TRANSFERRED TO ! L R LIBRARY CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY FROM Date Due THE LIBRARY OF THE NEW YORK STATE SCHOOL OF INDUSTRIAL AND LABOR RELATIONS AT CORNELL UNIVERSITY WW \4 Cornell University IffltlJ hi) Library The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924092403421 w EEPEINT EDITION". STRIKES IN MiSSAGHUSETTS. 1830-1880. [From the IJijEVenth Annual Report of the .Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics OF Labor, for 1880. J BY CARROLL D. WRIGHT, CHIEF OF THS BUnHAU OP STAtlSTICS OP LABOR. Reprinted in Accowvance, with thTe Pkovisions of Chap. 7, Rksoi,a^s OP 1888. .'■ • --'^ _ BOSTON .- WRIGHT & POTTER PRINTING. CO., STATE PRINTERS, 18 .Post'-Officb Squake, 1889. EEPRHsTT EDITIOS". STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 1830-1880. [From the Eleventh Annual, Repokt of the Massachusetts Bureau or Statistics or Labor, for 1880. j BT CARROLL D. WRIGHT, CHIEF OF THE BUREAU OF STATISTICS OP LABOR. Reprinted in Accordance with the Provisions of Chap. 7, ^^^..^^^ ^. 9f-..ul^, Chief of Bureau of Statistics of Labor. ^UNIVERSlTY; \ LIBRAE Vy^ 6 5^1^ ^3 M "a»is^^> SipRtUW CONTENTS. Page History of Stehces, 1830-1880 3-65 1830, ^3 1831 3 1832, 3, 1 1833, 4 1834 4 1835, 4, 5 1836 5 1837, 5 1839, 6 1840, 6 1843 5, 6 1848 6 1849, 6 1850, 6-9 1851 9 1852 9-14 1853 14, 15 1854, 15, 16 1855 16 1856 16 1858, 16, 17 1859, 17 1860 18, 19 1861 19 1862, 19 1863, 19-21 1864, 21 1865 21, 22 1866 22 1867 22-24 1868, 24-26 1869, 26, 27 1870, 27-32 1871 32, 33 1872 33, 34 1873, 34, 35 1874, 35-37 1875, 37-43 1876 44, 45 1877 45-47 1878, 47-61 1879 61-66 IV CONTENTS. Occupations of strikers, Location of strikes, Nativity of strikers, Causes of strikes, . Results of strikes, . . Conclusions regarding strikes. Page 65 65, 66 66 66 66, 67 67-73 STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 1830-1880. STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. The industriiil progress of Massachusetts, like that of every other manufacturing community, has been marked by occasional conflicts between capital and labor. With the view of presenting an accurate summary of these conflicts, and, if possible, throwing some light upon their causes, results, and general effect upon the wage classes, this chapter has been prepared. It was not until the third decade of the present century that the vexed questions which unfortunately at times sep- arate the employer and employed culminated in act- ual outbreaks here. As early as 1825 the subject of adopting ten hours as the length of a day's work began to be agitated among the journeymen engaged in the building trades. In 1830 there were several strikes of brief duration in Boston, to secure shorter days. From 50 to 150 men — carpenters and masons — engaged in these movements, which were generally unsuccessful, the places of the strikers being easily filled. Some of the employers looked upon the ten- hour plan with favor, and expressed their willingness to pay their workmen by the hour, and to allow them to make ten hours the limit of a day's work. During the following year, other strikes occurred similar to those of 1830, and with like results. In October, 1831, about 60 machinists in Taunton struck to se- cure permission to quit work at sundown, their employers requiring them to remain until 7.30 p.m. Early in 1832 there was a strike of carpenters in Boston in behalf of the ten-hour system ; the masons, painters, and slaters also joined to some extent. About 150 men ^oon took part in this strike, more than half of whom returned to work at the end of ten days. The places of the 4 STATISTICS OF LABOR. others were filled with new men. A meeting of master- mechanics was called in May to consider the expediency of adopting the ten-hour system ; but it was deemed inadvis- able to do so. In 1833 about 75 Boston carpenters again struck for its adoption, but without success. Their places were immediately filled, and some of them were out of work for more than six months. During the latter part of the year 1833, the female shoe- binders of Lynn began to agitate for an increase of wages. In those days the women engaged in this industry took their work to their homes, returning it to the shops when completed. The manufacturers being unwilling to increase the prices paid, a meeting for consultation was held by more than 1,000 binders Jan. 1, 1834. At this meeting it was resolved to take out no more work, unless the desired increase was granted. A shoe-binders' society was formed, which had several meetings and street parades. The employers steadily refused to accede to its demands ; and, as it became evident that they were finding no difficulty in getting their work done in neighboring towns at such prices as they were willing to pay, the organization finally dwindled away, and the strike came to an unsuccessful end in three or four weeks. In February of the same year a brief disturbance occurred at Lowell among the female factory operatives on account of a reduction in wages. Several hundred laborers employed upon the construction of the Providence Railrpad in Mansfield struck during April, 1834, for higher wages. The strike resulted in a riot, which was at once suppressed, by the sheriff of the county, assisted by a company of the militia. Several arrests were made. In July, 1835, the workmen of the various building trades in Boston once more struck for the ten-hour system. They had several parades through the streets of the city, held meetings, and resolved not to return to work until their demands were complied with by the employers. About 500 mechanics were concerned in this strike ; but at the end of two weeks it came to an end without accom- plishing any thing for the workmen, some of whom lost STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 5 their places, and were unable to find other employment for several months. Several hundred of the female operatives employed in the Lowell mills left their work during October, 1836, on account of a reduction in wages of twelve and one- half per cent. It was also urged as a grievance that one of the corporations had increased the price of board twenty-five cents per week. The strike was of brief dura- tion, and no record remains concerning it beyond the bare fact of its occurrence. In June, 1837, there was a strike among the sailors in Boston for an advance from fourteen to sixteen dollars per month. The ship-owners refused to grant the 1S37 advance, as, owing to the existing commercial de- pression, but few vessels were fitting out, and plenty of men could be obtained at the lower rate. The strike continued nearly a week, during which considerable rioting occurred in the vicinity of the wharves. The usual street proces- sions were indulged in; but the movement was entirely without success. A strike of laborers on the Eastern Railroad, near Salem, in September, 1839, for shorter days, caused a brief suspen- sion of the work in which they were engaged : and, 1839. the following May, a dispute in regard to the hours of labor brought about a riot among the railroad laborers in Rowley. Deductions were made from the pay of certain workmen who failed to begin work at the required hour. Incensed at this, they attacked the overseer, and gave him a severe beating. They prevented those who desired to work from doing so, and proceeded to destroy the property of their employer. The rioters were finally dis- persed by the arrival of a sheriff with a detachment of mili- tia. One of the ringleaders was arrested. Order being restored, the work was resumed as usual. During the year 1840, the factory operatives in Lowell made demands for shorter days, but without avail. May, 1843, the female operatives in the mills at Chicopee struck on account of increase of work without cor- ^ „ ^ „ mi 1 1 ^ XI 1843. respondmg advance m pay. They marched to the neighboi'ing city of Springfield with music and banners, and 6 STATISTICS OF LABOR. endeavored to obtain additions to their ranks from other mills, but without success. They soon after returned to their work. In September of the same year nearly all the journeymen tailors employed in Boston joined in a strike for higher wages. They remained away from work but a day or two, the required advance being in some cases granted, and in others refused. The market for textile fabrics being greatly depressed, the manufacturers in Fall River gave notice that a reduction in waa;es would be made Feb. 1, 1848, of from fifteen 1848 . . to seventeen per cent from prices then paid. This created considerable ill feeling among the operatives ; and the weavers employed by the Metacomct, Anawan, Troy, and Quequechan Corporations, struck work, and endeavored, but without success, to persuade those in the remaining mills to leave. The strike continued about three weeks, during which the mills above mentioned were closed. About 800 operatives were idle, their combined loss in wages amounting to upwards of $11,000. The weavers then returned to work at the reduced rates. While the strike was in progress, there was considerable rioting among the strikers, some of whom were arrested, and afterwards imprisoned, for disturb- ing the peace. An unsuccessful strike for increase of wages . took place in 1849 among the operatives of the Millbury Cot- ton Mill at Millbury. » After a day or two, the strikers resumed work upon their employers' terms. Business still continued very dull throughout the country, and large numbers were out of employment in all manufac- turing districts. In the year 1850, it is stated, out of 2,485,700 spindles in New England, over 800,000 were stopped. The high price of cotton, and the limited demand for cloth, rendered it impossible to run the mills at wages then paid without loss. Accordingly, on Wednesday, Nov. 20, notice of intended reduction was given by all the Fall River corporations save one. The Watuppa^ alone took no action towards reduc- 1 The Watappa Mill is now abandoned ; the White Mill is called the Fall Eiver Manufactory ; the Quequechan is merged in the Pocasset; while the Massasoit was burned some years ago. STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 7 tion. The spinners in the other mills — the Metacomet, Anawan, White, Quequechan, Troy, Pocasset, and Massa- soit — struck without notice, which at once prevenlied these mills from running. In justifying their course, they claimed that numerous petty tyrannies and unjust actions on the part of the overseers — actions which they felt were in many cases unknown to the superintendents — led them to fear, that, should notice of a strike be given, their treatment would be like that of the spinners of Xew Bedford under similar circumstances. In that city, the spinners informed their employers that they would leave work on a certain day, rather than continue at the amount offered. The overseer sent immediately to other towns for men to take their places ; and, as fast as he could obtain them, old spinners were discharged without regard to the legal notice they had given of intention to leave. Fearing the same treatment, the Fall River operatives decided to leave without notice. A union tot mutual support and assistance was formed. Meetings were held by the weavers also, and resolutions passed setting forth that the reduction was unnecessary, as the manufacturers were receiving a fair rate of interest on their capital. The strikers also complained that the reduc- tion was made in the fall, when no other employment could be obtained, and when, having purchased their winter's pro- visions, coal, etc., it would be impossible for them to return to England, of which country most of the spinners were natives. It was also said, that alterations recently made in their work had increased their labor, and at the same time lessened their wages ; and that, in one mill, men were com- pelled to clean the mules on Sunday. On the other hand, in behalf of the manufacturers, it was held that wages, even after reduction, would remain as high as- they would average in the principal cotton factories of New England, and that reduction was rendered imperative by the condition of business. It was asserted, that, within a few years previous to the strike, many improvements had been introduced, such as furnishing the mule-room with spare hands to doff and clean the mules, and with sweepers to do the sweeping which had formerly been done by the back-boys. These improvements, it was claimed, enabled 8 STATISTICS OF LABOR. the spinner to run more time, and to earn about as much as usual, notwithstanding reduction in wages. New machinery- had been introduced by which more yarn could be spun in a given time ; and, of the great expense so incurred, no part was borne by the spinner, although he reaped a share of the benefit accruing. The condition of afiairs provoked much discussion, and, as in later times, many letters, both in favor of and against the course pursued by the operatives, were written to the local papers. The strike, from its magnitude, seems to have attracted considerable attention outside the immediate vicin- ity of Fall River, and the questions . involved were freely commented upon by the press of New York and Boston. The winter was a severe one for those out of employ- ment. Much distress was felt by them. Delegations from the Spinners' Union visited other cities for the purpose of securing subscriptions for their assistance and relief. They are said to have secured about $20,000. This amount was disbursed by a board of directors, who would in no case pay out money to those in needy circumstances. The relief con- sisted of orders for necessaries only, to which the strikers had resolved to confine themselves. It was understood, also, that none were to apply for assistance, except in the last extremity. Meanwhile the relative positions of employers and operatives did not change. In March, 1851, the strikers started a small paper, called " The Trades Union and Fall River Weavers' Journal," to be published weekly at one dollar per year. After the strike had lasted four months, a citizen — a workingman, but not connected with the mills — wrote a letter suggesting that the dispute be settled by referees chosen jointly by the parties concerned. This letter was sent to the spinners' organ ; but it was thought that such' a proposition, if emanating from the operatives, would imply a concession on their part. It was therefore refused publica- tion. It afterwards appeared in " The Fall River Monitor ; " but nothing came of it. The fact that the Watuppa Corporation had continued to carry on their mill and pay the old prices had been used in many quarters as evidence that the other companies might STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 9 do the same. Wages in this mill, however, were reduced May 1, 1851. By that time, the White, Quequechan, and Metacomet Mills were partly running, and the others began gradually to fill up. Few of the former employes had re- turned, many of the best operatives had left town, and the corporations were engaging new-comers. After June 1, the strike ended. The reduced rates were everywhere adopted. Altogether the struggle had lasted *nearly six months, although it was perhaps seven or eight months from its begin- ning before the mills were in full operation. During nearly six months, 1,300 persons were idle, losing upwards of $140,000 in wages. The feeling was everywhere expressed that such a dispute was disastrous in its effects upon all concerned, and a severe blow to the prosperity of the city. The ten-hour plan had gradually gained ground in the building trades. In 1840 President Van Buren directed its adoption in all public establishments. By 1844 it was in operation in the ship-building trades. Carpenters and masons, as a rule, worked but ten hours per day after 1851. By that time demands for the new system were generally acceded to by the master-builders, without producing actual strikes. Certain contractors held out against it, ^„_^ however; and in September, 1851, a strike of car- penters and masons occurred in Lowell in its support. In January of the same year a disagreement as to wages had caused a general strike of weavers employed in the mills at Three Rivers, Palmer, which, like the more serious one of the previous year in Fall River, terminated unsuccessfully ; but the laborers upon the common sewers in New Bedford struck in May, 1852, for increase of pay, and sue- ^^^^ ceeded in obtaining a portion of the advance de- manded, the strike being thus settled by compromise. The hod-carriers in Lowell, also, secured an increase in wages after a short strike in the following month. One of the most remarkable strikes that has ever occurred in Massachusetts — remarkable from its apparently slight cause, the class of operatives engaged in it, and its results upon the village in which it took place — was that at the mills of the Salisbury Corporation in June, 1852. The employes at these mills were Americans, members of 10 STATISTICS OF LABOR. the oldest families in the town. The rules governing their hours of labor had never been very strict. Nominally, the mills opened at 5 o'clock a.m., and closed at 7 p.m., with intermissions of half an hour for breakfast and one hour for dinner. It was customary, also, to give the operatives fif- teen minutes, during each half day, for luncheon. This privilege they had enjoyed for thirty years. They con- sidered themselves at much entitled to it as to the noon hour. But it is stated that it had often been abuseii. Men would frequently go out during the forenoon to do their marketing, or to work in their gardens, sometimes remaining away from the mills an hour. In April, the agent, who had been in charge for many years, resigned. His successor, after consultation with the agent of the Amesbury Flannel Company, whose mills were in the same village, determined, in consequence of the abuses above mentioned, to abolish the privilege. Notices were therefore posted in the mills on the last day of May, stating that on and after the next day (June 1) the employes would be required to observe the regular hours of labor ; that the luncheon recess was to be abolished ; and that no persons were to leave the mills without permission of the overseers of their respective rooms. Violation of these orders was to be held sufficient cause for discharge^ On the following day, notwithstanding this notice, nearly 100 men left the mills at the usual luncheon hour, and on their return were all discharged. Many of these men had never before availed themselves of the recess, but, resard- ing the rights of their brethren as about to be taken from them, took this course to uphold and sustain them. The mill village, a quiet country hamlet, was thrown into the greatest excitement by this event. The operatives had grown up with the industries of the place, and had been identified with them until they felt themselves joint proprie- tors in the mills. The townspeople generally, many of whom were connected with the operatives by relationship, supported their action. The sudden deprivation of what they believed their right, without previous consultation with them, they considered an indignity to which they could not tamely submit. Public meetings were held, at which STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 11 speeches were made by the most influential citizens denounc- ing the injustice of the act. Flags were suspended about the town, bearing mottoes referring to the strike. Proces- sions, with bands of music, passed through the streets. A committee was appointed to confer with the directors of the corporation, and to see if the luncheon privilege might not be restored. The directors decided to support the agent, convinced that he would do what was right, and that the men had le.lt the mills without just cause. The agent, being afterwards visited, stated that he had only performed his duty ; had treated the operatives politely, showing no par- tiality ; and that the new rule was as binding upon the over- seers as upon the operatives. The female weavers, sympathizing with those who had been discharged, struck work, and held a meeting, resolving that the agent's course was an " act of gross injustice, not to be sustained by any fair and satisfactory reasons." They likewise chose a committee to visit the agent, who, though he received them politely, informed them that he could make no concession after what had happened, nor receive back those who had been discharged. He admitted the error of not giving earlier notice of the proposed change of rules, but considered himself insulted by the demonstrations that had taken place. After this visit, the girls, about 125 in num- ber, signed the following : — " Resolved, That we cannot consistently return to our work, and leave our fathers, brothers, and friends outside, to suffer the injustice heaped upon them by a heartless monetary power ; and trusting in God, the friend of the oppressed, we bid our looms farewell." The general feeling in the community at the time may be gathered from the following resolutions passed unanimously at a subsequent mass meeting of the villagers. They were drawn up by the poet Whittier, who, at that time, resided near the mills, and who strongly sympathized with the operatives. " Resolved, That the withdrawal of privileges enjoyed for a quarter of a century, and which we looked upon as the settled and common law of our manufacturing establishments, giving the workmen no opportunity for calm reflection as to the best course to be pursued, and discharging them at once for the first disobedience, has produced a profound feeling 12 STATISTICS OF LABOR. of surprise, regret, and disapproval, not on the part of the operatives alone, but of the entire population of our village. "Sesolved, That whatever necessity may have been supposed to exist in some of other manufacturing establishments for such rules as have disturbed the peace and jeopardized the interests of our community, the character and conduct of our operatives make certain that no such neces- sity here existed. Individuals may have abused their privileges, and they, of course, were liable to censure and expulsion ; but, as it is, the innocent may suffer because of the delinquent few. " Resolved, That the operatives in this village have duly appreciated this privilege, and have been faithful and punctual in the discharge of their duties ; and it is not too much to say, that, as a class, in point of morality, industry and efficiency, they would bear a favorable com- parison with any establishment in the Union. They are mostly per- manent residents under the wholesome influence of home ; they have something at stake in the common prosperity ; are good citizens in all the relations of life : and nowhere has law and order been better observed, and property more secure, than in this village. " Resolved, That such a state of things, so beneficial and honorable to both employers and employed, should not be lightly changed. It cannot be good policy to lose all the moral and social advantages which these establishments unquestionably have enjoyed over many others in New England. It cannot be well to arra}' the interests of our village and those of the corporation against each other, or to fling new elements of discord and hatred into social and political life. "Resolved, That the citizens of this village, hitherto justly proud of the reputation of its manufacturing establishments, showing as they did that humanity and liberality towards the operative is the best economy for the capitalist, have rejoiced in the high character of the men and women employed ; and it would be a matter of serious regret on the part of all classes of our citizens if the present policy is persisted in, and a proportion of those whose industrj- and good conduct have enlarged the dividends, and established the honorable reputation of the Salisbury Company, are driven elsewhere for labor, and their places supjjlied by a vagrant and unsettled class." On the other hand, the following concludes a statement of facts issued and signed by twenty-one overseers in the mills : — " In justice to those who have left the employ of the company, we cannot believe that a very large proportion of them do countenance the outrages against common decency that have been perpetrated in our quiet village for the last few days. And we have no doubt but that every man who has been guilty of aiding or abetting the outrageous proceedings that have disgraced Amesbury and Salisbury Mills Village, during this excitement, will on reflection exceedingly regret it. And it is with much pleasure that we are permitted to say, that, during the STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 13 trying scenes which the agent has been called to pass, he has conducted himself with the most perfect decorum ; and we have j'et to learn, not- withstanding the many provocations that he has received, that any expression or any deportment of his towards those who have spoken with him has been other than that which becomes a gentleman." A conciliatory letter was sent to the agent by the female operatives, proposing a compromise. To this the agent replied, — " I cannot consistently accept the proposition . . . for a settlement of the difficulties now existing. . . . The company in whose behalf I act cannot allow any dictation in regard to the rules and regulations by which they will be governed in the management of their mills ; and deprecating, as they do, all combinations by the operatives to resist their authority, more especially when forcible measures and threats are made the basis of operations, and knowing, as they do, that the present ex- cited state of feeling has been brought about in a great measure by the steps that a portion of the citizens have seen fit to take, they have come to the conclusion that when their machinery is started, be it now or at any future tim.e, it must be by men who have had no participation in the late movements to resist their authority." The luncheon privilege had also been abolished at the Amesbury Flannel Mills, and, in consequence, the employes had joined the strike during the month of June. It being apparent that the existing trouble was not likely to be im- mediately overcome, town meetings of the citizens of Ames- bury and Salisbury were legally called ' ' to take into consid- eration the evils affecting a large portion of our citizens, growing out of the late coercive measures of the Salisbury Manufacturing Company.'' At these meetings resolves were passed regarding the contest, and active efforts inaugurated in behalf of a ten-hour law. Meanwhile the breach between the villagers and the cor- porations continued to widen. The dispute which had so slight a beginning, and which, it woiild seem, might have been at once amicably settled, had now grown into open war. One of the former employes was tried for participa- tion in certain I'iotous demonstrations near the mills ; but the case was finally abandoned. Many being out of employment in the village, a levee was held to secure funds for their re- lief, at which letters of sympathy were read from John G. Whittier, T. W. Higginson, and others. The circumstances 14 STATISTICS OF LABOR. attending the strike were widely commented upon, and the opinions expressed were generally unfavorable to the agent. As time went on, many of the former operatives drifted into other employment elsewhere. The mills were at length started, mainly with Irish help. The opposition encoun- tered interfered seriously with the prosperity of the corpora- tions and they labored for many years, under financial diffi- culties. The village suffered from the crippling of its chief industry and real estate depreciated. A complete change of industrial population was at last effected ; the result deplored in Whittier's resolutions Avas reached ; and none of the old operatives remained connected with the mills. The pecuniary loss occasioned by the strike it is impossible to estimate, as no data can be found to deter- mine how long the workpeople remained idle before finding other employment. A strike at the Charlestown Navy Yard, Dec. 16, 1852, was caused by an order from the Navy Department adding one hour to each day's work. After a few days the order was revoked, and the men, over 300 in number, returned to work. March 1, 1853, a strike occurred at the Mechanics' Plan- ing Mills, Lowell. There were about 200 men and boys at work in these mills under different employers, about one-half of whom struck for decrease in the hours of labor. At the end of a week the ten-hour plan was generally adopted. March 8, about onc-third of the em- ployes at the Lowell Machine Shop struck for the same object, but were unsuccessful. March 17, the calkers in East Boston struck for higher wages. For the same pur- pose, small strikes occurred within the following month at a shoe manufactory in Boston and at Winchester's soap factory in Cambridge ; but whether either of the three succeeded or not is now unknown. The operatives at Arnold & Co.'s factory in Adams, however, secured an increase of pay after a strike of two days in the latter part of April ; while the riggers in New Bedford, after a brief contest, abandoned their position, and returned to work upon their employer's terms about July 1. In April, also, the waiters in the Bos- ton hotels struck for better wages, but without avail, their STEIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 15 places being rapidly filled by others, and thus closed to them permanently. During 1853, about 500 cordage makers in Boston resorted to a strike to secure more pay and shorter days. In less than a week they were successful in a meas- ure ; the general adoption of the ten-hour system in many trades having by this time brought employers to concede it in others. The strikes of 1853, so far alluded to, were small affairs, and the loss thereby was proportionately light; but of a quite different character was that of the operatives employed by the Blackstone Manufacturing Company, occurring before the close of the year. At that time about 700 persons were employed at the mills of this company in Blackstone, who were earning on the average a dollar per day. They de- mended an increase of ten per cent ; this was refused, and they all stopped work. The strike having taken place, it was determined to improve the opportunity to put in new machinery ; and for six months the mills remained closed. Before they were re-opened, many of the strikers had left the town. Those who remained very gladly returned to work at the old rates. March, 1854, the laborers on the railroad in Dorchester struck for higher wages. Nearly 200 of these work- men marched over the line of work, and drove away all who were satisfied with the old prices. The strike was finally suppressed. April 14, the coal shovellers in Boston left their work, and demanded more pay. They held a mass meeting on Lewis Wharf and voted to stand firm. No record remains of the final result. In August a general strike of tack-makers occurred in Taunton against a reduction in wages. The movement finally extended to Bridgewater, Abington, and Boston. After three weeks, the strike was ended by the adoption of a uniform scale of prices, by which wages were reduced about ten per cent. The loss in wages during the three weeks is estimated at over $4,000. Aug. 3, the ship-carpenters at the Charlestown Navy Yard demanded an increase from $2.50 to $3 per day, — the es- tablished price outside the yard. Several of the leaders 16 STATISTICS OF LABOR. were discharged, and a compromise effected with the other workmen, who returned to work at $2.76 .per day. At the same time the calkers also struck for higher wages, but failed to gain their object, abandoning the strike in three weeks. In the following April, the calkers, not disheartened by their previous failure, again demanded higher pay. This time they succeeded, as, after a brief delay, their wages were raised to three dollars per day. During March, 1856, the Irish laborers upon the wharves in Boston, opposing the inevitable, struck against the introduc- tion of the steam hoisting-machine. They were speedily made aware of their mistake, and, of course, accom- plished nothing. The season of 1857 was marked by a commercial depres- sion, the influence of which was felt in all departments of industry. Work was scarce, and laborers plenty. Many factories were entirely closed. The mills at Chicopee were run on half time during the winter, but on Monday, April 5, 1858, resumed full time, with a reduction of twenty per cent in wages. It was proposed to try the new arrangement as an experiment, until its results could be ascertained. The female weavers were dissatisfied with the plan and immediately struck against its continuance. Their example was at once followed by others, and, as a conse- quence, the mills were closed for one week. Then a portion of the machinery started ; but it was a fortnight before the strike was overcome. There were many persons out of em- ployment at the time, and some new help was engaged. Considerable excitement prevailed in the village. The strikers paraded in the streets, and large crowds gathered near the mills. More or less rioting was indulged in, to sup- press which extra police were appointed. The course pur- sued by the operatives was deprecated by the village priest, who advised them to return to their work ; and his influence was an important element in bringing the trouble to an end. The terms of the corporation were at length accepted, the loss in wages by the contest being estimated at $8,000. The manufacturers of textiles throughout New England had found it necessary to reduce rates during the dull season. STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 17 As business now began to mend, the operatives, in various mills, impatient to reap part of the benefit which they felt this revival was bringing to the employers, struck for a return to prices previously paid. For the most part, these demands were premature, and therefore failed ; for, although goods were selling more rapidly than during the winter, the outlook was not yet sufficiently promising to warrant higher wages. Of this class were brief strikes at Salem, Newbury- port, and West Springfield. The operatives at the Blackin- ton Mills, Adams, were more fortunate : there, the desired increase was almost immediately granted. In Blackstone, too, the factory operatives declined to work longer at the reduced rates, and in this they were supported by the opera- tives in the neighboring town of Uxbridge. Altogether about 1,000 persons remained out of the mills until their combined loss in wages reached the sum of $12,000. By that time business had so far improved that their demands were complied with, and the strike ended. In August, 1858, a short strike of small account took place at Randolph, under the auspices of Division No. 20 of the Shoemakers' Union. The foUowins: year strikes in 1859. the shoe trade first rose into prominence, the largest occurring in Natick. It began among the lasters in one shop, who struck for a slight advance in pay. All the shops in the town were soon involved in the dispute, about 800 work- men remaining idle nearly fourteen "weeks. They finally, after losing $160,000 in wages, succeeded in gaining the advance. In Marlborough, during a similar strike, 100 men were out three weeks, losing $4,625. A compromise was then made, and the contest ended. Very little trouble has arisen among the hatters in Massa- chusetts. The utmost harmony has usually prevailed be- tween the Hatters' Union and the manufacturers ; but in 1859 a leading dealer in Boston refused to observe its regu- lations, and violated certain rules in regard to the employ- ment of apprentices and non-union men. The association at once struck against him, and no union men would work in his sh6p. For three years this manufacturer maintained his position, having what is termed a "foul" shop. He at length found it to his advantage to come into accord with the requirements of the union. 18 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Reduction of wages in the shoe trade, during the fall of 1859, produced a general feeling of discontent among the workmen. The shoemakers of Lynn had no organi- zation at that time ; but meetings were held to con- sider the situation. Having concluded that the employers would not willingly increase wages, they resolved to strike on Feb. 22, 1860. This resolution was duly carried into effect, and on the day named, a large crowd of excited men assembled, and a procession of 1,000 workmen, accompanied by a band, passed through the principal streets. These pro- ceedings created no little apprehension in the city, and a request was sent to neighboring towns for detachments of police. This aid, however, was refused. For a few days, more or less rioting prevailed. The strikers sought to prevent the express companies from trans- porting stock and goods. The authorities, aroused to the need of instant action, after consulting the Attorney-General appointed a hundred special policemen ; and the commander of the Lynn Light Infantry received orders to hold his com- pany in readiness for service. A detachment of policemen from Boston came to Lynn. These preparations greatly incensed the strikers, who dis- claimed all intention of violence. They declared that Bos- ton policemen had no business in Lynn and tendered them an escort from the city. The disorderly conduct still con- tinued. Some of the police, with others, were stoned, but no one seriously injured. Next day the Boston detachment left Lynn amid the jeers of a crowd of women who assem- bled at the depot. At a meeting, Feb. 27, in which sympa- thizers from Marblehead took part, the speakers, while com- mending the strike, strongly advised the preservation of the peace. The excitement still prevailed throughout the city. The strike had become general through most of the shoe towns of Eastern Massachusetts ; and a grand labor demonstration was projected to take place March 7th, in Lynn. Two days prior to this celebration, the female stitchers binders, and machine-operators joined the strike, and held a spirited meeting at Liberty Hall. On the 7th, delegations visited the city from Beverly, Salem, Danvers, Woburn STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 19 Marblehead, and other towns; over 5,000 men and 1,000 women appearing in line, with five full bands of music. They carried over a hundred banners and twenty-six Ameri- can flags, and were accompanied by several military and fire companies. This parade is considered the largest labor demonstration ever made in Massachusetts. But the enthusiasm aroused by such means soon flagged. It was found that more serious business was in hand than holding fiery meetings or costly parades. The vacant places in the shops were being filled by men from Maine and New Hampshire, who were not slow to profit by the course the strikers had taken. Soon one shop's crew after another returned to work. The attendance at the workmen's meet- ings grew smaller, as the days went on. By the first of April the strike was over, having utterly failed. In every town where its influence extended, many work- men had lost their old situations permanently ; while some could find no other places during the entire summer. The contest cost its participants $200,000 in wages lost through idleness. The following year a small strike occurred among the morocco-finishers in Lynn for an advance in wages. At the . end of two weeks, after a loss in wages amounting to $500, the matter was compromised. The same year the mills at Great Barrington, owned by the Berkshire Woollen Company, who were engaged upon a government contract, were run twelve to thirteen hours daily. The operatives struck for reduction of the running time to eleven hours per day and their demand was complied with. In 1862 there was a strike of hand-loom weavers at the Pontoosuc Mills, Pittsfield; about 50 demanding ^„„^ higher wages. The strike lasted but a few days, the desired increase being granted by the employers. Exactly similar in motive, duration, and result was the strike of the 'longshore coopers in Boston during the same year. The next year these coopers struck again for still higher pay, and obtained it without much trouble, as prices were good and business brisk. Certain plasterers in East Boston, during 1863, who were receiving two dollars per day, demanded an increase of one 20 STATISTICS OF LABOR. dollar. The strike soon became general throughout the city, 175 men being idle for thirteen weeks. Some of the employers were willing td pay the wages demanded ; but the men were firmly united and refused to work unless all the master plasterers would accede to their terms. A compromise was at last agreed upon, the wages being made $2.50 per day. The amount of wages lost by the men before this result was reached was about $27,000. This year, also, the morocco-finishers of Lynn and Charles- town indulged "n strikes, which produced losses in wages amounting to $60,000 and $36,000 respectively. Both of these were peculiar in that they were caused by no ques- tion of wages or working-hours. In Lynn the journeymen had a rule, enacted by the union, that a man accustomed to work on one sort of skins should not be allowed to work on another. This regulation the employers considered arbitrary. Some of the non-union men were put at work on calf or goat skins as they were needed. Upon this the union men struck throughout the city. They were out sixteen weeks, and then abandoned their point and returned. In Charlestown the strike originated on account of the employment of apprentices contrary to the rules of the Workmen's Association. Like that in Lynn, it was entirely unsuccessful, although the contest lasted four months. The strikers received aid from New York, Lynn, and elsewhere ; but there was much sufiering among them. Some of the strikers enlisted in the army ; and the Journeymen's Union was finally broken up. Near the close of the year the Hatters' Association de- clared the shop of Messrs. Bent & Bush of Boston " foul," on account of the refusal of that firm to pay the established rates. For several weeks the shop was carried on by non- union men. During 1863, likewise, changes made in the hours of labor at the Charlestown Navy Yard caused a general strike of the mechanics employed there. Two years previous. Con- gress had superseded President Van Buren's ten-hour order by enacting that the working time should correspond with that in private ship-yards in the vicinity. Under this law the commandant decided that the men must begin work at STEIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 21 sunrise in the winter. Many of the workmen would have found it impossible to comply with this rule, as they lived out of the city, and no trains ran early enough to enable them to reach the yard at that hour. The employes appealed to Congress for a change in the law ; but the matter was soon satisfactorily adjusted and the strike ended within one week. Some twenty-five of the leaders in the afiair were discharged, but were restored to their places in a short time by a new commandant. Thirty men employed by the Putnam Nail Company at Neponset (now "Ward 24, Boston) struck for more pay in January, 1864. They endeavored by force to keep others from occupying the places they had left, and the aidof fifty policemen was needed to preserve the peace. When it was found that the company was not likely to yield, the men returned to work. Two of the most turbulent workmen were discharged. The loss in wages was $1,300 the strike having lasted three weeks. At the mines of the Hudson Iron Company, "West Stock- bridge, during the same year, over 100 men resorted to a strike, but accepted the old rates after an unsuccessful struggle of two weeks. There was a general strike of nail-makers in "Wareham and vicinity, beginning Nov. 12, 1864, and ending March 1, 1865. The movement was for an increase of twenty-five per cent in wages, and failed ; the nailers going to work at the old rates after seventeen weeks. The general reduction in hours of labor for mechanics had caused efforts in the same direction among the factory work- ers ; and bills shortening the working-day had been brought before the Legislature several times, but, so far, without suc- cess. In 1865 the mills at Southbridge were running thir- teen hours daily, and the operatives struck for eleven hours. The manufacturers, except at the Globe Mills, immediately yielded, and the matter was amicably settled. At the Globe Mills the stride continued two days, when the desired ar- rangement was adopted, and work resumed. Other mills in Eastern Massachusetts had shortened their days, and this occasioned a discussion of the subject in the western counties. In Pittsfield a general movement was made by the employes 22 STATISTICS OF LABOE. in behalf of the new plan. It was finally agreed that the spinners in some of the mills should remain out until its adoption was guaranteed. This caused a stoppage of a day or two. Some of the strikers were discharged ; but the change of hours was finally made. Dissatisfaction with the rate of wages caused a very brief mule-spinners' strike in Chicopee, in 1865, but it failed to accomplish the object sought. In the fall of 1866, a small strike of weavers took place at a factory in Adams, for increase of wages. It lasted but a day or two, and was settled by compromise. During the following winter the second shoemakers' strike occurred in Marlborough. The workmen, who had formed an association, struck at the largest factory in the town for higher pay. The employes in other shops soon followed their example. The manufacturers then united to break up the association. There was considerable ill-feeling between the men and their employers. Offers to pay the advance demanded were made, coupled with the condition that the association be abandoned. These offers were persistently refused, and the manufacturers seemed determined not to concede more. But prices were now advancing, and there was a demand for goods. A leading firm is said to have stolen a march on the other manufacturers by calling its men together and entering into a compromise. The other employers were much incensed at this, and regarded it as a violation of an express understanding that the strike should be resisted to the end. After this action on the part of the firm above referred to, the other manufacturers made as favorable terms as possible with their men, in every case paying some advance. Thus, in six weeks, all trouble was over. On the 15th of January, 1867, the operatives at the woollen mills of the Assabet Manufacturing Company, May- nard, about 450 in number, struck in resistance to a reduction of ten per cent from their wages. Durino- the war, this company had three times added ten per cent to the pay of its employes unasked. The strike lasted seven days, when the help decided to submit to the reduction. The loss in wages was about $4,500. STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 23 The agitation in favor of shorter working-days in factories continued, and was now shown in demands for a ten-hour law. The public sentiment respecting the ten-hour system had taken such a form in the winter of 1866-67, that the agent of the Wamsutta Mills, New Bedford, anticipating its general adoption by the leading manufacturers, without solicitation gave notice that, after the opening of the new year, ten hours would constitute a day's work at his mills. Events proving that his previous anticipations were not well founded, a subsequent notice was given that the ten- hour system would be abandoned until other competing mills should adopt it, when the "Wamsutta Mills would be run on corresponding time. To this the employes objected ; and, after conference with a committee representing them, it was agreed to run the mills ten hours per day during February, on trial, the operatives submitting to a reduction of one-eleventh from their wages. After Feb. 1, however, the day hands objected to this arrangement, denying that the committee had possessed any authority to bind them to a reduction. Soon after a strike occurred, the employes refusing to work until the ten-hour system was pledged. On the 22d of February, the agent gave public notice that all operatives in the employ of the corporation at the time of the strike were discharged, and that the mills would start March 1, and run eleven hours per day on the aver- age, — this plan to be continued until the mills at Lawrence and Lowell should adopt the ten-hour system , or a law reg- ulating the hours of labor be passed. Further, that the corporation was ready to hire as many of the old operatives as were inclined to work at the rate of wages paid in 1866. The mills started March 1 , in accordance with the above notice, having a partial force numbering somewhat over one hundred. Crowds collected about the premises, and by riotous conduct sought to prevent those who desired to work from doins so. Some of the rioters were arrested and fined. Soon after the strike practically ceased, the former employes continuing to go in from day to day until the mills were full. The loss in wages during the strike was |120,000. April 1, 1867, the mule-spinners employed at one or two 24 STATISTICS OF LABOE. factories in Lawrence struck for a decrease in the hours of labor. This demonstration, like the one just spoken of, was part of a general movement among the factory workers of the country in behalf of the ten-hour plan. No accurate record exists of the number engaged in this strike, but it is thought that they did not exceed one hundred and fifty. Their places were in many cases filled by new hands, and the strike resulted disastrously to all concerned in it. The inconvenience to the corporations was slight, and the trouble was of brief duration, lasting only a few weeks. During the first part of the time, the strikers indulged in the usual street parades, with music and banners. The various mills were visited, and frequent cheers given for the ten-hour system. While this strike was in progress, the mule-spinners em- ployed at the Hamilton, Boott, and Lawrence mills in Lowell, numbering about 100 men, left their work on ac- count of the refusal of the corporations to reduce the time from eleven to ten hours per day. Here the demand was made in accordance with a resolution previously passed by the Mule-spinners' Association of the United States. During the progress of the strike, the spinners were ignored by the corporations, which continued to run the. mills with such help as they could obtain ; and, after three weeks, the strik- ers, having lost about $3,500 in wages, returned to work on the usual time. In July, 100 boot and shoe bottomers at Brookfield re- mained idle three weeks in the v.ain endeavor to secure more pay. Had they continued at work, their wages would have amounted to $3,600 in that time. Jan. 1, 1868, a reduction of eighteen per cent was made in the wages of the factory operatives in Fall River. This caused some ill-feeling, and a strike was threatened. Though the market still continued dull, the manu- facturers desired to avert a strike, if possible, and so gave notice that, on the first day of March, one-half of the amount of the reduction would be restored. The operatives declined to accept any compromise, and demanded a full return to old rates. To this the manufacturers felt they could not agree, and a general strike of spinners and weavers took place STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 25 Mai'ch 1st. They remained out two weeks, and resumed work without further advance in most cases, — there beinjr, it is asserted, a few exceptions to this result. The wages lost by those affected by the strike may be estimated at 150,000. A small strike occurred at the Huguenot Mills, North Oxford, in April, 1868. Owing to the condition of busi- ness, a reduction in wages had been made to which the em- ployes objected. A few of the discontented operatives at length induced the broad-loom weavers, about 40 in number, to quit the mills. The strikers were immediately warned to leave the tenements owned by the manufacturers within four- teen days. This produced a reaction among the disaffected weavers, and some of them soon came to the agent and asked to be allowed to return to work. The leaders were not taken back, but by the end of ten days the others were at work as usual. The same year the spinners at the Merchants Woollen Mills, Dedham, refused to work if self-operating jacks were introduced as proposed. On the arrival of the new ma- chinery, nearly 50 left the mills. Their places were mainly filled by new hands. In 1868 the Crispin organization began to enforce its regu- lations among the shoe manufacturers. A manufacturer in Ashland was notified by a committee from the local lodge, of which most of his employes were members, that he must dis- charge certain men in his employ, the charge against them being that they were not members of the order. This he refused to do, and was therefore informed that he would be compelled to close his factory. Soon after, while he was absent from the town, his workmen struck, and took out the work-benches and piled them in the yard. Upon his return, he was notified that a bitter feeling existed against him on the part of the Crispins, and that he had better submit to their demands. This he was firmly resolved not to do, con- sidering them arbitrary and unjust. He hired a few new men, but they were driven away by the strikers. His cattle were poisoned and his life threatened. Committees of Cris- pins boarded the trains at stations outside the town, and so intercepted the workmen whom he had engaged. At length, with the assistance of an agent, one hundred men were hired 26 STATISTICS OF LABOE. in Maine, quietly brought to Ashland, and the factory started. After a few days, the new-comers stated that they were afraid to remain on account of the excitement existing in the town. Protection was promised them, however, and a force of State police secured to preserve the peace. By proper authority, also, the workmen were armed with muskets and kept in constant readiness to repel assaults. In the face of these preparations, a grand convention of Crispins from other towns that had been called to meet in Ashland, was given up ; and after a struggle of five weeks the strike itself was abandoned. It had brought only disas- ter to the men who took part in it. In May of this year, a Crispin strike took place at the factory of C. T. Sampson, North Adams, against the employment of a workman who did not belong to the order. The strikers left the factory, and afterwards, under orders from their former employer, took out their tools and benches. Their places were filled with new men, who were required to sign agreements monthly not to join the Crispin order. Very soon it was found that, in spite of this precaution, most of the new-comers had become members of the organization. Some of the for- mer employes were afterwards taken back upon their re- nouncing the order. No further trouble occurred until early in 1870, when a strike took place under circumstances which will be hereinafter recounted. June, 1869, the lasters in a Brockton shoe factory struck to resist a reduction of ten per cent. The movement failed after continuing three weeks and producing a loss of about $5,000 in wages. The Crispins organized in Worcester in the fall of 1867, but there was no collision between the society and the manu- facturers until late in 1869. In August, a few bottomers influenced their associates to take action which resulted in the employers advancing wages to prevent a strike. In October, a treer in a leading factory, who was irregular in his habits, absented himself from his work for several days. He was at last notified that if he wished to retain his job he must return at once. He promised to do so, but failing to appear, another workman, not a Crispin, was engaged in his place. Afterwards he came back and asked to be restored STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 27 to his old position. This request was refused, but another similar place was offered him. He insisted upon having his old position and would take no other. The other treers took up his cause, partially stopped their work, and made a demand to have the new workman discharged and the other reinstated. This demand was not complied with, and the men were told that they must return to work by a certain hour or leave the factory. All but two left, though the strike did not become general till December. By that time- the questions growing out of the controversy had drawn the workmen throughout the city and surrounding towns into the contest. The matter of wages was not involved. The struggle was to secure the enforcement of the requirements of the Crispin order. About the 1st of January, 1870, the manufacturers in Worcester issued the following form of contract : — "In consideration of one dollar, to us paid by , the 1870. receipt of which we do hereby acknowledge, we agree to work for them on boots from this day until the first day of December, 1S70, for the prices indicated by the schedule hereto annexed, payments to be made on the second and fourth Tuesdays of each month for all work done and returned up to and including the tenth day previous ; provided our rights to belong to an organization known as the Knights of St. Crispin are not interfered with by their discharging any workman for belonging to the above named organization, advocating its principles, or refusing to teach apprentices. It is further understood and agreed, t&at when we do not begin and complete the work mentioned in any of the departments of boot-making mentioned in the aforesaid schedule, we agree to receive as full compensation for the part done, the proportion of the prices mentioned that custom has established as our due. " Witness our hand and seal, this," etc. To this the workmen strenuously objected, and it remained in force but a short time. January 27th, the following no- tice was issued by the employers : — BOOT MANUFACTURERS TO THE PUBLIC. In consequence of the extraordinary measures taken to intimidate men from working for us, by the members of an organization known as " Knights of St. Crispin," and their declarations that they are extended and powerful enough to drive all who refuse to join them from all work on boots and shoes, not only in this city, but in the " United States or Provinces," and tbat they shall exercise that power unless they obey 28 STATISTICS OF LABOE. their commands and desist from work, we feel It a duty to the public, and especially to all who desire to work for us, to make the following declarations : — 1st. That the manufacturers whose names are hereto annexed, will, under no circumstances, permit any man, or body of men, to sit in judgment upon any action of theirs in hiring or dismissing any one who is or may be in their employ. 2d. All persons who continue to work for us, whether Crispins or not, during the present disagreement between us and the workmen, or. commence work while it continues, or continue to work during any future strike, shall never be displaced for the purpose of restoring to their places any persons who are " out." 3d. That it is now, and ever ivill be, the rule in our factories, to give persons who continue to work during any " strike," or " turnc^ut," the preference. 4th. Crispins or others who have left our employ fi-om choice or in- timidation, can return to work, provided their places are not previously filled. After thirteen weeks, however, during which the loss ?n wages through the idleness of the workmen is said to have amounted to $175,000, and the loss .to the manufacturers to have reached $20,000, the contest terminated in a mutual agreement, as follows : — " Both manufacturers and workmen withdraw all rules and schedules, and we (the employers) pay for bottoming the prices we paid last year, and for hand-siding, crimping, and treeing, the same prices as we offer, which are as high as are paid for the same work in any of the towns around us. " Then the manufacturers will agree to put on their old help as fast as they need them, in preference to any new ones, unless it may be some persons that do not want to work for them. But none shall be refused employment on account of being a Crispin, or on account of any thing that has transpired since the difficulty commenced." There was a great deal of violence threatened while the strike lasted, and some of those who continued at work were assaulted ; but, on the whole, the strikers were remarkably temperate in their conduct. There was no unusual disorder or drunkenness in the city while the men were out of work. On returning to the factories, the workmen in some cases signed the following agreement, which is still in force in the larger shops : — " The persons whose names appear in this book have agreed to work for in accordance with the following regulations : — STEIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 29 " 1st. That they will do an average week's work after giving notice of their intention to leave the employ of said , and, in case they fail to do so, will leave back one week's pay, and will never demand the payment of the same. " 2d. That in case they are at any time discharged, they shall, at the option of said , receive either one week's notice or one average week's pay, except in case their work is not done to the satisfaction of said , when they shall be entitled to neither the one week's notice nor the one week's pay." A dispute in regard to wages culminated in another strike at the shoe factory of C. T. Sampson, North Adams, Jan- uary, 1870. The rules of the Crispins had now become so obnoxious to this manufacturer that he again sought to displace some of his workmen and engage others who did not belong to the order. Finding that the influence of the organization was exerted so as to prevent this, he deter- mined to introduce foreign labor of a kind that would not be likely to yield to this influence. Acting upon this re- solve. Chinamen were brought from California to take the place of his former employes. A reduction in wages during the following spring pro- duced a strike at the woollen mill of B. F. Phillips & Co., South Adams. About 40 workmen were concerned in this aflair, it being confined to the weavers, who demanded the restoration of their wages to former rates. At the same time, and for the same cause, a turn-out of weavers occurred at P. Blackinton's woollen mills, South Adams. Both strikes brought defeat to the operatives, who in eight days returned to work at the rates offered. In June, North Brookfield was the scene of a Crispin strike. Certain members of the order becoming dissatisfied, determined to pay no more money into its treasury, and refused to pay their regular dues. The employment of these men, at the factory of Messrs. E. & A. H. Batcheller, after they had ceased to fulfil their obligations to the order, caused a strike on the part of some 300 other workmen, who remained out four days. The uselessness of a strike to remedy the matter being apparent, they then returned to work, having caused a loss in wages to themselves, and others forced into idleness by the strike, amounting to about $2,000. 30 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Meanwhile, the arbitrary course pursued by the Crispins induced several manufacturers in Lynn to enter into open resistance to the order. They soon began to hire non-union men and to reduce rates without regard to lodge rules. Committees from the workmen waited upon them and re- monstrated, but with no avail. In consequence, strikes were ordered at five or six shops. The manufacturers now determined to stand together in opposition to the organiza- tion ; but while a crisis was thus approaching, one of the leading employers proposed that the matter should be settled by mutual concessions in a friendly manner. In accordance with his advice, committees representing the employers and the workmen met in conference, and, after protracted meet- ings, fixed upon a schedule of prices to remain in force for one year. This united action brought the strikes to an end. It would have been well for all parties if the method of arbi- tration thus inaugurated could have been permanent ; but, as will appear in subsequent pages, this was not the case. Marlborough also had its share of labor troubles during the summer of 1870. A strike, begun in one shop to resist a reduction in wages, was afterwards carried on by the Cris- pins to prevent non-union men from working. Other facto- ries were soon involved ; but, with one exception, the contest terminated within two weeks. A single manufac- turer made a determined stand against Crispin dictation for four months, and at last started his factory chiefly with new men. This year also witnessed another severe struggle in Fall River. The manufacturers in that city considei^ed the busi- ness prospects, and decided that the mills could not be car- ried on with sufficient profit at wages then paid, cotton being 20 cents per pound, and cloth but 6^ cents per yard. A re- ductiop of from six to ten per cent was ordered, to take efiect July 6th. This brought on a general strike, beginning July 21st, the spinners turning out. The manufacturers, while being willing to treat with their own employes, refused to recognize in any way the Spinners' Union. Disorderly conduct on the part of the strikers or their sympathizers, and the fear of still more serious disturbances, induced the employers to have a detachment of State police brought to STEIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 31 the city. The operatives claimed then, and indeed still assert, that this precaution was entirely unnecessary, and calculated to increase the trouble rather than to diminish it. On Tuesday, Sept. 7th, committees of the spinners had interviews with their respective employers ; but the latter would only agree to employ them at the reduced rates, which the spinners declined to receive. Some of the mills started early in September, however, and the strike terminated by the twentieth of that month. It was a complete failure ; the reduced rates were everywhere accepted. But the bitter feeling born of it still remained, and afterwards had its effect in the disagreements between the manufacturers and their operatives. The nail-makers employed by the Weymouth Iron Com- pany, at Weymouth and Wareham, struck July 1st, on ac- count of. a ten per cent reduction. The manufacturers claimed to have lost money at the rates formerly paid, and that they could not compete with other makers if such prices were continued. The reduction affected nailers and pud- dlers only, and it was a cause of dissatisfaction to these workmen that others were exempt from it. The strike con- tinued until Feb. 1, 1871, and ended in the defeat of the workmen. In this, as in the nailers' strike of 1864, the loss in wages was heavy, but the exact amount cannot be esti- mated, as the nail mills concerned usually shut down during the summer for a time, and probably would have done so this year had no strike occurred. October, 1870, 40 weavers left their work at the Germania Mills, Holyoke. Their object was to obtain an increase of pay, but this they failed to accomplish. They were told that they might consider the matter, and if they desired to return within three days at the prices they were receiving prior to the strike, they might do so ; otherwise, their places would be filled with new men. They decided to return. No inconvenience was caused to their employers. During the same month, the laborers in one department of the Quinsigamond Wire Works, Worcester, struck on account of the removal of the scales used for weighing their work to another part of the building. They distrusted the weigher, and feared that their work was not fairly weighed. 32 STATISTICS OF LABOR. About 100 men participated in the strike, which, although quite brief, was attended with violence. Other workmen, engaged in the place of the strikers, were stoned and other- wise assaulted. The men had a union, but it was broken up by the failure of the strike. Most of the former employes were allowed to come back under an agreement never again to engage in a similar movement. The knitters in a hosiery factory at Needham stopped work in October under the following circumstances. The employers had determined to suspend operations in the fall for their own purposes. Meantime, other manufacturers decided upon a reduction and asked them to join in carry- ing it out. They consented, chiefly because they were about to close their factory. No previous communication was had with the workmen,- who, disliking the course taken, went out. When business was resumed, satisfactory terms were made with the men. A shoemakers' stfike at Eandolph this year was for in- crease of wages, and was brought about through the influ- ence of the Crispin lodge. It failed after four weeks. ^ Of the strikes in 1871, one at Lynn was caused by an obnoxious rule of the employers, against which the female stitchers rebelled. The girls called a meet- ing and voted not to comply with this rule ; and it was soon revoked. At Stoneham 300 Daughters of St. Crispin, employed as machine-operators, asked for an increase in the prices paid for certain work. This increase was at first granted, but afterwards withheld. Upon this the operatives immediately left the factories, remaining out two weeks. Two of .the leaders were unable to obtain work again in the town. The others accepted the rates offered. In May the weavers at the Danvers Carpet Factory, Dan- vers, demanded more pay and a strike was contemplated. The employers closed the mill one week, and then resumed work ; but the weavers remained out thirteen weeks, after > The details of the strikes at Randolph, Fall River, Lynn, North Adams, Worcester, Marlborough, Weymouth, and Needham, during 1870, are more fully presented In the Report of this Bureau for 1871, pp. 274-277. STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 33 which the old prices were accepted. The loss in wages was about 13,000.1 It had been customary at a New Bedford tannery for the men to stop work on Saturdays at five p.m., thus causing a loss to the employers of sixty minutes per week. To make up for this loss, the employes were directed to begin work ten minutes earlier than usual each afternoon. Against this arrangement they struck ; but in less than a week the mat- ter was settled in favor of the employers, the men having lost over $300 by idleness. During August some of the boot-bottomers in Worcester and the neighboring town of West Boylston, struck for an advance in wages of fifty cents per case. Some of the manu- facturers granted their demands ; others suspended business for a time. The chief strike of the year occurred In the fall among the plasterers in Boston. This was for an increase of wages, and continued seventeen weeks, during which 150 men were idle, losing about $45,000 in wages. The contest was at last ended by a compromise, the employers granting part of the increase demanded. The gingham weavers employed by the Renfrew Manufac- turing Company, South Adams, struck in 1872. The trouble was caused by a reduction in the wages of the fine 1S72 weavers, who turned out in resistance Tuesday, Jan. 9. The looms were then re-distributed, giving the coarse weavers, both coarse and fine work. To this the coarse weavers objected and also left. The number thus out — being all employed in the weaving-room of the mills — was about 175. The strike continued about two weeks. The weavers then returned upon the terms oflFered by the com- pany. Their loss in wages for the fortnight amounted to about $2,600. The comparative harmony brought about by arbitration in the shoe trade at Lynn was broken this year by a recur- rence of the old troubles. Bitter feelings between the work- men and the manufacturers still existed, although repressed ; and new disputes now occurred which the parties could not 1 These strikes at Lynn, Stoneham, and Danvers are reviewed at greater length in the Report of this Bureau for 1872, pp. 9-12. 34 STATISTICS OF LABOE. peaceably settle. Crispinism had lost something of its hold over its members, and the unity of action necessary for the continuance of the plan of arbitration did not exist on either side. The trouble grew more serious as the season pro- gressed, and resulted in open outbreak during June, the hands in thirty-iive shops stopping work. Although the nominal cause of this strike was the rate of wages paid, it now became evident that the underlying ques- tion to be decided by its success or failure concerned the very existence of the Crispin organization. The manufac- turers immediately united, and the struggle soon became one that 'could only end in absolute defeat to one side or the other, — compromise was now out of the question. The details of this contest are fully given in a previous report of this Bureau, ^ and will not be repeated here. The manufacturers in some instances transferred their business to other places. Others secured new help, or succeeded in re-engaging their former workmen in spite of the influence of the Crispin order. Under these circumstances the strike at last ended, Aug. 24th, in favor of the employers ; and soon after the Crispin organization in Lynn was entirely aban- doned. The employment'of non-union men, against which Crispin- ism had set its face from the very first, produced a short but decisive struggle in Brockton ere the close of the summer ; and this, like that in Lynn, resulted in the defeat of the workmen, and the complete destruction of the local organ- ization. In 1873, 400 coopers in Boston engaged in a strike for three weeks. It is asserted that a certain firm in the city, which desired to control one branch of the business, secretly made trouble in the other shops. The Coop- ers' Union was finally broken up, and the strike failed after causing a loss of about $15,000 in wages. A similar result attended a strike of horse-shoers in the same city this year, although the movement was at first successful. It began with the men in three shops belonging to the Metropolitan Horse Kailroad, but afterwards became more or less general throughout the city. .At that time a strong union existed 1 For the year 1887, pp. 31-40. STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 35 among these workmen, and, after being idle three weeks, an advance in wages of about ten per cent was allowed them. Within two months thereafter the Metropolitan Company discharged 18 men who had taken part in the strike, and decided to employ no more members of the union. Other employers took the same stand, and the union was forced to dissolve. It has never been renewed. Late in the year, the employes at the cigar manufactory of Waterman & Beckman, Westfield, left their work and re- mained out about two months. This action is said to have resulted from the employment of some Bohemians by the firm mentioned. After the strike, the employers attempted to engage new men in New York, but the influence of the union prevented. At length most of the old hands returned to work. A few found employment elsewhere. The loss in wages during the strike is estimated at $2,100. In the fall of 1873 came the memorable financial panic, followed by the extreme business depression which has con- tinued until the present year, 1879. A general decline in wages at once took place. This decline was accepted in the hope that it would be temporary only ; but, after the opening of the year 1874, no prospect appearing of a voluntary increase on the part of the employers, strikes occurred in several factories to force a return to prices previously paid. As might have been predicted, these were generally failures. Trade was constantly decreasing in volume, and the outlook was not encouraging. In spite of this, however, the opera- tives at various woollen mills in North Adams, after contest- ing the matter three days, early in January, succeeded in obtaining a slight advance in wages. We have no other such instance to record. In February, the female weavers in one department of the Lyman Mills, Hol- yoke, demanded an increase of pay, and to obtain it struck work. Next day some of the spinners joined them. No great inconvenience was caused to the manufacturers and the strike finally died out : some of the former operatives returning to work, others finding employment elsewhere. March 16th, 625 employes of the Assabet Manul^cturing Company, Maynard, comprising all classes of woollen factory operatives, struck against the reduction of wages, remaining 36 STATISTICS OF LABOR. out twelve days. Then, having lost $9,000 in wages, they submitted to the reduction and resumed work. The mule- spinners at the mills of the Blackstone Manufacturing Com- pany, Blackstone, struck for an advance before the close of the year. On account of this, 800 employes were idle two weeks, losing wages amounting to about $10,000. The spinners then gave up the contest. In Chicopee about 35 mule-spinners left their work to secure an increase, but returned, after two weeks, at the old rates. No suspension of work in other departments was caused by the strike. Other industries besides the textile trades suffered from strikes during the year. The workmen in a morocco manu- factory at Lynn, being refused more pay, immediately stopped work. Their example was quickly followed by others of their craft until the strike was general throughout the city and neighboring towns. In many cases the men went off leaving the skins in the tanks, although they knew that unless speedily cared for they would spoil. One manu- facturer had several thousand dollars' worth abandoned in this way, and, like others similarly situated, only saved him- self from heavy loss by his personal exertions and the aid of green hands whom he obtained. The strike resulted in the defeat of the workmen, who returned to work in about three weeks. The loss in wages was about $20,000. There were several small strikes in the Lynn shoe factories also, continuing from three days to two weeks each. None of these were successful. A strike, under somewhat peculiar circumstances, occurred at the Waltham Bleachery, Waltham, in 1874. Previously, the discipline there had been very lax. The latitude allowed was injurious in its effect upon the employes, and interfered with the success of the establishment. Upon the appoint- ment of a new agent, it was determined to improve the con- dition of things in this respect ; but the employes opposed the new regulations and left in a body, including many of the overseers and the operatives in a hosiery factory under the same management. Riotous and disorderly conduct accompanied the strike. Efforts were made to induce the employes in the cotton mills at Waltham, owned by the STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 37 same corporation, to join in resistance to the new agent. Tlie strikers were firmly met by the manufacturers who were not unwilling to make a complete change of help and thereby put the establishment upon a better footing. The former employes were ordered out of the tenements owned by the company, and in three days the trouble was over. All who were in any way instrumental in causing it were refused employment, and not one-third of the hands in the works at that time are now in the service of the company. As a result of the regulations to which the employes objected, the condition of the works has been much im- proved. Much has been done to discountenance intemper- ance. No one is retained who is addicted to intoxication, after fair opportunity has been given him to improve his habits. The workmen are given to understand that every agreement made with them will be kept, and in return good conduct is required on their part. The yard has been fenced, and tastefully laid out with grass-plots and walks. The tenements of the operatives, also, have been improved. By their action in resisting rules intended for the mutual benefit of employers and employed, most of the strikers lost their situations, and the improved condition of things is now enjoyed by others. The depression in business became so serious in the fall of 1874 that many textile manufacturers materially shortened their production. Prior to Jan. 1, 1875, the Fall River mills were running on three-quarters time only. It was proposed to reduce wages ten per cent, and resume full time at the beginning of the year. The opera- tives held meetings and considered the means to be employed to resist the reduction. Saturday evening, Dec. 26, 1874, the spinners adopted resolutions pledging themselves to strike, provided 1,000 operatives would join them, and appointed a committee to confer with the employers. The committee performed the duty assigned to them ; but the manufacturers claimed that the condition of business de- manded a reduction ; that it was impossible to run the mills at prices then paid for labor, and that they must either be stopped altogether or wages reduced. The weavers also held meetings to consider the matter. 38 STATISTICS OF LABOE. At an adjourned meeting of the spinners it was voted to accept the wages offered, under protest, it being thought inadvisable to strike until spring. The weavers were not satisfied with the position in which they were placed ; but their organization being imperfect, it was decided, at a mass meeting held Jan. 9th, to take measures toward strengthen- ing it. On the 15th the Weavers' Union held a meeting ; one by the female weavers followed on the evening of the 16th. The outcome of these meetings was a decision to strike at the Merchants', Granite and Crescent mills, after two weeks' notice. The spinners, also the card and picker operatives, agreed to^tand by the weavers. Just before the expiration of the two weeks, the weavers asked for a conference with the manufacturers, to see if some arrangement could not be made whereby the strike might be averted. A proposition was made to the opera- tives to restore one-third of the ten per cent reduction ; but this was not accepted, and the strike began at the mills above mentioned on the first of February. During the con- tinuance of the contest, slight disturbances occurred at other mills. At one, the employment of an operative from one of the struck mills caused a teniporary turn-out of weavers. At others, turn-outs took place because some of the em- ployes refused to pay the tax levied for the support of the strikers. The situation remaining unchanged for the better, a strike was ordered at three more mills — the Sagamore, Stafford and Chace. These closed about March 1st. The manufacturers in the city had combined, and agreed to pay to the corporations affected by the strike a portion of the loss incurred by thera, and to jointly resist the strikers. Business now began to show signs of reviving, and most of the mills soon had full orders, with prospects of good trade ahead. The weavers, at a meeting held about March 12, voted that if the employers would agree to pay twenty- seven cents per cut — the old price — by April 1 , they would return to work until that time at the rates offered. Similar action was taken by the spinners, and the strike terminated on that basis with apparently good feelings on both sides. The loss in wages caused by the strike is placed at about $90,000. It was understood by the operatives, be- STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 39 fore going to work, that no discrimination would be made against any one on account of participation in the strike ; and this understanding was observed by the employers in good faith, except in the case of one man — a weaver, es- pecially prominent in the cause of the workingmen — who was never able to get employment afterwards. The union would have ordered a strike at the mill in which this weaver formerly worked ; but, as he objected, this action was not taken. Wages were advanced, as agreed, April 1, and for a while business continued brisk. The revival was temporary, how- ever, and the market soon became unusually dull. The question of reduction was again broached. It was found that the depression existed throughout New England, and that everywhere wages were lower than in Fall River. It was at length decided to reduce to the rates contemplated prior to the strike of February ; and, as a protective meas- ure, the manufacturers determined that the reduction should be general, and, if a partial strike occurred, to follow it by a lock-out at every other mill. The employes were now well organized. The union had a large membership, supporting a paid secretary, his salary being fifteen dollars per week, and two collectors, each paid eleven dollars per week. The result of the previous contest they considered in their favor, and were in no wise disposed to submit to a reduction. They held that a reduction of wages would not overcome the depression- in business. They believed the dull market to be caused by over-production, and advocated entire cessation from work as the remedy to be applied. They preferred to stay out four weeks rather than submit to a reduction, arguing that the decrease of pro- duction thus caused, would deplete the market and strengthen prices. It was pointed out to them that one month's idleness would cause them greater loss than would ensue in a year from the reduced rates ; and at least one of their leading advisers urged acceptance of the situation ; but it was finally decided to take a four weeks' "vacation." This caused entire suspension of work at the mills throughout the city for one month. 