulses. The first of these was idealistic, the second realistic. The first was a reassertion of that part of man's nature which had been lost sight of by the philosophers of the seventeenth cen- tury. It was not confined to literature, nor did it begin Conclusion. 215 there. In France Eousseau taught a system of policy which, with all its superficial appearance of logic, was as beautiful, and as unreal as a dream. It was a protest against the autho- rity of the past, a declaration that the human race is „the heir of an infinite possibility". Hence , under the title of a „State of Nature", he held up to the admiration and for the imitation of his countrymen a social condition which, as he himself confessed, „exists no longer, perhaps never did exist, and probably never will." The words he spoke went directly to the hearts of his countrymen. They touched on chords which his predecessors had ignored ; they awakened powers which had long lain dormant, and before the end of the cen- tury we find France engaged in the revolution — the most colossal endeavour to realize an impossible ideal which is to be found in the history of mankind. In Germany Kant commenced a revolution in thought which, if it was less noisy, was scarcely less important than that which had be- gun beyond the Ehine. He was succeeded by followers who were worthy of him, .by men who once more raised philp- sophy to the place it had long ceased to occupy. The part that England played in this great movement was far less im- portant than that of France and Germany, but we shall be totally unable to appreciate the changes which our poetry has undergone during this time, if we do not remember that it is but a moment in a great European change. The ideal- istic movement showed itself in our poetry by an endeavour to free, the imagination from the laws with which the critics had hampered it. Once more our poets tried their hands on grand and irregular subjects. They ventured to express deep passion and to create beauty for beauty's sake alone. Didactic poetry was thrust into the background and at last entirely abandoned. Narrative and lyrical poetry took its place, and the spirit and forms of both ceased to be conven- tional and artificial. The old models were abandoned , and in their place nature was held up as the only true and in- 216 Book IH. Chapter VI. disputable authority. Hence the realistic was the necessary- consequence of the idealistic movement. Nature, it is true, was often misrepresented, yet, when once it was allowed that it was the highest model, it followed as a matter of course that it would be studied. Connected with these two impulses and inferior to them was the influence of our earlier literature, or perhaps we should rather say it was the form in which these two influences worked upon the poetry of England. The idealistic -realistic movement took three forms, of which the three works that we examined in our first and second chapters may be looked upon as types. The first of these was principally idealistic. The poets who belonged to this school loved the heroic and the gigantic. Finding but few subjects in their own age to suit them, they led their readers into distant lands and times. They told of wild adventures and titanic passion. Their favourite heroes were knights and robbers. This school may be said to have opened with Per- cy's Reliques and to have reached its greatest height in the works of Byron and Scott. The second school inclined to a kind of subjective realism. They endeavoured to paint na- ture as they really saw it, and to state their real thoughts and feelings upon it. They avoided superlatives. They did not delight, in deep passion or wild adventure; they chose their subjects from modern every-day life. The fault to which the inferior writers of the first school were most addicted was rant, that into which those of the second most easily fell was common-place. The third school is that of Chatterton, Shelley and Keats. These poets were as dissatisfied with the common life of every day as those of the first school, but they led their readers into a purely imaginary land. Like Spenser, their great model, they took hints from nature, but they used them only as hints. Their landscapes have the gorgeousuess , grace and unreality of dreams. Nor did they endeavour, like Scott and Byron, to paint heroism and passion. It is beauty, a strangely spiritualized and unearthly Conclusion. 217 beauty, which forms the subject matter of their verses. Hence we see that the character of the English literature of the first part of our century was caused by a reafction against that of the eighteenth. It is true that neither the idealism nor the realism of the age was entirely healthy ; there is something exaggerated in the passion of Byron and the nature -worship of Wordsworth; Shelley and Coleridge were too dreamy ever to take a place among the greatest poets, and even in Scott we find too often a love for the unusual and improbable. The greatest poets of the day had not learned the truth of Goethe's saying „Here or nowhere is America", and those who had learnt this forgot that nature is not poetry, but the material from which poetry may be formed. Another unhealthy sign was the struggle after a petty originality. Poetry was divided into cliques, each of which had its dialect and its manner. Each poet had his peculiar defects which he valued more than the beauties of his verses ; they were the signs of his originality, and originality was genius. Hence our poetry was in this period mannerized in the highest degree. This too was a necessary effect of the reaction. One of the most noble characteristics of the age of Voltaire was its endeavour after universality. It showed itself in almost every field. In politics petty patriotism gave way before an enlightened cosmopolitanism. The chan- nel, the Rhine, and the Alps were no longer looked upon as barriers beyond Which no human sympathy must extend. Voltaire flattered England, Englishmen reverenced France. Even while war was raging between the two countries, the scholars and poets of both rose above a national jealousy and declared that they were first men and then Frenchmen or Englishmen. Never since the Reformation had the scholars and poets of different European countries stood in so friendly a relationship. In Science the same endeavour after uni- versality is clearly to be seen in the hatred of onesidedness which the greatest men of the age exhibited. They were Grant litterature. 