40 STATISTICS OF LABOK. At the end of that time most of the operatives wished to return to work. Some among them, however, were in favor of remaining out still longer. Their voluntary vacation had not produced the desired effect. The market was still dull. Prices had not advanced. The manufacturers did not care to start their machinery, and while among the workpeople the advisability of returning to work was being discussed, they said to their employes : " You took four weeks' vaca- tion for your purposes ; we will now take four more for our own." And, except at the King Philip Mills, nothing was done for another month. Early in October, the operatives having been idle eight weeks, during which their earnings would have amounted to $700,000, the employers gave notice that work would be resumed at the reduced rates, and the mills were started on that basis. The operatives were required to sign an agree- ment binding themselves to join no association in which indi- vidual members were to be governed by the will of the majority in regard to wages or hours of labor. During February, 1875, the union tailors employed by Messrs. J. K. & A. T. Burditt, Boston, left their work, in obedience to the order of the union, on account of objection to the scale of prices. The strike failed to accomplish any thing for the workmen, others being engaged in their places. In March, a miners' strike occurred at the Lanesborough Iron Works, Lanesborough, among men employed in the ore-bed. About 20 men were concerned in the movement. By direction of the agent, the ore-bed was temporarily closed and the strikers discharged. The leaders were never again employed, but the others were given work, when it was resumed, at old rates. A few weavers at the Millbury Cotton Mills, Millbury, engaged in a short and unsuccessful strike during the same month. In March, also, a combined strike and lock-out took place at the Merchants Woollen Mills, Dedham. This trouble was caused by the attempt of the company to run more than ten hours per day. In October, 1874, the ten-hour plan had been adopted, and, on account of this, it was claimed, no profits were made. In March, therefore, notice was given that the mills would be nm sixty hours per week for women STEIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 41 and children, but that men would be required to work sixty- five and one-half. The operatives refused to consent to this, and the employers as firmly declined to run the mills until their terms were acceded to. They claimed that they did not intend to take any unfair advantage of their operatives, being willing that women and children should leave early on Saturdays. They could not run the mills at a profit under the ten-hour system, but were willing to pay in proportion to the increased time. The operatives distrusted their mo- tives, and influences outside the mills were brought to bear upon them to induce them to hold out against their em- ployers. After two weeks, the hands nearly all returned and consented to work upon the company's terms. Their loss in wages for the fortnight was about $6,000. As we have seen, the result of the strike at Fall River in the spring was considered a victory by the operatives ; and the advance in wages there on the 1st of April was im- mediately followed by strikes at Newburyport and Lowell. Each of these se*ns to have been incited by Fall River influences. Delegates from that city had assisted in the for- mation of a union in Newburyport, and a request was made by the weavers for more pay. Certain corporations con- sented to increase wages somewhat, but others refused. It was arranged to strike at the Ocean Mills, unless the re- quired advance should be granted. The support of the operatives in the other mills was pledged to the strikers, and liberal aid guaranteed from abroad. Wednesday, April 7, some of the spinners and weavers at the Ocean Mills left their work. The leaders in the affair were of English birth. About 350 operatives were employed at these mills. The strikers were immediately discharged by the corporation, and some of the other operatives left. On Friday, April 9, about thirty-five per cent of the full number came in when the mill started. On the following Monday about one-third of the spinners and weavers were at work. A meeting of the strikers was held April 23d. A report of this meeting, given in "The Newburyport Herald," states that the secretary announced the receipt of aid from Fall River to the amount of one hundred and fifty dollars, and that a resolve was ^^assed taxing the weavers in the other 42 STATISTICS OF LABOR. mills of the city twenty-five cents ar loom per month and other operatives five per cent of their earnings for the sup- port of the strike. The condition of the labor market was such, however, that the vacant places were rapidly filled ; so that, on Monday, May 17, out of five hundred and seventy-three looms, four hundred and fifty were running, and not long after the strike terminated. It had continued about six weeks, the opera- tives afiected by it losing $8,000 in wages. At its close, all whose places had not been filled by new hands, returned to work on their employers' terms. The others left town. A letter to the Lowell ' ' Vox Populi " from a resident of Newburyport, contains the following : — " The help were told that they should ]-eceive as much while out as they would at work, If they would strike ; but a division of funds was made on Thursday, and, after deducting the expenses of the treasurer and president, whose charges amounted to two hundred and fifty dollars, allowed the rest of them four dollars apiece, or sixty-seven cents per week. . . . There are several instances where^persons have lost four, five, or six weeks' board by boarding strikers, one woman in particular losing forty dollars." In Lowell, the order for a strike came from the Mule- Spinners' Association of the United States, and after receiv- ing notice in regard to it, the manufacturers, finding that it was proposed to follow the plan observed at Fall River, and strike at a few mills only, caused the following notice to be posted in every mill : — " The mule-spinners of Lowell having combined together with a foreign association to coerce their employers to raise their wao-es, and having made a peremptory demand therefor, and to carry out their pur- poses, having voted to ' bring out the Lawrence and Massachusetts com- panies on a strike,' and those of them employed by these companies having given notice that they should quit work* on the 12th instant, notice is hereby given that if said spinners shall execute their threat by quitting work accordingly, the services of mule-spinners in the employ- ment of this company will not be required on and after the 14th instant." The foregoing notice brought out resolutions from the spinners, who, like the leaders in the Newburyport strike were mostly English, offering free passage to England to all who might be thus discharged ; and stating that they were STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 43 not forced to strike by the national association, but that it simply endorsed their action. The strike began Monday, April 13, — the lock-out of spinners at the mills not affected by it following the next day, — and continued six weeks. During this time the manufacturers carried on the mills with the assistance of new hands, and by the use of ring-spinning. Production, it is estimated, was diminished nearly one-half; and this would cause a loss in wages to employes of about $200,000. The spinners at last abandoned their position, and returned vol- untarily. The employers declined to receive the leaders, and some of the others also lost their places permanently, no new hand being removed to make room for a returning striker. Here, as in Fall River, the operatives signed an agreement renouncing the union. A small strike for higher wages at the Leigh Mills, Rox- bury, during April, resulted in defeat to the workmen. It was largely due to Fall River influences. The weavers at the Scantic Mills, Wilbraham, left without notice April 12, a reduction having been ordered by the em- ployers. The strike ended in a compromise April 21st. A brief strike in one department of the Potomska Mills, New Bedford, in April, was for higher wages, and resulted suc- cessfully to the operatives concerned. Later in the year some of the speeder-tenders at this mill left their work on being refused an increase of pay. Before the close of the month, the laborers employed upon the small railway tunnel at North Adams demanded higher wages, and were at once discharged. A new force of men was engaged. The strikers assailed the new comers with stones, and sought to drive them away, but without success. While the Hoosac Tunnel was in process of construction, numerous similar strikes occurred ; but of these no record remains. They were usually accompanied with rioting and considerable destruction of property, but generally resulted in the defeat of the workmen. A small strike of plasterers in Boston is recorded this year. The contest continued three weeks, and was partially successful. In December, 1875, the Crispin organization was once 44 STATISTICS OF LABOE. more revived in Lynn, and during the following year a board of arbitration acting in its behalf amicably settled several disputes between the manufacturers and workmen. One strike occurred nevertheless, on account of the refusal of a leading manufacturer to confer with the Crispins. After vainly trying to settle the point at issue,- the board ordered the men to finish the work they had in hand, and then to leave the shop. This strike caused much ill feeling. Mobs surrounded the shop each evening, hissing and hooting, and indulging in disorderly conduct. This state of things continued about two weeks, when a com- pi'omise ended the trouble. Shoemakers' strikes took place in Hudson during the sum- mer. The lasters in the employ of Messrs. Stowe, Bills & Whitney, 30 in number, being refused increase of pay, at once left the factory. The firm immediately advertised for lasters to fill the places of the strikers ; but new men were prevented from going to work by the arguments and threats of the old hands, who placed themselves in front of the store of their former employers in Boston, and near the factory in Hudson, so as to intercept applicants and induce them to retire. Finding it impossible to secure new lasters in the face of such opposition, the manufacturers determined on another course. Two men were secured to act as instructors, and others were advertised for to learn the business. A shower of applications was received. Those desiring to enter the factory were informed of the state of afi'airs, and given to understand that only determined men, who were neither afraid of threats nor covert sympathizers with the strikers, were wanted. Of such the required number was selected, and thus the factory was opened, and the strike overcome. While this .strike was pending, 28 lasters at the shop of L. T. Jefts struck for higher wages. This factory was closed for a few weeks, and then started with new men. The strikers attempted to drive the new hands away. Stones were thrown, and windows broken, for which some arrests were made, and one offender afterwards sent to the House of Correction. The strikers, finding themselves defeated, gave up the contest. The loss in wages by these strikes is estimated at $14,000. STEIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 45 A disagreement as to hours of labor caused a strike at the Blackintou Mills, Williamstown, and the Glen, and A^orth Adams Woollen Mills, North Adams, this same year. The operatives claimed that, while they were paid for three- quarters of a day, the mills were actually running forty-live minutes longer than legitimate three-quarters time. They asked to have either full time or exact three-quarters time adopted. In answer, the manufacturers maintained that no higher wages could be given, and that it was chiefly for the benefit of the employes that a change had been made from the still shorter time previously run. To offset this benefit, they desired to run the extra three-quarters of an hour, as it could be done without materially increasing the cost of fuel, oil, etc. The operatives at Blackinton Village left first, and, after a few days, induced those at the other mills to follow their example. They were now informed that unless they were willing to work under the existing arrangement, the mills would be closed entirely ; and they finally decided to return to work. They incurred a loss of $10,000 in wages. On the 12th of February, 1877, the engineers and firemen in the employ of the Boston and Maine Railroad stopped work, leaving their engines wherever they happened to be. This course was taken by them after two hours' notice to the officers of the company, and in conse- quence of the refusal of a demand for increase of pay. Necessarily great inconvenience was caused to the public through the disarrangement of trains. Freight trains were entirely withdrawn for several days, and great confusion existed in the operation of the road. It being evident that public interests were involved, the State Board of Railroad Commissioners investigated the trouble, and made their conclusions the subject of a special report to the Legislature, — 1877, House Doc, No. 102, — which may be consulted for a detailed account of the affair. A brief summary only will be given here. The facts, as brought out by the investigations, were these : As a measure of economy, the railroad reduced the pay of its officials and employes ten per cent, from and after Jan. 15, 1876. On account of dissatisfaction caused by this reduction, the engi- 46 STATISTICS OF LABOR. neers consulted the chief official of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers — a union of which they were mem- bers — as to the proper course to be pursued ; but nothing further was done until February, 1877. It was supposed by the officers of the company that the matter was settled, as everything seemed quiet. The discontent among the men still continued however, and in February a formal demand was made for increase of wages. After a friendly interview between the parties, the request was not complied with. At length the grand chief of the brotherhood came to Boston and solicited an interview with the president of the com- pany. This was refused, on the ground that the officers were unwilling to recognize a third party in the controversy. After further unsuccessful parley, the men concluded to resort to a strike, which took place as above related. The pay of the engineers on this road, up to the time of the reduction, had steadily increased for fifteen years, and, after reduction, remained fully up to the average paid throughout the country. The strike seemed entirely unjus- tifiable, and was regarded by the commissioners as "little better than a wanton exhibition of power." It resulted in the final discharge of all the men concerned in it, some of whom had been in the employ of the company for many years. For a few days the strikers made desperate efforts to induce the new men who were engaged, to leave. Violence was resorted to in but few cases, chief reliance being placed on threats, bribes and persuasions. By February 16th the running of freight trains was resumed, and the defeat of the strikers assured. During the month, a strike at one of the shoe factories in Lynn resulted in failure, after a struggle of ten days and a loss of $3,000 in wages. The workmen concerned in it were given work at former prices. February 15th, the Wamsutta Corporation, New Bedford, closed its mills to prevent a contemplated strike. A reduc- tion had been ordered of ten per cent from wages previously paid. This was made necessary by the condition of business. After notice of the reduction had been given, the price of print cloth at Fall River advanced slightly, and the opera- tives there began to move for increase of pay. This tended STEIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 47 to make the employes at the Wamsutta Mills distrust the necessity for the proposed reduction. Fall Eiver influences stimulated them to resist, and a strike was threatened. The advance in print cloth above noted did not help matters in New Bedford, of course, where a different class of goods is made ; indeed, the market in Fall Eiver soon changed, and prices declined. Knowing that a strike was likely to occur, and preferring not to run the mills rather than continue at prices then paid, the directors determined on a lock-out, and the mills were closed. Ten weeks afterwards they were re-opened, and the machinery started. Large numbers gathered with the intent of preventing those of the operatives who wished to return to work from doing so. Several arrests were made. In about three days the mills were in full operation. During the ten weeks the operatives lost $140,000 in wages. In February, also, a turn-out of spinners occurred at the Glasgow Mills, South Hadley, brought about by changes in the management of the spinning department. The opera- tives remained out about a week, and then, with a few ex- ceptions, submitted to the change introduced. In August, 51 employes at the Uxbridge Woollen Mills, Uxbridge, dissatisfied with their wages, went out on a strike. The contest lasted three weeks, producing a proba- ble loss to all aflEected by it of $2,000 in wages. In December a strike began among the cigar makers em- ployed by the Huck Manufacturing Company, Springfield. The influence of the New York Union was the underlying cause. It was intended to follow it by similar movements in other factories, had it been successful. The workmen demanded an increa'se of pay per thousand, and the strike continued about three months. At its close, as many men as the company desired went to work at the old rates. The wages of the strikers varied, but are thought to have aver- aged $9 per week ; and, at this rate, the loss in wages would amount to about $5,850. During the latter part of December, 1877, a reduction was made in the wages of the lasters at three shoe factories in Lynn. The board of arbitration repre- senting the Crispins objected, but without avail, and by its 48 STATISTICS OF LABOR. advice the men stopped work, causing entire suspension of business at these establishments. The manufacturers through- out the city now conferred together, and determined tq take some action to resist the future interference of the Crispins in their business. Their decision was met by a remon- strance from the order, condemning the "unwise, unnatural, unbusiness-like competition between the manufacturers," and reproaching them for not recognizing the board of arbi- tration. The workmen in other shops now joined the strike, and the employers adopted what was termed an "iron-clad" resolution, giving notice that, after Monday, Jan. 14th, "no person subject to or under the control of any organization claiming the power to interfere with any contract between employer and employe " would be employed by them. This had the effect of a lock-out at the other factories, and the trouble became general. The strike thus assumed the form of the contest of 1872 ; the life of the organization was the real question involved, and neither party seemed disposed to make any concession. As in the former strike, the manufacturers immediately began to hire new rnen, while some removed their business to other towns where they could be free from outside inter- ference. The Crispins were equally energetic in striving to keep other workmen away from the city and in otherwise hampering the efforts of their former employers. Early in February one manufacturer compromised with his men, and they went to work. His course was con- demned by his associates, who apparently were resolved to yield nothing. Some of the new workmen were assaulted by the strikers, and, although these acts* were denounced by the Crispin order, fifty extra policemen were appointed to prevent their recurrence. On the 12th of February the employers modified the iron- clad resolutions as follows : — " On and after this date, all bargains or contracts for prices of work shall be made and kept between employer and employes, without inter- ference fi-om any organization or third party. Any person taking work in this shop thereby consents to the conditions of the above." STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 49 This manifesto was at first distrusted by the workmen ; but they were at last convinced that it contained nothing inimical to the organization. The meaning of the manufac- turers was explained to be this : The right of the workmen to combine for mutual protection was recognized. The em- ployes were to have perfect liberty to consult with the board of arbitration, and to fix upon a standard of prices ; and the employers would conform to such standard as far as possible. But, after the prices were agreed upon, "the workmen were to live up to their agreement, and allow no outside or third party, no obligation to society or board, to make them break the contract." This explanation was, upon the whole, satis- factory to the men, and the strike terminated. The loss in wages during the struggle is estimated at $250,000. At its close, though both parties claimed a partial victory, it is nevertheless true that the power and influence of the Cris- pin organization was broken. Very soon afterward reduc- tions were made in several shops, to which the hands felt it best to submit ; and once more Crispinism practically ceased to exist in Lynn. Dull business at the Beaver Cotton Mill, North Adams, induced the owners to contemplate a reduction of ten per cent in wages during the spring of 1878. The necessity for it was explained to the operatives, and it was proposed to them to caiTy on the mill at these rates two months, or until May 1st, as an experiment, trusting that by that time busi- ness would improve. While many of the operatives were willing to consent to this arrangement, and wished to remain at work, about one- half of those employed refused to go on. This caused en- tire suspension of work for eight weeks, during which the loss in wages was about $4,000. As long as the strike con- tinued, the help were sustained by contributions from the employes at other mills in the vicinity. Some left town in search of employment. By May 1st, those who remained desired to go to work, and the mill was started on reduced rates. A brief strike of weavers, caused by a misunderstanding as to the price of certain work, occurred at the Chace Mills, Fall River, in April ; and a strike of females employed in 50 STATISTICS OF LABOR. making warp for ingrain carpets by the Lowell Manufac- turing Company, Lowell, during the same month. Each of these troubles was of small account, and quickly settled. In the first case the cause of the strike was removed ; in the last, which was brought about by resistance to a reduction of wages, the operatives concerned were at once discharged. In the summer, the granite cutters in Quincy struck for higher wages. They had previously given three months' no- tice of their intention, and finished all the work on hand, so that the employers might make contracts on the new basis. The latter however refused to accede to their terms, and, consequently, about 400 workmen left their work. The strike lasted eleven weeks and ended in a compromise. The loss in wages was about $40,000. A brief strike under Crispin influences at Natick ended in failure, about 100 men being idle for a week. Much more serious was the Crispin strike at Marlborough this year. This trouble began in five of the leading factories in conse- quence of a reduction in wages. While it still continued, the Crispin organization ordered the bottomers in the shop of Abel Howe to stop work. Mr. Howe had in his employ several non-union men, and this seems to have been the rea- son for this order. New bottomers were at once engaged. The stitchers now left the factory. In this emergency, a number of married women, who had formerly worked for this manufacturer, oflFered their services as stitchers, and were employed by him. If the new workmen appeared on the street they were followed by a mob of men and boys. Insulting epithets were openly applied to them. After dark they were subject to assault. Pistols, stones, and clubs were freely used ; and the protection of the police was required to ensure their safety. The Crispins held meetings and denounced the rioting and violence. They declared that such demonstrations did not proceed from them, an.d called upon all members of the order to preserve the peace. Concerning the contest, one manufacturer says, — " At the end of the previous season, I had made up my mind that I •would never again be dictated to by the Crispins as I had been when in a tight place with my orders. When this season opened my lasters STEIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 51 ■wanted the same price as that of last year. It was thirty-three per cent more than I was willing to pay. I pointed out to them, that by the introduction of skiving, moulding, and' other machines, the work had been changed. They, however, refused to continue. I then started for the north. I engaged new men in Farmington, Wolfborough, and other New Hampshire towns." His course was followed by others. The strike ended in a complete breaking up of the Crispin organization. Manu- facturers would hire no one who belonged to it. The strug- gle had lasted nearly three months, and the wages forfeited through idleness are estimated at |200,000. It is the opinion of leading employers that the end would have come much sooner had they been more united, and inspired with greater confidence in each other. The strike was accompanied by an unusual amount of disorderly con- duct, and not even the smallest advantage was secured by it for the workmen. This year, also, a strike at the Putnam Nail Mills, Nepon- set, resulted from a change in the method of payment of employes. Concerning this, it is said that an arrangement was proposed under which the men should work by the piece instead of by the day. That to this the poorest workmen objected, and, by influencing the others, produced a strike. Work at the mills was suspended nearly five weeks. Twenty- five new hands were engaged, and of the 40 who went out on the strike, fully one-half were idle for three or four months. Most of them were at last taken back. In August, 1878, the cigar makers in the employ of a firm in Westfield, demanded higher wages, but, after contesting the point eight weeks and losing $2,100 by idleness, they returned to work at the old rates. In March of the present year, 30 workmen at one of the tack factories in Taunton refused to work at reduced rates. The works were closed three weeks, after which the ^„_„ hands accepted the terms offered, and business was resumed. At another factory, under similar circum- stances, the old employes were discharged and new men engaged. In May, 20 weavers at the Potomska Mills, New Bedford, struck on account of dissatisfaction with the price paid for a 52 STATISTICS OF LABOE. certain class of work. New men were at once put in their places. Later in the year, a reduction in wages was proposed at the Williston Mills, Easthampton, amounting to about five per cent. This would have brought them down to the rates ruling in other mills in the vicinity. The spinners objected, and threatened to strike. To avoid this, the agent ojQTered to compromise, naming a price about three and a half per cent less than he was then paying. This was not satisfactory, and the spinners left the mills, causing a stoppage of ma- chinery for five weeks, and a loss in wages to all idle of about $7,500. The agent remaining firm, the spinners then returned and accepted his terms : three and a half per cent reduction from former rates, or $1.40 per day. A few small strikes occurred at some of the shoe factories in Lynn, Natick, and other shoe towns, during the summer, part being successful and others failing. They were all of minor importance and require no extended notice. The boot makers in North Brookfield, and about 100 lasters in Hopkinton, also engaged in brief contests for higher wages, but nothing was accomplished in either case. In the latter town, new workmen gradually filled the places of the strikers. The bottomers at three boot shops in Worcester demanded higher pay June 15th. Their employers would not accede to this demand, and the men remained out two weeks, caus- ing a loss in wages of $10,000, most of which fell on other workmen. In August, some 60 French Canadians, em- ployed as grinders at the works of the Douglas Axe Com- pany, Douglas, struck for an advance of ten per cent. The strike failed after two weeks, no concession being made by the employers, who, from the first, had promised to grant such an advance as soon as the price of goods would permit. At the Hudson Iron Company's mines, "West Stockbridge, the men, 125 in number, stopped work August 1st, demand- ing an advance of twelve and one-half cents per day. The prices previously paid ranged from $1 to $1.87 per day, and at these rates the entire force had been kept at work through the dull season at actual loss to the company. The men are furnished a tenement, with garden attached, the rental STEIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 53 being $1.80 per month. Opportunity is given to keep a cow and poultry, and fuel is supplied at cost. The company had intended to raise the wages of their men to the desired point, on the 15th of the month; but the strike haying occurred, it was thought best to allow it on the 8th, and the employes then returned to work. It was understood as part of the compromise entered into in settlement of the Quincy granite-cutters' strike in 1878, that when any non-union man employed at under pay left the yard in which he then worked, he was not to be engaged elsewhere. This year one employer violated this agree- ment, and his men stopped work. The majority of the other employers united and refused to longer hire members of the union. The workmen are firmly united, and resolved to maintain their position. The state of things thus brought about continues at the present writing (October 20), with no prospect of concessions on either side. The last report of the Quincy Granite-Cutters' Union, issued October 1, says, — " The situation here remains about the same as in last report. Many of the men have left town, some of them never to return, having pro- cured better jobs elsewhere. We have a grocery store started, and in good running order ; and supply the families of those of our members locked out who need it. Our outside trade has far exceeded our expec- tations. Trade increases every day ; and our best thanks are due to our outside friends for the assistance thus rendered. And, with but a few drawing aid, we can hold the fort for a long time. The men are solid and determined ; and we have no doubt we shall come out all right." October 18th, the workmen in a morocco factory at Lynn struck against the introduction of new machinery, but with- out success. Not more than 20 men left their work, and their places were filled with green hands. During the same month, the journeymen tailors in the employ of William Taylor & Co., Boston, struck work to force their employers to comply with the demands of the union, involving an advance in the prices of certain work. It is claimed by the firm that prices have always ruled as high in its shop as elsewhere, and that the question of wages was not the cause of the strike. It was brought about simply by its refusal to submit to the dictation of the union. The Tailors' Union has from time to time submitted a schedule of prices which 54 STATISTICS OF LABOK. the employers have been required to sign. Their demands have usually been complied with, but occasionally trifling strikes have occurred in certain shops on account of varia- tions from the standard. These have been small affairs and have not been made matters of record. Ten or twelve years ago — the date could not l^e exactly fixed — the leading tailors contemplated resisting the union, whose requirements . they considered arbitrary ; but they finally agreed to its terms, except the firm above named, which refused to sign the schedule. Its workmen left the shop, remaining out some three months. At length, finding that their employers • had no difficulty in getting their work done, the workmen gradually returned. This year they resorted to the plan of advertising a statement of their case in the newspapers to force compliance with their demands. According to this statement, other employers agreed to their standard without demur. It appears, however, that the demand was made in comparatively few shops. We have left until the last an account of the strike of this year at Fall River. It is asserted by the operatives, that at the time of the last reduction in wages, they were promised a corresponding increase as soon as reviving business would warrant it. Some manufacturers deny that any such prom- ise was made or implied. Whether this be so or not, the indications of reviving trade in the spring of the present year caused the operatives to ask for a return to former prices ; and the simple question at issue seems to have been this : Had business so improved that the increased profits of the manufacturers would allow them t^ pay better wages ? The operatives held that it had, and on this they based their demand. The position of the manufacturers may be seen from the statement of one of their number, which is sub- stantially as follows : — The first document sent us by the spinners stated that cotton had advanced seven-eighths of a cent per pound, while the advance in the price of cloth, was relatively greater ; so that they felt the enlarged profit thus accruing entitled them to an advance in wages. They had taken the quotations for a grade of cotton that no print cloth manufacturer ever uses. One agent sent to various cotton dealers, asking the rates at STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 55 which certain purchases of cotton made in April, 1878, could be duplicated. Reliable quotations were returned, showing an actual increase in rates of two and three-fourths to three cents per pound, instead of seven-eighths of a cent, as the spinners had claimed. These quotations were put before the committee of spin- ners, and the error into which they had fallen as to the rela- tive advance in cotton and cloth explained to them. They seemed satisfied, and requested copies to present at their headquarters. Copies were furnished them ; but their lead- ers and advisers told them that the figures were false, and did not truly represent the matter. Other agents in good faith exhibited their books to their spinners ; but, as a re- sult, the employer who was most frank in this respect was deemed by them to have told the most lies. As to wages also, the prices paid in other places were ob- tained for comparison with Fall River rates. The result is seen in the following table : — Prices paid for Mule Spinning in Eight Manufacturing Towns of New England, as compared with Fall River Prices. Town. Per hundred Skeina. No. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 65 cents per hundred pounds for No. 35 yarn, equal, 75 cents per hundred pounds for No. 37 yarn, equal, |1.90 to f 2.30 per hundred skeins. Average, . 76 cents per hundred pounds for No. 36 yarn, equal. Average, ....... $1 86 2 00 2 00 2 03 2 00 2 10 2 16 2 03 8)ai6 18 m 02+ Pall River pays 2.875 cents per hundred skeins, less back boy, .400 to .500 cents ; leaving net price. Fall River, 2.475 to 2.375. Or, Fall River pays 35-100 to 45-100 cents per hundred skeins more than average of mills, or 17^ to 22 per cent more than they do. These figures were distrusted by the spinners however. The arguments of the employers, sufficiently indicated in the foregoing, did not convince the operatives ; but, before 56 STATISTICS OF LABOR. proceeding to a strike, the spinners proposed to submit the matters in dispute to a board of arbitration. This proposi- tion was summarily rejected by the manufacturers, who accompanied their refusal with the following : — " We are as keenly sensible as yourselves of the effects of the great depression in business which has so long .prevailed, resulting in the practical annihilation of profits in manufacturing for several years and •the reduction of wages to the present standard. In the case of the laborer, this change in circumstances has not been without its compen- sations ; for along with the reduction in the price of labor, there has been a corresponding reduction in the price of every thing produced by labor : consequently the purchasing power of your wages has increased in like proportion. "Your memorial has induced us to compare the prices paid for labor in this city with those that prevail elsewhere in print cloth mills, and we find that we are now paying from ten to fifteen per cent more than is paid in a large number of competing mills, whileTwe find none that pay in excess ; and, inasmuch as it appeai-s by the comparisons that we are now laboring under a decided disadvantage in the cost of producing cloth, to which may be added the less number of working hours, we can see no good reason for increasing the discrepancy that now exists. " Neither has there been any such improvement in our business as would waiTant a compliance with the request you make ; and we can have no assurance that the moderately remunerative business of to-day can be so far depended on as to justify us in anticipating the time wages may be increased with due regard to our own interests. " We are therefore constrained to say that we must decline to accede to your request," The spinners now decided that no other course lay open to them but to strike. The requisite two weeks' notice was at once sriven, and on the 26th of June the contest beo'an. The mule-spinners throughout the city, except at the Kino- Philip Mills, and a few non-union men elsewhere, turned out. Some of the corporations employ ring-spinning to a greater or less extent, and were thus able to continue to run a por- tion of their machinery. But the larger part of the Fall Eiver mills depend entirely on the mules ; and the immedi- ate result of the strike was to oblige them to stop altoo-ether. This stoppage was temporary only, spinners being brouo-ht from other cities to fill the vacant places. Energetic efforts were begun by the strikers to prevent this. Committees from the union were placed on duty at the railway stations, in the vicinity of the mills, and wherever they would be STEIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 57 likely to meet with so-called ' ' knobsticks ; " and it is asserted that when argument failed to produce the desired effect, threats of violence, and even positive abuse, were indulged in to cause outside spinners to retire. Letters containing threats were sent to knobsticks ; and it was found necessary to quarter them in the mill yards to protect them from as- sault, and to prevent them from being induced to leave. The mills gradually increased their production, and, as it became apparent that imported help was occupying the places they had left, the bitter feelings of the strikers were thoroughly aroused. Their families were forced to leave the tenements owned by the corporations ; and, in some in- stances, their relatives at work in the mills were discharged. These things added to the enmity they already felt towards their former employers. Every evening large crowds gathered near the mills, and several times riotous conduct ensued. The most flagrant outrage was committed on the 17th of September, when a party of French Canadians, most of whom were women and children brought to Fall Eiver to work in the mills, was assailed by a mob and stoned. The authorities were asked to increase the police force ; but a majority of the aldermen refused to authorize this, notwithstanding the protest of the mayor against such inaction. The Spinners' Union depre- cated all disorderly conduct, and asserted that no necessity existed for additional police ; if desired, however, the strik- ers stood ready to serve as constables. The various trades unions in other cities endorsed the strike, and contributed to its support. The spinners were firmly united and resolved to continue the contest until their demands were recognized. After several weeks, the situa- tion remaining unchanged, offers of arbitration were again made ; but, as before, the manufacturers declined to re- ceive them. Meanwhile, new help continued to come in, and by the first of October the strike had practically failed ; for, though the attitude of the spinners remained unaltered, the mills were running nearly up to their full capacity. It is said by the employers that plenty of help might have been obtained sooner, had it been free to come to the city and guaranteed 58 STATISTICS OF LABOR. security against abuse. It was asserted by the strikers that the new workmen were less skilled than themselves, and they were paid somewhat higher wages. The statements of both parties are probably true. It was necessary to pay higher wages, no doubt, on account of the opposition en- countered in securing new help. It is remarkable that one mill, the King Philip, was not affected by the strike. Fifteen mule-spinners are employed there, the remainder of the spinning being done on ring frames. Various reasons are given by the agents of other mills for this sole exception to the general rule, the prevail- ing impression being that the class of goiods made there — fine goods and jaconets, instead of print cloth — enabled the spinner to earn better wages than elsewhere. It was also hinted that other causes peculiar to this mill prevented a strike there. Inquiry at the mill, however, showed that the earnings of the spinners employed were not above the average throughout the city, and, so far as known, the operatives there were treated exactly as in the other mills. No satisfactory reason could be assigned for exempting It from the strike. Early in October the spinners, finding themselves defeated, began to return to the mills wherever opportunity remained to them. They were received without conditions by the manufacturers. During the continuance of the strike, the union collected and disbursed not far from $20,000. The strikers lost in wages about $100,000. Their absence from the mills considerably diminished the production of print cloth, causing partial idleness, and consequently a heavy additional loss to other operatives ; but we have not the requisite data at hand for estimating its amount. The operatives feel that the effect of the struggle upon the manu- facturers will lead them to agree to arbitration in case another dispute arises. Whether this is so or not, the future will determine. Fall Eiver, it will be seen, occupies an unenviable promi- nence in these pages. The largest and most frequent strikes in the textile trade have occurred there, especially in recent years ; and their influence has caused similar contests in localities which otherwise would have escaped them. For STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 59 these reasons, and because the incidents of the last strike are still fresh in the public naind, it is proper to refer to its industrial condition at somewhat greater length. The whole growth of the city since 1865 has been so phenomenal, that a brief summary of it is essential to a proper understanding of the relative positions of manufac- turers and employes. During the speculative era following the war, the industries of the city were expanded with utter disregard of the legitimate principles of commercial economy. Between 1870 and 1872 the number of spindles was in- creased from 544,606 to 1,094,702, or more than doubled; while, within the same period, the number of print cloth manufactories rose from sixteen to thirty-one. Instead of these corporations resting upon independent foundations, many of them were so connected that ruin to one could not well avoid bringing disaster to others. These immense fac- tories, having a productive capacity of 378,000,000 yards of print cloth annually — more than five-eighths of the entire annual production in the United States — ^ were managed by comparatively few men, who also controlled the banks through which the finances of this large business were to be conducted. The endeavor to make credit perform the func- tion of money was never more seriously entered upon than here. Accommodation notes were freely given, and appar- ently without limit. In every corporation the power of the treasurer was practically absolute : the purchase of supplies, the management of the mill, and the disposal of the product was largely in his hands. No check upon his operations was in existence which might not easily be overcome. The evils likely to follow from such a system as this, even should the highest standard of morality prevail among its promoters, cannot be lightly estimated. The losses, un- avoidable in the best conducted business and which spring from unforeseen causes, could not fail to seriously aflect a city whose leading interests were so interwoven. Fall River also had its real estate bubble ; and, before its collapse, the purchase of land at inflated prices had placed an added burden upon many corporations, though supposed at the time to be an investment that would strengthen their resources. 60 STATISTICS OF LABOR. The limit of the forced growth upon this insecure basis was soon reached, and the inevitable reaction ensued. Irregular and fraudulent transactions in certain quarters hastened the result. The aggregate losses accruing to eight of the leading corporations has been placed at four and one- half millions, of which the larger part falls upon residents of the city. In other corporations, also, the losses from depre- ciation of stocks and real estate have been large. The extent to which credit had been pushed is now plainly seen in the excessive liabilities of certain estates as compared with their assets ; and the tendency of Fall River financiers to confine their investments to a limited area, is shown by the follow- ing extract from a circular issued Oct. 1, 1879, by the Fall River Savings Bank to its depositors. We have italicised a significant passage : — " April 1, 1878, the amount due the depositors of the Fall River Savings Bank was f 6,234,320 92, Invested in notes and securities consid- ered at that time good. The bank then had large surplus earnings, and could more than pay depositors in full. Since that date, disasters to the financial interests of this city have occurred, seriously affecting corpora- tions and individuals then considered to be sound and solvent, and unsettling values generally. The above-named sum constituted nearly one-half of the banking capital of this city, and was, for the very reason of its large amount, invested generally in various interests of Fall River, and has therefore been affected by losses in all directions, both by yidi- vidual failure of parties to whom money was loaned, and by the shrink- age of securities which, at the time the loans were made, were ample to secure payment of the same." Of the resources of this institution, neai'ly thirty-four per cent are loans on personal security. A natural outgrowth of the extension of the manufactur- ing interests was a rapid increase of foreign population. The population of the city in 1865 was 17,481, of whom 5,445 were foreign born, and 1,816 English. In 1875, only ten years later, the entire population had risen to 45,340, 23,866 being foreign born, of whom 8,705 were English. The English workman is usually the most skilled opera- tive in the mill, and among the highest paid.. At the same time, the natural qualities of his mind, and the conditions to which he has been subjected in his native country, render him peculiarly difficult to deal with. If a spinner, this diffi- STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 61 culty is increased by the monotony of his labor which fos- ters discontent and dissatisfaction with his lot. Many of these men came hither from the Preston and Blackburn dis- tricts of England, bringing their inherited distrust of the employer, and accompanied by their old leaders, who were not long in establishing here the customs and regulations of their craft. It is now an established fact, that by the combined efforts of English manufacturers and English trades unions, or by their separate efforts, troublesome strikers and industrial malcontents are shipped to this country. The presence of such malcontents in the mills has tended to promote strife. These men do not desire to work, and often find their re- ward in inciting their associates to disagreements which end in strikes. Thus we find, on the one hand, employers oppressed by financial burdens, harassed by long continued business de- pression, attempting to pay dividends on the inflated cost of their plant, and too often with but little real consideration for their operatives ; and, on the other, a large body of for- eign workpeople, — many of whom are fresh from those dis- tricts of England in which the sharpest trade disputes have arisen, — filled with bitter prejudices and confirmed distrust of the "masters," often stubborn, self-willed, and hot-headed. And there is a third class which cannot be overlooked : the agitators, who are the accepted advisors of the workingmen in Fall River, and who are present at every preliminary meeting to consider the question of a strike. Although the best informed labor reformers deprecate strikes, others are too apt, while deprecating them, to talk in a- grandiloquent way of the abridgment of their "liberties," etc., and thus really encourage the movements. The advice of such men — denounced by the employers, but often accepted without question by the operatives — has had no small influence in the disputes which have occurred. This condition of affairs was not fully brought about until the present year, but the opposing forces have been at work since 1868. They were arranging themselves while specula- tion was rife, as well as after the crisis came, and their influ- ence has been felt in every labor trouble in Fall River since the war. 62 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Whenever these troubles have occurred, the union, through its officers, has claimed the right to confer with the employers touching the question at issue. This right the employers have from the first denied, declining to recognize any trade organization in which the majority was permitted to control the minority in regard to wages or hours of labor. They have among themselves an organization however, but this, it is asserted, is an advisory body simply, without power to control its members in the administration of their business. While at all times professing willingness to confer with their own workmen, they have persistently ignored the claims of the union, and refused to entertain its propositions. In the labor troubles in England strikes have often been avoided by arbitration. It would seem well to have tried this plan here, if only as an experiment. But prior to the last strike, although the operatives desired to do this, the manufacturers refused, replying, — ' ' Such means of settling disputes between employers and employed are not in consonance with the methods of doing business in this country, and we do not propose to inaugu- rate the plan." It may well be asked, if it would not have been better, considering all the circumstances, to have sub- mitted the simple question at issue to an unprejudiced board of reference, if the strike with its pecuniary loss to all con- cerned, and the bitter feeling engendered, might thereby have been prevented? It is apparent to a superficial observer that, throughout the later history of Fall River, the conciliatory spirit has been sadly wanting in the intercourse between manufacturers and operatives. In thus sketching the situation there we have sought to treat each side fairly ; our only object being to set forth some of the causes which have made that city the chief seat of labor contests in Massachusetts. Upon whom the responsibility rests for the state of things existing there, we leave the reader to determine, but we believe it to be mutual. To see how entirely alone Fall River stands in many re- spects, it is only necessary to compare its record with that of Lawrence and Lowell, our other cotton centres. These latter cities have been of comparatively slow growth, and the various corporations have extended their business STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 63 only as fast as the demands of trade seemed to warrant. The operatives, although now for the most part foreign, have never been imported in large numbers, but have come in small bodies during a period of many years, and have thus become gradually accustomed to their places and to the man- agement of the mills. The proportion of English help, as compared with that of Fall' River, is relatively less. These points may be clearly seen in the following tables : — Number of Cotton Spindles ClHKS. 186S. isrs. Fall River Lowell Lawrence 241,218 385,412 237,476 1,251,102 739,259 284,776 Population and Naiivity. Cities. Total. FOBEIGH BOBN. ^SGLISH. 1865. Fall River Lowell . Lawrence 1870. 17,481 30,990 21,698 5,445 9,422 9,217 1,816 1,353 1,892 Fall River Lowell . Lawrence 1875. 26,766 40,928 28,921 11,478 14,436 12,717 4,042 1,697 2,456 Fall River Lowell . Lawrence 45,340 49,688 34,916 23,866 17,778 15,546 8,705 2,331 3,353 The administration of the mills at Lowell and Lawrence is vested by the directors in a treasurer, agent, and selling agent. The treasurer controls the finances, the agent has immediate charge of the factory, and the selling agent dis- poses of the product. By this sub-division of duties strict responsibility is secured in every department, while the ac- counts of each act as checks upon the others. Great care 64 STATISTICS OF LABOR. has been taken, in the selection of overseers, to have men who would command the respect of the employes, and give them no cause for ill-feeling. Most of these overseers, as well as the agents themselves, are men who have acquired their positions by thorough knowledge of the business, and many of them have been for years in the employ of the cor- porations. Wages have been kept full up to the market rates. In one city a library for the operatives has been established, and other evidences of consideration for the workpeople exist. The best commentary upon all this is the infrequency of labor troubles in these cities, only two strikes having occurred in Lowell for many years, — one of these was a small aflPair, and both were due to outside influ- ence. Lawrence has been even less disturbed. A citizen of Fall River remarked to the writer that that city had seen its best days. But this need not be so. Its best days may be even now beginning. The days which men called best were really the worst in its history. The so-called prosperity of the past decade was largely fictitious, and it ^ well for all that its hoUowness is now apparent. Many of the manufacturers admit the mistakes of the past, and, if the lesson has been well learned, a repetition of them may be avoided in the future. In every important strike, both in Fall River and else- where, intimidation, frequently culminating in violence, has been resorted to, for the purpose of preventing men who desired to work from doing so. Whatever may have caused the strike, this, at least, cannot be justified. Such conduct only brings discredit on the movement, and turns sympathy from the strikers. It ought not to be necessary, in any city of our enlightened Commonwealth, to quarter men in bar- racks to protect them from injury ; or that the freedom to labor, and to pass upon the public street to and from the workshop or mill, is denied any man. The right which the strikers claim for themselves — work at satisfactory wao-es they ought not to refuse to others ; and, having left the mills, they certainly should not complain if free labor, seek- ing employment at rates better than it can obtain elsewhere finds its advantage in occupying the places they have voluor tarily left. The fact that these places are so easily filled, or STRIKES IN MASSACHtJSETTS. 65 that it is needful to resort to force to keep them open, may well be taken as indicating that the economic laws which, more than the will of the employer, govern the whole ques- tion of wages, have been misinterpreted by the strikers, and are at variance with their action. SxmMAET. The total number of strikes and lock-outs included in this record is 159. No notice has been taken of mere demands made by workmen not resulting in actual strikes, or of trivial disputes. The classification by industries is as follows : — Occupations of Strikers. Building trades, employes in Bleachery, " Cigar makers . Coopers . Calkers . Coal-heavers . Cordage makers Grinders . Hatters . Horse-shoers . Laborers . Locomotive engineers Morocco dressers and finishers, Machinists . . . . 10 1 3 3 1 1 1 1 2 1 7 1 5 2 Miners .... Navy yard, employes in . Nail and tack makers Kiggers .... Shoe factory operatives . Textile factory operatives Tanners . Tailors Stone cutters Sailors Soap makers Wood workers . Wire makers Waiters . 3 5 6 1 34 59 1 4 2 1 1 1 1 1 These strikes have been located as follows ; Location of Strikes. Boston (city proper) " (East Boston) " (Charlestown) " (Neponset) . " (Dorchester) " (Koxbuiy) . Lynn Lowell Fall River 28 2 6 2 1 1 14 10 North Adams New Bedford Marlborough Chicopee . Worcester Natick Taunton . Blackstone Salem, Adams (South), Millbury, Newburyport, Randolph, West Stockbridge, Quincy, Pittsfield, Maynard, Dedham, North Brookfield, Brockton, Holyoke, and Westfield,— 2 each. South Hadley, Mansfield, Rowley, Palmer, Salisbury, Cambridge, Great Barrington, West Spring- 66 STATISTICS OF LABOE. field, Wareham, Southbridge, Lawrence, Brookfleld, Oxford, Ashland, Weymouth, Needham, Stoneham, Danvers, Waltham, Lanesborough, Wilbraham, Hudson, Uxferidge, Douglas, Springfield, Easthampton, Hopkinton, and Boston and Maine Railroad, — 1 each. Some of these have affected other towns than the ones named ; but, in making this classification, the town in which the dispute originated has been considered the location of the strike. The nativity of the workmen engaging in these contests may be seen from the following : — NatwUy of Strikers. Foreign bom Native born 76 82 Native and foreign Unknown 38 18 It is not pretended that this classification is absolutely cor- rect. It is, however, nearly so. Very few strikes have been confined wholly to either native or foreign born work- ers. In each casie the preponderating nativity has been taken. The following table gives the causes of strikes. In some few instances strikes begun for one cause have been used to settle other grievances ; but in this presentation we give the original cause only : — Causes of Strikes. To secure better wages . . 118 " shorter days . . 24 To enforce trade union rules . 9 Resistance to employers' rules, 5 Against introduction of ma- chinery .... 3 We summarize the results of these contests as follows : — Besults of Strikes. Unsuccessful Successful Compromised 109 18 16 Partly successful Result unknown Contest still pending* « Oct. 20, 1879. STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 67 In the estimates of wages lost, contained in the foregoing pages, we have in each instance, with two exceptions, in- cluded the amount lost by all workmen affected by the strike, and not merely the loss of the strikers themselves. Conclusions. We have now completed the history of strikes in Massa- chusetts from the earliest years in which these contests find record. What conclusions are to be drawn from it? The first and most obvious is plainly this : StriJces generally prove powerless to benefit the condition of the wage classes. It will appear from a glance at the summary, that by far the larger part of these struggles have been unsuccessful. The result, in cases of sufficient number to become typical, left the strikers in exactly the same position, so far as con- cerned the point at issue, that they occupied at the beginning. Not only where the employes were comparatively unorgan- ized and isolated from others of their craft has this been true, but also where the closest union existed and large numbers were engaged in the movement, as in the numerous Fall River contests. In this important respect, the record is not unlike that of similar demonstrations in Great Britain, where, during the year 1878 alone, according to the Report of the British Iron Trades Association, 277 strikes occurred, clas- sified as follows : coal miners, 58 ; iron ship builders, 6 ; boiler makers, 4; builders, 77; miscellaneous, 112. Out of all these only four were successful, while seventeen were settled by compromise. The workmen concerned in the others returned to work on their employers' terms. Mr. G. Phillips Bevan, also, has published a list of strikes in the same country — including Ireland — during the year 1877. He presents a total of 191, classified as follows : coal miners, 21 ; workers in iron trades, 23 ; ship builders, 8 : builders, 70 ; wood and stone workers, 22 ; textile work- ers, 18; makers of clothing, 8; miscellaneous, 21. Nearly all were failures. In those in our own State which have been successful, the advantage gained has often proved temporary rather than permanent, or has been chiefly due to influences other than the strike itself. Of the latter class, the strikes for 68 STATISTICS OF LABOR. shorter days are an instance. A few of these were finally successftil it is true ; but not until other causes had ripened the time for fewer hours and rendered their general adop- tion possible. In England, during the years 1871-72, strikes usually suc- ceeded ; but trade was then active there, labor in demand, and wages would have risen had no strikes taken place. So, too, in Massachusetts, a few have owed their favorable termination entirely to the state of trade existing when they were undertaken — making it politic for employers to sub- niit for a time — and not to any inherent force in the move- ments themselves. When goods are in demand, labor scarce and capital com- peting for it, wages must advance. Impatient workmen have sometimes anticipated this advance by striking, and have attributed their success to such action ; but when other conditions exist, strikes fail to increase rates. Again, strikes tend to deprive the strikers of work. That they have fre- quently had this result is readily apparent. All those which have caused a change of industrial population — the original employes being forced to seek other employment or emigrate to other localities — are of this class. The difficulties in the shoe trade growing out of the Crispin organization caused some manufacturers to remove their business to other towns where they might be free from troubles of this kind, and to other States even, thus robbing Massachusetts of her indus- tries. The shoemakers' strike at North Adams in 1871, it will be remembered, was the direct cause of the introduction of Chinese labor to the permanent displacement of workmen already engaged in that trade. Another, though less obvi- ous, instance is found in the gradual substitution of other methods for mule-^spinning in cotton factories. The mule- spinner, to a certain extent, now holds the key to the situa- tion. If successful, he often has it in his power to stop the mill. And it is noticeable that the chief strikes in the textile trades have arisen among the spinners. But he mule is gradually disappearing, the number in use in one of our largest factories being forty-three per cent less than in 1864. The advantage a mill equipped with ring-frames has, in a spinners' strike, over one confined to the mule, was shown STEIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 69 in the strike of 1879 at Fall Eiver, where the Pocasset Mills, employing ring-spinning chiefly, were able to run five-sixths of their machinery, notwithstanding the strike. Such les- sons are not lost upon the manufacturers, many of whom do not hesitate to say that, were it possible to abandon the mule at once without too great pecuniary loss, it would be done. Various causes are leading to its supersession, but it will inevitably be hastened by an unwise use of his present power by the mule-spinner. Lastly, strikes lead to improvidence, and are demoralizing in their effect upon the worhingman. In the various Fall Eiver strikes, to which we again i:efer as the most important movements of this kind in the State, the enormous sum of $1,400,000 in wages was voluntarily forfeited by the idleness of the operatives. And, besides this sum, large amounts of which no record can be obtained — the savings of months of toil — were contributed by sympathizers in other cities, and deliberately thrown away in fruitless struggles. The whole was wasted, for in no instance was a permanent advantage secured. What happened there is true of the majority of cases in our record. In more than sixty-eight per cent of them, loss in wages, varying with the extent and duration of the strike, has been submitted to without any material benefit accruing to ofiset it. Had the workmen been willing to undergo the same self-denial, and apply these amounts to well directed projects of self-help, how much might have been accomplished ! In the Fall Eiver strike of 1879 the spinners alone, by their idleness, deprived themselves of a sum sufficient to have created a mutual benefit fund, paying at four and a half per cent an annual income of $4,800 ; or to have established four co-operative provision stores, each with an invested capital of $25,000. Indeed, co-operation is frequently urged as a remedy for existing labor troubles. The amount of wages lost by the operatives in Fall Eiver during 1870 would have erected a mill of twenty-five thou- sand spindles, equipped it with the necessary machinery, and given it a sufficient working capital. The theory of co-op- eration might thus have been tested ; and yet this sum was voluntarily renounced in a struggle promising small hope of success, and which actually resulted in defeat. 70 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Or, look at it in another light. Dr. Watt, according to Leone Levi in his little hook ""Work and Pay," has made a calculation showing how long a striker, if successful, must work at the advanced wages to recover the sums lost while idle. Suppose he strikes for five per cent increase. Assum- ing the weekly wage to be two per cent of that of a working year, it will take him 1| years to make up for one month's wages lost ; 3| years for two months' lost ; 4| years for three months' lost ; and so on. Let us apply such a calcu- lation to the Fall River "vacation" of 1875. This was against ten per cent reduction, and the operatives lost eight' weeks' wages. Had the result been in their favor it would have taken each employ^ 1^^^ years, at the desired rate, to recover this loss. The long strike of 1879 was for -an in- crease of fifteen per cent. Had it been successful at the end of fifteen weeks, every spinner would have been obliged to labor two full years at the increase before recovering the amount he had lost by his idleness. Can any one discover, that, under the most favorable circumstances, this waste is comipensated for by any advantage gained ? This is an as- pect of the strike question that may well afi'ord food for thought to the workingman who really wishes to better his condition. Here figures are facts that cannot be blotted out. Of the demoralizing tendency of these contests, we have had, fortunately, no such conspicuous instances as appeared in the railroad riots of the West during the summer of 1877 ; but every large strike in this State has increased the criminal lists of the city or town where it has occurred, while the bad blood excited, coupled with the idleness and consequent pov- erty of large bodies of men and women, cannot fail to be demoralizing in the extreme. During the first twelve weeks of the last Fall River strike, one hundred and four spinners were arrested for various offences, of whom about seventy- one were actual strikers. One has only to turn to the assaults committed by the mob during this and previous strikes, or to the injury to persons and property in the Cris- pin strikes at Hudson, Marlborough, and Ashland, to see how disorder is fostered by these disputes ; and the fact that violence of this sort is discountenanced by the trades unions STEIICES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 71 or committed without their authority, does not remedy the matter. It simply shows that these organizations are not strong enough to overcome the evil passions aroused by the strike. We have so far considered the effect of strikes upon the wage classes. Their effect upon the manufacturer varies with the state of trade. It is sometimes a positive advan- tage to be able to close the workshop or mill ; and if the stoppage is not prolonged so as to cause damage to ma- chinery, etc., from disuse, a strike would not then be deemed an injury to the owner. But these cases are the exceptions, not the rule ; and the intelligent workingman will reflect, that any course he may pursue which tends to impair the resources of the employer must react upon himself. The rate of wages is sometimes beyond the employer's control. To increase them would practically result in suspension of business. An illustration of this is so apt, that we repro- duce it from a former report : — "During six months ending June, 1870, a certain cotton mill in Massachusetts manufactured its goods at a total cost, including raw material, labor, repairs, etc., of 40^^^ cents per pound, and received on sales of its goods 41^j cents per pound, showing a profit of l,j^ cents per pound. These figures worked out, gave a profit on its total capital of 2^^ per cent. Now any advance on the wages of its operatives would have been manifestly impossible, except at a loss to stockholders in even this discouraging percentage." Mr. Edward Atkinson has recently shown, drawing his conclusions from the statistics of Massachusetts in the cen- sus of 1875, that the increment of wealth it is now possible to set aside for the increase of capital in cotton mills does not exceed three per cent of the joint product of labor and capital ; and that in order to insure comfort among our own population in the near future, and that existing capital in this industry may not charge an exorbitant rate for its use, such conditions must continue as shall render it possible to apply at least three per cent to this increase, or that new mills must be built out of the product of other industries. The same is doubtless proportionately true in other trades. Let the workingman reflect upon these things, and re- member that, though he may feel himself the victim of 72 STATISTICS OF LABOR. injustice, he may well hesitate before entering upon a course likely to inyolve him in more serious difficulties than at present surround him. The manufacturer, also, should not forget that the duties devolving upon himself cannot be ignored. Neither party can expect all the forbearance to be exercised upon the other side. It must be reciprocal. We have before referred to the absence of the conciliatory spirit in Fall Eiver ; and it is pleasant, on the other hand, to note that wherever it is present in greater or less degree, comparative harmony ensues. There are factories in the State in which strikes are unknown, and where the condition of the employes is made an object of care on the part of the employers. There are manufacturers of life-long experience who say, — " Strikes are unnecessary, or at least can usually be avoided. . . . Treat the operatives like men and no trouble is likely to arise. . . . Treat the help fairly and such treatment will generally be returned by confidence on their part. There is frequently a feeling of distrust man- ifested by the employes, and they are apt to regard any change from the usual routine as a trap to increase profits at their expense. But if treated honestly, and every agreement made with them fairly kept, there will be but little trouble from strikes. We have seldom failed to avoid them by meeting the operatives like men and treating them with consideration." Another instance in point is presented by one of our largest clothing houses, in which the most cordial relations are maintained between the firm and their workpeople. Annually the establishment is closed, and a complimentary excursion given the employes, and other similar attentions indicate the good feeling which exists. Under such circumstances, the reductions sometimes neces- sary in the course of business are submitted to in the belief that they are unavoidable, and that better times will bring a corresponding increase. Strikes are born of ignorance, distrust, and the lack .of that spirit of brotherhood between employer and employed upon which the best interests of both depend. These in- terests are mutual, and when this truth is recognized and acted upon in their mutual relations, strikes will cease. The employer often complains of the ignorance of his workmen; STRIKES IN MASSACHUSETTS. . 73 but this ignorance, if it exists, entitles them to greater sym- pathy and more consideration. Each party is now prone to look at mooted questions from different sides. Strikes only perpetuate this attitude. Neither manufacturer nor work- ingman can afford to reject whatever tends toward the harmony that will eventually solve the vexed questions that disturb the prosperity of both. Note. — The foregoing record was closed Nov. 1, 1879. Small strikes among the longshoremen and clothing cutters in Boston, and the operatives at the Atlanta Mills, Millbury, having occurred since that date, are for that reason not included. EEPBINT EDITIOH^, UNIFORM HOTIRS OF LABOR. ^I^bM THE Twelfth AjmvAL Report of the Massachusetts BtutEAtj of Statistics OF Labob, for 1881. J CARRpLI. D. WRIGHT, CHIEF OP THB BUKBAU OF STATISTICS OF LABOB. Reprinted in AcoordjCncb with the Pkoyisions op" Chap. 7, ■'"'^ ' >' Eesolyes oi- 1888. BOSTON: wmGHT & POTTEE ppmrTmirG co., state pru^ters^ 18 PpST OiPFICE Squake. --'-''' '.''': 1889.' EEPEINT EDITIOI^. UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR, [From the Twelfth Annual Report of the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics OF Labor, for 1881. J BY CARROLL D. WRIGHT, CHIEF OP THE BUREAU OF STATISTICS OP LABOR. Kkprintbd in Accordance with the Provisions of Chap. 7, Resolves of 1888. BOSTON : WRIGHT & POTTER PRINTING CO., STATE PRINTERS, 18 Post Office Square. 1889. CONTENTS. transportation, and competition, Legislative resolve, Uniform inquiries made. Statistics collected by special agents Inquiries of manufacturers, Inquiries of employes Manufacturers ; materials, Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Manufacturers ; markets Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, . Connecticut, .New York, Manufacturers ; employes, wagesj and hours of labor, Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, . Connecticut, New York, Manufacturers; product of looms and spindles, Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, . Connecticut, New York, Statements of manufacturers relative to the following inquiries, If all mills of like grade, and producing like goods, iu New York and New England, should run 60 hours per week, how would it affect this establishment? . Could machinery be so speeded as to make results uniform? Page 3 3 i 4,5 5, 6 6-2T' 6-9 8,9 10, 11 10-13 12-17 18-21 22-37 22,23 24,25 26,27 28,29 28-35 34-37 38-49 - 38,39 38-41 40,41 42,43 42-47 46-49 50-61 60,51 50-53 52-55 54,55 54-59 58-61 62-94 62-64 64,65 IV CONTENTS. Statements of manufacturers — Continued. Page Must the spinning department be run more hours than the weaving department, on account of the state of the atmosphere? . ■ 65 Would the running of this factory 60 hours per weelj in- crease the cost of production any way? If yes, how? 6C,67 Would running 60 hours per week make it necessary to employ more hands to produce present amount of goods made? . 68 What eflect would running 60 hours per week have upon wages? . . . • .... 69-72 Under a decrease of time and an increase of speed, what would be the effect upon the plant? . -72, 73 Upon the employes? 73,74 Upon the cost of goods? 74 Have experiments been made to test the producing power of the factory under different hours per day? With what results? 75-77 Has the Massachusetts ten-hour law affected this factory in anyway? .77,78 Has it enabled you to secure better ski) led labor, and in greater quantity, than before its passage? .... 79 Has it enabled you to draw skilled labor from Massachusetts? 79, 80 Has it enabled you to undersell Massachusetts manufacturers? 81 — Physically, what effect would less hours have upon employes? 82-84 Prom what is known, what proportion of the employes in this factory would make good use of more leisure time? 85, 86 What is the prevailing opinion among the employes as to a ten-hour law? . 87 Do they, (the employes) or not, desire legal regulation of the hours of labor? 88 What reason do they (the employ 6s) give for their opinion? 89,90 So far as quality and quantity are concerned, how does the product of the last hours of the day compare with that of the first or the middle-hours of the day? . . . 90,91 If many large mills can be successfully run under 00 hours per week, are there any valid reasons why all cannot be so run? . . ? 92,93 Does Intemperance have any appreciable effect upon the product of the mill? 93,94 Returns and statements of manufacturers, explanation of, . . 94, 95 Employes; occupations, earnings, cost of living, etc., . . 96-121 Maine . 96-99 New Hampshire, . . .... . 98-103 Massachusetts, 102-107 Khode Island, ... ... 108-111 Connecticut, . 110-117 New York, 118-121 Statements by employes relative to the following inquiries, . 122-136 What would be the effect upon wages of a law establishing the hours of labor at 60 per week? ^122 What is the desire, if any, for a uniform system of laws on the hours of labor? 122, 123 CONTENTS. Statements by employes — Continued. Does the ten-hour law of Massachusetts affect the employfes in any way? If so, how? Has the Massachusetts ten-hour law any intluence upon the supply of skilled operatives? If so, how? Are your opportunities for employment good, or poor? . If hours are reduced, can you earn as much as now? lu the long run, can you accomplish as much in your line in 10 hours per day as in 11, other things being equal? What disposition would be made of more leisure? Does intemperance prevail to any extent among the opera- tives in this town? . .... 134-136 Consideration of tables, and accompanying slatenieuls of manu- facturers and employes, 137-15G The result of the investigation, . 137 Experiences of agents, . . • . . 137-146 Ten hours desired by factory operatives, . 144 Objections urged against ten hours, . . . 147-150 How uniform hours (ten) can be secured, . . . 150-156 Page 124, 125 125, 126 126, 12" 127 128, ,129 129- -134 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. UNIFOEM HOURS OF LABOR. The facts reported in this Part of the Twelfth Report of the Bureau have been obtained in obedience to the following Resolve relative to a Unipohm System of Laws in Certain States, regulating the Hours op Labor. Resolved, That the Bureau of Statistics of Labor is hereby directed to collect data and obtain testimony from employers and employes in the States of Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Con- necticut, and New York, relative to a uniform system of laws to regu- late the hours of labor in the States mentioned, and to present the results of its investigations to the legislature in its next annual report. Approved March 17, 1880. The object of this resolve (chap. 29, Resolves of 1880) was to furnish the public with such accurate data, that the question of the establishment of a uniform system of laws throughout the Eastern and principal textile manufactu;-ing States, regulating the hours of labor, might be scientifically discussed ; and, to this end, all facts obtainable bearing upon either side of the propositioii have been gathered to the fullest extent allowable by the means at the disposal of this office. This information, so far as individuals are concerned, has been held, of course, as strictly confidential, only the classification of results having been embodied in this report. Before beginning the systematic collection of data upon the problem in question, suggestions were sought from many employers and employes in this State, with a view to learn- ing the points upon which inquiries could be made with rea- sonable certainty of securing information. We concluded, in order to secure the best possible results, to make uniform inquiries, and to so draw them as to involve the main facts relative to transportation, cost, production, sales, wages, and other features which of necessity enter into the intelli- gent consideration, of the proposition which stimulated the 4 STATISTICS OF LABOK. resolve under which this investigation has been carried out. It was also desirable to have all inquiries made in such man- ner as to secure a close classification of the information re- ceived. The importance of such classification is evident to every one, whether in favor of, or opposed to, the doctrine that strikes, lock-outs, and other difficulties can be avoided in the East by the establishment of a uniform system of laws regulating the hours of labor. We have in this investigation followed our usual policy, and collected the data reported through the direct personal efforts of agents in the field. Each agent was supplied with two schedules of inquiry for his own guidance, and which he was to fill himself. One of these schedules was for the in- formation obtained from manufacturers, and the other for that given by employes. The following inquiries were embodied in these schedules : — Of Manufactureks. 1. Chief raw material used ? 2. Cost per at factory, Aug. 15, 1880? 3. Cost per where purchased, Aug. 15, 1880 ? 4. Market where purchased P 6. Where is such material produced ? 6. Other raw material used in considerable quantities? 7. Cost per at factory, Aug. 15, 1880? 8. Cost per where purchased Aug. 15, 1880 ? 9. Where are products sold principally? 10. Cost per ton for transportation to principal market? 11. Where is the principal competition in the manufacture of goods? 12. Where is the principal competition in selling the goods? 13. Are sales affected by the importation of foreign-made goods? 14. Proportion of employes? In each 100 employes ? Men? Women? Male children? Female children ? 15. Average pay of each class per week? Men? Women? Male children? Female children? 16. Pay of spinners per week? Highest? Lowest? 17. Pay of weavers per week ? Highest? Lowest? 18. Pay of weavers, ^icce, per week? Highest? Lowest? 19. Hours of labor? Per day? Per week? 20. If all the mills of like grade and producing like goods in New York and New England should run 60 hours per week, how would it affect this establishment? 21. Could machinery be so speeded as to make results uniform? 22. What is the product of one hundred looms per week? 23. Number of looms attended by each weaver? UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 5 24. Steam or water power P 25. What is the product of one hundred spinners per week? 26. Must the spinning department be run more hours than the weav- ing department on account of the state of the atmosphere? 27. Would the running of this factory 60 hours per week increase the cost of production any way? If yes, how? 28. Would running 60 hours per week make it necessary to employ more hands to produce present amount of goods made? 29. What effect would running 60 hours per week have upon wages ? 30. Under a decrease of time and an increase of speed, what would be the effect upon the plant ? Upon the employes ? Upon the cost of goods ? 31. Have experiments been made to test the producing power of the factory under different hours per day? With what results? 32. Has the Massachusetts ten-hour law affected this factory in any way? 33. Has it enabled you to secure better skilled labor and in greater quantity than before its passage ? M. Has it enabled you to draw skilled labor from Massachusetts? 35. Has it enabled you to under-sell Massachusetts manufacturers? 86. Physically, what effect would less hours have upon emi)loy6s? 37. From what is known, what proportion of the employes in this fac- tory would make good use of more leisure time? 38. What is the prevailing opinion among the employes as to a ten- hour law? 39. Do they or not desire legal regulation of the hours of labor? 40. What reasons do they give for their opinion? 41. So far as quafity and quantity are concerned, how does the product of the last hours of the day compare with that of the first or middle hours of the day? 42. If many large mills can be successfully run under 60 hours per week, are there any valid reasons why all cannot be so nm ? 43. Does intemperance have any appreciable effect upon the product of the mill? Or Employes. 1. Line of employment? 2. Whose establishment ? 3. Employed by the day or by the piece? 4. Earnings ? Per week ? Total per year? 6. Hours employed? Per day? Per week? 6. How many in your family? Adults? Children under 10? Chil- dren over 10? Whole number? 7. Amount contributed by other members of your family to its sup- port? . 8. What does it cost to support your family for a year? 9. If unemployed during part of the past year, how long, and for what reason ? 10. What would be the effect upon wages of a law establishing the hours of labor at 60 per week? 6 STATISTICS OF LABOR. 11. What is the desire, if any, for a uniform system of laws on the hours of labor? 12. Does the ten-hour law of Massachusetts afifect the employ6s in anyway? If so, how? 18. Has the Massachusetts ten-hour law any influence upon the supply of skilled operatives ? If so, how ? 14. Are your opportunities for employment good or poor ? 15. If hours are reduced, can you earn as much as now? 16. In the long run can you accomplish as much in your line in 10 hours per day as in 11, other things being equal? 17. What disposition would be made of more leisure? 18. Does intemperance prevail to any extent among the operatives in this town? Table I. — Manufactdkeks. Materials. Maine. Materials and Goods Manufactdred. Chief Eaw Material used. Where such Material is pro- duced. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 Cotton. Cotton cloth . Cotton cloth . Cotton cloth . Cotton cloth . Cotton cloth . Cotton cloth and bags Cotton goods . Cotton goods . Cotton goods (colored) Print cloth and silesia } cambrics . . ^ Sail and overall duck Sheetings Sheetings Sheetings . . Sheetings Sheetings, etc. Sheetings and shirtings Warps and grain bags Warps and grain bags Wool. Flannels . Woollen cloths Woollen goods Woollen goods Woollen goods Woollen goods Woollen goods Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Wool Wool Wool Wool Wool Wool Wool Southern States Ala., Ga., Tex. . Southern States Southern States Ala., Tex., La., etc. Ala.,Tex.,Ga.,S.C. Ala , Tex., Ga. . Tex., La. . Ala., Tex. Ala. . Tex., La., Tenn. Southern States Ala., Ga., Tex. . Cal. and east of Miss. River . Cal., Me., Mich., O. . Cal., Me, Mich., O. . Everywhere . Tex., Cal., So. A. UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. During the autumn of 1880 all the States named in the resolve were quite thoroughly canvassed, and data secured from 246 manufacturing establishments and 545 employes. The tables then are the results of the information from 791 individual sources. The establishments visited comprehended all grades of mills engaged in textile manufactures, while a few paper-mills were called upon for information. The data collected has been arranged in five tables, four presenting the facts furnished by manufacturers, and followed by classified general statements ; and one presenting the facts furnished by employes, with classified general statements. Table I. — Manufacturers. Materials. Maine. Cost of Chief Kaw IUxehial, Aug. 15, 1880. Market where such Material is pur- cliascd. At Factory. Where purchased. Southern States . 10,% C. lb. . 9/5^ c, lb. 1 Ala., Ga., Tex. . llic lb.. 10| c, lb. . 2 Ala., Ga., Tex., S. C. . 12 c. lb. . lie. lb. . 3 Ala., Ga., Tex., S. C. . 12 c. lb. . lie. lb, . 4 M» 10i»A c. lb. 10 c, lb. . 5 - - 12 c. lb. . _ 6 Ala., Tex., Ga., S. C. . Ill c lb. . _ _ 7 Boston .... 12 c. lb. . 11^ c, lb. . 8 - 12 c. lb. . - 9 Ala, Tex., Ga. . IHc. lb.. - 10 Tex., La 12 c. lb. . lie. lb, . 11 Ala, Ga., Tex. . Ill c. lb.. lOf c lb. . 12 Ala., Tex llj c, lb . 10| c. lb, . 13 Ala Ill c. lb.. 10, c. lb, . 14 Tex., La., Tenn. . 10 to 12J c. lb. 91 to life, lb.. 16 Ala., La., Tex. . llfto 13 c. lb. 11 to 12|c. lb.. 16 Ala., Ga., Tex. . 114 c. lb.. lOf c. lb. . 17 Boston, Tex. 9Jto 12 c. lb. _ _ 18 Boston 9 J to 12 c. lb. — — 19 Me., Boston Native fleece, 42 c. 11 3. 42 c. lb. . 20 Boston .... 48 c. ; clean, 80 c. lb 46 c. lb. . 21 Boston .... 18 to 48 c. lb. ; clean 80 c. lb. 46 c, lb, . 22 Boston .... In grease, 40 to 45 c. ; clean, 80 c. lb, . 40c. lb. . 23 Boston .... Clean, 70c, to $1,1011 ) In grease, 30 to 40 c, lb. 24 Boston, N. Y. City . 17 to 45 c, lb, ; clean, 65 c. lb. - - 25 Tex., Boston, N. Y. City . Clean, 65 to 90 c. lb. 36 to 37 c. lb. . 26 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table I. — Materials. Maine — Concluded. Matbhials and Goods Manupactured. Chief Raw Material used. Where such Material Is pro- duced. Wool and Cotton. 27 Woollen goods Wool . East India -M Woollen goods Wool, Cotton, and Shoddy. Wool . N. E., Col., countries foreign 29 Woollen goods Wool . East India 80 Woollen goods Rags, etc. Wool . 0., Me., Cal. • 31 Book and news paper . Rags, paper Everywhere New Hampshike. Cotton. Cotton goods .... Cotton Cotton goods .... Cotton Cotton goods .... Cotton Cotton goods .... Cotton Print cloths .... Cotton Yarns and fine sheetings . Cotton Cotton and Wool. Cotton and worsted goods . Cotton Flannels, mixed twifle'd . Cotton Flannels, union bine mixed . Cotton Hosiery , . . . . Wool Hosiery Wool Hosiery Wool Hosiery Wool Hosiery, shirts, and drawers . Wool Wool Flannels and woollen goods . Wool Flannels, woollen . . . Wool Flannels Wool Flannels Wool Shirts and drawers . Wool Woollens .... Wool Woollen goods . . . Wool Woollen goods . . . Wool Woollen goods . , . Wool Shoddy and Cotton Waste. Blankets Shoddy Horse-blankets and satinets . Shoddy Southern States Tex., N. O., Mobile Tex., Ark. Southern States Southern States Southern States Southern States Southern States Australia . Australia . Northern States Gulf States . Australia . Me., Mich., O., Cal., and other States . Me., N. H., O., Cal. . O., Mich., Wis., N.H., Cal., Tex.,and Ter- ritories . O., Mich., Cal., Tex. Southern States Montevideo and Ter. Me., Mich., O., Cal. . Me., Mich., O., Cal. . 0.,Pa.,N.H.,Capeof Good Hope . Everywhere . All over the country UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. Table I. — Materials. Maine — Concluded. Cost of CHinr Raw Matebial, Ano. 15, 18S0. chnsed. At Factory. Where purchased. Boston, Pa Clean, 18 to 80 c lb. 17 to 19 c. lb. . 27 Me., Mass , N. Y. City 18 to 55 c. lb ; clean, 60 c. lb. 40 c. lb. . 28 Boston, Pa Boston .... Clean, 18 to 80 c. lb. 45e. lb. . 17 to 79 c. lb. . 45 c. lb. . . 29 30 U. S Rags, 2 to 4 c lb. ; Paper, 2 to 2Jc. lb. IJ to 3 c. lb. . 81 New Hampshire. La., Tex., Ark., Miss. . Tex, New Orleans, Mobile, Southern States . Mo., Tex., S. C, N. O. New York City . Tex., New Orleans, etc. Boston Boston and the South Boston Boston Boston Boston Boston Boston, Pa.,N. Y. City, Conn. Boston, Pa., Conn. Mich., Wis., Boston . Wis., Mich., Me., Boston Boston Boston Boston Boston Boston Boston, N. Y. City . Boston, N. Y. City . 13J c. lb. 12i c. lb 12i c. lb. 12^ c. lb. 12|c. lb., 12^ c. lb. IBi c lb. . 12 c. lb . 14 c. lb. . In grease, 44 c. lb. 44 c. lb. . In grease, 30 c. lb. In grease, 44 c. lb. Unwashed, 45 c. lb. ; clean, 48 to 80 c. lb. Clean, 50 to 80 c. lb. Scoured, 75 to 80 c. lb Clean, 75 to 80 c. lb. Clean, 75 c. lb 75 c. lb. . 20to50c. lb. ; clean, 80 c. lb. Clean, 80 c. lb 46 c. lb. . 4Jc. lb. . 4|c. lb. . 12 c. lb. 11 c. lb. 13 c. lb. 46 c. lb. 45f c. lb. 10 STATISTICS OF LABOK. Table I. — Materials. Massacdusetts. Materials and Goods Manufactured. Chief Raw Materia Wliere such Material is pro- used. duced. Cotton. 1 Cpttonades .... Cotton Southern States 2 Cotton cloth . Cotton Southern States 3 Cotton cloth Cotton Ala., La. . 4 Cotton cloth Cotton Tex. 5 Cotton cloth Cotton Southern States 6 Cotton cloth Cotton Southern States 7 Cotton goods Cotton 8 Cotton goods Cotton _ _ 9 Cotton goods Cotton _ 10 Cotton goods Cotton Southern States 11 Cotton goods Cotton Southern States 12 Cotton goods Cotton Southern States 13 Cotton goods Cotton _ _ 14 Cotton goods Cotton — — 15 Cotlon goods Cotton Southern States 16 Cotton goods and hosiery Cotton Southern States 17 Cotton prints .... Cotton La., Tex. 18 Cotton and worsted goods . Cotton Southern States 19 Duck and yarn Cotton _ _ 20 Flannels . . : . Cotton Southern States 21 Ginghams Cotton _ _ 22 Print cloths Cotton _ _ 23 Print cloths Cotton 24 Print cloths Cotton Southern States 25 Print cloths Cotton 26 Print cloths Cotton _ 27 Print cloths ... Cotton Southern States 28 Print cloths . Cotton Southern. States 29 Print cloths . Cotton Southern States 30 Sheetings, shirtings, etc. Cotton Southern States 31 Sheetings, silesias, and fancy cottons .... •Cotton Ala., Tex., etc. 32. Towels and duck . Wool. Cotton Southern States 33 Woollen cloths Wool . 34 Woollen cloths Wool . 35 Worsted yarn .... Wool . U. S., Canada, Cape of Good Hope Wool and Cotton. 36 Woollen and worsted goods and cotton yaras . Wool . 0., Pa., Cal. . Rhode Island. Cotton. 1 Cotton goods .... Cotton Southern States 2 Cotton goods .... Cotton Southern States „ UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. Table I. — Materials. Massachusetts. 11 Cost of Chief Raw Material, Ado. 16. 1880. Market where such Material is pur- chased. At Factory. Where purchased. N. Y. City, Southern States 11 c. lb. . 1 Tex., Southern States ll|c. lb.. lOc, lb. . 2 Ala, La Ill 0. lb.. _ _ 3 Tex Ill c lb. . _ _ 4 Southern States . 12 e. lb. . 11 c. lb. . 5 Southern States . 12| c. lb. . llf to 12Jc.lb. 6 7 8 Southern States . life. lb.. Southern States . life. lb.. _ _ 9 Southern States ... 11 c. lb. . — _ 10 Southern States . _ _ _ _ 11 Southern States . llic.lb.. _ _ 12 Southern States . lie. lb. . — _ 13 - life. lb.. _ _ 14 Ala., Tex llic.lb.. lOi c. lb. . 16 N. Y. City, Boston . life. lb.. lOi c. lb. . 16 Southern States, N. Y. Uc. lb. . 9Jc. lb. . 17 Southern States . 12 c. lb. . 18 Southern Ports . IIA lb. . _ _ 19 N. Y. City .... lie lb. . . . — — 20 N Y. City, Southern States, 12i e. lb . _ _ 21 Southern Ports . life. lb.. _ _ 22 Southern Ports . ll^V c. lb. _ _ 23 Southern States . 11 c. lb. . 9 j to lOi c. lb. . 24 Southern States . 114 c. lb. . 10 to 11 c lb. . 25 - - lOi c. lb. . _ — 26 Southern States . 10| c. lb. . 9J c. lb. . 27 Southern States . 11 c. lb. . 10 0. lb. . 28 Southern Ports . 11t*^5 c. lb. . 29 Southern States . - 30 Ala., Tex ll^^^clb. . . ll/jS c. lb. . 31 Boston .... ll|c.lb.. . . life lb.. . 32 Capeof Good Hope, Australia 35 to 50 c. lb. . 33 In usual markets 37 to 60 c. lb. . - 34 Boston, N. Y. City . 47 to 55 c. lb. . - 85 Boston, Pa. ... 46^ to 49 c. lb. 45 to 49 c. lb. . 36 Rhode Island. La., Tex., Tenn. 121c. lb.. 12 c. lb. . 1 La., Tex., Tenn. 12ic. lb.. 12 c. lb. . 2 12 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Table I. — Materials, Rhode Island — Concluded. Chief Raw Material Where such Material is pro- Materials and Goods MANnFACTUKED. used. duced. 3 Cotton goods .... Cotton 4 Cotton goods .... Cotton Tex., Miss., La., Ark. 5 Cotton goods .... Cotton Tex., Miss., Ark., La. 6 Yams Cotton La 7 Yarns Cotton Southern States 8 Yarns Cotton Southern States 9 Yams and spool thread . Cotton Ala., Tex. 10 Spool thread, yarns, and knif^ ting cotton .... Cotton Ala., Miss., Tex. . Cotton and Cotton Waste. , 11 Wadding, batting, and wiping waste Cotton and cotton waste, Southern States Wool. 12 Cassimeres .... Wool . Mich., O., Cal., Tex., Nev. 13 Woollen goods Wool . 0., Va., Pa. . 14 Worsted yarns Wool . _ _ 15 Worsted yams and braids Wool and Cotton. Wool . Can., Mich., O., Ky. 16 Worsted goods Wool . U. S.,Eng., Australia, Can., Ireland Horsehair and Cotton Warp. 17 Hair cloth .... Wood (ind Bags. Horsehair . Kussia, S. A. . 18 News paper .... Wood . - - Connecticut. Cotton. Cotton goods, fine . Duck Duck Duck Duck and sail twine Ginghams and dress goods Ginghams and dress goods Hosiery yarn .... Mosquito nettings, etc., cotton. Print goods .... Print goods . . . . Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton Southern States Mo., Ala., Tex. Ga. uplands Texas Southern States N. C. Southern States Tenn. UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 13 Table I. — Materials. Khode Island —r Concluded. Market where such Material is pur- chased. Cost or Chibf Kaw Matkkiai,, Aug. 15, 1660. At Factory. Where purchased. Southern States . N. Y. City, South N. Y. City, South N. Y. City . Cotton centres . R. I. . Ala., Tex. . N. Y. City . N.E.,N.Y., Southern States, Boston O., Mass., N. Y. City . U. S., Eng., Australia Boston, I^., Scotland Boston, Eng. Russia, S. A. Me.,R. I. . life. lb.. 12| c. lb. . 12|e. lb.. 12S c. lb. . 9 to 13 c lb. life. lb.. 12f c. lb. . 28 to 45 c. lb. . 40 to 50 c. lb. ; clean, 90 c. to $1 lb. . 30 to 60 c. lb. . 40 to 50 0. lb. . 33 to 48 c. lb. . Rough, 45 c. lb. ; drawn, 90 c. lb. . 3c.lb. . 12 c. lb. . 12 c. lb. . 12J c. lb. . 9 to 12J c. lb. 11 c lb. . 12i c. lb. . 27 to 44 c. lb. Washed, 40 c.lb. 2J c. lb. Connecticut. La., Tenn., Ga. . 10 to 12 c. lb. . 9i to 10 c. lb. . 1 _ _ _ _ _ _ a N. Y. City and South ]2ic. lb.. llj c. lb. . 3 Southern States . Ill c.lb.. - - 4 N Y. City .... 12o. lb. . _ . - 5 N. Y. City, Tex. 124 c. lb. . - 6 N. Y. City and South 12 c.lb. . N.Y.,llf c.lb ; South, llf to 11 c. lb. 7 Southern States . ll^fc. lb. - 8 N. Y. City .... 11 c lb. . . . - 9 Ky. . . . . . 12|c. lb.. - - 10 Rhode Island 11,1 c. lb. 11| c. lb. . 11 14 STATISTICS OF LABOR., Table I. — Materials. Connecticut — Continued. Matebials and Goods Manhfactueed. Chief Kaw Material Wliere such Material is pro- used. duced. 12 Print goods . . . . Cotton Texas 13 Print cloth .... Cotton Tex., Ga. . 14 Print cloth .... Cotton 15 Print cloth .... Cotton Southern States 16 Pi-ints, sheetings, etc. . Cotton _ __ 17 Patent hard-laid twine . Cotton _ _ 18 Seine tnnne .... Cotton Texas 19 Seine twine and welting cord, Cotton 20 Seine twine, cotton Cotton Ala., N. C. 21 Seine twine and netting,cotton, Cotton Miss., Tex., N. 0. . 22 Sheetings .... Cotton Ga,Tex. . 23 Sheetings .... Cotton Southern States 24 Sheetings .... ^Cotton Tex., Ala., Tenn. . 25 Sheetings .... Cotton Texas 26 Sheetings, etc. Cotton 27 Sheetings, light Cotton Tenn., Tex., Mex- ico, Miss. 28 Sheetings and print goods Cotton Te:^as 29 Sheetings and drills Cotton Tex. upland . SO Shirtings, cheviot, and blue and brown denims Cotton Texas 31 Shirtings, fine white vestings, etc Cotton Southern States 32 Spool cotton .... Cotton S. C. . . . 83 Ticking, blue drills and shirt- ing stripes .... Cotton Ala. 34 Various kinds of cotton cloths. Cotton Tex., Ark., Tenn. . 35 Various kinds fine cotton goods. Cott' in 36 Warp, cotton .... Cotton Tex., Tenn. . 37 Warp, cotton .... Cotton 38. Warp, cotton .... Cotton Southern States 39 Warp and yarns, cotton . Cotton Texas . 40 Yarn (for carpets) . Cotton Uplands . 41 Yarns, cotton .... Cotton and Wool. Cotton * Texas 42 Cassimeres,beavers,and cloak- inf s Wool . Cal., Monte Video . 43 Cassimeres, fancy . Wool . All over the country Ohio, Cal. 44 Doeskins and union cassimeres, Wool . 45 Flannels Wool . 46 Knit goods .... Cotton _ ~ 47 Repe lants, woollen Wool . Cal 48 Satinets, black Wool . West of St. Louis . 49 Socks, woollen Wool . Tex., Cal. 50 Waterproofing and tweeds . Woollen goods, cotton warp . Wool . Cal 51 Wool . U.S Wool. 62 Beavers, doeskins, etc. . Wool . U.S.. 63 Cassimeres, medium Wool . Mich. UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 15 Table I. — Materials. Connecticut — Continued. Cosi OF Chief I£aw Matbbial, Aco. 16, 1880. Harket where such Material iB pur- chased. At Factory. Where purchased. Rhode Island 14 c. lb. . 13| c lb. . 12 Rhode Island 12ic. lb.. 12J c. lb. . 13 Tenu _ - - _ 14 Rhode Island 12 c. lb. . ; life, lb . 15 Conn 11 c. lb. . 10| c lb. . 16 17 18 19 20 N. Y. City .... 12 c. lb. . - Southern States . 12Je. lb.. — — N. Y. City .... 12 c. lb.. 12 c, lb. . 21 Ga., Tex I2|e lb.. _ _ 22 La., Ga., Ala., R. I., Miss. . 12i c lb. . IIJ c lb. . 23 N. Y. City .... lU|c. lb. ll,%c lb. 24 N. Y. City 12 c. lb. . Hi? c. lb. 25 - - - - - 26 Tenn 12 c. lb. . lie. lb. . 27 - - 121c. lb.. lOJ c. lb. . 28 N. Y. City .... 12 c lb. . - 29 Tex., Ga 12^5^ c. lb. . . ll#,e.lb. . 30 — _ 12Jc. lb.. n^j e. lb. 31 S. C. (Sea Island), R. I. . 28 to 46 c. lb. . - 32 Ga 8to 12 c lb. . 33 La., Tex., Tenn. . 12J^ c. lb . . n^^ c. lb. . 34 - " - 35 N. Y. City .... 12| c lb.. .p 36 - - - - - - 37 N. Y. City .... 12 c lb. . lljc. lb. . 38 N. Y. City .... 12 c lb. . lUc lb. . 39 N. Y. City .... 12tJ,''„ c. lb. . . llVs«lb. . 40 Conn 13ic. lb.. ~" ^ 41 Boston .... Clean, f lib. . 42 Boston, Conn , and West . _ _ _ _ 43 Conn Clean, 86 c lb. _ _- 44. _ _ 45 to 87i c. lb. _ _ 45 Conn., R. I. ... 20 to 40 c. lb. . _ _ 46 Boston, N. Y. City . 70 c. lb. . _ _ 47 Conn , N. Y. City, etc. 75 c lb . _ - 48 N. Y. City .... 56 to 60 c. lb. . - - 49 Boston .... eOe.lb. . _ - 50 N. Y. City, Boston, etc. . 60 c. lb. . - 51 N. Y. City, Boston, Pa. . _ 62 Boston .... 84 to 95 c. lb. . In grease, 42 to 47^ c. lb. d 63 16 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Table I. — Materials. Connecticut — Concluded. Chief Kaw Material Where sutih Material is pro- SlATEEIALS AND GOODS MANUFACTURED. used. duced. 54 Cassimeres, French Wool . Tex., Cal., Mass., Enw., Conn., East , Indies . 55 Cassimeres (fancy), miltons, and kerseys .... Wool . Australia . 56 Cassimeres, fancy . Wool . Ohio, Mich. 57 Cassimeres, fancy . Wool . Australia, Cal., and other States . 58 Cassimeres, fancy , Wool . Ga., Cal., Tex., Ore- 59 Cassimeres, fancy . Wool . gon ■ . Cal eo Cassimeres, fancy . Wool . Texas 61 Cassimeres, fancy . Wool . Australia . 62 Cassimeres, fancy . Wool . Australia . 63 Cassimeres, fancy . Wool . Ohio, Wis. 61 Cassimeres, fancy . Wool . 0., Pa., Cal., Austra- lia, Cape G. H. . 65 Cassimeres, fancy . Wool . U.S.. •. . . 66 Knit underwear and zepliyrs . Wool . _ _ 67 Worsteds and fancy cassimeres, Wool . Ausfralia . 68 Worsted goods for men's wear, very nice coatings . Wool . Oregon, Ky., Ga., 69 ^^'o^sted goods, fine, for men's wear, also woollen goods . • Utah . Wool . Cal., Monte Video, Tex., Australia . Wool, Cotton, and Shoddy. 70 Beavers (woollen) . Wool . Cal., S. A. . . 71 Cassimeres, fancy, and Shoddy, Wool and Shoddy. Wool . 0, Mich., Cal., Tex, Territories . 72 Cassimeres, satinets Wool . Conn. , . , Territo.ries 73 Satinets Shoddy,wool, Australia and West . 7.1 Satinets Wool . Australia, 0. . Silk. "75 Machine twist and sewingsilk, Miscellaneous. Silk . China, Japan . 76 Corsets and corset-steel works. _ _ _ Y7 Print goods and umbrella covers - - ... _ 78 Webbings, narrow . Cotton yarn. _ _ 79 Webbings, tapes, bands, sus- penders, etc. Cotton yarn. all spun . _ _ 80 Webbing, elastic and non- elastic " •■ UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. Table I. — Materials. Connecticut — Concluded. 17 Market where such Material Is pur- chased. Cost of Chief Raw Material, Aug. 15, 1880. At Factory. Where purchased. Boston . . . . Boston N. Y. City, Boston, Conn. . Australia, Cal., and other States .... Boston . . . . Boston, N. y. City . N. y. City, Boston . ' ; Everywhere Ohio, Wis N. Y. City, Boston, Pa. Boston, etc. Boston, Pa., N.Y., Australia, N. Y. City, Boston . N. y. City, Boston, Conn. . Boston, Cal. Conn., N. Y. City, Boston . Conn Conn Conn., N. Y. City, Pa. N. T. City '. . . . 60 c. lb. . Clean,75c.lo$1.101b 55 c. to $1 lb. . Clean, 60, 70, 80 c, f 1.12 lb. 70 c. lb. . Clean, 90 c. lb. Clean, 65 c. lb. $1.20 lb. . 90e.]b. . Clean, 85 to 90 c. lb. 85e.lb. . 60 c. to f 1 lb. . Clean, $1 lb. . 90c.lb. . Clean, 75 c. to f 1 lb. O., 86 c. lb ; Tex., 60 to 70 c. lb. . 60 c. lb. . 20 c. lb. . Clean, 80 c. lb. : to $6.50 lb. . 59ti c. lb. 69| c. lb. 18 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Table I. — Materials. New York. • Chief Raw Material Wliere sucll Material is Dro- Materials and Goods Wakufactdrkd. used. duced. Cotton. 1 Cotton goods .... Cotton _ — 2 Heavytineshirtings nnd heavy fine sheetings Cotton Gulf States . 3 Knit underwear Cotton _ _ 4 Knit underwear Cotton _ _ 5 Knit underwear Cotton Tex. 6 Print cloths .... Cotton Tex. 7 Print cloths .... Cotton Tex., Gulf States . 8 Print cloths .... Cotton _ _ 9 Print cloths .... Cotton Tex., Ark. 10 Print cloths .... Cotton Tex. 11 Print cloths .... Cotton 12 Print cloths .... Cotton. • . Tenn. 18 Print cloths and cheese band- ages Cotton _ 14 Sheetings and denims . Cotton Ark. . 15 Sheetings .... Cotton Tex. 16 Sheetings .... Cotton Ga., Tex., Miss. 17 Sheetings .... Cotton Tex., Ala. 18 Sheetings (light) . Cotton Ark., Tex. 19 Sheetings (Ug'^*) • Cotton and Wool. Cotton Tex., Ga. . 20 Knit shirts and drawers Cotton, Wool Stock, and Shoddy. Cotton Ga., Ala. . 21 Knit goods .... Cotton and Shoddy. Cotton — — 22 Knit underwear Wool. Cotton Ala 23 Beavers and fancy cassimeres, Wool . W.Va.,0.,Australia, Cape of Good Hope, 24 Carpets Wool . Russia 25 Carpets . Wool . 26 Fancy cassimeres AVool . 27 Fancy cassimeres Wool . Everywhere . 28 Fancy cassimeres Wool . Everywhere . 29 Fancy cassimeres Wool . 0. . . . . 30 Fancy cassimeres Wool . 31 Fancy cassimeres Wool . Monte Video,0.,Cal., 32 Fancy cassimeres and flannels, Wool . _ _ 33 Flannels and cassimeres Wool . _ _ 34 Flannels Wool . 0, Pa., Mich. . 35 Ladies' shawls Wool . 0., Cape of Good Hope . 36 Shawls and cashmere cloths . Wool . 0.,Mieh,N.Y.,Cal., 37 Woollen cassimeres Wool . 38 Woollen goods and carpetings, Wool . Rufssia, S. A. . 1 UNIFOEM HOURS OF LABOR. 19 Table I. — Materials. New York. Market where such Material is pur- cliased. Cost op Chief Raw Material, Aug. 15, At Factory. Wliere purchased. Tenn., N. Y. City N. Y. City . N. Y. City . N. Y. City . N. Y. City . N. Y. City, Tex. Tenn. . N. Y. City . N. Y. aty . Tex. N. Y. City, South N. Y. City . N. Y. City . N. Y. City . K. Y. City Mass. . N. Y. City N. Y. City . Usual markets . Troy, N. Y. N. Y. City . N. Y. City . Utica, N. Y. N. Y N. Y. City, Boston, Conn. 12^ c. lb. . ll|c.lb. . 12 c. lb. . ISc. lb. . 12Je.lb. . n|J c. lb. 12^0 lb. 13J e lb. . Ill c. lb. . 11| c.lb. . 12 c. lb. . 12 c. lb. . 14 c. lb. . life. lb. . 12 c. lb. 11^ c. lb. 12 c. lb. . Clean, $1 lb . 30 c.lb. . 70 to 72 c. lb. . Scoured, 70 c. lb. 90 c. lb. . 71Jc.]b. . Clean, 58 c. lb. Raw, 35 to 40 c. lb. Clean, 55 c. lb. 35 to 55 c, lb. . Clean, 85 f» 90 c. lb Scoured, 75 c. lb. 35 to 40 c. lb. . life. lb. IStVb c. lb. 13| c. lb. 2 3 4 6 6 7 8 9 11 10 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 3.3 34 35 36 37 38 20 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Table I. — Materials. New York — Concluded. Materials and Goods Mancfactuked. Chief Raw Material used. Where such Material is pro- duced. 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 62 53 54 55 56 Woollen goods Worsted coatings . Wool and Cotton. Fancy cassimeres . Knit underwear Knit underwear Wool, Cotton, and Shoddy. Fancy cassimeres, overcoat- ings, and cloakings Woollen yarn .... Wool, Cotton, and Linen. Body Brussels carpets . Wool, Flax, and Jute Yarn. Carpets Wool, Cotton, Jute, and Linen Thread. Carpets, tapestry, Axminster, and moquette Ingrain and tapestry carpets . Wool, Hair, Mohair, and Cotton Warp. Woollen lap-robes . Shoddy, Wool, and Cattle Hair. Kerseys and ladies' cloakings. Shoddy, Wool, Hair, and Cot- ton Warp. Blankets (bed and horse) Blankets (Southern markets). Flax a-dd Hemp. Twines, yams, shoe-thread, and linen .... Silk. Silk woven goods . Not given .... Wool Wool Wool Wool Wool Wool Wool Wool Wool Wool Wool Wool Wool Wool , Wool , Flax . Silk . N.Y.,0.,Mich.,Cal, Oregon, Eng. AustrSia N. Y. . . . Tex.,Cal.,Territories O., Mich., Cal., Ter's, Mass., Conn. . Bussia, S. A., Col. . Russia, East Indies, America S. A., Russia, Spain, Holy Land . Russia, East Indies, Tex., Col. Col., Tex. Russia, Cal., Col., Tex. . Holland . China,Japan,Europe UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 21 Table I. — Materials. New York — Concluded. Market where such Material is pur- chased. Cost op Chief Eaw Material, Aug. 15, 1880. At Factory. Where purchased. England N. Y. City, Pa., Boston N. Y. City N. Y. City Col., S. A., Russia S. A., Kossia, Holy Land, Spain .... N. Y. City, England . N. Y. City . N.Y. City . N. Y. City . Russia, Belgium, Ireland, France .... N. Y. City .... fllb. Scoured, 65 c. lb. 60 c. lb. . 60 c. lb. . Best 60 to 80 c. lb. 60 c. lb. 40 e. lb. Clean, 30 to 46 c. lb. 25 to 32 c. lb. . 23 to 68 c. lb. . Scoured and clean, 50 c. lb. 60 c. lb. . 11 to llj c. lb. $3.76 to $6.60 lb. . 15 to 50 c. lb. . 89 40 41 43 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 61 62 53 64 55 56 22 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table II. — Manufacturers. Markets, Transportation, Com- petition. Maine. Goods Manufactured. ■Where are Products Sold Prin- cipally? Cotton. Cotton cloth Cotton cloth Cotton cloth Cotton cloth Cotton cloth Cotton cloth and bags Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods (colored) Print cloths and silesia cambrics Sail and overall duck Sheetings . Sheetings . Sheetings . Sheetings . Sheetings, etc. Sheetings and shirtings Warps and grain bags Warps and grain bags Wool. Flannels . Woollen cloths Woollen goods Woollen goods Woollen goods Woollen goods Woollen goods Wool and Cotton. Woollen goods Woollen goods Wool, Cotton, Shoddy. Woollen goods .... Woollen goods .... Rags, etc. Book and news paper New York, Boston N. E., N. Y., West Boston, N. Y. . Boston, N. Y. . Boston, N. Y., Md. Boston, N. Y. . Boston, N. Y. . Boston, N. Y. . Boston, N. Y. . U. S., S. A., England U. S. . U. S. . N. E , N. Y., West N. E., West Boston, N. Y. . U. S., China Me., Mass., N. Y. N. E., N. Y. Boston, New York N. Y. . N.Y. . Me., N. H., Mass. NY.. Boston, New York Boston, N. Y., Pa., Ill Boston, N. Y. Boston, N. Y. Boston, N. Y. N.Y. . N. E., N. Y. UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 23 Table II. — MANurACTUKERS. Markets, Transportation, Com- petition. Maine. Cost per Ton for Transporta- tion to Principiil Market. Where is the I'rinci pal Competition i the Mannfactur of Goods? Where is the Princi- pal Competition in Selling the Goods? Are Sales af- fected by the Importation of Foreign- madeGoods? $5 00 New England N. Y., Boston . No. 1 Boston %% 40, N. Y. 4 50 N. E. . N. E. . No. 2 1 80 N. E. . N. E. . . . No. 3 1 80 N. E. . N.E. . No. 4 Boston $2.00, N. Y. 4 00 N. E. . - No. 5 Boston $2.50, N. Y. 4 50 N. E. . We do not sell . No. 6 Boston $2.50, .\le. 1 00 Me., N. H. Boston, N.Y. . No. 7 - N. E. . Boston No. 8 To Boston . . 2 00 N. E . Boston, N. Y. . No. 9 2 00 N. E. . Sell on eommis'n No. 10 2 50 N. E., Md. - No. 11 To Boston . . 3 2-5 N. E. . N.E.,N.Y.,\Vest No. 12 Boston f 2.00, N. Y. 4 00 N. E. . N. E.,N.Y.,West No. 13 From $2.00 to 4 00 N.E. . N. E., N. Y.,"West No. 14 Boston $2.00, N. Y. 4 50 N.E. . N.E., N.Y.,West No. 15 To Boston . . 1 75 N.E. . N.E.,N.Y. . No. 16 Boston $2.00, N. Y. 4 00 N.E. . N. E.,N.Y.,West No. 17 Boston $2.00, N. Y. 4 00 Me. . Me., Mass., N.Y. No. 18 From $2.00 to 4 00 Me. . N. E., N. Y. . No. 19 From $7.00 to 10 00 N. E., N. Y. Boston, N. Y. . Very little. 20 4 00 N. E. . N. Y. . . . Yes. 21 4 75 N.E. . NY.. Yes. 22 N.E. . N. E. . . . Yes. 23 N.E. . N. Y. . Yes. 24 From $6.00 to 8 00 N. E. . . Boston, N. Y. . Very little. 25 Boston $2.00, N. Y. 7 00 N. E., III., Mich Chicago, III. No. 26 From $2.00 to 4 00 N. E. . . Boston, N.Y. . No. 27 B. $2.00, N. Y. $4 to 4 50 N. E. . Boston, N. Y. . Some kinds, yes 28 From $2 00 to 4 00 N. E. . Boston, N. Y. . No. 29 9 00 Mass. . N. Y. . . . Yes. 30 From $2.00 to 4 00 N. E. . . . N. E. . No. 31 24 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table II. — Markets, Transportation, Competition. New Hamp- shire. Goods Mancfactubed. Where are Products Sold Prin- cipally? Cotton. Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Print cloths Yarns and fine sheetings Cotton and Wool. Cotton and worsted goods - Flannels, mixed twilled . Flannels, union blue mixed Hosiery Hosiery Hosiery Hosiery Hosiery, shirts and drawers Wool. Flannels and woollen goods . Flannels, woollen . . . . Flannels Flannels ..'.... Shirts and drawers . . . . Woollens Woollen goods Woollen goods Woollen goods Shoddy and Cotlon Waste. Blankets .... Horse blankets and satinets . Boston, New York R. I. and N. Y. R. I. and N. Y. Boston, N. Y. Boston R. I. and N. Y. Boston, N. Y. . Boston,. N-. Y., Pa. . Boston, N. Y., Pa. . United States United States Boston, N. Y. . Boston, N. Y., Phila., Chicago United States Boston, N. Y. Boston, N. Y. Boston, N. Y. Boston, N. Y. Boston New York . New York . Boston, N. Y. New York . Boston, N. Y., 111. . Boston, N. Y., HI., Pa. UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 25 Table II. — Markets, Transportation, Competition. New Hamp- shire. Cost per Ton for Tr»nspoi-ta- tion to Principal Market. Wliere i3 tlie Princi- pal Competition in the Manufacture of Goods? Where is the Princi- pal Competition in Selling the Goods? Are .Sales af- fected by the Importation of Foreign- made Goods? New England . Boston, N. Y. . 1 $8 00 New England . R. I. and N. Y. . No. 2 8 00 Fall River.Mase. R. I. and N. Y. . Indirectly. 3 2 60 New England . Boston, N. Y. . No. 4 3 40 Fall River, Mass. Boston No. 6 8 00 New England . R. I. and N. Y. . Yes. 6 _ New .England . Boston, N. Y. . No. 7 8 00 Boston, N.Y.,Pa. No. 8 Boston, $7; N.Y., $9 40; Phila., $11 . N. E., N. Y. . Boston, N.Y., Pa. No. 9 Boston, $6 ; N. Y., ?9 40 ; Phila., $12; Chicago, ^20 New England . Boston, N. Y. . Yes. 10 Boston, $6; N. Y., f 9 40; PMla., $12 ; Chicago, $20 N. E., Pa. . Boston, N. Y. . No. 11 $6 00 N. H., Mass. . Boston, N. Y. . No. 12 Boston, $6; N.Y., $9 40; Phila., $12; Chicago, $20 Boston, $6; N. Y., $9 40; Phila., $12; Chicago, $20 Mass.,N.H.,Pa. Mass., N. H,, Pa. Boston, N. Y., Pa., 111. . . Boston, N. Y., Pa., 111. . Cotton, yes ; Woul, no. H., yes; s. and d.,no. 13 14 $4 50 to $5 30 . New England . N. Y. . . . No. 15 $5 50 New England . N. Y. . Yes. 16 Boston, $4 80 ; N. Y., $6 New England . Boston, N. Y. . No. 17 Boston, $4 80; N. Y., $6 New England . Boston, N. Y. . No. 18 $3 00 New England . Boston No. 19 5 40 New England . Boston, N. Y. . No. 20 8 50 N.E.(N.H. prin- cipally) . New York . Yes. 21 $8 to $10 . New England . New York . At times. 22 6 50 New England . New York . No. 23 Boston, $4 50; N. Y., $7 New England . Boston, N. Y. . No. 24 Boston, $4 60; N. Y., |7 Mass. . Boston, N. Y. . No. 25 26 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table II. — Markets, Transportation, Competition. Massachu- setts. Where are Products Sold Prin- Goods Manufactukbd. cipally? Cotton. 1 Cottonades . Boston, N. Y. City . 2 Cotton cloth Fall River, Mass. 3 Cotton cloth Boston, N. Y. City . 4 Cotton cloth N. Y.City 5 Cotton cloth . Boston, N. Y. City . 6 Cotton cloth N. Y. City, Boston, Pa., Md. . 7 Cotton goods - 8 Cotton goods . Boston, N. Y. City . 9 10 11 12 13 U 15 16 17 Cotton goods Cotton goods . Cotton goods Cotton goods . Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods . Cotton goods Cotton prints . Boston, N. Y. City . Boston, N. Y. City . N. Y. City, Boston, Pa., Mass. . Boston, N. Y. City . Boston, N. Y. City . Boston, N. Y. City . Boston, N. Y. City . Boston, N. Y. City . ' . N. Y. City, Boston, 111. . 18 Cotton and worsted goods Boston, N. Y. City . 19 Duck and yarn . N. Y., Boston .... 20 Flannels . Boston, N. Y. City . 21 Ginghams . Boston, N. Y. City . 22 Print cloths Boston, N. Y. City, Pa. . 23 Print cloths Boston, N. Y. City, Pa. . 24 Print cloths Boston, N. Y. City, R. I. . 26 26 27 Print cloths Print cloths Print cloths Boston, N. Y. City . N. E., N. Y. City, Pa. Philadelphia, Pa. 28 Print cloths _ 29 Print cloths N. Y. City, Pa., R. I. . . 30 Sheetings, shirtings, etc. Boston, N. Y. City . 31 Sheetings, silesias, and cottons N. Y.City . . .' . . 32 Towels and duck .... Wool. Boston, N. Y. City . 33 Woollen cloths Boston, N. Y. City, Pa. . 34 Woollen cloths Boston, N. Y. City . 35 Worsted yarn Wool and Cotton. Boston, N. Y. City . 36 Woollen and worsted goods, and cotton yarns. Boston, N. Y. City, Pa., Md. . UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 27 Table II. — Markets, Transportation, Competilion. SETTS. Massachu- Cost per Ton for Transporta- tion to Principal Market. Wlicre is the Princi- pal Competition in tlie Manufacture of Goods? Wiiere is the Princi- pal Competition in • Selling tlie Gooas? Are Sales af- fected by tlie Importation of Foreiffu- madeGoods? New England . Boston,N.Y.City No. 1 - R.I., Conn.,N.H. Boston, R. I. A little. 2 Boston ?1.40, N. Y. $2 50 New England . Boston,N.Y.City - 3 2 50 New England . Boston,N.Y.City - 4 2 00 - - - 5 - New England . Boston.N.Y.City Yes. 6 7 New England . Boston,N.Y.City No. 8 Boston $1.-50, N. Y. . 2 00 New England . Boston.N.Y.City 9 Boston $1.50, N. Y. . 2 60 New England . Boston,N.Y.City No. 10 Mass., Me. . N.Y.City,Mass. More or less 11 Boston $1 50, N. Y. . 2 00 Mass. . Boston,N.Y.City 12 Rhode Island . Boston,N.Y.City No. 13 Boston f 1.35, N. Y. . 2 00 - Boston.N.Y.City No. 14 Boston $2.00, N. Y. . 3 50 New England . Boston,N.Y.City No. 15 Boston ^Oc, N. Y. . 2 00 New England . Boston,N.Y.City No. 16 2 50 N.E.,N.Y.City, Pa. . In all markets . No. 17 - New England . Boston,N.Y.City - 18 2 20 New England . Boston.N Y.City No. 19 - New England . Boston,N.Y.City No. 20 3 60 New England . N. Y. City. 21 '- New England . Boston,N.Y.City No. 22 - New England . Boston.N Y.City No. 23 New England . Boston,N.Y.City No 24 - New England . Boston,N.Y.City No. 25 N. E., N. Y. . N. E., N. ■«. . No. 26 _ - Boston, Pa. No. 27 _ Rhode Island - No. 28 - New England . N. Y., R. I. No. 29 - New England . Boston.N.Y.City No. 30 Including carting . 6 CO Me., Mass., R. I., N. Y. . United States . Yes. 31 - New England . Boston.N.Y.City No. 32 B. 90c., N. Y. $2.5C Pa. . . . . 3 50 New England . Boston.N.Y.City, Pa. . 33 _ New England . Boston.N.Y.City - 34 B. 80e., N. Y. City . 1 00 New England . Boston,N.Y.City Yes. 35 $1 50 to 2 00 N.E.,N.Y.,N.J., Penn., foreign. In all markets . Yes. 36 28 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table II Markets, Transportation, Competition. Rhode Island. Goods Manufactured. Where are Products Sold Prin- cipally? Cotton. Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Yarns Yarns Yarns Yarns and spool thread .... Yarns, spool thread, and knitting cotton Cotton arid Cotton, Waste, Wadding, batting, and wiping waste New York . New York . Providence, R. I. N. Y. City N. Y. City Phila., Pa. U. S., Canada . U.S. N. E., Middle States, West N. Y., Phila., Pa. . Boston, N. Y., Pa., Conn., Md., 0., 111., Canada Cassimeres Woollen yarns . Worsted yarns . Worsted yarns and braids Worsted goods . N. Y., Boston N. Y.. N.E. U.S. N.Y. Horse Hair and Cotton Warp. Hair cloth Wood and Rags. News paper United States New York Connecticut. Cotton Cotton goods, fine Dnck . Duck . Dnck . Duck, and sail twine Ginghams and dress goods Ginghams and dress goods Hosiery yarn . Mosquito netting, etc, Print goods Print goods Print goods cotton New York City New York Boston, N. Y. . Boston New York New York City Boston, N. Y. City New York, Pa. . New York R. I. . N. Y. City . UNIFORM HOUES OF LABOR. 29 Table II. — Markets, Transportation, Competition. Island. Ehodb Cost per Ton for Transporta- tion to Principal Market. Where is the Princi- pal Competition in the Manufacture of Goods? Where is the Princi- pal Competition in Selling the Goods? Are Sales af- fected by the Importation of Foreign- madeGoods? 52 75 New England . N. Y., N. E. . Yes. 1 2 75 New England . New England . Yes. 2 1 00 Fall River, Mass. N. Y., N. E. . No. 3 3 00 N. E. . N. Y. . Yes. 4 3 00 N. E. . N.Y. . . . Yes. 5 6 00 N. E. . . . N.Y.,Boston,Pa. No. 6 7 8 N. E. . N.Y, Boston . No. N. T. §2 40, Phila. 3 75 N. E., Pa. . . N.Y.,Pa.,Md.,IIl. Yes. 9 To N. Y. 200 N. E. . N.Y., Phila., Pa. No. 10 8 00 0., Del., Conn., Mass. No. 11 N. Y. $3 00, Boston I 50 N. E. . . . N. Y. . Yes. 12 2 00 N. E. . N. Y. . Yes. 13 N. E., Pa. . Yes. 14 N. E., Pa. . Pa, Wis. . No. 15 - N. E. . . . N. Y. . Yes. 16 - Eng., Germany, Yes. 17 1 60 New England . Boston, N. Y. . Not now. 18 Connecticut. $4 40 4 20 6 00 3 80 3 20 4 80 2 00 1 50 3 00 - Mass., B. I.,Conn Mass., Me., Md. Md., Mass. . Md., Conn. Md. . MasB.,Me.,Conn. N.Y.,N. J., Conn. Mass., R. I. Mass., B. I. Fall River, Mass. N. Y. City, R. I, New York . N. Y. . Boston, N. Y. N.Y. . N. Y. . Boston, N. Y. N. Y. . R. I. . R. I. . Providence, R. I. 30 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table II. — MarJcets, Transportation, Competition. Connecti- cut — Continued. Goods Manufactured. ■\\niere are Products Sold Prin- cipally? 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 37 Print cloth Print cloth .... Print cloth .... Prints, sheetings, etc. Patent hard-laid twine Seine twine .... Seine twine and -welting cord . Seine twine, cotton . Seine twine, and netting, cotton Sheetings Sheetings Sheetings Sheetings Sheetings, etc Sheetings, light Sheetings and print goods .... Sheetings and drills Shirtings, cheviot, and blue and brown denims Shirtings, fine, white vestings, etc. . Spool cotton Ticking, blue drills and shirting stripes, cotton Various kinds of cotton cloths .... "Various kinds of fine cotton goods . Warp, cotton Warp cotton .... Warp, cotton .... Warp and yarns, cotton . Yarn (for carpets) ... Yarns, cotton .... Cotton and Wool. Cassimeres, beavers and cloakings , Cassimeres, fancy . . . . Doeskins and union cassimeres Flannels Knit goods Repellants (woollen) Providence, E. I. R. I. . N. Y. City . N. Y., Pa , Boston N. Y., 111., Boston . Usual markets . Netting, N. Y.; twine. Conn. N. Y. City .... N. Y. City . N. Y., Pa., Md. . N. Y. City . N. Y. City, Pa., Boston N. Y. City, R. I. N.Y.City . Phila., Pa. . New York . N. Y. City, Boston, Pa. N. Y. City, West Indies, S, A. N.Y.City .... United States Conn. . Conn. . N. Y., Phila., Pa. Pa., R. I . N.Y., Boston . N. Y. City . N. Y. . N. J. City, Boston N.Y.City . UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 31 Table II. — Markets, Transportation, Competition. CUT — Continued. CONNECTI- Cost por Ton for Transporta- tion to Principal Market. Where is the Princi- pal Conipetilion in the Manufacture of Goods? Where is the Princi- pal Competition in Selling the Goods? Are Sales af- fected by the Importation of Foreign- madeOoods? $4 00 Mass., K. I. R. I. . No. 13 3 00 Mass . R. I. . No. 14 To print works . . 2 00 Mass., R I. N. Y. City . . No. 15 - N. Y. City . No. 16 17 - Boston, Md. ' . N. Y. . 18 - - 19 - - - 20 4 40 Boston, Md. Boston, N. Y. . No. 21 5 20 Where such mills are . N. Y. City . _ 22 14.00 lo . . .4 50 R. I. . . . N. Y. City . No. 23 7 00 Mass., N. H. . - Yes. 24 - Ma.=s ,and where tliej- are made. N. Y. . No. 25 - - 26 4 40 Great Britain Yes 27 P.G.,Mass.,R.I.; S., all the U.S. R. I. . 28 3 20 In all manuf'g districts . N. Y. . No. 29 To N. Y. . . . 2 50 Phila., Pa. . Phila., Pa. . No. 30 New England . New York . Yes. 31 There is none . - 32 62 New England . N. Y. City . No. 33 4 00 Mass. . N. Y. City . . Very little. 34 - - - 35 All cotton warp mills _ 36 - 37 5 00 Everywhere 38 3 00 _ 40 8 00 Every yam mill Providence, R. I. • 41 4 00 Same kinds of mills N. Y. . Yes. 42 5 20 New England . N. Y. City . Yts. 43 3 25 Mass. . N. Y. . Yes. 44 3 40 There is none . N. Y. City . . No. 45 All knitting mills Yes. 46 35 c. for a 42-ft. case . Pittsfield, Mass. N. Y. City . No. 47 32 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Table II. — Markets, Transportation, Competition. Connecti- cut — Continued. Goods Manufactueed. "Where are Products Sold Prin- cipally? Satinets (black) Socks (woollen) Waterproofing and tweeds Woollen goods, cotton warp Wool. Beavers, doeskins, etc. Cassimeres, medium . Cassimeres, French . Cassimeres, fancy, mlltons and Cassimeres, fancy Cassimeres, fancy Cassimeres, fancy Cassimeres, fancy Cassimeres, fancy Cassimeres, fancy Cassimeres, fancy Cassimeres, fancy Cassimeres, fancy Cassimeres, fancy Knit underwear and zephyrs Worsteds and fancy cassimeres Worsted goods for men's wear, -very coatings .... Worsted goods, fine, for men's wear, wool goods . Wool, Cotton, and Shoddy. Beavers (woollens) .... Cassimeres, fancy, and shoddy Wool and Shoddy. Cassiilieres, satinets .... Satinets Satinets Silk. Machine twist and sewing silk Miscellaneous. Corsets and corset-steel works Print goods and umbrella covers N. Y. . N. Y., Boston N. Y. City . N.Y. City . N. Y. City . N. Y. City . N. Y., Boston N. Y. City N.Y. . N.Y. . N. Y. City N.Y. N. Y. City N. Y. City JSr. Y. City also N. Y. City N. Y. City N. Y. City N. Y. City N. Y. City N. Y. City N. Y., Boston N.Y. . N.Y. N.Y. N.Y. Boston, N. Y., Pa., 0., 111., Cal. . . . . . . UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 33 Table II. — Markets, Transportation, Competition. Connecti- ccT — Continued. Cost per Ton for Transporta- tion to Principal Market. Wliere is tlie Princi- pal Competition in Uie Manufacture of Goods? Wiiere is tlie Princi- pal Competition in Selling tbe Goods? Are sales af- fected by tiie Importation of Foreign- madeGoods? $4 50 R. I., Mass. N.Y.City. . No. 48 290 N. H. . N. Y. . No. 49 2 86 N. Y. City . . - 50 - There is none . N. Y. City . . No. 51 2 00 _ Yes. 52 6 60 New England . N. Y. City . . - 33 N. Y. 5 c. cubic ft., Boston, per ton . 3 60 United States . N. Y. . Yes. 54 5 40 United States . N. Y. City . . 55 3 60 Conn. . N. Y. . Yes. 56 Utica, N. Y. . N. Y. . Yes. 57 5 GO Where they make same goods . N. Y. . . . Yes 58 3 00 Foreign trade . N. Y. . Yes. 59 To Norwich . . 1 00 Where there are similar mills . N. Y. City . . Yes. 60 5 00 N. Y., B. I., and foreign . N. Y. City . Yes. 61 5 40 Where there are similar mills . N. Y. . . . Yes. 62 S 60 Monson, Mass. . N. Y. City . Yes. 63 2 60 - N. Y. . . . Yes. 64 6 00 New England . N. Y. City . Yes. 65 - N. Y., Boston . - 66 - N.Y.,R.I., Mass. N. Y. . . . Yes. 67 5 20 Providence, B. I. N. Y. City . Yes. 68 5 60 Foreign N. Y. City . Yes. 69 2 00 Me., Mass., Vt. . N. Y. . . . Very little. 70 4 60 Mostly Berks. Co., Mass. N. Y. . . . Yes. 71 To Hartford, Conn. . 2 40 _ NY.. . . No. 72 3 60 Mostly Conn. . N.Y.City. . Some. 73 3 20 New England . N. Y. . . . No. 74 - Mass., Conn. . - 75 _ _ 76 - 77 34 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table II. — Markets, Transportation, Competition. Connecti- cut — Concluded. Goods Mandfacturbd. Where are Products Sold Prin- cipally? Webbings, narrow Webbings, tapes, bands, suspenders, etc. Webbings, elastic and non-elastic . N. Y., Boston, Pa., 111. New Yoek. Cotton. Cotton goods Heavy fine shirtings and broad sheetings Knit underwear Knit underwear Knit underwear Print cloths Print cloths Print cloths Print cloths Print cloths Print cloths . . , Print cloths Print cloths and cheese Sheetings and denims Sheetings Sheetings Sheetings Sheetings, light Sheetings, light Cotton and Wool. Knit shirts and drawers . Cotton, Wool Stock, and Shoddy. Knit goods . . . . . Cotton and Shoddy. Knit underwear .... Wool. Beavers and^ fancy cassimeres . Carpets Carpets .] Cassimeres Cassimeres Cassimeres New York New York N. Y. . N. Y. N.Y. N. Y. City N.Y. . N.Y. N.Y. N. Y. City N.Y. . N. Y. City N. Y., Chicago, III. N. Y. . N.Y. N.Y. N.Y. N.Y. N.Y. N.Y. N.Y. N.Y. UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 35 Table II. — Markets, Transportation, Oompetition. Connecti- CDT — Concluded. Cost per Ton for Transporta- tion to Principal Market. Wliere is tlie Prin- cipal Competition in the Manufacture of Goods? Wliere is the Princi- pal Competition in Selling the Goods? Are Sales af- fected by the Importation of Foreign- made Goods? Mass., Conn. N. Y. . - 78 79 Foreign and do- mestic In all markets . Yes. 80 New York. $3 25 N. Y. . No. I 4 00 N.Y.,MasB.,Me. N.Y.,PWla, Pa., No. 2 3 4 6 00 Cohoes, N. Y. . N.Y. . No. 6 00 N. Y. . . . N. Y. . No. 5 3 20 B. I., Fall River, Mass. Providence, R.I. No. 6 6 00 R. I., Mass. R. I. . No. 7 R. I., Mass. R. I. . No. 8 3 00 B. I., Mass. B.I. . . . No. 9 2 40 B. I. . No. 10 11 To New Hamburg . 7 20 B. I., Mass. N. Y. . . . No. 12 5 80 R. I., Mass. B. I. . No. 13 5 00 Where there are similar mills . N. Y. . . . No. 14 2 40 N. Y., Mass., . N. Y., Pa. . No. 15 4 00 Mass. . N. Y. . . . No. 16 5 00 N. Y., Mass., Conn. N. Y. . No. 17 To N. Y. . . . 7 00 N.Y.,Wis.,Mass. N. Y. . . . No. 18 5 00 Utica, N. Y. . N.Y. . . . No. 19 $4 50 to 5 00 Cohoes, N.Y. . N. Y. . No. 20 - Cohoes, N. Y. . - 21 4 00 Cohoes, N.Y. . N. Y. . . . No. 22 5 00 3 50 Pa., Mass. . N. Y. ; . . N. Y. . . • N. Y. . . . Yes. Very little. No. 23 24 25 6 60 - N. Y. . . • Yes. 26 New England . N.Y. . Yes. 27 7 00 There Is none . N. Y. . Yes. 28 =^=:^=^=^^^=^=^ 36 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table II. — Markets, Transportation, Competition. New York — Oonclvded. Goods Manufactured. Where are Products Sold Princi- pally? 31 36 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 47 48 49 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 CassimereB . . . , Cassimeres . . . . Caesimeres . . . . Cassimeres and flannels . Flannels and cassimeres . Flannels Shawls Shawls and cashmere cloths . Woollen cassimeres . Woollen goods and carpetings . Woollen goods .... Worsted coatings Wool and Cotton. Fancy cassimeres Knit underwear Knit underwear Wool, Cotton, and Shoddy. Fancy cassimeres, overcoatings, cloakings Woollen yam Wool, Cotton, and Linen. Body Brussels carpets .... Wool, Flax, Jute Yam. Carpets Wool, Cotton, Jute, and Linen Thread. Carpets, tapestry, Axminster, and moquette Ingrain and tapestry carpets . Wool, Hair, Mohair, and Cotton Warp. Woollen lap-robes N. Y. N.Y. N. Y. N.Y. N. Y. City N.Y. . N.Y. . N. Y., O., Pa. N.Y. City . N.Y. N.Y. N. Y. . N. Y. . By our N. Y. agent N.Y. . Shoddy, Wool, and Cattle Hair. Kerseys, and ladies' cloakings Shoddy, Wool, Hair, and Cotton Warp. Blankets (bed and horse) Blankets (Sonthern markets) . Flax and Hemp. Twines, yams, shoe thread, etc. (linen) Silk. Silk woven goods .... Not given N. Y. City N. Y. City N.Y. N.Y. N.Y. N.Y. N.Y. N.Y. N.Y. N.Y. UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 37 Table 11. -^ Markets, Transportaiion, Competition. New York — Conclwded. Cost per Ton for Transporta- tion to Principal Market. Where is the Prin- cipal Competition in the Manufacture of Goods? Where is the Princi- pal Competition in Selling the Goods? Are Sales af- fected by the Importation of Foreign- madeGoods? $2 60 5 60 5 20 2 00 7 00 In Sammer $1 75, W. 6 00 5 00 2 00 4 00 6 00 2 00 S 00 1 20 2 00 2 00 1 50 2 GO 2 00 N. Y., Conn. B. I. . Mass. . N. Y., Mass. . N. Y., R. I. Where there are similar mills . N. Y. . Conn., Fa., Masg., B. I. . Conn., Mass. N. Y. . N. Y. . N.J. N. Y. City, Pa., Mass. Mass., foreign, Foreign, domes- tic . N. Y., Pa. . Me., Fa. . Pa., N. H , Me. N. Y., Pa. . Boston, N. Y., N. J. N. J., Conn. N. Y. N. Y. N. Y. N. Y. N.Y. N.Y. . N. Y. . N.Y. . N. Y. . N. Y. . N. Y. City . N. Y. . N. Y. . N. Y. City . N. Y. . N. Y. . Boston, Pa. N.Y. N.Y. N.Y. N.Y. Some. Yes. Yes. No. No. Yes. No. No. Yes. No. No. Very little. No. A little. Yes. Yes. Yes. Yes. Very little. No. No. ■ Yes. Yes. 38 Statistics of labor. Table III. — Manufacturers. Employes, Wages, and Hours of Labor. Maine. ■ Pkopohtiom of Employes AVKBAQE Pat of Goods Manufactdked. IH EACH 100. PER Male ^emale Men. Wom- en. Chil- dren. Chil- dren. Men.. Women. Cotton. 1 Cotton cloth 30 60 6 5 ^'f^H |6 00 •>. Cotton cloth 33 55 7 5 7 50 6 00 8 Cotton cloth 34 51 11 4 7 00 5 00 4 Cotton cloth 34 , 51 11 4 7 00 5 00 B Cotton cloth 29 42 11 18 - -- 6 Cotton cloth and bags 32 56 8 4 7 50 6 00 7 Cotton goods 30 55 9 6 7 00 5 50 8 Cotton goods 40 50 6. 4 , 7. 00 5 00 9 Cotton goods, colored 31 64 2 3 7 50 5 SO 10 Print cloths, Silesia and cambrics . 65 26 7 3 8 00 6 00 11 Sail and overall dack 30 50 15 5 7 60 7 00 12 Sheetings 40 50' 7 3 7 25 7 00 13 Sheetings . . 33 55 7 5 7 25 7 00 M Sheetings . 32 56 8 4 7 50 7 00 15 Sheetings . . 33 55 7 5 8 00 7 00 16 Sheetings, etc. . 34 51 11 4 7 00 5 00 17 Sheetings and shirtings . 32 56 8 4 7 26 7 00 18 Warps and grain bags 40 50 5 S 7 50 5 40 19 "Warps and grain bags Wool. 36 54 6 4 7 60 5 00 20 Flannels 50 50 - _ 8 00 6 50 21 Woollen cloths . 60 30 5 6 9 00 8 00 22 Woollen goods . 60 40 10 50 8 00 28 Woollen goods . 70 30 10 00 6 00 24 Woollen goods . 70 30 - - 7 00 6 00 26 Woollen goods . 45 30 15 10 7 50 5.00 26 Woollen goods . 67 33 — — 8 70 7 20 27 Woollen goods . SO 20 20 10 9 00 7 50 28 Woollen goods . 32 56 8 4 9 00 7 00 29 Woollen goods . 50 20 20 10 9 00 7 50 30 Woollen goods . 31 69 - 9 00 7 00 Rags, Wood, etc. 31 Book and news paper 50 50 ~ - 10 60 5 10 New Hampshire. CoUon. 1 Cotton goods 33 60 7 _ $7 60 f S 40 2 Cotton goods 30 45 12 13 7 50 5 50 3 Cotton goods 31 44 13 12 7 SO 5 50 4 Cotton goods 31 55 9 5 7 50 5 30 5 Print cloths 40 40 12 8 7 00 5 50 6 Yarns and fine sheetings . Cotton and Wool. 33 34 17 16 7 50 5 50 7 Cotton and worsted goods 30 60 ■ 7 3 7 50 5 40 « Flannels, mixed twilled . _ _ 6 00 4 80 9 Flannels, union blue mixed . 48 36 10 6 7 50 5 00 10 Hosiery 38 47 10 5 8 00 6 00 11 Hosiery 30 50 12 8 8 00 6 00 12 Hosiery 15 72 8 5 8 m 6 00 13 Hosiery 30 60 2 8 7 m 6 00 14 Hosiery, shirts and drawers . 32 48 11 9 8 m 1 ! 6 00 UNIFOKM HOURS OF LABOR. 39 Table III. — Manufacturebs. Employes, Wages, and Hours of Labor. Maine. BACH Class Pat of Spinnkks Pay of Weavers PAI OP Hours of — Piece Weavers WEEK. PER Week. PEE Week. pee Week. Labob. Male Female Five Sat- I'er Chil- Chil- Highest. Lowest. Highest. Lowest. Highest. Lowest. ur- dren. dren. , Days day. Wk. ftS 00 $2 50 $7 50 S3 00 $7 68 $5 00 11 66 1 2 25 2 25 11 00 9 00 - - 8 00 5 60 11 66 2 3 00 200 U 00 8 00 |6 00 S3 00 8 00 3 00 11 66 3 3 00 2 00 U 00 8 00 6 00 3 00 8 00 3 00 11 66 4 _ 6 00 2 70 _ _ 7 15 4 42 11 66 5 2 75 2 75 11 00 9 00 4 00 4 00 7 89 5 32 11 66 6 _ 11 00 9 35 8 50 4 50 _ _ 11 66 7 2 75 2 75 10 50 9 00 _ - 8 00 5 40 11 66 8 4 75 3 SO 10 50 9 00 6 00 4 SO 10 00 5 00 10| 10} 644 9 3 00 3 00 12 00 10 00 10 00 5 00 u 66 10 3 50 3 00 12 00 10 00 - _ 10 00 5 00 11 66 11 3 00 3 00 10 50 9 60 8 00 5 00 8 00 5 00 11 66 12 2 50 2 50 11 00 9 00 8 00 5 60 8 00 5 50 11 66 13 2 25 2 25 11 00 9 00 8 00 5 75 8 00 6 75 11 66 14 2 25 2 25 11 50 10 00 _ _ 8 00 5 50 11 66 15 3 00 2 00 11 00 9 00 6 00 3 00 8 00 4 00 11 66 16 2 25 225 11 00 9 00 8 00 5 75 8 00 6 75 11 66 17 3 00 3 00 6 00 4 20 _ _ 9 00 6 00 11 66 18 3 00 2 90 6 00 4 20 - 9 00 6 00 11 66 19 9 00 7 00 8 00 6 00 11 66 20 3 00 3 00 10 50 7 00 12 00 7 50 12 00 7 50 11 66 21 10 50 7 00 12 00 7 50 12 00 7 50 11 66 22 9 00 7 50 7 50 4 00 - - 11 66 23 _ _ 8 00 5 00 9 00 5 00 _ - 11 66 24 3 50 3 50 10 00 6 00 _ 10 00 5 00 u 66 25 12 00 9 00 9 75 7 60 - - 11 66 26 5 40 4 ao 10 50 8 50 8 00 7 00 8 00 7 00 11 66 27 4 25 4 25 9 00 8 00 10 00 6 00 10 00 6 00 u 66 28 5 40 4 50 10 50 8 50 8 00 7 00 8 00 7 00 11 66 29 12 00 7 25 - 7 00 ~ 11 66 30 - - - - 12 12 72 31 New Hampshire. $2 40 $10 00 $8 00 $7 50 |4 00 10| 10 64 644 1 3 00 $3 00 10 00 8 00 - $8 00 $5 00 11 9 3 00 3 00 10 00 8 00 _ - 8 00 5 00 11 y b44 i 3 30 3 30 12 00 9 00 8 00 4 25 - - lUl lU 11 Mi 4 5 50 50 11 00 9 00 8 60 4 25 -■ uj b8 3 00 3 00 6 50 6 50 8 00 5 00 ill Hi 69 b 2 40 2 40 10 00 8 00 7 50 4 00 _ _ 101 lOi 644 66 7 8 9 10 8 10 7 50 6 00 4 80 6 00 4 80 11 4 00 3 50 9 00 5 00 5 50 4 00 u 11 u 11 11 11 11 11 11 11 u 11 66 66 66 66 3 25 3 25 9 50 6 00 - 11 3 50 3 50 9 00 6 00 - 1") 4 00 4 00 9 75 6 00 66 66 13 14 3 00 3 00 10 00 6 OO — - " 3 90 3 50 9 00 6 00 40 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Table III. — Employes, Wages, and Hours of Labor. New Hampshire — Concluded. Proportion op Employes Average Pat of Goods Manufactdred. IN EACH 100. PER Male Female Men. Wom- en. Chil- dren, Chil- dren. Men. Women. Wool. 15 Flannels and woollen goods . 40 40 10 10 $9 00 S6 00 16 Flannels, woollen .... 45 45 5 5 8 00 5 BO 17 Flannels . 57 43 _ « 9 29 5 SO 18 Flannels . 57 43 _ _ 9 30 550 19 Shirts and drawers 52 48 - 7 76 5 00 2U Woollens . 65 35 - . 7 75 5 00 21 Woollen goods . 47 47 4 2 9 50 8 00 22 Woollen goods . 50 50 _ - 9 00 7 00 23 Woollen goods . 65 33 1 1 8 00 6 00 Shoddy and Cotton Waste. 24 Blankets 50 50 — ~ 7 00 600 26 Horse blankets and satinets . 50 50 - - 7 00 600 Massachusetts . Cotton. Cottonades Cotton cloth Cotton cloth Cotton cloth Cotton cloth Cotton cloth Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods and hosiery Prints Cotton and worsted goods Cotton duck and yam Cotton flannel Ginghams Print cloths Print cloths Print cloths Print cloths Print cloths Print cloths Print cloths Print cloths Sheetings, shirtings, etc. . Sheetings, silesias, and fancy cottons. Towels and cotton duck . Wool. Woollen cloths Woollen cloths Worsted yarn Wool and Cotton. Woollen and worsted goods, and cotton yams 35 46 16 30 35 45 24 45 33 40 29 36 13 25 26 25 43 25 36 10 35 35 35 33 32 36 34 36 15 30 58 40 10 50 45 30 70 60 65 44 63 44 46 57 60 71 44 38 60 40 56 47 10 46 70 45 45 48 60 41 44 49 45 76 60 42 60 16 45 10 14 10 5 5 6 12 6 5 60 10 26 11 16 12 5 30 10 8 10 10 12 12 13 12 16 10 6 6 10 10 5 5 6 7 8 5 6 40 10 24 14 18 8 6 35 10 12 10 10 5 5 14 8 2 10 4 5 75 |8 00 10 49 6 00 7 92 9 00 7 92 7 00 7 00 7 60 9 41 7 50 9 50 7 BO 7 50 7 75 9 00 8 00 11 00 7 50 10 00 7 00 8 00 10 25 8 00 9 00 8 00 10 00 7 38 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 41 Table III. — Employes, Wages, and Hours of Labor. Hampshire — Concluded. New EACH Class Pat op Spinnbhs Pat of Weavers Pat of Hours of Week. PER Week, PER Week. PER Week. Labor. Male Female Snt- Chll- Chil- Highest. Lowest. Highest. Lowest. Highest. Lowest. I'ive ur- Per dl«n. dren. day S3 50 $3 50 $10 00 $7 50 $7 00 |5 00 11 11 66 Id 400 4 00 9 00 7 00 7 00 4 50 - _ 10; lOil 64* 16 - - 11 41 8 00 - — $6 50 $4 50 11: 10 m 17 _ . 11 00 8 00 6 50 4 60 - . Hi 10 683 18 _ . 8 50 6 75 6 00 4 50 _ _ 11 11 66 19 _ _ 8 50 6 75 _ . 6 00 4 50 11 11 66 20 4 60 4 50 U 00 7 50 10 00 7 50 10 00 7 SO 11 U 66 21 _ - 10 00 5 00 U 00 5 50 - - 11 11 66 '22 3 00 3 00 10 00 7 00 11 00 7 50 11 00 7 50 11 11 66 23 _ 900 6 50 8 00 4 50 . 11 U 66 24 - 9 00 6 50 8 00 4 50 ~ 11 11 66 25 Massachusetts . $2 50 $2 50 $10 00 $4 86 $10 00 $3 50 10 10 60 1 3 25 4 16 11 41 11 08 $10 18 $7 62 23 10 - 10 10 60 2 2 50 2 50 8 50 3 50 8 60 4 20 10 10 60 3 2 50 2 50 6 00 3 50 8 00 4 00 - - 10 10 60 4 4 50 4 00 9 00 3 00 10 00 4 50 _ - 10 10 60 5 _ _ 11 42 « 10 62 2 70 _ - 10 10 60 6 228 2 28 11 01 9 60 - - 9 70 3 50 10 10 60 7 3 50 3 00 10 00 5 00 7 50 4 50 - - 10 10 60 8 4 00 3 00 10 00 5 00 7 00 4 00 - - 10 10 60 9 3 00 3 00 9 00 8 00 6 00 4 50 - - 10 10 60 10 3 83 3 02 9 50 7 25 10 71 5 81 - 104 lo: 74 60 11 11 70 10 08 8 00 4 00 _ 8 60 12 3 50 3 50 12 00 8 00 11 00 7 50 - - 10 7 60 13 3 00 2 75 . _ _ - - 10 10 60 14 3 00 3 00 10 00 9 00 7 20 4 50 - - 10 10 60 15 3 50 3 50 9 00 6 60 9 00 3 60 10 10 60 16 2 50 2 50 9 60 8 40 9 00 4 50 9 00 4 50 10 10 60 17 3 00 2 40 12 00 5 40 11 00 7 00 10 10 60 18 4 00 4 50 4 20 3 65 10 00 4 00 - - 10 10 60 19 2 50 2 50 _ 9 00 3 50 9 00 3 50 10 10 60 20 10 00 7 50 10 00 6 00 10 10 60 21 2 67 3 75 13 36 10 25 10 08 5 04 _ - 10 10 60 22 11 50 9 00 _ 10 08 5 00 10 10 60 23 2 50 2 50 9 00 7 00 7 00 4 00 10 10 60 24 2 50 2 50 10 00 7 00 8 00 4 00 - 10 10 60 25 _ _ 10 10 60 26 3 67 4 00 13 25 10 00 11 08 7 62 104 3 60 27 10 62 9 70 _ _ 9 52 6 20 10 10 60 28 _ _ 11 86 10 43 8 00 5 50 - 10 10 60 29 _ _ 9 30 7 20 7 50' 5 30 _ - 10 10 60 30 3 00 3 00 9 00 4 50 8 25 6 00 9 50 7 00 10 10 60 31 32 3 50 3 50 6 00 3 50 7 00 4 00 "■ 10 10 60 - 4 00 10 00 5 00 6 00 3 00 11 00 7 00 5 00 4 00 - 10 10 10 10 10 10 60 60 60 33 34 35 4 32 4 56 11 00 6 94 - 7 68 lOJ 8i 60 36 42 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table III. — Employes, Wages, and Hours of Labor. Rhode Island. Proportion OF Employes Average Pat op IN EACH 100. PEE Goods Mancfactuked. Male Female Men. en. Chil- dren. Chil- dren, Men. Women. Cotton. 1 Cotton goods . . 24 60 "10 6 $9 00 $6 72 2 Cotton goods 24 60 10 « 9 00 6 72 3 Cotton goods 32 47 9 12 7 50 6 60 4 Cotton goods 25 61 9 6 10 00 7 00 Cotton goods 25 61 • 9 .-) 10 00 7 00 6 Yarns 30 30 10 30 8 00 5 75 1 Yarns 34 48 9 9 10 00 6 00 S Yarns 10 80 _ 10 9 00 6 00 9 Spool thread, yarns, etc. 32 53 8 7 9 00 6 00 10 Spool thread, yarns, anc knitting cotton . 20 50 10 20 _ _ 11 Wadding, batting, and wiping waste. Wool. 90 5 5 9 00 6 00 VI Cassimeres 60 40 _ 10 60 7 00 13 Woollen goods _ _ 11 00 10 00 14 Yarns 15 85 _ _ ■ 12 00 S 00 lb Worsted yarns and braids 15 85 _ _ 9 00 6 00 16 Worsted goods Horse Hair. 32 56 8 4 17 Hair cloth Wood and Rags. 40 60 ~ - 11 58 9 00 18 News paper 50 50 10 60 6 60 Connecticut. Cotton. Fine cotton goods Cotton duck Cotton duck Duck Cotton duck and sail twine Ginghams and dress goods Ginghams and dress goods Hosiery yarn ... Cottons, mosquito nettings, etc Print goods Print goods Print goods Print cloths Print cloths Print cloths Prints, sheetings, etc. ' . Patent hard-laid twine Seine twine Seine twine and welting cord Cotton seine twine . Cotton seine twine and netting Sheetings . Sheetings . Sheetings . Sheetings . Sheetings . 21 100 43 44 44 63 33 50 30 60 45 31 25 53 33 50 47 34 40 22 33 25 55 25 38 33 33 30 60 26 42 41 23 it 72 38 44 35 45 40 25 42 28 7 14 14 15 22 13 5 9 17 7 16 17 6 9 15 16 25 5 25 18 8 2 12 12 10 10 17 3 16 17 9 5 11 25 14 |7 20 7 50 7 60 8 60 9 50 10 08 9-00 6 00 7 00 7 SO 32 7 02 7 50 8 00 7 00 6 00 6 00 7 62 8 60 7 2D 7 00 7 50 7 00 6 30 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 43 Table III. — Employes, Wages, and Hours of Labor. Rhode Island. EACH ClASS Pat of Spinnkrs PAr OP Weavkbs Pat of Hours of — Piece Weavers Wbek. PER Week. PER Week. PER Week. Labor. Male Snf- Chil- dren. Chil- dren. Highest. Lowest. Highest. Lowest. Highest. Lowest. I'lve Days iir- day Per Wk. $4 00 $3 00 $8 50 $6 00 $9 00 $6 00 11 11 66 1 4 00 3 00 8 50 6 00 9 00 6 00 - - lOA lOA 63 2 3 00 3 00 10 00 8 00 _ $g 23 $4 62 u 11 66 3 3 50 3 00 10 30 8 00 9 00 4 50 11 11 66 4 3 50 3 00 10 30 8 00 9 00 4 50 11 11 66 5 3 00 3 00 9 50 8 50 _ _ 11 U 66 6 3 60 3 60 10 00 9 60 _ - 11 11 66 7 2 50 5 50 4 00 _ _ _ 11 11 66 8 3 60 3 00 12 00 12 00 - - - 11 11 66 9 _ .^ 8 00 8 00 _. _ _ 11 11 66 10 5 00 - - - lOi lOi 63 11 7 50 3 50 9 00 5 00 11 11 66 12 _ 11 00 7 00 13 00 7 50 13 00 7 50 11 11 66 13 _ _ _ _ _ 66 14 _ 5 60 5 60 7 00* 6 00* _ 11 11 66 15 - - - - 11 11 66 16 - - 10 00 8 00 10 00 8 00 11 11 66 17 - - - - 12 12 72 18 Connecticut. 1 $3 30 $3 30 $9 00 $4 50 11 5 60 2 _ _ 6 00 4 00 14 94 66 3 _ _ _ f 5 40 12 9 69 4 4 00 4 00 _. _ 6 00 - - 12 9 69 & 3 60 3 60 $9 12 $6 75 10 80 4 68 }|* ,?* 66 6 4 08 3 54 12 00 9 00 8 82 6 00 11 11 bb / 4 00 11 00 9 00 — -. 12 9 69 8 3 00 2 75 12 00 10 00 14 00 7 00 Hi 84 65 9 3 00 3 00 11 50 8 00 10 00 4 50 m »* 66 10 3 00 3 00 8 00 6 00 7 00 4 00 12 9 69 U 2 30 2 50 7 92 7 50 _ 8 00 4 00 12 9 69 12 3 25 2 85 7 20 6 55 5 25 12 9 by a 2 50 2 50 6 60 _ 9 00 4 00 12 y 69 14 3 00 3 50 8 00 7 50 12 00 4 00 Ud 8i 66 li) 2 25 3 00 3 00 3 50 4 00 4 14 2 50 2 50 3 00 2 50 2 62 3 00 3 00 3 50 4 00 4 13 2 SO 2 00 3 00 2 50 9 00 5 00 8 04 9 00 • 9 00 8 00 9 37 8 00 4 25 7 56 4 50 6 00 6 50 7 75 - 6 50 6 50 9 24 7 00 9 00 7 00 9 00 5 40 5 00 3 75 4 00 4 50 5 00 4 00 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 11 11 12 12 y 9 9 9 9 9 9 U 11 9 9 69 69 69 69 69 69 69 66 66 69 69 lb 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 * Braiders. 44 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table III Employes, Wages, and Hours of Labm-. Connecti- OTiT — Continued. Proportion of Employes Average Pat of IN EACH 100. PER Goods Makufactuked. Male Femalf Men. ■Wom- en. Chil- dren. Chil- dren. Men. Women. 27 Light sheetings 36 34 17 13 $8 10 $5 10 28 Sheetings and print goods 43 36 11 10 8 52 5 40 29 Sheetings and drills . . . . 31 24 23 22 7 60 5 50 30 Cheviot shirtings, and blue and brown denims . . . . 29 64 11 6 9 00 5 33 31 Fine shirtings, white vestings, etc. . 29 21 33 17 6 75 6 75 32 Spool cotton 40 50 6 4 9 00 7 00 33 Cotton tickings, blue drills, and shirting stripes . . . . 28 56 6 10 9 00 5 00 34 Various kinds of cotton cloths 40 34 15 11 7 25 5 75 35 Various kinds of fine cotton goods . 40 37 1."! 10 7 00 6 00 36 Cotton warps 60 44 3 3 10 60 5 00 37 Cotton warps 27 49 22 2 6 78 6 20 38 Cotton warps SO 25 12 13 9 00 4 80 39 Cotton warps and yarns . 33 27 20 20 6 00 4 50 40 Yarns 20 50 25 5 7 60 4 50 41 Cotton yarns Cotton and Wool. 27 24 26 23 7 00 600 42 Cassimeres, beavers, and cloakings . 70 16 12 2 8 10 6 00 43 Fancy cassimeres . . . . 70 27 3 _ 7 50 6 90 44 Doeskins and union cassimeres 54 36 8 2 8 76 5 75 45 Flannels 47 38 9 6 9 60 7 SO 46 Knit goods 36 64 9 00 4 80 47 Kepellants 46 64 _ _ 8 10 9 00 48 Black satinets 50 40 10 _ 8 10 6 90 49 Woollen socks SO 20 20 10 10 20 5 50 50 Waterproofing and tweeds 40 34 15 11 7 00 6 00 51 Cotton warp woollen goods . Wool. 47 41 9 3 7 25 5 00 52 Beavers, doeskins, etc. 49 43 4 4 9 25 6 00 53 54 Medium cassimeres .... French cassimeres .... 59 30 39 20 2 30 20 10 50 8 50 8 75 7 50 55 Fancy cassimeres, mlltons, and kerseys 67 23 7 3 8 76 5 40 50 Fancy cassimeres . . ' . 70 10 10 10 8 60 6 50 57 Fancy cassimeres .... 77 21 1 1 7 93 6 40 58 Fancy cassimeres .... 69 Fancy cassimeres .... 66 17 9 8 11 31 S 56 60 Fancy cassimeres .... 50 20 16 14 9 00 6 00 61 Fancy cassimeres .... 73 23 3 1 10 20 6 66 62 Fancy cassimeres .... 67 21 7 5 9 00 5 60 63 Fancy cassimeres .... 45 48 7 9 00 7 50 64 Fancy cassimeres .... 50 37 8 6 8 50 6 30 66 66 Fancy cassimeres .... Knit" underwear and zephyr 40 40 10 10 10 00 8 00 67 worsteds Worsteds and fancy cassimeres 30 71 44 17 10 6 16 5 9 00 10 60 6 66 7 00 6 00 68 Worsted coatings for men's wear . 72 20 6 • 2 8 10 69 Fine worsted goods for men's clothing 64 22 12 2 9 60 6 42 Wool, Cotton, and Shoddy. 70 71 Woollen beavers .... Fancy cassimeres and shoddy . 56 55 36 40 6 3 3 2 9 00 10 00 6 00 6 00 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 45 Table III. — Employes, Wages, and Hours of Labor. CUT — Continued. CONNECTI- EACH CIAS9 Pat of Spinners Pat of Weavers Pat OF Hours op — riECE Weavers Wekk. PER Week. PER Week. PER Week. Labor. Male Femnle Sat- Chil- dren. Chil- dren. Highest. Lowest. Highest. Lowest. Highest. Lowest. Five Days ur- day Per Wk. S3 00 S4 00 $9 50 $8 00 $8 00 $4 00 U 11 66 27 3 00 3 60 11 24 9 14 7 58 5 77 11* 9 664 28 3 00 3 00 8 00 6 00 6 50 4 00 11* 84 66 29 150 3 75 _ _ _ _ 12 17 7 50 12 9 69 30 425 3 25 9 80 8 10 1$6 50 ^5 00 7 80 5 60 11 11 66 31 5 00 4 00 14 00 6 00 - - - 101 6i 60 32 400 3 50 10 00 7 50 _ 8 00 3 00 11* 84 66 33 2 76 2 50 8 3a 7 12 _ _ 8 50 5 00 12 12 72 34 2 26 2 26 8 24 7 50 _ _ 9 00 4 00 lU 84 66 35 300 3 60 - _ _ _ - 111 84 66 36 3 22 3 00 6 00 3 00 _ _ - 12 9 69 37 5 10 4 50 6 00 - _ - _ 16 15 90 38 4 00 3 00 - - _ - _ UJ 84 66 39 4 00 4 50 _ _ _ - - 12 9 69 40 2 50 3 00 8 00 7 00 - — ~ 12 9 69 41 3 90 2 50 12 00 8 10 9 60 4 00 11 94 644 42 _ _ 12 00 7 50 _ 9 75 - 12 11 71 43 3 60 4 25 9 00 9 00 _ _ 10 00 6 00 11 94 644 44 3 62 3 44 11 75 4 25 _ _ 9 25 7 75 Hi 91 66 45 _ _ _ „ _ 6 00* _ 11 11 66 46 _ _ 10 50 8 75 _ _ 16 37 4 00 114 10 674 47 4 20 _ 10 80 10 20 _ _ 7 80 6 00 u U 66 48 3 75 3 60 13 80 12 00 _ - 7 50 4 50 11 11 66 49 3 60 4 00 6 75 6 00 - _ 9 00 6 00 111 H 66 50 4 00 3 00 825 5 00 - - 8 25 5 00 iM 9: 66 51 4 00 4 00 9 00 5 00 10 10 60 52 _ _ 12 00 9 72 _ _ 10 00 8 00 11 10 65 53 4 50 ,400 9 50 7 00 - 10 00 6 50 11 11 66 54 4 70 3 90 10 00 8 50 _ _ 10 20 5 00 11 9| 64| 55 4 50 3 50 7 62 _ _ _ 9 10 7 00 114 84 66 56 3 60 3 60 9 85 7 50 _ - 9 00 6 00 iM 9S 66 67 _ _ _ _ _ _ - — 12 9 69 68 4 60 4 50 9 00 6 00 _ 9 00 7 50 Hi 84 66 69 4 00 4 00 13 00 7 50 _ - 11 00 4 50 Hi 9 66J 60 4 25 3 80 7 00 3 75 _ _ 12 00 6 00 11 11 66 61 4 14 4 14 10 62 6 00 _ 10 38 4 80 11 11 66 62 5 10 9 00 _ _ 12 00 7 50 12 104 704 63 4 80 4'20 _ _ _ _ 9 60 6 00 Hi 84 64| 64 4 00 4 00 9 00" 9 00 - - 12 00 4 00 12 10 70 65 3 27 3 65 12 50 9 00 _ _ 10 80* 6 25* lOJ 74 i* 66 3 60 3 60 10 50 4 20 _ 11 40 6 50 11 11 66 67 3 90 4 80 12 17 6 39 - - 10 00 6 00 12 104 704 68 4 25 3 80 9 60 9 00 - 10 20 7 50 11 11 66 69 3 00 2 50 10 26 8 46 10 80 7 20 HI ^4 66 70 3 00 3 00 13 00 9 00 ~ ~ 11 33 8 00 9 66 71 46 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table III. — Employes, Wages, and Hours of Labor. NECTicuT — Concluded. Con- Goods Manufactuked. Propobtion of Emploves IN EACH 100. AvEKAGE Pay of PER Men. Wom- en. Male Chil- dren. Female Chil- dren. Men. Women. 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 Wool and Shoddy. Cassimeres and satinets . Satinets Satinets Silk. Machine twist and sewing silk Miscellaneous. Corsets and corset-steel worljs Print goods and umbrella covers . Various narrow webbings Webbings, tapes, bands, and sus- penders Webbings, elastic and non-elastic . 60 50 66 8 20 40 34 19 25 30 33 30 75 80 30 66 62 41 5 15 4 4 20 3 17 5 2 13 10 16 17 $8 40 7 50 9 00 9 00 15 00 7 08 11 50 9 00 10 00 $6 90 6 00 6 90 5 50 6 00 ■4 86 7 00 5 50 6 00 New York. Cotton. Cotton goods .... Fine shirtings and broad sheetings Knit underwear Knit underwear Knit underwear Print cloths .... Print cloths .... Print cloths .... Print cloths .... Print cloths .... Print cloths .... Print cloths .... Print cloths and cheese bandages Sheetings and denims Sheetings Sheetings Sheetings Light sheetings .... Light sheetings .... Cotton and Wool. Knit shirts and drawers . Cotton, Wool Stock, and Shoddy. Knit goods .... Cotton and Shoddy. Knit underwear Wool. Beavers and fancy cassimeres Carpets Carpets Fancy cassimeres Fancy cassimeres Fancy cassimeres 23 44 11 22 $8 16 19 57 9 15 8 25 40 60 _ _ 6 60 35 43 10 12 8 00 34 56 5 5 6 00 26 57 14 3 7 13 33 38 22 7 6 60 41 43 10 6 6 76 21 35 18 26 6 90 31 41 16 12 6 73 20 47 18 15 9 75 30 46 15 9 7 01 41 46 11 2 4 87 34 44 16 7 7 00 36 36 22 6 7 10 33 60 10 7 7 00 25 49 10 16 7 44 45 44 9 2 5 18 18 67 17 8 8 24 21 58 12 9 7 60 32 56 6 6 7 60 32 48 8 12 6 90 54 36 6 4 8 58 20 30 25 26 7 60 - - - _ 9 00 62 23 12 3 8 28 33 47 16 5 9 00 48 45 7 - 7 50 5 16 4 00 6 00 6 00 4 45 4 00 5 18 4 22 5 03 5 00 4 96 4 22 4 80 4 50 4 71 5 21 3 90 6 66 6 00 6; 00 6 00 5.56 4' 75 6 50 6 42 6.00 6.00, UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 47 Table III. — Employes, Wages, and Hours of Labor. Con- necticut — Concluded. £ACH Class Week. Pat of Spinners PER Week. Pat of Weavers PER Week. Pat of Piece Weavers PER Week. Hours of Laror. Male Chll- dreu. Female Chil- dren. Highest. Lowest. Higliest. Lowest. Highest. Lowest. Five Days Sat- ur- day Pel- Wk. $3 30 5 20 4 70 $3 30 4 50 $8 00 10 50 12 90 $10 30 12 00 . - $7 50 7 50 9 30 $5 50 4 50 6 00 Hi lU Si 8. 84 66 66 66 72 73 74 4 80 3 00 8 40 6 00 - - lOJ 7i 60 75 2 70 2 70 26 00* 15 00 6 00 4 00 $12 OOt $1 50 8 50 9 23 4 00 4 56 10 12 11 10 9 11 60 69 66 76 77 78 3 00 3 50 3 00 2 60 6 00 4 00 - 10 70 9 00 6 00 5 00 11 11 66 79 80 New Yoke. $3 42 $3 30 an 62 $8 25 $9 98 $5 00 11 84 63^ 1 2 22 2 60 10 08 9 68 — 6 57 4 91 11.1 10.10 66 2 _ _ 5 75 4 00 3 sot 3 50 11 9| 66 3 3 50 3 00 12 00 8 50 _ _ 11: 84 66 4 3 00 3 00 8 22 5 00 6 00+ 4 00 11, 9 66i 5 2 80 3 25 9 60 5 64 _ . 6 96 3 73 u 91 66 6 2 87 3 17 4 50 3 25 _ 5 25 2 66 12 H 72 7 2 30 2 93 .9 00 6 00 _ 7 44 3 38 Hi 8J 66 8 2 23 2 60 6 20 5 00 6 70 4 50 iij 8; 66 9 2 50 2 71 4 68 3 56 6 65 3 60 113 8 66 10 2 83 2 50 10 00 5 10 6 75 5 00 u 11 66 11 2 90 3 36 _ _ 6 78 4 38 11: 9| 66 12 2 95 4 00 4 80 3 00 5 78 4 25 12 10 724 13 2 53 2 72 8 02 7 03 _ 7 23 4 31 U; 9i 66 14 2 89 3 12 8 00 _ 7 10 4 02 11 8 66 15 2 26 3 10 7 50 4 15 5 40 4 26 11 9 66 16 2 62 2 71 3 36 2 52 _ 6 84 5 70 11 9 66 17 2 39 3 48 4 11 3 30 6 16 2 51 12 10 72i 18 2 65 2 62i 8 60 8 10 - 6 96 4 55 11 84 66 19 3 7S 3 75 9 00 7 00 6 00+ 5 25+ 11 94 64J 20 4 OO 3 86 9 50 7 12 - 4 25 4 25 Hi 9i 66 21 4 50 4 50 10 00 9 00 $5 00 $5 00 - - 11 9 64 22 2 43 3 12 11 52 6 00 11; 9 66 23 3 00 3 00 7 00 6 00 _ 6 00 4 60 11; 9 66 24 3 42 3 00 6 00 6 00 _ 7 75 5 00 11; 9 66 25 3 00 2 75 8 16 6 90 _ 7 80 6 00 11: 9: 66 26 3 50 3 50 5 50 10 50 6 00 IL 8: 66 27 3 60 6 00 3 60 8 00 4 26 10 8: 60 28 * Work by piece on corsets. t Corsets. X Knitters. 48 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table III. — Employes, Wages, and Hours of Lahore York — Condvded. New Goods Manufactured. Propoktion of Ekplotes IN KAOH 100. Wom- en. Male Chil- dren. Female ChU- dren. Average Fat PER Fancy cassimeres Fancy cassimeres Fancy cassimeres Fancy cassimeres and flannels Cassimeres and flannels . Flannels .... Shawls .... Shawls and cashmere cloths Cassimeres Woollen goods and carpetings Woollen goods . . ' . Worsted coatings Wool and Cotton. Fancy cassimeres Knit underwear Knit underwear 'Wool, Cotton, and Shoddy. Fancy cassimeres and cloakings Woollen yarns .... Wool, Cotton, and Linen. Body Brussels carpets Wool, Flax, and Jute Tarns. Carpets Wool, Cotton, Jute, and Linen Thread. Carpets, tapestry, Axminster, and moquette Ingrain and tapestry carpets . Wool, Hair, Mohair, and Cotton Warp, Woollen lap-robes .... Shoddy, Wool, and Cattle Hair. Kerseys and ladies' cloakings . Shoddy, Wool, Hair, and Cotton Warp. Blankets fbed and horse) Blankets (southern markets) . Flax and Hemp. Twines, yarns, shoe thread (linen), Silk. Silk woven goods .... Not given 44 43 62 62 53 39 43 56 23 36 35 34 30 18 47 65 69 27 29 50 40 41 37 43 23 37 32 38 36 51 50 69 36 43 40 63 57 24 35 12 66 58 34 46 36 29 30 20 10 11 6 5 4 37 5 17 8 21 4 17 22 24 4 16 17 20 13 10 10 6 5 S 3 7 3 11 14 7 14 14 6 $8 31 7 25 7 60 9 00 6 00 8 00 8 10 8 10 7 50 8 25 10 08 6 83 7 02 J8 25 9 00 7 92 10 10 12 00 12 00 8 90 8 00 7 92 7 75 6 60 12 00 8 50 $6 52 6 00 6 12 4 50 4 50 6 00 6 00 6 26 6 50 5 61 4 80 4 86 4 20 6 00 3 72 520 7 50 6 00 6 00 6 GO 6 00 6 70 9 00 6 00 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 49 Table III. — Employes, Wages, and Hours of Labor. York — Concluded. New OF EACH Class Pat of Spinners Pat of Weavers Pat of Hours op T^S PEB Week. PBR Week. Piece Weavers PER Week. Labor. Male Female Sat- Chil- dreD. Chil- dren. Highest Lowest. Highest. Lowest. Highest. Lowest. Five Days ur- day. Per Wk. $3 SU $3 60 *HS |2 64 $9 92 $4 75 _ 66 29 3 60 3 00 7 00 6 00 -_ 8 00 4 60 111 11; 9| 66 30 2 94 2 65 825 5 54 - 9 18 6 00 9f 66 31 -. - - - - - 5 00 4 00 Hi 4 66 32 3 00 — 7 00 — — _ 5 00 _ _ 66 33 3 00 3 00 7 50 3 60 - 9 00 5 00 Ui 95 10 66 34 2 70 2 70 3 60 - — 9 60 5 00 11 66 35 3 00 3 50 10 98 5 72 - 9 29 4 76 m »k 60 36 3 00 - 4 50 - - 8 07 5 76 u 11 66 37 4 50 4 50 - - - 10 00 6 00 lU 9 66 38 - - 12 66 3 00 9 00 4 50 lOJ 8 8 60 39 3 60 3 00 ~ 12 42 8 40 lOJ 60 40 3 00 2 70 6 75 5 2-5 9 60 4 02 11 .P 66 41 3 30 3 30 8 13 8 07 5 25 5 25 11 42 3 25 2 25 7 00 - 11 43 3 00 3 00 _ _ 11 00 6 72 Hi 93 66 44 ~ 12 00 9 00 - ii| n 66 45 3 50 4 50 - - 15 25 9 14 wi 74 €0 46 3 60 3 00 9 50 7 00 - 9 50 7 50 m 7| 60 47 S 90 4 50 9 60 6 93 10 50 7 50 m H 60 48 - ~ 12 00 8 00 - 13 50 7 00 u 9 64 49 i 00 - 10 00 10 00 6 60 4 50 lOi 74 61i 50 2 50 2 50 - 7 50 5 00 11 8 63 51 3 00 3 00 12 50 9 25 8 50 5 25 u 8 63 52 3 00 2 50 11 00 10 00 8 50 4 00 114 S4 63 53 3 60 3 00 6 60 5 40 - iii 8 65i 64 3 00 3 60 6 75 4 00 _ 25 00 6 00 lOi ^4 60 55 3 50 3 60 "" ~ 10 00 5 00 m 74 63.3 56 50 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table IV. — Manufactukeks. Product of Looms and Spindles. Maine. Goods Mancfaotured. Cotton. Cotton cloth .... Cotton cloth .... Cotton cloth .... Cotton cloth .... Cotton cloth .... Cotton cloth and bags Cotton goods .... Cotton goods .... Cotton goods, colored Print cloths and Silesia cambrics Sail and overall duck Sheetings Sheetings Sheetings Sheetings Sheetings, etc Sheetings and shirtings Warps and grain bags Warps and grain bags Product of one hundred Looms per Week. M'ool. Flannels Woollen cloths Woollen goods Woollen goods Woollen goods Woollen goods Woollen goods Wool and Cotton. Woollen goods Woollen goods Wool, Cotton, and Shoddy. Woollen goods Woollen goods Rags. Book and news paper 40 inches, 11,406 f Sail cloth, ( Overall duck. No. 33 yarn. 16,500 20,000 18,000 18,000 21,194 17,346 17,000 16,000 22,800 to 23,400 35,000 25,000 15,600 18,000 20,000 to 24,000 15,000 18,000 21,000 30,000 30,000 yards. yards. yards. yards. yards. yards. yards. yards. yards. yards. yds. I yds. J yards. yards. yards. yards. yards. yards. bags. bags. 6-4 goods, 52.000 yards. 11,000 yards. 11,000 yards. 11,000 yards. 9,370 yards. 6-4 goods, i width, 15,000 to 18,000 yds. Blankets, I goods. 45,000 yards. 4,200 pairs. 45,000 yards. New Hampshire. Cotton. Cotton goods . . . . Cotton goods . . . . Cotton goods . . . . Cotton goods . . . . Print cloths . . . . Yarns and fine sheetings . Cotton and Wool. Cotton and worsted goods . Flannels, mixed twilled . Flannels, union blue mixed Hosiery 13,000 to 14,000 yards. 19,.500 yards. 19,500 yards. 17,000 to 21,000 yards. 27,900 yards. 18,000 yards. Narrow goods, 30,000 yards. 64,000 yards. 48,000 yards. UNIFOEM HOURS OF LABOR. 51 Table IV. — Manufacturers. Produa of Looms and Spindles. Maine.. Number of Looms at- Steam or Water Product of oTte hundred Spinuers Hours of ' tended by each Weaver. Power. per Week. XiSbor per ' Week. : 4to6 Steam. 60,000 pounds 66 1 Mostly 5 Water. No. 33 yam, 180,000 pounds. 66 2 4to6 Water. _ _ 66 3 4to6 Water. _ 66 4 6 Water. 48,737 pounds. 66 5 lto6 Water. - 66 6 4 to 6 Water. No. 39 yam, 87,500 pounds. 66 7 4 to 5 Water. 90,000 pounds. 66 8 2, 3, and 4 Both. - ^ 9 Average, 5 Water. 110,000 pounds. 10 2to4 Water. 50,000 pounds. 66 U 4to6 Botb. No; 38 yam, 90,000 pounds. 66 12 4 to 6 Water. 160,000 pounds. 66 13 5 to 6 Water. No. 23 yarn, 200,000 pounds. 66 14 4to6 Water. No 33 yam, 160,000 pounds. 66 ; 15 4to6 Water. _ _ 66 16 4 to 6 Water. No. 23 yarn, 200,000 pounds. 66 17 4 Water. _ - 66 18 4 Water. - 66 19 2 Water. 66 20 1 Water. 40,000 pounds. 66 21 1 Water. 40,000 pounds. 66 22 1 Water. _ _ 66 23 1 Water. - 66 24 lto2 Both. 20,000 to 60,000 pounds. 66 23 1 Both. - - 66 26 2 Water. 50,000 pounds. 66 27 1 Water. 80,000 pounds. 66 28 2 Water. aO,000 pounds. 66 29 1 Water. 15,000 pounds. 66 30 - - - 72 31 New Hampshire. 4 to 6 Water. 64 I 6 Water. _ - 64 2 Average, 6 Water. - 64 3 4 to 6 Water. _ — 64 4 4 to 8 Both. No. 37.30, 87,000 pounds. 68 6 4 to 6 Water. - 69 b 2 to 4 Water. _ 64i 7 2to3 Water. 36,000 pounds. 66 8 „ ■• ■' ■ :: 2 Water. 42,000 pounds. 66 9 Water. " 66 10 52 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table IV. — Product of Looms and Spindles. New Hamp- shire — Concluded. Goods Manufactueed. Frodact of one hundred Looms per Week. Hosiery Hosiery Hosiery Hosiery, shirt;, and drawers iroo7. Flannels and woollen goods Flannels, woollen Flannels Flannels Shirts and drawers . Woollens Woollen goods .... Woollen goods . . . . '_ . Woollen goods .... Shoddy and Cotton Waste. Blankets . . . . Horse blankets and satinets 23 to 27 inches, Fulled goods. Fulled goods, 6-4 goods, ■ 52,200 yards. 45,000 yards. 41,595 yards. 41,500 yards. 15,000 yards. 15,000 yards. 37,250 yards. 30,000 yards. 15,000 yards. 24,000 yards. 24,000 yards. Massachusetts. Cotton Cottonades . Cotton cloth Cotton cloth Cotton cloth Cotton cloth Cotton cloth Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods and hosiery Cotton prints Cotton and worsted goods Duck and yarn Flannels, cotton Ginghams . Print cloths Print cloths Print cloths Print cloths Print cloths Print cloths Print cloths Print cloths Sheetings, shirtings, etc. Sheetings, silesias, and fancy cottons Towels and duck \ goods, 64x64, 18,900 Tards. 24,887 yards. 17,850 yards. 23,800 yards. 20,260 yards. 27.50 yam, 19,500 yards. From 19,800 to 27,000 yards. 17J yarn, 28 inches, 36 in. sheeting, f Cotton, ( Worsted, From I to f , Duck, 20,745 yards. 24,000 yards. 20,000 yards. 19,000 yards. 17,000 yards; 23,000 yards. 32,800 vds. ) 18,000 yds. J 47,120 yards. 19,000 yards. 17,300 yards. 23,756 yards. 26,245 yards. 22.500 yards. 3,500 pounds. 26,700 yards. 24,500 yards. 26,400 yards. 3,300 pounds. 30,000 yards. UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 53 Table IV. — Product of Looms and Spindles. SHIRE — Concluded. New Hamp- Hours of — Number of Looms at- Steam or Water Product of one hundred Spinners Labor per Week. tended by each Weaver. Power. per Week. _ Water. ae 11 . Water. - . 63 12 _ Water. _ _ - 66 13 - Water. - - 66 14 2 Both. 70,000 pounds. 66 15 2 Water. About 21,000 pounds. 64 16 2 Water. -^ — 68 17 2 Water. _ - 68 18 1 Water. . - 66 19 1 Water. _ - 66 . 2U 2 Water. _ _ 66 21 2 Water. 26,800 pounds. 66 22 1 Water. 40,000 pounds. 66 23 2 Water. 66 24 2 Both. " 66 25 Massachusetts. 3 to 4 Both. 60 1 6 to 8 Steam. No. 33 yam, av. 100,000 lbs. 60 2 4to8 Steam. No. 39 yarn, 70.000 pounds. 60 3 4to8 Steam. No. 39 yarn, 70,000 pounds. 60 4 2 to 4 Both. - 60 5 4 to 6 Steam. No. 64 yarn, 31,840 pounds. 60 6 3 to 8 Both. - 60 7 Steam. - - 60 8 4 to 6 Steam. 27.50 yarn, 120,000 pounds. (No. 5 to 36, 70,000 to 60 9 4to6 Both. \ 200,000 pounds ; very \ { coarse, 400,000 pounds) 60 10 4 to 8 Both. 77,100 pounds. 60 11 4 to 6 Both. 17J yam, 140,000 pounds. 60 12 6to8 Steam. - - 60 13 4 to 8 Both. _ - 60 14 4 to 8 Both. 29J yarn, 25,000 pounds. 60 15 4to6 Both. 24 yarn, 200,000 60 16 4 to 6 Both. 115,000 pounds. 60 17 2, 3, and 4 Both. - 60 18 Average, 3 Steam. _ 60 19 Average, 4 Steam. - 60 20 3 Both. — — 60 21 Average, 6 Steam. 120,000 pounds. 60 22 Average, 6 Steam. 110,000 pounds. 60 23 Average, 6 Both. - 60 24 25 4 to 8 ; mostly 6 Both. — 60 6to8 Steam. 113,000 pounds. 60 26 6to8 Steam. 100,000 pounds. 60 27 6 to 8 Steam. 100,000 pounds. 60 28 Average, 6 S to6 Steam. 110,000 pounds. 60 29 Both. No. 5 to 20 coarse, 250,000 lbs. 60 30 f Muls spinners,' 78,6001 3to6 6 Steam. Both. I pounds; frame or ring \ spinners, 72,222 pounds J 60 60 31 32 54 STATISTICS OF LABOK. Table IV. — Product of Looms and Spindles. Massachusetts — Concluded. Goods Manufactcrei>. Product of one hundred Looms per Week. Woollen cloths Woollen cloths Worsted yarn Wool. 6-4 goods, Wool and Cotton. . Woollen and worsted goods, and cotton yarns 10,000 yards Rhode Island. Cotton, Cotton goods : Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Cotton goods Yarns . Yarns . Yams . Yams and spool thread Yarns, spool thread, and knitting cotton Cotton and Cotton Waste. Wadding, batting, and wiping waste Wool. Cassimeres Woollen goods .... Worsted yarns Worsted yams and braids . Wool and Cotton. Worsted goods Horse Hair and Cotton Warp. Hair cloth News paper Wood and Rags. No. 34 yam. No. 34 yarn. No. 36 yam, No. 36 yarn, f Heavy |, I Light I, 18,000 yards. 18,000 yards. 24,700 yards. 17,700 yards. 17,700 yards. 16,000 yds. 1 22,000 yds. j 100,000 yards. 24,000 yards. CONNEC!TIC0T. i Cotton. Cotlon goods ■ Duck » . » Duck ..... 4 X)uek 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Duck and sail twine . Ginghams and dress goods ; Ginghams and dress goods ! Hosiery yarn ■ Mosquito netting, etc., cotton Pript goods Print goods . > Print goods 27 inches, 19,800 yards. 26,800 yards. 27,850 yards. 24,000 yards. UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 55 Table IV. — Product of Looms and Spindles. Massachusetts — Concluded, Number of Looms at- tended by each Weaver. Steam or Water Power. Product of one hundred Spinners per Week. Hours of Labor per Week. Both. Steam. Both. 60 60 60 60 Rhode Island. 4 to 6 Both. Average, 5 Both. 4 to 8 Mostly water. 4 to 6 Both. 4 to 6 Both. - Both. — Both. . Water. - Steam. - Steam. 1 1 Braiders, 15 2to6 10 Steam. Both. Both. Steam. \Vater. Steam. Water. Both. No. 34 yarn, 11 8,000 pounds. No. 34 yarn, 118,000 pounds. No. 38 yarn, 95,000 pounds. No. 34 yarn, 117,900 puands. No. 34 yarn, 117,900 pounds. Estimate, 160,000 pounds. No. 40 yarn, 92,200 pounds. 115,000 pounds. 12,000 pounds. H'vy yarn, 24,000 pbnnds. 63 66 66 66 66 66 66 63 66 66 66 66 66 72 CONNECTICOT. 1 lto6 Water. _ 60 2 lto2 Water. 66 3 2 Water. _ — 69 4 Water. _ — 69 i> 4to6 Both. 100,000 pounds. 66 b 7 3 to 4 Both. - 3 to 6 Both. Water. : : 69 9 10 11 ■ 4 to 8 4 to 6 Both. Water. 90,000 pounds. 69 ■ . i 4to8 ■ Both. No 36 yarn, 60,000 pounds. 69 12 56 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table IV. — Product of Looms and Spindles. Coknecticut — Continued. Goods Masufactured. Prodnct of one hundred Looms per Week. Print cloth Print cloth Print cloth Prints, sheetings, etc Patent hard-laid twine . . . . , Seine twine Seine twine and welting cord ... Seine twine, cotton Seine twine and netting cord . . . , Sheetings Sheetings Sheetings Sheetings Sheetings, etc Sheetings, light Sheetings and print goods .... Sheetings and drills Shirtings, cheviot and denims . . . , Shirtings, white vestings, etc. . . . , Spool cotton Tickings, blue drills and shirting sti ipes, cot- ton Varions kinds of cotton cloths ... Various kinds of fine cotton goods . Warp, cotton Warp, cotton Warp, cotton Warp and yarns, cotton .... Yarn (for carpets) Yams, cotton Cotton and Wool. Cnssimeres, Iieavers and cloakings . Cassimeres, fancy Doeslfins and union cassimeres Flannels Knit goods Repellants, woollen Satinets, black Socks, woollen Waterproofing and tweeds Woollen goods, cotton waip . . . . Wool. Beavers, doeskins, etc Cassimeres, medium Cassimeres, French Cassimeres, fancy, miltons and kerseys . Cassimeres, fancy Cassimeres, fancy Cassimeres, fancy Cassimeres, fancy Cassimeres, fancy Cassimeres, fancy Cassimeres, fancy Cassimeres, fancy Cassimeres, fancy Cassimeres, fancy Knit underwear and zephyrs . . . . 38i inches, 38^ inches, 38 inches, 28 inches, 6-4 wide, 6-4 wide, 23,000 yards. 23,077 yards. 21,000 yards. 30,300 yards. 24,000 yards. 20,000 yards; 17,000 yards. 33,000 yards. 22,200 yards. 22,000 yds { 18,360 yards. 16,100 yards. 30,000 yards. 32,400 yards. 18,600 yards. 24,000 yards. 18,977 yards. l.'),380 yards. 52,940 yards. 15,800 yards. 13,100 yards. 10,800 yards. 18,000 yards. Single width, 18,190 yards. Single width, 10,000 yards. UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 57 Table IV. — Product of Looms and Spindles. Connecticut — Continued. Number of Looms at- Steam or Water Product of one hundred Spinners Hours of teuded by each Weaver. Power. per Week, IjUOOr pBT Week. 5 to 8 Both. 69 13 4 to 8 Both. _ _ 69 14 4 to 10 Water. No. 37 yam, 70,000 pounds. 66 15 Sand 6 Both. No. 22 yarn, 144,000 pounds. 69 16 "Water. — — 69 17 - Water. . 69 18 - - _ _ 69 19 ~ Water. _ 69 20 - Water. - 69 21 4to8 Water. 131,400 pounds. 69 22 4, 5, and 6 Water. No 33 yarn, 124 400 pounds. No. 43 yarn, 82,000 pounds. 1 66 23 4 to 6 Water. — - 66 24 4 to 6 Both. 120,000 pounds. 69 25 4 to 8 Both. No. 54 yam, 50,000 pounds. No 43J yarn, 80,000 pounds. 69 26 4, 5, and 6 Both. No. 45 yarn, 70,000 pounds. No. 34 yarn, 80,000 pounds. 66 27 4 to 8 Water. 7«,300 pounds. 126,100 pounds. 66 28 4 to 6 Both. _ — 66 29 4 to 6 Both. _ _ 69 30 5 Mostly water. _ 66 31 - Both. - 60 32 3 and 4 Water. _ 66 33 4, 5, and 6 Both. No 40 yarn, 84 000 pounds. 72 34 4 to 6 Water. No. 45 yam, 56,700 pounds. 69 35 Water. 66 36 _ Both. _ 69 37 Water. - 38 . Water. - 66 39 Water. - - 69 40 - No. 36 yarn, 65,000 pounds. 69 41 1 Water. 66 42 land 2 Water. . 71 43 2 Both. _ 66 44 2 Water. _ _ 66 45 - Water. _ 65 46 2 Steam. _ ._ 674 47 2 Water. _ _ 66 48 _ Water. _ _ 66 49 land 2 Both. 53,850 pounds. 66 50 2 Both. - 66 51 1 Both. _ 60 52 2 Water. ^ 65 53 1 Water. _ ;_ 66 54 1 Water. _ 64i 65 Water. ~ 66 66 1 Both. _ _ 66 57 1 Both. 165,000 runs. 69 58 1 Water. _ 66 59 1 Both. _ - 66 60 1 Both. - 66 61 1 1 1 Water. Both. Both. - 66 70i 66 62 6S 64 1 Water. _ 70 65 Water. 60 66 58 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table IV. — Product of Looms and Spindles. Connecticct - Goncluded. Goods Manufactured. Product of . No reply . . . . E. Did not answer definitely . Totals In detail, in part. .. Yes, lessen the production . Yes, lessen the production, while the interest, taxes, fuel, and labor would be the same . . . . Yes, lessen the production with the same cost to plant .... Day help would receive the same pay, and produce less work in pro- portion to the reduction of time Higher prices must be paid for piece work It would increase the labor bill five per cent Yes, less product, and pay to our operatives Yes, because we could not speed up . Yes, for it costs but little more to run 66 hours Yes, production would cost more per day If wages remained the same, yes; even if wages were reduced, 5-es It would, to run on present basis ; the increase would be in the rate of overselling ..... Yes, unless wages are reduced pro- portionately ; general expenses would not decrease with a reduc- tion of hours Ye.o, unless negatived by reduced wages; overseers and hands would expect same pay for ten hours as for eleven hours ; general expenses would be the same .... Yes, it would result in nearly ten per cent less production, with but little saving in the ordinary expenses of running General expenses would be the same, and the cost of production would be increased unless wages were re- duced in proportion .... It would; should not be able to get off so many goods, and day's pay would have to be the same There Svould be a loss of ten per cent on the outlay ..... Should produce no more in the 60 hours than now in 66, and have to pay same as now for 66 . Yes, because we cannot compete with first-class mills; should have to pay same, or nearly same, wages. 30 1 31 15 21 2 2 25 12 15 1 18 51 3 5 19 2 80 84 3 2 16 1 06 18 151 10 9 3a 5 210 10 58 7 2 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 67 Statements op Manufacturers — Continued. ItBPLISS. Me. N.H. R.I. Conn. * N. Y. Totals. Yes, no less cost for office employes, also, insurance, interest, or capital invested, taxes, and probably labor; product would be proportionately Yes, all day labor and salaried labor would be the same, and production would be diminished, and supplies increased per yard .... The less hoars it runs, the more the goods would cost; for manufactur- ing purposes we could hire help just about as cheap for eleven hours as for ten ; they do not ask the ques- tion B. It would not increase the cost of pro- duction in the long run . No; for we should only pay for the number of hours the operatives worked When we dropped from twelve to eleven hours, we did not reduce wages, nor did the product dimin- ish My opinion is that the help would in the end produce as much ; however, at first the production would proba- bly be diminished . . . C. It would be so small that it would scarcely be noticeable T[£ based on hours of labor, no; if same price per day, more . ^ . Yes; but, if generally adopted,' it would slightly increase prices . E. Havenot tried to; think it would Help would probably request and ob- tain as much per day of ten hours as DOW for eleven hours . - 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 I 2 1 1 I 2 1 1 1 6 1 1 1 2 Mass. Other States. Condensed, in full. A. Yes B. No C. To a moderate degi-ee D. No reply E. Did not answer definitely Totals '. Maasachusettt in detail, in part. A. Has increased cost, as we pay day help the same as if working eleven hours a day ; piece help paid a little more, though not ten per cent more ...... Increase the cost of production by decreasing the priJduct - of the mills ; the items of insurance, taxes, salaries, day labor, and many other items could be run as cheaply with longer hours • • B. It did when we made the change ; now we work as cheaply as ever 12 11 13 36 151 10 9 35 S 210 163 21 9 48 246 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Statements of Manufacturers — Continued. Would running 60 hours per week make it necessary to employ more hands to produce present amount of goods made ? Condensed, in full. A. Yes B. No ........ C. Could not answer definitely D. No reply Totals In detail, in part. A. Not only more hands, but more ma- chinery More bands, more machinery, and more room Yes ; more machinery, as we could not employ more bands . More hands and more machinery; on ring frames, two-twelflhs more; if we speeded np, repairs would be vastly more B. We are running 60 hours . We could make as much as now . No; by a better system than the pres- ent we conld produce as much per year No; machinery could do no more, even if more hands were employed, C We calculate to take off all the work we can now 31 21 3 16 1 33 5 1 41 31 10 1 25 18 80 21 24 2 3 27 66 125 11 4 70 210 Beplies. MasB. other States, Totals. Condensed, in full. A. Yes B. No C. Could not answer definitely D. No reply 6 12 1 17 125 11 4 70 131 23 5 87 Totals Massachusetts in detail, in pari. B. We make more goods with fewer hands than formerly We do not employ any more than when running 624 hours per week 36 1 1 210 246 1 1 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 69 Statements of Mandfactureks — Continued. What effect would rmming 60 hours per week have upon wages? Condensed^ in full, A. Wonia raise them . . . . B. Would reduce tbcm . . . . C. No effect D. Did not answer definitely . E. No reply Totals In detail^ in part, A. It wonld raise them on piece work The day help wonld be paid the same as now, and the piece help raised . We wonld probably have to pay a little more ; if all ran 60 hours, there would not be much change . . . . It would increase wages and encourage strikes By improvement of machinery and a closer application of the help, wages were increased so as to exceed the old price, benefiting both parties alike. (Buns but ten hours per day) B. Reduce them five per cent . Reduce them ten per cent . Reduce them twelve per cent Reduce them for both day and piece workers Would have to reduce them, and then suffer from strikes .... At first I think we could hire help cheaper Reduce them; lower prices would make help willing to run extra It would have a bad effect on piece workers; it would lower things a little It would have the effect of so reducing them that we would finally pay by the hour It would lower wages, or else we could not run at all at present prices of goods It would naturally be lower, without there was an advance in price of goods It would reduce them proportionately ; we pay overseers by the hour, mostly piece work It would reduce them for the first year, and gradually return to eleven-hour prices Temporarily it would have a tendency to reduce ; bat I think it wonld soon follow that production being dimin- ished, prices would rise, and pay return to former prices. (This mill runs 60 hours per week now) . The general effect would be a reduc- tion. The Woollen Corporation cut down day hands, speeded up, and cut down price so that piece hands got the same .... 1 28 1 1 31 1 18 5 1 3 10 27 29 12 7 4 15 26 8 4 25 18 80 66 70 STATISTICS OF LABOK. Statements of Manufacturers — Continued. KEPLIE8. Me. KH. B.I. Conn. N. Y. Totals. Beduce them so far as desire of owners could do, so as to proportion them to old wages ; could be resisted by hands and overseers .... _ 1 _. _ «. 1 It would have a tendency to lower wages, else the cost of the goods would be increased more than the mill could stand .... 1. _ _ _ _ 1 C. It is too little to make any redaction on. _ _ _ 1 1 We should pay the same wages as now, _ _ 1 _ I Operatives would want the same pay as now, and ought to have it . _ _ - 1 - 1 Should pay the same wages, and pay more on piece work, so as to make same pay as now .... _ „ _ 1 _ 1 Operatives would want the same pay for 60 as for 66 hours _ „ _ 4 i 8 Would not be able to reduce day help, and piece workers would lose it _ _ _ 1 1 Wages are so low now that I do not think it would have any effect . „ _ _ _ 1 1 They would expect just the same as now, and insist upon it . . . _ _ _ . _ 1 1 Operatives are getting as little as they can possibly live on . _ _ _ 2 _ 2 I can hire as cheaply for 69 as for 60 hours 1 1 It would be a difficult matter to change the wages of day help _ _ _ 1 1 We pay for 60 hours the same as others do for 66 hours. (These mills run 60 hours per week) .... _ 2 _ 2 In the long run it would have no effect, _ 1 3 1 5 Do not think it would have any effect ; would not ask my help to work for less _» _ 1* 1 As a rule, wages would be the same : they pay more in Fall River than k we do _ 1 1 I do not think it would have any special effect ; day labor the same, also piece work _ _ 1 1 None of the operatives would willingly work for less pay than now . _ _ 3 3 It would have a good deal of effect upon me ; they want just as much money; we pay the same now as when we ran twelve hours 1 1 There was no change when we dropped from twelve to eleven hours ; if we went to ten hours it would be the same thing _ 3 3 I would have to pay for day's help the same as now, and piece help might ask for an advance .... _ 1 1 They would be about the same as they are now; if all mills would run ten hours, and none overtime, it would be better for all concerned _ _ 1 I Ought not to pay as much for 60 as for 644 hours ; those who work by piece, if they did as much in 60 as In 66 hours, would get as much - - 1 1 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. Statements of Manufacturers — Continued. 71 It would not have any eflfect when it became general ; the less hours, the better the wages; it would adjust itself some time, if we keep a pro- tective tariff With present roll, we should pay in proporlioa to time worked; we should go for hiring men who would work for eleven hours, law or no law . . . . I do not think it would have any effect. We should pay just as much as now; operatives are Germans, most all work by the piece, and are industrious and saving . D. If it did not decrease production, I think wages would not decrease; that would be an experiment . Competition would regulate that Matter of opinion; consult labor sta- tistics Wages have never been so high as now, except during the war . The wages are now very high ; on day help the wages have advanced in two years 25 per cent, and yet are 25 per cent lower than during the war We should try to get help for less if we could Operatives ought not to work for any less I do not think it would make wages any lower We work as economically as we know how Operatives wish to make about so much a week ; do not think we could hire help any less fur 60 hrs. That would be optional with the man- ufacturers ; few would want to pay as much for 60 as for 66 hours In our business it would be pretty hard work to run ten hours and come out even at the end of the year If it was made general through the country, it would be full better for those carrying on business than to work longer hours; do not know just how it would affect wages 72 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Statements of Manofactorers — Continued. other States. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. Would raise them B. Would reduce them C. No effect D. Did not answer definitely E. No reply Totals Massachusetts in detail, in pari. A. If hours were alike in all manufacturing districts, I think wages would he as Rood, or better, running 60 hours C. Reduce pay earned by piece workers, though not in. as great proportion as the hours have been reduced ; day help same as ihey would be for m^are hours 5 2 7 2 20 14 98 62 23 13 210 19 100 69 25 33 246 2 1 .Under a decrease of time and an increase of speed., what would he the effect upon the plant ? Ekplies. Me. N.H. K. I. Conn. N. Y. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. A good effect _ 1 - - -. 1 B. A bad effect 26 19 u 19 5 80 C. No effect _ _ 2 1 _ 3 D. Did not answer definitely . 4 2 4 36 34 80 E. No reply 1 3 1 24 17 46 Totals 31 2.5 18 80 56 210 In detail, in part. B. We run as fast as we can now ; an in- crease of speed would cause a wear- ing out of the plant .... 21 3 11 19 5 59 C. Would not injure the plant . - - 1 _ 1 No particular effect upon the plant . _ 1 _ 1 Not affect the plant otherwise than to lessen production .... _ 1 1 D. We cannot increase speed to make up any decrease of time 4 2 3 34 30 73 Should not increase speed under any circumstances _ _ _ _ 1 1 I am gradually "increasing speed with profit . , — . 1 1 We could Increase speed with profit . - - _ 1 1 This mill runs only ten hours per day 2 ~ 2 UNIFOEM HOURS OF LABOR. Statements of Manufactueeks — Continued. 73 Kbplibs. Mass. Other States. Totals. Condensed^ in full. A. A good effect B. A bad effect C. No effect D. Did not answer definitely . . ... E. No reply . . . . ' 14 2 20 1 80 3 80 46 1 94 3 82 66 Totals Massachusetts in detail, in pari. B. Cannot increase witliout raining ttie plant .... 36 11 210 216 11 Under a decrease of time and an increase of speed., what would he the effect upon the employes 1 N. H. K I. Conn. N. Y. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. A good effect B. A bad effect . C. No effect D. Did not answer definitely E. No reply Totals In detail, in part. Would be good for employes in many ways, though it might reduce wages "Wonld make more worli for em- ployes Help would lilse it better Fair wages and more time . The pay of spinners would be in- creased Improve the health of employes . Injure them and their health Not of the slightest benefit to them Make them idle, and increase' care- lessness More destructive to them than to machinery Harder work and less wages Wear out the employ^ . Reduce wages .... , Further speed would be a great waste aiid no advantage Employes nnwiliing . Cannot increase speed . Should not increase speed . This mill runs only ten hours per day 5 18 31 11 1 16 25 18 33 80 37 2 1 10 2 52 1 1 3S 83 17 64 1 1 30 1 210 2 1 1 1 2 10 20 1 1 3 15 1 1 71 1 74 STATISTICS OF LABOK. Statements op Manufacturers — Gontinued. Replies. Mass. Other States. Totals. A. B. r A Rood effect . A bad effect . No effect . Condensed, in full. 5 2 29 10 52 1 83 64 10 57 1 D. Did not answer definitely 85 93 Totals 36 210 246 Under a decrease of time and an increase of speed, what would be the effect upon the cost of goods ? Replies. Me. N.H. R.I. Conn. N. Y. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. A bad effect -. 22 17 13 U 4 67 B. No effect 1 _ _ 1 2 C. Did not answer definitely . 2 4 1 37 - 34 78 D. No reply 7 3 4 32 17 63 Totals 31 25 18 80 56 210 In detail, in part. A. Increase the cost of goods . 17 8 12 5 3 45 Increase the cost of goods ten per cent 1 _ 1 Increase cost of goods by causing waste 2 _ _ _ 2 Injure the product .... - 2 1 5 _ 8 Increase the cost of goods, and in- jure the quality of the product 1 _ _ _ 1 B. Cost of goods would not be increased, - 1 _ « 1 2 C. Can increase speed with profit . - _ _ _ 1 1 Cannot increase speed .... 3 _ 35 29 67 Should not increase speed . _ _ _ 1 1 This mill runs ten hours per day ~ - - 2 2 Other States. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. A bad effect B. No effect ^ . C. Did not answer definitely D. No reply Totals 30 67 2 78 63 210 72 3 78 93 246 UNIFOEM HOURS OF LABOR. 75 Statements of Manufacturers — Continued. Have experiments been made to test the producing power of the factory under different hours per day? With what results? Replies. Me. N.H. R.I. Conn. N.Y. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. Yes . . . . . . . 3 3 3 8 u 28 B. No 26 22 14 46 36 144 C. Did not answer definitely . 1 - 1 4 1 D. No reply 1 - - 22 8 31 Totals 31 2.'i 18 80 56 210 In detail, in part. A. It increased cost of production . - 1 - - Have run less hours and produced less 1 _ We used to run twelve hours, and now ran eleven .. 1 Yes ; possibly a very slight gain, less quantity of goods .... 1 - Yes, and find the present best for all concerned 1 — — We have run overtime, and we get more product in proportion 1 - Yes, ran day and night for five months - - - 1 months i time; our product, pro rata — — 1 We ran twelve, eleven, and now ten and one-half hours ; and our books show that reduction of hours is pro rata reduction of product - - • 1 Yes, when we changed from eleven to ten hours. The weave room did as much in ten as in eleven hours ; the card room fell behind - - 1 We have tried, and find that long hours bring the best results, so far as we are concerned 1 — We have run short time in hard times. but found it expensive, for goods cost more . . ... — 1 When we ran nine hours in winter we made more product per hour than when working eleven hours . - 1 In the winter we have run by day- light only, and the production was proportionately less .... - - 1 — Tlie proportion is about the same ; the weaver will make a little more in the shorter time .... — — 1 ~ Yes; we work only during daylight in the winter, and produce as much 1 as in the long hours in the summer. - - - We ran ten hours per day two years ; our neighbors ran eleven, and we returned to eleven ; could not com- pete with them - - 1 ~ Yes ; we did run twelve hours, and came down to eleven, and lost nearly 1 one-twelfth production . - - ~ Yes ; we ran for several months only seven hours per day, and produced nearly as many goods as under the long hour system .... 76 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Statements of Manufacturers — Continued. Kbplies. Conn. Yes ; when we pay extra for the eleven hours we get the extra product; hut, if we did not pay extra, I don't believe we should get three per cent more result We came from 66 to 60 hours for four months j we reduced wages ten per cent; production diminished 7i per cent, cost of goods Increased four per cen t, — about one- third of a cent a yard,— cost of labor per yard in- creased one- quarter of a cent = nearly seven per cent We have worked overtime, and found that after two months we got no more product of piece work (when machinery was little used) than when working regular hours . Yes; when I came here seventeen years ago we were running twelve and one-half hours per day: then product was not so much into sev- enty-flve cuts per week as we are producing now in eleven hours ; of this, twenty-seven cuts is an increase on the old machinery Changed from twelve and one-half hours to eleven ; there was practi- cally no diminution of prodaction. In changing from eleven hours to ten, we lost, but not exactly in pro- portion. Have been working ten hoars- f(M- nearly ten years. This mill is run successfully . I have run eight honrs, and six hours, and found that the production di- minished accurately with the time, and so the books show . No; we have always run eleven hours We have never run less than twelve hours No ; if we put down to ten hours, we should lose just so much produc- tion No ; this mill has been built since the company adopted ten honrs . No ; generally Monday is the poorest of the five days .... No ; but then we do not need any test of that ; the carding machines reg- ulate production, and can only do just so much per hour No; in the case of day work for about two or three weeks, there may be a gain, but after that you begin to drag. Longer than ten hours, as a rule, is hardly a gain . We first adopted tea hours because we were in the midst of foundries and other mills which worked but ten hours, and were constrained to act accordingly UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. Statements of Manufacturers — Continued. 11 SEPLIRa. Me. N.H. K.I. Conn. N. Y. Totals. C. I am of the opinion that as much can be done In a year with ten hours as with-eleven I think we get more work the shorter time we run Every hour tells, especially In spin- ninft ; in fact, every minute tglls in production The same help will produce as many goods, and of superior quality, in ten hours as they will in eleven hours ~ ~ 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Replies. Mass. Other States. Totals. A. B. C. Yes . . . No . . . Did not answer Condensed, in full. definitely 15 2 19 28 144 7 31 28 159 9 50 Totals . 36 210 246 Has the Massachusetts ten-hour law affected this factory in any way? RErLIES. Me. N. H. K.I. Conn. N.Y. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. Favorably 2 3 - 5 - 10 B. Unfavorably 3 3 2 2 — 10 C. No effect 24 18 13 37 8 100 D. Did not answer definitely . 2 1 3 19 1 26 E. No reply - - ~ 17 47 64 Totals 31 25 18 80 66 210 In detail, in part. A. It helps us some, but hurts them - - - 1 " 1 Has given us undue advantage . 1 - - It has given us a better class of op- 1 1 eratives 1 - ~ It has furnished us with more help . — — Can compete easier with Massachu- setts; can make more goods m 1 eleven hours than they can in ten . - 1 " Only so far as it has enabled us to produce goods of the same class for 1 less cost for labor per dozen . 1 78 STATISTICS OF LABOK. Statements of Manufacturers — Continued. », I should think it had helped us; it gives US an advantage over our competitors, if there be any in that State It malies some of our hands discon- tented with our hours of labor We have lost some of our best hands by it The hours were reduced from eleven to ten and one-half hours about the time the law was passed . Except to attract to us operatives am- bitious to earn higher wages than in mills running but 6U hours No ; we get as much work in 60 hours as we used to in 66 . I do not think it has ; I do not think our labor bill of day help is any higher for twelve hours than for ten Some have come here in hopes of earning more money than in Massa- chusetts No ; I do not know that it has ; our cotton goods are guided by the cost of print cloths, and we may be affected some Replies. Mass. Other States. Totals. A Condensed, in full. 4 1 31 10 10 100 26 64 10 R 14 C. D. No effect Did not answer definitely No reply .<>•.... • 100 27 95 Totals Massachusetts in detail, in part. Ten-hour law in Massachusetts makes it difficult to com- pete with manufacturers running longer hours, and has affected us ....... , B. 36 1 1 210 246 1 1 ' — * — Decreased net income ; taxes, Interest, etc., remaining same for fewer hours of labor the UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 79 Statements of Manufactueees — Continued. Has it enabled you to secure better skilled labor, and in greater quantity, than before its passage? Conn. 2f. Y. Totala. Condetised, in full. A. Yes . . . . B. No C. Could not answer definitely . D. No reply Totals In detail, in part, A. "We can get help from there easier than we used to .... I can get a better class of operatives with ten hours than with eleven Bare better help, there; do as much there in ten hours as here in eleven, B. No, it goes the other way; it's talked around here, and takes operatives away C. Have no trouble in getting good help, We know of no more influence from Massachusetts than from any other State 1 28 25 12 3 4 16 3 57 31 25 18 80 5 61 S6 8 86 8 108 210 1 1 1 Replies. Mass. Other States. Totals. A. B. C. r> Condensed, in full. Yes No Could not answer definitely .... . . . S 31 8 86 8 108 8 91 8 139 Totals 36 1 210 246 B. Massachusetts in detail, in part. We think the best skilled labor still reihains in Massachu- setts, as the work is easier, and the prices paid about the same or more than in other States ..... 1 Has it enabled you to draw sTcilled labor from Massachusetts? Hepues. Me. N. H. R.I. Conn. X. Y. Totals. Cmidensed, in full. A. Yes B. No. . . . . C Could not answer definitely . D. No reply ....... 1 27 3 25 3 12 3 4 26 8 42 5 51 8 95 14 93 Totals . 31 25 18 80 56. 210 80 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Statements of Manufacturers — Continued. ItBFLIES. Me. N. H. B.I. Conn. N.Y. Totals. In detail J inpari. A. Yes, an overseer; he gets more pay bere - - _ 1 -~ Yes, some weavers come; we have doubled our capacity, and most of them have come from there . - 1 - Yes; I have thirty operatives who came from there .... - — — 1 — Yes; I think slsilled labor can earn more here than there; our beamer tenders can earn more here than in Holyoke or Housatonic . - - 1 - B. No; quite the reverse .... 1 - - 1 - No; operatives earn as much there in ten hours as here in eleven _ _ _ 1 Our labor comes to us voluntarily. and but very little from out of the State - _ 1 _ No; never had the reason alleged. though if it was the real reason it would not be likely to be given _ 1 _ _ _ No ; help comes from Rhode Island ; I have had men say, " We can work in Massachusetts ten hours, and get the same pay as you would give," but never the other way . _ _ _ 1 _ C. We know of no more influence from there than from any other State _ » 1 This mill actually runs 70 hours per week, but the extra ten hours are paid for extra _ 1 _ 1 think the ten-hour law of Massa- chusetts gives us an advantage as far as it goes 1 _ The most skilled labor go for the short hours ; pay is about the same here as there 1 We always have help enough; can- not say that many come from that direction, but presume there are some 1 _ The Massachusetts ten-hour law makes the men work so hard as to get tired out, and fret, and strike ; nine-tenths of the strikes are caused hy this law 1 The drive and strictness under ten hours is much greater than here. so as to make a man, who is an - 1 - 1 • Kbpligs. Condensed, in full. A. Yes B. No C. Could not answer definitely . D. No reply Totals Mass. 1 2 33 Other_ States^ 8 95 H 93 210 16 126 246 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 81 Statements of Manufacturers — Continued. Has it enabled you to undersell Massachusetts manufacturers f Rkplibs. Mo. N. H. E.I. Conn. N. Y. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. Yes ....... 2 4 2 4 1 13 B. No 20 20 12 34 3 89 C. Could not answer definitely 9 1 2 9 1 22 D. No reply - - 2 33 51 ,86 Totals 31 25 18 80 56 210 In detail, in pari. * A. I could undersell them two cents per yard _ _ _ 1 _ 1 Tbink It has enabled us to do a more profitable business .... 1 _ _ _ ._ I Possibly, in so far as Rhode Island can manufacture cheaper than Mas- sachusetts mills .... _ 1 _ _ 1 I think we undersell them a little. We don't sell ourselves, but through , commission house in New York .. _ - 1 _ 1 Only so far as it has enabled us to produce goods of same class for less cost for labor per dozen . _ 1 _ _ 1 pose - _ 1 - 1 We are not selling same goods at a lower price than Massachusetts _ 2 _ 2 C. We have not tried it ... . _ 1 _ . 1 There is no standard of comparison . _ - 1 1 Have not compared cost with mills on - '_ 1 1 ours, and vice versa .... _ — 1 1 The Massachusetts mills generally set the price. The mill that runs 60 hoars has an advantag* . 1 ~ - "■ 1 Replies, Mass. Other States. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. Yes B. No C. Coald not answer definitely D. No reply 2 1 33 13 89 22 86 15 89 23 119 Totals Massachusetts in detail, in part. A. Massachnsetts manufacturers can be undersold by those in States where longer hours are run 36 2 210 246 2 82 STATISTICS OF LABOK. Statements of MANtrrACTUKEKS — Continued, Physically, what effect would less hours have upon employes? Condensed, in full. A. A good effect B. A bad effect C. No effect D. Could not answer definitely E. No reply Totals In detail, in part, A. It has been beneficial. < (Runs ten boars) Physically, it would be a great im- provement It would be of great benefit to them, especially to the women and chil- dren Beneficial ; our help are all native Americans, and nearly all steady . They would not be so tired with less hours I think it would be good for the help physically; my own idea is, that ten hours is enough for a mill . They would feel better and start work a little easier . . . . Good for girls who work all night in the mill, and then cook and wash all day for the rest of the family who work in mill during the day . Ten hours are enough ; the operatives are better off working that time than eleven ■yVo find the operatives are more able to work steadily under ten than eleven hours 1 should say beneficial ; more con- tented; when paid for extra time they cannot make extra product more than a very short time . 1 think our help will live longer here under eleven hours than in the big mills under ten hours; still, I think that less hours would be beneficial; and ten hours here would be better than eleven It would be good for them eventually ; I for one should be glad to give them opportunities, no matter how tbey used them at first Beneficial to women and children, unless the speed of machinery is increased to such an extent as to more than counterbalance the good effect Beneficial to those who improve their time profitably; but, as a general thing, tbey would smoke instead of chewing tobacco, and what the real difference would be I cannot tell 15 2 11 6 10 1 5 3 35 8 23 U 3 23 5 14 11 3. 31 25 18 56 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 83 Statements of Manufacturers — Continued. Replies. In the card room and weave room it would prove a benefit ; once we ran a whole season but nine hours, and I never was in the house before ten o'clock, and a more ased-np set of help you never saw .... It wonld give them more time to pass In idleness Our employes being mostly male, they would derive no benefit . In the main injurious, so many waste their strength ''They would loaf around liquor shops, and waste God's daylight" . It would, in my opinion, be an injury, for the reason that they would work harder Can be no benefit ; the mnle spinners get out at 2 o'clock on Saturday, and they make the most trouble It would be an injury, for a cause that Is apparent to every manufacturer, and the help would work harder . It would have a worse effect to work ten than eleven hours; it would give more opportunity for dissipa- tion It depends upon the location and the class of people; once it would have been a benefit, now it would not; five-eighths of our employes are French In a large proportion of cases the extra hour out of the mill would be injurious; that is my experience during twenty years in charge of mills It would be injurious to their health, giving them more time to spend in grog-shops and in dissipation ; better classes would be at a loss as to bow to spend their spare time . Our help are particularly healthy We cannot perceive any difference, for we have help working on an aver- age ten hours a day now . Labor is now so easy, running with improved machinery, and the mills are so well ventilated, that less hours would have no perceptible effect I do not think it wonld have any ; to many it would be an injury ; some are not near so fit to work Monday mornings None, in our opinion ; many that now work overtime when requested, ap- pear not to suffer from it . From twelve and one-half to eleven, and from eleven to ten hours, no especial improvement in the opera- tives was perceived; onr help have always been a healthy body of people . . • . 84 : STATISTICS OF LABOR. Statements of Mandpacttirees — Continued. Eeplies. Me. N.H. K.I. Conn. N.Y. Totals. D. Little effect. (Runs 60 hours per week) Ten hours are long enough. (Runs 60 hours per week) .... It depends entirely on how they use their leisure . . . ' . It is hard to say, but I do not think there would be any material change, Do not know as they are any better off now, at eleven hours, than they were when we used to run twelve . Good homes, early to bed, and clean mills do more for the health of the operatives than any practicable change of hours could 1 4 - 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 4 . 1 2 1 Bbplies. other States. Condensed, in full, A. A good effect . . . . ~ B. A bad effect C. No effect D. Could not answer definitely E. No reply . Totals Massachusetts in detail, in part. A. It has been a great benefit There is much less sipkness, and they work more days in a year The women and children have improved materially in health and appearance Undoubtedly 60 hours per week is beneficial in many if not in all respects, the only exception arising from what they do the other hpur, which is outside the present question 6 2 29 36 1 1 2 83 31 61 34 U 210 31 53 34 40 246 1 1 2 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 85 Statements of Manufactueers — Gontinued. From what is known, what proportion of the employes in this factory would make good use of more leisure time f Kkplies. Me. N. a. K.I. Conn. N. Y. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. AllwonW ...... _ ^ _ 4 11 15 B. The majority would .... 7 s 3 31 24 70 C. About half would .... 3 - — 4 4 U D. Between 10 per cent and 50 per cent . 10 4 1 12 2 29 E. Less than 10 per cent .... - 2 1 . ^ 3 F. Only the women would _ 1 _ 5 1 7 G. Very few 1 8 9 12 3 33 H. Could not answer definitely 6 5 1 9 8 29 I. No reply i 3 3 3 13 Totals 31 25 18 80 56 210 In detail, in part. A. 1 do not know of one that would abuse the time, for most of them own houses and lots, and they would spend it in working about the house and in the garden . - 1 - 2 3 6 Not one of my help would waste their leisure ; they are Americans . - _ ^ 1 . All would; our help, after supper. go out to walk; the girls are all neatly diessed, and the men sober. (Runs ten hours) .... — - _ 1 Giirls would learn more of house- keeping, and the majority would inake.good use; few would be in Saloons, but rather at home read- ing the papers and otherwise im- proving the time .... - - 1 B. Very few but what would make a good use of their time; we have very few intemperate operatives. and the majority read and study . 1 - - 6 A majority ; all pretty well behaved ; a good many single men who work night and day . . ... - - - 1 A majority; it would be beneficial to -the females and slightly detri- mental to the males .... - - 1 A little more sleep and recreation; a decided majority would make good use of their time - - 1 The majority would make innocent use ; the boys get their supper and spend' time away from home ; two- thirds go to evening school - 1 Oiir hands are most all temperate; there are but very few that would make, bad use of it; we have a very steady class of help . - - - 1 C. From one-quarter to one-third would really make good use of their extra time to improve themselves . - - 1 A part of the men would take care of their gardens, another part would be lounging around saloons and stores ; the women, as a rule would make the best use of their time " " 2 2 86 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Statements of Manufactukers — Continued. Keplies. Me. N. H. K.I. Conn. N.y. Totals. D. Less than one-quarter; if we had night schools, it would be a grand ' thing - - 2 1 3 F. Only the women would; a majority of the men do not make a good useof their leisure time . - - 5 1 6 G. The majority would not; our help is mostly French .... - 5 5 H. The majority are better off in the mill than out of it .... - - - 1 1 We are not acquainted with the life of our people outside (New York City) - - - - 1 1 Saturdays, Sundays, and Mondays are our worst days .... — 1 1 2 We have less trouble with the help outside the mill than formerly. (Runs ten hours) . . : . 1 1 ■ Our help is hurt more by their by extra labor - - 1 1 They play and work at home ; those inclined to go to gin-mills would . . _ 1 1 I do not think that any of them need any more rest than they get; we have not lost a weaver for twenty- five years, because we do not light up in the winter .... 1 1 I believe that many who now make bad use of their leisure would im- prove if they had more; but this would be gradual, and brought about by various causes . ~ 1 ~ 1 Keplies. Mass. Other States. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. All would B. The majority would C. About half would D. Between 10 per cent and 50 per cent B. Less than 10 per cent F. Only the women would G. Very few H. Could not answer definitely I. No reply 1 1 3 3 28 15 70 11 29 3 7 33 29 13 16 70 11 30 3 • 7 36 32 41 Totals 36 210 246 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 87 Statements of Manufacturers — Continued. What is the prevailing opinion among the employes as to a ten- hour law ? Keplies. Me. N. H. R. I. Conn. N. Y. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. Favorable 8 7 7 19 9 50 B. Unfavorable 8 1 ?, 1 12 C. Day hands favor it, piece hands do not 3 6 _ 1 1 10 D. No opinion expressed .... 7 6 3 34 16 66 E. Could not answer definitely 5 6 3 10 U 3.5 F. No reply - - 3 16 18 37 Totals 31 25 18 80 56 210 . In detail, in part. A. The majority would prefer it, if the pay was not reduced 1 1 3 6 _ 11 They all favor it and are anxious to have it established .... » 1 _ _ I cannot get anybody to work over ten hours. (Runs ten hours.) _ _ 1 Some of our overseers are from Mas- sachnsetts, and talk it among the employes and create a desire for it. ■_ 1 None of the operatives want to go back to eleven hours; I do not think, if we should increase the pay ten per cent, that they would con- sent. (Buns ten hours) . _ 1 B. No desire for it outside of English- 1 _ The operatives want no interference by law with their hours of labor _ _ 1 The best help want nothing of the kind, 1 1 D. No opinion expressed; they seem to be satisfied with our present time . 1 1 1 1 The question has never been agitated ; tbe help are willing to work over- time 1 -. _ The desire for less hours seldom ap- pears except among the least indus- trious 1 — — E. I think they would do as we wished . _ _ 2 The intelligent help know that less hours means less pay .- — 1 Massachusetts is very near here, and I know of no one who has left us to avail himself of shorter hours . - — 1 - Other States. Condensed, in full. A. Favorable B. Unfavorable C. Day hands favor it, piece hands do -not D. No opinion expressed .... E. Could not answer definitely . F. No reply Totals 33 60 12 10 66 35 37 36 210 53 12 10 66 35 70 246 88 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Statements of Manufacturers — Continued. Do they, or not, desire legal regulation of the hours of labor? RKPHEa. He. N. H. K.I. Conn. S.Y. Totals. Condensed^ in full. A. Yes ...... . B. No C. No opinion expressed .... D. Could not answer definitely E. No reply ; 4 7 3 11 6 7 2 7 5 4 5 4 3 2 4 1 4 5 70 1 1 2 52 17 IS 19 23 136 Totals Z» detail, in part. A. They do; and for my part I think ten hours a day is enough for any man , to work. 1 am in favor of a United States ten-hour law ; we should all be better off, and produce as many goods in a year B. No J there is too much law now . D. Most of my operatives insist on being allowed to work as many hours as they please hours for the extra pay than less ; 31 1 1 25 1 1 18 80 56 210 1 1 1 1 BI1FUE9. Mass. Other States. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. Yes B. No C. No opinion expressed D. Could not answer definitely E. No reply 3 33 17 15 19 23 136 20 15 19 23 169 Totals 36 210 246 -UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 89 Statements of Manufactoeebs — Continued. What reasons do they (the employes) give for their opinion ? Seflies. Me. N.H. B.I Conn. N. Y. Totals. Candmsed, in full. A. Self-improvement . . 3 _ 1 _ _ 4 B. Think 10 hT)Hi-s enough . 1 1 2 C. Earn as much as now In favor _ 1 _ _ _ 1 D. Extra pay for extra hours, 1 1 1 1 _ 4 E. Would make uniformity . - - _ 1 1 F. No opinion expressed . 5 , 2 1 1 1 10 G. Did not answer definitely . 2 3 4 1 1 11 H. No reply 17 15 10 77 52 171 AA. Satisfied with present hours .... 3 1 4 BB. Non-interference with . ■ 4 personal liberty . . f- Against _ 1 _ _ 1 CC. The intelligent know it means less pay . . J - - 1 - - 1 Totals 31 25 18 80 56 210 In detail^ in part. A. Those who desire a ten-hour law pro- fess that they want the extra time for improvement .... 2 _ _ 2 They would like more time to rest and think _ _ 1 _ 1 Some say they want an opportunity for improvement, some think they will get as much pay for ten as they do for eleven hours, and some want to work as little as nossible 1 _ _ 1 B. They say they are not able to work any longer than mechanics, and. If mechanics work ten hours, why should we eleven ? . . . . _ 1 1 They think tea hours are enough for a day's work, but they need a law to establish it; nothing is more ab- surd than to talk about factory operatives making their own bar- gains 1 — — 1 D. They contend, that, if the limit is but ten hours, they can work one or two or more extra hours and be paid for the extra time, which is now included in their present pay . . 1 1 _ 1 3 G. Do not know; they do not exercise nor do they possess reason - - - 1 _ 1 AA. Being well satisfied, they seek no change 3 1 ~ 4 90 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Statements op Manupactueees — Continued. Condensed, in full. A. Self-improvement . . "1 B. Think 10 hours enough . C. Earn as much as now . y In favor D. Extra pay for extra hours, E. AVould make uniformity . J P. No opinion expressed G. Did not answer definitely H. No reply . . . . ^ AA. Satisfied with present hours, . . I | BB. Non-interference with personal liberty, > Against . .< CC. The intelligent know it means less pay, J I Totals Massachusetts in detail, in part. A. Less fatigue, more time for recreation, more leisure for improvement 35 36 4 2 1 4 1 10 11 171 4 1 1 210 5 2 1 4 1 10 U 206 4 1 1 216 So far as quality and quantity are concerned, how does the product of the last hours of the day compare with that of the first or the middle hours of the day ? EEPLIE8. Me. N.H. E.I. Conn. N. Y. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. Quality and quantity superior . 1 1 - • 5 4 U B. Quality and quantity poorer 1 1 1 7 10 20 C. No difference 27 21 16 62 33 .149 D. Did not answer definitely . 