45 218 Book HI. Chapter VI. sometimes shallow, it is true, but they were never narrow. Take Voltaire for example. He was a poet, a satirist, a dramatist, a critic* an historian and a philosophical essayist. He had studied chemistry, mathematics, natural philosophy and almost all of the natural sciences, besides being acquaint- ed with the literature of most European nations, and well read in the memoirs and travels in which his age was so rich. Nor is he a solitary instance., Diderot was probably superior even to Voltaire in the variety of his studies; and many others were to be found who were scarcely less deeply read than these. In literature the same endeavour' after univers- ality is distinctly, though not so distinctly, visible. The poems of Germany, Italy and England lost a great part of their national typus. There was an attempt on all sides to reduce the poetry of different countries to the same standard, and to do away with the individuality of the poet as far as possible. But this was not all, the same influence made itself felt in various and peculiar ways. One of the strangest of these was Diderot's theory of typical art. According to that critic a great reformation might be wrought in poetry if, in- stead of painting individuals , the poet were to paint types; that is to say that, instead of representing John Brown a person with a distinct individuality, who is by trade a shoe- maker, he should paint shoemakers in general, or rather all the peculiarities of shoemakers united in a single character. This would be subversive of the very spirit of art. John Brown can never interest us because he is a shoemaker, but because he is a man, because he too can love and hate, laugh and weep. He confine! his theory to comedy, it is true, but even there it would be injurious. The reaction, of which I have already spoken, went almost as far in the op- posite direction. We have seen that it led our poets into mannerism, it induced them too to choose very extraordinary subjects and characters. Before individuality in the poet had been looked upon with anything but favour, now it was con- Introduction. 219 sidered the highest beauty ; formerly the poets had been told that they must only paint types , now they considered only oddities and monstrosities worthy of their attention. Such was the state of our literature during the first thirty years of our century. After the death of Scott a great gap exists in theseries of our poets. Wordsworth, it is true, still lived and wrote , but of all the great poets who had surroun- ded him only Coleridge still survived, aud he had almost left off writing poetry, Among our living poets a few still imi- tate or even exaggerate the peculiarities of their predecessors, but the greatest among them endeavour to fuse the schools into one, to unite the beauties of all or at least of several of the forms of poetry which were in vogue at the commence- ment of our century. This is more evident in the novel than in any other branch of our literature, as is natural, since it is the channel into which the greater part of our literary talent has flowed. Here too we find at the beginning of our period a division into schools and an exaggerated mannerism which is gradually giving way before a simpler and a purer taste. When examining Dickens's works, we found that his characters were only a collection of oddities , that the natural and simple forms of life were not highly flavoured enough to suit his taste. Even in Thackeray we found a certain one- sidedness. We saw that his genius was confined to a certain sphere of life, which he never even attempted to pass. When we look at the minor novelists, we find the same fault. Currer Bell, with all her talent never drew a man, and her heroines, interesting as they are, belong to a single and not very healthy class, of women. They are all sensitive, ener- getic and self-conscious. Whenever she attempts to delineate the internal life of another kind of woman, she fails. Yet she is perhaps the greatest representative of the subjective; if not of the idealistic school. Her power of describing emo- tion and analyzing mental conditions cannot be too highly praised. Yet she is one-sided. But, when we come to 15* 220 Book III. Chapter VI. George Eliot, we find the two schools united, as they always are in writers of the highest genius. His tales are more real- istic than those of Sickens and Thackeray. Every incident, every sentence bears witness to the closest study of nature, and to a power of observation that far surpasses even that of "Wordsworth. - But this realism is only the dress of the high- est ideality. Nowhere in our literature since the close of the Elizabethan age do we find characters so truly ideal in the best sense of the word , as those in Adam Bede and Bo- mola. Besides this they are natural. There is nothing ec- centric or odd about them, nothing one-sided in the author's treatment of them. "We cannot yet say if the works of George Eliot are the fitting close to the great series of the English novelists of the nineteenth century, or the commencement of a series far deeper and truer than that which is passing away. 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