1 - _ 6 3 9 E. No reply 1 - 1 10 6 18 F. Quality same, quantity less 2 - 1 3 Totals 31 25 18 80 56 210 In detail, in part. A< In the summer time, the last hours are best 1 _ _ _ _ 1 The last hour's product is the best in quality and quantity - 1 - 3 2 6 The piece workers produce about twenty per cent more the last hour of the day - - _ 1 We get more goods the last hour of the day than in the morning . 1 _ In machinery it is about the same ; a bystander says the last hour gives thirty per cent more .... - 1 _ No diffference, except that the last hour is always better than the first. I have tried to run overtime, and it did not prove profitable . - - - 1 B. The middle hour is the best; the last, poorest ....•• - — -. 1 Work more slack during the last hours, " ", — ~ 2 2 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. Statements of Manofactcireks — Continued. 91 Replies. Me. N. H. R.I. Conn. N.Y. Totals. In snmmer,.last hour of day drags . 1 1 Not so good ; not even when we work overtime and pay extra wages « 1 1 We get the most work off in the fore- noon ; the last hours are the poorest, _ ^ 1 1 The first and last hours produce less ; virtually, we do not produce any thing the last hoar In the week _ 1 _ 1 The quantity of last hour somewhat reduced; work more in forenoon than afternoon; especially is this true of children's work . _ _ 1 1 They are generally getting ready to stop work some time before, and it would probably be just the same with ten hours _ . 1 1 Never compared them, but sure they are less; hands always begin to get nneasy during the last hours, and more or less of them will wash up. etc., before time to stop . ^ I _ _ I C. About the same ; the last hour is best for spinning 2 _ _ _ 2 Not much difference ; when looms run by gaslight, quality not so good _ - - ' 1 1 No difference; most important help work by the piece .... _ 1 1 No difference ; we find that our drag- Ing comes in the middle of the day, _ _ 1 1 2 As a rule, it is fully as good ; the mill . is in better order — especially in winter — the last hour than the first. _ _ 1 1 D. The last part of the day the machinery runs easier ,. — 1 - 1 F. The quality we enforce, but believe we get less ({uantity dnring last hours. _ 1 1 I do not know that there is any differ- ence, except that quantity may be a little less the last hour, as the help get tired . . . .- 1 1 Quality the same, quantity less; we have sometimes run overtime, but, after the first few days, we did not produce much more in thirteen hours than we usually did in eleven, 1 - ~ 1 other States. Condensed, in fidl. A. Quality and quantity superior B. Quality and quantity poorer . C. No difference D. Did not answer definitely E. No reply F. Quality same, quantity less . Totals 1 1 18 16 11 20 149 9 18 3 210 246 92 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Statements of Manufactdeers — Continued. If many large mills can be successfully run under 60 hours per week, are there any valid reasons why all cannot he so run ? Replies. Me. N. H. R.I. Conn. N.T. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. Yes ...... . 3 10 4 13 11 41 B. No 21 11 10 8 13 63 C. Depends on circumstances . 6 2 2 5 4 19 D. Could not answer definitely - - - 2 1 3 E. No reply 1 2 2 - 52 27 84 Totals 31 25 18 80 56 210 In detail, in part. A. Yes ; large mills always have an ad- vantage over small .... 2 9 3 2 4 20 Yes; outside competition and the . desire of help to earn more 1 - - - 1 Yes; counting water against cost of steam — — . — 1 1 The small mill costs more per product for superintendence, and has not the conveniences of a large one - — — 8 1 9 Small mills with old machinery can- not compete with others . - - - 1 - 1 and sell without commission . _ _ _ _ 1 1 Yes ; for in my opinion a small mill cannot be run at a profit under sixty hours per week ...... _ i « _ _ 1 Yes; the proportion of expenses for running small mills is greater than large _ .. - - 2 2 There are mills with old machinery that cannot run at all unless they run twelve hours per day . _ _ ^ ^' 1 1 Yes ; because one may be successfully run, that is no reason that others can be; it depends on the kind of business and the type and class of people employed .... „ _ _ _ _ 1 1 Large mills are usually wealthy, and can put in more machinery and get the production, while small con- cerns cannot afford to increase their machinery, and it would drive small concerns to the wall .... _ _ _ 1 _ 1 B. No ; it is a mere matter of competi- tion _ _ _ 1 _ 1 No; for if we can compete on 66 hours there are no valid reasons why we could not with 60 hours . _ _ 1 ^ _ 1 I do not see why a small mill cannot do as well as a large one . _ _ _ 1 1 None except the fact that mills with old machinery cannot compete with Hew, because they can run from ten to twelve per cent faster . - _ _ 1 1 C. Only the difference in cost of freight . 1 _ - _ 1 Only BO far as regards competition with foreign goods .... - _ ^ 1 _ 1 Possibly not; but unless consumers are willing to pay more for goods the help must be content with lower wages .- 1 - . r - - 1 UNIFORM HOUES OF LABOR. 93 Statements of Manutacturehs — Continued. Kepliks. Me. N.H. B.I. Conn. N. Y. Totals. Capacity in managing a mill is of more importance than the difference between ten and eleven hours . Depends on what they manufacture; all large mills of this class (paper) run the whole time, except Sunday, with two sets of men - 1 - 1 1 1 Replies. Mass. Other States. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. Yes B. No C. Depends on circumstances D. Could not answer definitely -..:... E. No reply 17 19 41 63 19 3 84 41 80 19 3 103 Totals Massachusetts in detail, in part. B. I think all could be so run if the running time was the same in all the States 36 1 210 246 1 Does intemperance have any appreciable effect upon the produ<^ of the mill? Keplies. Me. N.H. E.I. Conn. N.y. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. Yes 2 4 8 25 20 59 B. No 29 21 9 51 31. 141 C. Did not answer definitely . - - - - 4 4 D. No reply - - 1 4 1 6 Totals 31 25 18 80 56 210 In detail, in part. A. Yes ; never knew a mill run but what it did 1 1 It does, fearfully - - 1 - 1 1 Sometimes, after pay day . 1 - Yes; we have one spinner who goes on a three days' drunk semi-occa- 1 sionally 1 - "* It does ; but I weed them out as fast 2 2 as I can — ~ ~ Yes ; it causes ns to change our help 3 oftener than otherwise - 3 '^ It does at times ; we have to put up 1 with it when help is scarce 1 94: STATISTICS OF- LABOR. Statements of Manufacturers — OoncVaded. Eeplies. Me. N.H. K. I. Conn. N.y. Totals. It has none on prodaction, but cost of same is increased by this cause This mill employs three hundred men, and they are a good set of men, but it suffers to the extent of- $2,500, an- nually, from this cause . . . B. No ; we do not tolerate it, nor do we employ intemperate people No ; If a man gets drunk his time is out I cannot say as It does, for if one man is out we fill his place with another. No ; our people have to be straight when they are here, so we do not suffer . . . 1 3 1 6 1 2 1 1 1 1 10 2 1 1 Eeplies. • Mass. Other States. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. Yes B. No C. Did not answer definitely D. No reply 5 18 13 59 HI 4 6 64 159 4 19 Totals Massachusetts in detail, in part. A. Intemperance has more or less effect Yes; most of the time there are enough spare hands to substitute for those not at work ; intemperance is a great curse to the operatives . . . . 36 2 1 210 246 2 1 Pages 6 to 94 have been devoted to the returns of man- ufacturers, such points as admitted of tabular presentation being given in the tables I. to IV. inclusive. In these tables, the same marginal figure, under each State, indicates the same establishment. For instance, line 20, under Maine, on page 6, gives the returns of a woollen factory as regards materials used in the manufacture of flannels; line 20, page 22, gives particulars concerning markets, transportation, and competi- tion for the same establishment; line 20, page 38, informa- tion regarding employes, wages, and hours of labor ; and line 20, page 50, completes the showing for this establishment by giving the product of looms and spindles. In a similar way, the returns for any one of the 246 establishments represented in the tables may be consolidated. UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 95 The statements of manufacturers, pages 62 to 94, are in part tabular, and in part text. The statements of manufac- turers in Maine, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New York, 210 in number, are given first in a condensed table, under each inquiry ; then follow statements in detail, the figures in any column giving the number of manufactur- ers in any State who agreed in the nature of their replies. The opinions of the Massachusetts manufacturers, 36 in num- ber, are then presented in a table with the other States, for purposes of comparison as regards each inquiry, followed by the opinions, in detail, of the Massachusetts manufacturers. 96 STATISTICS OF LABOK. EMPL0YJ6S. Table V. — EMPLOTi;s. Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. Maine. ■' HoDus OF Labor. NtTMBEK IN Family. OOODPATIONS. Day or Piece ' Chil- Chil- Work. Five OnSat- Per dren dren Days. ui'day. Week. Adulta. under 10. above 10. Total. Colion. 1 Card grinder Dav . 11 11 66 1 - - 1 ' 2 Card grinder Day . 11 11 66 2 .2 1 3. 3 Card grinder Day . 11 11 66 2 2 4 4 Card grinder Day . 11 11 66 2 - 2 5 Cloth hanler Day . 11 11 66 2 1 - 3 6 Drawer in of warp Piece, 11 11 66 1 - 1 7 Laborer in card room . Day . 11 11 66 2 1 - 3 8 Loom fixer . Day . 11 11 66 1 - 1 g Oiler .... Day . U 11 66 2 - - 2 10 Pielter .... Day . n 11 66 2 1 2 S 11 Piclser .... Day . 11 11 66 1 - - 1 12 Picker .... Day . 11 11 66 2 1 - 3 13 Section hand Day . 11 11 66 2 2 1 5 14 Spinner Piece, 11 11 66 2 1 ~ 3 15 Spinner Piece, 11 11 66 2 1 - 3 16 Spinner Piece, 11 11 66 1 - ~ 1 17 Spinner Piece, 11 11 66 1 - - 1 18 Spinner Piece, 11 11 66 1 - - 1 19 Spinner Piece, 11 U 66 1 - 1 20 Spinner Piece, 12 12 72 1 - 1 21 Spinner Piece, 11 11 66 1 _ 1 22 Spinner Piece, 11 U 66 3 1 4 23 Spinner Piece, 11 11 66 2 - 2 24 Spinner Piece, 11 11 66 1 _ _ 1 25 Spinner, mule Piece, 11 U 66 2 - - 2 26 Spinner, mule Piece, 11 11 66 2 « 2 4 27 Spinner, mule Piece, 11 11 66 2 1 - 3 28 Spinner, mule Piece, 11 11 66 2 1 3 29 Spinner, mule Piece, 11 11 66 2 _ 2 30 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 2 - 2 4 31 Weaver Day . 11 11 66 1 - 1 32 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 _ 1 33 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 2 4 34 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 1 35 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 - 1 36 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 - - 1 37 ■Weaver Piece, 11 U 66 - - 1 38 Weaver : Day . 11 11 66. 1 _ 2 39 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 - 1 40 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 _. 1 41 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 2 2 - 4 42 Weaver Piece, 11 U 66 1 - 1 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 97 Table V. — Employes. Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. ■ Maine. Eaknings op Head of Family Cost of Livino. AND Others in THE f AU1JL.X. tj TiMK TTKEMPLOTKD p. 1^ 3 g DDIUNG THE yEAK. Per Week. Per Year. Others. Totals. |9 50 $494 $494 $374 1 A few days. Sick- ness and rest . 9 50 494 $200 694 _ 700 2 Lost time from sick- ness 9 50 480 _ 480 _ 480 3 One week. Unem- ployed ". 9 60 480 480 960 _ _ 600 4 _ _ 7 00 300 300 _ _ _ 300 3 - - 6 00 300 „ 300 _ _ $3 00 - 6 _ _ 6 00 312 260 572 _ 572 7 _ _ 9 50 475 _ 475 ■_ _ 300 8 _ _ 6 00 296 240 536 _ - 400 9 _ _ 8 00 400 300 700 . _ 500 10 _ _ 8 00 400 400 _ - 300 u _ _ 6 00 300 _ 300 _ 300 12 _ 9 00 468 - 468 « _ _ 468 13 Two weeks. Vaca- tion 10 50 500 _ 600 _ _ 400 14 9 50 500 300 800 _ _ 600 15 Three months. Un- employed 9 00 324 - 324 - - - 16 _ _ 6 00 300 _ 300 — — 300 17 _ _ 5 00 250 - 250 _ _ 250 18 One month. Unem- ployed . 5 50 270 - 270 - - 270 19 Two months. Unem- ployed . 8 00 347 - 347 - - 347 20 10 00 500 _ 500 - 400 21 Nine weeks. Unem- ployed . 10 00 460 200 660 - 660 22 Three weeks. Sick- ness 9 75 550 - 550 - 550 23 Six weeks. Vacation 9 50 400 - 400 - 400 24 Three weeks. Vaca- tion 9 50 450 _ 450 - 450 25 10 CO 500 100 600 600 26 One month. Sick- ness 10 00 450 - 450 - 600 27 Two weeks. Vaca- tion 10 00 500 75 575 - 500 28 10 00 500 500 ~ - 500 29 _ _ 7 00 325 150 475 - - 400 30 Six weeks. Sickness 6 50 300 - 300 - 300 31 One week . 8 00 400 _ 400 — 400 32 7 00 350 200 550 '_ - 550 33 _ 6 50 326 325 - 323 34 _ _ 6 00 300 300 300 33 One month. Sick- 325 36 ness 6 75 325 - 325 - Three weeks. Vaca- tion 6 25 6 50 300 325 - 300 32.1 - 300 323 300 375 300 37 38 39 40 41 _ _ 6 00 300 _ 300 — Six weeks. Sickness 7 60 8 60 375 400 200 375 600 - Two months. Sick- ness 7 00 300 - 300 - - - 300 42 98 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table V. — Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. Maine — Concluded. HOUKS OP Labob. NOHBEE IH TAMILT. OCCCPATIONS. Day or Piece Work. Five Dajs. On Sat- uraay. Per Weeli. Adults. Cllii- dren under 10. Cllil- dren above 10. Total. 43 44 Wool. Spinner Spinner Piece, Piece, 66 66 2 2 1 2 3 6 4 45 46 47 48 Spinner Spibner Weaver Weaver Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, 66 86 66 66 2 3 2 2 1 - 2 3 2 3 49 50 01 52 Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, 66 66 66 66 2 2 1 2 1 3 2 1 2 63 Paper. Foreman in rag room . Day . 12 12 72 2 1 3 New Hampshire. Colton. 1 Card grinder Day - 11 11 66 1 - _ 1 2 Card grinder Day . 11 u 66 2 3 - fi 3 Elevator man Day - 11 11 66 1 - ._ 1 4 Fireman Day . 114 Hi 69 2 2 - i 5 Laborer, card room . Day . 11 11 66 2 » — 2 6 Laborer, card room Day . 11 11 66 1 2 _ S 7 Loom fixer . Day . Hi SJ 64| 2 _ _ 2 8 Loom iixer . Day . 111 8A 641 2 1- _ 2 9 Loom fixer . Day . 11 11 66 1 _ _ 1 10 Loom fixer . Day . m 8J 64} 2 _ _ 2 11 Marker, cloth Day . 11 11 66 2 1 - 2 12 Picker .... Day . 11 11 66 2 - _ 2 13 Second hand Day . 11 11 66 2 2 _ 4 14 Slasher Day . 11 11 66 2 .^ 2 16 Spinner Day. 11 11 66 2 1 - 3 16 Spinner Piece, 11 11 66 1 - 1 17 Spinner, mule Piece, 11 11 66 2 - - 2 18 Warper Piece, 10 10 60 1 - - 1 19 Weaver Day . 11 H 66 1 1 20 Weaver Piece, u 11 66 2 1 3 21 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 4 2 6 22 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 2 2 - 4 23 Weaver Piece, H 11 66 2 2 4 24 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 2 2 4 25 Weaver Piece, lU 84 64| 2 1 - 3 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 99 Table Y. — Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. Maine — Conducted . Carnings of Head of Family Cost of Living. — ImS UKEMP LOTED Ybae. 1 (1 -ill » p. m U BtJBING THE Per Week. Ear Year. Others. Totals. Six weeks. sick- $8 50 $375 $300 8675 - $500 43 ness Two weeks. Vaca- 9 75 9 00 10 00 10 00 426 450 500 400 _ 425 450 600 400 _ - 425 450 600 400 44 45 46 47 1 1 1 1 1 )' 8 50 7 00 7 00 6 00 11 00 400 364 364 300 500 100 2S0 400 464 6U 300 500 - - - 400 350 450 300 500 48 49 60 51 52 - - 10 00 500 600 - 500 53 New Hampshire. $9 00 $468 $468 $280 1 — — 9 00 468 468 — 300 2 A short vacation 6 60 300 - 300 - _ ^ 300 3 _ - 9 60 500 - _ _ - _ 460 i _ _ 6 OO 312 $312 624 _ _ 624 5 - - 6 60 343 . 343 _ _ 300 6 - 11 10 577 - 677 _ 677 7 - - 10 50 546 646 _ _ 400 8 _ _ 9 60 498 498 _ _ - _ 9 - 11 40 693 593 . . 550 10 A few weeks. Sick- ness 13 50 690 690 _ _ « 690 11 A few days. Vaca- tion 7 50 375 « 375 _ . 350 12 _ _ 12 00 600 _ 600 - „ _ 600 13 _ _ 10 80 562 300 862 _ _ . 400 14 Two weeks. Vaca- tion 12 00 600 - 600 _ - 400 15 Five weeks. Vaca- tion 6 00 280 . 280 _ - 280 16 Seven weeks. Va- cation . 11 00 500 -. 500 - - 340 17 Three months. . Sickness 6 00 250 250 _ _ 250 18 6 60 343 343 _ |2 50 - 225 19 Three weeks. Sick- ness 9 00 400 w 400 _ — 2& 8 00 408 270 678 - - - 21 Two weeks. Death ' in family 8 50 400 - 400 - - - 22 Two months. Sick- ness 8 82 385 200 685 - 380 23 Eight weeks. Sick- ness 8 82 436 - 436 - 800 24 Two months and a half. Sickness . 6 00 312 ~ 312 312 25 100 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Table V. — Occupations, Earnings, Cost of lAving, etc. Hampshire — Continued. New HouBS OF Labor. K CMBKE IN Family. Day or OccDPAHONS. Piece Chil- Chil- Wort. Five On Sat Per dren dren Days. nrday. Wte\L. Adults under 10. above 10. Total. 26 Weaver . Piece, Hi 8i 64} 1 1 1 3 27 Weaver . Piece, 11 11 66 1 - - 1 28 Weaver . Piece, 11 11 66 4 _ 3 7 29 Weaver . Piece, 11 11 66 2 2 1 5 30 Weaver . Piece, Hi Hi 69 2 I - 3 31 Weaver . Piece, lli lU 69 1 1 32 Weaver . . . Piece, "4 Hi 69 2 2 - 4 33 Weaver . Piece, Hi Hi 69 1 _ 1 34 Weaver . Piece, Hi Hi 69 1 . _ 1 35 Weaver . Piece, 11 11 66 1 - - 1 36 Weaver . . . Day . 11 11 66 2 - - 2 37 Weaver . Piece, lU 8i 64S 1 - - 1 38 Weaver . Day . 11 11 66 3 2 1 . 6 39 Weavin ; room, eec- tion b a,nd . . . Day . 11 11 66 2 - _ 2 40 Weavin ? room, sec- tion h md . . . Day . 11 11 66 2 2 41 Weltdr awer . . Piece, Wool. 11 11 66 2 2 42 Carder . Day . 11 11 66 2 _ _ 2 43 Carder . Day . u 11 66 1 _ 1 44 Carder . Day . 11 11 66 1 _ _ 1 45 Carder . Day . 11 U 66 2 1 _ 3 46 Carder . Day . 11 11 66 1 _ 1 47 Carder . Day . 11 11 66 1 „ _ 1 48 Carder . Day . 11 U 66- 1 _ _ 1 49 Dyer . Day . u 11 66 2 1 _ 3 50 Dyer, . Day . 11 11 66 1 _ 1 51 Dyer . Day . 11 11 66 1 _ _ 1 ! 52 Dyer . Day . u 11 66 1 _ 1 53 Dyer . Day . 11 u 66 2 _ _ 2 54 Dyer . Day . H 11 66 3 2 5 55 Press ha nd . . . Day . 11 11 66 1 L 56 Sorter . Day . 11 11 66 2 „ 2 57 Spinner . Piece, U 11 66 2 1 _ 3 58 Spinner . ■ . . Piece, 11 11 66 1 _ 1 59 Spinner . Piece, 11 11 66 1 _ _ 1 60 Spinner . Piece, 11 11 66 1 _ _ 1 61 Spinner . Piece, 11 H 66 1 - 1 62 Spinner . . . Piece, H 11 66 1 - - 1 63 Spinner . Piece, 11 11 66 2 1 2 5 64 Spinner, mule . . Piece, 11 11 66 2 1 3 65 Warp dr esser . . Day . 11 U 66 1 _ 1 66 Weaver . Piece, 11 11 66 2 1 3 67 Weaver . Piece, 11 11 66 2 1 - 3 68 Weaver . . . Piece, 11 11 66 1 1 69 Weaver . Piece, 11 11 66 2 - • - 2 70 Weaver . Piece, 11 11 66 1- - \ UNIFOEM HOURS OF LABOR. 101 Table V. — Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. Hampshire — Continued. New Earnings op Head of Family Cost op Living. AND Others ik " THE j: AUil.X. Time unemp LOTBD Ybar. ■si Hi DDKING THB Per Week. Per Year. Others. Totals. _ _ $6 15 ^320 $320 $320 26 Ten weeks. Vaca- tion . 7 00 300 _ 300 - - 300 27 - - 9 00 468 $260 728 - .'iOO 28 - ~ 9 GO 459 100 859 _ 300 29 — — 7 00 364 364 __ 350 30 One montb. Sick- ness , , 6 00 300 _ 300 _ 300 31 Three weeks. Sick- ness , , 7 00 325 325 _ 350 32 5 00 260 _ 260 _ . _ 250 33 — _ 6 00 300 _ 300 _ . _ 300 34 Three months . Sick- ness . , , 7 00 280 280 _ _ 280 35 Five weeks. Sick- ness 6 60 310 213 523 - _ _ 36 Two months. Vaca- tion , 6 00 260 260 _ 260 37 One week. Sick- ness , , 6 10 . 185 616 801 . _ _ 730 38 - 9 60 480 - 480 - - - 360 39 Two weeks. Vaca- tion 9 60 480 _ 480 _ _ 300 40 Two weeks. Vaca- tion . 6 00 300 400 700 - - 561 41 _ 8 00 400 _ 400 „ _ 375 42 _ 8 00 400 _ 400 _ _ . 300 43 _ 6 00 300 _ 300 » _ 300 44 _ _ 8 00 400 _ 400 _ « 350 45 _ _ 8 00 400 400 _ _ 400 46 _ - 6 00 300 300 _ - 300 47 _ _ 6 00 300 300 _ - 300 48 _ _ 8 00 400 400 - 400 49 _ _ 8 00 400 400 _ . 350 50 _ - 8 50 400 400 _ _ 300 51 _ - 8 00 400 400 - 350 52 ^ „ 10 00 500 500 400 53 _ _ 8 50 440 440 _ _ 400 54 _ _ 7 50 360 360 - - 300 55 A short vacation . 1 8 50 400 _ 400 _ - 350 86 _ 11 00 550 - 550 -, _ _ 450 57 _ _ 8 00 400 _ 400 _ . 300 58 _ _ 7 00 350 _ 350 _ 350 59 _ _ 7 00 350 _ 350 - - - 300 60 Six weeks. Sick- ness 8 00 375- - 376 - - 375 61 Two months. ' Vn- employed , , 8 00 350 - 350 - - - 3-50 62 _ 8 00 416 150 566 _ — — 425 63 _ 8 50 400 400 - - 300 64 _ _ 7 00 350 _ 350 - - 350 65 - - 9 00 460 _ 460 - ' - 400 66 Two months. Sick- 400 67 ness 9 00 400 _ 400 — — — _ 7 50 360 - 360 - - 360 68 Three months. Sick- 350 69 ness ^ 8 00 300 100 400 — - 8 00 400 -* 400 300 70 102 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Table V. — Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. New Hampshire — Concluded. Hours of Labor. Ndmber li Family. OCOUPATIONS. Day or Piece Chil- Chit Work. Five On Sat- Per dren dren Days. urday. Week. Adults. .under 10. above 10. Total. 71 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 2 - 2 72 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 3 _ _ 3 73 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 1 — _ 1 74 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 1 - - 1 75 Weaver , Piece, 11 11 66 2 2 4 76 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 2 1 _ 3 77 Weaver, second hand . Hosier;/. Day. 11 11 66 2 2 ■ 4 78 Carder .... Day . 11 11 66 1 - - 1 79 Dyer .... Day . 11 11 66 1 _ _ 1 «0 Dyer .... Day . 11 11 66 1 — _ 1 81 Spinner Piece, 11 U 66 2 2 - 4 82 Spinn?r Piece, 11 11 66 1 - - 1 83 Spinner Piece, 11 U 66 2 1 - 3 81 Spinner , Piece, 11 11 66 1 ~ — 1 Massachusetts . Cotton. 1 Carder . , . . Day - 101 84 614 2 2 - 4 2 Carder .... Day . 10 10 60 1 _ _ 1 3 Carder .... Day . 10 10 60 2 1 _ 3 4 Carder .... Day . 10 10 60 2 _ _ 2 6 Drawer in . . . Piece, 10 10 60 1 - - 1 6 Drawer in . . . Piece, lOi lOi 68 1 - - 1 7 Drawer in . . . Day . 10 10 60 1 - - 1 8 Drawer in , . . Day . 10 10 60 1 _ _ 1 9 Drawer in . . . Day . 10 10 60 1 _ _ 1 10 Drawer in . . . Piece, 10 11 61 1 _ 2 3 11 Loom fixer , Piece, 101 84 614 2 2 1 5 12 Loom fixer , Day . m 104 614 1 a 4 13 Loom fixer , Day . 10 10 60 2 1 1 4 14 Lopm fixer , Day . 10 10 60 2 2 4 15 Loom fixer . Day . 10 10 60 2 3 - 5 16 Mopper Day . lOi 104 614 2 _ 2 17 Spinner Piece, 10 10 60 3 ,1 2 6 IS Spinner Piece, 10 10 60 2 1 2 5 19 Spinner Piece, 10 10 60 2 1 3 20 Spinner Piece, 10 10 60 1 21 Spinner , . - . Piece, 10 10 60 1 _ _ 22 Spinner , Piece, 10 10 60 2 2 ^ 23 Spinner Piece, 10 10 60 1 24 Spinner Piece, 10 10 60 1 _ _ 25 Spinner , Piece, lOi 104 63 2 1 1 4 26 Spinner Piece, lOi 104 63 2 1 - 3 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 103 Table V. — Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. New Hamfshibe . — Concluded. Earnings of Hkad of Family Cost of Living. Time ukeuplotbd Si -p. Si DURING THE YeaE. Per Week. Per Year. Others. Totals. 11 ft ■'ii w ^w^ i-4 _ $8 00 $100 $400 _ _ $400 71 A few weeks. Sick- ness 9 50 460 _ 460 - - - 350 72 - . 7 00 325 _- 325 _ - - 325 73 A short vacation 7 00 300 _ 300 - - 300 74 - 10 00 500 - 500 - _ - 400 7S . 9 00 400 - 400 _ - 350 76 — - 12 00 600 600 - - 500 77 Two months. Un- employed 7 00 300 300 - - - 300 78 A short vacation 7 50 375 _ 375 _ — — 300 79 _ _ 7 00 350 _ 350 _ _ - 350 80 _ 9 00 450 _ 4.50 . _ _ 400 81 _ 8 00 400 _ 400 _ _ _ 300 82 _ _ 8 75 425 _ 425 - - 375 83 — ~ 8 00 400 - 400 ~ ~ 350 84 Massachusetts. Three weeks. Sick- ness $5 00 $245 - $245 - - - *?i^ 1 _ _ 6 00 300 .. 300 — — — 300 2 _ _ 7 00 350 _ 350 _ - — 350 3 _ - 7 50 350 - 350 - - - 300 4 Four weeks. Sick- ness , , 5 00 240 - 240 - - - 240 5 One month. For health . , 4 50 200 - 200 - - - - 6 One month. Sick- ness 6 03 300 _ 300 — — 300 7 _ 6 00 300 _ 300 - - 250 8 _ _ 5 50 225 _ 225 - - 200 9 _ _ 6 00 312 - 312 - - 450 10 Two months. Sick- 11 ness - - - - - Six weeks. Sick- ness 10 00 460 460 - 460 12 10 00 50D 500 - - - 400 '13 Two weeks. Sick- ness 10 00 500 - 500 - - 500 14 One month. TJnem- ployed . ^ 10 00 480 — 480 — 500 15 _ 5 00 260 $312 672 - 520 16 _ 7 50 390 156 546 — 500 17 z _ 10 00 520 200 720 - - 400 18 _ 10 00 520 - 620 - 3.i0 19 _ 5 50 300 „ 300 - - 300 20 _ _ 8 50 400 _ 400 - - 400 400 250 250 21 22 23 24 _ _ 10 00 500 - 500 - - - - ' 7 00 7 00 364 300 ~ 364 300 - - Three months ness Sick- 6 50 254 „ 254 - 254 25 Two months, nesg Sick- 8 00 328 - 328 - - 328 26 104 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table V. — Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. CHUSETTS — Continued. Massa- Hours of Labor. Number I^ Family. Occupations. Day or Piece Work. Five Days. On Sat- urday. Per Week. Adults. Chil- dren under 10. Ctiil- (Iren above 10. Total. 27 Spinner Piece, m Wk 62 2 - - 2 28 Spinner Piece, - - 604 2 2 ■ - 4 29 30 Spinner Spinner Piece, Piece, 10 104 10 84 60 61 1 2 1 3 3 5 5 31 32 33 Spinner Spinner Spooler Piece, Piece, Day . 10 10 60 61 61 2 2 1 _ 1 2 3 1 31 Stripper and grinder . Day. lOi - - 2 3 - 5 35 Stripper and grinder . Day . lOi lOJ 614 2 " 4 - 6 36 Picker .... Day . - - 624 2 3 2 7 37 38 Piclier .... Piclter .... Day . Day . 10 m 10 m 60 62 1 2 3 2 1 7 39 40 Picljer .... Picker .... Day . Day . 10 lOi 10 84 60 61 2 2 1 3 - 3 6 41 Weaver Piece, 10 10 60 1 . - - 1 42 Weaver Piece, 10 10 60 2 2 1 5 43 Weaver . . . Piece, 101 - - 2 - 2 44 45 Weaver Weaver Piece, Piece, 10 10 10 10 60 60 4 3 1 1 2 5 6 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 • Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, 10 1^1 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 60 614 61 60 60 60 60 2 2 2 3 4 3 2 2 3 2 3 3 1 1 2 4 2 6 4 3 9 3 9 3 54- 55 Weaver Weaver Piece, Piece, 10 10 10 10 60 60 2 2 2 - 4 2 56 57 Weaver Weaver Piece, Piece, 10 10 10 10 60 60 3 1 _ 3 1 58 59 60 61 Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, lOJ 10 10 10 74 10 10 10 60 60 60 60 2 2 2 2 2 2 3 - 4 4 5 2 62 63 Weaver Weaver Piece, Piece, lOi lOi 7i 7i 614 614 2 1 1 - 3 1 64 Weaver Piece, lOJ 7| 614 3 - - 3 65 66 Weaver Weaver Piece, Piece, 10 10} 10 8i 60 62 1 1 2 2 1 S UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 105 Table V. — Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. Massa- chusetts — Continued. Eaknihgs or Head of Familt AND Others in the Fauily. Cost of Living. Time dnemfloted hi li 4- III ill DDRINQ THK YEAR. Per Week. Per Year. Others. Total. One month. Unem- ployed . Two months. Un- $9 00 $423 $423 - - - f423 27 employed 7 50 323 _ 323 . « _ .28 — — 8 00 400 1200 600 _ - _ _ 29 Three months. "Worked half time. 9 50 _ _ _ _ _ _ 30 - 9 20 478 _ 478 _ ■ _ 468 31 — — 9 00 468 468 936 _ _ _ 520 32 Nine weeks. Un- employed 4 00 172 172 $3 50 _ ^ 33 One month. Sick- ness 7 50 353 _ 353 _ _ _ 34 Two months. Sick- ness 6 75 290 _ 290 _ _ _ 290 35 Two months. Sick- ness 5 00 215 364 579 _ _ 520 36 - — 5 00 250 _ 250 _ _ 250 37 Three months. Un- employed 5 60 215 468 683 _ _ 500 38 — ~ 5 50 286 _ 286 _ _ 300 39 Two months. Un- employed 6 00 258 _ 2.58 _ _ _ 40 One month. Unem- ployed . 6 50 300 _ 300 _ _ 300 41 Six weeks. Sick- ness 9 00 400 150 550 _ _ 400 42 Nine weeks. ;Slck- ncss 8 00 344 _ 344 _ _ _ 344 43 - 5 00 250 500 760 600 44 Two months. Un- employed 7 00 325 - 325 _ 500 45 — — 6 00 312 _ 312 _ . 312 46 _ 6 00 300 52 352 416 47 - — 5 94 309 _ 309 _ _ 48 - - 9 25 481 - 481 _ • 800 49 _ _ 8 00 416 612 1,028 . 919 50 - _ 8 00 416 60 476 « _ _ 51 - 7 75 403 593 996 979 52 Two weeks. Sick- ness 8 00 400 _ 400 . 350 63 - - 8 50. 442 _ 442 _ 300 64 One month. Sick- ness 7 00 329 _ 329 _ _ _ 300 65 - 9 00 468 260 728 - _ _ 56 A short time. Sick- ness 6 50 300 _ 300 _ _ - _ 300 57 A short time . 8 40 400 . 400 _ _ _ 400 68 . 8 no 400 400 _ _ - - 350 59 „ 9 00 468 468 „ _ 400 60 Two months. Sick- ness 7 00 325 _ 325 - - - 325 61 Three months . 6 00 234 208 442 - - 62 Ten weeks. Sick- ness 9 02 379 379 - 360 63 Two months. Sick- ness 8 40 361 312 673 — 480 64 8 00 400 400 - 2.i0 65 - 8 30 450 - 450 " ' 350 66 106 STATISTICS OF LABOR'. Table V. -^ Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. CHUSETTS . — Conclude^. M4SS4- OceuPATIONS. Day or Piece Work. Hours of Labob. Five Days. On Sat- urday, Per WeeS, Number in Family. Chil- dren under ■ 10. Chil- dren above 10. Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver, third hand Worked. Weaver Wool. Carder , Carder . Carder . Loom fixer Press hand Press hand Spinner , Spinner . Spinner , Spinner , Spinner . Spinner , Spinner , Warp dresser Warp dresser Warp dresser Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Weaver Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Day . Piece, Piece, Day . Piece, Day . Day . Day . Day . Day . Day . Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Day . Day . Day . Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, Piece, in 10 m 8i m n m n 10 10 lOJ 10 10 10 10 104 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 60 62 61i 614 60 624 60 60 60 61 60 60 60 . 60 60 60 60 60 60 60 60 60 60 60 60 60 60 60 60 '60 60 60 60 60 60 60 60 60 60 60 60 60 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 107 Table V Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. Massa- chusetts — Concluded. Eabhjngs of Head of Family Cost of Living. TlMK UKKMPLOTED AND no i« Ann ± AanxLii. i a * • t-, I.*i» DDMNB THE Yrsh Per Week. Per Year. Others Total. -. $8 00 1f400 $250 $650 $600 67 — 8 50 450 . 450 _ _ 500 68 - 8 00 400 _ 400 . _ _ 400 69 - - 9 00 _ _ _ _ -. 70 — 6 80 300 300 _ _ 300 71 Five months. Un- employed 9 20 4S9 150 609 „ _ _ 72 - 6 60 300 _ 300 _ „ „ 300 73 - — 7 00 350 _ 350 _ _ _ 300 74 — — 8 00 400 _ 400 _ _ 300 75 One month. Sick- ness - 700 - 700 _ _ 700 76 — — 10 00 520 _ 520 _ _ _ 77 One month. On strike . 8 00 376 _ 376 _ _ „ 78 - 9 00 468 _ 468 _ _ 400 79 8 50 432 _ 432 _ _ _ 468 80 Four months. Un- employed 7 00 238 i5e 494 - 480 81 One week . 7 50 383 229 612 - 612 82 _ _ 6 00 300 300 250 83 - 6 00 300 _ 300 _ _ 300 84 Ope month. Unem- ployed . 7 00 325 - 325 _ -, * 275 86 - - 9 00 460 _ 460 _ _ _ 400 86 - 6 00 300 _ 300 _ _ ^ 250 87 -~ 6 00 300 - 300 _ _ _ 300 88 - 6 50 300 . 300 . _ ^ 300 89 - - 7 00 300 300 _ _ 275 90 - 8 00 400 - 400 _ _ _ 400 91 — — 7 00 350 _ 350 _ _ 300 92 One month. Sick- ness 8 50 400 100 500 _ 400 9S - 8 00 400 _ 400 _ 350 94 - . 8 00 400 300 700 _ 800 95 Two months. Sick- ness 6 00 250 - 250 - _ 280 96 - - 5 00 250 _ 250 _ _ _ 250 97 - 6 00 312 _ 312 _ _ _ 275 98 _ 6 00 300 ^ 300 „ _ ^ 300 99 One month. Unem- ployed . 5 00 230 _ 230 _ - 230 100 -, - 6 00 300 - 300 _ _ 250 101 - . 7 80 325 _ 325 _ _ _ 3-25 102 -, _ 8 00 400 _ 400 -_ _ 350 103 - _ 6 00 300 _ 300 „ - 275 104 _ _ 5 50 250 _ 250 250 105 _ _ 6 50 300 _ 300 - 300 106 , 8 00 400 200 600 - - - 350 107 ^ 8 00 400 _ 400 — 350 108 ^ . 7 00 350 50 400 - 325 109 _ _ 6 50 300 _ 300 - 300 110 _ 7 00 350 _ 350 - 300 HI A short time. Sick- ness 7 00 325 325 325 112 108 STATISTICS OF LABOK. Table V. — Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. Rhode Island. , HonES OF Labob. Kdmber in Family. OCOnPATIONS. D^y or Piece Chil- Chil- Work. Five On Sat- Per dren dren Days. urday. Week. Adults. under 10. above 10. Total. Cotton. 1 Carder .... Day . 11 66 2 1 _ 3 2 Card grinder Day . 11. 66 2 2 T 4 3 Card stripper Day . 11 66 - - - 1. 4 Drawer in . . . Day . 11 66 - — 1 5 Hauler, cloth Day. 11 66 - _ 1 6 Laborer in card room . Day . 11 66 - 1 7 Laborer in card room . Day . 11 66 - 1 8 Loom fixer . Day . 11 66 - 1 9 Picker .... Day . 11 66 2 - 2 10 Slasher .... Day . 11 66 2 1 3 11 Spinner Piece, 11 . 66 2 2 4 12 Spinner Piece, 11 66 1 _ _ 1 13 Spinner Piece, 11 66 2 1 - 3 14 Spinner Piece, 11 66 2 2 1 5 15 Spinner Piece, U 66 2 2 1 5 16 Spinner Piece, 11 66 2 1 1 4 17 Spinner, mule Piece, 11 66 2 2 4 18 Spinner, mule Piece, U 66 2 2 4 19 Weaver Piece, 11 66 2 1 3 20 Weaver Piece, 11 66 2 - 2 21 Weaver Piece, 11 66 1 1 22 Weaver Piece, 11 66 3 _ 2 5 23 Weaver Piece, U 66 1 _ _ 1 24 Weaver, section hand . Day . 11 66 2 1 - 3 Wool. 25 Laborer Day . 11 66 2 2 _ 4 26 Spinner, mule Piece, 11 66 2 2 2 6 27 Spinner, mule Piece, 11 66 1 _ _ 1 28 Spinner, mule Piece, 11 66 2 3 _ 5 29 Spinner, mule Piece, 11 66 2 1 _ 3 30 Spinner, mule Piece, 11 66 2 1 - 3 31 Weaver Piece, 11 66 1 - 1 32 Weaver Piece, 11 66 3 2 - 5 33 Weaver Piece, 11 66 2 1 3 34 Weaver Piece, 11 66 1 - 1 Worsted. 35 Spinner Piece, U 66 2 1 _ 3 36 Spinner Piece, 11 66 1 _ 1 37 Spinner Piece, 11 66 2 1 - 3 Thread. 38 Carder .... Day . U 66 2 1 _ 3 39 Carder .... Day . 11 66 2 _ 2 40 Packer .... Day . 11 66 2 1 ^ 3 41 Ruler .... Piece, 11 66 1 - 1 42 Ruler .... Piece, 11 66 2 I 3 43 Spinner Piece, U 66 2 1 _ 3 44 Spinner Piece, 11 66 1 _ 1 45 Spinner Piece, 11 66 1 - - 1 UNIFOKM HOUKS OF LABOR. 109 Table V. — Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. Rhobe Island. Earnings of Head of Family Cost of Living. AND Others in " THE CAUXLX. 1 Time ckemploted p. O Pi -" p. ik DDJUNG THE YeAB Per Week. Per Year. Otta«rs. Total. P m lis 3^g g.&p, $8 00 $416 $416 $375 1 8 00 416 _ 416 _ - — 350 2 _ - 6 00 300 _ 300 - - 2i)0 3 _ 7 00 350 _ 350 . _ 350 4 — 7 50 300 _ 300 _ 300 5 _ - 6 00 312 _ 312 _ - 300 6 _ _ 6 60 340 _ 340 _ _ - 300 7 _ _ 9 00 468 _ 468 _ _ - 300 8 _ _ 7 50 375 370 _ . 350 9 - 9 40 488 _ 488 _ _ 375 10 One month. Sick- ness 9 00 400 « 400 _ _ - 400 11 Short vacation . 8 50 400 _ 400 _ _ 400 12 _ 10 00 SOO 500 _ 400 13 Two months. Sick- ness 9 00 400 875 475 _ - 400 14 9 50 460 150 610 _ _ - 400 15 _ 9 00 450 400 _ 400 16 9 50 450 450 - - 400 17 -. - 10 00 500 - 500 - - 500 18 _ 8 50 400 _ 400 - 350 19 _ - 6 50 300 300 600 - 400 20 Six weeks. Sick- ness 7 00 350 - 350 - 300 21 _ 9 00 468 250 718 _ 400 22 _ 5 00 260 _ 260 _ 260 23 - 9 00 460 - 460 - 400 24 6 00 312 75 387 . _■ 300 25 _ _ 6 50 320 350 670 - _ 400 26 _ _ 6 00 300 _ 300 _ 300 27 _ _ 7 00 350 3.50 - - - 350 28 One month . 6 75 300 _ 300 - - - 300 28 Two weeks 7 00 350 - 350 - 350 3C Two weeks. Vaca- tion 6 00 275 - 275 - - 275 31 Lost time from sick- ness 8 .VO 400 200 600 . - 450 32 8 00 400 150 650 — 350 3S - 7 00 300 300 250 3^ 8 00 400 400 _• 400 3£ _ 7 00 350 350 - 360 3( Three months. Sick- ness, partly . 10 00 300 100 400 - ~ 400 37 7 80 370 370 _ _ 350 3f _ _ 8 00 400 _ 400 - 350 3! „ 9 00 450 - 460 - - 400 4C Two weeks. Sick- 300 416 340 300 300 A' ness 8 00 8 00 400 416 - 400 416 . : 1 4S 7 00 340 _ 340 - - 41] _ 6 00 300 . 300 — - 4' - 6 00 , 300 ~ 300 4£ 110 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table V. — Oceupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. Island — Concluded. Rhode HODES OF LabOE. ^DUBEB IN Family. OCOBPATIONS. Day or Piece Chll- Chll- Work. rive On Sat- Per Days. urday. Week. Adults. uiider 10. above 10 Total. 46 Spinner Piece, 11 11 66 1 1 47 Spinner Piece, 11 11 66 2 2 2 6 48 Winder Piece, 11 11 66 1 1 4» Winder Paper. Piece, 11 11 66 1 1 50 Laborer Day . 12 12 72 1 — 1 SI Faper maker (pulp ma- chine) Day . 12 12 72 3 - - 3 d2 Washing machine ten- der . Day - 12 12 72 1 ~ 1 CONKECTICUT. Cotton. 1 Carder .... Day . 11 11 66 1 _ - 1 2 Carpenter . Day . 11 11 66 _ _ - - 3 Dresser Day . 114 84 66 2 _ _ 2 4 Finisher Day . "i 8^ 66 2 2 - 4 6 inspector of doth Day . 11 11 66 .^ - - - 6 Lapper .... Day - 11 U 66 4 - 1 5 7 Overseer, mill Day . 12 9 69 2 ' - 2 8 Overseer, carding Day . "4 84 66 1 _ _ 1 9 Overseer, carding Day . 12 9 69 6 2 1 9 10 Overseer, carding Day . lU 84 66 2 3 - 5 11 Overseer, carding Day . "i 8 66 2 1 1 4 12 Overseer, carding Day . 11: 8 64i 2 - - 2 13 Overseer, carding and spinning . Day . 12 9 69 2 1 2 5 14 Overseer, spinning Day - 11 11 66 3 1 1 5 15 Overseer, spinning Day - "4 84 66 3 . 2 5 16 Overseer, spinning Day . 11 6 60 2 3 2 7 17 Overseer, spinning Day . 124 11 72 ^ _ 18 Overseer, spinning Day . 114 66- _ _ ». 3 19 Overseer, spinning Day. 12 9 69 1 - - 1 20 Overseer, spinning Day . 11 6 60 6 . 5 21 Overseer, spinning Day . 12 9 69 3 „ _ 3 22 Overseer, spinning Day . 12 9 69 3 3 _ 6 23 Overseer, spinning Day . 12 9 69 3 1 4 24 Overseer, spinning, mule .... Day . 12 9 69 2 1 1 4 25 Overseer, spinning. mule .... Day . "4 84 66 3 _ _ 3 26 Overseer, spinning, mule and ring . Day . 12 9 69 2 _ _ 2 27 Overseer, spinning, ^ ring .... Day . 11* 84 66 2 2 _ 4 28 Overseer, spooling Day . 11; 81 64i 1 _ 1 29 Overseer, weaving Day . 114 84 66 6 « 6 30 Overseer; weaving Day . U 11 66 2 _ _ 2 31 Overseer, weaving Day . 12 9 69 3 2 3 8 32 Oversefer, weaving Day ■ 11 5 60 2 3 2 7 33 Overseer, weaving Day . 11 5 60 4 3 2 9 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. Ill Table V. — - Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. Rhode Island — Concliided. Time unemployed dubing the year. Earnings of Head or Family AND Others in the I^amily. Per Week. Per Year. OtherSi Cost of Living. te=5!S Short vacation Vacation for rest One month. Sick- ness Short vatiation . $7 BO 8 00 7 00 7 00 7 50 10 00- 7 00 $350 400 350 364 300 450 300 $300 200 700 350 364 300 650 300 $300 650 300 275 300 SOO 300 Connecticut. _ „ _ _ _ _ $3 70 _ _ 1 ■2 _ _ $9 00 $468 _ $468 - - - 3 _ _ 13 !iO 702 702 $102 _ - '•' 4 _ ■_ 5 40 280 - 280 - 6 _ _ 6 00 312 $489 801 - - 6 Six weeks. TTnem- ployed . • 17 00 787 787 88 - - 7 8 I 15 00 780 406 1,186 60 - - - 9 _ _ 16 60 858 858 - - - $858 10 _ _ 15 00 780 780 60 - - 11 - - 13 50 702 - 702 120 - - 12 Seven weeks Un- ebiployed , , 12 00 640 84 624 - - - 13 _ _ 15 00 780 — 100 — 14 „ _ 15 00 780 - ^ - - - 15 _ _ - 13 00 776 96 872 54 - - - 16 _ _ 13 50 702 - 702 - - - - 17 _ _ 18 00 936 - 936 - - - 18 Two months. Sick- ness 12 00 574 - 574 - 4 50 - - 19 _ 18 00 936 234 1,170 72 - - - 20 - 14 00 728 728 - 3 50 - - 21 22 - - 10 75 540 624 1,164 60 - - 23 - 15 00 780 780 - - - 24 - 15 00 780 780 - - - 25 - - 21 36 1,100 - 1,100 - - 26 16 60 858 _ 858 100 - - - 27 z _ 12 00 624 - 624 - 4 50 - ~ 9Q _ - 17 1'8 888 - 888 _ 30 _ ^ . i— — — " ~ 31 32 _ 9 00 468 20 488 ~ 720 832 ^ 18 00 936 — 936 — ^3 - 16 00 832 ~ 832 DO 112 STATISTICS OF LABOK. Table V. — Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. Con- necticut — Continued. HOUKS OF LABOkK. Number N Family. Occupations. Day or Piece Chil- Chil- Work. Five On Sat Per dren dren > IJays. urday Week. Adults under 10. above 10. Total. 34 Overseer, weaving Day . 12 9 69 2 _ 2 35 Overseer, weaving Day . lU 84 66 5 - - 5 36 Overseer, weaving Day - 111 Si 66 2 2 - 4 37 Overseer, weaving Day . 12 9 69 2 2 2 6 38 Overseer, weaving Day . 12 9 69 3 - 1 4 39 Overseer, weaving and drawing in Day . n% n 66 2 1 - 3 40 Paclser .... Day . 12 9 69 2 - 2 41 Repairer, knitting ma- cliines Day . u 10 65 1 _ — 1 42 Spinner. Piece, 12i 6 684 2 3 1 6 43 Spinner. Day . 11 11 66 2 1 _ 3 44 Spinner. Piece, 114 84 66 2 2 — 4 45 Spinner. Piece, 12 9 69 2 - - 2 46 Spinner. Piece, 12|r 6 684 2 4 - 6 47 Spinner .... Piece, 11 84 66 2 3 2 7 48 Spinner .... Piece, 11 8. 66 2 2 - 4 49 Spinner. Piece, 11 8^ 66 1 _ 1 50 Spinner, ring Day . Hi 81 66 - - - 51 Spinner, mule Piece, 11: 1. 66 1 1 52 Spinner, mule Piece, 11 7 66 4 - 4 53 Spinner, mule Day . 11 8, 66 3 3 54 Spinner, male Piece, "4 84 66 2 - 2 65 Spinner, mule Day . 11* 84 66 1 - 1 56 Spinner, mule Piece, I'l 84 66 1 - — 1 57 Spinner, mule Piece, 12* 9 69 2 1 _ 3 58 Spinner, mule Day . 114 84 66 2 2 1 5 59 Spinner, mule Piece, 12 9 69 2 — — 2 60 Spinner, mule Piece, 12 9 69 2 _ _ 2 61 Spinner, mule Piece, Hi 8i 644 1 ^ - 1 62 Spinner, mule Piece, 12 9 69 2 _ _ 2 63 Weaver Piece, 12 9 69 2 3 _ 5 64 Weaver Piece, 12 9 69 4 4 63 Weaver Piece, 12 9 69 _ _ 66 Weaver Day . 12 9 69 4 _ _ 4 67 Weaver Day . 12 9 69 2 2 1 5 68 Weaver Piece, 12 9 69 1 1 69 Weaver Piece, Hi 8i 644 2 _ 2 70 Weaver Piece, 12 9 69 2 1 _ 3 71 Weaver Piece, 114 84 66 2 _ 2 72 Weaver Piece, 124 l\ 72 1 _ _ 1 73 Weaver Piece, 114 66 3 _ 1 4 74 Weaver Piece, 12 9 69 2 2 1 6 75 Weaver Piece, 114 66 2 1 1 ■ 4 76 Weaver Piece, 11 84 66 2 1 1 4 77 Weaver Piece, H: 66 78 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 _ _ 79 Weaver Piece, 12 9 69 3 3 80 Weaver Piece, 12 9 69 ^ _ 1 81 Weaver Piece, 12 9 69 _ 1 5 82 Weaver Day . 114 l\ 66 _ 1 83 Weaver Piece, 124 72 _ 1 2 84 Weaver Piece, 12 9 69 _ 1 85 Weaver Piece, 12 9 69 « _ 1 86 Weaver Piece, 12 9 69 _ _ 1 87 Weaver Piece, 114 84 66 _ 1 88 Weaver ■ ■ ■ Piece, 12 9 69 "* 1 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 113 Table V. — Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. Con- necticut — Continued. TmS UNBMPLOTED DUHING THE YEAR. Eabni^*gs of Head of Fauilt AND Others in the FAiaLT. Per Week. Per Year. Cost of Lfving. P^ .^ » to S£fS, Four weeks. Sick- Three months, employed Un- $10 50 $550 18 00 936 16 50 858 15 36 799 16 50 858 24 00 1,248 6 00 312 14 35 746 8 15 390 8 75 455 8 75 455 8 50 435 10 00 520 10 00 520 8 50 442 11 00 572 8 00 416 8 00 416 9 00 468 10 00 520 9 50 494 9 50 494 7 60 390 9 00 _ 9 50 494 9 00 468 11 50 449 9 75 500 7 00 364 6 25 325 6 25 325 6 00 312 10 00 520 12 00 624 10 00 520 8 50 442 6 50 338 7 00 364 6 50 338 7 00 364 7 75 400 8 40 435 7 00 364 7 00 364 5 50 286 8 50 442 7 50 390 6 50 338 7 25 377 8 50 442 5 00 260 6 00 312 10 00 520 7 50 390 $130 320 25 156 273 312 936 858 799 1,178 1,248 312 746 415 455 455 iW 676 520 442 S72 416 1,014 468 520 494 494 390 494 468 449 500 364 598 325 520 832 442 338 364 338 400 435 364 364 286 442 338 377 442 260 312 520 390 100 240 45 420 50 $3 00 3 25 5 25 3 00 4 50 5 00 28 45 45 26 2 SO 3 25 2 25 3 50 2 50 2 23 3 00 2 50 $799 975 800 435 676 390 520 400 250 114 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table V. — Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. Con- necticut — Continued. HOIIHS,OP LABOB. Hn&IBER ns FAMiLr. OCODPATIONS. Day or Piece Chil- ChU- Work. Five On Sat- Per dren dren Days. urday Week Adults under 10. above 10. Total. 89 Weaver Piece, Hi 84 66 1 _ _ 1 90 AVeaver Piece, m 7:: 66 3 - 3 91 Weaver . . ■ . Piece, 114 8| 66 2 1 3 92 Weaver .... Piece, Hi 7i 66 2 1 3 93 Weaver Piece, u H 66 2 - - 2 94 Weaver, section hand . Day . 114 84 66 2 3 1 6 95 Weaver, section hand . Day . u 11 66 2 1 4 7 96 Weaver, section hand . Day . 11 11 66 1 - - 1 97 Weaver, section hand . Day . 114 ■84 66 4 - - 4 98 Weaver, section hand . Day . 11 H 66 1 - - 1 99 Weaver, section hand . Day . 114 84 66 2 2 1 5 100 Weaver, section hand . Wool. Day . 12 9 69 " " ■ 101 Carder .... Day . 114 84 66 1 _ - 1 102 Dresser tender . Day . 11: 9: 66 3 1 1 5 103 Finisher Day . 11: 9: 66 2 - 2 104 Foreman, web finish- ing . Day . 10 10 60 _ _ _ _ 105 Fuller .... Day . 114 i 66 4 2 2 8 106 Loom fixer . Day . lU 66 2 _ _ 2 107 Overseer, mill Day . 114 9| 66 2 2 _ 4 108 Overseer, carding Day . 114 84 66 1 - 1 109 Overseer, carding Day . Hi 9| 66 2 _ 3 5 110 Overseer, carding Day . 12 10 704 2 2 2 6 111 Overseer, carding Day . Hi 91 66 3 5 8 112 Overseer, carding Day . h| 4 66 1 - 1 113 Overseer, carding Day. ll| 9| 66 3 1 4 114 Overseer, carding and spinning . Day . 114 84 66 2 1 1 4 115 Overseer, dye house . Day . Hi 9J 66 1 - - 1 116 Overseer, finishing Day . 11 11 66 4 4 3 11 117 Overseer, finishing Day . 114 114 10 674 4 2 1 7 118 Overseer, finishing Day . 84 66 2 _ _ 2 119 Overseer, finishing Day . 114 84 66 3 _ 3 120 Overseer, finishing Day . 14 9| 66 1 _ _ 1 121 Overseer, machine re- pairing Day . H 94 64i 2 _ _ 2 122 Ovei-seer, sorting . Day . Hi si 66 2 1 2 6 123 Overseer, spinning Day . 114 84 66 3 1 4 124 Overseer, spinning Day . 11 11 66 2 4 1 7 125 Overseer, spinning Day . 11 94 644 3 _ 3 126 Overseer, spinning Day . Hi 9| 66 2 2 - 4 127 Overseer, spinning Day . 12 11 71 2 _ 2 128 Overseer, weaving Day . 114 84 66 2 1 3 129 Overseer, weaving Day . 11 11 66 2 _ 2 130 Overseer, weaving Day . 114 84 66 2 _ _ 2 131 Overseer, -weaving Day. Hi 9| 66 2 _ _ 2 132 Overseer, weaving Day . 12 lOA 70i 1 _ _ 1 133 Overseer, weaving Day . H 11 66 4 _ _ 4 134 Overseer, weaving Day . 11 11 66 3 2 1 6 135 Overseer, weaving Day. H 94 644 3 2 5 136 Overseer, weaving Day . 12 10 70 1 _ _ 1 137 Overseer, weaving Day . 114 84 66 1 _ _ 1 138 Overseer, weaving Day . 12 11 71 2 3 _ 5 139 Overseer, weaving Day . 11 11 66 2 2 UNIFOEM HOURS OF LABOR. 115 Table V. — Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. Con- necticut — Continued. Earnings of Head of Family Cost of Living. AND OTHfifiS IN THE FauILT. Time dnkmploted 9> ■Sis ."1 Hi DUBING THE YbAB. Per Week. Per Year. Others. Total. _ $8 50 £442 S442 $2 25 89 — 8 50 442 _ 442 _ - 90 One month. Unem- ployed . 9 26 435 _ 436 _ _, 91 — 8 00 416 _ _ _ . „ 92 - 7 00 364 364 $60 - 93 — — 10 50 546 _ 546 _ _ _ 94 — _ 8 50 442 $360 802 _ _ - 95 - . 8 50 442 _ 442 „ ai50 96 - 12 00 624 364 988 „ - _ 97 _ 9 00 468 468 _ 260 98 _ _ 9 00 468 468 _ _ _ 99 - - 7 50 390 390 - - - 100 7 50 390 390 2 50 101 _ _ 7 50 390 _ _ _ _ _ 102 - 8 00 416 - 416 48 - - 103 _ 15 00 780 780 _ _ 104 „ 9 00 468 708 1,176 _ _ 840 105 _ 7 50 390 390 _ _ _ 106 _ 18 00 936 _ 936 120 _ - - 107 _ 15 00 780 .. 780 _ 3 25 _ 108 Two weeks. Vaca- tion 21 00 1,050 - 1,050 - - _ - 109 _ 18 00 936 _ _ _ _ _- — 110 _ 15 00 780 _ 780 _ _ _ 780 111 _ _ 10 50 546 _ 546 _ 2 32 _ _ 112 - 24 00 1,248 - 1,248 - - - - 113 _ 19 60 1,014 _ _ _ _ _ 700 114 _ _ 18 00 936 _ 936 _ 3 50 - 115 _ 24 00 1,248 450 1,698 - - - - 110 12 00 624 480 904 _ _ _ — 117 _ 10 50 585 585 _ - - - 118 ^ 12 00 624 _ 624 _ _ - - 119 - - - - ~ - 4 00 - 120 _ _ 17 31 900 _ 900 _ _ _ _ 121 - 16 50 858 - 858 60 - - - 122 _ „ _ . . _ _ — — 700 123 „ 18 00 936 _ 936 _ _ _ - 124 _ 18 00 936 _ 936 - - - 700 125 Two weeks. Vaca- tion . 21 00 1,050 - 1,050 _ - - - 126 12 00 624 - 624 - - - 127 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ — — — 128 _ _ 18 00 936 _ 936 _ _ - 129 - 13 50 702 - 702 - - : 130 131 — » — 18 00 936 „ 936 _ 3 60 - 132 _ _ 18 00 936 390 1,326 _ - - 133 134 _ 15 00 780 312 1,092 - 1,092 _ __ 16 50 858 216 1,074 - - 1,074 135 136 _ _ 13 60 800 _ 800 - 3 25 - ~ _ 14 00 728 _ 728 3 25 137 138 139 „ _ 15 00 780 _ 780 - - — ~ - 12 00 624 ~ 624 116 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Table V. — Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. NECTiCDT — Concluded. Con- Hours of Labok. NuMBEE IN Family. Day or OCCnpATIOHS. riece Chil- Chil- Work. Five On Sat- Per dren dren Days. urday. Week. Adults. under 10. above 10. Total. 140 Overseer, weaviog Day . 12 9 69 2 3 6 141 Repairer, card room . Day . 11 11 66 2 _ 1 3 142 Sorter .... Day . 11 11 66 1 _ _ 1 143 Sorter . Day . H 94 57 2 _ 2 4 144 Spinner Day . 114 9 66 4 _ 4 145 Spinner Piece, 11 11 66 2 _ 1 3 146 Spinner Piece, 11; 9i 66 2 _ _ 2 147 Spinner, jack Piece, 11; 9| 66 2 1 2 5 148 Spinner, jaeli Piece, 11. 11 66 5 1 3 9 149 Spinner, jacl£ Piece, lli 9; 66 1 1 150 Spinner, jaclc Piece, 114 8. 66 2 _ _ 2 151 Spinner, mule Piece, 12, 10 704 2 3 1 6 152 Spinner, mule Piece, ii4 10 674 3 1 1 5 153 Superintendent Day . 11, 11 66 2 2 154 Weaver, second hand . Day . ii4 8; 66 1 _ 1 165 Weaver, second hand . Day . 114 » 66 2 _ 1 3 156 Weaver, section hand . Day . 12 lOi 70J 1 _ 1 157 Weaver, section hand . Day . 12 9 69^^ 2 1 3 158 Weaver Piece, 114 84 66 1 _ 2 159 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 4 _ 1 5 160 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 2 2 4 161 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 6 6 162 Weaver Piece, 11 u 66 2 2 _ 4 163 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 . 2 3 2 7 164 Weaver Piece, 114 84 66 165 Weaver Piece, lU 66 2 3 _ 5 166 Weaver Piece, 114 84 66 _ 167 Weaver Piece, 114 84 66 _ _ 168 Weaver Piece, 12 9 69 4 6 2 12 169 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 1 1 170 Weaver Piece, u U 66 1 1 171 Weaver Piece, 11 11 66 2 2 z 4 172 Weaver Piece, 114 84 66 1 1 173 Weaver Piece, lU 9| 66 2 5 7 174 Weaver Piece, 11 ft 66 2 2 175 Weaver Piece, 12 11 71 1 1 176 Weaver Piece, 114 84 66 1 1 177 Weaver Piece, 114 84 66 1 _ 1 178 Weaver Piece, 12 11 71 1 1 179 Weaver Piece, 11 94 644 66 2 3 2 7 180 Weaver Piece, 11 11 2 2 2 6 181 Weaver Piece, 12 104 704 1 1 182 Weaver Piece, 12 104 70i 1 - 1 183 Hosiery. Overseer, finishing Dav . 111 94 66 184 Overseer, knitting Day . Hi H 66 2 2 2 6 185 Overseer, knitting and spinning . Day . 10 10 60 - - Twine. 186 Overseer, spinning Not given. Day . • 12 9 69 2 4 1 7 187 Not given . Day . 12 11 71 3 2 - 5 UNIFOEM HOUKS OF LABOR. 117 Tablk V. — Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. Con- necticut — Concluded. Eakhings or Head of Family AND Others in the Family. Cost of Living. Time iiskmploted Ui DUHING THB YUAB. Per Per Week. Year. Others. Total. r lU U - $16 20 $845 _ $845 _ '_ 140 — — 11 50 598 598 . . $450 141 - - 10 50 516 _ 546 _ - . 142 - 16 50 858 $240 1,098 - - - 143 - 9 00 468 — 468 - _ « 144 - _ 10 75 546 _ $24 - _ 145 — — 8 00 416 _ _ 72 __ 146 - 11 75 600 _ 600 72 _ _ 147 — — 9 00 468 832 1,300 _ _ 148 - 9 00 468 468 _ $3 50 _ 149 — 8 75 455 _ 455 • 30 _ _ 150 - 9 00 468 80 548 _ 151 — — 9 00 468 396 864 84 _ _ _ 152 - 18 00 936 936 _ _ _ 153 — - 7 50 390 -. 390 _ 3 25 _ _ 164 , - - 10 50 646 _ 646 35 _ _ _ 155 — - 10 50 646 _ 546 _ _ _ 156 T- - 9 00 468 _ 468 36 _ « . 157 - 4 60 120 _ 120 _ „ _ 158 - - 7 00 364 132 496 _ _ _ _ 159 - 9 00 468 _ 468 78 _ _ __ 160 - - 10 00 520 _ 520 _ _ _ 161 — _ 9 00 468 « 468 _ _ _ 162 - 9 00 468 70 538 60 _ , _ 163 — - 7 50 390 _ 390 40 - - - 164 *- 9 00 468 _ 468 48 _ _ 165 ~ - 8 50 442 . 442 _ _ 166 - - 6 50 338 _ 338 . _ _ _ 167 - _ 8 50 442 - _ _ _ 168 _ _ 7 60 390 390 _ 3 50 „ _ 169 _ _ 6 50 338 338 _ 3 00 _ 170 - 9 00 468 - 468 72 _ _ _ 171 — 9 00 468 468 _ 3 00 . 172 - . _ 8 00 416 416 48 _ _ „ 173 _ _ 7 50 390 _ 390 _ . _ _ 174 _ _ 6 50 338 _ 338 _ 2 75 _ _ 175 - 8 00 416 _ 416 _ 3 00 _ _ 176 , - _ 8 00 416 _ 416 - $3 00 _ 177 - _ 9 00 468 . ' 468 _ 3 25 . _ 178 - _ 12 00 624 _ 624 . _ . 624 179 „ 8 50 442 216 658 _ _ _ 658 180 _ 7 50 390 _ 390 _ 3 00 _ 181 - - 9 00 416 - 416 - - 3 50 - 182 17 31 900 900 _ . 183 - 16.50 858 - 858 - - - - 184 - 21 00 1,092 - 1,092 144 - - - 185 Six weeks. Unem- ployed . 10 00 460 - 460 - - 186 - 16 00 780 780 75 - - — 187 118 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Table V. — Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. New York. Hours of Laboh. ■ I7UMBEK IN Family. Occupations. Day or Piece Chil- Chil- > Work. Five On Sat- Per dren dren Days. urday. Week. Adnlts under 10. above 10. Total. Cotton. 1 Carder .... Day . 11* 10* as 2 3 2 7 2 Dresser tender . Day . 11: 9| 66 2 1 1 4 3 Measurer, cloth . Day . n a 66 2 _ 2 4 Overseer Piece, 11 9 66 2 1 1 4 5 Overseer of carding . Day . 11 8 66 2 6 _ 8 6 Overseer of carding . Day . 11 9 66 4 _ _ 4 7 Overseer of carding . Day. Hi 8 : 66 2 - _ 2 8 Overseer of mnle room Piece, "i 94 66 4 - - 4 9 Overseer of spinning . Piece, "i 9i 66 4 4 1 9 10 Overseer of spinning . Day . lit 8: 8 66 4 _ _ 4 11 Overseer of weaving . Day . 11 634 4 1 1 6 12 Overseer of weaving . Day . "4 8 66 3 1 _ 4 13 Overseer of weaving . Day . 11 8 634 2 4 1 7 14 Overseer of weaving . Day . 11+ n 66 2 1 3 15 Overseer of weaving . Day . "i 9{ 66 2 - 2 16 Spinner Piece, 11* 10* 66 2 2 4 17 Spinner Day . 11* »4 66 2 2 4 Wool. 18 Dyer .... Day . Hi 9| 66 4 3 8 10 19 Overseer Day . lOi 84 60 2 3 5 20 Overseer of carding . Day . lOJ 74 61i 2 2 _ 4 21 Overseer of carding . Day - 11 8 63 3 2 _ 5 22 Overseer of carding . Day Hi 91 66 3 3 _ 6 23 Overseer of carding . Day . 114 10 10 68 2 2 1 5 24 Overseer of carding . Day . 114 68 2 3 5 25. Overseer of carding . Day . lOi 8 60 5 _ 5 26 Overseer of carding . Day . Hi 9 66 2 _„ '_ 2 27 Overseer of carding . Day . Hi 9 66 2 1 _ 3 28 Overseer of carding and combing . Day . lOi 8J 60 2 _ 2 29 Overseer of fulling and finishing . Day . 11 8 63 2 2 _ 4 30 Overseer of spinning . Day . Hi 91 66 2 4 1 7 31 Overseer of spinning . Day . lOi Hi 84 66 3 3 32 Overseer of spinning . Day . 9| 66 2 _ 2 33 Overseer of spinning . Day . 114 104 68 2 _ _ 2 34 Overseer of spinning . Day . 114 104 68 6 _ 1 7 35 Overseer of spinning . Day . 111 iij 8 66 6 2 2 10 36 Overseer of spinning . Day . 9 66 2 1 1 4 37 Overseer of spooling and dressing Day . IQi 84 60 2 _ 2 38 Overseer of weaving . Day . 114 84 66 2 _ 1 3 39 Overseer of weaving . Day . Hi 91 66 3 _ 3 iO Overseer of weaving . Day . Hi 9| 66 2 4 - 6 11 Overseei" of weaving . Day . 114 104 68 7 7 i2 Overseer of weaving . Day . 10 84 60 2 3 2 7 43 Overseer of weaving . Day . Hi 9| 66 2 2 4 a Overseer of weaving , Day . 111 11; 9| 66 2 3 5 iS Spinner Piece, n 66 2 2 16 Spinner, jack Piece, 11 8* 63 3 2 1 6 17 Weaver Piece, Hi n 66 2 1 3 18 Weaver Piece, 11 8 63 2 2 ■■ 4 * One-sixth. t Five-twelfths. X Eleven-twelfths. UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 119 Table V. — Ocaupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. New York. Earnings op Hbad of Family Cost of Living. AND Others ii THE J< AMILY. Time unemp LOTED Yeak. Jl I -ill \ii - DUBING THE Per Week. Per Year. Others. Total. m $7 12 $370 $168 $538 $84 $538 1 — — 15 00 780 - 780 — — — 2 - - 6 60 343 20 363 65 $4 00 $2 50 - 3 - - 12 00 624 _ 624 60 3 50 2 25 624 4 - _ 13 00 780 _ 780 96 3 50 3 00 _ 5 - - 15 00 780 208 988 96 4 00 2 50 - 6 - - U 58 622 - 622 78 3 50 2 50 - 7 One week. Unem- ployed . , , 12 00 600 260 860 _ _ - _ 8 _ - 13 50 702 312 1,014 60 3 50 2 50 914 9 _ - 19 50 1,014 234 1,248 65 _ - - 10 . 19 50 1,014 572 1,586 96 3 75 2 25 - 11 _ 15 00 780 - 780 _ _ . - 12 _ 18 00 936 936 _ - - 936 13 _ 19 50 1,014 1,014 75 3 50 2 00 - 14 _ _ 12 00 600 600 78 4 00 2 50 - 15 _ 9 50 494 494 72 3 50 2 50 - 16 - 6 00 312 312 312 17 Three weeks . Un- employed 6 75 351 924 1,275 - - - - 18 _ _ 21 00 1,092 _ 1,092 120 - 3 00 — 19 _ _ 12 00 624 624 - _ - 20 _ _ 12 00 624 624 54 _ - - - 21 _ . 21 00 1,000 1,000 84 - ~ 22 _ _ 18 00 936 _ 936 _ — - 23 _ _ 23 25 1,200 _ 1,200 _ - - 24 _ 18 00 936 260 1,196 96 4 00 — — 25 _ _ 19 50 1,014 1,014 96 4 00 3 50 - 26 - - 18 00 936 - 936 - - 27 - - 21 00 1,092 - 1,092 - 4 60 3 50 - 28 12 00 624 _ 624 48 _ _ 29 _ _ 21 00 1,000 1,000 48 - - 30 _ _ 16 50 858 858 156 - 31 _ 18 00 936 936 93 - 32 _ 15 50 806 _ 806 _ - 33 \ .— _ 12 00 624 _ 624 - - 34 _ 18 00 936 850 1,786 1,200 35 Two weeks. TJnem- ployed . ^ , 15 00 780 780 - - - 460 36 _ 16 20 843 843 72 5 00 3 50 — 37 _ _ 18 00 936 _ 936 108 - 38 _ _ 18 00 936 - 936 6& - 39 Three weeks Un- ■ 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 employed , , 21 SO 896 - 896 84 - - ~ _ _ 18 00 936 552 1,488 — 983 _ _ 18 90 983 _ 983 — — — _ _ 24 00 1,248 _ 1,248 90 4 00 3 00 936 _ _ 18 00 936 _ 936 120 - - _ „ 8 30 432 _ 432 24 — - ~ - - U 00 9 24 572 480 144 716 480 66 3 75 2 50 450 Ten weeks. TJnem- 48 48 ployed . 10 00 468 ~ 468 120 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table V. — Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. New York — Concluded. nomts OF Labor. NOMBEE IH FAMILT. OOCDPATIONS. Day or Piece Work. Five Days. On Sat- urday. Per Week. Adults. Chil- dren under 10. Chil- dren above 10. Total. 49 50 Weaver Weaver . . . Piece, Piece, Hi 9i 9| 654 66 1 2 2 1 1 6 51 Worsted. Overseer of weaving . Day . ni 74 63| 1 1 54 53 Carpets. Overseer of weaving . Overseer of weaving and finishing . Day . Day . lOi u* 8} 9 60 66 3 2 2 3 4 54 55 56 57 Bosiery. Overseer of carding Overseer of finishing . Overseer of knitting . Overseer of knitting . Day - Day - Day . Day - 11* Hi Hi 84 66 644 66 66 2 2 2 2 3 1 3 1 5 5 2 4 * Two-flf thB. UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 121 Table V. — Occupations, Earnings, Cost of Living, etc. New York — Concluded. Earnin GS OF Head of Family Cost of Living. TniE CNEMPLOTED 1, 1* J" P. U DURING THE YEAR. Per Week. Per Year. Others. Total. Three weeks. Un- employed $6 00 8 50 $240 415 - $240 415 $60 $2 54 - 49 50 - - - - - - - $2 50 51 - 24 00 1,200 - 1,200 - - - - 62 - 30 00 1,500 - 1,500 96 4 00 $3 00 - 53 1 1 1 1 1 1 J 1 20 00 12 00 24 00 18 90 1,040 624 1,248 982 $108 1,040 732 1,24:8 982 96 108 4 00 5 00 3 75 2 54 2 75 2 75 $6 00 54 55 56 67 122 STATISTICS OF LABOR. STATEMENTS BY EMPLOYES. What would be the effect upon wages of a law establisJdng the hours of labor at 60 per week ? N. H. Conn. Condensed^ in full. A. Would raise wages B. Would reduce wages . C. No permanent effect . D. Conld not answer definitely E. No reply .... Totals 10 16 25 2 25 3 52 4 16 1 29 5 1 3 63 72 47 2 53 84 52 187 2 22 26 7 57 56 105 204 65 3 433 CondeTisedy in full. A. Would raise wages B. Would reduce wages C. No permanent effect D. Could not answer definitely E. No reply Totals MassoAihusetts in detail, in part, A. If the ten-hour law was extended to other States, it would raise wages at least ten per cent D. There would not be so much stoppage, for the market would be better 2 1 3 18 112 3 1 56 105 204 65 3 433 144 107 205 68 21 546 WJiMt is the desire, if any, for a uniform system of laws on the hours of labor? Kbflies. Me. N. H. R.I. Conn. N. y. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. A general desire 26 63 62 7fi 21 238 B. An individual desire .... 13 18 « 41 9 81 C. No desire 12 2 _ 53 21 88 D. Could not answer definitely 2 _ _ 15 5 22 E. No reply - 1 - 2 1 4 Totals 63 84 52 187 67 433 In detail, in part. A. It would be a great deal better to have ten hours - - _ 1 1 A desire, if not accompanied with a reduction of wages — ~ - - 5 5 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. Statements by Employes — Continued. 123 Replies. Me. N.H. E.I. Conn. N. Y. Totals. B. "Would prefer ten hours, and take what could be earned _ _ 31 _ 31 Think it would be a good thing . _ _ 1 - 1 C Do not know any thing about it . - 3 - 3 Satisfied with 66 hours per week, and with such pay as I can earn . _ _ 1 - 1 As soon work as they are, as to have the ten-hour law .... _ 2 _ 2 D. Ten hoars enough for any one to work _ _ — S — 3 If they could earn as much in ten hours as they could in eleven, would want ten _ 7 — 7 The operatives would be better satis- fied _ _ 1 — 1 Part want ten and part eleven . - _ - 1 - 1 Prefer the pay to the time . -" ~ 1 " 1 other States. Condensed, in full. A. A general desire B> An individual desire C* No desire D. Could not answer definitely K> No reply Totals Massachusetts in detail^ inpaH. A. Massachusetts operatives favor the ten-hour law because they feel the benefit of it, and should like it to be ex- tended to other States D. Would curtail production to such an extent that there would be a greater demand for the goods we are em- ployed on 92 U2 238 81 22 433 330 S9 27 11 545 124 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Statements bt Employes — Continued. Does the ten-hour law of Massachusetts affect the employes in any way? If so, how? Condensed, in full. A. Favorably .... B> Unfavorably C. No effect . . . . D. Could not answer definitely E. No reply .... 15 18 9 2 11 11 43 U 8 3 29 15 B. D. Totals In detail, in part. As an example It causes many to leave here to work there It has caused two of our boys to go there Makes them feel uneasy, and talk of going there Makes the best mechanics go there . Cannot keep them here if they can get work there Operatives from there say they prefer to work there on account of less hours I worked there, and when I came back I did not like it . . . It makes it hard to hire good hands here Gives hopes of obtaining the law here. It makes them discontented with our long hours Makes them desire such a law here . They seem to think ten hours are bet- ter They think the law would improve them socially Makes them discontented . Crowds us by making the amount earned there in ten hours the stan- dard here for eleven Came from there, and earn more money here ; more pay per cut It causes the poorest help to come here and work for next to nothing . Does not make them any better . It don't now, but it did in the begin- ning Are so far from the line, do not feel it. Heard them talk about it considera- ' bly before we began ten hours Ten hours is about all a man can stand .."... £mploy6s can earn more there in ten hours than here in eleven It affects the woollen more than the cptton operatives .... Some operatives from there complain a good deal on Saturday . 53 2. 2 84 62 15 29 1 67 68 22 187 2 2 2 1 3 53 57 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. Statements by EMPLOTis — Oontinued. 125 Other Repiies. Mass. Slates. Totals. _ Condensed, in- full. A. Favorably 42 M 96 B. Unfavorably 2 30 32 C. No effect _ 158 158 D. Could not answer definitely 6 106 111 E. No reply 63 85 148 Totals . ■ . . 112 433 545 Massachusetts in detail, in part. A. We are better off every way . . .• . 15 ~ 15 Gives us more time for rest and mental improvement 10 , _ 10 The people are healthier and farther advanced than in the twelve-hour States 1 _ 1 B. It overstocks the labor market; by that means wages are lower than they would be if ten hours were adopted by every State . . ■ 1 - 1 The only way it affects us is that we are overcrowded with 1 - 1 Has the Massachusetts ten-hour law any influence upon the supply of skilled operatives ? If so, how? Condensed, in full A. Increases wages and supply B. Decreases wages and supply C. No effect .... D. Could not answer definitely E. No reply . . , . Totals In detail, in part. A. They come here because work is so , much easier ; don't speed up so, and can go out half-hour to get lunch . Know of operatives from there to come here because they could get more pay on account of having more hours B. The best skilled operatives leave here to go there Skilled operatives will not come here if they can get work there The best spinners go there, where they have shorter hours and higher wages Think it makes them more scarce here It draws toward rather than from there D. Spinners go both ways WiUgo back there as soon as I can . 17 25 9 2 29 37 15 5 31 IS 1 63 84 52 13 29 29 24 49 82 187 2 19 57 57 117 88 145 433 2 61 1 3 5 6 1 1 126 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Statements of Employes — Continued. Keflies. Mo. N. H. K.I. Conn. N.Y. Totals. Know of some to come here, but whether for more pay I do not know Notice that the best workingmen come from there Have known operatives to come from there because they could work more hours, etc., and have' also known them to go there on account of less hours - 1 - 1 1 - 1 1 I Other 11EFLIE8. Mass. States. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. Increases wages and supply 24 S 27 B. Decreases wages and supply _ 80 80 C. No effect 3 117 120 D. Could not answer definitely lii 88 103 E. No reply 70 145 215 Totals 112 433 545 Massachusetts in detail, in part. A. Yes; skilled operatives are hard to be found where they work over ten hours 15 _ 15 You will always find more skilled labor where they run shorter hours 1 ~ 1 Are your opportunities for employment good or poor? Heflies. Me. N.H. K. I. Conn. N.Y. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. Good ....... 31 53 41 100 55 280 B. Poor 19 6 6 31 C. Fair 2 24 4 30 2 62 D. Could not answer definitely _ 1 I E. No reply 1 1 57 - 59 Totals 53 84 52 187 57 433 In detail, in part. A, Good when there is water to run the mill; have lost time from low water _ 2 2 1 I could always find something to do . ^ 1 B. Should proba;bly find it hard to get work if I should leave here or be discharged for any cause . ~ 3 - - - 3 UNIFOEM HOUES OF LABOE. Statements of Employes — Continued. 127 Replies^ Mass. Other States. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. Good ..... -^ B. Poor C. Fair D. Could not answer definitely E. No reply 33 36 31 6 6 280 31 62 1 59 313 67 93 7 65 Totals Massachiesetts in detail, in part. A. There is always work B. Poor, if I get out of work C. 'Sometimes good, sometimes bad 112 16 10 2 433 545 16 10 2 If hours are reduced, can you earn as much as now ? Conn. Condensed, in full. A. Yes B. Ko C. Doubtful D. Could not answer definitely E. No reply Totals In detail, in part. A> Eventually more If machinery was speeded up I could ; I don't work more than ten hours on the average B. Not at the present rate of wages, if they were reduced in proportion D. Think I could on spinning . Don't think it could make any differ- ence with my wages It would depend on the manufac- turers If I did as much, I would earn as much Perhaps not at first; after a little, if the pay was raised, think I might get more Work 60 hours per week now . 31 17 53 69 4 4 7 84 44 41 37 15 17 77 52 1 1 187 17 13 4 14 57 Condensed, in full. A. Yes B. No C. Doubtful D. Could not answer definitely - E. No reply Totals 95 5 1 2 112 Other States. 202 71 23 60 87 433 128 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Statements by EMPLOT:i!S — Continued. In the long run, can you accomplish as much in your line in 10 hours per day as in 11, other things Ming equal? Condensed, in full. A. Yes . . . . . B. No C. Doubtful .... D. Could not answer definitely £. No reply .... Totals In detail, in part. A. The shorter the hours, the more a man feels like work .... I could weave as much in ten hours as in eleven . . If operatives were rightly managed they would do just as much in ten as in eleven hours, for when we shorten the hours we increase the {woduction Yes ; and in the year we could accom- plish more They can do about as much work in ten hours as they used to in eleven. (The informant works ten hours) . Could gain a part of the hour . Can do as much in eight hours as now in eleven Can do all my work in whatever time the mill runs Average more work in ten hours than in eleven or twelve and a half hours. (Works ten hours) .... Produce more with eleven hours' work than when we worked twelve . We used to run eleven hours ; we now run ten, and produce just about as much ; the diminution is very slight, The operatives say they would work harder, and could afford to run with a little more speed, for the sake of the extra hour B. No; but I could earn as much . Looms run now as fast as they can, and so weavers would lose the hour, Not If we had work right along . Not on the sam^ speed C. It Vf ould probably make no difference unless speed was increased Perhaps not ; what then ? I do more work now than I am paid for . D. Perhaps with steady work we might gain a little, but it depends entirely upon the speed of the machinery . Never tried it, so it is hard to say I did as much in eleven hours as I was accustomed to do in twelve, but prefer to do it in twelve, and take it a little easier . . Perhaps not; but I could earn as much as now 34 15 81 2 46 2 2 2 83 84 52 11 82 50 28 24 3 187 1 2 2 9 27 22 5 3 57 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. Statements by Employes — Continued. 129 Bbplies. Me. N. H. E.I. Conn. N. Y. Totals. Think it qnite probable that we could, tiilie the spinners on an average I think there is fnlly as much done now in ten hours as in eleven . When we dress, we never worked more than nine or ten hours . I should use every endeavor, and, though I might not accomplish as much at first, in the end I could do more (From an overseer.) When we first began with ten hours I was not troubled with my help ; and, though we produced as much as we used to in eleven, now the help want to be out more, and we do nut produce as much - - - 1 1 1 3 1 1 1 1 1 4 1 other Beflies. Mass. States. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. Yes 94 270 364 B. No 91 91 C. Doubtful - 30 30 D. Could not answer definitely 4 34 38 Ei No reply 14 8 22 Totals 112 433 545 Massachusetts in detail, in part. A. We are doing a great deal more in ten than we ever did in eleven hours 7 7 D. They are not equal : we have higher speed .... 1 " 1 What disposition would be made of more leisure? - EEPLIES. Me. N. H. K.I. Conn. N. Y. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. Make a good use of it . B. Make a poor use of it . C. Did not answer definitely . D. No reply 49 1 1 2 79 3 2 48 1 3 173 6 8 52 3 2 401 11 17 4 Totals .53 84 52 187 57 433 130 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Statements by Employes — Continued. Replies. Me. S.H. R.I. Conn. N. Y. Totals. In detail, in port. A. It would not be hard to find a good lise for more leisure time . 17 10 U 15 2 38 Work around the house, and improve its appearance _ 2 3 23 2 30 Spend the time with my family . 6 13 7 17 5 48 Should work in my garden, and do any odd chores about the house _ ' 1 _ 13 8 22 Should have more time to rest . 1 2 1 8 _ 12 Breathing the pure air, and looking about me to see what is going on . 1 1 2 _ _ 4 Head, study, and rest .... 5 12 11 15 1 44 Reading and visiting .... _ 1 _ 1 _ 2 Read and reflect 1 _ 1 1 » 3 Ill recreation and reading . 1 2 1 _ _ 4 Study music, attend singing school. and other healthy amusements - 2 - 2 1 5 The mill-owners propose establishing a reading room, and I should go there _ _ _ 1 _ 1 Recreation, healthy out-door exer- cises, and evening amusements 1 1 1 12 5 20 Self-improvement and betterment of our condition 2 14 _ 6 1 23 Should sew and mend my clothing and do my work at home (females) , 1 2 3 7 _ 13 Mental, moral, physical, and social improvement Sit down and have a smoke, read a 1 5 _ i _ 10 paper, and rest myself . _ _ 1 _ Could get to bed earlier; get through reading paper earlier _ ^ _ 1 _ Could use it very profitably; could store my mind ; now it is all work and sleep __ 1 _ Should have more time to work round the house, perhaps ; too tired now . _ _ 1 Should have more time to devote to the education of my children and increasing the pleasures of home . _ 1 1 1 _ Would learn to play in the band _ 1 I should do my own sewing; ten hours would be the greatest boon that could be given the working classes (female) .... _ 1 I think if he were at home a little more with his family and children, it would do him good (female) _ 1 In the winter I should attend evening school _ _ 1 1 Should take comfort at home, and get rested for the next day's work . _ _ 1 Might lie in bed a little more and have more time for dinner, and I could take care of my garden . _ 1 _ Men of family would work in garden, saw wood, and such like, while the younger folks would go and eiyoy themselves _ _ _ 1 I would be helping about the house; a good many would make a bad use; would be out on the street smoking; Americans would do bet- ter ; half French here ~ 1 - UNIFOEM HOURS OF LABOR. Statements by Employes — Gonimued. 131 BjipLIBS. N. Y. Totals. Very few wonid take any advantage ; the most would use it for some kind of recreation Some would mentally improve ; boys would waste it, girls would improve it . Probably I should go out riding with my friends My daughter would sew, and mend our clothing, and go to night school in the winter; my husband would work around the house, and proba- bly get to rest a little sooner ; many of the men are in the lager-beer saloons (female) .... The women would sew, and the men would work in their gardens . The women and children would be better off, and half the men The hour per day is used for recrea- tion ; girls do a great deal of sew- inpr, are more neatly dressed. (Works 60 hours per week) Should try to obtain a better educa- tion Study and reading for me j operatives generally would make an innocent and fair use Flaying ball; girls walk about. (Works 60 hours per week) . Working at something, enjoy lib- erty I read considerably. (Works ten hours now) An hour for dinner; educate them- selves, read the papers, and rest Play ball, sit 'round the store, chore about the house, and read Chore about the house; people would be less tired ; fewer complaints about going to church on Sundays . They would pay more attention to education here than in England I have nine acres of land, and when I have any time work for myself Couid find enough to do . Americans would make- a good use; other nationalities would not . Beneficial to health .... Some innocent, some bad : the good wonld prevail . '. . I would get a little land, and have a garden . If I had more land, should try to inj- prove that More leisure would make us better every ivay and more independent . Those that have places take care of thejn. (Works ten hours now) Should study the theory and principles of my businesfi , . . . . Go to lodke and chapt^ two evenings in a -nSek; read, v^it, attend lec- tures, etc. (Works ten hours now). 132 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Statements bt Employes — Continued. The men would read, and educate themselves, and the women would keep house better, and look after their families more . . . . Some in domestic work and some in pleasure ; a great benefit to all Some in the street; mostly married here, every one has a garden ; young folks would be looking out for a chance to get married More rest, and so more ambition to do his work in ten hours ; a better man, and I believe he would live longer for the leisure If I had a garden or little outside work, I would have plenty of time to do it in Some would dress up and go visiting, some would improve their places, and some go to the gin-mill Should do work for myself that I now have to hire done .... Boys and girls would use it chiefly for recreation, the women would be at home, and the men — it is hard telling Single women promenade, the married ones are at home ; some of the young men hang around lager-beer saloons, some go to club-rooms, where they have games and reading. (Works ten hours now) The mill-girls walk out evenings; some of the smaller ones go to even- ing schools, The women would make a good use, but the male operatives would make a poor use I could find use enough ; cannot get to bed now until ten o'clock. . They would find use for it; some work in gardens, play croquet, ball, etc. (Works ten hours now) . Families would have more time to sew, wash, etc., men to see to gar- dening; those inclined would put it to bad use just as they do now The women employ their time at home; the larger part are young people, readers and musicians. (Female operative; works ten hours now) Among the younger people, recrea- tion; amon^ the elder, with fami- lies, more time at home. (Works ten hours) I aih a great reader; go down the street, and look about me; not five per cent would get drunk Garden is attended to ; younger peo- ple play ball, and enjoy themselves ; women do dressmaking that they had to hire done before ; have more time for housework, and dress neater. (Works 60 hours per week), 11 2 16 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. Statements by Emplotes — Continued. 133 Those who use one hour about the house would use two hours the same; those who now spend one bour on the street would spend two hours the same After I got my farming done, should have more time to read, and should not have to read after I got to bed, so should have more time to sleep . B. Wast^ it, what else ? . . . . Don't know; another man says he " would lay around "... "Women would promenade and gossip, Nowhere to go to \vhen out of mills; not much use More sleep in the morning; in the evening boys waste time in mis- chief. (Works ten hours) In such a place as this the more you give them the worse off they are . I fear it would not be improved to good advantage by the younger class, without homes Two-thirds of the men would spend it where they could get something to drink A good many would spend their time not to a very good purpose, picnics, etc., and some would want to go to the saloons Loaf round the streets and at home same as I do now ; an hour would not do me mach good if I were out C. Some one thing, some another . Should spend It as I chose . Not much acquainted with the habits of the operatives. (Works ten hours) About the same as now " If I did not have it in my pocket, should have it in my bones " . Have all the leisure I want; those who want more do not work much now With mv small help it is hard play ; they play too hard, and keep too late hours. (From an overseer; works 60 hours per week) .... 134 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Statements bt Employes ^ — Continued. other states. Condensed, in full. A. Make a good use of it B. Mike a poor use of it C. Did not anevrer definitely D. No reply • ■ Totals Massachusetts in detail, in part. A. I helieve in giving people oppol-tunlties ; in the long run they will make good nse of them Use it in mental improvement, rest, education, and make a good use of it , ■ Should attend night schools It has heen one of the beet means of educating the opera- tives, and thereby making them better citizens and better neighbors Enforfced leisure in dull times is bad, but regiilar leisure by shortening the hours of labor is always good in the long run 15 401 11 17 4 112- 30 3 433 464 11 32 38 S45 30 3 Does intemperance- prevail to any eostent among the operatives in this town? Rkflies. Me. N.H. K.I. Conn. N.Y. Totals. Condensed, in full. A. Yes . . . . . . . 1 10 20 18 3 52 B. No 47 58 20 81 19 225 C. To a moderate degree .... 1 9 6 57 27 100 D. Did not answer definitely . 2 7 6 30 8 53 E. No reply 2 - 1 - 3 Totals , 53 84 62 187 87 433 In detail, in part. A. There are too many beer saloons sup- ported by the operatives . 1 _ - 1 Liquor selling is gaining ground - - 1 _- 1 Thirteen or fourteen liqnor shops for the 700 who live in this town . _ _ _ _ 1 1 It does; fewer hours means less in- temperance ; long hours and poorly paid labor tend to brutalize . _ 1 _ _ 1 Greatly with those that are over- worked ; not so much among those who have more leisure _ 2 _ 2 Full more than in Massachusetts _ 1 _ 1 Only among the Irish operatives - 1 _ _ 1 To a much greater extent than it ought _ 2 3 _ _ 5 More than most people think . 1 _ 1 Among the overworked and poorest paid I see the most. (Works ten hours) - 2 _ _ 2 Intemperance does prevail, and we . think poverty causes much of it . ■" 1 ~ ~ - 1 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. Statements by EMPLOYisa — Continued. 135 Many saloons around liere ; as many as in any town of its size in tho coantry B. No, sir ; because the owners will not allow it Notsomnch asfornoerly; enoployers bcre will not tolerate it . Not over a dozen out of three hun- dred operatives are thought to be Inclined to get drunk No; if a man is intemperate In our mill he is cautioned once; the sec- ond time discharged There is no intemperance here; no place where liquor is sold Very sober class in this mill. (Works ten hours) (An overseer says) My help are very sober ; mostly girls .... Scarcely a man in this mill uses intox- icating drink The operatives are very clear from it, for a factory place .... Operatives do not have time nor even money enough to get drunk . The rules of the company prevent it to any extent ; with ten hours would be even less This is a temperance town ; it is only at election time that everybody gets drunk Not much chance here ; many go to Providence and spend their Sundays in beer saloons C. Most intemperance among those that work the most hours; long hours create a desire for stimulants . Only among the lower classes . If a man gets drunk, he goes ; not more than one or two that drink in the mills Not more than six or seven intemper- ate in 140; a large proportion of the operatives are Germans Not more than one in ten drinks Only two in 100 in my charge get drunk occasionally, not more than (en or twelve in all .... Not much, but more than where they work ten hours More in the town than in this mill Very little ; Irish predominate, Welsh pretty strong Some drink when they can get a chance From two to three per cent are intem- perate sometimes .... Not more than in other places . Once in a while an operative has what he calls a " little time " . . . To some extent, but not half so bad as in Fall River .... Not very much ; would be less if the hours were shorter .... 136 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Statements by Employes — Concluded. Keflies. Me. N. H. E.I. Conn. N. Y. Totals. D. About as much here as elsewhere A ffood many total abstainers here. I have seen It worse than here. ("Works ten hours) .... " How can we get drunk on noth- ing?" Believe long hours induce intemper- ance; the short-hour laborer eats food; the long-hour laborer takes stimulants They don't get enough to get drunk with. The weavers could not drink ; they would be unfit for their work . Full as much as under ten hours; eleven hours brings a poorer class of help, therefore more intemper- ance More among the English than Ameri- cans French, Irish, and Germans will drink Not as much as in Massachusetts Have not seen any drunk within a month; there is no increase of fre- quenting saloons by working ten hours. (Works ten hours) 1 3 1 1 1 6 2 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 13 2 2 Other suites. Condensedt in full. A. Yes B. No C. To a moderate degree D. Did not answer definitely JE.. No reply Totals Massachusetts in detail, in part. A. They are such a drunken set that they are able to support nearly four hundred rum shops People are so fun down that they resort to all kinds of beverastes for strength I think so ; we have recently elected two drunkards to the legislature 29 63 12 1 7 U2 1 1 1 52 225 100 53 433 81 288 112 64 10 545 1 1 1 UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 137 The tables and accompanying statements from manufac- turers and employes are so complete and exhaustive in themselves that an analysis of them is not necessary. It should be borne in mind that Massachusetts is the only ten- hour State in the Eastern cluster of textile districts. From the tables and statements it is readily seen that the cost of cotton at the factory varies but little in the States specified, transportation showing more in the cost of raw material, and in getting products to market, in Maine and New Hampshire, than it does on the average in the other States ; but wages on the whole are less in these two States than in most of the others. The chief differences in quan- tities produced arise from differences in grades. It is apparent that Massachusetts with ten hours produces as much per man or per loom or per spindle, equal grades being considered, as other States with eleven and more hours ; and also that wages here rule as high if not higher than in the States where the mills run longer time. So far as the tables show, there is no reason why the mills in New York, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New Hampshire, and Maine, should not be run on the ten-hour basis in har- mony with the system in successful operation in Massa- chusetts. A report of the results of the investigation would be in- complete, without giving the experiencps of the agents em- I)loyed, so far as the testimony gained by them is concerned. Much collateral evidence Avas picked up by them, and in many respects forms the most valuable features of their work. It was natural that much important material should be collected by observing men through the conversations in which they engaged, both with manufacturers and opera- tives, when all, with entire unreserve, spoke their minds upon the matter in hand. It is of course obviously impossible to convey by means of type any adequate sense of the impression produced upon one who for several weeks is hearing many times daily the very same views, frequently in about the same language, uttered by persons widelj^ separated, and who had no con- sciousness of the fact that what they were saying had ever been heard by their listener before. But the listener would 138 STATISTICS OF LABOE. after a while be sure that there were some facts which he linew. However, we can present in print the conclusions arrived at as the results of this experience. As one of these results we are convinced that there is a far greater sympathy on the part of the manufacturers with the operatives in all the real hardships of their lot, and especially in their desire for ten hours, than the operatives imagine or could be made to believe. The expressions of good-will towards this inves- tigation, and the conclusions to which it naturally tends, have been too many and too hearty to leave this in doubt. As another result, a vicious feature of our present indus- trial system is made plainly manifest in that it so places true men, who would show their good-will, that they cannot. A superintendent of a mill said, "I would gladly help these people to ten hours ; but my situation is such that I cannot even let them know my feelings towards them. If I djd, it would destroy me at once, without my being able to serve them in the least." As yet another result equally manifest, we have learned how little the manufacturers sometimes understand the op- eratives. Not seldom has it happened, that after the man- ager of a mill has expressed his own view, and confidently declared it to be that of his employes also, our agent upon interviewing them has found their real view quite the oppo- site of that which their employer supposed. Perhaps no one impression is so deeply made as this wide and intense con- trast of feeling which exists between the manufacturer and operative with reference to matters which intimately concern them both, as that contrast has struck across the mind of our agents upon going directly from the one to the other, and hearing them both speak their minds freely and fully upon the same subject. As a further result, we have found that a large majority of the manufacturers would prefer ten hours to any greater number, " if only all would agree to it." Repeatedly has it occurred, when our agents have made known their errand, that almost the first words of the manufacturer would be, " It [ten hours] would be better for manufacturer and opera- tive, if it could only be made universal ; " and these words, always spoken so spontaneously as to show that thev were UNIFORM HOUES OF LABOR. 139 the expression of a settled conviction, may be fairly taken to express the united wisdom of the manufacturers of textile fabrics in New York and New England. As one reason for this it was constantly said, that, if all worked but ten hoursj then it would be the same for all, and so everybody would have just as fair a chance for success under ten as now under more hours. As to the effect of a reduction of hours to ten upon the product, and upon the relation of the product to wages, two opinions appeared ; both having foundation, and both worthy of attention. Some manufacturers believe that they can make their mills produce so nearly as much in ten hours as in more, as to be practicably as profitable. On this point we present the following facts which we have gathered : — One large cotton mill reduced time for four months a few years ago, and found by their books that from two to four tenths of an hour was gained. Had the experiment been continued for a year, an even greater gain might have been expected, as that period of time might fairly be required for the vital condition of the operatives to rise from the eleven to the ten hour level, and so for them to make the full gain of which they were capable. Another point made by some who had adopted ten hours was, "We get a better class of help, and the improvement in this particular is worth quite as much to us as the eleventh hour." As illustrating this, we cite the fact that a silk firm in Connecticut, which, as one of the firm said, "cannot afford to run more than ten hours," is erecting a large mill in Mas- sachusetts, a ten-hour State, instead of enlarging its works in Connecticut, an eleven-hour State. Some mills have voluntarily adopted ten hours, and have achieved the result of accomplishing as much in that time as formerly in eleven. Such is the case with a large cotton mill employing several hundred operatives, and standing in the midst of eleven-hour mills. As a result, with some changes in machinery, with careful management, and with the stricter discipline which can be maintained under shorter hours, the superintendent finds his products so nearly what they were before, that the directors are satisfied ; and, after a trial of a 140 STATISTICS OF LABOE. year and a half, the experiment has become an established success. Another case is that of a woollen mill in an eleven-hour State, which has been running but ten hours a day for ten years. It has been under the same management during the whole time, and its whole product comes in direct competi- tion with eleven and eleven and a half hour mills. Yet in the judgment of the manager, who is also one of the largest owners, the product has been as great and the profit as large as if the mill had been run eleven hours. In both the above cases the rate of pay which the opera- tives receive is just as large as in eleven-hour mills. The theory on which such facts, and others equally significant which we have yet to give, may be explained, and correctly, we think, is, that there is only so much work in a person, and that all the work there is in the great body of the operatives can be got out of them in ten hours, and no more for any con- siderable period can be got out of them in eleven ; for no mill has yet been built in which the machinery is more than the man. Another case is that of three woollen mills in an eleven- hour district, all owned by the same company, two of which were built many years ago, and at first ran twelve hours a day or more. A number of years since, the managers reduced the time to ten hours a day, and they have so continued up to the present ; and both managers and operatives testified that, except in the carding room, the product was as great as in the longer hours. Still another case is that of a carpet mill employing about seventeen hundred persons. Twenty-five years ago the hours were reduced directly from twelve to ten. At the outset a part of the owners feared that the result would be disastrous. But, on the contrary, the establishment has been run by the same management from then till now, without a break, and with great success ; and yet the average pay in it is higher than in any other mill, with possibly one or two exceptions, which we found. But perhaps the' most emphatic testimony is that of an- other carpet mill employing about twelve hundred persons. This mill, which has been running but ten hours for sev- UNIFOEM HOURS OF LABOK. 141 eral years, and has during this period tried the experiment of running overtime, gives the following results. The man- ager said, "I believe, with proper management and super- vision, the same help will produce as many goods, and of superior quality, in ten hours as they will in eleven. I judge so from the fact that during certain seasons, being pushed for goods, we have run up to nine o'clock ; and for the first month the production was increased materially. After this, however, the help would grow listless, and the production would fall off, and the quality of the goods deteriorate." That is, one of our largest and most perfectly equipped and thoroughly managed mills, having tried the experiment of running more than ten hours, finds that, although paying extra for the overtime, while during the first month adequate returns can be obtained, yet by the third month the whole pro- duction of the ten-hour day and overtime together cannot be made to be more than it was before the overtime began, "as the books will show." The reason is, the flesh and blood of the operatives have only so much work in them, and it was all got out in ten hours, and no more could be got out in twelve ; and what was got extra in the first month was taken right out of the life of the operatives. The Wiiiimantic Linen Company of Connecticut ran its mills eleven hours per day till about two years ago, when it was determined as an experiment to run ten hours. During the first six months a loss in product of fifteen hundred pounds was experienced, but this loss the managers of the mills attribute.as much to other causes, existing at the time, as to the reduction in hours ; for since then there has been no loss in product, while wages have remained intact so far as the hours of labor are concerned. Thus we have large mills, employing in the aggregate sev- eral thousand persons, which have voluntarily adopted ten hours in eleven-hour districts, bearing witness emphatically that they find the product of ten hours a day, in the long run, so nearly or quite the same as that of eleven hours, that their mills are as profitable to them under the shorter as under the longer time. In addition to this fact, and as partly explain- ing it, may be recorded the Avords of great wisdom spoken by the managers : — 142 STATISTICS OF LABOR. " Skill in management and thoroughness in discipline arc more inportant than the eleventh hour in the product of a mill ; and thorough discipline is much more attainable under ten than under eleven hours. For men and women are flesh and blood, and they cannot be held up to such steady work during eleven hours as during ten ; and overseers are flesh and blood, and cannot hold them up." As incidentally illustrating the improvement that may be made by " good management" joined with a I'eduction of hours, we relate the experience of a manager of a cotton mill, as he gave it to us. He said, " I took charge of this mill about fifteen years ago, having already purchased an interest in it. The mill had been running thirteen hours per day. Soon after I took charge, I persuaded the rest of the directoi's to allow me to reduce the hours to eleven. Before this the weekly product of the mill had been ninety thousand yards of print cloths. After it, with the same machinery, the weekly product rose to a hundred and twenty thousand yards." Now granting, as should doubtless be done, that a part of that increase was due to improved management, yet it is clear that this improvement could not have been made nearly so efiective without the improved physical conditions which so great a reduction of the hours of labor aiforded ; for it is imr possible to secure as thorough order, steadiness, and efficiency of work, under thirteen as under eleven hours. Flesh and blood cannot endure the strain. And the same principal ap- plies to a reduction to ten. By far the larger portion of the manufacturers, however, considered that a reduction of hours to ten would result in a diminution of product ; but it was quite generally conceded that even if, at first, there was a reduction of wages, yet by a year's time (only one person said more) the market would have re-adjusted itself, and the wages for ten hours would have become the same as they were before for eleven. A half owner of six mills stated the case thus: "If all the mills would run but ten hours, there would be a diminution in the product of perhaps five per cent. That slight diminution would after a while so empty the market that prices would rise much more than five per cent, and so we could pay the UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 143 same prices for ten as now for eleven hours' work, and then make more money than we are now making." And the principle involved in this statement was very generally con- ceded by manufacturers ; each one particularly saying, " If it [ten hours] was only a universal thing." That is, a large portion of the manufacturers have come to see, what is un- doubtedly true, that the width of the margin between cost and price, and so the possible amount of wages which can be paid, are not so much determined by the volume of the prod- uct alone, as by the relation between the amount produced and the amount consumed. And they are convinced that as the capacities of the textile mills are to-day, and the markets of the world, a reduction of hours to ten would be a conserva- tive movement, quite as beneficial to the manufacturer as to the operative, " if only everybody would join in it." As an illustration of the favorable circumstances under which such a change might be effected, we present some con- siderations drawn from the cotton rise of last spring. It appears that, at the prijces then paid for cotton and labor, the cost of making a yard of print cloth goods was three and three-quarters cents ; and it was freely acknowledged that, if all who were running more hours had come down to ten, and had diminished their production pro rata, that cost would not have risen to more than four cents. Now, for a time print cloths were above five cents, and once touched five and fifteen-sixteenths. Then all cotton factories running more hours could have reduced time to ten hours, and then would have had an abundant margin, more than a cent, for profit and contingencies. " And what an effect would such a reduction have had upon the market ? " was asked ; and the answer always came in substance, " It would have steadied the mar- ket, and resisted that descent which carried the price of print cloths down to the very edge of the margin." In such a case, then, a reduction of hours to ten would have been a conserva- tive movement, from the merest commercial standpoint, quite as beneficial to the manufacturer's pocket-book as it would have been agreeable to the operative's feelings. Moreover, after the change had once been made, the new conditions could be maintained as easily as the old ; for, as all would now be working on a ten-hour basis, the market would re-adjust itself 144 STATISTICS OF LABOR. to that basis, though the change in prices (not more than a quarter of a cent, rather less if. any thing) would be so slight as to be hardly noticeable, if at all, by the consumer. In both the views which have now been presented, there is doubtless truth ; and the two are not in conflict, but are complementary, and together cover the whole ground. In some mills there would be an improvement in the condition of the operatives and the steadiness of their work ; so that in the long run — that is, take a year through — their product in the shorter would approximate closely to that of the longer day. In other mills there would be a diminution of product ; but, as this in the aggregate aflPected the market, prices would rise, and so their profits would be kept good. Within a year's time the market would adjust itself entirely to the shorter day, the operatives would have as good a liv- ing with ten as now with eleven, eleven and a half, and twelve hours, and the slight ripple which such change might cause would hardly be recognized on the surface of the ocean of commerce ; while the who^e body of the factory operatives would have the great and permanent gain and relief of an hour of leisure for rest and recreation. The question of ten hours is not merely, nor even mainly, an economic question. It is chiefly a human question. Not yet is the mill more than the man ; and, if it ever comes to be, then society will begin to die. Therefore, for all humane people, the highest thought concerning even a cotton fac- tory must be the welfare of the operatives. But the welfare of the operatives cannot be secured with- out their own active co-operation. To seek for ten hours instead of eleven, eleven and a half, and twelve hours, is to seek for better conditions for the operatives. But better conditions will not make the persons better, without the persons appreciate the better conditions, and aspire to im- prove themselves by a fit use of them. The aspirations of men are the power by which society grows up to higher con- ditions, and a nobler state of existence ; and this power which blossoms in efforts after a nobler state springs out of the greatest desire of their hearts. To know the greatest desire of men's hearts is to know what there is of good or ill, of hope or fear, for them in the future. What is the greatest UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 145 desire of the factory operatives? We reply, Beyond all question, one of the greatest desires of the factory operatives ot America, relative to employment, is for ten hours. The investigations of the Bureau give us abundant evidence of this. We present the following points : — , 1 . The higher the intelligence and the better the position of the operatives, the more earnestly do they desire ten hours. We have examined hundreds, a large part of them overseers, and altogether the greater part of them are in favor of ten hours anyway, let the pay come as it will. And this leads to the next point. 2. Nearly all of the operatives who can bear a cut-down, and live, that is, those above five or six dollars a week, would prefer to take a pro rata loss of wage, if necessary, to get ten hours. Ten hours anyway, and run the risk of less pay, — this is the general position. The piece hands would spur themselves to more close attention to their work. Every one in the mill would expect and help maintain a more thor- ough discipline. To gain an hour a day, an hour and a half, and in the case of many hundreds two hours a day, year in and year out, what exertions would they not put forth? and whatever of the product of the time over ten hours they could not make up if the market went against them, so that the mill could not pay the full amount of the old wage, that small reduction they would rather submit to, than to work more than ten hours, for, as one of them most aptly said, "If we didn't have it in our pockets, we'd have it in our bones." Any strong desire of large masses of people at some time finds extreme utterance through single individuals, so that the voice of all the multitude would be but the amen to their words. So it has been in this case. Down towards the south-east corner of Connecticut, in a little factory village, our agent had occasion to call one even- ing upon a young woman, a weaver, at her father's house, to present the questions provided to be asked the operatives ; and in the course of the conversation she uttered these words, which it was plain sprang instinctively from her heart : "It [ten hours] would be the greatest boon that could be given to the factory operatives." Two or three weeks after, at a 146 STATISTICS OF LABOR. place diagonally across the State, well up towards the north- west corner, he found a cotton mill that had adopted ten hours. In pursuing his investigation he called upon the overseer of one of the weave rooms in his room, having been directed there by the manager. This overseer, after describing certain important improvements in the condition of the operatives which he had observed, uttered as instinc- tively almost the same words as the other, only changed according to the changed circumstances to which he referred, and said, "It [ten hours] is the greatest boon that could have been given to the operatives." Ten hours sought, ten hours obtained, these were deemed " the greatest boon." In these sayings, which sprang spontaneously to the lips of those who uttered them, the heart of the factory operatives of America voiced itself. Shall that voice be heard, and the prayer which it utters answered ? Another incident which occurred during our investigation bears strongly in the same direction. Our agent was in a factory village where were a print cloth mill, and print works owned by the same company ; and of these two, while the print cloth mill ran eleven hours a day, the print works ran but ten. In fulfilling his duties he called upon an overseer of the print cloth mill at his house ; and in the course of the evening's conversation, speaking for the operatives among whom he worked, this overseer said, "We have often asked ourselves why it is that we have to work eleven hours a day, while the operatives in the other mill, owned by the same company (and they are by hundreds the greater num- ber), work but ten hours a day." Let us give this question a larger scope and fuller expression. In our cotton mills especially the woman and children largely exceed the men, being often from two-thirds to five- sixths of the whole ; and the proportion of them is steadily in- creasing. And what are these women and children, but the very weakest and most dependent of all the people ? They have no disposition to agitate. They have no power to change any existing condition of society if they would, and their mind does not work in that range if they could. All that is possible to them is to toil and scrimp and bear. Now, for men, the strong, those who bear rule, the sovereigns of the UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 147 land, the hours of labor are but ten all over the country, in about every employment where they preponderate. But where the women and children preponderate, the hours of labor, as a rule, are eleven or more. And the question is, why is it, in this land which aims for equality and justice, that the weakest, the most helpless and dependent, are loaded with the burden of the more hours, while the strong, the able to bear, and the controlling, only have the less hours to work? And this question which an operative whispered in our ear in a private room we have taken the liberty to utter aloud. In all our investigations we have found but three serious objections urged against the adoption often hours, and these we will now state. The first is, in brief, the small mills. Their one voice has been, "Ten hours would destroy us." We have heard them too fully and earnestly explain their situation to us, not to sympathize with them warmly, and endeavor to measure that situation accurately. And upon this we would remark, — The volume of the product of all these small mills is not suflScient greatly to affect the market. It is the large mills which make the market, and in this thing have no need to consider the small ones. Now the small mills run sixty-nine hours per week right alongside of sixty-six hour large mills, and then run at a disadvantage. Their machinery is old, and can be run only one hundred and thirty-eight picks a minute, against one hundred and seventy in the larger mills ; and the expense of overseeing per yard is also greater in the smaller ones. So considerable is the disadvantage at which these mills run now, that their running more hours does not bring them up to a level with the larger ones. They may therefore, be left out of the account in the beginning of a ten-hour movement. • When ten hours is established, they will inevitably come towards it as near as they are now towards eleven ; and in any case they are, as some of them have said, but as drops in the bucket, so that what is needfnl in their case may easily be left to time and experience to determine. The second objection may be stated in three words, Whis- key, Tobacco, Loafing. These three words, or rather what 148 STATISTICS OF LABOE. they mean, were almost daily urged against ten hours. Take a single illustration. In a certain place a manufacturer, replying to the question, "What use would the operatives make of more leisure time?" said, "They would sit along there on the stone wall and smoke, or gather in the saloons and drink." Frequently in reply to the question, "What proportion of the operatives would make a good use of more leisure time? "the answer would come, "Not more than a quarter," and even " Not more than a tenth." And yet these same persons, upon being questioned in detail, would admit that all the women and children, and a part of the men, that is three-quarters and more of the whole, would make a fair use. How came their first answers, then, to be so widely incorrect? The explanation of this will show how great is this obstacle to ten hours in their minds. The struggle of the manufacturers in the management of their mills is not with the well-behaved, but with the ill- behaved ; and all of the ill-behaved have two, and most of them all three, of the evil traits we have mentioned. The thought of the manager is chiefly where his greatest strain and effort are ; and these are to keep within bounds of use the ill-behaved. Hence his first thought concerning less hours is that it would only be an opportunity for his most troublesome employes to be more troublesome, and he is filled with the fear of this result. Hence his impulse is in self- protection to resist ten hours as he would an inundation of the sea. Until this feeling is abated, ten hours cannot be obtained. Let no operative seek to belittle this difficulty. It is alto- gether the most deeply and generally felt objection to ten hours, of any thing we have found. It is not too much to say, that the "sober, the industrious, and frugal operatives, and all who seek for better things for them, have to carry the loafers, the tipplers, and the saloon-keepers on their backs ; that these are before all other things the greatest obstacle to ten hours ; and that but for this hateful load piled high upon them, and which as things now are they cannot help but carry, the well-behaved operatives might have ten hours in a month. UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 149 But allowing all that the facts in the case will warrant, there is an answer so manifestly conclusive, that it has never been questioned when presented. It may be stated in the form of a question as follows : To which portion of the peo- ple should the general conditions of society be shaped, to the well-behaved or the ill-behaved ? And there is not a manu- facturer to whom this question has been put, but has an- swered without hesitation, " To the well-behaved, of course." And it was further acknowledged, that, if those conditions which are conducive to the welfare of the well-behaved work harm to the ill-behaved by reason of their misuse of them, nevertheless those conditions should be established, and the ill-behaved must sufi'er the consequences of their own mis- doings, and it was also acknowledged that the well-behaved ought not to be punished by having conditions put upon them which hurt their welfare, for the sake of putting a restraint upon the ill-behaved. Moreover, it was generally conceded by the manufacturers, and always claimed by the operatives, that ten hours would be better than eleven for the welfare of the well-behaved. The argument is conclusive, then ; and the drinker, the smoker, and the loafer are no reason why the women and children who do neither should be made to bear the load of the eleventh hour. But there is another view equally conclusive. That was the soundest judgment and the completest wisdom which those seven men uttered, standing around together in that old mill, when one said, " If a man wants to drink, he will, no matter how long he works : no length of day will hinder him, " and they all approved ; and when another said, " The longer the day that a man works, the more he is inclined to drink, " and they all approved again. In these two sayings those factory operatives covered the whole ground, and ex- hausted the subject. And a plenty of facts have been brought to our notice illustrating and establishing this view. The third objection to ten hours is the presence of the Canadian French. Wherever they appear, there their pres- ence is urged as a reason why the hours of labor should not be reduced to ten. The reasons for this urgency are not far to find. 150 STATISTICS OF LABOR. With some exceptions the Canadian French are the Chi- nese of the Eastern States. They care nothing for our insti- tutions, civil, political, or educational. They do not come to make a home among us, to dwell with us as citizens, and so become a part of us ; but their purpose is merely to sojourn a few years as aliens, touching us only at a single point, that of work, and, when they have gathered out of us what will satisfy their ends, to get them away to whence they came, and bestow it there. They are a horde of industrial invaders, not a stream of stable settlers. Voting, with all that it implies, they care nothing about. Rarely does one of them become naturalized. They will not send their children to school if they can help it, but endeavor to crowd them into the mills at the earliest possible age. To do this they deceive about the age of their children with brazen effrontery. They deceive also about their schooling, declaring that they have been to school the legal time, when they know they have not, and do not intend that they shall. And when at length they are cornered by the school officers, and there is no other escape, often they scrabble together what few things they have, and move away to some other place where they are unknown, and where they hope by a repetition of the same deceits to escape the schools entirely, and keep the children at work right on in the mills. And when, as is indeed some- times the case, any of them are so situated that they cannot escape at all, then the stolid indifference of the children wears out the teacher with what seems to be an idle task. These people have one good trait. They are indefatigable workers, and docile. All they ask is to be set to work, and they care little who rules them or how they are ruled. To earn all they can by no matter how many hours of toil, to live in the most beggarly way so that out of their earnings they may spend as little for living as possible, and to carry out of the country what they can thus save : this is the aim of the Canadian French in our factory districts. Incidentally they must have some amusements ; and, so far as the males are concerned, drinking and smoking and lounging constitute the sum of these. Now, it is not strange that so sordid and low a people should awaken corresponding feelings in the managers, and UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 151 that these should feel that, the longer the hours for such peo- ple, the better, and that to work them to the uttermost is about the only good use they can be put to. Nor is it strange that this impression is so strong, that the managers overlook for the time being all the rest of the operatives, and think that every thing should be shaped to these lowest ones. Yet the same principle which we have stated as showing the right way of conduct in the former case should direct here also. Society should be shaped to the better portion of the people ; and where the case requires it the laws should be so amended and enforced that these people will either be coerced to con- form to our established ways, or else go where the already established ways of the country do please them.* It thus appears, from a full survey of the whole field, that the objections urged against the universal adoption of a ten- hour day are not really serious obstacles. A little resolute energy, and some improvements in methods, and they will all vanish. It appears also that there is no economic hindrance to block the way of a ten-hour day. If all would act together, and make the change, then all will be in equally as good a condition for success as now. There is, therefore, but one real obstacle to a universal ten-hour day, and that is the inertia of men. The impulse to move, and the leadership to direct in large affairs, these are all that -are needed to effect the change* When a principle of conduct is acknowledged, and the time has come to work that principle out in the practical forms of life, then is the day for leaders of men. Leaders are they who by reason of the power they contain, and the place they occupy, are able to sway their fellow men in a desired direc- tion. We have reached the time for leaders in the matter of ten hours. There are a few manufacturers of such native * What is said above in relation to tlie Canadian French was written before the great progress now going on among them had fairly commenced. The use of the term "the Canadian French are the Chinese of the Eastern States" was entirely in an economical sense, and referred particularly to the old custom of the Canadian French of returning to Canada after a brief period of employment in the States. The successful efTorts being made for the advancement of the Canadian French, not only in naturalization but in education and business matters, are well brought out in the article entitled " The Canadian French in New England," in the Thirteenth Annual Report of the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor, published in 1882. C. D. W. 152 .STATISTICS OF LABOR. power, and so placed, that, if they would agree together, the good result for which so many now wait would come into reality forthwith. The list of their names lies before us as we write. In number they are hardly more than a score ; and it does not at this time, in our judgment, lie in the power of any twenty men in the land to effect another so great a good. To lift one hour a day, one hour and a half and two hours a day, for three hundred days in the year, from off the burden of toil which tens of thousands of men, women, and children are bearing, is to effect a work so large and grand and full of good cheer to men, that any man's heart may well bound at the thought of being permitted to bear any part, much more to lead, in achieving so noble a result. And the hearts of those thousands of the toilworn and weary are anxiously waiting and listening to hear if these few powerful ones, who hold their destiny, in their hands, will grant them their " greatest boon." The initiatory steps for such a voluntary movement should be taken by some manufacturer who has tried and who believes in ten hours. To any one who may desire to engage in a forward movement we shall be glad to furnish the names of the establishments which in our opinion can, if they will move in harmony, control the whole question, and secure without legislation the adoption of the ten-hour system in the textile manufactories of New York and New England. We do not feel like closing this part of the report, without giving, for the encouragement of these employers who are trying to build up the moral tone of their operatives and the communities around them, a few facts which have come to us through this and other investigations. Ten hours will be a great boon to the operatives, but there are many other boons which can come to them. Statistics will prove, that, wherever the best intelligence and the best morality prevail, there will be found, too, the best material prosperity. Right doing is only another name for, in fact, the best definition of righteousness ; and the endeavors of some of the large-hearted manufacturers we know, to build up righteousness, are really converting their counting-rooms into pulpits. In the city of Boston, firms of which R. H. White & Co., UNIFORM HOURS OF LABOR. 153 Macullar, Parker & Co., Jordan, Marsh & Co., are true representatives, are trying to show to their people that they are in some way parts of the establishment, and are convin- cing them in material ways that the firms believe in giving their people a share in their own prosperity. This is well illustrated by the last-named firm, in dedicating to the use of their saleswomen and sewing-girls a large hall, capable of seating seven hundred people, situated upon the corner of Washington and Avon Streets, and commanding a fine view of the city and harbor. This room, for mercantile purposes, would be worth at least twenty-five thousand dollars per annum; but Jordan, Marsh & Co. have shown their interest in their people by setting it apart for their use. The hall is open two hours at noon every day, and there one can find a bright and cheerful sight in watching the glad faces of the girls while they enjoy the music, the dance, the reading, or the social intercourse with their acquaintances. It was our good fortune recently to see one of the firm take the lead in organizing and conducting the amusements for the hour. At Willimantic, Conp., will be found one of the grandest movements of the day. At the works of the Linen Company efforts are being made, and with success, to bring the operatives to understand that their interests are the interests of the concern. Libraries, reading-rooms, Sunday schools, drawing-schools, etc., are made free to all, while a new factory building has been arranged with all the regard for coloring, decoration, plant adornrnent, etc, that a refined taste can suggest. A new mill has been constructed, having over three hundred thousand square feet of floor surface, and all in one room, the building being but one story. All the shafting is in the basement, the journals being set in granite and the stone in the harji-pan of the earth. This avoids vibration, and gives to the women employed sure freedom from the trying physical ailments to their sex which result from standing upon vibrating floors. The company has just erected twenty small cottages, which will be let at an average of seven dollars per month to the operatives. These cottages have each about six thousand feet of land attached. The experiments at Willimantic are telling upon the character of the place and upon all concerned, while the 154 STATISTICS OF LABOR. stockholders can find no fault with dividends. Our own State presents Lawrence, Lowell, New Bedford, Taunton, and other places, as the scenes of kindred efforts. One of the longest, and at the same time most satisfactory experiences in this direction , has been that of the Cheney Brothers at their silk factory in South Manchester, Conn. The mills of this firm run ten hours, and have for many years ; the firm changed from longer hours of their own accord, and are satisfied that ten-hour days are suflBcient. The village of South Manchester is a beautiful place, quiet and orderly, its inhabitants sober, industrious, and intelligent. The interests of the operatives are looked after. The village is set in a park, and in the midst, a little distance apart, stand the two buildings which constitute the factories. In the course of our investigations in Connecticut, we were naturally drawn to South Manchester. Although we were aware that ten hours constitued the work-day there, we were anxious to learn and understand the secret of the success of the work from an ethical as well as from an economical point of view. One of the Brothers Cheney showed us through the works and grounds, and gave us full information relative to the growth of the village and the causes which have produced it. One of the most important forces which have produced the order of society existing at South Manchester is the strength of the family tie among the owners of the estate. One man who possessed a farm of some two hundred and forty acres had eight sons ; six of them joined with their father in the manufacture of silk in the quiet little mill on the stream which ran through the farm ; the other two sons were indirectly associated with their father. The great influence of this family association has been too palpable to be over- looked. The original farm is still one estate ; for, although each heir has a separate dwelling of his own, no fences mark the lines, but the whole is continued in its unity, and each one enjoys the whole as a park which is composed of what is his own and what belongs to his kin. This really constitutes an ideal village. The second element or force in creating the order which exists at South Manchester grows out of the first, and is to UNIFOEM HOUES OF LABOR. 155 be found in the fact that the members of the firm live among those whom they employ. One of the great and grievous evils which one cannot help but observe, as he examines our industrial system, is absenteeism. Even from the first look it is plain that to reap profits from the labor of a company of people, and then spend them away in other places, is a positive evil. A king is bound to reside in the midst of his subjects and devote his wisdom and his strength to their welfare ; and it is just as true of industrial kings. At South Manchester, if one of the firm wishes to build a mansion, it is built where the wealth is produced which enables him to gratify his taste ; and all those who had a share in producing the wealth have as much good from the lawns and adornments, according to their power to appreciate, as those who dwell in the fine house. The grounds are laid where all who work in the mills can see the fruits of their labors. As the third force, the whole machinery of the community is consciously and deliberately worked by the managers to promote the welfare of those in their employ. Each one must do his share in keeping up his grounds and preserving the sobriety and integrity of the village. The manager* carry on for the public good a hall, which is church, theatre, and platform, all in one. They consider it a part of their works, and that it is just as essential to their business suc- cess as the well-arranged departments of the manufacturing buildings. Now, in all this there is nothing of charity. The whole establishment in all its parts is worked on business principles for business success, and the manifest well-being of all the "help "is considered essential to that success; and, as a result, there is scarcely a need for charity. Everybody works, and everybody is worked. The result is, as it will be everywhere where such principles prevail, that a high moral and intellectual tone prevails in all the departments, and this tone produces better workpeople and better work, and surer returns of profit to all, than when an opposite policy prevails. This factory village contains within itself so much of the forces and conditions of future progress, that it may be expected to keep pace with the advances of society 156 STATISTICS OF LABOR. which are yet to take place ; and the most cheering hope we can have for our factory villages is that each one may speedily become a likeness of the one at South Manchester. This order of society in industrial centres will come when we get over talking about the interests of capital and labor being identical, and comprehend them as reciprocal interests demanding from each a practical recognition of the force of the other, each vitalizing the latent power of the other. ¥:^ EEPEIKt EDITION. mFLUENGE OF INTEMPEMNCE UPON CRIME. I [From the TWEiiFTH AmstJAL Eefort or the Massachusetts BtTEEAXj of Statistics OF Labor, for 1881. J GiSHEROLE D. WEIOHT, OHIBF OF THE B¥BEA,TJ OF STATISTICS OF L^BOB.! A' l^lZ^/ 7 //:l Repkdttbd in Accordance with the. Pe.o visions of Chap. .7^;^.' RESOWTBe OF 1888. ' ' / BOSTON: ^^ WEIGHT iSi POTTER PRINTING CO,i STATE PRINTERS, - ■ 18 Post Opbice Squakb. ^,'^:^: ; "- -" - , ,. 1889. , ;',;V<;> EEPEII^T EDITIOI^. INFLUENCE OF ,INTEMPERANCE UPON CRIME. Chief of Bureau of Statistics of Labor. Reprinted in Accordance with the Provisions of Chap. 7, Ebsolves op 1888. BOSTON : WRIGHT & POTTER PRINTING CO., STATE PRINTERS, 18 Post Office Square. 1889. (2) EEPEIl^T EDITION. INFLUENCE OF INTEMPERANCE UPON CRIME [Fkdm the Twelfth Annual Eeport of the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics OF Labor, for 1881.] BY CARROLL D. WRIGHT, CHIEF OF THE BUBEAIT OF STATISTICS OF LABOR. Reprinted in Accordance with the Provisions of Chap. 7, Eesolves of 1888. BOSTON : WEIGHT & POTTER PRINTING CO., STATE PRINTERS, 18 Post Office Square. 1889. CONTENTS Page Sentences in Massachusetts, for all offences, twenty years, 1860-1879, 3, 4 Crime In Suffolk county (Sept. 1, 1879, to Sept. 1, 1880), ... 5 Object of the investigation, 5 Features of the investigation 6 Services of special agents, 6, 7 Influence of intemperance upon crime in Suffolk county, . . . 7-11 Result of the investigation, 11 Influence of intemperance upon crime; drinking habits of criminals, 12-19 Criminals sober, or in liquor, at time crime was committed ; native or foreign born ; sex, 20-23 Drinking habits of criminals ; native or foreign born ; sex, . . 24-28 Occupations of criminals, with sex, 29-33 Occupations and drinking habits of criminals, with sex, . . . 34-37 Nativities of criminals, with sex and age, 38^9 Born in Massachusetts, 38, 39 Born in Other States, 38-41 Born in England, 40, 41 Born in Ireland 42, 43 Born in Scotland, 42, 43 Born in Wales 44, 45 Born in Canada, 44, 45 Bom in Italy, 44, 45 Born in France, .44,45 Born in Portugal, 46, 47 Born in Germany 46, 47 Born in Sweden and Norway . . 46, 47 Born in Other British Possessions 46, 47 Born in Other Foreign Countries, 46, 47 Birthplace Unknown, 48, 49 Recapitulation (all countries), 48, 49 Ages of criminals, with sex, 50 Sentences, with sex; native or foreign born, 50-54 Sentences; durationof imprisonment; amount of fine, etc., with sex, 55 INTLTIENCE OF INTEMPERANCE UPON CEIME. IKFLUENCE OF INTEMPERANCE UPON CEIME. The following exhibits of the influence of intemperance in j the commission of crime, in the county of Suffolk, are in ful-/ filment of a promise made in our last year's report. It was ! then shown that 60 per cent of all sentences for crime in the Commonwealth, during the last twenty years, were for distinc- tively rum offences, such as the various classes of drunken- ness and liquor offences. For the purposes of comparison, and that the classification may be at hand, from which it was shown last year that 60 per cent of all crime in this State during twenty years be- longed to rum absolutely, we have prepared the following table from the various exhibits presented in the Eleventh Report. In this table the offences marked with an asterisk are those which constitute the 60 per cent of all offences, the figures being : Total sentences in twenty years, 578,458 ; sentences for rum crimes, 340,814. Classification of Offences. [The sentences for murder and manslanghter, passed in the Supreme Judicial Court, are included.] ClASgiPICATION. Total Sentences. Twenty Tears. 1880-1879. Classification. Total Sentences. Twenty Tears. 1860-1879. Class A. — Against the person feloniously. Abuse of female child Assault, felonious Kidnapping Manslaughter .... Murder 12 741 7 194 89 89 524 Class B.— Against the person not feloniously. Assault with weapon Assault on officer . Assault, riotous, or riot . Assault, or assault and bat- tery Totals 1,466 3,240 189 76,645 Rape Robbery 81,440 Totals 1,656 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Classificatiok of Offences — Concluded. CLASSiriCATION. Total Sentences. Twenty Tears. 1860-1879. CLAS SinCATION. Total Sentences. Twenty Tears. 1860-1879. ■ Against property. Class C. Burglary Burglars' tools, having Breaking and entering Breaking glass . Burning buildings Burning woods . Larceny Malicious mischief Malicious trespass Keceiving stolen goods 556 6 3,748 3,029 190 12 40,574 4,319 2,168 726 Totals Class D. — Against the curren- cy, and criminal frauds. Cheating Counterfeiting . Embezzlement . False pretences . Forgery Fraud . 56,327 217 121 764 898 289 172 Class Q-. — Concluded. Common drunkard * . Common nightwalker Cmelty Bisorderly house . Disturbing meeting Disturbing school Drunkenness * . Family, neglect of Fornication House of ill-fame Indecent exposure Indecent language Lewdness . Polygamy . Profanity . Sunday law, violating Vagabonds, and idle persons 21,869 3,497 1,924 681 624 330 271,482 168 2,175 1,825 286 176 859 113 215 11,837 13,628 Totals Totals Class E. — Against public jus- tice. Contempt Escape Perjury Beacue 437 162 61 194 Class H. — Against the public policy. G-aming Liquor selling * . Liquor keeping * Liquor carrying * Liquor nuisance * Peddling Totals . Totals Class F. — Against the public peace. Disturbing the peace . 854 17,458 Totals 17,458 Class Q-. — Against chastity, morality, and decency. Abortion Adultery Class J. — Not classified, and other offences. Abduction .... Cock-fight, present at Highway, defective . Incest Stubborn children . Truancy .... Violating town or city by-laws Other offences . Totals , 332,495 2,947 12,240 26,423 636 8,174 1,070 51,490 1 99 7 11 409 389 4,098 30,263 36,277 Recapitulation. Class A. — Against the person, Class F. —Against the public. feloniously .... 1,666 peace 17,458 Class '&. — Against the person, Class G — Against chastity. not feloniously 81,440 morality, and decency . 332,495 Class C. — Against property . Class D. — Against the curren- 65,327 Class H — Against the public policy 51,490 cy, and criminal frauds 2,461 Class J. — Not classified, and Class 'E,. — Against public jus- other offences .... 86,277 Totals 578,458 There were no sources of information from which we could ascertain the weight of the iniiuence of intemperance in the commission of all crimes other than those indicated by an asterisk in the foregoing table, and our means would not allow us to canvass all the courts in the Commonwealth : we therefore instituted an investigation for the year current INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. 5 from Sept. 1, 1879, to Sept. 1, 1880, witli a view to discover what that influence is, in the county of Sufiblls, during the above year. This investigation dealt exclusively with all sentences for offences other than the distinctive rum offences, made during the year above mentioned. By this investigation, limited to one year, and one county of the Commonwealth, we did not expect to attain any cer- tain knowledge as to the part intemperance played in the commission of the 40 per cent balance of crime for the twenty years which were the subject of our last year's report on the statistics of crime. The result attained, however, by this investigation, will supply an important basis for computation and conjecture as to its influence in the commission of this 40 per cent balance of crime, for the whole State. For years there have been, among the temperance reformers of this country and Europe, much argument and eloquence based upon the more or less casual and scattered obser- vations of private individuals as to the nature and extent of the influence which intemperance exerts in the commission of crime. The logic which the temperance advocate stands most in need of is the solid strength of facts collected and collated in a thorough and systematic manner within limits circumscribed as to time and territory. This investigation was inaugurated and conducted in the interest of all who are a prey to the sin of intemperance, but more especially in the interest of the youth of our State, with the ardent hope of revealing to them, stripped of prejudice and sentiment, the naked proportions of an evil, prolific in poverty and prodigality, waste and want, the expense of which, while a burden to all classes, falls in a greater degree on the workers and chief consumers of society. Temperance and frugality will relieve them of the greater part of this burden. The total number of sentences for the year of our investi- gation — the distinctive rum offences included — was 16,897. 12,289 were directly due to rum causes ; 12,221 being for sentences for the various grades of drunkenness, and 68 for liquor keeping and liquor selling without license, etc. Thus, for the year, the sentences for rum causes alone constitute 72+ per cent of the whole, leaving a small balance 6 STATISTICS OF LABOR. of 27 -|- per cent. Now, to discover what was the influence of intemperance in the commission of this balance, formed the object of this investigation. We sought to compass the object of our investigation by ascertaining the connection between rum and the criminal in five directions : 1. Whether the criminal was under the influence of liquor at the time the crime was committed ; 2. Whether the criminal was in liquor at the time he formed the intent to commit the crime ; 3. Whether the intemperate habits of the criminal were such as to lead to a condition which induced the crime ; 4. Whether the intemperate habits of others led the criminal to a condition which in- duced the crime ; 5. What were the drinking habits of the criminal, whether total abstainer, moderate drinker, or ex- cessive drinker ? And, for the purpose of enabling us to make this investigation as thorough and accurate as possible, we endeavored, through our agents, to acquaint ourselves with each criminal, his history, his friends, his neighborhood, his real name, and the exact name and nature of his offence ; his residence, his occupation, his age and birthplace. In each of the nine courts of criminal jurisdiction in the county of Suffolk, we had an agent, paid to investigate each case that appeared in the same. It was the duty of these agents to interview each criminal separately, to hear his statements relative to the points of our inquiry ; to follow the evidence offered in each case in open court ; and to acquaint themselves, as far as practicable, with the circumstances connected with the past life of each crim- inal. The results of their several researches were trans- mitted, at the end of each month, to this office, where the returns were carefully canvassed. All those which were satisfactory were filed away for future use ; those which were not complete were returned, with instruction that they be re-investigated and corrected. All the cases of appeal, and those held to await the action of the Grand Jury, were put under the immediate care of one of our staff, who watched the disposition made in each case, either in the Superior Criminal Court or by the Grand Jury. In every case where the sentence in the lower court became vacated by reason of the death, acquittal, etc., of the prisoner, or where the action of the Grand Jury was to discharge the accused, it INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. 7 was so noted on the case, and the same filed away by themselves, not to be used in this investigation. Mr. A. H. Grimk6, amember of the Suffolk bar, who had immediate charge of the court work, and his assistants, re- ceived the most liearty encouragement and co-operation in their work from judges and clerks alike. The facts thus gathered are presented in the following tab- ular statements. The number 4,608 represents the 27 -f- per cent balance of crime during the year of our investigation. Table I. presents the gist of the investigation. It contains a schedule of all offences within the scope of this investiga- tion, with the total number of sentences under each offence, and an analysis of the connection between rum and the crim- inal, with reference to the five directions pointed out as the lines this investigation has pursued. It appears that 2,097 of the 4,608 — which constitutes the 27-t- per cent balance of crime — were in liquor at the time of the commission of the various offences of which they were found guilty. This number is equal to 45 + per cent of the 2 7 -J- per cent balance, or to 12-f- per cent of the sum of all offences for the year, the distinctively rum offences included ; that 1,918 were in liquor at the time of the formation of the criminal intent; that the intemperate habits of 1,804 were such as to induce a moral condition favorable to crime ; that 821 were led to a criminal condition through the contagion of intemperance ; that, of the 4,608 convictions, the total ab- stainers numbered 1,158, the moderate drinkers 1,918, and the excessive drinkers 1,317. The complicity of rum in the commission of the offences contained in this table becomes more marked and flagrant by a particular examination as to the condition of the criminals at the time of the commissions in the assault and battery and the larceny cases. The sentences for assault and battery were 1,498, and those for larceny 1,115. The sum of these two offences alone is equal to 56-}- per cent of the total num- ber of all offences which were the subject of this investigation. Now, at the time of the commission of these two offences, 1,275 of the criminals were in liquor, — a number equivalent to 48 -h per cent of the total sentences for these two offences, or to 27+ per cent of the aggregate of sentences under all offences contained in this table. 8 STATISTICS OF LABOE. In the higher offences contained in this table, consisting of robbery, rape, felonious assault, and manslaughter, together comprising 28 convictions, 17 of the criminals were in liquor at the time the offences were committed ; and in the higher offences against property, consisting of breaking and enter- ing and burglary, (123 sentences,) 33 of the criminals were in liquor at the time the offences were committed : the number in liquor at the time of the commission of the higher crimes against the person being equal to 60-1- per cent, and the number of those in liquor at the time of the commission of the higher offences against property 26 -|- per cent, of their respective totals. Again, the number in liquor at the time of the commissions of the lesser offences against the person contained in the schedule, viz., assault and battery, assault on officer, and assault with weapon, was 859, in a total of 1,534, — a number equal to very nearly 56 per cent of the whole ; while, on the other hand, the number in liquor at the time of the commis- sions of the several offences of embezzlement, larceny, and malicious mischief, the minor offences against property, the number was 525, out of a sum of 1,294. This number is equal to 40-(- per cent of the aggregate of sentences for these three offences. There is something striking and signifi- cant in these sums and ratios. Again, in robbery, rape, felonious assault, and manslaugh- ter, there were 1 total abstainer, 17 moderate drinkers, and 10 excessive drinkers. In assault and battery, assault on officer, and assault with weapon, there were 239 total abstainers, 715 moderate drinkers, and 489 excessive drinkers ; the number of total abstainers being equal to 15 -f- per cent, and the num- ber of excessive drinkers to 31-|- per cent, of the whole num- ber of sentences for these seven offences against the person. In breaking and entering, and burglary, there were 45 total abstainers, 45 moderate and 28 excessive drinkers ; and in em- bezzlement, larceny, and malicious mischief, there were 384 total abstainers, 499 moderate and 347 excessive drinkers ; the number of total abstainers being equal to 30 -|- per cent, and the number of excessive drinkers alone to 26-(- per cent, of the sum of sentences for these five offences against property. And finally, in the grand total of sentences for all offences within the scope of this investigation,; the whole INTEMPEEANCE AND CRIME. 9 number of total abstainers constitutes 25+ per cent, while that of the excessive drinkers alone is equal to 28+ per cent. Table II. exhibits the connection between rum and the criminal ; and the facts are classified with reference to his condition at the time the offence was committed, whether sober or in liquor, and also whether native or foreign born. Of the 4,608 sentenced, 2,638 were native, and 1,813 foreign born. While there were 1,064 native criminals in liquor at the time of the commissions of their respective offences, there were 969 of foreign born criminals in liquor also at the time of the commissions of their respective offences ; i.e., 40+ per cent of the native criminals and 53+ per cent of the foreign born criminals were under the influence of liquor at the time they became such. It is a singular and suggestive fact, that all the criminals in the manslaughter cases were foreign born, and also in liquor at the time their high crime was perpetrated. Table III. presents the connection between rum and crime, the facts being classified with reference to the nativity and drinking habits of the criminal, whether native or foreign born, and whether total abstainer, moderate drinker, or excessive drinker. Of the native criminals 862 were total abstainers, and 621 excessive drinkers. Of the foreign born criminals, on the other hand, 256 were total abstainers, and 669 excessive drinkers. The number of the native total abstainers is equal to 32+ per cent of the whole number of criminals born in this country, and the number of the native excessive drinkers to 23+ per cent of the same ; while the number of the total abstainers of those criminals born out of the country is equal to 14+ per cent of all the foreign born, and the number of the excessive drinkers of foreign birth to 36+ per cent of the same. So that the native total abstainers sentenced for crime are 18 per cent pro rata in excess of the total abstainers of foreign birth sentenced for crime ; while the excessive drinkers of foreign bii-th sentenced for crime exceed pro rata the excessive drinkers born in this country and sen- tenced for crime, by 13 per cent. Table IV. contains a schedule of offences classified with reference to the specific occupations of the criminals under 10 STATISTICS OF LABOE. each offence, and Table V. a schedule of occupations classified with reference to the drinking habits of the criminals under each, whether total abstainers, moderate drinkers, or exces- sive drinkers. These two tables are chiefly interesting as tending to illus- trate the extent and character of this investigation, and its prime importance to the laboring classes. They may be of some value also to the sociologist in his speculations upon the comparative influence which certain occupations and habits exert in the commission of particular offences. We must content ourselves, however, at this time, with a presentation of facts simply as we discover them. Table VI. exhibits a schedule of offences classified with reference to the age and nativity of the criminals. Massachusetts furnished 2,115 to swell the grand total of crime ; other parts of the country, 526 ; the British Empire, 1,628, — the contribution of Ireland alone to this sum being 1,182. Three of the four criminals in the manslaughter cases were born in Ireland, and one in England. The birthplaces of 161 could not be ascertained, and the birthplaces of the balance, 53, were located in other foreign countries, not specified. Thus it is seen that Massachusetts is wholly responsible for a sum that is equal to but 45 -|- per cent of the aggre- gate offences which we have investigated. Table VII. contains a classification of offenders according to ages ; the ages ranging from 6 to 79 years. The crime area proper, however, appears to lie between and include the ages of 18 and 45 ; for, of the total 4,608 sentences, 3,497 were comihitted within this criminal belt. This number is equal to 75+ per cent of the whole. It is interesting to note that this area becomes dispropor- tionately enlarged at the age of 19 ; the maximum number of offences having been committed at that point located in the life of the criminal on the verge of legal infancy and responsible manhood and womanhood. Table VIII. contains a schedule of all offences, and the dispositions made of all sentences under each, classified ac- cording to the nativity and sex of the criminals. Of the 2,638 native criminals, 344 were females ; and, of the 1,813 foreign born criminals, 491 were females. The number mTEMPERANCE ANl) CRIME. 11 of the native female criminals is equal to 13-}- per cent of the total number of native criminals ; while the number of foreign born female criminals is equal to 27 -j- per cent of the total of foreign born criminals, — more than double pro rata the native female criminals. This is a highly significant fact. Table IX. exhibits the sentences classified according to the duration of the imprisonments, and the amount of the fine imposed. The imprisonments ranged from five days to 16 years, and the fines from one cent to one hundred dollars; 1,909 were sentenced to pay fines ; of this number 856 failed to do so, and were incarcerated for terras corresponding to the amount of their respective fines, and were consequently fed and kept at the public expense. Among the 1,909 who were fined, the costs of court were added in the case of 956, — 832 men and 124 women. Of the balance, 448 were placed on proba- tion, and sundry other dispositions made in the cases of the remaining 183. The above figures indicate the enormity of rum's share in the 27-[- per cent balance of criminal cases in Suffolk County for the year of our investigation. They show that to the 72+ per cent for distinctively rum crimes must be added 12 -j- per cent, representing the criminals who were in liquor at the time of committing other crimes, — making a total of 84+ per cent of all criminal cases due directly or indirectly to the influence of liquor. These figures paint a picture, at once the most faithful and\ hideous, of the guilt and power of rum. Men and women,^eJ young, the middle-aged, and the old, father and son, husband and wife, native and foreign born, the nightwalker and man- slayer, the thief and adulterer, — all testify to its ramified and revolting -tyranny. Therefore the result of this investi- gation, in view of the disproportionate magnitude of the exclusively rum offences, and considered in connection with the notorious tendency of liquor to infiame and enlarge the passions and appetites, to import chaos into the moral and physical life, to level the bamers of decency and self-respect, and to transport its victims into an abnormal and irresponsible state, destructive and degrading, calls for earnest and imme- diate attention at the bar of the public opinion and the public conscience of Massachusetts. 12 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table I. — Influence of Intemperance upon Grime; Drinking Habits of Criminals. OrFENOES. Abduction Males . Abortion Males . Adulterating milk ' Males . Adultery Males . Females Assault, or assault and battery Males Females .... Assault, felonious . Males . Females Assault on officer . Males . Females Assault with weapon Males . ^reahing and entering . Males . . . , Females Breaking glass Males . Females Burglary Males . Carrying concealed weapons Males Committing nuisance Males . Common railer and brawler Females .... Concealing mortgaged or leased property Males Females Contempt Males . Females Cruelty Males Disorderly house Males . Females Disturbing a meeting Males . "Was the Criminal under the influenoe of liquor at the time the Crime -was committed? Yes. 772 67 4 3 1 13 13 No. 1 1 1 1 1 1 10 7 3 588 468 120 1 1 Not Ans. To- tals. 1,498 1,298 200 5 4 1 17 16 1 19 19 122 120 2 45 38 7 1 1 1 1 1 1 11 11 Was the Criminal in liq- uor when the intent to commit the Crime ■was formed ? - Yes. 791 736 5S 4 3 1 12 12 No. 1 1 1 1 1 1 12 9 3 692 473 119 1 1 Not Ans. 115 89 26 INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. 13 Table I.^ — Influence of Intemperance upon Crime; Drinking Habits of Criminals. Did the intemperate of the Criminal le condition which ii] habita ad to a duced Did the intemperate hab- its of others lead the Criminal to a condition Habits of the Criminal as regards liquor drinking. the Crime? which induced the Crime? M O m Eh II to u 12! i o EH Tea. No. Not Ana. To- tala. Tea. No. Not Ans. To- tals. 1 1 - - _ - 1 1 _ 1 1 _ _ 1 2 - 1 1 - - _ 1 1 - 1 1 _ _ 3 4 - 1 1 - - - 1 1 - - - 1 1 6 6 3 3 10 7 .3 - 3 1 1 12 9 3 - 13 10 3 4 2 2 6 5 1 2 2 1 « 1 3 7 8 9 693 639 54 707 682 125 98 77 21 1,498 1,298 200 273 238 35 1,069 936 134 166 125 31 1,498 1,298 200 238 189 49 702 612 90 472 433 39 86 64 22 1,498 1,298 200 10 11 12 4 3 1 1 1 - 6 4 1 4 3 1 1 1 - 5 4 1 1 1 - 4 3 1 - 6 4 1 13 14 15 11 11 3 2 1 3 3 17 16 1 3 3 10 9 1 4 4 17 16 1 1 1 9 9 4 4 3 3 17 16 1 16 17 IS 13 13 2 2 19 19 4 4 10 10 5 5 19 19 - 4 4 13 13 2 2 19 19 19 20 36 36 1 82 81 1 122 120 2 19 18 1 98 97 1 6 5 122 120 2 45 45 45 44 1 27 26 1 5 6 122 120 2 21 22 23 33 31 2 11 6 6 46 38 7 H 11 33 26 7 1 1 45 38 7 7 3 4 15 14 1 22 20 2 1 1 45 38 7 24 25 26 1 1 - _ 1 1 _ 1 1 - 1 1 _ - 1 1 _ 1 1 27 28 _ 1 1 - 1 1 - 1 1 _ 1 1 _ 1 1 - - 1 1 29 30 _ 1 1 _ 1 1 - 1 1 - 1 1 - 1 1 - - 1 1 31 32 7 7 3 3 1 1 11 11 6 6 4 4 1 1 11 11 - 2 2 8 8 1 1 11 11 33 34 - 3 2 1 - 3 2 1 - 3 2 1 - 3 2 1 2 1 1 1 1 - - 3 2 1 36 36 37 1 1 2 2 - 3 2 1 1 1 2 2 - 3 2 1 - 2 2 1 1 - 3 2 1 38 39 40 12 12 49 49 - 61 61 8 8 52 62 1 1 61 61 14 14 37 37 9 9 1 1 61 61 41 42 15 6 9 4 1 3 3 3 22 7 16 13 6 7 5 6 4 1 3 22 7 15 - 8 2 6 13 5 8 1 1 22 7 15 43 44 45 - 9 9 = 9 9 1 1 8 8 - 9 9 6 6 3 3 = '- 9 9 1 46 47 14 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table I. — Continued. OrrENOES. Disturbing a school Hales , Disturbing the peace Males . Females Males . Females Enticing seamen to desert Males .... Escape Males Evading carfare Males . False pretences Males . Forgery , Fornication Males . Females Fraud Males Gaming laws^ violating Males .... Bouse of ill-fame . Males . Females Idle and disorderly persons Males Females . . ,' . Indecent exposure . Males . Indecent language Males . Females Keeping unlicensed dog Males .... Females Larceny . Males . Females Lewdness Males . Females Malicious mischief Males . . Females Malicious trespass Males . Females Was the Criminal under the influence of liquor at the time the Crime was committed? Tes. 176 121 66 12 11 1 No. 616 508 108 22 9 13 Not Ans. To- tals. 1 1 216 148 67 37 34 3 1 1 4 4 6 2 1,116 916 igg 23 10 13 142 123 19 32 80 2 Was the Criminal in liq. nor when the intent to commit the Crime was formed? Tes. 160 112 48 12 11 1 429 365 74 1 1 No. 610 113 Not Ans. 6 4 12 1 19 1 1 INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. Table I. — Continued. 15 Did the intemperate habits of the Criminal lead to a condition which induced Did the intemperate hab- its of others lead the Criminal to a condition Habits of the Criminal as regards liquor drinking. the Crime? ■which induced the Crime? ■3 >^ si If p 1 Yes. No. Not Ans. To- tals. Yes. No. Not Ans. To- tals. - 1 1 - 1 1 - 1 1 - 1 1 1 1 _ - - 1 1 1 2 167 115 52 37 27 10 11 6 5 215 148 67 87 57 30 91 71 20 37 20 17 216 148 67 13 11 2 97 72 26 99 61 38 6 4 2 215 148 67 3 4 5 9 9 27 24 3 1 1 37 34 3 5 5 31 28 3 1 1 37 34 3 8 8 18 16 3 8 8 3 3 37 34 3 6 7 8 _ 1 1 _ 1 1 - 1 1 - 1 1 - 1 1 - - 1 1 9 10 - 4 4 _ 4 4 - 4 4 - 4 4 3 3 1 1 _ _ 4 4 11 12 T 7 28 28 1 1 36 36 21 21 13 13 2 2 36 36 17 17 15 15 3 3 1 1 36 36 13 14 8 8 11 11 - 19 19 3 3 Iff 16 - 19 19 4 4 10 10 5 5 - 19 19 15 16 2 2 5 S _ 7 7 - 7 7 . 7 7 5 '5 1 1 1 1 - 7 7 17 18 5 1 4 43 19 24 - 48 20 28 2 2 46 20 26 - 48 20 28 20 8 12 22 11 11 5 1 4 1 1 48 20 28 19 20 21 3 3 4 4 1 1 8 8 1 1 6 6 1 1 S 8 2 2 2 2 3 3 1 1 8 8 22 23 2 2 43 43 - 45 45 2 2 43 43 - 46 46 31 31 12 12 2 2 _ 46 45 24 26 - 9 4 5 - 9 4 5 9 4 5 : - 9 4 6 2 2 7 2 5 - - 9 4 6 26 27 28 77 26 51 69 40 29 8 2 6 154 68 86 60 14 46 '84 50 34 10 4 6 164 68 S6 21 12 g 52 30 22 76 23 62 6 3 3 154 68 86 29 30 31 2 2 5 5 1 1 8 8 - 7 7 1 1 8 8 1 1 4 4 2 2 1 1 8 8 32 33 16 11 5 2 1 1 1 1 19 13 6 11 7 4 6 5 1 2 1 1 19 13 6 10 10 4 2 2 5 1 4 - 19 13 6 34 36 36 - 8 6 2 - 8 6 2 - 8 6 2 - 8 6 2 3 1 2 4 4 - 1 1 8 6 2 37 38 39 359 296 63 692 670 122 64 50 14 1,116 916 199 131 101 30 892 742 160 92 73 19 1,115 916 199 324 260 64 434 366 68 298 246 63 69 46 14 1,115 916 199 40 41 42 - 23 10 13 - 23 10 13 4 1 3 18 8 10 1 1 23 10 13 12 2 10 10 7 3 - 1 1 23 10 13 43 44 46 54 45 9 86 77 9 2 1 1 142 123 19 15 12 3 121 107 14 6 4 2 142 123 19 52 48 4, 47 42 5 41 32 9 2 1 1 142 123 19 46 47 48 6 5 27 25 2 ,: 32 30 2 5 5 > 27 25 2 i 32 30 2 18 16 2 9 9 1 1 4 4 32 30 2 49 60 61 16 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Table I. — Qontinued, Offences. Males Females Neglect of child . Females Mghiwalker, common . Males .... Females Obstructing or resisting officer Males Peddling Males . Perjury . Males . Polygamy Males . Females Profanity Males . Females Hape Males Receiving stolen goods . Males .... nosing to assist officer Males .... Bescue . Males . Females Bobbery Males . Females Runaway Males . Selling tobacco without license Males . . ' . Selling unwholesome provisions . Males Stubborn children Males . Females Sunday law, violating . Males .... Females Tampering v)ith witness Females Threats . Males . Females Was the Criminal under the influence of liquor at the time the Crime was committed? Yes. 25 No. Not Ans. 12 To- tals. 4 2 2 1 1 126 2 124 Was the Criminal in liq- uor when the intent to commit the Crime was formed? Yes. No. Not Ans. INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. 17 Table I. — Oontinued. Did the intemperate habits of the Criminal lead to a condition which induced the Crime? Bid the intemperate hab- its of others lead the Criminal to a condition Habits of the Ciiminal as regards liquor drinking. which induced the Crime? 5>; a 11 II II ■SI 4| in 3 o Yes. No. Not AUH. To- tals. Tes. No. Not Aus. To- t.ils. 4 2 2 - - 4 2 2 4 2 2 - - 4 2 2 - 2 2 2 2 - 4 2 2 1 2 3 - _ 1 1 _ 1 1 _ 1 1 - 1 1 - _ 1 1 4 6 22 1 21 92 91 12 12 126 2 124 26 26 89 2 87 12 12 126 2 124 49 49 46 1 45 25 1 24 6 6 126 2 124 6 7 8 6 6 - 6 6 1 1 4 4 1 1 6 6 - 5 6 1 1 - 6 6 9 10 - - 4 4 - 4 4 _ 4 4 2 2 1 1 - 1 1 4 4 11 12 1 1 _ - 1 1 1 1 _ - 1 1 - 1 1 - - 1 1 13 14 1 1 3 2 1 - 4 3 1 1 1 3 2 1 - 4 3 1 - S 2 1 1 1 - 4 3 1 15 16 17 66 60 6 27 23 4 2' 1 1 95 84 11 20 18 2 69 61 8 6 5 1 95 84 11 7 7 50 46 5 36 32 3 3 3 96 84 11 18 19 20 1 1 _ - 1 1 _ 1 1 - 1 1 _ 1 1 - - 1 1 21 22 4 4 9 9 1 1 14 14 2 2 10 10 2 2 14 14 3 3 6 6 4 4 1 1 14 14 23 24 - 2 2 _ 2 2 - 2 2 - 2 2 _ 2 2 _ _ 2 2 25 28 16 16 6 4 2 1 1 23 21 2 10 10 11 9 2 2 2 23 21 2 - 11 9 2 11 11 1 1 23 21 2 27 28 29 7 9 9 2 2 18 16 2 8 8 8 8 2 2 18 16 2 - 14 12 2 4 4 w 18 16 2 30 31 32 - - 1 1 1 1 _, _ 1 1 1 1 _ _ _ 1 1 1 1 33 34 _ 1 1 - 1 1 _ 1 1 - 1 1 1 1 _ _ - 1 1 35 36 - 1 1 _ 1 1 - 1 1 - 1 1 - 1 1 _ - 1 1 37 38 1 1 10 7 3 - 11 8 3 1 1 10 7 3 - 11 8 3 8 5 3 2 2 1 1 - 11 8 3 39 40 41 1 1 48 47 1 - 49 48 1 4 4 45 44 1 - 49 48 1 29 29 19 18 1 - 1 1 49 48 1 42 43 44 - 1 1 - 1 1 - 1 1 _ 1 1 1 1 - - - 1 1 46 46 22 20 2 12 9 3 3 3 37 32 6 6 5 1 27 23 4 4 4 37 32 6 4 3 1 11 8 3 22 21 1 - 37 32 6 47 48 49 18 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table I. — Concluded, OFFENCES. Truancy . Males . Unlawful appropriation Vagabonds Males . Females Violating game laws Males . Violating town or city by-laws Males ... Females .... AaCMtEGATES Males . Females Was the Criminal under the influence of liquor at the time the Crime was committed? 2,097 1,732 365 No. Not Ans. 63 53 \ - 2 _ 2 - 32 3 30 2 2 1 ■ 1 _ 1 - 241 6 237 6 4 - 2,318 193 1,892 133 426 60 To- tals. 53 63 i 4 109 87 22 1 1 276 272 4 4,608 3,757 861 "Was the Criminal in liq- uor when the intent to commit the Crime was formed? Yes. 28 1,918 1,626 292 No. 234 4 2,414 1,928 486 Not Ans. 276 203 73 To- 53 53 4 4 109 87 22 1 1 276 272 4 4,608 3,757 831 INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. 19 Table I. — Concluded. Did the intempevate habits or the Crimiual lead to a Did tlie intemperate liab- ite of otliers lead the Criminal to a condition Habits of the Criminal as regards liquor drinking. the Crime? which induced the Crime? II 1^ Tea. No. Not Ans. To- tals. Yea. No. Not Ans. To- tals. - 63 63 : 63 63 2 2 46 46 6 6 63 63 46 46 7 7 - _ 63 63 1 2 2 2 2 2 - 4 4 1 1 3 3 _ 4 4 _ 3 3 1 1 - 4 4 3 4 76 67 19 27 26 1 6 4 2 109 87 22 18 12 6 83 69 14 8 6 2 109 87 22 8 7 1 22 21 1 T6 66 19 4 3 1 109 87 22 6 6 7 - 1 1 _ 1 1 - 1 1 - 1 1 - 1 1 _ _ 1 1 8 9 29 . 29 241 237 4 6 6 276 272 4 17 17 249 246 4 10 10 276 272 4 135 134 1 121 120 1 11 10 1 9 8 1 276 272 4 10 11 12 1,804 1,496 309 2,666 2,002 474 ■ 238 170 68 4,608 3,757 861 821 611 210 3,404 2,860 644 383 286 97 4,608 3,767 861 1,168 940 218 1,918 1,611 307 1,317 1,047 270 216 159 66 4,608 3,767 851 13 14 15 20 STATISTICS OF LABOK. Table II. — Criminals Sober, or in Liquor, at time Crime was committed; Native or Foreign Born; -Sex. Native Bobn. I'OKEieN BOKN. Birthplace unknot™. i 1 i 1 Offences. CD CD i P3 i i J J "a OS s CD 1 o Eh Abduction Sober . - - - , ; : _ - 1 1 \ 1 1 AborUon ' Sober . t - - _ _ - - _ 1 1 « 1 1 Adulterating milk. Sober . ^ - - - - - - 1 1 - 1 1 Adultery In liquor . Sober . . ' . 7 2 6 2 2 9 2 7 2 1 1 3 1 2 1 1 - 1 1 10 3 7 3 3 13 3 10 Assault, or assault and battery . In liquor . Sober . Not answered . 643 378 237 28 69 17 38 4 702 395 275 32 600 364 214 22 137 40 79 18 737 404 293 40 65 24 22 9 4 4 69 24 26 9 1,298 766 473 69 200 57 121 22 1,498 823 594 81 Assault, felonious, In liquor . Sober . 2 2 - 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 - 1 1 4 3 1 S 4 1 Assault on officer . In liquor . Sober . Not answered . 10 9 1 ~ 10 9 1 5 3 2 1 1 6 3 1 2 1 1 - 1 1 16 13 1 2 17 13 2 2 Assault uoith weap- on . In liquor . Not answered . 9 8 1 - 9 8 1 9 8 1 - 9 8 1 1 1 - 1 1 19 17 2 - 19 17 2 Breaking and en- tering In liquor . Sober . Not answered . 91 22 63 6 - 91 22 63 6 20 6 14 2 1 1 22 7 15 9 3 6 - 9 3 6 120 31 83 6 2 1 1 ' 122 82 84 Breaking glass In liquor . Sober . 22 17 5 4 1 3 26 18 8 14 12 2 2 1 1 16 13 ,3 2 2 1 1 3 2 1 38 31 7 7 2 5 46 33 12 Burglary In liquor . - - - 1 1 - 1 1 - : : 1 1 _ Carrying concealed weapons . Id liquor . 1 1 - 1 1 - - - - - - 1 1 - Committing nui- sance Sober . - : - 1 1 - 1 1 - - - 1 1 - Common railer and brawler . In liquor . Sober . Not answered . - 1 1 1 1 - la 6 3 1 10 6- 3 1 - - - - 11 7 3 1 11 3 1 Concealing mort- gaged or leased property . Sober . 2 2 - 2 2 - 1 1 1 1 - - - 2 2 1 1 3 3 Contempt In liquor . Sober . 1 1 - 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 - ~ - 2 2 1 1 3 1 2 INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. 21 Table II.- — Continued. NATrra BoBN. FOBBIQN BOBH. BiBTHPLACB UNKNOWN. i i a Offbnoes. i j "cfl 1 i "(3 i a 1 1 ID -gCQ "a o Cntelty . In liquor . Sober . 35 4 31 - 35 4 31 24 8 18 - 24 8 16 2 1 1 - 2 1 1 61 13 48 - 61 13 48 Disorderly /ujuse . In liquor . Sober . Not answered . 6 3 2 8 5 2 1 13 8 4 1 2 1 1 6 5 1 8 6 1 1 - 1 1 1 1 7 4 2 1 15 11 3 1 22 15 5 2 Disturbing a meet- ing . In liquor . Sober . 7 7 - 7 7 2 1 1 - 2 1 1 - - - 9 1 ■ 8 - 9 1 8 Disturbing a school Sober . 1 1 - 1 1 _ - - _ _ - 1 1 - 1 1 Disturbing the peace In liquor . Sober . Not answered . 90 69 20 1 9 7 2 99 76 22 1 48 43 4 1 55 45 8 2 103 88 12 3 10 g 1 3 3 13 12 1 148 121 25 2 67 55 10 2 215 176 35 4 Bmbezzlement In liquor . Sober . Not answered . 22 7 14 1 1 1 23 7 15 1 9 3 6 2 1 1 11 4 7 3 3 - 3 3 34 10 23 1 3 1 2 37 11 25 1 Untieing seamen to desert Sober . - - - 1 1 - - - 1 1 - 1 1 Escape . Sober . 3 3 _ 3 3 - 1 1 - - - 4 4 - 4 4 Evading carfare . In liquor . Sober . Not answered . 29 7 22 - 29 7 22 - 7 4 2 1 - - - 36 11 24 1 - 36 11 24 1 Falsepretences . In liquor . Sober . Not answered . 15 4 10 1 - 15 4 10 1 3 - 4 1 3 - - - 19 6 13 1 - 19 5 13 1 Forgery . Sober . 5 5 - 6 5 2 2 - 2 2 - - - 7 7 - 7 7 Fornication . In liquor . Sober . 15 4 U 13 3 10 28 7 21 5 5 14 4 10 19 4 15 - 1 1 1 1 20 4 16 28 7 21 48 11 37 Fraud . In liquor . Sober . Not answered . 4 4 - 4 4 4 2 1 1 : 4 2 1 1 - - - 8 2 5 1 ; 8 2 5 1 Gaming laws, vio- lating In liquor . Sober . 15 1 14 - 15 1 14 30 3 27 - 30 . 3 27 - - - 45 4 41 - 46 4 41 House of ill-fame . In liquor . Sober . 2 2 4 1 3 6 1 5 2 1 1 1 1 3 1 2 : - - 4 1 3 5 1 4 9 2 7 Idle and disor- derly persons . In liquor Sober . Not answered . 61 20 30 1 62 82 18 2 103 52 48 3 16 6 8 2 33 28 4 1 49 34 ■ 12 3 1 1 / 1 1 2 1 1 68 26 39 3 86 60 22 4 164 86 61 7 22 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table II.- — Continued. Native Bobn. FOBEIGN BOEN. BiBTHPLACE UNKNOWN. 1 i 1 Opfenoes. m 1 i i 1 i es E i 1 i e IS to i Indecent exposure, In liquor . Sober . 3 1 2 - 3 1 2 4 2 2 - 4 2 2 1 1 - 1 1 8 3 5 - 8 3 6 Indecent language. In liquor . Sober . 12 10 2 - 12 10 2 1 1 6 5 1 7 6 1 - - - 13 11 2 6 6 1 19 le 3 Keeping unlicensed dog . Sober . 2 2 1 1 3 3 8 3 1 1 4 4 1 1 - 1 1 6 6 2 2 8 8 Larceny In liquor . Sober . IRot answered . 634 .225 380 29 77 21 60 6 711 246 430 35 260 132 116 12 121 67 59 6 381 189 176 17 22 6 16 1 1 23 6 17 916 363 512 41 199 78 110 11 1,115 441 622 52 Lewdness In liquor . Sober . 7 1 6 10 10 17 1 16 2 2 2 2 4 4 1 1 1 1 2 2 10 1 9 13 13 23 1 22 Malicious mischief. In liquor . Sober . Not answered . 98 38 89 1 6 2 3 1 104 40 62 2 23 17 6 13 11 2 36 28 8 2 1 1 ~ 2 1 . 1 123 66 66 1 19 13 5 1 142 69 71 2 Malicious trespass. In liquor . Sober . 26 3 23 2 2 28 3 25 3 3 - 3 3 1 1 - 1 1 30 3 27 2 32 3 29 Manslaughter In liquor . - _ _ 2 2 2 2 4 4 - - - 2 2 2 2 4 4 Neglect of child . Sober . - - - _ 1 1 1 1 - - - : 1 1 1 1 Nightwalker, com- mon In liquor . Sober . Not answered . - 80 22 61 7 80 22 61 7 2 1 1 42 15 22 6 44 16 23 6 - 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 124 37 75 12 126 38 76 12 Obstructing or re- sisting officer . In liquor . 4 4 - 4 4 1 1 - 1 1 1 1 - 1 1 6 6 - 6 6 Peddling Sober . _ - _ 4 4 - 4 4 - - - 4 4 - 4 4 Perjury . In liquor . 1 1 _ 1 1 - : - - - - 1 1 1 1 Polygamy In liquor . Sober . 2 1 1 - 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 - - - 3 1 2 1 1 4 1 3 Profanity . In liquor . Sober . Not answered . 61 41 10 3 2 1 64 48 10 1 33 25 8 8 6 2 41 31 10 - - - 84 66 18 11 8 2 1 9S 20 1 Berne In liquor . 1 1 - 1 1 - - - _ ; - 1 1 - ] Receiving stolen goods In liquor . Sober . Not answered . 9 3 6 1 - 9 3 5 1 5 5 - 6 5 - - - 14 3 10 1 14 K ] INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. 2a Table II. — Goncluded. Native Born. FoBBIGIf BOBN. Birthplace UlTKNOWN. m 10 ■3 a i la Ofpbncks, i 13 i 1 1 J "a a s 1 i^ i 1 a J n A o Eh R^/using to assist officer Sober . 1 1 - 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 - - - 2 2 - 2 2 Rescue . In liquor . Sober . Not answered . 15 16 ; 15 15 6 4 1 1 2 2 8 4 3 1 - ; 21 19 1 1 2 2 23 19 3 1 Robbery . In liquor . Sober . Not answered . 14 r 7 2 2 16 7 7 2 2 1 1 ; 2 1 1 i - - 16 8 8 2 2 18 8 8 2 Rimaioai/ Sober . 1 1 - 1 1 - - - _ - _ 1 1 - 1 1 Selling tobacco without license . Sober . - - - 1 1 - 1 1 - - - 1 1 - 1 1 Selling unwhole- some provisions. Sober . 1 1 - 1 1 - - - - - - 1 1 - 1 1 Stubborn children^ In liquor . Sober . 6 6 3 3 9 9 2 1 1 - 2 1 1 - - - 8 1 7 3 3 11 1 10 Sunday law, vio- lating Sober . 32 32 - 32 32 15 15 1 1 16 16 1 1 - 1 1 48 48 49 49 Tampering with witness Sober . : - - - 1 1 1 1 - - - - 1 1 Threats . In liquor . Sober . Not answered . 9 5 4 1 1 10 5 8 19 16 3 3 1 2 22 17 6 4 3 1 1 1 6 3 1 1 32 24 7 1 37 25 11 1 Truancy Sober . 61 61 - 51 61 1 1 - 1 1 1 1 _ 1 1 53 53 _ 53 53 TJnlawjul appro- priation . Ib liquor . Sober . 3 1 2 - 3 1 2 1 1 - 1 1 - - - 4 2 2 - 4 2 2 Vagai>onds . In liquor . Sober . Not answered . 20 14 6 1 6 4 1 25 18 6 1 66 41 24 1 17 15 1 1 83 66 28 2 1 1 ; 1 1 87 65 29 3 22 19 2 1 109 74 31 4 Violatin,g game laws . Sober . - - - 1 1 - 1 1 -_ - : 1 1 ; 1 1 Violating town or dty by-laws . In liquor . Sober . Not answered . 201 17 181 3 1 1 202 17 182 3 82 11 40 1 . 3 3 85 11 43 1 19 3 16 1 - 19 3 16 1 272 31 236 6 4 4 276 31 240 6 Aggregates In liquor . Sober . ■ Not answered . 2,294 946 1,274 74 344 118 202 24 2,638 1,064 1,476 98 1,322 724 552 46 491 245 213 33 1,813 969 766 79 141 66 73 12 16 4 11 1 167 60 84 13 3,767 1,726 1,899 132 851 367 426 88 4,608 2,093 2,325 190 24 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table III. — Drinking Habits of Criminals; Native or Foreign Born; Sex. Native Bobn. FOBEIGN Born. Birthplace UNKNOWN. i i 1 Offences. i 1 s 1 M 1 m I i i J o Abduction Moderate, drinkers, - _ - - _ - _ : Abortion . Moderate drinkers, - - _ - - - - - Adulterating milk . Not answered _ _ - _ - _ _ ^ Adultery . Total abstainers . Moderate drinkers, Excessive drinkers, Not answered 7 2 3 2 2 1 1 9 3 4 2 2 2 1 1 3 1 2 1 1 - 1 1 10 2 5 2 1 3 2 1 13 4 6 2 1 Assault^ or assault and battery . Total abstainers . Moderate drinkers, Bxceasive drinkers, Not answered 643 115 293 206 29 69 19 26 9 5 702 134 319 215 34 600 64 299 216 21 137 28 63 31 16 737 92 362 247 36 65 10 21 11 13 4 2 1 1 59 12 21 12 14 1,298 189 613 433 63 200 49 89 41 21 1,498 238 702 474 84 Afiaault, felonious . Total abstainers . Moderate drinkers. Excessive drinkers, 2 1 1 - 2 I ] 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 - 1 1 4 1 1 2 1 1 5 1 1 3 Assault on officer . Total abstainers . Moderate drinkers, Excessive drinkers, Not answered 10 6 3 1 - 10 6 3 1 5 1 2 2 1 1 6 1 1 2 2 1 1 - 1 1 16 8 6 3 1 1 17 1 8 6 3 Assault with weapon, Moderate drinkers, Excessive drinkers, Not answered 9 2 6 1 ~ 9 2 6 1 9 2 6 1 - 9 2 6 1 1 1 - 1 1 19 4 13 2 - 19 4 13 2 Breaking and enter- ing Total abstainers . Moderate drinkers, Excessive drinkers, Not answered 91 37 31 18 6 91 37 31 13 5 20 7 6 7 2 1 1 22 7 7 8 9 8 1 - 9 8 1 120 44 45 26 5 2 1 1 122 44 46 27 5 Breaking glass Total abstainers . Moderate drinkers. Excessive drinkers, Not answered 22 4 8 10 4 2 1 1 26 6 9 11 14 6 9 2 1 1 16 1 5 10 2 1 1 1 1 3 1 1 1 38 13 20 7 4 1 2 45 8 14 22 1 Burglary . Excessive drinkers, - _ _ 1 1 - 1 1 - - - - 1 1 Carrying concealed weapons Moderate drinkers. 1 1 - 1 1 - - - - - - - 1 1 Committing nuisance, Moderate drinkers. - ~ - 1 I _ 1 1 - : : - 1 1 Common railer and brawler Moderate drinkers, Excessive drinkers, Not answered - 1 1 1 ■ 1 - 10 2 7 1 10 2 7 1 _ - - ; 11 2 8 1 U 2 g 1 INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. 25 Table III. — Continued. Native Bokn. FOBBIGN BOBN. BiBTHPLAOE UNKNOWK. 1 a Offences. GD 1 *ea a IS 1 i "a s J o Concealing mort- gaged or leased property . Total abstainers . Moderate dnnkei-s, 2 1 1 - 2 1 1 - 1 1 1 1 - - - 2 1 1 1 1 3 2 1 Contempt . Moderate driokerB, Excessive drinkera. 1 1 - 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 - - - 2 2 1 1 3 2 1 Orueliy . Total abBtainers . Moderate drinkers, Excessive drinkers, Not answered 35 13 18 4 - 35 13 18 4 24 1 18 6 - 24 1 18 5 2 1 1 - 2 1 1 61 14 37 9 1 - 61 14 37 9 1 IHftorderly house . Moderate drinkers, Excessive drinkers, Not answered 5 2 3 8 3 4 1 13 5 7 1 2 2 6 3 3 8 3 5 - 1 1 1 1 7 2 5 15 6 8 1 22 8 , 13 1 Disturbing a meeting. Total abstainers . Moderate drinkers, 7 6 1 - 7 6 1 2 2 - 2 2 - - - 9 6 3 - 9 6 3 Disturbing a school . Total abstainers . 1 1 _ 1 1 : - - - : : 1 1 - 1 1 Disturbing the peace, Total abstainers . Moderate drinkers, Excessive drinkers, Not answered 90 9 49 30 2 9 1 3 5 99 10 52 35 2 55 1 21 31 2 103 3 37 60 3 10 6 3 1 3 1 2 13 7 6 1 148 11 71 62 4 67 2 25 38 2 215 13 96 100 6 ^Embezzlement . Total abstainers . Moderate drinkers, Excessive drinkers. Not answered 22 6 9 a 1 1 1 23 6 10 6 1 2 2 11 3 3 - 3 3 34 7 16 7 4 3 3 37 7 19 7 4 EnMcing seamen to desert . Moderate drinkers. - - - - - - - 1 1 - 1 1 Escape Total abstainers . Moderate drinkers, 3 3 - 3 3 - - - - 4 3 1 - 4 3 1 Spading car fare . Total abstainers . Moderate drinkers, Excessive drinkers, Not answered 29 16 10 3 - 29 16 10 3 - - - - 36 17 15 3 1 - 36 17 15 3 1 False pretences Total abstainers . Moderate drinkers. Excessive drinkers. 15 4 9 2 - ''1 9 2 3 - 3 - - - 19 4 10 6 - 19 4 10 5 Forgery . Total abstainers . Moderate drinkers. Excessive drinkers, 9 2 2 1 ~ 5 2 2 1 2 2 - 2 2 - - - 7 4 2 1 - 7 4 2 1 Fornication Total abstainers . Moderate drinkers, Excessive drinkers. Not answered 15 6 9 1 13 6 6 1 28 11 15 2 5 3 2 14 5 5 3 19 8 7 3 1 - 1 1 1 1 20 8 H 1 28 12 11 4 1 48 20 22 5 1 26 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table III. — Continued. Offences. Natiti; Bobn. I^OREiGN Born. Birthplace UNKNOWN. n Fraud Total abstainera Moderate drinkerB, Excessive drinkers Not answered Gaming laws, violai- ■ ing Total abstainers Moderate drinkers^ iExceasive diinkers, Bouse of ill-fame Total abstainers Moderate drinkers. Idle and disorderly persons Total abstainers Moderate drinkers, Excessive drinker Not answered Indecent exposure Total abstainers Moderate drinkers, Excessive drinkers. Not answered Indecent language Moderate drinkers, Excessive drinker Not answered Keeping unlicensed dog . Total abstainers Moderate drinkers Not answered Larceny . Total abstainers Moderate drinkers, Excessive drinkers Not answered Lewdness . Total abstainers Moderate d rinkers. Not answered Malicious mischief Total abstainers Moderate drinkers, Excessive drinkers Not answered Malicious trespass. Total abstainers Moderate d rinkers, Excessive drinkers Not answered ManslaugMer . Moderate drinkers, Excessive drinkers. Neglect of child Moderate drinkers, 634 219 244 143 23 7 2 4 1 103 17 40 42 4 711 258 263 167 33 17 11 5 1 104 46 260 39 112 97 12 381 63 161 137 20 4 1 3 23 5 10 3 5 46 31 12 2 4 2 2 11 27 27 3 1 6 1 1 13 10 2 1 1 4 1 916 262 366 243 45 10 2 7 1 123 47 42 33 1 30 16 9 1 4 2 2 22 62 3 199 64 68 64 13 13 10 3 19 4 5 INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. 27 Table III. — Continued. Native Bobn. Foreign Bobn. BlBTHPLAOE UNKNOWN. i ca a. i Offences. 1 IS s 13 1 n 13 a a j 1 a i « s o Nighiwalker, com- mon . Total abstainers . Moderate drinkers, Excessive drinkers, Not answered - 80 33 28 15 4 80 33 28 16 4 2 42 14 16 10 2 44 14 17 11 2 - 2 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 124 48 46 25 6 126 48 46 26 6 Obstructing or restat- ing officer . Moderate drinkers, Excessive drinkers, 4 2 2 - _ 4 2 2 - 1 1 1 1 - 1 1 6 4 2 - 6 4 2 Peddling . Total abstainers . Moderate drinkers. Not answered - - ~ - 4 2 1 1 - - - 4 2 1 1 - 4 2 1 1 Peryury . Moderate drinkers. 1 1 - 1 1 - - - _ - 1 1 _ 1 1 Polygamy . Moderate drinkers. Excessive drinkers. .2 1 1 - 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 - - - 3 2 1 1 1 4 3 1 Profanity . Total abstainers . Moderate drinkers. Excessive drinkers. Not answered 51 6 26 19 3 2 1 54 6 26 21 1 33 1 22 10 8 5 3 41 1 27 13 - - - 84 7 48 29 11 5 5 1 95 7 53 34 1 Bape .... Moderate drinkers, 1 1 _ 1 1 _ _ - - - - 1 1 _ 1 1 Receiving stolen goods . Total abstainers . Moderate drinkers. Excessive drinkers. Not answered 9 2 2 4 1 _ 9 2 2 4 1 6 2 3 - 5 2 3 - - - 14 4 5 4 1 - 14 4 6 4 1 Se/using to assist offi- cer Moderate drinkers. 1 1 - 1 1 1 1 - 1 1 - - - 2 2 - 2 2 Rescue Moderate drinkers. Excessive drinkers. Not answered 15 7 8 - 15 7 8 6 2 3 1 2 2 8 4 3 1 ~ - ~ 21 9 11 1 2 2 23 11 11 1 Bobbery . Moderate drinkers. Excessive drinkers. 14 11 3 2 2 16 13 3 2 1 1 - 2 1 1 - - - 16 12 4 2 2 18 14 ^4 Runaway . Not answered 1 1 - 1 1 _ - - _ - - 1 1 - 1 1 Selling tobacco with- out a license Total abstainers . - - - 1 1 - 1 1 - - - 1 1 - 1 1 Selling unwholesome provisions . Moderate drinkei'S, 1 1 - 1 1 - - - - - - 1 1 - 1 1 Stubborn children . Total abstainers . Excessive drlnkei-s, 6 6 3 3 9 9 2 1 1 - 2 1 1 - - _ 8 7 1 3 3 11 10 1 Sunday law, oiolat- ing . . . Total abstainers . Moderate drinkers, Not answered 32 28 4 - 32 28 4 15 1 13 1 1 1 16 1 14 1 1 1 • 1 1 48 29 18 1 1 1 49 29 19 1 28 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Table III. — Concluded. Native Bobn. JOBEIGN BOBN. BiBTHPLACE UXKNOWN. Offences. 4) m ,2 s 1 a i "a -IE i 1 Tampering with wit- 1 1 ness . . . 1 1 Total abstainers . - H - 1 1 - ~ - - 1 1 Threats . 9 1 10 19 3 22 4 1 6 32 6 37 Total abstainers . 2 1 3 1 - 1 - - - 3 1 4 Moderate drinkers, 1 _ 1 V 2 9 - 1 1 8 3 11 Excessive drinkers, 6 - 6 11 1 12 4 - 4 21 1 22 Truancy . 61 _ 51 1 _ 1 1 - 1 53 - 63 Total abstainers . 61 - 51 1 - 1 1 - 1 63 ~ 63 Unlawful appropria- tion . 3 - 3 1 - 1 - - - 4 - 4 Moderate drinkers, 2 _ 2 1 - 1 - - - 3 - 3 Excessive drinkers. 1 - 1 - - - - - - 1 - 1 Yaqahonds 20 6 25 66 17 83 1 _ 1 87 22 109 Total abstainers . 4 2 6 1 - 1 - - — 5 2 7 Moderate drinkers, 3 _ 3 18 1 19 - - - 21 1 22 Excessive drinkers, 13 3 16 44 15 59 1 - 1 58 18 76 Not answered 3 1 4 - - - 3 1 4 Violating game lawSy _ _ - 1 _ 1 - - - 1 - 1 Moderate drinkers, - - - 1 - 1 - - - 1 - 1 Violating town or city by-laws 201 1 202 52 3 55 19 - 19 272 4 276 Total abstainers . 109 1 110 8 1 9 14 - 14 131 2 133 Moderate drinkers, 80 _ SO 39 - 39 4 - 4 123 - 123 Excessive drinkers. 6 _ 6 4 1 6 _ - - 10 1 11 Not answered 6 - e 1 1 2 1 - 1 8 1 9 Aggregates . 2,294 344 2,638 1,322 491 1,8*13 141 16 157 3,767 861 4,608 Total abstainers . 732 130 862 173 83 266 30 6 36 935 219 1,154 Moderate drinkers. 939 113 1,062 621 189 810 64 4 58 1,614 306 1,920 Excessive drinkers, 540 81 621 481 188 669 27 5 32 1,048 274 1,322 Not answered 83 20 103 47 31 78 30 1 31 160 52 212 INTEMPERANCE AND CEIME. 29 Table IV. — Occupations of Griminnls, with Sex. [FemnleB nre designated by an "/• "] Offences and Kum- OPFaNCBB AKD Num- Offences and Num- Occupations. ber. OOOUPATIONS. ber. OcctrpATioNa. ber. Abduction 1 Engineer 7 Pawnbroker 3 Coachman . 1 Engraver 1 Peddler ■ 32 Abortion . Teamster 1 1 Errand-boy . Expressman . 1 4 Peddler,/. Perfumer 1 1 Factory-girl,/. . 2 Piano-maker 2 Adidterating milk . 1 Farmer 3 Plasterer 5 N"ot given . 1 Pile-cutter . , 1 Plumber 6 Adultery . Baker 13 1 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 Finisher Fireman 4 6 Pocket-book man- ufacturer . 1 Bricklayer Domestic,/. . H.ostler Flsh-dealer . Fisherman . Fruit-dealer . 2 6 1 Polisher Porter . Printer . 1 4 6 Xjahorer Furniture-maker . 1 Provision-dealer . 1 Gas-fitter . 1 Real-estate busi- None,/.' '. '. Plasterer Glassblower 1 ness 1 Glassmaker . 2 Rigger . 3 Tailor . 1 Glazier . 2 Roofer . 1 Teamster 1 Grocer . 6 Ropemaker . 1 Groom . 4 Saddler . 1 Assault or assault Harness-maker . 2 Safemaker . 1 and battery 1,498 Hatter . 2 Sailmaker . 2 Actor . . • , 1 Hod-carrier . 1 Sailor . 43 Agent . 1 Hostler . 10 Saloon-keeper 7 Baggage-master . 1 Housekeeper,/. . 63 Schoolboy . 1 Baker . 7 Insurance-agent . 1 Sculptor 1 Barber . 14 Iron-founder 2 Seamstress, /. 2 Bartender . 6 Iron-moulder 1 Servant,/. . 2 Bill-poster . 1 Iron-worker. 1 Shoemaker . 16 Blacksmith . 6 Jeweller 2 Slater . 2 Boatbuilder . 2 Jig-sawyer . 1 Solicitor 1 Boiler-maker 6 Junkman 10 Stable-keeper 1 Bookbinder . 1 Laborer 434 Steam.fitter . 1 Bootblack . 3 Laborer,/. . 1 Stevedore . 1 Boot-finisher 1 2 Stone-cutter . 7 Bootmaker . 1 Lather . 1 Storekeeper . 1 Bottler . 1 Laundress,/. 1 Stove-mounter . 1 Boxmaker . 3 Ledgeman . 1 Street-musician . 1 Brakeman . 5 Lighterman . 1 Student 9 Brewer . 2 Liquor-dealer 8 Tailor . 12 Bricklayer . 3 Liquor-dealer, /. . 1 Tailoress,/. . 2 Bronzer 1 Loafer . 7 Tanner . 1 Butcher 8 Locksmith . 1 Teamster . 69 Cabinet-maker . 6 Longshoreman . 10 Tile-layer . 1 Carpenter . 22 Lumber-dealer . 1 Tinsmith . 6 Carver . Lnmper 1 Trader . 11 Cattle-driver Machinist . 9 Trunkmaker 2 Cattleman . Machine-crimper . 1 Undertaker . 1 Cattle-shipper Manufacturer 1 Upholsterer . 5 Chairmaker . Marble-worker . 5 "Varnisher . 1 Chair-painter Marble-worker, '/. 1 Waiter . 6 Cigar-dealer . Marketman . 3 Walter,/. . 2 Clerk . 31 Mason . 12 Washerwoman, /. 4 Clog-dancer . Mate . 1 Watchmaker 1 Coachman . Mechanic 2 Watchman . 2 Coal-heaver . Melter . 1 Weaver 1 Confectioner Milk-dealer . 1 Whitewasher 1 Contractor . Milkman 2 Wood-carrier 1 Cook . Miller . 1 Wood-cutter 1 Cook,/. Mill-operative 2 Wood-turner 1 Cooper . Morocco-worker . 4 Currier . Moulder 5 Assault, felonious . 6 Cutter . Musician 1 Clerk . 1 Domestic,/. . 30 Nailmaker . 1 Laborer 1 Dressmaker,/. . Newsboy 1 Loafer . 1 Dyer . None 78 Not given,/. 1 Employed in fish None,/. 28 Printer . 1 store . Not given . 132 Employed in forge Not given,/. 66 Assault on officer . 17 works Organ-maker 1 Bookbinder . 1 Employed in junk Packer . . 1 Carpenter . 1 store . . Painter . 28 Clerk . 1 Employed in oil Paper-cutter 1 Currier . 1 works ■ Paper-hanger 4 Laborer' . '. 7 30 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table IV. — Continued Offences and Occupations. Num- ber. Opeences and Occupations. Num- ber. Ofeehces and Occupations. tTura- ber. Not given Not given, /. 6 1 Common railer and brawler ■ Housekeeper,/. . 11 2 Harijess-maker . Housekeeper,/. . Laborer Laborer, /. . Liquor-seller 1 18 66 1 I 1 2 1 14 13 21 33 AssmcU with weapon^ Butcher . " . 19 1 Laundress, /. None,/. 1 1 GlaBBblowei- Laborer Not given Peddler Sailor . Teamster . 1 8 3 1 4 1 Not given,/. Concealing mort- gaged or leased property . Clerk . 7 3 1 Mason . Morooco-flnisher . Newsboy None . None,/. Not given . Not given,/. Fruit-dealer . 1 Breaking and en- tering Barber . Beer-bottler . Carpenter Clerk . Cooper . Druggist Engraver Errand-boy . ^Sherman . 122 1 1 1 2 2 Seamstress, /. Contempt Laborer Not given, /. Cruelty . 1 3 2 1 61 Packer . Painter . Peddler Pickle-presei-ver . Plumber Bag-sorter,/. Eope-factory op- 1 2 6 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 Butcher Clerk . Coal-dealer . Contractor . 1 1 1 1 erative Schoolboy . Servant, /. . Shoemaker . Fruit-dealer . 1 Currier . 1 Trackman . 1 2 7 1 Purniture-paoker, Hostler . Hotel-keeper 1 1 1 Expressman . Farmer . Fifih-dealer . 4 1 1 Trader . Teamster Wheelwright Iron-moulder 1 Fish-peddler 2 Laborer 16 Foreman 1 Embezzle/m&nt . 37 Machinist . 1 Haokman 2 Agent . 2 None . 67 Horse-dealer 6 Bartender . 1 None,/. 1 Laborer 8 Bellhanger . ; 1 Not given . 14 Liquor-dealer 1 Book-agent . 1 Not given,/. 1 Milkman 3 1 7 Book-keeper 1 Organ-grinder 1 Not given . Carriage-driver . 1 Painter . 1 Peddler Clerk . 3 Peddler 3 Schoolboy . 2 Domestic,/. . 1 Porter in store 2 Stable-keeper 3 Driver . 2 Ropemaker . 1 Stonemason . 1 Expressman . 1 Slioemaker . 1 Teamster 13 Hack-driver . 1 Slater . 1 • Laborer 2 Teamster 3 Disorderly house . 23 Messman 1 Tin-roofer . 1 Domestic,/. . 1 Newsboy 1 Tinsmith . 1 Housekeeper,/. . 9 None 1 Varnisher 1 Laborer 2 Not given 4 Waiter . 1 Longshoreman . 1 Painter . 1 None . 2 Peddler 1 Breaking glass 46 None; /. 1 Printer . 1 Barber . 1 Not given,/. 3 Sailor . 1 Boiler-maker 1 Servant, /. . 1 Salesman 1 Carpenter 1 Teamster 2 Silver-plater . 1 Hostler . 1 Tailoress,/. . 1 Jewelry.polisher, 1 Disturbing a meet- Teamster 4 Laborer 12 ing 9 , Tinsmith 1 Loafer . ' Machinist . 2 1 Carriage-trimmer, None . 1 6 Waiter,/. . . 1- Night-watchman . None . " • 1 7 Not given . Waiter . 1 1 Aiiidng seamen, to None, /. Not given 2 2 Disturbing a school, 1 desert Boarding - house 1 Not given,/. 6 Schoolboy . 1 runner 1 Oil finisher . 1 Peddler 1 Disturbing the peace 216 Escape Laborer 4 Schoolboy . 1 Baker . 1 2 1 1 Shoemaker . Teamster . 1 4 Barber . Boatbnilder . None . S ^\Jt^kAAOV\^^ ■ Boiler-ipaker 1 Burglary . None . 1 1 Butcher Carpenter Clerk . 1 1 1 Shading carfare . Brakeman . Butcher 36 1 2 Carrying concealed weapons . Stone-cutter . 1 1 Craoker-baker . Craeker-packer . Currier . Fruit-seller . 1 1 1 1 Harness-maker . Iron-worker Laborer None 1 1 6 18 Committing nui sance . Laborer 1 1 Furniture-maker, Furniture-packer, FuJ»iture-pollsher 1 1 1 Not given Sailor . Shoemaker . 6 1 2 INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. Table IV. — Continued. 31 Offences and Num. Offences and Num- Offences and Num- Occupations. ber. I OcoDPATroHs. ber. Occupations. ber. FaUe pretences 19 Laborer 1 Barber . 8 Baker . Weaver 1 Bartender . 4 Carpenter . Bedmaker . 1 Clerk . Idle and disorderh / Blacksmith . 6 Coimnercial trav- persons 154 Boiler-maker 3 eUer . Advertising agen 1 Book-agent . 1 Gardener Barber . 2 Bookbinder 1 Hack-driver . Boiler-maker 1 Book-keeper 1 Laborer Carriage-driver 1 Bootblack . 1 Machiniet . Carriage-painter 1 Bootmaker . 3 Merchant Clerk . 2 Boxmaker . 1 Not given Cloth-sponger 1 Bracket-maker . 1 Offlce-boy Cobbler 1 Brakeman . 1 Painter . Cornice-maker 1 Brass-polisher 1 Peddler Corset-maker, / 1 Brass-worker 1 Salesman Domestic,/. . 22 Bricklayer . 3 Teamster . Fisherman . 1 Bundle-boy . 1 Hackman 1 Butcher 2 Forgery . Housekeeper,/. 4 Cabinet-maker . 4 Barrel.maker Hostler . 3 Carder . 1 Clerk . Laborer 10 Carpenter Cashier . 10 Loafer . Loafer . 2 1 None MattresB-maker 1 Cattle-driver 2 Salesman Milkman . 1 Cattle-tender 1 None . 20 Chalrmaker . 2 Fomicatitm 48 None, /. 48 Charwoman,/. . 1 Advertising agent, Not given 4 Cigar-maker 1 Artist . Not given,/. 4 Clerk . . . 27 Book-keeper Painter . Coachman . 2 Cook,/. Plumber Confectioner 3 Domestic,/. . 12 Quarryman . Cook . 4 Expressman . 'Seamstress,/. Cook,/. . . 4 Farmer . Shoemaker . Cooper . 4 Housekeeper,/. . Slater . - . Corset-maker,/. . 1 Laborer Stonemason . Cracker-packer . 1 Machmist/ . Tailoress,/. . Currier . 5 None,/. Teamster Domestic, /. 62 Not given,/. Tinsmith . Dressmaker,/ . 2 Printer . Waiter,/. . Driver on horse- SaUor . Washerwoman, / car 1 Salesman Watchman . Employed In shoe Tailoress,/. . 2 store . 1 Teamster . 3 Indecent exposure Engineer 1 "Walter . 2 Qas-fitter Errand-boy . 6 Waiter,/. . 2 Laborer Expressman . 1 Wood-sawyer 1 Machinist . Fancy-goods deal- Mattress-maker er .. . 1 Fraud 8 None Farmer . 2 Canvasser , 1 Sailor . Fisherman . 4 Chalrmaker, help- Trunkmaker Fish-peddler 1 er .. . 1 Framemaker 1 Clerk . 1 Indecent language 19 Fresco-painter 1 Mantifacturer 1 Brakeman . Fruit-peddler 1 Mel-chant 1 Cigar-maker Furniture-finisher, 1 None . 1 Housekeeper,/. Furniture-polisher 1 Not given 1 Laborer Fumiture-varnish- Salesman 1 Loafer . er . . . 1 • None Gardener 2 Gaming lawSt vio- None,/. Gas-fltter . 2 lating 45 Not given, /. Glass-engraver . 1 Barber . 2 Teamster . Glazier . 2 Clerk . 2 Trader . Grainer 1 Laborer Lanndryman 2 26 Keeping unlicensed dog . Baker . Carpenter Hack-driver . Harness-maker . 2 1 None . 8 Harness-maker's Not given Peddler 1 2 apprentice Hostler . 1 10 Teamster 1 Commercial trav- eller . Engraver Housekeeper 1 Wood and coal Housekeeper,/. . 38 dealer 1 Iron-founder 1 Housekeeper,/. . Janitor . 2 Souse of ill-fame . 9 None . Oil-vender . Jeweller 1 Clairvoyant,/. . 1 Junk-gatherer . 7 Farmer 1 La/rcmy . 1,115 Laborer 197 Housekeeper 1 Aeb!eBB,f. . Lamplighter 1 Housekeeper,/. . 4 Baker . Laundress,/. 1 32, STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table IV. — Continued. OprENCES AND OCCITPATIOlfS. Num- ber. Liquor-dealer Loafer . LongBhoremau Machinist Marble-worker Mason . Mechanic Milk-dealer . Mill-hand Milliner,/. . Musician Newsboy Newsman Newspaper mailer. None None, /. Not given Not given, /. Oysterman . Painter . Paper-cutter Paper-dealer Paper-hanger Pattern-worker Paver . Pawnbroker . Peddler Peddler,/. . Piano-maker Pipelayer Plumber Polisher Porter . Press-feeder . Printer . Roberaaker . Sailor . Salesman Saleswoman,/. Seamstress,/. Schoolboy . Schoolgirl,/. Sei-vant, /. . Shoe-cutter . Shoe-fitter . Shoemaker . Soldier . Stair-builder Stevedore" . Btone-oulter . Store-boy Student Tailor . Tailoress,/. . Teamster Telegraph oper tor Telephone work man . Timekeeper . Tinsmith Trader . Travelling agent Upholsterer . Waiter . Washerwoman, ^ Wheelwright Wire-worker Vinegar-maker Car-driver Caulker Domestic,/. Laborer 7 8 1 3 3 2 3 1 1 1 1 1 213 32 102 36 2 17 1 1 3 1 2 1 9 1 1 1 6 1 3 1 9 2 25 5 2 8 1 2 10 1 1 11 1 1 1 3 1 1 1 Offences and Occupations. 2 1 1 23 1 1 1 Machinist Milliner,/. . None,/. Not given Not given, /. Plumber Waiter, /. Malicious mischief t Actor . Agent . Artist . Barber . Blacksmith Bottler . Butcher Candy-maker Carpenter . Clerk . Cook,/. Domestic,/.. Driver of a brew. ery team . Fruit-dealer . Hostler . Housekeeper,/. Laborer Lather ■ Loafer . Longshoreman Machinist Marketman . Morocco-dresser None None, /. Not given Not given,./. OfHce-boy . Oil-finisher . Painter . Paper-hanger Eoofer . Sailor . Saleswoman,/. Schoolboy . Shoemaker . Tailor . Teamster , . Undertaker . Waiter . Wheelwright Malicious trespass Bar-room loafer Clerk . Clerk, /. ■Farmer . Laborer None None, /. Not given Runner . Sailor . Schoolboy Student Teamster Num- ber. Manslaughter ./• Laborer Laundress,/. None Neglect of child Servant, /. . Offences and Occupations. Num- ber. 1 1 9 4 1 1 1 M2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 .1 2 4 1 2 1 1 1 6 31 1 2 1 1 1 1 36 4 8 6. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 7 1 1 4 1 2 1 32 1 1 1 1 2 S 1 13 1 3 1 1 1 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 Mighfwalker, com mon . Cloakmaker,/. Copyist,/. . Corset-maker,/. Domestic, /. Dressmaker,/. Fur-sewer,/. Housekeeper,/. Laundress,/. None None,/. Not given,/. Saleswoman,/. Seamstress,/. Tailoress,/. . Waiter,/. . Washerwoman , /. Wood-painter,/. Obstructing or re Cabinet-maker Farmer . Laborer Seaman Teamster Peddling . Peddler Pefyury . Bartender Polygamy None,/. Painter . Sailor . Teamster Profanity Carpenter Clerk' . , Contractor File-cutter G-rocer . Hostler . Housekeeper! Laborer Laborer,/. Loafer . Machinist Newsboy None None,/. Not given Not given,/. Painter . Peddler Plasterer Seaman . Teamster Trader . Waiter . Washerwoman, /. Rape. Horse-car driver, Receiving stolen goods . Bartender Butcher ~ Errand-boy Laborer 126 1 1 1 29 5 1 10 1 2 42 18 1 5 INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. 33 Table IV. — Concluded. Offences ani> Num- Offences amd Num- ■ ■ Offences and Num- Occupations. ber. Occupations. ber. Occupations. ber. None . 3 Machine-operator, 1 Tramp . 4 Not given 1 Newsdealer . 1 Vagrant 1 Storekeeper . 1 None 17 Teamster 1 Not given 1 Salesman 2 Violating game Refusing to assist officer. Coachman 2 Saloon-keeper Schoolboy . 2 7 laws . Laborer 1 1 1 Shopkeeper . 1 Machinist 1 Shopkeeper,/. . Teamster 1 2 Violating town or city by-laws ■ Trader 2 276 Rescue 23 Advertising agent 1 Cigar-maker 1 Agent . 2 Clerk . ... 1 Tampering with Barber . 1 Engineer Housekeeper,/. . 2 1 witness Housekeeper,/. . Bill-poster . Book-keeper 1 1 Junk-dealer . 1 Brass-finisher 1 Laborer 11 Threats . 37 Butcher 1 Lamplighter . 1 Cigar-maker . Candy-dealer 1 Law-student . 1 Clerk . Clerk . 10 None 1 Currier . Coal-dealer . 1 None,/. 1 Gardener Cobbler 1 Not given 1 Hardware-dealer . Composition-roof Teamster 1 Laborer 16 er 1 Lather . Contractor . 2 Bobbery . Brakeman . 18 Longshoreman . Conveyancer 1 1 Machinist Cooper . 2 Clerk . 1 None,/. Employed in print Hostler . 1 Not given ing office . 1 Laborer 2 Not given,/. Expressman 1 None 5 Seaman Farmer . 2 Not given,/. 2 Tailor . Finisher 2 Painter . 1 Tin-peddler . Hackman 2 Plumber 1 Trader . Horse.car driver 1 Pressman 1 Waiter,/. . Housekeeper, /. 1 Printer . 1 Watchman, . Jnnk-dealer . 1 Spring-bed maker, 1 Laborer 64 Stereotyper . 1 Truancy . None 63 44 Liquor-dealer Loafer . 1 3 Runaway . Not given 1 1 Not given Schoolboy . 8 1 Lumper Mechanic Merchant 1 1 6 Selling tobacco Unlawful appropri- Messenger . MUkman 1 1 without a li- ation . 4 Minor . 4 cense . 1 Laborer 2 Morocco-dresser 1 Peddler. 1 Teamster 2 Newsman None . 1 47 Selling imwhole- aome provis- ions . Vagabonds 109 None^/. . 1 Blacksmith . 2 Not given 49 1 Chair, cane-seater, 1 Not given,/. , 1 Milk-vender . 1 Domestic, /. 1 Organ-grinder 3 Farmer . 3 Painter . 2 Stubborn child 11 Housekeeper,/. . Laborer 1 8 Peddler Printer . 5 3 None 3 Longshoreman . 1 Sailor . 1 None,/. 3 Machinist . 2 Schoolboy . . ■ 13 Not given 5 Minister 1 Schoolgirl,/. 1 ^ None 44 Shoemaker . 1 Sunday law, violat- None,/. . . 14 Silk-merchant 1 ing . 49 Not given . . . 7 Tallovf-qhandler 1 Cabinet-maker . 1 Not given,/. 4 Teamster 26 Clerk . 3 Painter . 2 Telegraph fore Engineer Paper-hanger Peddler 1 man . 1 Factory operative, 1 Tobacco - factors Fresco-painter . ■ Seaman 3 employ^ . 1 G-lasBWorker Seamstress,/. 1 Trader . 6 Grocer . Shoemaker . 5 Wood and coa Laborer 2 Tailor . 1 dealer 1 Liquor-dealer 1 Tailoress,/. . 1 Wood-cutter 1 34 STATISTICS OF LABOK. Table V. — Occupations and Drinking Habits of Criminals, with Sex. [Females are designated by an "/."] OoonPATIONS. Total Moderate Excessive Not Totals. Abstainers . Drinkers. Drinkers. Answered Both Sexes. Actor 2 2 ActreBS,/. . 1 _ 1 Advertising agent 1 2 - - 3 Agent 1 3 1 1 6 Artist ... _ 2 - 2 Baggage-master _ 1 1 Baker 1 11 3 - 16 Barber 5 16 10 1 32 Barrel-maker 1 _ . 1 Bar-room loafer 1 - - 1 Bartender . . . . 8 4 - 12 Bedmaker . . . . 1 1 Beer-bottler . . . . _ _ 1 - 1 Bellhanger . . . . 1 _ _ 1 Bill-poster . . . . 2 _ 2 Blacksmith . . . . 11 6 16 Boarding-house runner 1 1 Boatbuilder . . . . _ 3 _ 3 Boiler-maker 1 3 8 _ 12 Book-agent . . . . 1 1 2 Bookbinder . . . . _ 1 2 3 Book-keeper .... 2 1 I 4 Bootblack . . . . 2 1 1 4 Boot and shoe maker . 5 23 22 60 Bottler _ . 1 1 2 Bozmaker . . . . 2 2 4 Bracket-maker 1 _ _ 1 Brakeman .... 7 2 9 Brass-worker . 2 1 3 Brewer _ 2 _ 2 Bricklayer and mason . 3 12 7 1 23 Bronzer _ 1 _ _ 1 Bundle-boy .... 1 _ 1 Butcher 2 10 6 18 Cabinet-maker 1 7 4 _ 12 Candy-dealer _ 1 _ 1 Candy-maker 1 - _ _ 1 Canvasser .... _ . 1 1 Carpenter .... 4 19 18 41 Carriage-trimmer . - 1 _ 1 Carver - 1 _ 1 Cashier _ 1 _ 1 Cattle driver, tender, etc. . 1 2 3 6 Caulker _ 1 1 Chair, cane-aeater 1 _ 1 Chairmaker .... _ 3 3 Chalrmaker, helper _ 1 _ 1 Chair-painter 1 - _ 1 Charwoman,/. 1 - „ 1 Cigar-dealer .... _ 1 _ _ 1 Cigar-maker .... - 2 1 1 4 Clairvoyant,/. - 1 - 1 Clerk 32 66 14 1 102 1 103 Clerk,/. . . . . 1 - _ Cloakmater,/. .. - - 1 ' 1 Clog-dancer .... - 1 1 Cloth-sponger 1 - - _ 1 Coachman .... 2 2 2 6 Coal-dealer .... 2 2 Coal-heaver .... 1 - - _ 1 Cobbler - 1 1 _ 2 Commercial traveller . 1 - 1 2 Confectioner .... - 2 6 7 Contractor .... - 6 1 _ 6 Conveyancer .... - - - 1 1 Cook 1 2 6 - 8i ir Cook,/. 1 3 3 _ 7! 15 Cooper 1 4 4 9 Copyist,/. .... 1 - 1 Cornicemaker 1 1 INTEMPEEANCE AND CRIME. Table V. — Continued. 35 OOCDPATIONS. Total Moderate Excessive Not Totals. Abstainers. Drinkers. Drinkers. Answered . Both Sexes. Corset-makei-,/. . 1 2 3 Cracker-baker 1 1 Cracker-packer . _ 2 _ _ 2 Currier . 5 4 4 1 14 Cutter . . , . 1 1 Domestic,/. . 62 57 43 1 163 Dressmaker,/. 5 5 _ 10 Driver, horse-car, etc. . 2 6 - - 7 Druggist .... _ _ 1 _ 1 Dyer - 1 1 Employed in fisli store 1 - 1 Employed in forge works . _ 1 1 Employed in junk shop 1 _ 1 Employed in oil works - 1 1 Employed in printing oflSce . 1 _ 1 Employed in shoe store 1 _ 1 Engineer 3 8 _ 11 Engraver .... 2 1 3 Errand-boy 9 3 8 Expressman .... 5 7 _ 12 Factory operative . S 4 2 . li" Factory operative, /. . _ 2 _ Fancy.goods dealer - 1 _ • 1 Farmer 3 9 3 15 File-cntter .... 1 1 2 Finisher 1 6 6 Fireman .... 1 4 _ 5 Fish-dealer .... 1 2 3 Fisherman .... 3 8 11 Fish-peddler .... 1 2 3 Foreman on horse^railroad . 1 _ _ 1 Frame-maker 1 _ 1 Fresco-painter _ 2 _ _ 2 Froit-dealer .... 1 3 2 6 Fui-niture-maker . 1 2 3 Furniture-packer . _ 1 1 2 Furniture-polisher 1 2 3 Pur-sewer,/. 1 _ _ 1 G-ardener .... 1 3 4 Gas-mter . . . . 3 1 4 Glass-engraver - 1 1 Glassmaker . , . . 2 1 2 5 Glazier 8 1 4 Grainer . . . . 1 _ 1 Grocer _ 4 2 1 7 Groom . ... 4 _ 4 Hack-driver .... 1 9 1 11 Hardware-dealer . 1 1 HamesB-maker, apprentice . 1 _ _ 1 Harness-maker . 4 1 5 Hatter 1 1 2 Hod-carrier .... 1 1 Horse-dealer .... _ 6 6 Hostler 4 15 10 29 Hotel-keeper .... 1 1 Housekeeper _ 2 _ _ 166 i "8 Housekeeper,/. . 45 75 41 5 Insnrance-agent . _ 1 1 Iron-worker .... 1 4 3 8 Janitor 2 2 Jeweller 1 2 3 Jewelry-polisher . 1 _ 1 Jig-sawyer . . . . 1 - _ 1 Junk-dealer .... _ 3 3 6 Junk-gatherer 2 4 7 _ 13 Laborer 92 486 376 16 '%\m Laborer,/. . . . . 1 2 - Lamplighter . . . . 1 2 1 4 Lather _ 1 2 3 Laundress,/. 1 1 3 5 Laundryman 26 - 26 Law-student .... 1 - 1 Ledgeman . , . . 1 1 Lighterman . . . . _ 1 1 Liquor-dealer _ 6 7 13(14 Llqdor-dealer,/, . 1 36 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table V. — Continued, OCCXTPATIONS. Total Abstainers Moderate Drinkers. Excessive Drinkers. Not Answered. Totals. Both Sexes. Loafer . Locksmith . Longshoresman Lumber- dealer Lumper . Machinist Manufacturer Marble- worker Marble-worker, /. Marketman . Mattress -maker Mechanic Merchant Messenger Milk-dealer . Milkman Miller . Milliner,/. . Minister . Morocco-worker Moulder Musician , Nailmaker . ■ Newsboy Newsdealer . Newspaper mailer Night-watchman None None,/.. Not given Not given,/. . Office-boy Oil-finisher . Oil-vender Organ-grinder Organ-maker Oysterman . Packer , Painter . Paper-cutter . Paper-dealer . Paper-hanger Pattern-worker Paver Pawnbroker . Peddler . Peddler,/. . Perfumer Piano-maker . Pickle-preserver Pipelayer Plasterer Plumber Pocket-book manufacturer Polisher . Porter . Press-feeder . Pressman Provision-dealer Printer . Quarryman . Rag-sorter,/. Real-estate business Rigger . Robemaker . Roofer . Ropemaker . Runner . Saddler . Safemaker . Sailmaker Sailor . Salesman Saleswoman,/. Saloon-keeper 349 51 127 30 2 19 12 1 3 1 17 1 11 1 1 17 1 3 1 2 4 1 1 1 4 5 3 1 1 2 1 a 167 2 1 29 2 1 1 2 35 1 3 1 1 2 11 1 3 1 136 95 20 1 1 44 3 4 1 116 45 i 1 INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. Table V. — Concluded. 37 Occupations. Total Abatainera. Moderate Drinkers. Excessive Drinkers. Not Answered. Totals. Both 8exes. Schoolboy Schoolgirl,/.. Sculptor BeamBtress,/. Servant,/. Shopkeeper . Shopkeeper,/. Silk-merchuit Silver-plater . Slater . Soldier . Solicitor Spring-bed maker Stable-keeper Stairbuilder . Steam-fitter . Stereotyper . Stevedore, Stone-cutter . Stonemason . Store-boy Stove-moimter Street-musician Student . Tailor . Tailoress,/. . Tallow-chandler Tanner . Teamster Telegraph operator Telephone workman Tile-layer Timekeeper . Tinsmith Tin-roofer Tobacco-factory employ^ Trackman Trader . Tramp ... Travelling agent . Trunkmaker . Undertaker . Upholsterer . Vagrant . Vamisher Vine^r-maker Waiter . "Waiter,/. . Washerwoman , /. Watchmaker Watchman . Wheelwright Whitewasher Wire-worker Wood and coal dealer Wood-carrier Wood-cutter . Wood-painter,/. , Wood-aawyer Wood-turner . Aggregates \^^^^ Totals . 39 3 10 2 10 2 2 1 10 4 1 2 1 1,153 1 3 10 3 1 1 1 1 1 11 3 1 1 127 1 1,911 56 1 1,056 275 1,331 160 53 24) 13 3,757 851 4,608 38 STATISTICS OF LABOK. Table VI. — Nativities of Criminals, with Sex and Age. IN Massachusetts. Born Offences. 15 and under. M. P. Both Sexes. 16 to 20, inclaslve. M. Abortion . Adultery . Assault, or assault and battery Assault, felonious . Assault on officer Assault with weapon Breaking and entering . Breaking glass . Common railer and brawler Concealing mortgaged or leased ' property Cruelty Disorderly house Disturbing a meeting Disturbing a school . Disturbing the peace Embezzlement . Escape Evading car fare False pretences Forgery . Fornication Fraud Gaming laws, violating House of ill.fame . Idle and disorderly persons Indecent exposure . Indecent language . Keeping unlicensed dog Larceny . Lewdness . Malicious mischief . Malicious trespass . Nightwalker, common Obstructing or resisting officer Perjury Polygamy . Profanity . Beceiving stolen goods Refusing to assist officer Rescue Robbery . Runaway . Selling unwholesome provisions Stubborn children . Sunday law, violating Threats . Truancy . Unlawful appropriation Vagabonds Violating town or city by. laws 2 27 1 1 5 1 3 14 27 13 5 22 49 73 Totals 1 1 5 1 3 14 119 3 27 14 22 49 74 126 2 23 10 1 19 147 1 24 18 3 1 2 61 621 11 1 Born in Other States. Abduction .... Adulterating milk . Adultery Assault, or assault and battery Assault on officer Assault with weapon Breaking and entering . 13 1 INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. 39 Table VI. — Nativities of Criminals, vnth Sex and Age. IN Massachusetts. BOKN AeES. 21 to 60, inclusWe. Above i M. 1 4 349 2 9 7 25 29 2 1 34 13 4 11 3 Y 3 10 1 2 242 4 1 1 34 1 1 12 4 2 13 54 3 25 1 40 3 3 974 Both Sexes. 385 2 5 7 25 10 2 2 29 40 14 11 3 14 3 10 4 43 3 39 2 30 4 1 1 35 1 1 12 4 2 16 54 1,146 Both Sexes. Males. 1 4 508 2 9 7 75 20 2 30 2 5 1 78 16 3 28 11 5 9 3 11 1 43 3 12 2 499 4 87 4 1 1 53 6 1 14 6 1 1 49 3 15 188 Females. Totals. 2 41 4 32 1 60 7 3 1 36 2 9 7 75 24 2 2 30 9 5 1 86 17 3 28 II 5 18 3 11 5 75 3 12 3 559 11 90 24 36 4 1 1 54 6 1 14 6 1 1 8 30 7 49 3 18 Born in Other States. 1 1 1 1 51 1 1 1 1 52 3 _ 3 3 - 3 63 121 16 136 135 18 163 54 1 - 1 56 2 2 2 2 66 8 8 16 16 67 40 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Table VI. — Born in Other States — Concluded. OrrENCES. 15 and under. Both Sexes. 16 to 20, iDclusive. F. Both Sexes. 10 U 12 13 14 16 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 Breaking glass . Carrying concealed weapons Contempt . Cruelty Disorderly house Disturbing a meeting Disturbing the peace Embezzlement . Evading car fare False pretences Fornication ' . Fraud. G-aming laws, violating House of ill-fame Idle and disorderly persons Larceny Lewdness . Malicious mischief . Malicious trespass . Nightwalker, common Polygamy . Profanity . Rape ... Receiving stolen goods Rescue Robbery . Stubborn children' . Sunday law, violating Threats . Truancy . Vagabonds Violating town or city by-laws Totals 11 3 1 24 13 1 3 25 Born in England. 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 43 49 60 51 62 63 54 Assault, or assault and battery Assault on officer . Breaking and entering Breaking glass . Common railer and brawler Cruelty . , .■ . Disturbing the peace Evading car fare . ^ . Fornication . . ' . House of ill-fame Idle and disorderly persons Larceny .... Lewdness .... Malicious mischief Manslaughter . Nightwalker, common . Profanity .... Refusing to assist officer . Tampering with witness . Threats .... Vagabonds Violating town or city by-laws Totals INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. 41 Table VI. — Born in Other States — Coueluded. Ages. Males. Females. Totals. 21 to 60, inclusive. Above 60. M. F. Both Sexes. M. F. Botb Sexes. 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 3 S _ 6 5 _ 6 4 3 1 4 3 1 4 5 1 _ 1 2 - 2 6 10 1 11 12 1 13 7 6 - 5 6 - 6 8 1 1 • 1 1 9 4 _ 4 4 - 4 10 5 2. 7 - 6 6 11 11 1 - 1 1 _ 1 12 i 4 _ 4 4 13 1 _ 1 _ _ 1 _ 1 14 4 17 21 1 1 8 20 28 16 98 13 111 _ - 134 15 149 16 3 2 5 3 3 6 17 7 3 10 - 11 3 14 18 3 - 3 _ 4 1 5 19 - 35 35 _ 42 42 20 1 _ 1 ^ 1 1 21 1 2 3 - 1 2 3 22 1 - 1 _ 1 _ 1 23 3 3 3 3 24 1 - 1 - 1 - 1 25 7 1 8 - 8 2 10 26 - - - _ 1 1 27 2 2 _ 2 _ 2 28 4 4 4 4 29 - - - 2 _ 2 30 5 2 7 6 2 8 31 10 - 10 13 13 32 329 94 423 1 1 410 116 526 BOBN IN En&land. 50 16 65 57 16 73 .^■^ 1 - 1 1 1 34 3 3 3 3 35 3 - 3 3 _ 3 30 - 1 1 _ 1 1 37 3 - 3 3 _ 3 3S 3 2 5 4' 2 6 39 1 1 _ 1 40 1 1 1 2 41 - 1 1 1 42 5 6 1 6 7 43 29 10 39 36 . 10 46 44 1 2 _ _ 1 1 2 . 46 1 6 1 1 5 1 6 46 1 1 _ _ 1 1 47 10 11 _ 1 11 12 48 _ 1 1 - 1 49 - 1 1 - 1 60 _ 1 1 _ 1 1 51 1 _ 1 _ _ 1 - 1 62 9 1 10 1 1 11 1 12 63 4 - 4 6 - > 54 118 48 166 2 2 ■ 137 62 189 42 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table VI. — Born in Ireland. OrPENCES. Ages. 15 and under. M. F. Both Sexes. 16 to 20, incluBive. M. F. Both Adultery Aesault, or assault and battery Assault, feloDious . Assault on officer Assault with weapon Breaking and entering Breaking glass . Burglary . Committing nuisance Common railer and brawler Contempt . Cruelty Disorderly house Disturbing a meeting Disturbing the peace Embezzlement . Escape Evading car fare False pretences . Fornication Fraud House of ill-fame Idle and disorderly persons Indecent exposure . Indecent language . Keeping unlicensed dog Larceny Lewdness . Malicious mischief . Malicious trespass . Manslaughter . Neglect of child Nightwalker, common Peddling . Polygamy . Profanity . Receiving stolen goods Rescue Stubborn children . Sunday law, violating Threats . Truancy . Unlawful appropriation Vagabonds Violating game laws Violating town or city by- laws 10 1 11 1 Totals U Born in Scotland. .Adultery Assault, or assault and battery Breaking glass . . . Disturbing the peace Embezzlement .... Fornication .... Idle and disorderly persons . Larceny Nightwalker, common . Receiving stolen goods . Sunday law, violating Threats Vagabonds .... Violating town or city by-laws Totals INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. Table VI. — Bokn in Ikeland. 43 Abbs. Males. Females. Totals. 21 to 60, inclusive. Above 60. M. F. Both Sexes. M. F. Botii Sexes. 1 1 1 1 1 412 105 517 2 - 2 428 106 534 2 - - 1 1 - 1 1 3 3 3 - - 3 _ 3 4 5 - 5 5 _ S 5 7 2 9 10 2 12 6 6 1 7 - 7 1 8 1 - 1 1 1 8 1 - 1 .. 1 _ 1 9 - 8 8 _ 8 8 10 1 1 2 - 1 1 2 11 1 - 19 -~ 20 _ 20 12 6 8 - 2 6 8 13 1 - 1 - .:. _ 1 1 14 39 46 35 1 2 3 42 48 90 15 8 2 5 - - - 4 2 6 16 1 - 1 1 1 17 4 4 4 4 18 3 - 3 3 _ 3 19 3 7 10 3 7 10 20 2 2 2 2 21 1 - 1 1 _ 1 22 3 14 22 10 14 24 23 1 - 1 1 _ 1 24 1 6 7 - 1 6 7 25 1 - 1 - - - 1 1 26 119 . 73 192 5 4 9 139 78 217 27 1 1 2 - - 1 1 2 28 10 11 21 1 1 13 11 24 29 1 - 1 ~ _ 2 2 30 2 1 3 2 1 3 81 1 1 - 1 1 32 - 10 10 — _ 10 10 33 2 - 2 2 2 34 - 1 1 - 1 1 36 26 7 33 27 7 34 36 3 - 3 4 4 37 4 2 6 4 2 6 38 - - - 2 _ 2 39 10 1 11 10 1 11 40 14 3 17 14 3 17 41 - - - 1 _ 1 42 I - 1 - _ - 1 _ 1 43 30 14 44 2 1 3 32 15 47 44 1 - 1 - - - 1 _ 1 45 31 2 33 2 1 3 38 3 41 46 781 325 1,106 13 9 22 846 336 1,182 Born in Scotland. _ 1 1 1 1 47 5 3 8 _ 5 3 3 48 1 - 1 1 1 49 1 2 3 _ 1 2 3 50 1 - 1 1 _ 1 51 - 1 1 . 1 1 52 _ 1 1 _ 1 1 .M 11 4 15 14 4 18 .54 5 5 6 6 55 _ - 1 - 1 66 - - - 1 1 57 1 1 _ _ 1 1 .58 2 2 2 2 4 4 59 2 2 - 2 2 60 24 " i 41 2 2 31 18 49 44 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table VI. — Boen in Wales. Offences. AGE3. 15 and under. 16 to 20, inchislTe. M. P. Both Sexes. M. P. Both Sexes. 1 2 Aesault, or assault and battery VagaboDds Totals - - Born in Canada. Assault, or assault and battery Assault on officer Assault with weapon Breaking and entering . Breaking glass . Concealing mortgaged or leased property Cruelty .... Disturbing a meeting Disturbing the peace Embezzlement . Evading car fare False pretences . Forgery .... Fornication Fraud .... House of ill-fame Idle and disorderly persons Indecent exposure . Larceny Malicious mischief . Nightwalker, common Obstructing or resisting officer Polygamy .... Profanity .... Robbery .... Threats .... Vagabonds Violating town or city by-laws Totals . 14 2 15 5 Born in Italy. Assault, or assault and battery Assault with weapon Breaking and entering G-aming laws, violating Indecent exposure . Larceny Rescue Violating town or city by- laws Totals . Born in France. Assault on officer . Embezzlement . Evading car fare Forgery . Keeping unlicensed dog Larceny Nightwalker, common Totals . INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. Table VI. — Born in Wales. 45 AOES. Males. Females. Totals. 21 to 60, inclusive. Above 60. M. F. Both Sexes. M. F. Both Sexes. 2 2 - 2 2 ^ 2 2 2 2 1 2 4 4 4 4 Born in Canada. 41 6 47 1 1 48 6 64 3 - 1 1 - _ _ 1 1 4 1 - 1 1 - 1 5 1 _ 1 3 _ 3 6 1 1 2 - 1 1 2 7 - 1 1 1 1 8 1 1 1 1 9 - - 1 - 1 10 " - 2 2 _ 2 2 11 1 - 1 1 _ 1 12 1 1 1 1 13 1 1 1 1 14 1 - 1 _ - 1 _ 1 1.1 - 3 3 1 1 1 3 4 16 1 - 1 - — - 1 - 1 17 - 1 1 _ 1 1 18 4 10 14 4 12 16 19 2 - 2 - 2 2 20 31 19 50 _ 40 26 66 21 3 1 4 - 3 1 4 22 1 11 12 _ 1 16 17 23 1 - 1 _ _ 1 1 ?4 1 1 _ 1 1 1!, 1 1 _ 1 1 26 1 1 _ 1 1 27 1 - 1 _ 1 _ 1 28 s 1 9 - 9 1 10 29 1 - 1 2 2 30 105 57 162 2 2 127 71 198 Born in Italy. 10 1 U 10 1 11 31 3 3 3 3 32 1 1 - - 2 2 33 3 3 1 1 4 4 34 1 .. 1 . 1 _ 1 .S5 6 1 7 8 1 9 36 1 - 1 1 _ 1 37 3 3 - - 3 - 3 38 28 2 30 1 1 32 2 34 Born in France. 1 39 1 .. 1 _ 1 40 1 _ 1 _ 1 41 1 - 1 _ 1 - 42 . 1 1 _ - 1 43 2 2 _ _ 4 - 44 - - - - 1 45 5 1 6 - - - 8 2 10 46 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table VI. — Boen in Portugal. OlTEHCES. ASBS. 15 and under. 16 to 20, inclusive. M. P. Both Sexes. M. F. Both Sexes. 1 2 Assault, or assault aud battery Selliug tobacco without a license . Totals - Born in Germany. Adultery ABBault, or assault and battery Assault, felonious . Disturbing the peace Embezzlement . Fornication Fraud Keeping unlicensed dog Larceny Malicious mischief . Peddling . Profanity . Rescue Robbery . Sunday law, violating Threats . Vagabonds Violating town or city by- laws Totela . Born in Sweden and Norway. 21 22 23 24 25 26 Assault, or assault and battery Breaking and entering . Breaking glass Larceny Sunday law, violating Vagabonds Totals ... . . _ 1 - 1 1 - 1 Born in other British Possessions. Assault, or assault and battery Totals Born in other Foreign Countries. Assault, or assault and battery Breaking glass . Enticing seamen to desert G-aming laws, violating . Idle aud disorderly persons Larceny .... Malicious mischief . Violating town or city by-laws Totals INTEMPEEANCE AND CRIME. Table VI. — Boen in Portugal. 47 AOBS. Males. Females. Totals. 21 to 60, incluBive. Above 60. M. F. Both Sexes. M. F. Both Sexes. 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 1 2 3 3 3 3 BoKN IN Germany. ' 1 1 1 1 3 25 2 27 27 2 29 4 1 1 _ 1 6 1 2 1 1 2 6 1 2 - 2 7 1 1 - 1 1 » 1 _ _ 1 _ 1 9 _ 1 1 1 2 _ 2 10 1 6 8 1 9 11 1 1 - 1 12 _ 2 _ 2 _ 2 13 1 2 1 1 2 14 - 1 1 1 1 1 1 15 16 3 _ - 3 3 17 1 _ _ 1 1 18 4 1 _ 1 5 5 19 1 - - 1 - 1 20 61 6 57 2 2 69 6 66 Born in Sweden and Norway. 4 1 5 4 1 5 21 2 2 2 _ 2 22 1 - 1 1 - 1 23 1 1 2 1 1 2 24 _ - 1 1 25 2 2 2 2 26 10 2 12 11 2 13 Born in other British Possessions. 5 16 5 16 6 16 - 5 16 Born in other Foreign Countries. 12 12 12 1 13 2S 1 1 - 29 1 1 30 25 26 26 26 31 1 1 - - 32 7 7 _ 1 33 1 _ 1 - 34 - - 35 48 - 48 61 2 53 _ 48 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table VI. — Birthplace Unknown. Offences. Ages. 15 and under. M. F Both 16 to 20, inclusive. M. F. Both Sexes. Adultery Assault, or assault and battery Assault, feloniofts . Assault on officer Assault with weapon Brealcing and entering . Breaking glass . Cruelty .... Disorderly house Disturbing the peace Embezzlement . Fornication Idle and disorderly persons Indecent exposure . Keeping unlicensed dog . Larceny .... Lewdness .... Malicious mischief . Malicious trespass . Nightwalker, common Obstructing or resisting officer Sunday law, violating Threats .... Truancy .... Vagabonds Violating town or city by-laws 1 10 1 10 Totals Recapitulation . Birthplace. 15 and under. M. Both Sexes. 16 to 20, inclusive. M. F. Both Sexes. Massachusetts . Other States England .... Ireland .... Scotland .... Wales .... Canada .... Italy France .... Portugal .... G-ermany .... Sweden and Norway Other British Possessions Other foreign countries . Birthplace unknown Totals .... 19 4 14 1 412 28 14 1 521 66 11 38 4 18 1 3 6 1 3 16 36 IS 556 74 15 40 5 32 1 4 6 1 5 17 756 INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. Table VI. — Birthplace Unknown. 49 Ages. Males. Females. Totals. 21 to 60, InolusWe. Above 60. M. F. Both Sexes. M. F. Botll Sexes. 1 1 1 1 1 49 4 63 -. _ 55 . 4 69 2 1 1 - 1 3 1 « _ 1 1 4 _ 1 _ _ 1 1 b 8 .. 9 - 9 6 . 1 2 1 3 7 2 _ 2 _ _ 2 _ 2 8 1 1 - 1 1 9 a 2 10 10 3 13 lU 3 _ 3 _ _ 3 - 3 11 1 1 _ _ 1 1 12 _ 1 1 _ 1 1 2 13 1 - 1 - 1 14 _ 1 -* 1 - 1 16 22 2 24 _ 25 2 27 16 1 2 . 1 1 2 17 - 2 2 2 18 - 1 1 . 1 19 2 2 _ 2 2 20 1 .. 1 - 1 21 - 1 1 - 1 22 1 5 4 1 5 23 _ 1 1 24 1 1 1 25 4 - 19 19 26 lU 15 129 144 17 161 Eec apitul ation . AOBS. Males. Females. Totals. 21 to 60, inclusive. Above 60. M. F. Both Sexes. M. F. Both Sexes. 974 172 1,146 1 1 1,889 226 2,115 27 329 94 423 1 1 410 116 526 28 118 48 166 2 - 2 137 62 189 29 781 325 1,106 13 9 22 846 336 1,182 30 24 17 41 2 - 2 31 18 49 81 4 - 4 - - - 4 _ 4 32 105 67 162 2 _ 2 127 71 198 33 28 2 30 1 _ 1 32 2 34 34 5 1 6 -. _ - 8 2 10 35 3 - 3 _ _ 3 3 36 51 6 67 2 2 59 6 66 37 10 2 12 11 2 13 38 5 1 6 5 1 6 39 48 _ 48 _ 51 2 63 40 114 16 129 - 144 17 161 41 2,599 740 3,339 24 9 33 3,757 851 4,608 _ 50 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Table VII. - - Ages of Criminals., with Sex: , Yeaes. Males. Femalee. Both Sexee. Years. Males. Females. Both Sexes. 6 1 1 40 127 67 184 7 2 2 41 40 10 50 SI 9 8 8 42 43 16 58 19 _ 19 43 33 4 37 10 33 1 34 44 16 6 22 11 56 3 59 45 81 28 109 12 69 9 78 46 18 2 20 13 91 8 99 47 22 8 30 14 86 2 88 48 27 11 38 IS 85 1 86 49 15 4 19 le 84 6 89 50 56 22 78 17 86 8 94 51 11 3 14 18 153 16 169 52 15 2 17 19 199 29 228 63 8 2 10 20 166 23 189 54 6 3 9 21 161 37 198 55 • 19 6 25 22 164 29 193 56 10 2 12 23 143 38 181 67 1 1 2 24 119 25 144 68 8 3 11 25 115 33 148 '69 7 1 8 26 115 34 149 60 23 10 33 27 117 31 143 61 3 2 5 28 132 18 150 62 6 1 6 29 93 39 132 64 1 1 2 30 137 47 184 65 8 1 9 31 62 20 72 66 1 - 1 32 112 26 138 67 4 1 5 33 34 5 59 69 - 1 1 34 41 16 67 70 2 2 4 35 \ 132 42 174, 72 1 - 1 36 84 25 109 79 1 - 1 37 38 39 67 60 40 19 21 18 76 81 68 TjDknown, 79 14 93 Totals . 3,757 851 4,608 Table VIII. — Sentences, with Sex; Native or Foreign Born. Native Boen. Foreign Boen. Biethplacb unknown. Offbnces and • ■ • Sentences. , ". s ■^ « ■s s .2 IS 1 13 a t& • s || •3 a ti CO 1 s a fn n S ^ m ^ h m a P=i H Abduction . _ _ . _ . On file, etc. . - - - ~ - - - - Abortion • _ . _ _ _ _ _ Sentence withheld. - - - - - - - - Adulterating milk . . - - - . _ _ _ Fines . - - - - - - - - Adultery . 2 9 2 3 1 _ 1 10 3 Imprisonment . 2 9 2 3 1 - 1 10 3 Assault and battery. 643 59 702 600 137 737 55 4 69 1,298 200 1,498 Imprisonment 246 21 267 223 33 266 13 1 14 482 55 637 Fines . 360 31 391 350 91 441 34 3 37 744 126 869 Probation . 21 3 24 12 20 2 2 85 11 46 On file, etc. . 13 3 10 12 16 4 . 4 29 7 36 Sentence withheld 3 1 4 3 4 2 - 2 8 2 10 Assault, felonious . 2 - 2 1 2 1 _ 1 4 1 6 Imprisonment 2 - 2 - 1 - - - 2 1 3 Probation . - - - - 1 - . — 1 - 1 Sentence withheld i — ~ " ' ■ ■ 1 ~ 1 1 *" 1 INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. 51 Table VIII. — Continued. Native Born. Fobeign Bobn. Birthplace unknown. 1 J "3 a Offences and Sentences. « ■3 J J IS i ■I i i n 1 El Assault on oigicer . ImpriBonment Fines . On file, etc. . IQ 3 6 2 - 10 3 5 2 5 4 1 1 1 6 4 1 1 1 1 - 1 1 16 8 6 2 1 1 17 8 6 3 AssauKwit/iweapon Imprisonment Fines . On file, etc. . Sentence withheld 9 6 2 1 1 - 9 5 2 1 1 9 6 2 1 - 9 6 2 1 1 1 - 1 1 19 12 2 3 2 - 19 12 2 3 2 Breaking and enter- ing . Imprisonment Fines . Probation . On file, etc. . Sentence withheld. 91 38 3 2 1 - 91 38 3 47 2 1 20 10 6 2 2 2 1 1 22 11 1 6 2 2 9 8 1 - 9 8 1 120 56 3 54 4 3 2 1 1 122 57 4 54 4 3 Breaking glass Imprisonment Fines . Probation . On file, 6to. . 22 6 12 1 3 4 4 26 6 16 1 3 14 6 7 1 2 1 1 16 7 8 1 2 1 1 1 1 3 1 2 38* 13 20 7 1 6 45 14 26 1 4 Bvrglwry Imprisonment . _ - _ 1 1 - 1 1 : - - - 1 1 Cwrryvng concealed weapons . Imprisonment . 1 1 - 1 1 - - - - - - - 1 1 CommittMig nui- sance Fines . - - - 1 1 - 1 1 - - - - 1 1 Common railer and brawler . Imprisonment . Fines . Probation . On file, etc. . _ 1 1 1 1 _ 10 4 2 2 2 10 4 2 2 2 - - - - 11 5 2 2 2 11 5 2 2 2 Concealing mort- gaged or leased property . Fines . Sentence withheld. 2 - 2 1 1 - 1 1 1 1 _ - _ 2 1 1 1 1 3 2 1 Contempt Fines . - 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 : : - 2 2 1 1 3 3 Cruelty . Imprisonment Fines . On file, etc. . Sentence withheld. 35 27 - 35 5 27 1 2 24 1 21 2 - 24 1 21 2 2 1 1 _ 2 1 1 61 7 49 1 4 _ 61 7 49 1 4 Disorderly house . Imprisonment . Fines . Probation . 8 6 2 13 10 1 2 2 2 6 5 1 8 7 1 - 1 1 1 1 7 6 1 15 11 2 2 22 17 3 2 Disturbing a meet- ing . Imprisonment Fines . Probation - 7 1 5 1 2 1 1 - 2 1 1 - - - 9 2 6 1 - 9 2 6 1 Disturbing a school, Fines . - 1 1 - - : : - - 1 1 - 1 1 1 52 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Table VIII. — Continued. Native Bobn. FOBEIGN BOEN. Birthplace UNKNOWN. s 1 Offences and Sentences. 1 1 ■3- i a a ■3 a 1 1 Disturbing the peace. Imprisonment Pines . Probation . On file, etc. . Sentence withheld, 90 17 67 6 9 6 2 1 99 23 69 7 48 15 30 2 1 86 17 32 4 2 103 32 62 6 2 1 10 1 9 .3 1 2 13 1 10 2 148 33 106 8 1 67 23 35 7 2 215 66 141 15 2 1 Mmbezzlement . Imprisonment . Fines . Probation , On' file, etc. . Sentence withheld, 22 12 3 5 1 1 1 1 23 13 3 5 1 1 . 9 4 2 2 1 2 2 11 6 2 2 1 3 1 2 - 3 1 2 34 16 6 7 4 1 3 3 37 19 6 7 4 1 Enticing seamen to desert Fines . - - - 1 1 - 1 1 - - - - 1 1 - 1 1 Escape .% Imprisonment 3 S _ 3 3 1 1 - 1 1 _ _ - 4 4 - 4 4 Evading carfare . Imprisonment . Fines . Probation . 29 2 11 16 - 29 2 11 16 7 4 3 ; 7 4 3 - 1 - 36 6 14 16 - 36 a 14 U False pretences Imprisonment . Fines . Probation . On file, etc. . 15 6 5 3 2 - 15 6 5 3 2 4 3 1 - 4 3 1 -■ - - 19 8 6 3 2 - 19 8 6 3 2 Forgery . Imprisonment Probation . 5 1 4 - 5 1 4 2 1 1 - 2 1 1 - - - 7 2 6 - 7 2 6 Fornication . Imprisonment Fines . Probation . 15 8 6 1 13 10 3 28 18 9 1 6 5 14 14 19 19 ~ 1 1 1 1 20 13 6 1 28 26 3 48 38 9 1 Fraud Imprisonment . Fines . 4 3 1 - 4 3 1 4 2 2 - 4 2 2 - - - 8 S 3 - 8 6 3 Gaming laws, vio- lating Imprisonment Fines . 15 1 14 - 15 1 14 30 30 - 30 30 - - - 45 1 44 - 46 1 44 Mouse of ill-fame . Imprisonment Fines . Probation . 2 1 1 4 1 3 6 2 3 1 2 1 1 1 1 3 1 2 - - 4 2 1 1 6 1 4 9 3 6 1 Idle and disorderly persons . ImpriBonment Fines . Probation . Sentence withheld. 61 38 9 4 52 47 5 103 86 9 ■ 9 16 13 2 1 33 81 1 1 49 44 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 68 61 12 5 86 79 6 1 154 130 12 11 1 Indecent exposure . ImprisDumont Fines . 3 2 1 _ 3 2 1 4 4 : 4 4 1 1 - 1 1 8 6 2 - 8 6 2 Indecent language . Imprisonment Fines . On file, etc. . 12 1 11 . - 12 1 11 1 1 6 2 3 1 7 2 4 1 - - - 13 1 12 6 2 3 1 19 3 16 1 INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. 53 Table VIII. — Continued. Native Bobn. FoBBioN Horn. Birthplace UNKNOWN. S a Offences anb Sbntbnobs. .2 i m 1 1 1 J "efl i 1 Keeping unlicensed dog . Fines . . , Sentence withheld 2 2 1 1 3 3 3 2 1 1 1 4 3 1 1 1 - 1 1 6 5 1 2 2 8 7 1 Larceny . Imprisonment Fines . Probation , On aie, etc. . Sentence witliheld, 634 3S8 118 118 8 2 77 33 21 19 3 1 711 421 139 137 11 3 260 194 40 20 6 121 87 14 18 2 331 281 64 38 6 2 22 13 4 1 1 23 18 4 1 916 600 162 138 14 2 199 120 35 38 3 3 1,116 720 197 176 17 6 Zeadneae Imprisonment Fines . Probation . On file, etc. . 7 3 2 1 1 10 9 1 . 17 12 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 4 4 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 10 6 2 1 1 13 11 1 1 23 17 2 2 2 Malicious mischief. Imprisonment Fines . Probation . On file, etc. . 98 30 56 12 1 6 4 2 104 34 67 12 1 23 15 8 13 7 5 1 36 22 13 1 2 1 1 - 2 1 1 123 46 64 12 1 19 11 7 1 142 57 71 12 2 Malidaua trespass . Imprisonment Fines . On file, etc. . 26 1 24 1 2 1 1 28 1 25 2 3 3 - 3 3 1 1 ~ 1 1 30 2 27 1 2 1 1 32 2 28 2 Manslaughter . Imprisonment . - _ - 2 2 2 2 4 4 _ _ _ 2 2 2 2 4 4 Neglect of child . Probation . - - _ 1 1 1 1 - _ \I - 1 1 1 1 IHgktujalker, com- mon . Imprisonment . Probation . On file, etc. . - 80 66 22 2 80 66 22 2 2 2 42 35 7 44 37 7 - 2 2 2 ■ 2 2 2 124 93 29 2 126 96 29 2 Obstructing or re- sisting officer . Fines . 4 4 - 4 4 1 1 - 1 1 1 1 - 1 1 6 6 - 6 6 Peddling . Fines . . . - » - 4 4 - 4 4 - - - 4 4 ■ : Peiywry ■ Imprisonment . 1 1 _ 1 1 - - _ - - : 1 1 - Polygamy Imprisonment . 2 2 ■ - 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 - : - 3 3 1 1 Profanity Imprisonment . Fines . 61 9 42 3 3 54 9 45 33 4 29 8 3 6 41 7 34 - - - 84 13 71 11 3 8 Rape Imprisonment 1 1 .. 1 1 - - _ - - - 1 1 _ Receiving stolen goods Imprisonment Fines . Probation . On file, etc. . 9 4 2 2 1 _ 9 4 2 2 1 6 1 2 2 _ 6 1 2 2 - - - 14 5 4 4 1 - Refusing to assist officer Fines . 1 1 - 1 1 1 1 - 1 1 - - - 2 2 : 2 2 54 STATISTICS OF LABOK. Table VIII. — Concluded. Natitb Bobn. FOBBISN BOBN. BiBTHPlAOE UNKNOWN. 1^ a i Offences and Sentences. 1 St m V r i i 1 1 1 m V r 1 o Beacue . Imprisonment . Fines . 15 6 9 - 15 6 9 6 1 5 2 2 8 1 7 - - - 21 7 14 2 2 23 7 16 Robbery . Imprisonment On file, etc. . 14 11 3 2 2 16 13 3 2 1 1 - 2 1 1 - - - 16 12 4 2 2 18 14 4 Runaway Imprisonment . 1 1 _ 1 1 - _ - - _ _ 1 1 _ 1 1 Selling tobacbo without a li- cense . Imprisonment . - - - 1 1 - l' 1 - - - 1 1 - 1 1 Selling unwhole- some provisions. Fines . 1 1 - 1 1 - - - - - - 1 1 - 1 1 Stubborn children . Imprisonment 6 6 3 3 9 9 2 2 _ 2 2 : - - 3 8 3 3 11 11 Sunday law, violat- ing . Fines . Probation . On file, etc. . 32 21 10 1 - 32 21 10 1 15 15 1 1 16 16 1 1 _ 1 1 48 37 10 1 1 1 49 38 U 1 Tampering with witness Fines . - - - - 1 1 1 1 - - - - 1 1 1 1 Threats . Imprisonment Fines . On file, etc. . Sentence withheld, 9 5 4 1 1 10 5 5 19 7 12 3 1 1 1 22 3 1 13 4 3 1 1 1 5 3 1 1 32 15 16 1 5 1 1 3 37 16 1 19 1 Truancy . Imprisonment Probation . 51 36 16 - 51 35 16 1 1 - 1 1 1 1 - 1 1 63 37 16 - 63 37 16 Unlawful appropri- ation . Imprisonment Fines . 3 2 1 - 3 2 1 1 1 - 1 1 - - - 4 3 1 - 4 3 1 Vagabonds Imprisonment . Probation . 20 20 6 5 25 25 66 65 1 17 17 83 32 1 1 1 - 1 1 87 86 1 22 22 109 108 1 Violating game laws. Fines . - - _ 1 1 - 1 1 - : - 1 1 - 1 1 Violating town or city by-laws Imprisonment Fines ' . Probation . On file, etc. . Sentence withheld, 201 15 163 18 1 4 1 1 202 15 164 18 1 4 52 4 42 2 1 3 3 1 2 55 5 44 2 1 3 19 1 15 3 - 19 1 15 3 272 20 220 23 2 7 4 1 3 276 21 223 23 2 7 AOGBEQATES . Imprisonment Fines . Probation . On file, etc. . Sentence withheld, 2,294 952 992 287 47 16 344 207 72 52 11 2 2,638 1,159 1,064 339 58 18 -s 1,322 613 608 50 38 13 491 268 166 41 12 4 1,813 881 774 91 50 17 141 54 71 6 6 4 16 5 6 4 1 167 59 77 10 7 4 3,767 1,619 1,671 343 91 33 851 480 244 97 24 4,608 2,099 1,915 440 115 39 INTEMPERANCE AND CRIME. 55 Table IX, — Sentences; Duration of Imprisonment; Amount of Fine, etc., with Sex. ClASaiVICATION. Males. Fe- males. Both Sexes. JDlassifioation. Males. Fe- males. Both Sexes. Imprisonment. Mnea. 5 days . 5 5 Costs . 67 6 63 10 days . . . 4 4 1 cent . 55 8 63 30 days . 1 .. 1 25 cents 1 - 1 go days . 1 - 1 50 cents 1 1 2 90 days . _ 3 3 $1 OO . 124 21 145 1 month 18 .. 18 2 00 . 107 16 123 2 months . 72 7 79 3 00 . 185 27 212 3 months . 166 25 181 4 00 . 44 3 47 4 months . 72 108 180 5 00 . 510 70 580 a months . 6 2 8 6 00 . 61 8 59 6 months . 220 59 279 7 00 . 27 6 33 8 months , 13 4 17 3 00 . 21 6 27 months . 15 2 17 9 00 . • . 1 - 1 10 months 11 _ 11 10 00 . 318 36 349 11 months . 1 - 1 12 00 . 9 1 10 12 months 93 67 160 13 00 . 1 ~ 1 14 months . 1 - 1 14 00 . 2 - 2 16 months . 1 _ 1 15 00 . 69 10 79 18 months . 14 4 18 17 00 . 2 - 2 2 years 61 38 99 18 00 . 1 1 2 2J years 1 . 1 20 00 . 44 10 54 3 years 36 2 38 22 00 . 1 - 1 Si years 6 - 6 25 00 . 17 5 •22 4 years 8 - 8 30 00 . 15 2 17 5 years 9 1 10 33 00 . 1 - 1 6 years 2 - 2 40 00 . 1 - 1 7 years 2 2 50 00 . 7 2 9 10 years 1 1 100 00 . . . 1 2 3 16 years Non-payment of 1 1 Totals . 1,668 241 1,909 fine . 710 146 856 Daring minority . 24 1 25 Recapitulation. Term of imprison- Imprisonment 1,591 477 2,068 ment not given . 26 8 34 Fines . 1,668 241 1,909 Probation . Sundry disposi 348 100 448 Totals . . 1,591 477 2,068 tlons . Totals . 160 33 183 3,757 851 4,608 •^<^ -—7 EBPHINT EBITIOS". EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY PERSONAL INJURIES TO THEIR EMPLOYEES. [Feom the Fourteenth AinniAt Befort of the Massachusetts Bureau op Statistics V OF Labor, for 1883. ]< PBXFJLSkD imsXB THB SIBXCTIOK or CAMcE>LD. WEIGHT, CHUT amages. While, during the nine years ending with Sept. 30, 1881, 358 employees were killed upon the railroads of this Com- monwealth, and 653 were reported as injured, it is im- probable, — so strictly is the law of contributory negligence enforced, so easy is it to avoid liability under the rule re- quiring an employer to exercise due care in the selection and repair of his machinery, and under the other rule enforc- ing liability where, there is personal interference or super- vision, — that in less than ten per cent of these cases have any damages been recovered. And yet, if it is safe to accept the opinion of a man of such large experience and information as Mr. Evans, as well as to believe that the rail- ways of Great Britain and Ireland are as safely managed as our own, at least lone-half of these deaths and injuries are in part remotely due to one or more of the six causes men- tioned in the memorial of the ten thousand English railway employees; viz., 1, excessive hours of labor; 2, non-enforce- ment of certain of the companies' rules, ostensibly made for the protection of the men ; 3, the non-adoption of the most approved appliances conducive to safety in the working of railways ; 4, the want of proper accommodations for work- EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 95 ing the freight and traffic; 5, the employment of inefficient persons for the performance of responsible duties ; 6, the employment of an insufficient number of men. During four years not a single instance of the recovery of damages by an employee came to the knowledge of any of the officers of the Society of Eailway Servants ; although during the four years from 1872 to 1875, inclusive, accord- ing to the reports of the Eoyal Commission, 238 were re- ported killed, and 172 injured, from causes beyond their own control. This shows the severity of the present law, allowing common employrnent to be a defence to such actions. In this connection it may be remembered that of 83 employees killed on the London and North Western Rail- way in 1876, only six, or about eight per cent, were killed, said the general manager, from causes beyond their own control. And Mr. Moon, chairman of the Board of Direct- ors of this railway, which employs about 50,000 men, said, at a meeting of some of the employees, called to consider whether to accept the provisions of the ' ' Employers' Lia- bility Act," that in not more than two per cent of the cases resulting in death or injury could damages be recovered. It is impossible to give a satisfactory estimate of the number of cases in our own State, because the reports of and to the Railroad Comrhissioners are not sufficiently explicit, and there are no reports of accidents occurring in mechanical industries, upon which to base an intelligent estimate. Should the same Peistcipjle be applied to Defects in Machinery ? Under the law, as it stands at present, the employer is held to a stricter responsibility to third persons than to his employees, for injuries caused by defects in machinery and plant ; and, if his liability to third persons and employees, for injuries caused by the neglect of his servants and agents, is to be made the same, should it not, upon a like principle and for equally sound reasons, be made the same for injuries caused by defects in machinery ? At present the employer is responsible in damages to third persons for injuries caused by defects in his tools, implements, works, machinery and plant, which reasonable care on his part could have discov- 96 STATISTICS OF LABOR. ered and obviated ; though not for secret defects resulting from the negligence of persons from whom he bought the tools, machinery, etc., used in the business. The principal reason at the basis of this liability is, that, as some one must take the risk of defects, it is less unjust for him to take it who makes or buys the machinery or plant, who can accept or reject them, who owns and uses them, who ought to keep them in repair, and can direct when they should be repaired, or, when worn out, replaced, than for strangers who know nothing about the machinery or plant. If the employer's lifibility is to be increased in respect to personal damages caused by the acts of his agents, why should it not be increased in respect to damages likewise caused by the negligence of agents in omitting to discover and remedy the defects? He is now liable to employees only for defects known per- sonally to himself, and. unknown to the servant injured,— in other words, for defects which have come within his own knowledge or information. The practical difficulty of prov- ing in court at a trial this actual knowledge or information, makes such a liability almost a barren security. But if, as is almost always the case in mechanical and manufacturing employments, the tools or machinery are not used by him- self, but by his servants, employees, and agents, he is entirely free from responsibility. Such a burden of risk as is imposed upon him in his relations to third persons is entirely removed, and the servant must take the risk upon himself. Unless the employer is made responsible for the acts of his agents, he is not obliged to use even reasonable care in selecting tools and machinery, and keeping them in good condition, in detecting and obviating any defects. He may, so far as this liability to his employees is concerned, allow his. servants to do as they please ; to select unsuitable machinery, unsuitable in design or execution ; to neglect to take proper care of it ; may allow them to use it in a careless and improper manner, and therefore escape the consequences of their negligence. When it is remembered that this extension of the rule would not make him liable for secret defects, nor defects which a reasonable care could not discover and obviate, nor defects of which the person injured was aware, either through his EMPLOYEES' LIABILITY. 97 own knowledge or the information of others, the danger of extending the rule does not seem so great. Are theee ant Agents foe ^v^IOSE Acts the Employee SHOULD BE MADE LlABLE ? In considering the application of any practical method of making responsible large employers of labor, such as railroad corporations, the owners of factories and mines, and persons carrying on any large mercantile, manufacturing, or mechani- cal business, with employees arranged in diiferent classes, the superior having authority over the inferior grades, the question at once arises. For the acts of what agents should the employer be made liable, in order that the objects sought by a change in the law may be better accomplished ? The general object to be "accomplished is, in the words of Lord Sherbrooke, to make "the funds of every indus- trial undertaking liable to compensate any person employed in such undertaking for any injury he may receive by reason of the negligence of any person exercising authority mediately or immediately derived from the owners of such undertaking." To accomplish this object there seems to be no other way than to make the employer liable for the neg- ligence of every superior workman, in whatever grade, from the employer down, who has authority over the servant injured. For instance, as a brakeman on a freight train might be injured by the negligent act, order, or direction of the board of directors, the superintendent, the general freight agent or the conductor of his train, each of whom is vested with authority over him, — it would be necessary, lest the corporation should escape liability for the negligence of some one of them, to make it liable for the negligence of all of them. In an employment where the labor is in such a way classified, where authority may be delegated and sub-delegated, the master should be made liable for the negligence of every man in the chain between the master and the injured employee. When the Parliamentary Com- mittees had this subject under consideration, George Find- lay, the Traffic Manager of the London and North Western Railway, being asked where the line of responsibility should be drawn, said that it was no use to make the corporation 98 STATISTICS OF LABOR. liable for the acts of the manager alone ; " you must make every man in active control over the staff " [ordinary em- ployees] " responsible, if you are to accomplish the objects of those who brought in this bill ; " so great is the authority over the management of trains necessarily left with officers of inferior grades. And James Grierson, the General Manager of the Western Railway, in corroborating this opinion, ilhistrated it by saying, "In fact, take the case of a signalman at a junction or a station : he then, in fact, is the manager of the railway for the time-being ; he has the con- trol of the drivers and the guards, and it is under his instructions that the work is carried on ; by a mistake of his an accident occurs, and a driver [engineer] is killed." Mr. Justice Willes, in the case of Murray v. Currie,* has suggested the rule which should be followed out in determin- ing this liability. "I apprehend," he says, "it to be a clear rule, in ascertaining who is liable for the act of a wrong- doer, that you must look to the wrong-doer himself, or to the first person in the ascending line, who is the employer and has control of the work." Where there are other work- men vested with authority which the wrong-doer is bound to obey, and intervening between him and the employer, under the legitimate extension of this rule, he should be responsible for their acts. Reference to section 1 of the Liability Act (Appendix A) will show how the English Parliament expressed in words the object sought to be a3Complished. Should the Liability be Limited in Amount? The question naturally occurs whether any limit should be placed upon the amount of damages which can be re- covered. In the third section of the English act, the, Con- servatives, after somewhat narrowing, by section 2, the nature of the liability created by the first section, affixed a lirnit to the sum which could be recovered equal to the estimated earnings for the three years preceding the injury. This section prevented a man thrown out of employment for four years or more, made a sufferer for years, or a cripple for life, from recovering more than three years' wages. It ♦6L.P.24. EMPLOYEES' LIABILITY. 99 is not easy to see why all injuries should be treated alike. It is a crude justice Vhich declines to discriminate between dissimilar cases, to investigate the circumstances of each case, to consider the facts on both sides, to weigh the evi- dence in the scales of a wise discretion, and mete out justice in unequal measure, as the unequal merits of different cases require. What would be thought of a criminal code which punished alike all crimes above a misdemeanor? which attached the same penalty to arson, highway robbery, rape, manslaughter, high treason, and murder? In the pro- gress of criminal injustice towards justice, especially since Jeremy Bentham pointed out the necessity of reforming so many of its abuses, legislatures and judges have become more in the habit of distinguishing between the differing grades of crime, and no longer are all the higher offences punishable with death. What would be thought of a system of rewards and punishments, which bestowed the same praise upon the school-boy who learned his lessons well ; upon the statesman or soldier who saved the State from anarchy and disunion ; upon Grace Darling, for saving human lives at her own peril ; upon Philip Sidney, for giving a glass of water to a soldier dying on the battle-field, more in need than himself? Such legislation as limits the amount of damages to three years' earnings is a step backward. What occasion exists for adopting so unjust a rule in relation to employees, when all other questions of damage are determined upon their merits, — upon the circumstances of each particular case ? Damages to the person, to real estate, and to personal property, are assessed by courts or juries as each case re- quires. Why should such a distinction be drawn against employees? Is it said that juries generally award damages against corporations and wealthy employers? The obvious answer is, that they generally deserve a verdict against them ; that in a very large majority of instances the plaintiff in a suit at law deserves a favorable verdict. If objection is made to the jury system as unjust to corporations, why is not the rule made general, that in no instance shall damages above a certain amount be recovered against them? If it is said that this rule has been adopted in relation to highway damages against towns, may it not be asked whether such a precedent ought to be followed ? 100 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Should the Employee be allowed to make a Contract releasing his employer from liability? After the passage of the English Act, the question arose ■whether the employee could and would contract himself out of the operation of the act. There was nothing in it permit- ting or forbidding such a contract ; and some of the large railroads and mining corporations attempted to compel their laborers to sign contracts of hire releasing them from lia- bility for damages. There was no law to prevent the work- men from signing such contracts ; but they were urged not to do so by their own reason and interest, as well as by the advice of Mr. Macdonald, Mr. William Crawford, Secretary of the Durham Miners, Mr. Benjamin Pickard, Secretary of the West Yorkshire Miners, and every one else who had earnestly labored to secure the passage of the act. Having obtained, after years of labor and agitation, a law of some benefit, — though the benefit was not so great as had been hoped for, — it seemed the height of folly to sign it away. The chief, if not the only, advantage offered in considera- tion of this release, was an extension and enlargement of the benefits of insurance. The same paltry benefit which had been used to restrain the passage of the bill while it was be- fore Parliament, — the benefit of receiving, upon payment by them of half the insurance premiums, a continuance of their wages for a few weeks or months, with an allowance of £40 or £50 in case of death, — was again offered to them, together with an increase amounting to about two-thirds of what they were already entitled to, provided they would sign away their rights under the act. Unless they would do this, they were in some instances threatened with a discharge from employment, and a discontinuance of the small contri- butions already made to their fund. In some places large public meetings were called to listen to these proposals, and to consider the wisdom of adopting them. There were several large meetings, — one in Liverpool, — of the em- ployees of the London and North Western Railway, which were addressed by officers of the company, and also by their fellow-workmen. In most instances the workmen voted to adhere to their rights under the act. At some of the meet- EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY, 101 ings the vote was unanimous against bartering them away for what were thousrht trivial considerations. The clause limiting liability to the amount of three years' wages had made it impossible in general to recover more than from £150 to £200 ; and, because contributory negligence pre- vented the recovery of damages in all but from two to ten per cent of the cases of injury, the benefits of the act were in reality less than they at first sight appeared to be. But when the excitement had somewhat subsided, and the miners and laborers realized how slight the advantages given them really were, there was little doubt that more harmonious counsels would in many instances prevail, and that, in ex- change for a more liberal extension of the benefits of mutual insurance, many of the laborers would be willing to contract themselves out of the act. The clause limiting liability to three years' wages, and the lack of any clause forbidding the making of any contract of release, were the powerful levers used by the employers to secure the adoption of their scheme of mutual insurance. In Durham, West Yorkshire, and other mining districts, it was for awhile feared that trouble might arise ; and strikes were apprehended from the course adopted in some of the collieries of threatening to withdraw further contributions to the laborers' insurance and protective fund, as well as in consequence of the refusal to allow them to work, unless they would sign the contract waiving their right to damages. The injustice of attempting to compel the laborer to sign such a contract, is manifest from the consideration that he is usually less able than the employer to care for himself, less provident and thoughtful for the future, and more ready, upon a slight necessity, to sacrifice a future advantage for a present benefit. Their positions are unequal. While in general there might be a difference of opinion as to the wis- dom of making laws to restrict the right of contract, there is as little room as possible for a difference of opinion as to the need of affording the laborer some legislative protection. If ever a law restricting the right of contract ought to be made, if ever the State should extend over workmen a wider pro- tection, making them, as seamen and minors are made, to a certain degree, wards of the State, it should be by prevent- 102 STATISTICS OF LABOK. » ing them from signing away their right to recover damages for personal injuries, which the delusion of hope so easily makes them believe is. in reality a worthless benefit. It is the lack of such a provision as this which has made the English Act of little value ; has, during the past two years, kept the relation of employer and employed unstable and uncertain ; has encouraged the former to persevere in getting the employee to sign a lease of liability, ajid has encouraged the employee to persevere in hoping that Parlia- ment would come to his relief by amending the law. In January, 1881, and within three weeks of the time when the English Act went into operation, Mr. Macdonald, Mr. Broadhurst, Mr. Burt, and Mr. Peddle, members of Parliament, introduced a bill to amend the law in this par- ticular, by providing that the act of 1880 "should have effect, and be enforced by every court in every case, notwith- standing any contract or agreement excluding all or any of the provisions of said act, or otherwise interfering with the operation thereof: provided (1), that this act shall not aflfect any contract or agreement made before the passing of this act; and (2), that in determining in anj'^ case the amount of compensation payable under the said act by an employer, the court shall take into consideration the value of any pay- ment or contribution made by such employer to such insur- ance fund or compensation fund, to the extent to which any person who would otherwise be entitled to the compensation under the act, has actually received compensation out of such payment or contribution at the expense of such em- ployer." This bill was prepared to meet the exigencies which it was foreseen would arise, by the Parliamentary Committee of the Trades Union Congress. It failed at that time to gain the co-operation of the Gladstone Ministry, because, as Mr. Dodson, who had charge, for the Govern- ment, of the Act of 1880 in its passage through the House of Commons, said, when the amendment was introduced, in answer to a question by Mr. Sheridan: "The Government have no intention, at all events before full experience of the working of the act, to propose a bill to amend its provisions. I especially hope that the power of free contract will, if resorted to, be used with such good sense, fairness, and mod- EMPLOYEES' LIABILITY, 103 eration by all concerned, that no occasion will arise for cur- tailing it in the interest of any party ; " which meant, per- haps, that if the employer made an unfair use of the right of free contract, the Government would pass the amend- ment. The subject is still, at this writing, under discussion in England, in the press, among the employees, and in Par- liament. The law of this Commonwealh at present protects the employee in this respect. Chapter 74, section 3, of the Public Statutes says : " No person or corporation shall, by a special contract with per- sons in his or its employ, exempt himself or itself from any liability which he or it might otherwise be under to such persons for injuries suffered by them in their employment, and which result from the employer's own negligence, or from the negligence of other persons in his or its employ." Short Histoet of the Passage of the English Bill. After several years of discussion and agitation, the ques- tion of allowing workmen the same right to recover dam- ages of their employers that other persons have, at last reached such a stage of advancement that it was thought advisable for the English Liberals to adopt the idea as a part of their political creed, in order to secure the votes of work- ingmen who were in favor of it. This question was only a branch of the general subject of the rights of labor, which has been before the English people so many years ; has resulted in the formation of separate societies, trades and protective unions ; and has found advocates among the ablest and most liberal men of the Liberal party, by whom the rights of labor have been advocated in Parliament. And this reform, like many others, has gained its way gradually through the agency of a separate political organization. At the last general election, in 1879-80, the candidates at almost all the hustings throughout Great Britain were asked, before the polls were opened, if they would support this measure, and it was made a party issue. For eight or more years the question had been before the English people and Parliament ; had received general public consideration ; and its friends were too conversant with the arts of successful agitation and reform, to neglect so auspicious an opportunity 104 STATISTICS OF LABOR. to secure a change in the law. On the 10th of February, 1880, the bill presented by the Earl De la Warr — which, with some amendments, on the 7th of September following became a law — was ordered printed by the House of Lords ; but the session had progressed into the summer before the House of Commons went into committee for a discussion of the bill. Mr. A. Macdonald, who has since died, was one of the leaders in the cause. This bill fell so far below the wants of the foremost advocates of a change in the law, that Sir Henry Jackson expressed himself as altogether dissatis- fied with it ; and Mr. Pease feared the bill would do more harm than good to those whom it was intended to benefit. The Parliamentary discussion, begun in July, was carried on at many sittings through that and the following month, Mr. Dodson having charge of the bill in behalf of the Gov- ernment. As. is usual in such cases, various amendments were proposed by conservative members hostile to the meas- ure, among the first of which was one relating to the sub- ject of mutual insui'ance, — a make-shift which has been urged through all the progress of this reform, from the time of its earliest discussion down to the present day, and which still threatens to defeat the objects of the act. It is not impossible that the accident insurance companies, which have been, and will probably continue to be, the principal gainers by this amendment, may have early been its promoters. Another amendment easily made, persistently urged, defeated in the House of Commons, but finally adopted in the House of Lords under the leadership of Lord Beaconsfield, limited the amount of compensation which could be recovered to the estimated earnings of the three years preceding the injury. Another amendment, which forms the fifth sub-section of section 1, relating to damages recoverable by railway em- ployees, at a general conference of members of Parliament, workingmen, railway servants, and their representatives, held before the bill was reported to the House, was deemed very unsatisfactory, but was finally assented to on the ground that it was the best that could probably be obtained in op- position to the powerful influence of the railroad lobby. In connection with the subject of accident insurance, it was stated in a published letter, by Mr. David Chadwick, after EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 105 a careful investigation, that upon the payment of six shillings a year by the workmen, and £200 by their employer, 3,000 persons could be insured, each in the sura of £50, to be paid in case of accidental death. One of the motions to defeat the bill was made by Mr. Gorst to include within its operation all the workmen em- ployed in Her Majesty's arsenals and dock-yards ; and sup- ported by Mr. Boord, Sir H. Wolff, Sir H. Holland and Mr. Newdegate. But the Attorney General and Mr. Childers pointed out that by a Treasury Minute the men in the dock- yards now enjoyed greater privileges than they would re- ceive under the bill. Instead of receiving, in case of injury, compensation equal in amount to three years' wages, the "establishment men," so called, might be granted by the Treasury a maximum compensation equal to ten years' wages ; and the non-establishment men might receive a sum equal in amount to their wages for nine years. In case of death, their widows and children would receive larger gratuities than this bill allowed ; but it was, of course, discretionary with the Treasury to grant any allowance of any kind. Before the bill passed the House of Lords, a powerful op- position was aroused. The associated coal owners of South Wales threatened, in case of its passage, to withdraw their contributions to the insurance fund ; which was somewhat of an empty threat, because their contributions did not equal 25 per cent of the total premiums of the men. At the half- yearly meeting of the London and North Western Railway, Mr. Moon, the chairman of the Board of Directors, declared that the capitalists had not a fair hearing before Parliament ; and he was, as it now appears, unnecessarily afraid that the pas- sage of the bill would " drive the capital of the country away." And at the North London Railway meeting at Euston Station, on the day after the bill passed the House of Commons, Mr. Bancroft, the chairman, made special objection to the fifth sub-section of section 1, relating to railways, which had been added as an amendment to the original bill, because it was -feared that without it railway companies might escape the imposition of suitable liabilities. But he expressed him- self as willing to submit to the other provisions of this sec- tion. 106 STATISTICS OF LABOR. The master-builders — how many it is not known — peti- tioned the House of Lords to have the third sub-section of section 1 stricken out ; because, as this section stands, with the definition afterwards given to the expression " person who has superintendence entrusted to him," the defence of common employment is almost altogether abolished ; and likewise proposed an amendment to the fourth sub-section, which was afterwards substantially adopted as the third sub- section of section 2 ; and the powerful aid of Lord Cairns, a Conservative Ex-Chancellor, was invoked. The former wrote for publication a letter in which, — while saying that the railway companies ought not to complain because they are obliged to assume towards their employees the same responsibility as they agreed, when they received their charters, to assume towards their passengers, — he ex- pressed the opinion that freedom of contract ought not to be restrained. Lord Cairns, in a letter to the " Times " signed " C," while acknowledging the right of the workman to say that for the future he declines to be considered as making, at the time he enters into his employer's service, an implied con- tract to run the risks of the employment, objects to the substitution attempted by the bill, of what he calls a Par- liamentary contract of employers' liability, for an implied contract of non-liability. He proposes to " get rid of the judge-made law of implied contract by a short enactment, that where a workman would otherwise be entitled to an action for negligence against his employer, he shall not be defeated merely by the circumstance that he and the person actually causing the injury were in a common employment ; with a declaration that this enactment is not to interfere with any express contract on the subject which the employed and the employer may make." As Lord Cairns enjoys, with Lord Justice BlackburH, the enviable distinction of being one of the two ablest of living English judges, — if the merit of judicial opinions is to be taken as the criterion, — it will be well, perhaps, to print the entire letter : — " The Employers' Liability Bill has passed the House ol Commons. At this season of the year it is impossible that there can. be a real con- EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 107 sideration of such a bill by the House of Lords. I do not wish to inquire whose fault this is, or whether it is the fault of any one : I only desire to state what is the fact. The discussion of the measure in the House of Commons has shown one thing, if it has shown nothing else, — that the subject is much more difficult than was commonly supposed. An attempt has been made to lay down certain formulas or rules which are to meet each and every vai-iety of the infinitely varying trades, employments and industries of the country. The result has been the introduction into the bill of a series of qualifications, modifica- tions, limitations, exemptions and enlargements, which must necessarily lead to much uncertainty, great litigation, considerable ill-feeling, and probably considerable disappointment, and to a mass of new law gradually manufactured by judges, or, what is worse, by juries. These reflections, and the circumstance that it is in your columns alone that a deliberate hearing can now be obtained, induce me to ask in this way, Is it clear that this legislation begins at the right end ? Or, rather, is it not clear that it begins at the wrong end ? How or why is it neces- sary that Parliament should step in and define when and to what extent an employer of any of the various forms of labor in this country shall be liable to his workman for an injury occasioned by the negligence of a fellow-workman? Some fifty years ago the courts of law laid down that it was an implied term in every contract of hiring that the person hired took the risk of any negligence in a fellow-workman. This was not an unreasonable supposition in itself, and it was probably not untrue in fact, as things then stood. But there cannot continue to be an implied term in contracts where one of the parties to the con- tracts distinctly repudiates the existence of any such term. That is now the position of the workmen. They say, in substance, that what- ever express contracts they may be willing to make, they have not made, and do not choose to have it asserted that they have made, a con- tract containing this implied tei'm. " It appears to me that this is the crucial question which the legis- lature have to meet, and that it would be better either to meet it directly, or else to leave the law as it stands. The present bill does not meet the question. It proposes to substitute, for the implied con- tract which the workmen disavow, another special Parliamentary con- tract, which neither employers nor employed have ever entered into, which they probably do not understand, and which, in numberless cases, will be found in practice to be so irksome to one or other or both of the parties, that they will begin at once to contract themselves out of the act. My proposal would be to get rid of the judge-made law of implied contract by a short enactment, that where a workman would otherwise be entitled to an action for negligence against his employer, he shall not be defeated merely by the circumstance that he and the person actually causing the injury were in a common employ- ment; with a declaration that this enactment is not to interfere with any express contract on the subject which the employed and the em- ployer may make. The result of such an enactment would be that every employer and workman would make the contract which would 108 STATISTICS OF LABOR.- be suitable for the particular employment. One employer would set up a system of insurance; another would indicate the particular ser- vants for whose acts alone he would be answerable. Some might exclude particular risks, or make the liability or freedom from liability enter as an ingredient into the amount of wages. The employers and workmen are best able to understand their own work and their own interests. They are quite competent to make their own bargain on equal terms, and to regulate, so far as it is right to do so, the rate of wages by the amount of risk incurred. It may be said that a contract may, as the bill stands, be made to supersede the bill. My answer is, that the moral and social effect, where Parliament merely removes legal difSculties, and invites parties to make their contracts in the way that best suits them, is very different from the effect of a bill which makes, as it were, a Parliamentary contract for the parties, and then drives them by its inaptitude to make stipulations against it. I cannot think that the present bill, if it passes, can settle this question, and it may not be too late to suggest a more lasting solution of it." When the bill came up in the House of Lords, the Lord Chancellor, Lord Selborne, explained at considerable length the condition of the law and the provisions of the bill, together with their probable effect, citing the law of France and of Germany as in harmony with the change proposed, as well as the law of the State of Missouri in this country. But, in this single particular, as has been seen, he seems to have been misinformed ; for the effect of the Missouri statute was destroyed by the decision * of the judges that the phrase " any person " did not include a " fellow-servant." He closed with suggesting, on behalf of the government, two slight amendments. Viscount Cranbrook commenced, on the part of the Con- servatives, the discussion in opposition, using various argu- ments, not forgetting to present the horror so often appre- hended by legislative assemblies, that low attorneys would profit by the litigation with which the country was in danger of being deluged. These apprehensions seem to have been groundless, as, during the first year in which the act was in operation, only thirteen claims, says an English law journal, vrere brought, of which five were unsuccessful, and the damages recovered in the other eight amounted on an aver- age to £83. "Without attempting to give a summary of the dispute and * See ante, pp. 41 and 42. EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 109 the arguments, which were in the main a repetition of the objections already discussed, the result will perhaps be understood by remembering that, on motion of Lord Bra- bourne, sub-section three of section 1 was sti'icken out, but afterwards agreed to because the Commons insisted upon its insertion ; and the operation of the act was limited, upon the motion of the Earl of Beaconsfield, to Dec. 31, 1887, — seven years. The genius of legislation is compro- mise ; but so much was given up on both sides, that neither the friends nor opponents of the measure were satisfied, and the employees are now insisting upon further legislation. This history of the passage of the English act has been given to show the difficulty attending the reversal of a princi- ple of common law, and to aid the discussion of the measure to come before our own legislature. The Operation of the Act. The passage of an act, limited in its operation to seven years, which restricted the amount of compensation to be recovered to three years' earnings, and which, according to the opinion of Mr. Moon, the chairman of the London and North Western Eailway, was applicable to not more than two per cent of all the cases of death or injury occurring to employees, would not seem to be the occasion for strikes and disagreements between employers and the employed. And yet some large employers of labor had belieyed, or during the excitement of public speaking had worked them- selves up to the belief, that the act would create a reyolution in existing relations, would drive capital out of the country and laborers out of employment, and prove a hardship to one class, and of no benefit to the other. Why the hardship of paying damages is not correspondingly a benefit to the persons receiving them, is not apparent. The act was to go into eflTect on the 1st of January, 1881, about four months after its passage ; and the first question presented to both parties was whether the workmen ' could contract themselves out of it. Almost all the solicitors thought such a contract valid; but one of the judges, before whom a claim was pres'ented, thought that to allow such a contract would be against public policy. The Attorney 110 STATISTICS OF LABOK. General, Sir Henry James, said, in reply to a communi- cation from the secretary of the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants, asking if the signing by a workman of a release from all liability would, in the event of his death, prevent his widow and children from recovering damages : — "In the event of a railway servant contracting to relieve the com- pany of liability under the Employers' Liability Act, the company would not be liable, in case of his death, to the man's personal repre- sentatives, any more than they would be to him if- injured and living." Having ascertained that a contract of release would defeat any claim for damages, some of the large employers of labor, unnecessarily apprehensive, as it now appears, began to take measures to secure such a release from each of their work- men ; and, in order to accomplish this purpose, made pro- posals to extend the benefits of the insurance funds by increasing their subscriptions, and threatened to withdraw the subscriptions they were then making, and perhaps to discontinue work, unless those proposals were accepted. The summary discontinuance of labor called a strike is usu- ally too great an injury to the employer, and the proprietors of mines have of late had too bitter an experience, to war- rant their incurring, without due deliberation, the risk of such an event. However, the course which they pursued, without, perhaps, a sufficiently careful estimation of the value of the object sought, precipitated strikes in some of the mining districts, of short duration, to be sure, but suffi- ciently severe to raise the price of coals at Manchester, through the inability of the collieries to supply the demand of the factories, to almost famine prices. In reviewing, in the light of to-day, the disagreements which attended the attempt of the employers, railroad cor- porations and proprietors of collieries, to obtain over their workmen what seems to be so paltry an advantage, it seems strange that a more careful, estimate was not made of the benefit sought. It seems strange, if it is true, as reported by a leading law journal, that during the first eleven months eight judgments, amounting in all to £664, were obtained, that such ignorance as prevailed should have been allowed to blind the eyes of so many people ; strange that the leaders EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. Ill in this reform should not have better estimated the benefits which they hoped to confer upon the workingmen; and stranger still, that intelligent employers, with the best of opportunities for ascertaining their probable liabilities, with the facts in possession or within reach upon which to base a reliable estimate of the vast proportion of cases of injury cut off from the recovery of damages by the contributory negligence of the sufferers, should not have more readily acceded to the wishes of the promoters of this act. The expectation that the flood-gates of litigation would be opened, and the courts deluged with actions for damages, happily has not been realized. Upon the authority of the "Law Times," a conservative journal of the proceedings of the courts, it is stated that during the first eighteen months of the operation of the- act, less than one hundred cases had been brought to trial, a fair proportion of which had proved successful ; that probably less than £3,000 had been recov- ered in damages, and an equal amount in costs ; and, if the past year may be taken as a test, " the individual employer would almost be deemed justified in regarding his risk in the same extraordinary way as the risk from lightning or foreign invasion. Moreover, against this risk he can insure by payment of almost nominal rates." And, while the doc- trine of common employment remains almost as before, there has been, on account of the ambiguity of the act, and the uncertainty as to its meaning, little gained for the em- ployees except under the section relating to railways. This is not the first attempt at reform, which, in consequence of the legal astuteness of its opponents, has proved abortive. With the first clause, which made them liable for "any defect in the condition of their ways, works, machinery and plant," the opponents of the bill seem to have expressed no dissatisfaction. With the second clause, which made them liable "for the negligence of any person in the service of the employer who has any superintendence entrusted to him," they seem to have been satisfied. Against the fourth clause^ which made them liable for " the act or omission of any person in the service of the employer, done or made in obedience to the rules or by-laws of the employer," etc., they seem to have made little opposition, and to have been satisfied 112 STATISTICS OF LABOR. with the amendment made to it, jjroviding "that where a rule or by-law has been approved or has been accepted as a proper rule or by-law by one of Her Majesty's principal secretaries of State, or by the Board of Trade, or any other department of the government," under or by virtue of an act of Parliament, etc., which allowed a railroad corporation or the proprietors of a mine or factory, or any employer of labor, to submit the body of rules and by-laws, made for the government of its workmen and the general conduct of its business, to proper government officers for approval, the employer should be released from liability under that clause of the act. And clause five, which made every raiU road corporation liable for ' ' the negligence of any person in the service of the employer, who has the charge or con- trol of any signal, points, locomotive engine, or train upon a railway," does not seem to have been considered by sev- eral of the railroad companies as imposing a very unreason- able responsibility, does not appear to have caused, during almost two years, a loss worth considering by a wealthy cor- poration. It seems to have assisted, by awakening through fear of losses an unusual anxiety concerning the lives of their passengers, in creating a more general confidence in the safety of railway travel ; and, if the immediate efiect of the act has not been altogether what was expected by its friends, the remote effect has been a general benefit to the general public. Although this real or fancied security may not be lasting, because the railroad companies may soon relax the unusual efforts they have been impelled of late to make, it would seem at this time as though the substantial benefit which the workingman has failed to get under this clause has been realized by the general public. Clause three, which imposed liability for " the negligence of any person in the service of the employer to whose orders or directions the woi'kman at the time of the injury was bound to conform, and did conform, where such injury resulted from his having so conformed," awakened the most apprehension, because of the vague uncertainty as to how heavy a responsibility was really imposed. Lord Bra- bourne, at the instigation of some of the master-builders, vainly attempted, as has been said, to prevent its passage EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 113 through the House of Lords. The apprehension awakened by it seems, however, to have been unnecessary ; for, upon the best information obtained, it has not permitted the recov- ery, in a single year, of an amount of damages equal to the sum total of the judgments ordinarily obtained in a single weeli in the municipal court of the city of Boston. The resolution of the legislature directed an examination of the law and an investigation of the facts bearing upon this subject, which has been done ftiirly and candidly, as an inquiry after information, and not as an attempt to prove a theory. And, so far as the operation of the English act is concerned, it seems just to say that, in the direct benefit conferred upon workingraen in the form of damages for per- sonal injuries, it has fallen far short of the anticipations of its promoters. The amount of labor expended by some of them in securing its passage seems to have been well di- rected, but to have fallen short of their sincere desire to benefit a deserving class of men. In view of the efforts being made in some of the mining districts to compel the fniners to sign contracts of release, and of the fact that notices were being served upon them to the efiect that work upon the old terms would ceaSe upon the 1st of January, 1881, the day when the act went into eflect, as well as in view of the negotiations with them com- menced in consequence of the system of intimidation inaug- urated, to which the attention of the government ministers had already been called in Parliament, Mr. Benjamin Pick- ard, the secretary of the West Yorkshire Miners' Associa- tion, which included a large number of men over whom he had a strong influence, wrote to them an earnest letter;, urging them upon no consideration whatever to consent to the proposed arrangement, declaring against the amount of litigation apprehended, referring to the manner in which the provisions of the Mines Regulation Act oif 1872 were accepted, and avowing that while his constituents had not obtained all which they desired, "they Certainly are not about to sell for a iness of pottage what they have got." In the same month of December Mr. A. Macdonald, M. P., a leader in the cause, also wrote strongly urging the miners of South Wales to refuse to enter into any such arrange- 114 STATISTICS OF LABOE. ment; and Mr. William Crawford, secretary of the large association of Durham miners," says in his monthly circular for December: " The act of Parliament has been passed at the special request of the workmen, and for their special protection, and it ought to be allowed to fully operate, irre- spective of any other consequences whatever. To contract out of the act by any system of insurance would be turning all the efforts put forth, and work done for many years, into a meaningless farce, and expose ourselves to the merited contempt of all right-thinking persons. One great difficulty which presents itself to the owners is the immense costs which will be incurred in the law courts. I have given the matter much thought, and I think that this difficulty can be easily obviated to the satisfaction of all parties. What we must obtain is the unquestioned right of the workmen to claim from owners compensation in case of accidents which might, or would, by an exercise of care and caution on the part of charge men, have been prevented. Any step which leads to a shifting of the personal responsibility of owners for the safety of the men from their own to the shoulders of insurance companies, is a step in the wrong direction." These may be taken as types of the opinion almost uni- versally prevalent at this time among miners and operatives. In December (1880) , the London and North Western Rail- way began negotiations with the men in its employ, num- bering over fifty thousand ; and a meeting of more than one thousand of them was held at Crewe to listen to a report from a deputation sent to the directors ; who, it appears, had found the latter anxious to know whether their employees preferred to accept the act, or a revised scale of insurance. As illustrative of the sentiments which, at this time, seem generally to have prevailed, it may be noted that at this meeting the workmen interrupted the speakers, who were urging the acceptance of the suggestions of the directors, with cries of " Let's have the act ! " and it was resolved at the close of the meeting to settle the question by a ballot. During the next few days various other large meetings of the men, embracing many thousands of them, were held, one at Leicester, one at Wolverton, one at Liverpool, and an- other among the men employed in the company's mines at EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 115 Wigan. The proposal submitted to the men by the directors ■was as follows : To raise the scale of benefit for those in the first class, who paid 3d. a week, from £40 to £100 in case of death ; from £35 to £100 in case of disablement ; and from 18s. to 21s. per week in case of temporary disablement. For those in the second class, who pay 2d. a week, to raise the scale from £35 to £80 in case of death ; from £25 to £80 in case of disablement; and from 12s. to 14s. per week in case of temporary disablement. And for those in the third class, who pay a penny a week, to raise the benefit from £12 10s. to £40 in case of death ; from £18 15s. to £40 in case of disablement ; and from 6s. to 7^. per week in case of tem- porary disablement. In the collieries of the Earl of Dudley in South Stafford- shire and East Worcestershire, the severe course adopted by him in discharging the surgeons hitherto permanently em- ployed by him to attend to the men injured in his service, and in withdrawing all subscriptions for assistance, together with the sum which it had been his custom to allow for funeral expenses, at first had the effect of provoking the miners to refuse absolutely to sign releases ; but an arrange- ment was afterwards efiected. The first case carried to the Court of Queen's Bench was a suit against him in which damages to the amount of £184 were recovered. In this case the implied efiect of the act of a workman in accepting his proposal, by returning to work, was tested. The miners of Fife and Clackmannan, the colliers and iron-workers of Thorncliffe, Chapeltown, and many of the miners of South Yorkshire and North Derbyshire, declined to contract out of the act. Among the miners of West Lancashire, who had established a permanent relief society, which was in a prosperous condition, was assisting two hun- dred widows and three hundred children, and had an accu- mulated fund of £20,000, there was a difference of opinion as to the better course to follow, and a general disposition to accept the terms proposed. In Monmouthshire and South Wales, as well as in South Staffordshire, there was early manifested a like disposition, and permanent relief societies were founded in both districts. As fair a proposal as any was made by the Great Western 116 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Eailway, which not only offered liberally to increase its subscriptions to the insurance fund, but also (which mani- fested a disposition not to take advantage of its men) to allow them, or their representatives in case of death, six weeks in which to elect whether to accept the provisions of the fund, or to rely upon the provisions of the act. The feeling of mutual confidence existing between the officers and employees of this company, and of the London and North Western, resulted. in the acceptance of the proposals finally made. Of 30,000 miners, members of the Lancashire and Cheshire Miners' Permanent Relief Society, 20,000 expressed their willingness to enter into an arrangement, 200 were unwilling, and 2,000 were willing to act with the majority. In some collieries in the Leigh and Wigan districts, and in Durham, strikes occurred ; the men refused to contract out of the act, and passed resolutions requesting Mr. Macdonald to endeav- or to have the act amended by making such a contract in- valid. And in general about all that can be said is, that in some cases where fair and suitable proposals were made by the employers, they were accepted, while in others they were not. It may be said that usually where large employers of labor did not succeed in securing releases, they resorted to the protection afforded by the accident insurance companies, who issued what are called " floating policies," assuming the risk of all damages which the person insured had been obliged to pay. In speaking of the uncertainty which prevailed at the pass- ing of the English act, as to its operation and the number of cases to which it would be applicable, Mr. F. G. P. Neison, a member of the London Statistical Society, in the discussion which followed the reading of Mr. Walford's paper " On the number of Deaths from Accidents, Negligenbe, etc., in the United Kingdom" (see Journal of the London Statistical Society, vol. XLIV., part iii., September, 1881), is re- ported as saying : — " At that time a great number of employers were in deadly fear and tremor as to the responsibility which would be placed upon them by the passing of the act; and instructed him to inquire into the matter,' to EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 117 ascertain what would he the practical operation of the bill ; and for that purpose he had special facilities. Well, they naturally thought that if they tools the question of mines first, they would undoubtedly be dealing with the most dangerous class of occupation in this coutitry ; and therefore the reports of the inspectors of mines for twenty years were carefully ana- lyzed, .and some large colliery accident funds supplied additional infor- mation. To sum up the matter, as far as mines were concerned, he might state that the result arrived at was that the rate of fatal acci- dents among miners might be safely put down at 23 per 10,000. It had been, some ten or fifteen years ago, as high as 36, but he was glad to notice that each year the rate had been reduced. They next proceeded to the subject of railways, and here he must say they were obliged to have recourse to returns other than those of the Board of Trade, which did not take in all the accidents that occurred. Well, the result of their investigations was this, that the I'ate of accidents was found to depend materially upon the natui-e of the traffic conducited upon the line. If they tools a passenger line, like some of the lines south of London, they found that in the course of the year some 25 out of every 10,000 employees met with fatal accidents. But when they went to large goods traifie lines, like those north of the Thames, the rate ran up to 35 ; so that they were surprised to find that, while the accidents in mines were only 23 in 10,000, in railways, under the most favorable circumstances, the rate was 25. Since that inquiry he had had special facilities in con- nection with the large trades union in connection with the railways, and it was found that the facts arrived at were completely borne out by the experience of the union. They next proceeded to a branch of inquiry not mentioned there that evening. They investigated the returns of the navy for twenty years ; and they found, although the rate of accidents in the navy had decreased very considerably in the last few years, tak- ing an avei-age of fifteen years, the rate of deaths from violence in that service was 40 in 10,000. In the mercantile tnarine the rate was astounding. They found there that instead of 40 the deaths were as high as 150. They found one very considerable element to account for this, and that was, that the deaths from shipwreck alone in the mercan- tile marine amounted to 80 in 10,000, which still left 70 due to causes other than shipwreck. Hitherto he had dealt with fatal accidents ; but now, as far as non-fatal accidents were concerned, they found, taking the countiy as a whole, that about one-fifth of the men employed in and about mines met with an accident of greater or less intensity eveiy year. In some mines they found the rate ran up to a half of those they employed. A significant fact in their inquiry was this, that they ascer- tained with regard to the north of England, that when the coal trade was bad, the rate of non-fatal accidents increased wonderfully, and men whose backs were sprained in times of depression, were never heard of in times of prosperity ; but always, when the price of labor went down, the men got their backs sprained with greater intensity." In considering these figures and the number of railway- employees annually killed, which is about 25 in every 10,000 118 STATISTICS OF LABOE. employed on passenger lines, and 36 in every 10,000 employed on lines doing both a passenger and freight busi- ness, it should not be forgotten that these figures do not represent the per cent of employees who can recover dam- ages, because the defence of contributory negligence, as has been seen, greatly reduces this per cent. To increase to a considerable extent the workman's right to recover damages, will it not be necessary to lighten the severity of the rule of contributory negligence? From the estimates already given on page 94, it will be seen that in only a small per cent of cases of death or injury can damages be recovered. Mr. Moon, the chairman of the London and North Western Rail- way, in a statement to his employees, put the estimate as low as two per cent. To illustrate : This great railway employs over 50,000 men ; and, if 23 in every 10,000 are annually killed, the number would amount to 115 persons, of which number six is about five per cent. If these six can each recover £450 as the maximum damages recovera- ble under the act, — which may be called, for the purpose of an estimate, three years' earnings, — the whole amount which for deaths can annually be collected of this railway company is £2,800, about $14,000. If, as stated by Mr. Walford, 12,000 persons are annually killed by violence in Great Britain and Ireland, and, — as all are not killed in dangerous employments, — say two per cent can recover damages of £300 each, for three years' average earnings, the total amount which would probably be recoverable, under this act, for deaths throughout the United Kingdom, would be £72,000, about $3(30,000. In Massachusetts there were 49 employees killed on the railroads in 1880, and 72 in 1881 ; and if, allowing for the dangerous nature of the employment, in five per cent of the cases damages are recoverable, there would have been less than three cases in 1880, and less than four cases in 1881, of deaths on the railroads for which damages could have been recovered. If $5,000 could be recovered in each case, there would have been $15,000 recoverable in 1880, and $20,000 in 1881. And, in case there were three times as many serious injuries as deaths, — which is twice as liberal a proportion as the returns of the railroad companies and the reports of the railroad -commissioners indicate, — there were nine EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 119 employees injured in 1880, and twelve in 1881, by whom damages were recoverable. If, on an average, $5,000 was recoverable in each case, the amount of damages which could have been collected for all the injuries to employees on all the railroads of this .Commonwealth would have been 145,000 for the year 1880, and $60,000 for the year 1881. Construction or the English Act. — Decisions under it. Since this act" went into operation, two years ago, several cases have been decided in the English courts, showing the effect of the act, the circumstances to which it is applicable, and the construction that should be put upon some of its various clauses. The defence of common employment has not been abol- ished ; and where the employee who causes and the em- ployee who receives the injury are fellow-servants of the same grade, the liability' of the master remains as before. Had it been intended to abolish this defence in all cases, it might have been done by a single sentence, without specifying in sub-sections the classes of cases to which it should be no longer applicable. In Harrington v. Wes- thorp,* it was held that a stevedore who, while stowing a cargo, was struck by a bale of goods, and injured through the negligence of another person engaged in manual labor, could not recover damages of their Common employer. See also Eobins v. Cubitt.f The act has made employers liable to workmen for the negligence of persons in authority over them, on the theor}' that the injury results from obedience to the orders of the employer or his agent ; but it has not extended the liability to the acts of fellow-laborers of the same grade, not commissioned with authority over the per- son injured. A husband is liable for the act of his wife, through whose negligence an injury is caused, because she is his agent, and her act is his act ; f and a volunteer working without pay or reward is in no better position for recovering dam- ages than a hired servant ; § a corporation is liable to its employees for the negligence of its manager or superin- tendent, who is its servant, and intrusted as its agent with * L. T., March 11, 1882. t 46 L. T. Rep. (N. S.) 635. t Miell V. English-, 15 L. T. 249. § Degg v. Midland R'y Co. 26 L. J. Ex. 171. a For full text see Appendix A. 12Q STATISTICS OF LABOR. its authority ; and is also liable for the acts and resolu- tions of its directors, if within the scope of the authority vested in the corporation by its charter, because they are the acts and .resolutions of the corporation itself;* and all the members of a partnership aye liable to its servant for the negligence of one of the partners, f although they are not liable to one of their servants for the negligence of another servant of the same grade and without authority over the person injured. Under the partial definition of common employment as an employment where the person injured and the person doing the injury are at work to accomplish one and the same iiltimate object, are at work for the same master, and derive their authority from the same source, | the master cannot be held liable for negligence except he was so liable before the act was passed, or has been made specifically liable by the first and second sections of the act. It is still a defence when not in the act specifi- cally declared otherwise. None of the duties which, before the act went into effect, the master owed to his servant, have been changed : the duty of exercising due care (1) whenever he personally superintends or engages in the work ; § (2) of exercis- ing due care in the selection and employment of proper and competent servants, in order that each one of them may not be exposed to extraordinary risks by the negligence of unfit fellow-servants ; || (3) in providing and maintaining proper materials, tools, implements, machinery and plant,** which duty does not, however, amount to a warranty that they are absolutely fit for the purpose for which they are used, and free from all defects ; (4) in carrying on his work or business under a safe and proper system of regula- tions ; 1 1 (5) in conforming to any statutory regulations which have been prescribed by the legislature, as regulations in relation to the erection of fire-escapes on factory build- ings. But, while these duties remain the same, other addi- * Hough v. Railway Co., 100 U. S. 213-218. t Ashworth v. Staiiwix, 30 L. J. Q. B. 183. + Farwell v. B. & W. K. Co. 4 Met. 49, cited in 3 Macq. 316. { Koberts v. Smitli, 26 L. J. Ex. 319. II Wilson V. Merry, L. R. 1 Scotch App. 326-332. *» 3 Macq. 266, 288. +t Sword V. Cameron, 1 1). 493 ; see 3 Macq. 266, 289. EMPLOYEES' LIABILITY. 121 tional duties have been imposed by the addition of other liabilities, and the increase of the number of remedies. The act is designed to extend benefits to persons engaged in physical and manual labor, and affords no additional pro- tection to persons engaged in intellectual pursuits, to per- sons who may be said to work with their heads, instead of their hands. The first section begins with these words : " Where, after the commencement of this act, personal injury is caused to a workman ; " and workman is defined by the eighth section to mean ' ' a railway servant and any person to whom the Employers' and Workmen's Act (1875) applies." By this act of 1875 the term " workman " " means any person who, being a laborer, servant in husbandry, journeyman, artificer, handicraftsman, miner, or otherwise engaged in manual labor, whether under the age of twenty- one or above that age, has entered into or works under a contract with an employer, whether the contract ... be expressed or implied, oral or in writing, and be a contract of service or a contract personally to execute any work or labor ; " but it does not include a domestic or menial ser- vant. It is also enacted by section 13 that the term shall not include seamen or apprentices to the sea ; and by section 12, that it shall apply only to an apprentice to the business of a workman, as that term has already been used, upon whose binding to apprenticeship no premium is paid in excess of £25 ; or to an apprentice who is bound under the provisions of the act which relates to the relief of the poor. It does not include workmen in the employ of the govern- ment, — workmen engaged in the royal dock-yards, — be- cause an act does not apply to the crown without an express provision to that eflfect. The compensation awarded is not intended to be exemplary damages, nor an absolute remun- eration for pecuniary loss, but what, under all the circum- stances, is a reasonably fair compensation ; and any sum recovered by. suit, or accepted on agreement, is a bar to an action afterwards brought by the representatives of the per- son injured. Various decisions have been made under the first and second sections, as to what are the circumstances under which the right to compensation exists; but it can never 122 STATISTICS OF LABOE. exist where the injury is too remotely the result of the act, complained of. Upon this subject Baron Pollock, in Eigby V. Hewitt,* says: " Every person who does a wrong is at least responsible for all the mischievous consequences that may reasonably he expected to result under ordinary circum- stances from such misconduct." By the terms of the act, "the workman, or, in case the injury results in his death, the legal personal representatives of the workman, and any person entitled in case of death, shall have the same right of compensation and remedies against the employer as if the workman had not been a workman of nor in the service of the employer, nor engaged in his work." That the workman can contract out of the act is no longer doubtful, unless the House of Lords should reverse the de- cision of the Court of Queen's Bench in the case of GrrifHths V. the Earl of Dudley. t Soon after the passage of the act, the attorney general and several leading solicitors expressed the opinion that there was no restriction upon the right of contract ; and in con- sequence the Earl of Dudley, among other large employers of labor, notified the miners in his collieries on the first of January, 1881, the day the act went into operation, that they must, if thej'^ continued to work, waive the benefits of ' the act. " Conditions of employment," so called, were cir- culated through the collieries, containing stipulations, — "that the persons employed at the colliery must be, and continue to be, during such employment, ordinary members of the colliery club or Permanent Eelief Society, under its then present or any future name ; that the employer should be, and continue to be, an honorary member of the society, and should subscribe thereto not less than theretofore ; that, in consideration of such payment by the employer, and on being employed at the colliery, and as part of the terms of employment, every person so employed undertook for him- self and his representatives, and any person entitled in case of his death, to look to the funds of the society alone under the rules and constitution thereof for compensation in case of injury sustained in such employment, whether resulting in death or not ; and that neither the employer, nor any * 5 Exch. 243. t L- R. 9 Q. B. D. 357. EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 123 other person in his employment, whether a fellow-servant or not, should be liable in respect of any defect, negligence, act or omission under the Employers' Liability Act, 1880, or otherwise, or in respect of any negligence occasioning such injury ; that the contract should remain in force and operate as a contract between the workman and the owner for the time being of the colliery, so long as the workmen continued to be employed at the colliery." This document was also posted in the hovels of the workmen, and in conspicuous places throughout the collieries. Upon a suit brought in the Dudley County Court, and carried to the Queen's Bench, by the widow of one Griffiths, a workman killed in the pit-shaft through the negligence of an inspector of machinery, it was held by the Queen's Bench that such a contract was not against public policy ; that the workman could and did contract himself out of the act, and could and did bind his widow and legal representatives by such a contract. The effect of the act was simply to nega- tive the implication of an agreement by the workman in the contract of service, and in this way to render his contract not to claim compensation invalid ; but the implication was overcome by an express contract of release. Under the first sub-sections of the first and second sections which cover injuries caused " by reason of any defect in the condition of the ways, works, machinery or plant connected with or used in the service of the employer," if the defect " arose from or had not been discovered or remedied owing to the negligence (1) of the employer, or (2) of some person in the service of the employer, entrusted by him with the duty of seeing that the ways, works, machinery or plant were in proper condition," the term " ways" may be taken to mean the streets, lanes, passages or approaches leading to and con- nected with the employer's business or place of business. In Etherington v. Harrison (L. T. Dec. 31, 1881) , and in Huxam V. Thoms (L. T. Jan. 28, 1882, Q. B. D.), it was decided that a plank " run " or " gang-way " leading from one building to another, and in Moore u. Shaw (L. T. Nov. 20, 1882, Q. B. D.) that a scafibld erected for the use of workmen in building a church, was a "way;" but it had before been held not to apply to a tramway which rests upon the soil without being 124 STATISTICS OF LABOE. affixed to it." "Plant "is a general term, used more es- pecially in England, and includes tools, implements, machin- ery, rolling-stock, fixtures, apparatus, or appliances ordinarily used in carrying on any trade, manufacture, or business. f These clauses do not impose an obligation of absolute war- ranty or insurance against defects. In Langham v. Young, :f decided in the Westminster County Court, it was held that they did not impose a warranty against latent defects, which decision was affirmed in Whittaker v. Balmforth,§ although in this case the employer was held liable for his foreman's negligence in selecting an eye-bolt. Neither do they impose a warranty that the machinery is as safe as possible against accidents, and adapted to prevent every possible careless- ness. II The second sub-section applies to " the negligence of any person in the service of the employer who has any superin- tendence intrusted to him, whilst in the exercise of such superintendence." The meaning of the words, " in the ser- vice of the employer " depends upon the relations existing between the master and servant, the characteristics of which relationship are (1) a hiring, together with the several rights of (2) direction, and control, and (3) dismissal (4) upon payment of wages.** The injury must have occurred dur- ing the exercise of this superintendency, although in point of time it may have happened after the superintendency had ceased. I f The third sub-section applies to the negligence " of any person in the service of the employer to whose orders or directions the workman at the time of the injury was bound to conform, and did conform, where such injury resulted from his having so conformed." An " order " has been called negligent when the acts which, in discharge of the order, it is reasonably necessary for the workman to do, involve ex- traordinary risk ; as, for instance, to use a hand crane for the purpose of moving a wheelbarrow of sand, when the sand * Beaufort (Duke of) t>. Bates, 3 D. F. J. 381, s. c. 31 L. J. Ch. 481. + See Wharton's Law Lexicon. I Law Times, July 30, 1881. { Law Times, Sept. 10, 1881. II Robins v. Cubitt, L. T. B. (N. S.) 535, .. c. L. R. Q. B. D. •* McGinn v. Pilling, L. T. Dec. 31, 1881. tt Owen V. Maudslay, L. T. Nov. 19, 1881 ; Q. B. D. Feb. 18, 1882. EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 125 might instead have been carried by spadefuls.* But if there is no negligence attributable to the workman who gave the order, and the accident occurred without negligence on the part of any one, the master will not be liable ; and where a workman was assisting, under the direction of the fore- man, in raising a steam engine, and when it had been raised several inches, the foreman let go for the purpose of putting a brick under it, thereby causing the engine to fall and crush the workman's fingers, it was held that the " order" was not negligent, f The fourth sub-section of section 1, and the second sub- section of section 2, relate to an act or omission " done or made in obedience to (1) the rules or by-laws, or in obedi- ence (2) to particular instructions given to any person dele- gated with the authority of the employer in that behalf," provided "the injury resulted from some impropriety or defect in the rules, by-laws or instructions therein men- tioned." These clauses amount to an absolute warranty that the rules and by-laws shall be free from " improprieties " and "defects," and make the employer responsible for the injury caused by the act of any workman of any grade which results from his execution of such an order. An "impro- priety " in a rule may be defined to be an unfitness in the method prescribed to accomplish the purpose intended, — unfitness either in the manner in which the purpose shall be accomplished, in the time or place at which it shall be done, or the circumstances which shall attend its accomplishment ; and "defect" may be defined to include any neglect or omission in the rule to provide for the accomplishment of the purpose intended. There is nothing in the act which makes it necessary that the rule should be in writing, although the term ' ' by-laws " may have been intended to mean a written rule. The further provision allowing a rule or by-law, which has been approved or accepted by certain public ofiicers, to be considered free from improprieties or defects, is similar to provisions in the Petroleum Act of 1871, the Mines Regulation Act of 1872, the Explosives Act of 1875, and the Alkali Act of 1881. * Laming v. Webb, L. T. Feb. i, 1882. + McManus v. Hay, 19 S. L. B. 345. 126 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Sub-section five, which relates to "the negligence of any person in the service of the employer, who has the charge or control of any signal, points, locomotive engine, or train upon a railway," extends to railway companies a wider lia- bility than is imposed upon other employers, because of the peculiarly dangerous risk attending this employment, upon the safe conduct of which the security of travellers so much depends, and because of the unusual difficulty of making it sure that railroads may not escape liability through the variety of dissimilar occupations in this employment. The framers of the act found this section, not included in the original bill, absolutely essential to the accomplishment of their purposes ; and it is quite likely that this is the only section of any special value to the persons intended to be benefited. The terms "charge or control" are important words in the clause ; and in Haysier v. Great Western Rail- way Co.* the question as to the extent of their meaning was raised, and they were given, for the purposes of the case, a construction sufficiently broad to allow two persons at the same time to be in charge and control of an engine. The same words were also under consideration in Cox v. The Great Western Railway Co.,f where a " capstan-man" in the employ of the company, engaged in propelling a series of trucks along a line of rails for the conveyance of goods and freight, injured a fellow-employee engaged at the time in a similar occupation at the other end of the line, and about one hundred yards off. The motion was given to the trucks from a capstan moved by hydraulic power from a sta- tionary engine. The questions of fact were allowed by the court to be left to the jury, — (1) whether the "capstan- man " had the charge or control of a train upon a railway, and (2) whether he was negligent; and both were answered in the affirmative. This case also decides that a series of trucks (twelve trucks in this case), laden with goods instead of passengers, contitutes a "train upon a railway;" and perhaps the further question that the act applies to station- ary or traction engines. Under section 7, which provides that "a notice in re- • L. T. Dec. 17, 1881 ; Q. B. D. Dec. 10, 1881. t L. B. 9, Q. B. D. 106. EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 127 spect of an injury under this act shall give the name and address of the person injured, and shall state in ordinary language the cause of the injury, and the date at which it was sustained," it was held in Stone v. Hyde,* that the notice shall not be expressed in technical language with the particularity of a statement of claim ; that a statement, in ordinary language, of the name and address of the person injured, with the cause and date of the injury, was sufficient. This notice, it is apparent from the context, must be in writing ; a verbal notice cannot be served on the defendant, as the section further prescribes. | It need not be given by the person injured, but may be given by his solicitor, or perhaps by any person, in behalf of the workman, who has knowledge or information of the injury ; and it is thought that it may even be contained in more than one letter or document. J And by the same section it is also pro- vided that any defect or inaccuracy shall not render the notice invalid, unless the defence is prejudiced thereby, or there was an intention to mislead. J The defence of contributory negligence remains unchanged by the act. In the original bill it was provided, at the end of the first section, " that this section shall not apply where the workman injured materially contributed by his own negligence to the cause of his injury." This clause would have mitigated somewhat the severity of the rule of con- tributory negligence, the application of which prevented the person injured, in ninety-five cases out of a hundred, as has been seen, from recovering damages, by allowing him to recover damages where his negligence had not con- tributed materially to the injury. But in the process of revising the bill, under the supervision of able counsel, in order to make it conform more completely to the interests of employers, this clause was stricken | out, and thus the work was finished of making the bill what may now, with propriety, be called a sham reform. The term " contributory negligence," which is used to designate this doctrine, is likely to mislead, because it seems * 46 L. T. R. (N. S.) 421. t Moyle V. Jenkins, L. T. Dee. 16, 1881 ; 51 L. J. Q. B. 112. j Keene v. Millwall Dock Company, 46 L. T. R. (N. S.) 472. 128 STATISTICS OF LABOE. to indicate that the person injured cannot recover where he, by his negligence, consented or contributed to the injury. But when more carefully expressed in ordinary language, the rule is that the person injured cannot recover damages, when, however negligent the other party might have been, the injury might have been prevented by the exercise of ordinary care on his part, — of such care as a reasonably prudent man of ordinary intelligence would have exercised under like circumstances. It may be true that the negli- gence of the other was of the grossest kind ; but, when it is equally true that the injury might have been prevented by the exercise of ordinary care, the law says that the neg- ligence of the other would have done no injury without the negligence of the person injured ; and says, furthermore, that the burden of proof shall rest upon the latter; and, because he is the plaintiflF, he shall show by a reasonable preponderance of evidence, that he was in the exercise of ordinary care, and the injury is in no degree attributable to the want, on his part, of such care.* If a railway train should pass a station without giving warning of its approach by whistling, and a person crossing the track "without look- ing for the approach of a train should be injured, he would be guilty of contributory negligence, j If the proprietor of a colliery should for weeks allow a statutory special rule, requiring the hoisting ropes to be examined every day, to be disregarded, and in consequence of this violation a workman should be injured who himself neglected upon this notice to examine the rope after a fire had occurred in the mine, he would be guilty of contributory negligence.:]: In the application of this rule its hardship becomes more manifest because it is applied by jurors, in the calmness of a court room, upon evidence submitted after the act has resulted in an injury, and argued upon by counsel able to point out some way in which the injury might possibly have been avoided. While the doctrine of contributory negli- gence in all its severity remains unchanged, § another clause * The Margaret, L. R. 6, P. D. 76; Horton v. Ipswich, 12 Cush. 488. t Slattery v. D. W. & W. R. Co. 3 App. eases 1155. j Senior v. Ward, 28 L. J., Q. B. 139. § Sde Pitman v. Bennett, L. T. February, 25, 1882. EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 129 of the act defines a failure to give notice of a known defect or neglect to be such an omission as is equivalent to contributory negligence. Sub-section three of section 2 says, "No right to compensation shall exist in any case where the workman knew of the defect or negligence which caused his injury, and failed within, a reasonable time to give, or cause to be given, information thereof to the em- ployer, or some person superior to himself in the service of the employer, unless he was aware that the employer or such superior already knew of the said defect or negligence." This, without doubt, places upon the person suing an obligation to give notice of any defect known to him, and to prove at the trial that he has not violated that obligation. The information must relate to the defect which caused the injury ; and, when the notice has been given to the employer or any superior servant, the workman cannot be accused of contributory negligence. Should he, however, continue in the service, and receive injury from this defect or any other neglect complained of, there is nothing in the act to prevent the use of the defence that he thereby consented to take the risk of the defect or neglect. Attention has already been called to the fact that only partially has the defence of common employment been abolished, and that little more has been done in this direction than to make the employer liable for the negligence of a person entrusted with superintendency or with superior authority. "At the time of the passing of the act, the law stood thus," says Mr. Justice Field, in the case of Griffiths V. the Earl of Dudley : * "It was an ittiplied term of the contract between employer and workman, that the latter should not recover damages if he was injured by the negli- gence of a person in the common employment." And if, he continues, the effect of section 1 is to do away with this im- plied term, the contract of service, upon which. both rely, is likewise done away with, and there is no contract left by virtue of which any right of action exists ; and, moreover, the workman becomes a trespasser upon the employer's premises. The cases of Priestly v. Fowler, f of Farwell v. the Boston & Worcester Railroad, f and of the Bartonshill * L. R. 9 Q. B. D. 357, 363. f 3 M. & W. 1. 14 Met. 49. 130 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Coal Co. V. Keid,* already cited several times, established this doctrine of implied contract, and the common employ- ment incident thereto, which was carried so far in "Wilson v. Merry as to excuse an employer from all liability for the negligence of his foreman or superintendent. And the act seems only to have gone so far as to change the rule of Wilson V. Merry, and leave the principle of implied con- tract and common employment as it was laid down in these earlier cases. No consideration of the operation of the act would be of much value which failed to mention the relief afforded the employers by the aid of insurance. Two courses were open to them ; either, first, to make their contributions to the in- surance and protective funds large enough to induce their workmen to contract out of the act; or, second, to submit to its terms, and, by obtaining floating policies in accident insurance companies, to make the burden as light as pos- sible. It was soon found that by the payment of almost nominal rates, general floating policies could be obtained; and that those employers who did not succeed upon payment of small contributions to the funds in avoiding the provisions of the act, might safely submit with little fear of the ruin and bankruptcy so foolishly apprehended. The lamentable ignorance which prevailed two or three years ago, as to the amount of damages recoverable, was dispelled only when some persons, first among whom were the accident insurance companies, made a careful collection of the facts and statistics in relation to violent deaths and injuries, and there- from estimated the proportion of deaths and injuries prob- ably resulting from contributory negligence. When it was found how very small a proportion was left, for which in each case the maximum rate of damages was only about £225, the employers must have laughed at the obstacles which they found existed only in their imagination, and the friends of the reform must have felt that they had gained a hollow victory. For even this slight liability the employer has a remedy, sometimes perhaps of little value, against the per- son by whose negligence he has been compelled to pay damages to his workman ; and even when this liability has • 3 Macq. 266, 283. EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 131 been assumed for him by some accident insurance company, the latter, upon payment of the loss, has, by what is called the right of subrogation, the privilege of prosecuting the remedy in his name. Decisions in County Courts under the English Act. The county courts have, under section 6, original juris- diction of all actions under the act, subject to removal to a superior court, in like manner and upon the same conditions as other actions begun in the county courts. While the decisions of these courts are not of like character with those of the higher courts, some of them at least are worthy of grave consideration, as they are rendered by lawyers of the rank of Queen's counsel, appointed to try questions of fact with the aid of a jury. All the decisions under the act of the higher courts have, it is believed, been referred to, and, unless some oversight has occurred, all the decisions of the county courts made between November, 1881, when the act may be said to have been fairly in operation, and the present time (December, 1882), have been digested here. In the absence of opinions by judges of appellate courts, they are of peculiar importance, as the only judicial construction placed upon the act. Ways, Works, etc. — Topham v. Goodwin, Law Times, Nov. 5, 1881 ; section 2, sub-section 1, and section 2, sub- section 3. The question was, whether a certain form of machinery (viz., a loose pulley or some other proper means of throwing a saw out of gear) rendered it defective within the meaning of this section. The court decided in favor of the defendant. Etherington v. Harrison, L. T., Dec. 31, 1881, section 1, was decided by the jury in favor of the plaintiff on a ques- tion of fact, whether a loose plank in a scaffolding was such a defect in the ' ' ways and works " used by the defendant in his business as to make him responsible, upon its being brought to his notice, for an injury sustained through the plank falling down upon the plaintiff. Huxam V. Thorns, L. T., Q. B. D., Jan. 28, 1882, sec- tion 1. A scaffold is part of the ways and works. The 132 STATISTICS OF LABOE. plaintiff fell off the scaffold. It was held that there was evi- dence on the part of defendant, sufficient to make him liable under section 1. Smith V. Lafons, L. T., July 22, section 1, sub-section 1. The plaintiff, in the course of employment, was standing on a bridge owned by the defendant, which overtopped a public road, and while there standing was knocked over by a team attempting to pass underneath it, causing the injury for which he sued. The driver of the team was ordered to go ahead by a policeman in the employ of the defendant.' It appeared also that the bridge was insecurely fastened to the walls on either side. The defendant was held liable, under section 1, sub-section 1, for a defect in ways, works, etc. Batchelor v. Tilbury, et al., L. T., Aug. 12, 1882, section 1, sub-section 1. Plaintiff was a "bricklayer's laborer." Defendants were in partnership as builders. Plaintiff sued for injuries caused, while in their employ, by the " fall of a scaf- fold placed on joists supported on a quartering sustained by ' corbels.' " The corbels in this case were flat iron plates, " without any turn-up at the ends or sides," and used for the purpose of insertion in the wall. The wall which was being built was a party wall between two houses. One of the cor- bels had to be removed, as it crossed a chimney or flue ; and it was owing to the careless manner in which this corbel was reset by one of the bricklayers, that the scaffolding fell and injured the plaintiff. It was held that ' ' scaffolding was no doubt part of the works in building ; and the works should be sufficiently supported and firm while in use, to insure safety to the workmen employed in the work, that they might go about their work with a free mind and ready will ; " and judgment was accordingly given for the plaintiff, who was held to have exercised due care under the circumstances. Franks v. the India Rubber, etc., Co., L. T., Oct. 7, 1882, section 2, sub-section 1. The plaintiff, while engaged in operating a cutting-machine, was standing on some loose planks, which, slipping from under him, threw him on to the machine, and caused the injury for which he sued. It was held that this was not a defect in the "plant" within the meaning of the act, and, even if it were, that the de- fendants could not have been held liable, as it was not shown EMPLOYEES' LIABILITY. 133 that the defect had arisen "or had not been discovered" through his negligence or that of his superintendent. JSTotice {defective), Service, etc. — Moyle v. Jenkins, L. T., Dec. 16, 1881. This case involved the question of giving notice. It was decided that it must be in writing, all the judges intimating, however, that perhaps the act might be improved by amendment in that respect. Adams v. Nightingale, L. T., Dec. 24, 1881, sections 4 and 7. It was held that " notice of injury, left after busi- ness hours, under certain circumstances was insufficient." In this case, one copy of the notice was left at a late hour in the afternoon (five minutes to six) with a little boy from five to seven years old, son of the foreman ; while another was left at the same hour in a little wooden house belonging to the foreman, where he paid off his laborers. Still a third was left with a laborer on the premises at 5.30 o'clock. The same case was decided in the Queen's Bench, April 15, 1882. It was held, in this court, that "a notice under the act must be served in such a manner that it is reasonable to expect that it will come to the defendant's knowledge in the ordinary course of business;" and further, that "the de- fendant's knowledge of the injury suffered by the plaintiff, within six weeks, did not cure any informality with regard to the notice." Hunter v. Dickinson, L. T., March 25, 1882. This was a case of defective notice. The court, in commenting upon the latter part of the seventh section, is reported as saying that an error inadvertently made in giving notice, as a wrong date, etc., might be amended; but, where there was no statement at all of how the injury happened, except the words " in consequence of certain defective arrangements," it could not be said that any notice had been given. Macey v. Hodson et al., L. T., Dec. 24, 1881. This case involved the question of waiver of notice. It was held that the fact that one of the defendants promised on three sepa- rate occasions to compensate the plaintiff, was not " ' a rea- sonable excuse ' for the want of notice." Franks' v. Silver & Co., L. T., May 27, 1882, section 4, County Court rules, 1880, rule 3. This is the same case as 134 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Franks v. India Rubber Co. (ante, p. 132) . It was held that, where a notice under section 4 merely stated that the injury was caused " in consequence of being directed to stand upon a loose board in running water," and the bill of particulars, required by the county court rules (rule 3) to be attached to the summons, stated that it was the result of a " defect in the condition of the ways, works, machinery or plant con- nected with or used in the business of the employers," the plaintiff had not fulfilled the requirements of the act. Who is a Contractor 9 — McGinn v. Pilling & Co., L. T., Dec. 31, 1881, sections 1, 2, and 8, and sub-sections thereof. Where the plaintiff was injured by the negligence of a sub-contractor, in whose employ he was at the time, it was held that, under a strict construction of the word " em- ployer," as contained in the sub-sections of section 1, the defendants were not liable, as the plaintiff was not employed by them. In this case all the materials for the work were furnished by the defendants, and the sub-contractor who hired the plaintiff was a man of no substance, having, it ap- pears, just come out of the workhouse. Harrison v. Dawson, L. T., Oct. 14, 1882, section 8. ' ' The plaintiff was employed by the defendant to take a barge "to a dock and unload it. "In pushing the barge from its moorings," he " stepped on a carling or beam" used to support some boards, some of which proved to be rotten, and others had been taken away. The " carling " went from under him, and he was precipitated into the hold, breaking his leg by the fall. The plaintiff received a stipulated amount for his services, having the liberty to employ help if he saw fit. He did, as a matter of. fact, employ others. It was held that, under these circumstances, a " lighter man" was a contractor, " and not a workman, within the act." Negligent Order. — Haysler v. the Great Western Railway Company, L. T., Dec. 17, 1881, section 1. The plaintiff, while in the course of his employment of tending an engine, was injured through the negligence of an engineer or fireman in the employ of the company. The court declined to express an opinion as to who was "in charge" of the engine, but EMPLOYEES' LIABILITY. 135 decided that there was evidence sufficient, on the whole, to give judgment for plaintiff, and accordingly decided in his favor. Hatfield v. Enthoven, L. T., Dec. 31, 1881, section 1, sub-section 1. (Discretion allowed workmen in obeying a negligent order.) This case involved a question of " some nicety '' as to whether it was within the scope of employment to perform a certain act (viz., removing a crane) which caused an injury to plaintiff, and which it was necessary for him to perform before he could obey orders. The court, " although with some doubt" as to the fact in this particular case, decided in favor of the plaintiff. Laming v. Webb, L. T., Feb. 4, 1882, section 1. Held, that it was evidence of negligence, sufficient to create lia- bility, to order a minor to alter some machinery while it was in motion. In Smith v. Lafons, before quoted, the defendant was held liable, under section 1, sub-section 2, "with some doubt," for the negligence of one entrusted with superintendence. Harrington v. Westhorp, L. T., March 11, 1882, section 1, sub-section 3. An employer is not liable for negligence of manual laborer. Admitting that the defendants were negli- gent in this case, contrary to the finding of the jury, still semble the defendants would not be liable, as the act which is alleged to have caused the injury was done by one who was only temporarily acting as foreman, " but whose usual duties were those of manual labor." Boatwright v. Downing, L. T., Aug. 15, 1882, section 1, sub-sections 2 and 3. A person engaged in manual labor is not a superior workman. A person ordinarily engaged in manual labor, whose order, as to how a pole should be used in raising a beam, the person injured obeys, is not a supe- rior workman or a superintendent under sub-sections 2 and 3 of section 1. The plaintiff was directed by the foreman of the defendant to obey the orders of E, an under foreman ; E directed him to assist two manual laborers in raising a beam by the aid of a pole. The injury was caused by the unskil- fulness and want of proper judgment of plaintiff and E in putting up the pole. As E was an ordinary foreman, and usually engaged' in manual labor, it was held that he was not 136 STATISTICS OF LABOR. a person for whose acts the employer was liable, as one in- trusted with superintendence, or as a superior workman, under sub-sections 2 and 3 of section 1. This case is not quite so strong as Harrington v. Westhorp (ante, p. 135), because here the person who caused the injury was not only ordinarily engaged in manual labor, but also had no authority whatsoever to superintend the particular work in question. Owens V. Maudsley & Co., L. T., Nov. 19, 1881, section 1. This case turned on the question whether the under foreman of the company was negligent. The jury found that there was negligence in not turning a boiler-plate in such a man- ner as to make it safe to remove a boiler, and held the com- pany liable. The appeal to the Queen's Bench was after- wards dismissed, and the judgment sustained. Trivett v. Midland Railway Company, L. T., June 3, 1882, section 1, sub-sections 2 and 3. The plaintiff, while at work on one of the company's engines under the orders of a foreman, was injured through the negligence of a superin- tendent in giving an order for reversing the engine wjthout previously warning the plaintiff, according to the rule of the company, whereby the plaintiff was injured. Clowes V. the Atlantic Patent Fuel Company, L. T., Oct. 28, 1882, section 1, sub-section 5. The plaintiff was em- ployed by the defendant as " handy" man, his duties being simply to obey orders. While obeying the orders of a fore- man, or superior workman in the employ of the company, who directed him to sand the rails so as to give the engine a better start, the engine was suddenly set in motion, with- out any warning, as was the custom in such cases, and caused the injury for which this suit was brought. The court held that the company was liable for the negligence of its driver in starting the engine without warning, under sec- tion 1, sub-section 5, which makes the master liable for the negligence of a workman in the management of a locomotive. Contributory Negligence. — Pitman v. Bennett, L. T., Feb. 25, 1882. It was held that contributory negligence was a defence, except where the employer or his superintend- ent have notice of a defect within the meaning of the third exception in section 2, which obliges a workman to give EMPLOYEES' LIABILITY. 137 notice to his employer, or some superior person, of the defect, if known to him, which caused the injury. Warren v. Bates, L. T., Oct. 14, 1882, section 1, sub-sec- tion 1, and section 2, sub-section 1. "The plaintiff, being in charge of an engine and boiler at the defendant's mill, improperly placed heavy weights upon the safety-valve ; and, although he was aware that the gauge-glass was out of order, owing to there being a quantity of mud in the boiler, failed to try the test-taps attached to the boiler for the pur- pose of ascertaining the amount of water in it. The plain- tiff having been injured by the boiler exploding : Held, that the above facts constituted contributory negligence on the part of the plaintiff, and that he was therefore not enti- tled to recover, under section 1, sub-section 1, and section 2, sub-section 1, notwithstanding that the boiler was in a defec- tive condition from want of cleaning, owing to the negligence of the defendant's foreman." In Topham v. Goodwin, above cited, the question whether there was any contributory negligence on the part of the plaintiff (a minor), in handling machinery while it was in motion, was decided in favor of the defendant. Actual Employment necessary. — Lovell v. Charrington, L. T., March, 1882. It was held that the act did not apply in this case, as it was proved, as matter of fact, that the plaintiff was not in the employ of the defendant at the time the injury occurred. Employee's Right to Contract himself out of the Act; Widow and Legal Representatives deprived of any Claim for Damages. — Griffiths v. Lord Dudley, L. T., June 3, 1882, Q. B. D. It was held that, even if the employee could contract himself out of the act, "yet he could not contract to deprive his widow or other personal representative of the benefit of that statute." (On a rule nisi granted to show cause, etc., this decision was afterwards over-ruled, the court holding that under such a contract his legal represen- tatives would be cut off from all right of action.) 138 STATISTICS OF LABOR. What is Plant ? — Banks v. Murrell, L. T., June 17, 1882, section 1, sub-section 1. The plaintiff, while at work filling coal bins for the defendant, was injured through the giving way of a defective partition in one of the bins. It was held that this was a defect in the " plant," for which the company were liable under sub-section 1 of section 1, which makes them responsible without being notified of any defect. Compensation. — Amount of compensation for injuries to be recovered by an " army reserve pensioner." Bolton V. Midland Railway Company, L. T., July 8, 1882, section 3. The plaintiff", who was on the "reserve list," and entitled to a pension of sixpence per day, sued the company for extra compensation on account of the loss of his pension through injuries sustained by the negligence of a superior workman in the company's employ. It was held that he was entitled to damages under section 3, allowing a sum not exceeding the estimated earnings of three years; but it does not appear distinctly whether the loss of his pension should be included in the cornpensation awarded. Discussion of the Subjtict in this Country. This subject has for years attracted the attention of law- yers, who in their professional practice have abundant opportunity of seeing the hilrdship and misery caused by the unjust distinction made between the liability of employ- ers to third persons and to their employees. It is of fre- quent occurrence to hear or read of an instance where a corporation which is answerable for an injury to one of its workmen at the bar of conscience and of public opinion, is released from liability at the bar of what is called justice. A single instance will illustrate the hardship of the rule. An Italian, just landed in this country, ignorant of its lan- guage and its people, was hired to shovel gravel on one of our railroads ' by a sub-contractor of the company. He worked at loading and unloading a gravel train with a gang of men, two of whom were assigned to each car. He worked, with another laborer, on the last car. The train had been loaded, and was backing down, over a temporary, poorly-laid track, to be unloaded, which was done by dump- EMPLOYEES' LIABILITY. 139 ing or upsetting the car. The train had backed down , and had stopped, as he supposed, at the place where his, car was to be dumped ; and he, with the others, had got up from' the gravel where they had been sitting, when the engineer gave the train a sudden jerk forward, in order to get headway for the purpose of backing still further. The Italian was thrown off backwards under the wheels, run over, and seriously injured. Upon a suit for damages, it was proved at the trial that, although the railroad company owned the engine, and the engineer who caused the injury was in their employ, the engine, and with it the engineer, was let to the subr-contractor, to work under his direction and control ; and therefore, under the rule of common employment, the engineer and the Italian were fellow-employees for the sub- contractor. The poor fellow, who could recover no dam- ages, had no money, was unable to work, was a cripple for life, and shortly afterwards became an inmate of one of the State almshouses. It may be said that he ought to have sat still on the top of the gravel until the train had finally stopped ; and that by getting up he was guilty of contributory negligence. But this was a fact for the jury to pass upon, which they were prevented from considering by the application of the rule of common employment. It may be said that, admit- ting the engineer to have been careless, while the laborer was not, the company ought not to be held responsible for his carelessness, because it had done its best to employ a com- petent man. But, even if it had done its best, the law, whether justly or unjustly, has for centuries made every company, every partnership, corporation, or individual, responsible for contributory negligence to every other per- son who is thereby injured, except to its own employee. Why should the law make an exception in the case of an employee ? This question has been often asked by lawyers and others, and the conventional answer given is, that the employee agrees to take the risk of the employment, and is paid for taking it. That he is paid for taking the risk is proved to be a mistake by a comparison of the rate of wages paid •employees in dangerous employments with the wages paid 140 STATISTICS OF LABOR. men of like capacity in other employments. On the other hand, that he agrees to take the risk is proved by saying that the courts have made for him an implied contract to this effect. To which it is answered that the laborer, while denying that the courts ever had a right to make for him such a contract, denies further their right to imply such a contract any longer, in the face of his express denial that he agrees or will submit to such a contract. No court can imply a contract contrary to the express desire of one of the persons made a party to it. While there" may have been among lawyers and others a difference of opinion as to the justice in all cases, or wisdom, of a general change of the law, the hardship of compelling the workman to endure in silence an injury caused by another workman acting in strict obedience to the authority confen-ed upon him by their employer, has generally been recognized, although of late but little discussed in the courts, because the rule of common employment has become so strongly established as to make exception to it of no avail. When, however, in consequence of the terrible explosions occurring in English, Welsh, and Scottish, coal mines, by which scores of miners were killed at a time, public attention in England was called to the poverty and misery resulting in part from what many thought a gross defect in the law ; and when, also, after years of agitation. Parliament had passed the Employers' Liability Act, it began to be thought possible in this coun- try to effect a reversal of the common law. Within the past few years this subject has been before the legislatures of several of the States, which, as has been seen, have passed laws making employers liable for injuries in certain cases, although no such general change has been made as that by the English Parliament. During the past two years the subject has been before the legislatures of several States, New York and Connecticut among others, which have as yet made no change. Two years ago it was brought before the legislature of Massachusetts by a petition signed by Wendell Phillips, Benjamin F. Butler, Delano A. Goddard, Edwin B. Haskell, and editors of several other leading newspapers published in the State, and other promi- nent citizens ; but, upon reference to the judiciary committee, EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 141 and a hearing thereon, the petition was opposed by counsel for all the railroads running into Boston, and defeated. Last year the subject was renewed, and, upon hearing, on the recommendation of the committee, was referred by a resolution of the legislature to the Bureau of Statistics of Labor for consideration. SUMMAEY OF EeASONS AND OBJECTIONS. In closing the discussion of this subject, it may be well, even at the risk sometimes of repetition, to give a summary of some of the objections to and the reasons in favor of a change in the law. One of the most frequent objections against compelling the employer to compensate his employee for the negligence of a fellow-workman is, that he ought not to be obliged to answer for the acts of another, when he is himself without fault. To which objection the answer is made, that when the employer, by the employment of another whom he vests with a general authority to act in his stead, chooses to part with his own authority, and trust to the judgment and discretion of some one else, he ought to abide the consequences, whether good or bad. When the employee does well, he reaps the profits ; when the employee does ill, he ought to suffer the losses ; and public policy requires that, as some one must bear the burden of the risk, it should rest upon the shoulders of the person who employs, pays and controls the workman. And, moreover, as the law has for centuries imposed upon the employer a similar obligation towards all other persons, making him answerable to the world in general for the negligence of his servants, such an exception to a general principle of liability ought not to exist without some special reason therefor. If it is a hard- ship to be obliged to pay for the wrong-doing of a servant whenever the act is not a wilful act, it is a hardship which the wisdom of our ancestors imposed, and which has not been removed by the wisdom of later times. Another objection, often urged, is that the employee enters into the contract of employment with full knowledge of the dangers, with the risk computed in his wages. As to the first 'part of this objection it may be asked whether, unless the employment is of a very dangerous nature, the risk of injury is often considered at the time the contract is 142 STATISTICS OF LABOR. made, or any thought taken as to where the responsibility for damages would rest. And, as no such risk is assumed, on a railroad for instance, by the traveller when he buys his ticket, while, on the contrary, the company is made by law responsible for the competency of its servants and the safety of the journey, it is natural to ask why a dijQFerent rule should be made to apply to a brakeman or conductor. Whether the danger of injury is computed in the wages, is a question of fact dependent upon a knowledge of the wages paid to workmen of like capacity in less dangerous employ- ments, which it is evident could be obtained only after a careful investigation of the manifold causes which determine the rate of wages. If, however, only a casual inquiry were made as to the wages paid to laborers of the same grade in other employments, it would be found that the workman is paid for the labor performed, with no compensation what- ever for the risk of injury. But the present state of the law, it is said, rests upon a contract of service implied by the courts ; because, when the rule was adopted, the judges thought that public policy required an agreement of non-liability, rather than one of liability. But is not this rather a question of political econ- omy than one to be passed upon by the courts ? And is it not possible that what was thought a wise public policy for the State to adopt a half-century ago, when manufactures and railroads were in their infancy, ought to be changed by the legislature, now that the consolidation of capital in great monopolies has become an object of apprehension ? In order to foster these commercial enterprises, is it any longer neces- sary to exact so heavy a contribution from the laboring class, and impose the burden of so severe a protective system upon our own instead of foreign laborers? While the judges who made this law may have been wise in their generation, is it not probable that the wisdom of time and experience may think that public policy requires a change in the law ? Again, it is urged that the employee ought to be left to his remedy against the fellow-employee who caused his injury. Hardly any one would be so simple as to consider this remedy of any practical value, because, unfortunately, most workmen are not able to pay a judgment for damages. EMPLOYEES' LIABILITY. 143 or even a bill of costs. Besides, until within a year, — until the case of Osborne v. Morgan * overruled the case of Albro V. Ja(Piith,f decided in 1855, it has been impossible for such a judgment to be obtained. Neither does it seem altogether right to compel an employee, acting in good faith, using his best judgment, as the agent of some one else known to be his principal, to pay for the consequences of doing as he was generally authorized. But, waiving this for the sake of the argument, the law gives the employer a like remedy, by allowing him to recover of the negligent em- ployee any damages he has been obliged to pay as a conse- quence of his negligence. t In view of this condition of the law, the question may with some pertinency be asked, "Why should not the employer be left to his remedy against his employee for reimbursement ? That the dictates of humanity, as well as the promptings of self-interest, stimulate employers of labor to do a great deal towards protecting the lives and limbs of their work- men, there is no doubt. That they would not intentionally allow any neglect in the selection of workmen, of the mate- rials used in the machinery worked, is equally certain. But, notwithstanding all this, there are doubtless many accidents and injuries occurring daily, which, with a little more pre- caution in the particulars mentioned, might have been pre- vented. "Workmen generally are not in a position to say with whom they will work,- or what materials or machinery shall be used; and, if greater precautions are to be taken, they must be provided for by employers. If the ordinary dictates of humanity and self-interest are not sufficient to make life more secure, ought not their interest in the wel- fare of their workmen to be increased by imposing a heav- ier pecuniary responsibility ? "Where an appeal to the gen- erous impulses of the heart is not a sufficient protection, should not an appeal be made to the more subtle instincts of the pocket ? And in this connection it may perhaps be well to allude to the argument that a heavier responsibility is already imposed by requiring the employer to use due care in » 130 M. 102. • t * Gray, 99. + White V. Phillipston, 10 Met. Ill ; also 1 Allen, 102. 144 STATISTICS OF LABOR. selecting and maintaining the tools, implements, stock, materials, and plant used by his workmen. Upon consider- ation, this, however, will seem to be an insufficient safe- guard, because its value has been frittered away by the decisions of the courts, which declare that there is no liabil- ity unless the defect complained of was unknown to the person injured, while it was known to the employer, but not communicated. The employer is not liable unless he knew of the defect and declined to communicate it; or, in other words, he is not liable for his ignorance ; and if for any reason he leaves the duty of detecting defects to another employee, he escapes all risk of damages. While perhaps it would not be wise to make him liable for secret defects, by making him a warrantor or insurer of the safety of the stock or appliances used in his business, would it not be well, instead of leaving him almost entirely free from liability, to make him responsible for defects to his work- man, as he is now responsible to strangers? Is not this one of the exceptions to a general principle, one of the anom- alies in the law which works an injustice ? Should it be said that the servant is not the master's agent, and therefore the master should not be responsible for his acts, the question is at once asked why he is not the master's agent. This brings up the real legal question at the bottom of this controversy, which involves the making of an implied contract for the parties by the courts, in the absence of an express contract. How is an agency created? Principally by virtue of the contract of service. What is the agency created? That depends principally upon the contract of service and the general authority usually con- ferred by the customs and usages of business upon workmen in the same class of employment. That the workman is an agent for the performance of some acts there is no doubt ; but whether he is the agent for doing the particular act which caused the injury, is the question in dispute. How can this be answered ? It is a question of fact simply, and not of law, and one manifestly to be answered from a knowl- edge of all the facts tending to explain the scope of the agency. And, as it is a question of fact, is it not one which, by anal- ogy to the practice established in the courts for deciding EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 145 other matters of fact, ought to be decided by a jury, upon consideration of all the evidence ? Even if decided by the judges, should it be determined by simply saying that the employee is not an agent for doing the act which caused the injury, because they (the judges) think it against public policy to imply a contract of liability ? That a workman knows the habits of his fellow-laborers better than does his employer, is doubtless true of persons engaged in domestic and menial service, working in the same household and under the same roof, at the same bench, in the same shop, or in the same gang, or, in brief, when en- gaged in similar occupations. And for this reason the Scotch courts attempted to limit the operation of common employment to the class of similar occupations ; and, if they had been allowed to persist in this direction, and their ex- ample had been imitated by the courts of England and America, it is probable that by this limitation the hardship of this rule of non-liability would have been avoided. The doctrine of common employment, so called, was evidently intended by the judges who invented it to apply only to persons engaged in similar occupations. By widening its application to all persons at work for one master, or paid from one purse, it was made to include persons entirely unac- quainted with each other's character, habits, ways, and manners .of doing work, traits of carefulness or careless- ness ; in large factories, workshops, manufactories, or upon railroads extending over miles of country, with workshops in various places, workmen at many stations, engineers, con- ductors, firemen, brakemen, baggage masters on many trains, hundreds of employees, in manifold and dissimilar occupa- tions ; it was made to include men who never saw or perhaps never heard of each other, and therefore knew less of each other's habits than the superintendent, the board of directors, or the employers, who engaged them with some knowledge at least of their character, skill, proficiency and capacity. That a change in the law would diminish wages is "not certain, because it would seem the natural result of heavier responsibility to^ employ, with more care and circumspection in the selection, more pompetent and experienced workmen, who, being of a superior grade, would require superior pay. 146 STATISTICS OF LABOR. As a legitimate result, in railroad and other specially danger- ous employments, the public as well as the employee would be more secure. A frequent objection to changing the burden of liability from the employee to the employer is, that employees would thereby become more careless of their own lives and safety, as well as of the welfare of others ; and railway travel especially would become less safe. This objection presumes that em- ployees would purposely and dishonestly injure themselves in order to obtain damages. But the consideration should not be overlooked, that whenever any person is found guilty of such an act of wickedness, he is prevented from recovering damages by the rule of contributory negligence. It is only in instances of dishonesty towards himself and his employer, which remain undetected or unproved at the trial of the cause, that unjust damages would be recovered. Would not such instances be of infrequent occurrence? Are not the means for eliciting the truth, and the securities against im- posture provided in the administration of justice, through the agency of judges, jurors, counsel, parties and witnesses, so perfect that little danger need be feared ? Seldom does a sham or fraud withstand the ordeal of a jury trial. Is it often that such a man could long remain in any employment without his true character becoming known ? Most men are almost always honest. And not only are most m^n honest because it is right, but many refrain from doing wrong, be- cause honesty is the best policy. Moreover, is not life too dear, and pain too much dreaded, to make it probable that any man could become not only so degraded, but so callous to suflfering, as to wilfully run the risk of losing an arm or a leg or his health, for the purpose of getting a partial compensation in money? And, if such instances are likely to .occur so infrequently, ought, the law, which tries to pre- scribe a rule of action that will do the greatest good to the greatest number, to be restrained from doing an act of jus- tice-to the many, lest a few dishonest persons should abuse the right? Against the danger that excessive damages would be awarded, the ordinary protection afforded by courts of jus- tice exists, which, in all other causes where damages are in EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 147 question, has for centuries existed as a suitable means of estimating the amount to be awarded. If verdicts are usually for the plaintiff, and against corporations, it is like- wise true that plaintiffs are usually right. At least, no bet- ter and more practicable method has been devised for determining what is right and what is wrong, than what are called courts of justice. There seems to be little force in an argument which declines to pass a law because the amount of damages recoverable under it must be determined in the same way that land damages and other personal damages are determined ; especially when the rule suggested is the best known method of deciding such a question ; or, if it is not, some better method may £e easily incorpoi'ated in the act. The kindred danger, that a change in the law would be followed by a flood of litigation, seems to be groundless. A similar fear, existing prioa.to the passage of the English act, proved to be a mere fiction of the brain. How many bills have been defeated because it was feared attorneys would profit from resulting litigation? How many times has this argument been used by persons interested in defeating a measure ? In the first eighteen months after the passage of the English act, as the statistics show, less than a hundred actions were brought under it in England, Scotland, Ireland and Wales, and less than £3,000 in damages recov- ered, with a like amount in costs. According to an estimate already given, based upon the most reliable data to be obtained, the probable number of maintainable suits against the railroads of this State 'during the year 1880-81 was twelve, and the probable amount of damages which could have been recovered was |60,000. Should it be said that one reason why it is sought to make the employer liable is simply because he has money, it might be candidly admitted that no wise friend of the laboring man would be in favor of a change in the law unless it was likely to do him some good ; but it might also be answered that, as the employer reaps the profits of every profitable act, why should he not suffer the losses of unprofitable acts ? Admit- ting that the workman is his employer's agent, commissioned with a general authority to use his own discretion, in place of the judgment of his principal, why, when the exercise 148 STATISTICS OF LABOR. this discretion proves unfortunate, should not the principal suffer the consequences ? The prosecution of business is not like the game of pitch-penny played by the gambler, accord- ing to the rule of " Heads I win, and tails you lose." The same objection might be made with equal force against the liability of employers to third persons, or against any bill which seeks to make persons of property responsible for their wrongs or breaches of contract. Several objectioiis having been alluded to, it remains to summarize some of the reasons not specifically suggested in favor of a change in the law. Without asserting that an employee has a natural right to compensation for injuries directly or indirectly caused by his master, — which is a right oftener asserted by philosophers and publicists than by lawyers and legislators, — there is no doubt that ever since the reign of Charles the Second an established prin- ciple of common law has held every man responsible for his own torts and breaches of contract, a precedent which our ancestors might have found in the Roman Law. As early as the reign of William the Third, Lord Holt held a master liable for the negligence of his servant. The application of this general principle was without exception till the year . 1837, when, as has been already related. Lord Abinger, in a case not very carefully considered, judging from the analo- gies reasoned from in the opinion, decided that a master was not liable for the negligence of his servant, whenever injury was thereby caused to a fellow-servant.* Shortly afterwards, at the time when railroads and manufacturing enterprises were in an early stage of development, this exception was followed and emphasized in this State by Judge Shaw in the case of Farwell v. the Boston and Worcester Railroad ;t ever since which time the exception may be said to have been a part of the body of our law. The liability imposed upon a master for the negligence of his servant may be said to exist under two sets of circum- stances, in one of which there exists a relation between the master and the person injured, while in the other no relation exists. In one class of circumstances it exists by virtue of an express or implied contract ; while the ground of * Priestly v. Fowler, 3 M. & W. 1. \ i Met. 49. EMPLOYEES' LIABILITY. 149 liability in the other is the general obligation resting upon every member of the community so to act that no harm shall, by his negligence or that of his servant, be caused to any other person. This latter obligation is known as the principle of respondeat superior, which compels the master to respond for such negligence in damages ; and is stated by Blackstone in these words : " If a ' master ' by his negli- gence does any damage to a stranger, the ' master ' shall answer for his neglect." Those who seek to base upon this principle their right to a change in the law of liability for the negligence of fellow-employees, say that the term "stranger," because, in the development of railroads and commercial and industrial enterprises, of the wide extent and remoteness of the relationship existing between an employer and his workman, should apply to all workmen not at work strictly under the eye and supervision of the master. On the other hand, those persons who seek to base their right to a change of the law upon the relationship existing by virtue of the contract of service, say that where nothing to the contrary is expressed, the courts should imply a con- tract of liability, instead of implying, as they have done, a contract of non-liability. They assert, furthermore, a fact which is not denied, that the implied contract of non- liability is judge-made law, established by virtue of the right of the courts to decide what is public policy, and what the public policy of the country requires ; that public policy no longer requires, if it ever did, the existence of such a rule of law ; and that the legislature should, as it has a right to do, assert its prerogative, and declare a different public policy, by abolishing the exception made to the gen- eral liability of the master for the negligence of his servant. In emphasizing the injustice of this exception, an argu- ment is drawn, by analogy, from the liability imposed upon a common carrier for the loss, by fire or other means except the act of God or public enemies, of merchandise, live- stock, and chattels entrusted for conveyance and safe delivery. And, as a change in the law will in this country affect railroad companies and common carriers of passen- gers more than other employers of labor, the analogy. 150 STATISTICS OF LABOE. drawn from the contract of warranty and insurance that no injury shall occur to whatever is entrusted for safe delivery, is thought to be perfect. If this be so, — and it seems to be, — why should the law be more careful iu the protection afibrded to merchandise, than in the security placed around human life ? "Why should the State compel a railroad com- pany to pay for the loss or injury of a horse, an ox, or a bale of goods, and allow men to be killed and maimed with- out the risk of paying damages ? And, as one of the incidental results of compelling com- mon carriers of passengers to be as careful of their em- ployees as they are of trunks and merchandise would be the employment of more competent and careful men, the se- curity of travellers would be increased ; and this is one of the weightiest reasons for changing the law. Scarcely a day occurs without an accident on some of the railroads of the State or country. As has been stated, during the nine years from 1872 to 1881 inclusive, there were 11,759 persons reported . killed or injured on the various railroads of the country ; and 2,744 reported killed or injured by the railroads of this Commonwealth. Almost every one of these deaths or injuries might, by the exercise of proper care, have been prevented. No one will deny that every step taken in the direction of making life more secure, and suflFering less frequent, is a step in the right direction. Is it not possible that such a change in the law may be such a step? Should it be asked if the workman cannot better provide against the carelessness of his fellow-workman than can the employer, it might be replied, that, although their co-opera- tion is always necessary to secure safety, the value of any suggestions or complaints is diminished by the fact that the workman has no power to carry his ideas into execution. Employers of labor would naturally consider frequent com- plaints against their employees, frequent suggestions as to the necessity of repairs in the works or machinery, as offi- cious interferences. And those who receive with good grace what are always in the nature of accusations, might not wish to encourage their occurrence, and might not accede readily to requests for improvements. It is a natural EMPLOYEES' LIABILITY. 151 characteristic to prefer to manage one's own business in one's own way, without too much interference from men hired and paid for their labor. But some one must be held responsible for every act of negligence, if its repetition would be prevented ; and, when attempting to make acci- dents less frequent, is it not wiser to increase the employer's responsibility than to trust to his workmen to correct the evils of his manner of carrying on business ? It should not be forgotten that, in many cases where the employer escapes legal liability by means of the defence of common employment, the servant who, entrusted in his master's absence with' the exercise of a general discretion, caused the injury, is more competent for performing the duties than his employer. In operations requiring sldlled laborers, mechanics, and artificers, how seldom is it that the employer can do the work imposed upon those under him ! How many men who can pay for the labor can perform it? When, therefore, it is thought unjust to impose responsi- bility for negligence upon the man who hires the workman, it should be remembered that oftentimes the person com- missioned to act for him is better able than he to perform the duties imposed. The injustice which sometimes is wrought in applying the defence of common employment is seen by remembering the variety of dissimilar occupations which it includes. The essence of common employment is a common employer, and all persons paid by the same person, or paid from the ;^ame purse, are fellow-employees. All the employees of a railroad company, of a colliery, of a steamboat company, of a factory, of a foundry, of a horse railroad or express company, whether employed in the same city, county or state, under the same or different foremen or superintendents, engaged at the main office or a branch office, known to each other or unknown, are fellow-employees, and are by law presumed to be sufficiently well acquainted with each other's habits and character to be compelled to run the risk of injury from each other's carelessness. Menial and domestic servants employed under the same roof, and therefore well acquainted with each other, should without doubt be con- sidered fellow-employees. But the earliest use of this 152 STATISTICS OF LABOR. doctrine was in its application to similar occupations only. Because every man is liable for his own wrongful acts, employers who personally superintend or direct their own workmen are liable for personal injuries caused by what is really their own negligence. But when, in the increase of business, it becomes necessary to employ others to work for them, away from under their eyes, but obedient to their general authority, this liability for injuries to their em- ployees ceases, although they still remain liable for similar negligence to others. It is thus seen that while the small manufacturer, in order to avoid suits for damages, must take precautions against the carelessness of his workmen, the large manufacturer is relieved from such a necessity. And this anomaly becomes more marked in the organiza- tion of individuals into corporations. For, while a few persons acting together as co-partners are justly liable for their own and each other's negligence, upon complying with a simple perfunctory requirement of the law, and thereby becoming a corporation, they escape this liability, because they are no longer acting for themselves and each other, but as agents for the corporation, which is exempted from lia- bility for the negligence of its agents in causing injury to each other. It should not be forgotten that the laws of Great Britain, France, and Italy impose a general liability upon employers, whenever the negligence of their servants causes personal injury ; while the law of Germany, as well as of several of the United States, has been so changed as to impose spe- cial liability upon railroad corporations for such acts of negligence. DimcuLTiES OF Drawing a Bill. It is oftentimes easier to point out the necessity for reform than to show how to accomplish it ; and easier to prove that the law should be changed, than to show how it should be done. And, while many persons will agree in thinking that something ought to be done to change the law, they will doubtless differ as to whether the change shall be radical, liberal, or conservative; while there will be, perhaps, a difr EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 153 ference in opinion among some of each of these classes as to the form and the particular phraseology of a bill looking to a change. The first subject to be considered is how far the law should be changed ; and upon this it must be conceded that it would be useless to make any change, unless the employer was made liable for the acts of bis authorized agents in all cases where he has delegated his authority. Whether this should be done by saying that common employment shall no longer be a defence to actions against employers for per- sonal damages, or that the particular instances in which he should be liable should be specified, is an important ques- tion. This problem has been solved in some of the States, as has been seen, by enacting that in actions of this kind against railway companies common employment shall not be a de- fence. The difficulty of accurately defining the term, of saying exactly what common employment is, and the danger lest some uncertainty should exist as to the exact scope of such a bill, as well as the consideration that it might not be wise to make so sweeping a change, are objections to this form of a bill. For example : The term, no doubt, includes menial and domestic servants ; and would it be wise to make the head of a family responsible for the negligence of the servants who live under his roof? responsible, to use an il- lustration of Lord Abinger's, to one Servant for the negli- gence of the chambermaid in putting him into a damp bed, or the cook's neglect to keep clean the copper vessels in the kitchen? Should it be attempted to draw the bill in this way, as was done by Mr. Macdonald, it might be advisable to except the master from liability for the acts of domestic servants. Should it be desired to draw the bill by specify- ing particularly when he shall be liable, leaving him free from liability when not otherwise specified, there is room for difiierence of opinion as to how far it shall be extended, — whether, for instance, an action shall be created for the neg- ligence of the principal person in authority, the superintend- ent, which action has been shown to be of little value ; or for the negligence of every superior workman, of whatever grade (which seems to be the only way to accomplish an im- portant change), are questions for consideration. 154 STATISTICS OF LABOR. One of the earliest of the bills presented to Parliament was brought in by Mr. Morrison, Mr. Hind-Palmer and Mr. Andrew Johnson in the year 1872 ; and Mr. Wright, a Lon- don barrister, assisted in drawing up and settling its terras. These gentlemen adopted this latter course, and specified in considerable detail the instances wherein a liability should be allowed to attach. But, while the discussion of the sub- ject went on in Parliament among the friends of the employ- ees, and the able secretaries, Parliamentary agents, and solic- itors of their large associations, and when several special committees of Parliament had had the subject under consid- eration, and at last it had been thoroughly considered and comprehended by several of the leading members of the present Gladstone Ministry, — it was found possible to draft the bill in the few words of the second, third, and fourth sub-sections of the first section of the Act of 1880. These make the employer liable for the negligence of any person entrusted with superintendence, and of any superior work- man Avhose orders or directions the person injured was bound to obey, or the act or omission of any workman who was act- ing in obedience to the rules or by-laws of the employer. The Gladstone Bill. The caption and first section of the bill brought in and advocated by the English Liberals (before it was amended in the House of Lords by the Conservatives) is as fol- lows : — "An Act to extend and regulate the liability of employers to make compensation for personal injuries suffered by workmen in their service. " Be it enacted, etc. : " Section 1. Where, after the commencement of this act, personal injury is caused to a workman : — " (1.) By reason of any defect in the condition of the ways, works, machinery or plant connected with or used in tlie business of the em- ployer; or " (2.) By reason of the negligence' of any person in the service of the employer, who has any superintendence entrusted to him, whilst in the exercise of such superintendence ; or " (3.) By reason of the negligence of any person in tiie service of the employer, to whose ordei's or directions the workman at the time of the injury was bound to conform, and did conform, where such injury resulted from his having so conformed ; or EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 155 " (4.) By reason of the act or omission of any person in the serrice of the employer, done or made in obedience to the rules or by.-laws of the employer, or in obedience to particular instructions given by any person delegated with the authority of the employer in that behalf ; or " (5.) By reason of the negligence of any perspn in the service of the employer, who has the charge or control of any signal, points,* loco- motive engine or train upon a railway, — " The workman, or, in case the injury results in death, the legal per- sonal representatives of the workman, and any parsons entitled in case of death, shall have the same right of compensation and remedies against the employer as if the workman had not been a workman of nor in the service of the employer, nor engaged in his work." Bills Presented. We present for the action of the legislature, as the result of the very full consideration of the subject committed to us, two bills ; the first, comprehending the features of the Glad- stone Bill presented to Parliament by the Earl De la Warr, with sections added to make the measure practical in this State. This bill changes the doctrine of the courts on com- mon employment to a limited extent, and is incorporated in this report for the reason that many legislators may desire to act upon a limited bill. The second, and the bill we recommend as being most in harmony with existing legislation and the course of law in this State, is a bill which simply seeks to abolish common employment as a defence in actions contemplated by it. Commonwealth of Massachusetts. In the Year One Thousand Eight Hundred and Eighty-Three. An Act relating to the Liability of Employers for Personal Injuries sustained by their Employees. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives, in General Court assembled, and by the authority of the same as follows: — Section 1. Where, after the commencement of this Act, personal injury is caused to an employee, — (1.) By reason of any defect in the condition of the ways, works, machinery or plant connected with, or used in, the business of the em- ployer; or (2.) By reason of the negligence of any person in the service of the * As the railroad trains of this State are not rim and controlled in precisely the same way as English railways, this, in order to be applicable to our system, would need to be slightly changed ; " points " should read " switch." 156 STATISTICS OF LABOR. employer, who has any superintendence entrusted to him, whilst in the exercise of such superintendence ; or (3.) By reason of the negligence of any person in the service of the employer, to whose orders or directions the employee at the time of the injury was bound to conform, and' did conform, where such injury resulted from his having so conformed ; or (4.) By reason of the act or omission of any person in the service of the employer done or made in obedience to the rules or by-laws of the employer, or in obedienfce to particular instructions given by any person delegated with the authority of the employer in that behalf ; or (5.) By reason of the negligence of any person in the service of the employer, who has the charge or control of any signal, switch, locomotive engine, or train upon a railway, — the employee, or, in case the injury results in death, the legal personal representative of the employee, and any persons entitled in case of death, shall have the same right of com- pensation and remedies against the employer as if the employee had not been an employee of, nor in the service of the employer, nor engaged in his work. Sect. 2. Written notice of any injury shall be given to the employer or his legal representatives by or on behalf of the person injured ; or, in case of his death, by or on behalf of his legal representatives, within sixty days of the injury or death, stating the time, place, and cause there- of ; and tlie action thereon shall be commenced, if at all, within six months from the date of the accident ; or, in case of death, within six months fi-om the date thereof. Sect. 3. This act shall take effect on the first day of January, eighteen hundred and eighty-four. n. (JIommontDealtt) of ilto00acI)U0ett0. In the Year One Thousand Eight Hundred and Eighty-three. AN ACT Relating to the Liability of Employers for Personal Injuries sustained by their Employees. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Bepresentatives ill General Court assembled, and by the authority of the same, as folloics: 1 Section 1. Whenever an action is brought 2 against an employer to recover damages for per- EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 157 3 sonal injuries received by an employee while in 4 the discharge of his duty, the fact that the injury 5 was caused by or through the negligence of a 6 fellow-employee shall not prevent the recovery of 7 damages, unless the employee materially contrib- 8 uted by his own negligence to the cause of the 9 injury, or both the person causing and the person 10 receiving the injury were engaged at the time of 11 the injury in domestic or menial service. 1 Sect. 2. Written notice of any injury shall be 2 given to the employer or his legal representatives 3 by or on behalf of the person injured; or, in case 4 of his death, by or on behalf of his legal repre- 5 sentatives, within sixty days of the injury or death, 6 stating the time, place, and cause thereof; and 7 the action thereon shall be commenced, if at all, 8 within six months from the date of the accident; 9 or, in case of death, within six months from the 10 date thereof. 1 Sect. 3. This act shall take effect on the first 2 day of January, eighteen hundred and eighty- 3 four. Appei^dix a. EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY ACT, 1880. (43 & 44 Vic. c. 42) 7th Sept., 1880. An ■ Act to extend and regulate the liability of employers to make compensation for personal injuries suffered by workmen in their serrice. • Be U enacted by the Queen's most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assem- bled, and by the authority of the same, as follows : — Sect. I. Where, after the commencement of this Act, per- Amend- sonal injury is caused to a workman, — ™^'° "* (1.) By reason of any defect in the condition of ways, works, machinery or plant, connected with or used in the business of the employer ; or (2.) By reason of the negligence of any person in the ser- vice of the employer, who has any superintendence entrusted to him, whilst in the exercise of such superintendence ; or (3.) By reason of the negligence of any person in the ser- vice of the employer, to whose orders or directions the work- man, at the time of the injm-y, was bound to conform, and did conform, where such injury resulted from his having so conformed ; or (4.) By reason of the act or omission of any person in the service of the employer, done or made in obedience to the rules or by-laws of the employer, or in obedience to particular instructions given by any person delegated with the authority of the employer in that behalf ; or (5.) By reason of the negligence of any person in the ser- vice of the employer, who has the charge or control of any signal, points, locomotive engine, or train upon a railway, — The workman, or, in case the injury results in death, the legal personal representatives of the workman, and any persons entitled in case of death, shall have the same right of com- pensation and remedies against the employer as if the work- man had not been a workman of nor in the service of the employer, nor engaged in his work. Sect. IT. A workman shall not be entitled, under this Act, to Exceptions any right of compensation or remedy agamst the employer in men't's°of'" any of the following cases (that is to say) : — law. 160 STATISTICS OF LABOR, r Limit of sutu recov- erablu eb compensa- tion. Limit of time for re- covery of compensa- tion. Money pay- able under penalty to be deducted from com- pensation under act. (1 ) Under sub-section 1 of section I, unless the defect, therein mentioned, arose from, or had not been discovered or remedied, owing to the negligence of the employer, or of some person in the service of the employer, and intrusted by him with the duty of seeing that the ways, works, machinery or plant were in proper condition. (2.) Under sub-section 4 of section I, unless the injury resulted from some impropriety or defect in the rules, by-laws, or instructions therein mentioned ; provided that where a rule or by-law has been approved or has been accepted as a pro- per rule or by-law by one of Her Majesty's Principal Secre- taries of State, or by the Board of Trade, or any other depart- ment of the Government, under or by virtue of any Act of Parliaftient, it shall not be deemed, for the purpose of this Act, to be an improper or defective rule or by-law. (3.) In any case where the workman knew of the defect or negligence which caused his injury, and failed, within a reasonable time, to give, or cause to be given, information thereof to the employer, or some person superior to himself, unless he was aware that the employer or such superior already knew of the said defect or negligence. Sect. III. The amount of compensation recoverable under this Act shall not exceed such sum as may be found to be equivalent to the estimated earnings, during the three years preceding the injury, of a person in the same grade employed during those years in the like employment, and iii the district in which the workman is enaployed at the time of the injury. Sect. IV. An action for the i-ecovery, under this Act of com- pensation for an injury, shall not be maintainable unless notice that injury has been sustained is given within six weeks, and the action is commenced within six months from the occur- rence of the accident causing the injury, or, in case of death, within twelve months from the time of death; provided always, that in case of death the want of such notice shall be no bar to the maintenance of such action, if the judge shall be of opinion that there was reasonable excuse for such want of notice. Sect. V. There shall be deducted from any compensation awarded to any workman, or representatives of a workman, or persons claiming by, under or through a workman in respect of any cause of action arising under this Act, any penalty or part of a penalty which may have been paid in pursuance of any other Act of Parliament to such workman, representatives, or persons in respect of the same cause of action ; and where an action has been brought under this Act by any workman, or the representatives of any workman, or any persons claim- ing by, under or through such workman, for compensation in respect of any cause of action arising under this Act, and pay- ment has not previously been made of any penalty or part of EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 161 a penalty, under any other Act of Parliament in respect of the same cause of action, such workman, representatives or per- son shall not be entitled thereafter to receive any penalty or part of a penalty under any other Act of Parliament, in respect of the same cause of action. Sect. VI. (1.) Every action for recovery of compensation Trial of so- under this Act shall be brought in a county court, but m^iy, upon the application of either plaintiff or defendant, be re- moved into a superior court in like manner and upon the same conditions as an action commenced in a county court may be by law removed. (2.) Upon the trial of any such action in a county court before the judge without a jury, one or more assessors may be appointed for the purpose of ascertaining the amoimt of com- pensation. (3.) For the purpose of regulating the conditions and mode of appointment and remuneration of such assessors and all matters of procedure relating to their duties, and also for the purpose of consolidating any actions under this Act in a county court, and otherwise preventing multiplicity of such actions, rules and regulations may be made, varied and repealed from time to time, in the same manner as rules and regulations for regulating the practice and procedure in other actions in county courts. " County Court " shall, with respect to Scotland, mean the " Sheriff's Court," and shall, with respect to Ireland, mean the " Civil Bill Court." In Scotland any action under this Act may be removed to 40and4i the court of session at the instance of either party, in the man- "' ' ner provided by and subject to the conditions prescribed by section 9 of the Sheriff Courts (Scotland) Act, 1877. In Scotland the sheriff may conjoin actions arising out of the same occurrence or cause of action, though at the instance of different parties and in respect of different injuries. Sect. VII. Notice in respect of an injury under this Act shall Mode of give the name and address of the person injured, and shall ticeofin, state in ordinary language the cause of the injury and the ^^^' date at which it was sustained, and shall be served on the em- ployer, or, if there is more than one employer, upon one of such employers. The notice may be served by delivering the same to or at the residence or place of business of the person on whom it is to be sei-ved. The notice may also be served by post by a registered letter addressed to the person on whom it is to be served, at his last known place of residence or place of business ; and, if served by post, shall be deemed to have been served at the time when a letter containing the same would be delivered in the ordi- nary course of post ; and, in proving the'service of such notice, 162 STATISTICS OF LABOK. DefinitionB. 38 and 39 Vic. c. 90. Commence- ment of act. Short title. it shall be sufficient to prove that the notice was properly addressed and registered. When the employer is a body of persons corporate or unin- corporate, the notice shall be served by delivering the same at or by sending it by post in a registered letter addressed to the office, or, if there be more than one office, any one of the offices of. such body. A notice under this section shall not be deemed invalid by reason of any defect or inaccuracy therein, unless the judge who tries the action arising from the injury mentioned in the notice, shall be of opinion that the defendant in the action is prejudiced in his defence by such defect or inaccuracy, and that the defect or inaccuracy was for the purpose of mis- leading. Sect. VIII. For the purpose of this Act, unless the context otherwise requires, — The expression, " person who has superintendence entrusted to him," means a person whose sole or principal duty is that of superintendence, and who is not ordinarily engaged in manual labor; The expression, " employer," includes a body of persons cor- porate or unincorporate ; The expression, " workman," means a railway servant and any person to whom the Employers and workmen Act, 1875, applies. (38 and 89 Vic, chap. 90, sect. 10. In this Act, the expres- sion " workman " does not include a domestic or menial ser- vant, but, save as aforesaid, means any person who, being a laborer, servant in husbandry, journeyman, artificer, handi- craftsman, miner, or otherwise engaged in manual labor, whether under the age of twenty-one years or above that age, has entered into or works under a contract with an employer ; whether the contract be made before or after the passing of this Act, be express or implied, oral or in writing, and be a contract of service, or a contract personally to execute any work or labor.) Sect. IX. This Act shall not come into operation until the first day of January, 1881, which date is in this Act referred to as the commencement of this Act. Sect. X. This Act may be cited as the Employers' Liability Act, 1880, and shall continue in force till the thirty-first day of December, 1887, and to the end of the lien next session of Parliament and no longer, unless Parliament shall otherwise determine ; and all actions commenced under this Act before that period shall be continued as if the said Act had not ex- pired. EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 163 APPEmiX B. Extracts from Circular issued by Baltimore & Ohio Eailroad Company, promulgating the Organization of an Employees' Relief Asso- ciation. Baltimoee & Ohio Railhoad Company, Baltimore, May 1, 1880. To the Employees of the Baltimore S; Ohio Railroad Company and of its Divisions and Branches : The Baltimore & Ohio Railroad Company having been peti- Reasons for tioned by its employees to aid and countenance them in the society, organization of a benevolent relief society, and being desirous of securing to them the advantages which experience has uni- formly shown may be enjoyed by the employees of railroad and other large corporations, where associations of that char- acter are in operation, has devised for them a plan embodying, as it believes, the best features of such ass6ciations. Also, having learned of the pecuniary necessities of persons Reasons for formerly in its service, and being anxious and solicitous that annu?ty°fea. its present and future employees, although escaping accidents '""• and sickness whilst in the discharge of duty, shall not find themselves without the means of support, whenever, through approaching old age or the contraction of infirmities, they be- come unable to perform the services assigned them or earning a livelihood in other pursuits, it has added to the indemnity features of the plan a superannuation or annuity provision, which it commends to their consideration and adoption. To give force and effect to this plan and as an earnest of its Contribu- solicitude for their comfort and welfare, the company has con- ^''o' r. k. tributed $100,000 as the nucleus of a fund from which its em- ^o. to fond, ployees can derive pecuniary relief in the event of becoming incapacitated for earning their livelihood, or by means of which, in the event of death, they may leave some provision for their families, upon condition that they will second its endeavor to promote their welfare by making such contributions to the fund as will secure its permanency and effectiveness. The company will also, without expense to the fund, give b. & o. e. the services of its staff in conducting the clerical and other pay^'ei'" business necessary to its proper management ; office-room for penses of ment. 164 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Free trans- portation of contribu- tor's chil- dren. Half rate transporta- tion for con- tributors and fami- lies. Medical at- tendance. its records, etc. ; and, whenever it is necessary or desirable to employ females or children for such work as they are qualified to perform, preference will be given to the widows, wives, sisters and children of its faithful contributing employees, over other applicants, in the order above named. It will also make arrangements by which the children of those contributing to the fund, under sixteen years of age, shall travel free when going to or returning from school, over all its lines, for distances under ten miles, and will give half- fare transportation to contributors, their wives and children, travelling over its lines. Skilful medical attendance will be provided free of expense to all contributors who may be injured while performing any duty assigned them by competent authority. Division of contributors into classes. Specifying -who shall contribute to iBt class. Specifying who shalt contribute to 2d ClflBS. An Indemnity foe Accident and Death consequent THEREUPON, Sickness and Death from Natural Causes. In order to insure a proper and just discrimination in the imposition of rates between the employees whose occupations render them peculiarly liable to accidents and others not so liable, they will be divided into two classes, viz : — 1st Class. Those engaged in operating trains and rolling stock ; 2d Class. Those not so engaged. The first class will contribute monthly, in advance, accord- ing to the following scale, viz. : — Those receiving |85 and under per month will contribute f 1.00 a month, entitling each to one benefit. Those receiving over f 35 and not more than $50 per month, will contribute $2.00 a month, entitling each to two benefits. Those receiving over $50 and not more than $75 per month, will contribute $3.00 a month, entitling each to three benefits. Those receiving over $75 and not more than $100 per month, will contribute $4.00 a month, entitling each to four benefits. Those receiving over $100 per month will contribute $5.00 a month, entitling each to five benefits. The second class according to the following scale, viz. : — Those receiving $35 and under per month will contribute 75 cents a month, entitling each to one benefit. Those receiving over $35 and not more than $50 per month, will contribute $1.50 a month, entitling each to two benefits. Those receiving over $50 and not more than $76 per month, will contribute $2.25 a month, entitling each to three benefits. Those receiving over $76 and not more than $100 per month, will contribute $3.00 a month, entitling each to fovir benefits. Those receiving over $100 per month will contribute $3.75 a month, entitling each to five benefits. EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 165 As the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad Company agrees to bear Fund not to all the expenses incident to the management of the fund, the expenses, contributors to it will receive, without deduction for expenses, utoistore-' all the benefits secured by their own payments and the com- oeWe bene- pany's contribution, and any surplus remaining at the end of plus, each year will be devoted to the reduction of the rates of their contributions. Participation in the benefits of this Association is to be vol- ^i^o^*'"' untary as regards ofllcials receiving an annual compensation participate of over $2,000, and those whose duties are in nowise hazardous of fund. and such as to render them liable to railroad casualties. All other employees on the main stem, branches and divisions are expected to subscribe to so much of its relief features as relate to indemnity, for injuries or death, occurring while in the discharge of duty and in the company's service. The fund thus constituted is to be controlled by a committee Funds — of management, partly elected by the contributors, and partly troTled'.'' appointed by the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad Company, in manner hereinafter explained,- and devoted exclusively to For what relieving the necessities of those contributing to it, in the Ssed.™'^ following contingencies, viz. : — 1. In case of the temporary disablement of any contributing Temporary employee whilst in the discharge of duty and in the company's pa^yment™' service, the payment to him or to his order, of a daily allow- ance, payable monthly, for a period not exceeding six months from the date of accident, ' 2. In case of permanent disablement, happening to a con- Permanent tributing employee, from accident whilst in the discharge of paySt™' duty and in the company's employ, incapacitating him from earning a livelihood, the monthly payment of a specified allowance for his support during the continuance of such dis- ablement. 3. In case of the death of a contributing employee by acci- idemnity dent arising whilst in the discharge of duty and in the com- by accident, pany's service, the payment of a speclfled sum to the person designated by him to receive the same, or to his legal repre- sentative. 4. In case of injury or sickness from any cause other than Bick pay- accident whilst in the discharge of duty in the company's "'™'' service, causing total inability to labor, the monthly payment of a specified allowance for his support, for a period not exceeding one year from commencement of disability. 5. In the event of the death of a contributing employee, Indemnity occurring from any other cause than accident ari.sing -whilst in from nat- the discharge of duty and in the company's service, the pay- ""'"^ "auses. ment of a specified sum to the person designated by him to receive the same, or to his legal representative. The allowances thus indicated shall be based upon the con- Allowances tributions made by the beneficiary, according to the following elated. scale : — 166 STATISTICS OF LABOK. Scale. Those receiving per month $35 and under, Those receiving per month over $35 and not more than $50, Those receiving per month over $50 and not more than $76, Those receiving per month over 176 and not more than $100, Those receiving per month over $100, In case of temporary d i s a blement by accident, whilst in the discharge of duty and in tlie company's service, the same being professionally certified in such manner as may be re- quired by the committee of management, the monthly payment, for a period not exceeding six months, of PER DAY. $0 50 1 00 1 50 2 00 2 50 In case of permanent d i s a blement and incapacity to resume e m p 1 oyment arising from accident whilst in the dis- charge of duty in the Qompa- nyV service, trie same being professionally certified in such manner as may be re- quired by the committee of management, the monthly payment (af- ter the sixth month^ during c n t muance of such dis- ablement, of $0 25 3. In case of death arising from accident whilst in the discharge of duty and in the company's service, sub- ject to rules governing this class of cases, the payment to the. person designated by the deceased, or to his legal representative, within sixty days after death, of 50 76 1 00 1 26 $500 1,000 1,600 2,000 2,500 In case of injury or sick- ness from any cause other than aqcident whilst in the discharge of duty in the company's service, caus- ing total ina- bility to labor, subject to tbe rules govern- ing this class of cases, the payment (not longer than one year) of a daily allow- ance of $0 50 1 00 1 50 2 00 2 50 5. In case of death arising fi'om anj-cause other than ac- cident whilst in the d i s - charge of duty in the compa- ny's service, subject to rules governing tliis class of cases, the payment to the person des- ignated by tlie deceased, or to his legal repre- s e^tative, within sixty days after death, of $100 200 300 400 500 Contribu- tors may take higher bonefitB. Contribu- tions — how levied. Disable- ment allow- ances to be paid month- ly. Any contributor will be entitled to the higher rates of relief by paying the contributions provided for those rates. Contributions will, in all cases, be deducted monthly from the members' wages, so that payments will be required of them only when they hare earned wages ; and the allowance will, in all cases, be proportioned to the monthly contributions paid by each person in the several classes into which the contributors have been divided. In cases of disablement the allowance will be paid not less than once every month ; before each payment, whether for temporary or permanent disability, satisfactory evidence of its existence must be furnished. EMPLOYEES' LIABILITY. 167 To constitute a lawful claim for accident indemnity there must be : — 1st. Exterior or patent evidence of injury, and satisfactory testimony that it resulted from accident whilst in the discharge of duties assigned the contributor by the company, and inca^ pacitates hina from earning a livelihood. 2d. In case of death, that the injuries sustained by such accident were the sole and direct cause of death ; or 3d. Not resulting from accidents whilst performing the com- pany's service, that it was not caused by injuries received whilst engaged in unlawful enterprises or riots. The man- agers are to be the exclusive judges as to whether the injuries have been so caused and received, and their decision shall be final and conclusive. All legitimate claims for death allowance will be paid in full, irrespective of any previous payments which may have been made under the head of temporary disability allowance ; but the managers are to have power to require such informar tion and particulars as they deem necessary to establish the validity of the claim of any person applying for allowance. In urgent cases the managers have power to pay part of the death allowance within a shorter period than sixty days, but the whole will always be paid within that time. The several subscriptions to the fund will be deducted monthly, or whenever salaries are paid by the company's pay- masters, in advance, and will be held subject to investment or disbursement as the managers may decide. What con- stitutes a legal claim for accident indemnity. What con- stitutes claim for death in- demnity. Death claims to be paid in full, irrespective of previous payments. Death al- lowance to be paid within sixty days. Collection of subscrip- tions. The managers are to be chosen partly by the Baltimore & Ohio Kailroad Company, on account of its interest in the fund, and partly by the contributors to it. The company are to choose four, and the contributors five — the majority of those selected. Managers — how chosen. The condition of the fund is to be annually investigated and reported on by a proper and competent person, to be selected by the managers for that purpose. Annual in- vestigation into condi- tion of fund. The Baltimore & Ohio Railroad Company guarantees fulfil- ment of the benefits herein indicated. B. 8c O.K. R. Co. guar- antees ben- efits herein enumerated. 168 STATISTICS OF LABOK. RELIEF AND ANNUITY FEATURES. CONSTITUTION. Title of Ab- BociatioD. Objects. Surgical at- tendance. Allowance for tempo- rary dis- ablement. Allowance for perma- nent disa- blement. Indemnity for death from acci- dent. Article I. This society shall be known as " The Baltimore & Ohio Employees' Relief Association." Article II. Its object' shall be to provide for its members while they are disabled by accidents, sickness or by old age, and, at their deaths, for their families. Article III. Such provision shall include : — 1st. Surgical attendance for its members, when injured by accidents while in the discharge of duty and in the service of the Baltimore & Ohio Kailroad Company, or of any other rail- road company whose employees shall be admitted to the privi- lege of membership by a vote of the managers of this society, who shall contract with physicians and surgeons residing at all practicable points along the lines of the roads aforesaid for such attendance. 2d. There shall be paid to every contributor of the smallest (or 1st) class thus injured by accident, while totally unable to labor, fifty cents for each Working day thus lost, and to con- tributors of higher classes larger sums, proportionate to their contributions ; but, after six months' disability, these payments shall be reduced one-half. They shall not be made until cer- tificates satisfactory to the managers have been received from the supervisor or head of department or division, that the acci- dent occurred while the person injured was in the discharge of duty and in the company's service, and from one of the society's surgeons that this accident had caused total disability for labor for the time specified in the certificate. 3d. In the event of the death of a contributor, occurring solely by reason of, and at the time or within six months after an accident, while in the discharge of duty in the service of either of the companies aforesaid : in the case of a contribu- tor of the smallest class there shall be paid to the person des- ignated by him in the application for membership to receive the same, or to his legal representative, if there be no such person, the sum of $500, and in the cases of contributors of higher classes larger sums, proportionate to their monthly con- tributions ; but all the payments shall be conditioned upon the EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 169 certification of the requirements above specified, by one of the designated sm-geons of the society and by the member's super- visor, head of department, or other official of higher authority. i As it is not contemplated in this scheme to give double ben- EeilnquiBh- efits in cases of disability or death resulting from accidents, claims for the benefits herein promised shall not be payable nor paid ^'^"^'^s'"- when the contributor, or any person entitled to damages be- cause of the accident to him, whether resulting in death or not, has or makes a claim against said company, or any of the com- panies operating its branches or divisions (including the Chicago division), until there be first filed with the committee a release, satisfactory to them, releasing said companies from such damages, signed by all persons entitled to the same. 4th. There shall be paid to every contributor of the smallest Indemnity (or 1st) class, in the case of injury or sickness arising from from ordi- any other cause than accident occurring in the discharge of "'"^^ causes. duty in the company's service, while totally unable to labor, fifty cents for each working day thus lost, and to contributors of higher classes larger sums, proportionate to their contributions. But these payments shall only continue one year after the em- ployee ceases to contribute to the relief fund, and shall not be made in cases of disablement of less than six working days' duration, and then only when certificates satisfactory to the managers have been received from a duly registered medical practitioner, corroboi-ated by the contributor's superintendent or head of department, that sickness or injury had caused total disability for labor for the time specified in the certificate. 5th. In the event of the death of a contributor, occurring indemnity while in the service of either of the aforesaid companies, dea"hfrom neither by his own act, nor by the hands of iustice, nor in vio- natural •^ ^ J J ' causes. lation of the laws of the State wherein he was injured or died, nor by such accidents as will secure relief from this society as already provided for in this constitution, there shall be paid : in the case of each contributor in the smallest class, to the person designated in his application for membership to receive the same, or, if there be no such person, then to his legal rep- resentative, the sum of $100, and in the cases of contributors in higher classes larger sums, proportionate to their monthly contributions ; conditioned, however, upon the presentation of proof satisfactory to the managers that death occurred within the requirements herein set forth. Article IV. Participation in the benefits of this Association Subscnp- shall be voluntary as regards olflcials receiving an annual com- '"°^' pensation of over $2,000, and those whose duties are in nowise hazardous and such as to render them liable to railroad casual- ties. [All other employees on the main stem, branches and divisions are expected to subscribe to so much of its relief features as relate to indemnity for injuries or death occurring while in the discharge of duty and in the company's service. 170 STATISTICS OF LABOR. When era- ployeeemay waive ordi- nary death payments. Contribu- tovH dis- abled from natural causes shall bold their right to death in- demnity for one month. Nature and amount of members' contribu- tion. First, or smallest class. Payments by 2d class of contrib- utors. Payments by 3d class of contrib- utors. Payments by 4th class or contrib- utors. Payments by 5th class of contrib- utors. Provision reducing rates of con- tribution. Uses to which com- pany's con- Employees who are unmarried or who have no immediate fam- ilies dependent upon them for support, may waive the benefits accruing in case of death from any cause other than from inju- ries received in the discharge of duty ; in which case a reduc- tion of twenty-five cents per month on smallest, and propor- tionately larger reductions on other contributions, will be allowed.] Article V. When a contributor shall be disabled by sick- ness or accident from earning any wages, and it shall be so certified by a surgeon employed by the society, he shall, not- withstanding, be entitled to the benefits of this society for one month after the time for which his contributions have been paid, and also for a period extending from the day he resumes labor to the first subsequent payment of wages. Article VI. For the several benefits herein set forth — medipal attendance, temporary and permanent disablement in- demnity, allowance for death by accident and death from other causes — each member receiving a monthly compensation of ^35 and under shall pay, in advance, a monthly contribution of |1, if engaged in operating trains or rolling stock, or 75 cents per month if not so engaged ; which shall entitle him to the benefits above assigned to the contributors in the smallest class. Those receiving over $85 and not more than $50 per month, shall pay double the contributions paid by the smallest class of coatributors, and receive double their benefits. Those receiving over $50 and not more than $75 per motath, shall, pay three times as much as the smallest class of con- tributors, and receive three times their benefits. Those receiving over $76 and not more than $100 per month, shall pay four times as much as the smallest contributors, and receive four times their benefits. Those receiving over $100 per month shall pay five times as much as the smallest contributors, and receive five times their benefits. Article VII. These rates of payment shall continue only the first year of membership, and at the end of September of every year the managers shall make up a statement of the receipts from the members and of the payments to them, and of the futm-e liabilities of the Association to them, as ascertained by some competent person to be employed by the managers for that purpose ; and the whole of the surplus thus ascertained shall be used to reduce the next year's contribu- tion, or to increase the allowance for natural deaths, or shall be otherwise devoted to promoting the interests of the Associa- tion, in such manner and at such times as shall be deemed best by the committee of management. Article VIII. As the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad Company for the purpose of guaranteeing the above payments and of • EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 171 lessening the contributions of the members of this society, tribuUon have consented to bear all the expenses necessary to the pued. " "'' proper management of its affairs, and have contributed $100- 000 towards its funds, the whole of the interest received from its contribution shall also be used every year to lessen the conti-ibutions of the company's employees. Article IX. The managers shall, from time to time, pro- Extra visit- vide for the visitation of the persons on the allowance list' tbiedmenT- besides that of the attending surgeon or physician, and no i"'™- member refusing to submit to an examination by such visitor shall be entitled to receive any benefits from the fund during the continuance of such refusal. Article X. All liabilities on account of death shall be pay- Payment of able within sixty days after receipt of notice of death. bilities!" Article XI. The monthly payments shall, in all cases, be Contribu- deducted from the wages of the members ; when there are no Md wheQ"" wages, no payments can be made. collected. Annuity Fund. Article XII. Any one may make regular contributions to Annuity this fund, of any amount he sees proper to set aside as the t^ns? " basis of an annuity. Article XIII. If he continues his contributions until he has Nature and arrived at the age of sixty-five, he shall receive an annual aanulty ai- allowance, as long as he lives, of ten cents for each and every '"wo^c. dollar he has paid into the annuity fund ; and an addition of one-half cent on the dollar for every year his contributions have continued. To illustrate : — If he begins at thirty-five and continues his contributions illustration, until he reaches the age of sixty-five, at the rate of five dollars a month, he will have paid into the annuity fund, in the thirty years, eighteen hundred dollars ; which will entitle him to an annual allowance for the remainder of life, of ten cents on the dollar, or one hundred and eighty dollars, and an addition of one-half cent on each dollar for the thirty years his contribu- tions have continued, or fifteen cents on each of the eighteen hundred dollars he has paid ; making an addition of two hun- dred and seventy dollars, and the whole allowance, four hundred and fifty dollars, each year he lives after attaining the age of sixty-five. Article XIV. If at any time he stops his contributions to, Rights of but does not withdraw them from the annuity fund, he shall re- 'omhiuTng ceive, after arriving at the age of sixty-five, ail annual allow- contnbu- ance, for the remainder of life, of ten cents on the dollar for all he has paid into it, and an addition of one-half cent on the dollar for each of the years — counting from the middle of the period during which he contributed — to sixty-five. To illus- trate : — If he begins at forty-five to contribute at the rate of five illustration. 172 STATISTICS OF LABOE. KiglitB in event of death. Amount re- turned in case of withdrawal from fund. Annuitants may com- pound life . payments. dollars a month, and stops at fifty-fire, his contributions will have amounted to six hundred dollars ; which will entitle him, after arriving at the age of sixty-five, to an annual allowance of ten cents on the dollar on all he has contributed, or sixty dollars a year, and an addition of one-half cent on the dollar for each year counting from fifty — the middle of the period during which he has contributed — to sixty-five ; making in all fifteen years (seven and one-half cents on each dollar paid), or forty -five dollars a year ; which, added to the sixty, will make one hundred and five dollars annual allowance to be paid him as long as he may live. Article XV. If he shall die before arriving at the age of sixty-five, the person designated in his certificate, or, if there be no such person, his legal representative, shall receive all he has contributed to this fund, and one-half more. Article XVI. If he shall withdraw from participation in the benefits of this fund, there shall be returned to him three- fourths of the total sum he has contributed thereto. AuTiCLE XVII. Any member, after becoming a recipient on this fund, may at any time before arriving at the age of seventy receive a sum, in one payment, equal to five years' allowance under the schedule, in place of all future allowances. Constitution of Commit- tee of man- agers. Election for managers. Voting by contrihu- tors. Managers not entitled to compen- sation. Investment of funds. Custody of funds. Committee of Management. Article XVni. The president of the Baltimore ^ Ohio Railroad Company shall be, ex officio, a member of the com- mittee of management, which, in addition, shall consist of four members to be appointed by the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad Company, and five elected by the contributors. Article XIX. The first election for managers shall take place on the first Wednesday after the first day of July, 1880, and until that election takes place the president of the Balti- more & Ohio Railroad Company shall designate the persons to represent the contributors in the board. Subsequent elec- tions shall take place on the first Wednesday following the first day of January of every year. Article XX. At these elections for managers each person shall be entitled to vote in proportion to his monthly contribu- tions, and shall have the right to vote by proxy. Article XXI. No person shall be entitled to receive any compensation or salary by reason of his service upon the com- mittee of management. Article XXtl. The moneys belonging to the fund of this society, not wanted for immediate use, shall be invested by the managers in United States bonds, Maryland State and Muni- cipal bonds, Baltimore & Ohio Railroad bonds, stocks or other obligations, and other first-class securities. All securities and the moneys necessary to meet current expenses shall be en- trusted to the official custody of the treasurer of the Baltimore EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 173 & Ohio Railroad Company, to be held subject to the requisi- tion of the committee of management. Article XXIII. All the benefits offered by this society are guaranteed by the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad Company. AuTicr.E XXIV. The managers will elect a secretary from the contributors, who shall perform the usual duties attached to that office. Article XXV. Should any difference arise between any claimants for the benefits herein set forth and the committee of management, it shall be submitted to three arbitrators ; one to be chosen by each party and the third by the two thus chosen ; whose decision shall be final. Article XXVI. All the contributions due by the members of this society shall be paid in advance, by being deducted from the monthly wages due them by either of the companies afore- said, and every person signing these rules hereby assents to such reduction. Article XXVII. None of the provisions of this constitution shall be altered, modified or repealed, nor shall any new rule be made, except at a general meeting of the committee of management. Three months' notice must be given of any such proposed change or modification, and every such amend- ment, repeal, of an old rule, or introduction of a new one, shall be inoperative until confirmed by a two-thirds majority vote of the members of this society, or by two-thirds of the com- mittee of management, at a subsequent general meeting. BenefitB guamotecd byB. &0. R. K. Co. Appoint- ment and duties of secretary. Settlement of disputes. Contribu- tions — when paid. Modifica- tion, repeal, &c., of rules. BY-LAWS OF THE RELIEF ASSOCIATION. 1st. Whenever suit is brought by a member of the Associa- tion against the B. & O. R. R. Co., or any of the companies operating its branches or divisions, including the Chicago division, such member shall forfeit all claim to any benefits accruing to him subsequent to the date of the institution of the suit. 2d. No member of the Association shall, without the assent in writing, of the Secretary of the Association, assign or trans- fer to any person, other than the one named in his application, any benefit due him by the Association under its constitution and by-laws, and any such attempted assignment without such written consent shall be a forfeiture of all claims of the beneficiary or transferee to such benefits. 3d. Each and every vacancy occurring in the committee of management shall be filled through the election, by the com- mittee, of a member of the Relief Association, to serve the un- expired portion of the term of the committeeman whom he succeeds. 174 STATISTICS OF LABOR. No em- ployee over fony-five years ad- mitted to Uellef As- sociation . Kegulationa regarding joining \As- sociation. Examina- tion of ap- plicants for admission to com- pany's ser- vice. Minors. Premiums. Liability of Association for pay- ments to members. Return of premiums on le o OQ 1 1= a o |.sl Average num- ber of differ- ent occupa- tions. if to Hi 1"- Personal service, Trade 83 123 826 17.68 16.36 16.79 Tears. 10.25 6.01 8.22 27.93 21.36 26.01 Years. 6.01 3.14 I 5.48 2.13 1.70 1.76 Years. 4.81 Manufactures, 4.67 All occupations, . 1,032 16.81 8.00 24.81 5.24 1.78 4.43 By the foregoing table we see that the average age at which girls began work was 16.81 ; that they have been at work on an average 8 years, and that their present age is 24.81 ; that out of the 8 years which they have spent in all occupations, 5.24 years have been spent in their present occupations ; that they have been engaged in 1.78 occupations, spending 4.43 years in each. These averages speak well for the working girls of Boston, so far as steadiness in one line of work is concerned. THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 41 n. OCCUPATIONS, PLACES IN WHICH EMPLOYED. Occupations. The table of averages in the last table in the chapter preced- ing presents a column showing the average number of occupa- tions in which the working girls have been engaged. These facts naturally belong under the present heading but were essential to the statistical completeness of the average table and were consequently given there. At the time of the investigation the 1,032 working girls were all employed, filling, of course, 1,032 places or situations. These 1,032 girls had during their working life filled 896 other places or situations, a total of 1,928 for the whole time during which they have been at work. We present in the next table a classification of these 1,928 occupations, and columns showing the number of native born and foreign born employed in the past or at present in such occupations. Occupations and Nativities. Occupations. NAxr^iTiEa. Native born. Foreign boru. Aggregates. Agents and canvassers, . Bonnets and hats, . Bookbinderies, Bookkeepers, . . . . Boots and shoes, Brooms and brushes. Button-hole makers, Buttons and dress trimmings. Cap making, .... Carpetings, . . . . Carpet sewers, Cash dial tenders, . Cash girls, . . . . Cashiers, . . . . Clerks, Cloak makers. Clocks and watches. Coat makers, . . . . Copyists, . . . . Corsets, 5 6 39 18 50 18 16 29 5 11 11 6 20 5 15 17 12 54 8 15 2 10 3 2 2 7 5 4 2 4 26 45 2 2 6. 6 39 20 60 18 18 31 7 18 16 6 24 7 19 43 12 99 10 17 42 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Occupations and Nativities — Concluded. OCCtrPATIONS. Native born. Foreign bom. Cotton mills, Cotton, woollen, worsted, and linen goods, Dressmakers, Drugs and medicines, .... Dye liouse employes, .... Errand girls, Food preparations, .... Furniture, Hair, Hats and caps, Hoopskirts and bustles, .... Housekeepers, Honsework, Lace factory, Ladies' maids and companions. Laundry employes, .... Machine operators, .... Matrons and nurses, .... Messengers and packers, in shops, Metals and metallic goods, . Millinery, Music and ai't, Neckties and furnishing goods, . Nets, seines, etc., Nursery girls, Overalls, jumpers, and colored shirts, . Pantaloons, Paper, Paper boxes, Photographs, Polishes and dressings, .... Printing and publishmg. Restaurant employes, .... Rubber and elastic goods. Saleswomen, Scientitic instruments and appliances, . Seamstresses, Sewing machine teachers and fitters, ■ Shirt makers, Silk, Straw goods, Suspenders, Tailoresses, Teachers, Telegraph and telephone operators, Tobacco, Vests, Weavers, Various occupations, .... Totals 4 22 111 5 5 17 36 14 7 6 6 2 65 6 2 7 20 11 4 26 36 8 4 8 12 7 14 17 40 3 5 34 22 72 94 7 46 3 12 5 19 10 79 20 4 16 10 2 36 7 9 71 3 1 1 10 5 4 3 4 4 66 3 3 13 2 1 2 7 5 2 12 1 4 2 6 21 18 12 26 8 16 8 3 54 6 2 8 7 8 1,378 550 THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 43 No text comparison is needed of a table so easily consulted. But one point seems to require re-statement ; that of the 1,032 working girls, the 749 native born have been or are employed in 1,378 places or situations, while the 283 foreign born have filled 550 places. This shows about the same degree of permanency in employment in the case of both native and foreign born. The question of permanency in employment is graphically shown in the succeeding table which presents all the occupa- tions followed and shows the average number of years that the working girls have been engaged in each, bringing into contrast the number of years passed in it as a present occupation, and also as a previous occupation, followed at some time during their working life. All Occupations, and Years Employed in Same. As A Pbesent As A Previous Occupation. Occupation. Aggregates. Occupations. Num- Average Num- Average Num- Average number number ber number ber. of years. ber. of years. of years. Agents and canvassers, . 6 .96 6 .96 Bonnets and hats, 6 6.34 - - 6 6.34 Bookbinderies, .... 29 6.83 10 1.96 39 5.59 Bookkeepers, . . • : 11 1.73 9 1.77 20 1.75 Boots and shoes, 26 2.37 34 1.89 60 2.08 Brooms and brushes, 9 6.71 9 2.83 18 4.27 Button hole makers, . 8 6.63 10 1.44 18 3.75 Buttons and dress trimmings, . 17 2.53 14 .79 31 1.74 Cap making, .... 2 10.50 5 2.56 7 4.83 Carpetings, . ... 17 8.97 1 2.00 18 8.58 Carpet sewers, .... 12 9.72 4 9.26 16 9.60 Cash dial tenders, . 6 .86 - - 6 .86 Cash girls, .... _ _ 24 1.19 24 1.19 Cashiers, 4 3.36 3 1.83 7 2.70 Clerks, 12 1.17 7 1.09 19 1.14 Cloak makers, .... 26 .83 17 1.98 43 1.29 Clocks and watches, . 7 3.95 5 4.10 12 4.01 Coat maters, .... 81 8.74 18 3.28 99 7.75 Copyists, 7 2.45 3 1.50 10 2.17 Corsets, 7 6.14 10 1.54 17 3.44 Cotton mills, .... 1 2.00 10 2.22 11 2.20 Cotton, woollen, worsted, and linen goods, .... 12 3.95 19 2.19 31 2.87 Dressmakers, .... 97 6.14 85 3.12 182 4.73 Drugs and medicines. 6 2.90 3 1.64 8 2.43 Dye house employes, 6 2.79 - - 6 2.79 Errand girls, .... Food preparations, . 5 .80 13 1.64 18 1.23 33 2.89 13 1.25 46 2.42 44 STATISTICS OF LABOE. All Occupations, and Teai •s Employed in Same — Concluded. As A PreSEST Occupation. .As A PEEVIOnS Occupation. AeOKESATES. OCCUPATIOHS. Num- ber. Average number of years. Num- ber. Average number ofyears. Num- ber. Average number of years. Furniture, 17 4.94 2 6 60 19 4.24 Hair 6 4.83 5 3.60 11 4.36 Hats and caps, . ... 6 3.96 3 3.60 9 3.81 Hoopskirts and bustles, . 8 .70 2 4.00 10 1.36 Housekeepers, .... _ _ 6 4.17 6 4.17 Housework, .... _ _ 120 3.47 120 3.47 Lace factory, .... _ _ 6 3.13 6 8.13 Ladies' maids and companions. _ _ " 5 l.GO 5 1.60 Laundry employ6s, . 8 6.76 2 4.60 10 6.30 Maeliine operators, . 12 6.06 21 2.60 33 8.50 Matrons and nurses, . 7 10-.73 5 4.17 13 7.70 Messengers and packers in shops, 3 1.83 2 2.16 5 1.66 Metals and metallic goods. 15 5.07 13 8.44 28 4.31 Millinery, 15 4.52 27 3.90 42 4.12 Music and art, . . ^. . 3 1.33 8 2.00 11 1.82 Neckties and furnishing goods. 6 8.90 2 .46 8 6.79 Nets, seines, etc., 4 2.25 4 1.26 8 1.75 Nursery girls, .... _ - 17 1.94 17 1.94 Overalls, jumpers, and colored shirts, .6 3.08 3 1.33 9 2.50 Pantaloons, .... 25 8.73 1 .05 26 8.41 Paper, 14 1.49 4 1.56 18 1.50 Paper boxes, .... 32 4.20 12 1.48 44 8.44 Photographs, .... 5 4.60 , - _ 5 4.60 Polishes and dressings, . 4 4.13 i 1.00 5 3.50 Printing and publishing, . 28 4.76 11 2.05 39 4.00 Restaurant employes. 18 4.02 25 1.77 43 2.71 Rubber and elastic goods, 56 1.90 36 1.64 90 1.79 Saleswomen, .... 77 3.40 29 2.31 106 8.19 Scientific instruments and ap- pliances, .... 7 2.14 _ _ 7 2.14 Seamstresses, .... 45 7.92 27 3.42 72 6.21 Sewing machine teachers and fitters, 6 5.60 1 5.00 6 5.50 Shirt makers, .... 23 6.01 5 4.13 28 4.85 Silk 3 7.67 2 3.60 6 6.00 Straw goods, .... 11 4.82 .16 8.19 27 8.86 Suspenders, .... 10 2.60 3 2.87 13 2.55 Tailoresses, .... 67 3.79 66 4.00 133 3.89 Teachers - - 26 8.26 26 8.26 Telegraph and telephone oper- ators, . . . . 4 8.76 - _ 4 3.76 Tobacco, 11 5.23 6 1.49 17 3.31 Vests 9 10.66 4 8.75 13 8.64 Weavers, - _ 9 4.11 9 4.11 Various occupations, 17 3.56 27 2.19 44 2.72 Totals, .... 1,032 - 896 - 1,928 - THE WOEKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 45 A consideration of one occupation will show the purpose and desired result of the presentation. We find that 39 girls have worked in bookbinderies an average of 5.59 years each. At the present time 29 are so employed, with an average of 6.83 years each, while 10 girls, after having remained in book- binderies for 1.96 years each, gave up this occupation and entered another. The permanency of occupation, however, receives its best illustration and proof from the subjoined tables. Number of Different Occupations followed. NUMBEE OP DiFFERENX OCCUPATIONS. Personal 'service. jManufac- tures. All occupa- tions. One, . Two, . Three, . rour, . Five, . Six, . Seven, . Eight, . Nine, . Totals, 32 27 14 5 2 2 1 65 38 14- 4 2 83 123 426 257 90 36 7 4 4 1 1 826 523 .322 118 46 11 6 5 1 1 1,032 Average Number of Different Occupations followed. Occupations. Kumter of TTOrking gii-ls. Whole num- ber of occupa- tions followed. Average number of occupations followed. Personal service, Trade, . Manufactures, . Totals, 83 123 826 1,032 177 209 1,458 1,844 2.13 1.70 1.76 1.78 The 1,032 working girls have followed, on an average, but 1.78 occupations' each; but 6+ per cent of them have been in more than three occupations, while 50 -f per cent have been in but one occupation. The average age, previously shown, should be borne in mind, however, in considering this subject. 46 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Places in Which Employed. The 1,032 working girls, as has been shown, were all resi- dent in and working in Boston at the time of the investigation. During their working life they had filled 2,001 places or posi^ tions in Boston, other places in Massachusetts, other states and foreign countries as shown in table following. The excess of 2,001 over 1,928 (as given in occupation tables preceding) or 73 , is caused by the fact that girls who stated that they had worked in any specified occupation in two or more places were counted but once in the occupation showing (for occupation specified ) while in the table of places in which employed they were necessarily credited to all the places in which they had worked. The figure 1928, on page 44, means situations filled ; the figure 1844, on page 45, means difierent occupations fol- lowed; the figure 2001, in table below, means situations, with credit given for all places in which employed. Becapitvlation. Pbbsonal Service. Trade. MiNtra'AOTURE S . Aggregates. Na- tive. For- eign. Total. Na- tive. ^<"'- ,Total. eign. r"^""- Na- tive. For- eign. Total. Na- tive. For- eign. Total Boston, MasBachuset Maine, . New Hamps Vermont, . Khode Islanc Connecticut, NeWYorli, . New Jersey, Pennsylvanii Maryland, South Oaroli Illinois, Missouri, Colorado, Oaliforuia, United State Canada, New Brnnsi Nova Scotia Prince Ed Island, England, Scotland, Ireland, Sweden, Various Pla ts, '. hirei i, '• \, na, . vlckl ward ses, . 90 11 1 2 2 1 2 47 6 13 1 2 2 1 3 3 137 17 14 3 2 1 3 2 3 3 175 13 4 4 1 19 2 1 1 194 15 4 4 1 1 1 964 73 31 7 1 2 9 2 1 9 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 367 26 5 6 1 1 5 1 1 4 17 17 6 16 6 10 1. 1,331 98 36 12 1 1 2 14 3 2 9 1 1 1 1 2 2 4 18 18 6 16 6 10 2 1,229 97 36 13 2 1 2 10 2 1 9 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 433 33 18 6 1 1 5 1 1 1 6 18 20 6 20 6 10 1 1,662 130 54 19 3 2 2 15 3 2 9 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 e 19 21 6 20 6 10 2 1 Totals, 109 76 185 197 23 220 1,108 488 1,696 1,414 687 2,001 THE WOEKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 47 The number of towns and cities in the various states and countries in which the 1,032 working girls have been at some time employed we give in tabular form below. Places in whid - Employed; Number, States, and Oountries. States and Cochtbies. ^Number. States Ain> Countries. Number. Massachusetts, . 60 Missouri, .... 1 Maine, 23 Colorado, .... 1 New Hampshire, 12 California, 2 Vermont, . 1 United States, . 1 Bhode Island, . 1 Canada 3 Connecticut, 2 New Brunswick, 2 New York, . 7 Nova Scotia, . 3 New Jersey, 2 Prince Edward Island, . 1 Pennsylvania, . 1 England, .... 4 Maryland, . 2 Scotland, .... 2 Soutii Carolina, . 1 Ireland, .... 2 Illinois, 2 Sweden, . . . . 1 The average number of years employed in Boston, other places in Massachusetts, in other states and foreign countries is shown herewith. Places in which Employed; Years Employed. [ Years Employed iH Places Specified. Plages. * Personal service. Trade. Manufac- tures. Aggregates. Boston, Other parts of Massachusetts, Other States, Foreign Countries, .... 7.32 .80 1.04 .35 4.16 .24 .39 .01 6.61 .38 .36 .43 6.31 .39 .42 .37 Whole time employed, . 9.61 4.79 7.68 7.49 Of the average time employed, 7.49 years, 6.31 years have been passed in industries in Boston. To show more plainly that our Boston working girls are not migratory, we present a table of percentages drawn from table given just previously. 48 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Places in which Employed; Time Employed. J Pescbniage of Time Employed ik Places Specified. Personal service. Trade. Manufac- tures. , Aggregates. Boston, ...... Other parts of Massachusetts, Other States, Foreign Countries, .... 77.0 8.4 10.9 3.7 86.6 5.0 8.2 .2 84.8 4.9 4.7 5.6 84.3 5.2 5.6 4.9 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 We see that 84.3 per cent of the whole time during which the 1,032 girls have been at work has been passed in Boston. There can be no doubt that these 1,032 are genuine and typical Boston working girls. The places or situations filled by these girls have been nearly all in Boston establishments, as the table below shows. Different Places in which Employed in All Occupations. Situations. Places. Personal sei-vice. Trade. "Mauuikc- tures. Aggregates. Boston, Other places in Massachusetts, Other States, Foreign Countries, .... 137 17 22 9 194 15 9 2 1,331 98 87 80 1,662 130 118 91 Totals 185 220 1,696 2,001 Of 2,001 places or situations, 1,662 have been in Boston, or, as will be seen by percentage table following, 83+ per cent of all the situations. We have shown before that 84+ per cent of the working time has been passed in Boston. THE WORKING GIRLS OP BOSTON. 49 Number of Places in which Employed; Present and All Occupations. STCMBBR OP Places N WHICH Employed. 5j § L i i 5 o '^ . OCCDPATIONS. c 8 c ^ §■ t« « ll Hi If Ill W gS ^ gB fi° 5 1 1° Persopal service, . 185 83 54 137 48 74+ Trade, . 220 123 71 194 26 88- _ Manuiactures, 1,696 826 505 1,331 265 83^ - Totals, . 2,001 1,032 630 1,662 339 83+ The old saying that " man's work is from sun to sun but woman's work is never done," finds statistical support in the table showing the number that, in addition to their daily labor, are obliged to devote time to Housework and Sewing. CLASSinOATION. Personal Service. Trade. Manufac- tures. Aggregates. Housework, Own sewing, Part of own sewing. Housework and own sewing, . Housework and part of own sewing, Neither housework nor sewing, 4 24 6 24 1 24 7 41 10 19 3 43 30 369 50 271 21 85 41 434 66 314 25 152 Totals, ...... 83 123 826 1,032 Of the 1,032 working girls, 880, or 85+ per cent do their own housework and sewing wholly or in part. No stronger evidence of the essentially "home character "of the lives of our working girls could be adduced. 50 STATISTICS OP LABOR. III. HOURS OF LABOR, TIME LOST, ETC. Hours of Labor. Chapter 74 of the Public Statutes provides that no minor or woman shall be employed in any manufacturing establishment more than sixty hours in one week ; and chapter 157 of the Acts of 1883 extends the provisions of the Public Statutes in this respect to mechanical and mercantile establishments, so that by the laws of this Commonwealth no minor or woman can be employed legally in any manufacturing, mechanical or mercantile establishment more than ten hours per day or sixty hours in any week. The following tables give the facts as to the hours of labor of the working girls of Boston, first as to daily working hours ; second as to hours worked per day, and third as to hours Worked per week. Daily Working Hours. CliASSinOATION. Number. Olassimcation. Number. 5 i..H. to 2 P.M. . . 1 7J A.M. to S3 P.M. . 1 6 " to 8 " . 1 7J " to 6 " . 12 " to 6J " . 1 73 " to 9 " . 1 " to 8 " . 1 7J " to 5J " . 1 '6l " to 81 " . 1 7J " to 6 " . 1 6 " to 44 " . 1 8 " to 4 " . 1 6 " to 74 " . 1 8 " to 4i " . 2 6 " to 8 '■ . 5 8 " to 6 " . 17 6 " to 9 " . 2 8 " to 5J '■ . 23 6 " to 10 " . 1 8 '■ to 6| " . 7 6 " to 12 " . 1 8 " to 6 " . 438 6 6 " to 6 " . 1 8 " to 64 " . 18 "to 6| " 3 days . . j 16 " to 6J " . 1 6: " to 7 " 1 J9 "to 64 "3 days. .( 1 6 6 6 " to 74 " 1 8 " to 7 " . 8 " to 84 " " to lOi " 1 1 1 3 " to 6 "' i "Itema'e. ! 1 6l " to 7 " 1 8 " to 74 " . •2 " to 5J " 10 8 " to 8 " . 2 " to 5} " 1 8 " to 9 " . 6 " to 6 " 200 8 " to 10 " . 3 " to 61 " 11 8 " to 6 " . 2 " to aj " 6 8 " to 5 " . i " to 7 " 6 8 " to 64 " . 6 " to 74 " 1 84 " to 6| " . 8 " to 6 ■• . 2 " to 8 " 6 23 " to 9 " 3 84 " to 64 " . 8 " to 64 " . 1 " to 10 " 6 1 7 " to 6i " 1 Sj " to 6 and 7 p.m. . 1 " to 6 " 2 9 " to 6 P.M. . 1 " to 6 " 2 9 " to 54 " . 4 " to 6J " 7 9 " to 6i " . . . 1 7 " to 6S " 2 9 " to 6 " . 18 Y " to 6 " 89 94 " to 6 " . 2 Y " to 7 " 2 104 " to 7 " . 1 P.M. to 6 " (i day) . 1 \ 7 " to 7 "3 days '■1 - 1 17 " to 11 " 3 days ■ \ 1 Not given , 41 " to 9 " . " to 10 " . 2 1 Total 1,032 THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 51 Working Hours : Daily and Saturday. 1 a CO § 09 Less on Saturday. LoNGUR ON Saturday. Daily Working Hours. c o g §1 2^ || 1^ ii 1 i a> ^ i °i . ii > 1 ^1 7 P i 9 1 10 lOi lU 12 13 If li 16 18 4 8 1 82 1 40 7 432 7 83 7 254 21 8 1 14 7 10 1 6 10 2 8 1 1 1 2 1 1- 3 5 19 24 5 286 1 40 2 121 4 1 3 4 6 1 1 8 1 7 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 13 2 6 8 1 1 6 6 104 3 32 3 10^ 3 1 2 4 10 1 6 2 7 11 1 2 1 3 7 1 10 1 2 2 1 3 1 13 14 2 136 6 43 5 119 21 3 1 1 1 6 1 1 3 2 1 1 3 1 11 1 3 1 3 2 6 1 2 1 1 1 1 6 1 4 2 1 1 1 1 2 11 5 14 4 8 3 3 ^ 4 1 1 1 Tc tale, 976 548 33 263 44 25 4 369 9 21 17 58 Actual Weekly Working Hours. [Shorter hours on Saturday are indicated by s ; longer, by l."] Classification. Number. Classification. Number. Classification. Number. 27 ... . 1 52s . 9 67s . 1 39 . 1 521 .... 5 6748 3 40s . 1 52i (piecework) . 2 57 8 1 40 (five dayB) 2 2 68 ... . 4 42 . , 3 62J« 1 68s . 7 42^8 . 2 53s . 103 i»l- . 1 44; . . 2 63 s ... 63 ... . 1 68 ... . 2 46 . 6 1 68 8 1 45 (five days) 3 53 s . . . 12 69 . 1 45Js . . 1 63 8 ... 1 btl . 46s . . 3 64 ... . 302 59s. 107 miB . 1 648 . 1 691s 2 46y (five days ) ■ 1 uy . . . 2 59is 4 47« . 6 54J» 2 59j8 47^8 . ■ 2 65 . . . . 2 60 - 117 48 . 18 iU . 4 60« . 1 49 . 1 568 . 5 60s. 17 498 . 3 65J . . . . 1 60^; 6 49^8 . 2 55^8 1 61i . 2 60s . 6 56i . • 3 62i . 2 50| . 60Js . 1 668 . 30 62i (also Friday, 1 2 56^8 . . . 4 63 . 4 61 . 61s . 24 4 6698 57 ... . 1 38 Zf. : : : 1 3 61j8 . 2 67« . 1 644. .. . 1 52 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Actual Weekly Working Hours — Concluded. CLASSInOATION. Number. Classification. Number. Classification. Number. 64Ji 66 65s 66 mi mi 6Sl 66 691 mil 70s 70i 7oy 2 1 2 4 1 2 6 3 1 1 1 1 1 7iy . . . 72 . . . . 73i. . . . 74^ . . . . 74s . . . . 75 . . . . 75; . . . . 76i . . . . 77; . . . • 78 . . . . 78i (and Sunday) . 81 . . . . Slhl . . . 1 4 2 1 1 1 1 3 1 9 1 1 1 83; . . . 84 . . . 86 . .- . 86; . . . 87 . . . 87; (and Sunday) 90 . . . 96 . . . 108 ... Piecework, . Not given, Total, 4 38 1,032 It will be seen by the first of the foregoing tables that a very- large proportion of the girls begin work between seven and eight in the morning and close by six at night. Very few begin prior to six a.m. . The number working over ten hours per day is 92 as shown by the second of the three preceding tables, while by the same table it is learned that 369 have a shorter day on Saturday, and 58 a longer day, 57 making no answer to inquiry as to different hours on Saturday. The table on weekly working hours disclosed the fact that 89 out of 1,032 work more than the legal 60 hours per week. Many of these are engaged in trade. But two worked Sundays. In certain occupations, and at certain periods of the year, the hours of labor differ somewhat from the working time reported. Saleswomen in small dry and fancy goods stores, bakeries, etc., vary their labor through the week, having one or two nights off after 6 p.m. with one half or one hour for dinner and supper each, and working until 11 or 12 o'clock on Satur- day nights. In some restaurants, girls have about one Sunday in every four, besides a few hours in the afternoon each week. In other restaurants, as well as in bakeries, girls often work four or five hours every Sunday, as needed. In the large places of employment, in busy seasons, the hours of labor are often extended beyond the time stated, especially during the holidays, the dinner hour is curtailed, and, as is often reported, without extra pay. In other stores, when work is slack, the hours are somewhat abated and girls are not held strictly to rules. THE WOEKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 53 It is, also, often the case, that during the busy and slack seasons, diflferent schedules of working hours are in force. In the busy season, in addition to " store" hours, girls very fre- quently carry their work home, and labor until 9, 10, and 11 o'clock and sometimes till after midnight ; others are employed every night at their places of employment. When employed after 6 p.m. the employer frequently pays for the suppers of the girls, although complaint is sometimes made of the poor quality of food provided. In the clothing trade, when busy, girls are often given so much work to do in a stated time, and after working the regular hours, are obliged to carry home work to complete it on time. In a great many of the establishments in Boston, especially the large business houses, it is the custom during the months of July and August, and sometimes June, to close at 5 o'clock daily and at 12, 1, or 2 o'clock on Saturdays; in' some cases, also, the girls report no work at all on Saturdays during the summer months, while in other cases, no change in hours is made, except in the early closing on Saturday. In a few ins'tances, it is also usual to close one or two hours early on Saturdays through the rest of the year, according to the state of business. To offset the privilege of a half-holiday each week through the hottest months, it is sometimes the custom to deduct from the pay of employes a money equivalent ; in some cases where the hour for closing is 5 each day and 2 on Saturdays, girls are allowed only 5 days' pay for the week. In other stores, the pay of help is cut down to correspond ; the piece hands of course, on account of early hours for closing, do not have the opportunity to make accustomed wages. In places where Saturday afternoons are granted, one half day's pay in some instances is deducted from the week's wages. In one case, a girl reports that besides being given Saturday afternoons (no deduction of pay being mentioned) , girls when sick or indisposed, are at liberty to leave an hour or so earlier than usual without losing the time. In another case, where everything was satisfactory and in most respects considered one of the best stores of its class in Boston, there is no early closing in summer and but one half hour allowed for dinner. In speaking of the " dinner hour," the girls very frequently 54 STATISTICS OF LABOK. complain of the short time allowed iu many places. They think 30 minutes hardly sufficient, and intimate that they would be quite contented if they could have a full hour ,for dinner. Girls were also found taking but part of the dinner hour, mak- ing up in that way in one case, a seven weeks' vacation previ- ously taken, on account of overwork. In some places, it is the practice during the summer to " cut" the dinner hour from 10 to 15 minutes to make up for early closing on Saturdays. In the busy season piece hands often shorten their dinner time voluntarily, eating their lunch and resuming work immediately ; while in other cases reported, during the busy seasc^, but half an hour is allowed, at other times, one hour. The following table shows the range of time allowed for dinner. Dinners. TiuE Allowed. Personal service. Manu- factures. Aggregates. .15 minutes, 20 miautes, 25 minutes, average, .... 30 minutes, 40 minutes, 45 minutes, 50 minutes, average, .... 55 minutes, average, .... 1 hour, 1 hour, 5 minutes, average, 1 liour, 10 minutes, .... 1 hour, 12 minutes, average, 1 hour, 16 minutes, .... 1 hour, VJ\ minutes, average, . 1 hour, 20 minutes, .... \\ horn's, 1 hour, 40 minutes, breakfast, dinner, and supper, 2 hours, 2J hours 2| hours, Begins work at 1 p.m., Piece work, Not stated, Totals, 47 19 2 1 77 1 4 31 12 1 64 2 12 9 1 649 1 2 7 1 1 1 1 67 , 1 1 77 4 18 9 1 773 1 2 2 1 1 2 7 1 13 1 1 1 1 110 83 123 826 1,032 Vacations. But 233 girls enjoyed a vacation during the year preceding our investigation : of this number only 40 received pay during THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 55 the vacation, the balance, 193, receiving no pay. Out of the whole 1,032 there were 799 who had no vacation ; the average length of the vacation given the 233 was 3.28 weeks each, the 40 with pay securing 1.87 weeks each. The ' ' vacation " table tells its own story and nothing need be added, except tQ mention the fact that, one girl reports having worked 14 years without a vacation of any kind. Vacation. Number op Weeks, during the Past Year. Personal service. Manu- factures. 2 weeks, 3 weeks, 4 weeks, 5 weeks, 6 weeks, 9 weeks, 10 weeks, 1 week ; with pay : expenses continued, 2 weeks ; with pay : expenses continued, 1 week ; with pay : expenses continued, 1 week ; no pay : expenses continued, 3 weeks ; with pay : expenses continued, 2 weeks ; with pay : expenses continued, 1 week ; no pay : expenses continued, 4 weeks ; with pay : expenses continued, 1 week ; with pay : expenses stopped, 2 weeks ; with pay : expenses stopped, 3 weeks ; with pay : expenses stopped, 4 weeks ; with pay : expenses stopped, 1 week ; with pay : expenses stopped, 3 weeks ; no pay : expenses stopped, 1 week ; with pay : expenses stopped, 6 weeks ; no pay : expenses stopped, 1 week ; no pay : expenses continued, 2 weeks ; no pay : expenses continued, 3 weeks ; no pay : expenses continued, 4 weeks ; no pay ; expenses continued, 6 weeks ; no pay : expenses continued, 7 weeks ; no pay : expenses continued, 8 weeks ; no pay : expenses continued, 13 weeks ; no pay : expenses continued, 1 week ; no pay : expenses stopped, 2 weeks ; no pay : expenses stopped, 3 weeks ; no pay : expenses stopped, 4 weeks ; no pay : expenses stopped, 5 weeks ; no pay : expenses stopped, 6 weeks ; no pay : expenses stopped, 7 weeks ; no pay : expenses stopped, 8 weeks ; no pay : expenses stopped, 9 weeks ; no pay : expenses stopped, 10 weeks ; no pay : expenses stopped. 11 1 1 2 10 1 4 17 6 1 5 3 3 1 15 46 11 6 2 4 1 7 56 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Vacation — Concluded. Ndmbeb op Weeks, during the Past Yeab. Personal service. Trade. Manu- factures. Aggre- gates. 13 weeks ; no pay : expenses stopped, 14 weeks ; no pay : expenses stopped, 16 weeks ; no pay : expenses stopped. No vacation, 60 1 -75 1 1 664 1 1 1 799 Totals, 83 123 826 1,082 Time Lost. The facts as to lost time are fully shown in this table : Time Lost. Aooreoates. Personal Trade. Manu- Number losing time. Time Lost, in weeks, during the past year. service. factures. Time lost. Time worked, In weeks. in weeks. Iweek, . . . . 6 6 24 36 35 1,785 2 weeks, 3 5 27 35 70 1,750 3 weeks, _ 3 26 29 87 1,421 4 weeks, 4 6 66 76 304 3,648 5 weeks, . ■ . 1 1 26 28 140 1,316 fi weeks, 2 4 33 39 234 1,794 6 weeks (with pay). _ 1 _ 1 6 46 7 weeks, 2 _ 7 9 63 406 8 weeks. 6 11 94 111 838 4,884 9 weeks. 1 _ 15- 16 144 688 10 weeks. 2 19 21 210 882 11 weeks. _ - 1 1 11 41 12 weeks, 1 g 62 62 744 2,480 13 weeks, 4 7 62 63 819 2,457 14 weeks, . 1 5 6 84 228 15 weeks. - 1 3 4 60 148 16 weeks, . 1 3 29 33 628 1,188 17 weeks, 2 4 17 23 391 806 13 weeks. - 1 1 2 36 68 19 weeks, . 1 - 1 19 83 20 weeks. 2 7 9 180 288 21 weeks, - 2 9 11 231 341 22 weeks, . 3 _ 22 26 660 760 24 weeks. - 1 1 2 43 66 28 weeks. 7 4 63 74 1,924 1,924 27 weeks. - - 1 1 27 25 28 weeks. 1 1 28 24 29 weeks. - 2 2 68 46 80 weeks. 1 6 6 180 132 31 weeks, 1 1 31 21 32 weeks, - 1 1 32 20 34 weeks. 2 3 5 170 90 35 weeks. - 4 4 140 68 36 weeks. 1 1 36 16 37 weeks. 1 1 37 16 38 weeks. - - 2 2 76 28 39 weeks. 1 2 6 9 361 117 40 weeks. 1 - 1 40 12 43 weeks. - 2 . 2 86 18 44 weeks. • 1 1 44 8 48 weeks. - 2 2 96 8 49 weeks. 1 1 2 98 6 Totals, . 47 78 633 768 9,336 30,080 No time lost, . 86 46 193 274 - 14,248 83 123 826 1,032 9,336 44,328 THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 57 The number of girls working the full year without loss of time was 274 while 758 lost 12.32 weeks each ; that is, this latter number were out of employment three months in the year. The question of how they live during this period of waiting becomes a vital one and can only be fully considered in connection with the facts as to wages and earnings. It is the constant occurrence of waiting spells which makes the lives of the working girls so hard ; and it is during these lost months they are most subject to temptation. "Time lost" during the past year is traceable to various causes. The principal reasons given are, " dull times," lack of work, sickness of self, children, or relatives, or on account of machines being out of order, and waiting repairs ; in the latter case, girls often. waiting two and three weeks at a time before the machines are put in order. In many of the large houses, girls when employed for a year or more are entitled to a vacation ; otherwise it is taken at their own expense, and their time forfeited. In a good many cases, holidays are deducted from the week's wages, even Christmas day being made no exception, however hard they may have worked during the holiday season. In many cases where time has been lost through sickpess girls are obliged to provide substitutes. In many of the large establishments, time-lists are kept, and if girls are late in the morning, ' ' even a minute," it is deducted from their week's wages. The rules vary somewhat in this respect ; in some places, one minute late, actual time deducted ; in others, fifteen minutes, and in some cases, one hour is deducted. Fines are also imposed, 10 to 25 cents if at all late in the morning, which is abated on giving reasonable excuse. In other cases, if 15 minutes late, they forfeit half a day, unless on " train list " or "privileged." As an oflFset, one girl reports that she was sick six weeks during which time she was paid the same as if working and also allowed two weeks' vacation with pay. In many lines of work there are ' ' seasons " — times when establishments are driven to their utmost capacity, of course to be followed by correspondingly dull pferiods and consequent loss of time. As this loss of time bears directly upon earnings the matter of seasons will be more fully referred to under economic condition. 58 STATISTICS OF LABOE. IV. PHYSICAL AND SANITAEY CONDITION. Health. With the information regarding the social condition, occupa- tions, hours of labor, etc., which we have presented, it becomes important to know the physical and sanitary condition of the people involved in this investigation. The health condition is shown in six short tables which follow ; these tables give the health by occupations, health in comparison with age and conjugal condition, comparative health, health at the time of beginning work and in present occupation, health in the present and immediately previous occupation, and health dur- ing the whole time employed. Occupations and Health. Occupations. Quite good. Not very good. Aggre- AgentB and canvaBSers BoDnets and hats BookbinderieB Bookkeepers BootB and shoes, Brooms and bruBhes, Button-hole makers Buttons and dresB trimmings, Cap makers CarpetingB Carpet sewers Cash dial tenders Cash girlB CaBhiers, Clerks Cloak makers, . . Clocks and watches Coat makers, . . • • • Copyists Corsets, Cotton mills Cotton, woollen, worsted, and linen goods. Dressmakers, Drugs and medicines Dye house employ6s Errand girls Food preparations Furniture Hair Hats and caps, ... Hoopskirts and bustles, .... Housekeepers Housework Lace factory a 5 35 IS 49 15 U 24 6 18 12 18 86 8 74 8 14 10 28 150 7 14 U 5 9 6 100 5 18 18 81 7 18 16 6 24 7 19 43 12 99 10 17 11 31 182 8 6 18 46 19 11 THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. Occupations and Health — Concluded. 59 Occupations. Good. Quite good. Not very good. LadieB* maids and compaiiiona, Laundry employes, .... Machine operatorB, .... Matrons and nurses, .... Meseengers and packers, In Bhops, . Metals and metallic goode, Millinery, . ^ Music and art, Neckties and furnishing goods, ITets, seines, etc., .... Nursery girls, OrerallJs, jumpers, and colored Bhirts, Pantaloons, Paper, ....... Paper boxes Photographs Polishes and dressings, . Printing and publishing, . Bestanrant employes, Bjabber and elastic goods, Saleswomen SMentific instruments and appliances, Seamstresses, Sewing machine teachers and fitters, Shirt makers SiJfe Straw goods Suspender^, Tailoresses, Teachers, Telegraph and telephone operators, Tobacco Teste, ^Weavers, Varions occupations, Totals 23 13 5 20 33 7 15 5 22 15 30 3 3 36 31 65 74 6 55 5 21 5 18 11 95 22 3 16 12 8 35 1,537 94 153 78 30 Health, Age, and Conjugal Condition, Single. Mabhied and Widowed. Occupations ahd State op Health. Under 18. 18 to 40. Above Total. Under 18. 18 to 40. Above 18. Total. Aggre- gates. Febsosal Sbbtioe. Good, . . Qnite good, Not very good, Fair Poor Bad 3 1 1 43 1 2 8 3 1 54 1 3 9 1 4 1 3 1 1 4 1 8 1 3 1 1 1 62 2 6 10 2 1 Totals, Tradb. Good, .... Qatte good, Not very good, Fair, ... Poor, ..... Bad, . . . . 6 31 _ 3 S9 69 3 6 13 3 4 1 1 1 68 91 3 7 16 4 - 10 2 5 15 2 83 91 3 9 16 4 Totals, 34 84 3 121 2 2 123 60 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Health, Age, and Conjugal Condition — Concluded. Single. Married and Widowed. OCCDPATIONS AND Aggxe- State of Health. Under 18. 18 to 40. Above 40. Total. Under 18. 18 to 40. Above 40. Total. MANnFAOTUKKS. Good, 77 458 16 651 2 66 14 82 633 Quite good, i 11 _ 15 - 1 - 1 16 Not very good. . 1 83 2 36 7 1 8 44 Fair 2 71 2 75 - 12 4 16 91 Poor, 1 23 2 26 1 5 1 7 33 Bad 6 6 - 1 2 3 9 Totals, 85 ao2 22 709 3 92 22 117 826 All Occupations Good, 111 665 20 696 2 70 18 90 786 Quite good. 4 15 - 19 - 2 - 2 21 Not very good, 1 41 4 46 12 1 13 69 Fair 6 02 2 100 - 13 4 17 117 Poor, , 2 26 8 31 1 5 2 8 39 Bad, .... • 6 6 - ■ 2 2 4 10 Totals, 124 745 29 898 3 104 27 134 1,032 OomparaMve Health. ITUMBEB IN SPECIFIED StATB OP Health. ClasBlflca- tion. State of Health. At beginning Last occupa- work. " tion. Perfect, 3 Excellent, . 4 2 Very good, 41 17 Good 903 763 Strong and robust, 1 - Pretty good, 2 13 16 Quitft good, 2 3 2 Generally good, . Good to fa r, 2 - 1 2 1 3 Pretty well, 2 - 1 Not very good, . 3 9 16 Good ; not very strong, 3 1 - Not good now, . 3 - 7 Only middling, . Little better. 3 - 1 3 - 1 Not very well, . 3 1 - Not so good, 3 - 4 Not good, . 3 12 29 Fair 4 17 105 Very fair, . 4 1 - Only fair, . 4 1 1 Fairly good. 4 1 - Good to not good, 4 - 1 Not strong, 4 1 1 Better, 4 " 3 THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. Comparative Health — Concluded. 61 Number in specified State OP Health. Classlflca- tlon. At beginning Last occupa- ■work. tion. Delicate, 4 4 Good to bad. 4 Poor, . , 5 7 29 Completely tired, 6 _ Very weak, 6 ™ Failing, 5 _ Poor for 3 years. 5 _ Poor past 6 years. 5 _ Fair to bad. 5 — 6 Very poor, .' 6 6 3 Bad, . 6 1 5 Miserable, . 6 1 Very bad, . 6 2 Totals, . - 1,032 1,032 Eecapitulation. Good, . Quite good. Not very good. Fair, . Poor, . Bad, . Totals, . 1,032 962 782 17 22 23 68 26 116 7 44 8 10 1,032 Health at Beginning Work and in Present Occupation. Health in Fkesent Occupation. Health at Beoinnxso Woek. Good. Quite Good. Not very good. Fall-. Poor. Bad. Aggregates. Good Quite good, . Not very good, . , Fair, .... Poor Bad 760 6 8 6 3 16 4 1 1 48 4 9 3 97 3 2 13 1 27 1 2 1 6 1 4 1 1 4 952 17 23 26 7 8 Totals, . 782 22 64 116 38 10 1,032 62 STATISTICS or LABOR. Health in Present and Previous Occupation. Health in Present Ocoupatiok. Health in PlUSVIOHS OOCUTATION. Good. Quite Good. Not veiy good. Fair. Poor. Bad. Aggregates. Good, .... Quite good, . Not very good, . Fair, .... Poor, .... Bad, .... - 11 9 1 32 2 22 3 3 68 2 43 3 8 18 1 1 . 6 11 2 1 3 1 5 130 12 28 63 18 10 Totals, . - 21 62 119 89 10 251 Health during Whole Time Employed. {Years.) Number of years during which was as specified: health Classification. In Personal service. In Trade. In Manufac- tures. Aggregates. Good health, . . Quite good health, .... Not verjr good health. Fair health, Poor health, Bad health, 7.82 ' .80 .47 .48 .39 .06 3.24 .28 .24 .63 .20 .20 6.69 .16 .46 .92 .31 .16 6.57 .18 .43 .85 .31 .16 Whole time employed, . 9.61 4.79 7.68 7.49 Health during Whole Time Employed. (Percentages.) Percentage of time during which health was as specified ; ^ Classification. In Personal service. In Trade. In Manu- factures. Aggregates. Good health, Quite good health, .... Not very good health, Fair health, Poor health, Bad health, 82.2 8.2 4.9 6.1 4.1 .5 67.6 6.8 6.0 13.2 4.2 4.2 74.1 1.9 6.0 12.0 4.0 2.0 74.4 2.4 5.7 11.4 4.1 2.0 r \ _■- 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 63 The first table relating to occupations and health, intro- duces a classification which is used in all the health tables, that is, all that can be classed as "good" come under class 1, all that can be classed as " quite good," involving all the variations each side of quite good, come under class 2 ; " not very good," as class 3, " fair," as class 4, " poor," as class 5, and " bad," as class 6. In these various classifications, a great many shades of health appear, as will be seen by the table headed " Comparative Health." In the first table, " Occupations and Health," appear all the occupations filled at any time by the girls giving information, or health under 1,928 diflPerent engagements. In the second table, " Health, Age, and Conjugal Condition," we find that of the 1,032 girls, 786, or 76.2 per cent, were in good health at the time the investigation was made. The third table, entitled " Comparative Health," is one of interest. By referring to the recapitulation of this table, it will be seen that there are 952 in class 1, who were in good health at the time they began work, of which number, 782 are in the same classification now ; this difference of 170, of course represents those who have fallen from good health at the begin- ning of work, and the distribution of the 170 is shown in the recapitulation of the " Comparative Health " table, but it shows inversely; for instance, there were 17 classed as quite good at the beginning of work, while there are 22 now in present occupations so classed ; that does not mean that there has been a gain in the quite good from below, but that they have come down from good to quite good. The same is true of the not very good, and of those in fair health, while in classes 5 and 6, the poor and bad have risen in number from degenerate health. The showing, as a whole, is a very satisfactory one. The table "Health in Present and Previous Occupation," refers to the health condition in the present occupation, and in the one immediately previous to the present, and shows for 251 the changes in health condition between those two occupations. The last two tables, headed " Health during Whole Time Employed," show the classification as to health by years and percentages ; for instance, in the first of these two tables, in the column of aggregates, the whole time employed on an 64 STATISTICS OF LABOR. average by the 1,032, is 7,49 years in all occupations ; of this number of years, the good health averages 5.57 years ; the second table shows the percentages; that is to say, the 5.57 years of good health represent 74.4 per cent of the whole time employed. The balance of the table shows the percentages for the other classifications. Accidents. A little table has been compiled showing the nature of acci- dents which have befallen the working girls furnishing infor- mation to the office ; it appears that nearly all have been free from accidents during the whole time employed, and but few of the accidents occurred while at work. Accidents. Classification. Personal service. Manu- factures. Aggregates. Fell through a scuttle-hole, Finger cut, Leg broken No accident, Paralysis, She is lame, Sled ran into her, and bruised her ankle, Sprained ankle, Thrown from a carriage, . When a child, yes, . . ' . Yes, Yes, sprain, Yes, when a little girl, had her wrist broken. Totals 81 83 120 1 123 1 1 1 799 1 1 1 1 1 18 1 826 1,000 1,032 But 7 of the girls have ever been in hospitals, either for accident or sickness, 837 testifying that they would not have to go, while the majority of the balance would go if necessary. Sanitaey Sdeeotindings at Home. Taken in connection with the information given under social condition, with regard to the surroundings of the homes of working girls, but little testimony touching the unfavorable THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 65 nature of the sanitary condition of the home was received. In numerous cases, however, girls were found living for the sake of economy in very limited quarters, which could not be con- ducive to good sanitary conditions. In some instances, girls were found living in small attic rooms, lighted and ventilated by the skylight only ; the furnishings generally consisted of a small single bed, bureau and chair, with no wardrobe, except one curtained in the corner. In other cases, girls were forced to content themselves with small side rooms without a chance for a fire, which in some cases was sadly needed. One girl had a small side room in the third story of a respectable house, but said she could not expect much more at the present cost of living ; still others were reported as living together with other members of the family in a tenement of one back room and side bedroom ; another, as one of 18 families in a single build- ing with hardly the necessary articles of furniture ; another, occupying the third story of a house which, seemed the poorest on the street. On the other hand, girls were found living in large rooms, quite well and sometimes handsomely furnishedj in some instances with side rooms adjoining, not perhaps because they could really afibrd such quarters, but because they preferred to economize in other ways, in order to have some of the comforts, in looks at least, of home. In a few cases where girls reported their health as being poor, or not good, they also complained of the poor board pro- vided, as well as of the unpleasant surroundings at home 5 one girl made the statement that her home was pleasant and healthy, but to the agent of the bureau the reverse seemed to be the case,, for the hall was dirty, the floor covered with a worn-out rag carpet while the air was filled with disagree- able odors ; the girl appeared to be in poor health, untidily dressed, and dirty. Another was found living in the upper story of a cheap tenement house; directly in the rear of a kerosene factory having a tall chimney that constantly puffed out thick black smoke, which together with the offensive smell of the kerosene, forced the occupants always to keep the kitchen windows closed. In another case j one of the girls said that she spent all her spare time afiid Sundays with her sister in another part of the city, as her home was very un-' pleasant and uncomfortabk ; she also said the Board of Health 66 STATISTICS OF LABOE. had visited the house last year and recommended many altera- tions, but she did not know whether they were attended to or not. Another girl was found living in four small rooms as one of a family of 12, in a house located very near a stable anS having bad drainage. One other girl complained of the odor from the water-closets in the halls, and said it was anything but agreeable. In a house where a considerable number of girls are cared for, it was found that there was no elevator in the building, and some of the girls were obliged to go up five flights of stairs to reach their rooms, two or three girls being placed in each room ; the upper story of the building was without heat, and in winter was said to be like an ice house ; radiators are placed at the ends of halls, and transoms open into the rooms, but these have no particular effect on the temperature of the rooms and there are no other ways of he.iting; extra charge is made for rooms heated directly by the register and even then such rooms are not always to be obtained, they being generally occupied, and there being but a few of them. The Workroom and Its Surroundings. The testimony on this point coming from about one-half of the working girls seen, who speak specifically on the subject, shows that of this number, a very large proportioa are well ( satisfied with their work, workroom, and its surroundings. The various adjectives used, in answering these points, as " good," " very good," "excellent," "fair," "satisfactory," indicate the degree of contentment with their surroundings, while in a few instances, the girls speak in the highest terms, as, "accommodations as good as could be wished"; "the best place in Boston"; "everything that could be desired"; "would not work anywhere else"; "could not be better in any way"; and similar expressions of satisfaction. One of the principal things calling for special mention is the subject of ventilation of the workroom. While, as has just been said, a large proportion have signified their entire appro- bation with their surroundings at work, of those who have reason to complain the lack of proper ventilation is a very frequent and prominent cause of complaint. Upon this point there is considerable testimony ^ro and con, THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 67 and if we include the large number who merely indicate their satisfaction with surroundings without giving details, it is safe to say that the majority of the girls are well situated in this respect. Of those who speak in praise of their workroom, we find three who say it is " pleasant and airy" ; 29, " well-venti- lated, clean and healthy"; one, " reasonably healthy"; three, •'very pleasant"; one, "better than the average"; and two, " as nice as in Boston." On the other hand, the girls who complain of poor accommo- dations so far as ventilation is concerned, make up a most respectable minority, and offer very conclusive evidence on this point. In the testimony under consideration various reasons are given for the poor ventilation of workrooms, chief of which are, (1) closely built buildings, shutting off proper light and air; in the rebuilding and improvement of property there has been in some cases an attempt to remedy this, but with little success ; the light and air coming wholly from above it is not possible to get sufficient circulation, and the effect on the girls, if not directly injurious, is at least depressing, and in the end very wearing; (2) the large number of people employed in one room, without sufficient air-space, in some cases together with odors coming from ingredients used in manufacturing certain articles, has a very bad effect on girls so compelled to work ; on this particular point it is well to note that the girls were found to be engaged in occupations which called for the employment of as high a number as 350 persons, and down to places, where the girl questioned was " the only one em- ployed " ; in one instance (in boots and shoes) , 35 girls and 150 men were reported as being " packed like sardines in a box," in a very small room for so large a force ; also, 35 or 40 per- sons, in a small attic without ventilation of any kind ; (3) small and low-studded rooms, with no ventilation except by windows, causing very bad draughts, and great inconvenience to the working girls, and oftentimes serious results, one girl com- plaining of an eight weeks' illness from bilious fever, largely due to bad atmosphere of workroom ; another girl says she is stationed in a basement, where they suffer severely from draughts from constantly opening doors, is sick from colds frequently, the basement being damp as well as cold ; she says 68 STATISTICS OF LABOR. this is a general source of complaint, and, " if growling wouW have done any good, it would have been done away with long ago " ; another girl also complains of catching bad colds fron) the door being left open constantly, by order of the employer ; several girls were sick, while she had rheumatism from this cause; (4) windows not opened, for fear of retarding some process of manufacture, causing very bad ventilation, as in tobacco factories, shoe shops, confectionery manufactories, etc.,; in one particular case, the girl reports help as "working in little pens all shelved over M^ithout sufficient light and air, windows not being open for fear of cooling wax thread used on sewing machines." In addition to the above, one girl says, windows on one side are not opened on account of being near steam railroad, and being troubled with smoke from locomotives ; another speaks of insufficiency of heating apparatus in winter, while two say they work in basements, but do not think thenj unhealthy, although one is subject to headaches. Others report being at work over meat-shops, which is unpleasant on account of bad odors when windows, are open, especially in summer. Girls working in closely confined and overcrowded workrooms soon wear out and are often compelled to take vacations for rest and recuperation. Of those who speak concerning the sanitary arrangements of the workroom (of whom there are however but a few), all complain of the dirty or filthy condition of the workroom, being troubled with offensive odors, in addition to poor ventilation, in all the cases mentioned. In one room, occupied by 20 girls and 10 men in tailoring, the girl thinks it a good place for the Board of Health to visit, the workroom being dirty and sa,nitary arrangements bad, rooms close and low-studded and ventilation only from bottom of window. In another instance, shop is reported "very dirty, in fact filthy, but she has got almost used to it now " ; she considers her work (tailoring) and sur- roundings seriously interfere with her health. Another says " shop is filthy and unfit to work in ; there are no conveniences for women, and men and women have to use the same closets, wash basins, drinking cups, etc." In the same way, one other girl speaks of the bad condition of her workroom, 40 hands being employed in the room, with practically no ventilation,' in addition to which there is. also a, water-closet in centre of room THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 69 from which the stench which often rises is offensive. ' ' Twenty girls in medium sized dark room with poor sanitary arrange- ments," and "unpleasant quarters, dirty and infested with bugs, etc. ," are among the other cases reported. In conclusion, we have the testimony of one girl, that barrels of offal and swill are only removed from workroom at long intervals, but says it is rather the fault of the men than of the employer who has ordered its removal by them. In connection with the workroom and its surroundings is disclosed the fact that girls are very frequently called upon to climb four, five, six, and even seven long flights of stairs in order to reach their work. The girls themselves in many instances make special mention of, as termed by them, this "hardship," and complain very much of having to climb stairs. Freight elevators, where used, are forbidden, in most cases, to help, while in some instances where their use for passenger service is permitted, a " danger" sign is posted, and they are used at the risk of the employes. In one case reported, the use of elevator by employes is allowed only at certain hours, and if any are tardy a few moments, they forfeit the privilege, and must mount the stairs, this being especially hard on one girl troubled with heart-disease, in whose favor no exception is made. One girl, lame from infancy, says that in climbing stairs she is placed at a great disadvantage, her workroom being "high up." Some evidence is also furnished as to the matter of escapes in case of fire. A. few report wide stairs, easy exits, and fire- escapes, while others say their workrooms are up three to six flights, with no fire-escapes, and in one ease, with poor entrance, and narrow and dark passage ways not wide enough for two abreast, some 250 to 300 persons being employed in the building, up three if not more flights. Effect of Work on Health, Long hours, and being obliged to stand all day, are very generally advanced as the principal reasons for any lack or loss of health occasioned by the work of the girls. The nature of the work is mentioned as a cause for decline, which together with the other causes described will be found to be prevalent in all the various branches of their work. 70 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Feather sorters, cotton sorters, and workers on any material which in its nature is apt to give off a " dust," complain of the disagreeable if not actually injurious effect on the health of persons so employed. Taking the question by industries and occupations in detail, we find in Personal Sekvice, that the restaurant employes generally complain of long hours, no dinner hour to speak of, and the great strain upon them from being busy all day on their feet. They all complain of a low state of health, and are pretty much tired out on reaching home. Of those giving tes- timony on their work and its effect on the health, two were found working noons only (about three hours), not being able to stand the strain of long hours, and being obliged to adopt this plan in order to get a little rest. Others report themselves troubled with rheumatism, tired and careworn, or not in good health, but obliged to work, although in one case particularly, in great distress from some lung or throat trouble. In Trade, a bookkeeper was found who had rained her eyes, by bringing her books home nights and working until twelve and one o'clock. Among the saleswomen, "standing all day " is generally reported as being very trying on their health and strength. In one store, no stools are provided, the girls being obliged to go to one end of the store to sit down. The employer does not countenance help sitting down while customers are in the store, and as they are generally busy all day, there is little or no time when the store is vacant, the result being, practically, that the girls stand all day. Another girl says she works on outside counter, and owing to people constantly passing no stools can be used, and she finds the work very tiresome. The new cash system requiring a constant raising oi the arm is a great strain upon the girls, is very exhausting, and gives them a pain in the side ; one girl reports many saleswomen out sick on this account. A good many saleswomen consider their woi'k very hard, and that it has a bad effect on their health ; in one instance, a girl says she has paid out over |500 in doctor's bills during the past few years. In one store, it is very unsatisfactory in this respect; no talking is allowed, only half enough time is given for dinner, and being obliged to walk home at night, the girl is THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 71 completely exhausted; on Saturday she brings dinner and supper. In the busy season,- the work is particularly trying. One girl says she gets pretty well tired out during this time (six months), and although there is not much chance to increase help, she thinks they might pay extra during the busy season. In bakeries the strain of long hours and standing is espe- cially felt by the salesgirls, while in other branches of business the health of many girls is so poor as to necessitate long rests, one girl being out a year on this account. Another girl in poor health was obliged to leave her work, while one other reports that it is not possible for her to work the year round, as she could not stand the strain, not being at all strong. A girl, who had worked in one place for three years, was obliged to leave on account of poor health, being completely run down from badly ventilated workrooms, and obliged to take an eight months' rest ; she worked a week when not able, but left to save her life. She says she has to work almost to death to make fair compensation (now $12 per week). Under Manufactures, in Bookbinderies and in the manu- facture of Brushes, girls complain of their health being run down on account of work, or from over-work. In Boots and Shoes, the work is veiy hard, the girls being obliged to be on their feet all day, and in cases where they have to walk any great distance to their homes they become very tired at night. In the manufacture of Buttons, the girls say the work is rather dangerous, as they are liable to get their fingers jammed under the punch, or caught in the die when it comes down to press the parts of the button together. A man (although not a surgeon) is provided to dress wounds three times for each individual without charge ; afterwards, the person in- jured must pay all expenses. There are 35 machines in use, and accidents are of very frequent occurrence. One girl has been hurt several times, but only once seriously, when she had the end of her finger nearly taken off, while another had her hand badly jammed. The work is found to be very hard, and one girl reports that it often makes the knees and ankles very tired ; she also says, that watching her work so steadily has so weakened her eyes that she is obliged to go to the Eye and Ear Infirmary. 72 STATISTICS OF LABOR. . In making Paper Boxes, the girls are obliged to stand, a practice they think is very injurious. The coloring matter in materials used in the construction and covering of boxes is con- sidered dangerous to health by some, one girl being at home sick three months from blood poisoning caused by work. On the other hand, another girl reports that she does not think the coloring matter unhealthy or that girls are ever affected by it. ' ' Too many improvements and too little pay " voices the feel- ings of one girl, who further says that the new machines some- times cut the girls' fingers off, there being no protection for the hands. In the Clothing business, the general testimony is that the work is very hard, and is the cause of a great deal of sickness among the working girls so employed. The tax on the strength is very great, and it would seem that unless a girl is strong and robust, the work soon proves too severe for her, and if followed thereafter results disastrously. The running of heavy sewing machines by foot power soon breaks down a girl's health, as several girls have testified. One girl says that steam was in- troduced six months ago to her great satisfaction, as she thinks foot power machines too severe for female operators. The girls think all the machines should be run by steam. Other girls object to standing so much, and say that being on their feet all day and then walking to their homes makes them very tired at night. The effect of the work on the health of the working girls engaged in tailoring is very apparent from their testimony. A girl who used to bring her work home, says she overtaxed her strength and is now sick. Others tell the same story, and say that overwork, and the desire to do more than strength would allow, has very seriously affected their health, in one case, the overstraining of the nerves causing deafness, while another girl says, " overwork, cold dinners, and constant application, has brought on chronic rheumatism." This girl was well and strong when she began work^ and from motives of economy, she has only ridden once in a horse-car for 14 years. The mother of anotlier girl, the only support of the family, " the father being worse than none at all," says the girl is breaking down under her work. She does all her own dressmaking, in addition to work. Several other girls, testify that they work at times THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 73 when they ought to be in bed, but being obliged to work, can not take all the rest needed to fully recover strength. One girl in particular (a press girl) says she is now doing work formerly done by a man, is obliged to be on her feet all day, and in the vicinity of two hot fires. Her work is very trying. In the end, oftentimes, the. girls who are not of strong constitu- tions, are finally compelled to give up business and try some- thing less exacting ; in one instance, the girl is now a book- sewer at $3.50 a week. In one or two cases, the girls report that the sewing has affected the eyes, compelling the use of glasses at all times and blue glasses on the street. Under Food Preparations, a girl engaged in salt packing is troubled with asthma and bronchitis ; she was told at the hos- pital that the salt would eat into her lungs, as they are diseased ; she would leave, if she could find other work. In the manufacture of confectionery, on account of hot tem- peratures of rooms, etc., the work is not considered healthy. Some of the girls say work is very severe, they being on their feet all day, while others are out sick, being run down from work. In the cleaning and packing of fish, the girls say that the fishermen put cayenne pepper and saltpetre on the fish, and girls in handling get their hands and fingers blistered, and often the outside skin taken off; the effect being the same as though they were obliged to keep their hands in a strong caustic solution. One girl says she has tried rubber gloves, but without success. Another girl (a fish packer) says in con- sequence of the steam necessary to be used the atmosphere is very damp. She says other girls are obliged to stand in cold water all day, having their hands exposed to cold water, and when one was questioned as to what shop she worked in, she answered,. " they're not shops, they're working stalls where we are." The same complaint as to standing all day is noticed in this branch of business. In Type Foundries, the workroom is always filled with a fine lead dust, caused by " rubbing" ; in some shops, this is quite perceptible when standing at one end of the room. This is thought by some to be very unhealthy, the girls and men being reported as having little or no color in their faces. Cases have been known, the girls say, of young girls who have died from 74 STATISTICS OF LABOR. the effects of the work. They think it was due, however, to putting the fingers in the mouth when they were dry to enable them to work more easily. In the case of one young girl whose health was run down from work, as she says, the doctor advised her to leave the work altogether. Other girls say they do not consider the work unhealthy. In Straw Goods, the girls very generally speak of the un- healthy nature of their business. In working on dyed braids, especially green, there is, according to the "testimony of one girl, a very fine dust which produces a hacking which is almost constant, and to persons of consumptive tendencies, very injurious. Giiis are advised by physicians in such cases to abandon the work. Another girl, in speaking of the dust, says that from black braid especially is very thick, settling on the face and neck so as to be plainly seen, and easily rubbed off, leaving a black smut on handkerchief. The same girl says work is very unhealthy, and during sickness, had diph- theria and then blood poisoning ; she was advised not to return, but felt compelled to, as it is the only business at which she can make a decent living ($12.00 per week). The season is short, but while at work, there is plenty of it. Some throat or lung trouble is very prevalent among the girls working on straw, and the hacking cough peculiar to the business is well- nigh universal. A great many girls are said to die of consump- tion, while many are often subject to severe cases of sickness, the direct result of work, one girl being sick from May until October, and not able to go to work until the following December. The running of the machines is very hard work ; the circular motion and constant elevation of the arm, together with treadle movement, make the girls complain generally of a pleuritic affection. The acids used in setting colors cause very troublesome " acid" sores on the ends of the fingers. One girl says work has no appreciable effect on her general health, neither has she any cough nor lung trouble so commonly complained of by operators who have worked longer at the business and are not so well provided for during resting inter- vals. Another girl says the work is very unhealthy for some, but that it does not hurt her health, except that her throat troubles her occasionally. In Leather Goods, a girl says she earns as much as any girl THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 75 can, but not often, as she is obliged to keep a machine going by foot power and it is very tiresome. In Tobacco Factories, when the girls first go to work, the tobacco makes them very sick, but they soon get used to it, and are not then affected by it at all. One girl, on being asked if girls ever got to smoking, said she did not know of a single instance, but sometimes, and quite often, girls would put a piece of tobacco in their mouths, and in this way, get to chewing but to no very great extent. In Rubber Goods, the work is thought to be healthy, although some girls are made sick and can not stand it. In Furniture, the work is found quite hard, on account of standing most of the time, while under the head of Printing, the only reason for complaint comes from a girl whose eyes troubled her very much on account of work, being obliged to see the doctor every five weeks, a matter of considerable ex- pense to her. The individual testimony regarding shops and their surround- ings, and the effect of work upon health, has been given, as nearly as possible, in the language of the person interviewed. This testimony is that of the few, the great majority being in gopd health and in good surroundings. It is in evidence from other sources that in a few stores, and in some of considerable size, the water-closet accommoda- tions are very deficient, in one instance 60 women being obliged to use one closet. The evil effects of waiting for the use of a closet common to so large a number is apparent. Many of these women are constantly under the care of physicians for some disease growing out of the condition oi things described. In such cases a little expense on the part of the proprietors would result in a happier and a healthier body of workers, and the outlay would be returned over and over again. Some day law must compel men who are so negligent of the natural wants of their employes to adopt conveniences which through their own selfishness and foolishness they now with- hold. 76 STATISTICS OF LABOR. V. ECONOMIC CONDITION. In dealing with the economic condition of the working girls, it is necessary of course to take into consideration their earn- ings, their expenses, and all the circumstances which affect either one or the other, or both. In speaking of earnings we are obliged to use three designations — wages, earnings, and income. By wages, we mean the actual pay per week at the time employed without reference to the number of weeks em- ployed in the year. By earnings, we mean the total receipts fi)r the year from wages ; as for instance, if a girl is paid $5 per week wages, and works 40 weeks in the year, her earnings for the year would be $200, while her wages of $5 per week might indicate that she earned $260 per year ; in the instance as supposed, her average weekly wages for the whole year would be $3.84. By income, we mean the total receipts for the year from all sources, from wages, from extra work, from assistance by friends, or from investments ; in fact, income means all the receipts for the year from which expenses can be paid. Wages and Earnings. The first table which we present shows the average weekly earnings in all occupations, during the whole time employed, and whether at work in Boston or in other places. Average Weekly Earnings during Wliole Time Employed. Average Weekly Earnings in — Occupations. Other parts Other British European General Average. of Mass. States. America. Countries. GOVBENMBNT AND PROFES- SIONAL. G-overnment employ, . Authors and literary persons, . Artists, Musicians and teachers of music. Teachers $4 00 ' 6 00 7 60 6 00 $6 00 , T 00 6 S3 $6 00 6 31 $6 32 $aoo 4 00 6 00 7 33 6 15 DOMBSTIO AND PEESONAL Ofpiok. Boarding and lodging, . Domestic service,* 5 S6 4 96 6 00 ' 6 12 6 20 4 63 6 00 5 87 $3 28 3 99 5 70 4 93 * With board included, and computed at $3.00 per week. THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 77 Average WeeMy Earnings during Whole Time Employed — Con. AVKKAOE WKKKLT EARNINGS IN — General OOODPATIOKS. Other parts other British European Average. Boston. of Mass. States. America. Countries. Personal Service : Carpel sewera QopyiBtB $7 28 . $7 28 6 78 6 78 Dye house employes, . 6 80 - - 6 80 H^ir dressers 8 25 8 25 Housekeepers, .... 6 33 _ 6 33 Laundry work, .... 6 80 $6 66 6 76 Matrons 6 12 - - - 6 12 Nurses 9 50 _ $4 50 8 78 Other personal service, 6 57 6 16 - - 6 32 TSBADK and TEANSPOBTATIOlf. Bookkeepers 6 55 7 00 8 00 6 67 Biindle girls, markers and pack- ers 3 13 _ 3 13 Cashiers 7 « . _ 7 43 Gash girls 2 02 2 02 Clerks, 5 28 _ .. 6 28 Errand girls 2 66 $1 75 2 53 Pneumatic tube and cash dial tenders 2 28 . _ - 2 28 Saleswomen, 5 76 8 00 7 00 $5 00 6 79 Canvassers 7 00 16 00 - - 9 66 Telegraph operators, . 6 87 - - 6 87 Makhtaotubbs ash Mbohani- OAI. iNDUSTBIBS. Artiscma* Tools. File cutters 4 00 - - - 4 00 Awnings and Tents. Awning and tent sewers, . 6 47 - 5 47 Bags and Bagging. Turning bags, .... 4 00 - - 4 00 Bookbinding. Bookbinders 5 50 6 00 - 5 39 Book folders and gatherers, . 6 69 - 3 50 - 6 53 Book sewers,. . ■ . 5 67 - 6 67 Lidexers, 5 33 - - 6 33 Boots and Shoes. Boot and shoe shops (best rates). Boot and shoe shops (lower rales) , 7 26 7 38 8 50 - 7 64 423 4 00 - 4 20 Brajter of shoe patterns, . 5 00 - 5 00 H^el cutters and makers. 4 33 - 4 33 Inner sole makers. 4 25 - - . - 4 25 Pasters 6 78 9 00 - - 6 14 Shoe binders, 4 00 3 00 S 25 Shoe findings 4 00 - - 4 00 Slipper makers, .... 4 60 3 00 - - 4 33 per) 6 92 8 00 6 00 6 87 Boxes. Paper box makers, . - . 6 19 1 80 6 60 - 5 14 Brooms and Brushes. Brush makers 5 06 6 00 6 00 5 12 Feather duster makers, 3 26 - — "" " 3 25 Buttons and Dress Trimmings. 3 69 5 00 6 67 3 96 3 60 Button makers, .... 3 67 4 00 - Trimming makers. 6 00 - " ~ Embroiderers 6 67 - Fringe makers, .... tace cutter 3 96 3 60 '- - Oarpedngs. Carpet mill operatives, . 7 63 - 4 86 7 62 78 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Avercige Weekly JEarnings during W hole Time Employed — Con. AvEKAGE Weekly Eaenings ih - OOODPATIOHS. Boston. Other parts Other British European General Average. of Mass. States. America. Countries. Clocks and Watches. Watoh jewels examiner, etc., . $9 50 _ « $9 50 Watch parts maker, etc., . 5 00 .,_ 5 00 Watch case polishere, . 7 00 . 7 00 Watch factory operatives, . 6 00 $8 75 783 Glothino. Men's Clothing. Taiioresses. Basters, . . •. 2 13 _ _ 2 13 Bushelwomen 5 43 . 6 43 Buttoa-hole finisher, . 4 60 4 60 Button-ljole makers, . 6 78 6 78 Examiner, . . 8 00 8 00 Forewoman, .... 8 00 _ _ 8 00 General shop girls, . 2 32 _ $2 50 2 34 Pocket maker and finisher. 5 00 5 00 Prese girls 6 30 _ _ 6 30 Sewing machine operators, 7 31 _ _ _ _ 7 31 Taiioresses 6 58 6 60 $8 66 6 66 $8 75 6 70 Trimmers 8 00 _ 8 00 Coats. Bushelwomen 7 00 _ _ 7 00 Coat basters 6 42 . 6 00 _ 6 41 Coat collar maker, . 3 00 _ 3 00 Coat finishers, . . . . 4 13 _ _ _ _ 4 13 Coat makers 7 29 8 GO 4 66 3 30 1 00 6 73 Coatpressers 6 75 _ _ _ _ 6 75 Custombatton-hole maker. 10 00 _ _ _ 10 00 Sewing machine operators, 7 85 _ 8 50 _ 7 06 Panlaloons. Pantaloon finisher, . 2 00 _ 2 00 Pantaloon makers, . 8 50 _ 8 50 Pantaloon stitcher, . 11 00 _ 11 00 Vests. ^ Sewing machine operator. 6 00 _ _ _ _ 6 00 Vest makers 9 89 _ 2 50 3 76 _ 8 25 Hats and Caps. Cap makers 4 42 _ . 1 75 4 03 Hat binder 7 00 _ _ 7 00 Hat trimmers 7 14 4 00 10 00 _ 7 40 Plush sewers, .... 6 80 12 00 _ _ 8 29 Neckties and Furnishing Ooods. Machine operators, furnishing goods 6 17 -. „ 6 17 Machine operator, neckties, 5 00 - -. - 5 00 Necktie makers, 6 86 10 oo 7 25 Oiled Clothing. Machine operators, . 6 00 . _ 6 00 Overalls, Jumpers, and Colored Shirts. Colored shirt and overalls maker 3 00 _ 3 00 Overalls makers, 5 60 5 60 Overalls and jumper makers, . S 15 . _ _ 3 15 Sewing machine operators. Shirts. Button-hole maker, . 5 50 - - - 5 60 10 00 _ _ _ 10 00 Sewing machine operators. 7 66 - _ 7 56 Shirt bosom foldei^, . 8 00 - - _ 8 00 Shirt bosom maker, . 8 00 - 8 00 Shirt finishers 4 94 - . . _ 4 94 Shirt makers 8 27 8 00 2 SO I 58 5 22 Shirt makers (flannel), . 4 33 - - . 4 33 Suspenders. Forewoman, .... 7 00 - . _ 7 00 Machine buckle cutter, . 6 00 - -. _ _ 6 00 Machine stitchers, . 4 26 - ^ 4 25 Suspender makers, . 464 - -. _ 4 64 Suspender packers, . 6 76 " ~ ~ 6 75 THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 79 Average Weekly Earnings during Whole Time Employed — Con. AVKRAGB WKEKLT EARNINGS IN — General 1 OOCDPATIOHS. Other parts! Other British European Average. Boston. of Mass. States. America. Countries. Women*a Clothing. Dressmakers. ■ Dressmakers $7 42 $10 22 $7 60 $4 02' .$2 08 $7 17 Dress and cloak maker, . 8 00 - - - 8 00 Batton-hole makers, 4 25 - 4 25 Cntter 9 00 - 9 00 Uilliners. MiUiners 7 97 12 50 10 00 3 60 8 07 SeamstreBses. SeamatresseB, .... 6 18 6 60 4 00 3 00 3 00 5 82 Buttons 6 00 _ - - - 6 00 Collars and cuffs, . 8 66 8 66 Costumes 8 66 8 66 Infants' underwear. 9 00 9 00 Lace work 3 92 - 3 92 Sewing machine operators, . 6 62 7 00 6 64 Women's underwear, . 6 08 - 6 08 Fur sewer 8 00 8 00 Glove sewer 7 00 7 00 Bonnets and Hats. Bonnet frame makers. 6 50 - ' - 6 50 Lace worker, bonnet frames, . 6 00 6 00 Pompon maker 5 00 6 00 Cloaks, Sacks, and Suits. Cloak makers, .... 6 26 - 1100 6 41 Cloak and suit makers, . 1100 - 11 00 Cloak presser, .... 8 00 - 8 00 Cloak trimmers. 5 50 - 6 00 Sack maker 1 60 - 1 50 Corsets. Corset makers S 32 7 50 5 44 Hoopskirts and Bustles. Bustle makers 3 25 — 3 25 Hoopakirt cramper, . 3 00 3 00 Hoopskirt makers, . 5 17 6 17 Cordage and Twine. Bobbin winders, .... 3 75 3 75 Net makers 4 38 - 4 33 Twine makers 300 5 00 4 00 Cotton Good: Cotton mill operatives. 3 94 6 02 8 00 - 5 62 Quilt makers, .... 6 14 ~ " 5 14 Cotton, Woollen, and other , Textiles. Bobbin winder, mittens. 3 50 - - 3 50 Crash weaver 3 00 - - 3 00 Hosiery mill operatives. - 6 25 8 00 6 83 5 00 9 00 3 75 Knitting worsted goods. - 5 00 - Machine operator, mittens, . 9 00 - Mitten makers, .... 3 75 - - ~ Seamstress, cardigan Jackets, . 6 00 - - ~ 6 00 3 60 5 17 Woollen yarn maker, . 3 50 — Worsted workers. 6 17 Crayont, Pencils, etc. 900 • Chalk maker ~ 9 00 Drugs and Medicines. 6 00 Bottler of medicines, . 6 00 ■" 5 00 4 25 6 50 General work 6 00 ~ " Packers of troches, 4 25 ~ Plaster makers, . . . . 650 "■ Fireworks and Matches. Hatch packers, . . . . 4 66 4 66 80 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Average Weekly Earnings during Whole Time Employed — Con. Occupations. Flax, Linen, Hemp, and Jute Goods. Net and seine maker, . . Food Preparations. Bottle labellerB, . ... Candy makers and packers, Canning meat, etc., Coffee pickers, . . . . Coverer of yeast cakes, Cracker baker, . . . . Fish cleaners and packers, . Fickle bottlers Salt packer Spice mill operative, . Furniture. Curled hair carder, . , Curtains and drapery, , Mattress and pillow makers, Xassel maker Upholsterers, . . . . Ohie, Isinglass, and Starch. Starch maker, _ . . . . Hair Work. Hair work (human hair), . Wig maker, Average "Weekly Kaknings in - Ink. Ink labellers and bottlers, . Leather. Collar and belt makers, d-eneral work Metals and Metallic Goods. Britannia worker, China and porcelain burnishers, . G-oId bookers, layers, gilders, . Jewelry makers, .... Nail and rivet makers, . Type breakers, 'rabbers, and set- ters (foundry) Mixed Textiles. Mill operatives, .... Weavers, Musical Instruments and Mate- rials. Musical instruments maker, Musical string winder, . Fiano bushers, .... Paper. Card makers, cutters, frlngers, sorters, and packers, Faper bag makers, Faper block maker, Kag cutters, . . Stock room, . '. Photographs and Photographic Materials. Photograph printers, finishers, and colorers, .... Polishes and Dressings. Blacking bottlers, and labellers, . $6 00 4 50 4 04 4 75 5 50 5 00 5 00 4 03 4 50 5 00 5 50 4 00 6 63 6 91 6 40 10 00 6 00 4 00 4 00 6 00 6 45 5 65 6 26 4 6T 3 00 7 00 7 50 3 90 4 36 5 00 4 00 6 00 6 00 4 85 Other parts of Mass. $4 00 1 00 Other States. British America. $21 00 6 10 8 25 7 60 5 67 European Countries. $5 50 1 88 THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 81 Average Weekly Earnings during Whole Time Employed — Con. Average Weekly Eaunings in — Occupations. Boston. Other parts of Mass. Other States. British America. European Countries. General Average. Printing and Publishing. Compositors MailiDg newspapers, . Paper rulers, and folders, . Press-feeders, Proof-readers, .... $6 86 8 42 9 60 $6 00 $5 00 $6 76 6 00 8 42 4 76 9 50 Rubber and Mastic Goods. Button-hole makers, gossamer clothing Crossamer clothing finishers, GrOBsamer clothing makers, . Machine stitchers, gossamer clothing, ... Rubber goods factory, . Rubber hat makers, "Weavers, elastic fabrics. 9 60 4 83 6 83 7 42 6 63 4 33 6 60 4 66 11 00 •- 9 60 4 83 6 83 7 42 6 40 4 33 9 50 r Scieniijic Instruments and Ap- pliances. Blectrical machine makers, . Truss and suspender makers, . 5 33 6 60 5 33 6 60 Silk and Silk Goods. Silk factory operatives. 7 20 5 00 6 6T Sporting Goods. Base ball maker, . 1 80 1 801 Straw Goods. Straw goods bleachery. Sewing machine operators, . Straw sewers, etc.. 7 60 9 67 8 08 12 00 7 60 $12 00 12 00 4 00 $9 00 8 33 10 60 7 77 Soap. Soap maker 3 00 _. 3 OO Tobacco and Cigars. 'Cigar makers Tobacco strippers, etc.. 7 83 4 45 10 00 8 14 4 45 Wooden Goods. Picture frame gilder, . Razor strop maker. 7 00 6 00 - 7 OO 6 00 Woollen Goods. Blanket maker Woollen mill operatives, . 6 00 5 30 _ _ 6 00 6 30 Miscellaneous. Various occupations, . 4 08 4 06 Recapitulation. Boston. Other Parts of Mass. Other States. Classification. Number. Average weekly earnings. Number. -Average weekly earnings. Number. Average weekly earnings. G-ovemment and professional. Domestic and personal office, . Trade and transportation. Manufactures and mechanical industries, ... 7 178 221 1,293 $5 57 6 94 5 00 6 22 6 27 4 ■72 $6 40 6 33 9 25 7 06 10 21 4 49 |6 28 4 69 7 26 7 68 All occupations, . • . 1 1,699 $6 03 108 $6 63 84 $6 69 82 STATISTICS OF LABOK. Recapitulation — Conclud ed. British America. European Coun- tries. General Averaoe. Classifioatioit. Number. Average weekly earnings. Number. Average ■weekly earnings. Number. Weekly earnings. Government and profeBsional, Domestic and personal office, . Trade and transportation, Manufactures and mechanical industries 2 S 1 32 $6 33 5 70 5 00 4 62 5 1 23 $3 85 1 75 3 61 24 236 231 1,469 $6 10 5 71 5 10 6 23 All occupations, . 40 $4 85 29 $3 59 1,960 $6 03 From the foregoing table, we see that the average weekly earnings, in Boston were $6.03. In occupations in other parts of Massachusetts the average weekly earnings were $6.68, and in other States they had been $6.69, while in British America they had been only $4.85, and in other foreign countries $3.59. The conclusion is that in coming to America earnings had im- proved, while in coming to Boston from other parts of Massa- chusetts or from other States of the Union, the girls had appar- ently experienced a slight loss. The comparatively meagre returns outside of Boston, and the presence of some cases of unusually high wages, may make this loss more apparent than real. It must be true, however, that in coming to Boston from other parts of the State, or from other States, working girls have not secured an advanced wage sufficient to counterbalance their necessarily increased expenses. From an analy^iis of present and past earnings we find that 176 are now earning less than at some previous time, while 351 are earning more, 50 are earning the same, 448 have been engaged in one occupation only, while seven failed to state previous wages. In contrast with the foregoing, we present a table showing the present actual weekly earnings of the girls, meaning by this, the actual weekly earnings represented by the earnings of the week when returns were made ; this table we present by industries. THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 83 Present Actual Weekly Earnings, Occupations. Present actual weekly earnings. PERSONAL SERVICE. Carpet seweriea, CopyiBtB, . Bye house employes, Laundry employes, . Matrons and nurses, Restaurant employes, Sewing machine teachers, Telegraph operators, Other personal servieet TRADE. Bookkeepers, Clerks, Cashiers, Cash dial tenders, . . . . Errand girls Writers, Saleswomen, MANUFACTURES. Bookbinderies Boots and shoes, Brooms and brushes, . . . . Buttons and dress trimmings, Carpetings, Clocks and watches, Clothing, men's, — Tailoresses, Coats, ... .... Pantaloons Vests Hats and caps, fTeckties and furnishing goods, . Oiled clothing, Overalls, jumpers, and colored shirts. Shirts, "Suspenders, Olol^ing, women's, — ' . Dressmakers : in business for themselves, -BreBsmakers : at work for others. Milliners, Seamstresses, Bonnets and hats, Cloaks, sacks, and suits. Corsets, Hoopskirts and bustles, .... Cotton, woollen, and worsted goods, . Brugs and medicines, , . . . • Food preparations Furniture Hair Leather, Hetals and metallic goods, . . Musical instrnments and strings, . Nets, seines, etc., Paper, . Paper boxes photographs, ... ... Polishes and dressings Printing and publishing, . ... Rubber and elastic goods, .... Scientific instruments and appliances, . Silk ... Straw goods, Tobacco, 12 3 6 8 7 18 3 83 $6 13 11 6 12 16 6 02 6 6« ■ 7 2 29 6 2 73 3 6 83 77 6 20 29 26 72 87 26 9 11 7 3 5 2T 10 7 26 7 8 12 6 83 18 4 3 15 3 4 14 32 3 4 28 65 7 3 11 11 84 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Recapitulation. — Present Actual Weekly Earnings — Concluded. OCCUPATIOJfS. Number. Present actual weekly earnings. Pei-Bonal service, ... . .... Trade, ... ... ... Manufactures, 83 123 826 $6 13 6 Tl ■ 6 47 1,032 $6 35 From the foregoing we find the positive wage figures, in the difi'erent kinds of services, to be, in personal service, $6.13 -.p§r week, in trade, 15.71 per week, in manufactures, $6.47 per weelc; the average for all being $6.35 per week. These averages it must be remembered are the actual week's earnings without reference to the time for which wages are received ; tables later on will show the distinction. The short table following, exhibits the present actual weekly- earnings together with the number assisted and the wages re- ceived by those assisted, the number doing work other than in their regular employments, and the number having board, room, or both, free in addition to their wages. This table shows that 921 girls out of the 1,032, earned less that $10 per week. This table is followed by another showing the average weekly earnings during working time, from which table it is seen that 331 received less than $5 per week on this basis, and 614 re- ceived from $5 to $10 per week ; of course these sums are not distributed over the 52 weeks of the year, but are for the actual number of weeks worked. Present Actual Weekly Earnings. Classification. Personal service. Trade. Manu- factures. Aggre- gates. Number assisted. Number doing other work. Number having board, room, or both, fi-ee. Under $1 00 . 1 _ _ 1 $1 00 to 2 00 . 1 - 8 9 1 _ 2 2 00 to 3 00 . 2 13 24 39 1 1 2 3 00 to 4 00 . 6 18 57 81 4 4 7 4 00 to 5 00 . 19 16 123 158 10 6 13 5 00 to 6 00' \ 16 11 164 190 18 6 4 THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 85 Present Actual Weekly Earnings — Concluded. Number Classification. Personal Trade. Manu- Aggre-- Number doing other having board, service. factures. gates. assisted. Trvork. both, free. |6 00 to $7 00 . 15 19 137 171 10 3 2 7 00 to 8 00 . 6 22 103 131 21 6 4 8 00 to 9 00 . i 11 69 87 13 4 _ 9 00 to 10 00 . _ 3 61 64 7 6 5 10 OO^to 11 00 . 5 7 38 50 6 4 - 11 00 to 12 00 . 2 1 14 17 8 2 _ 12 00 to 13 00 . 2 1 16 18 2 1 2 13 00 to 1-t 00 . _ _ 5 5 3 1 _ 15 00 to 16 00 , 1 1 6 8 2 _ 1 16 00 to 17 00 . _ _ 3 3 1 _ 1 18 00 to 19 00 . 1 _ 5 6 3 _ 3 20 87 . _ _ 1 1 1 _ _ 22 94 . _ _ 1 1 1 _ _ 31 90 . _ _ 1 1 _ 1 _ 35 00 . - - 1 1 - - - Totals, . 83 123 826 1,032 112 43 46 Average Weekly Earnings during Working Time. Personal Manufac- Classification. service. Trade. tures. Aggregates. Tinder ?1 00 _ _ 1 1 $1 00 to 2 00 3 - 9 12 2 00 to 3 00 2 14 24 40 3 00 to 4 00 10 20 78 108 4 00 to 5 00 19 15 136 170 6 00 to 6 00 13 14 155 182 6 00 to 7 00 14 19 150 183 7 00 to 8 00 5 22 103 130 8 00 to 9 00 7 9 57 73 9 00 to 10 00 _ 3 43 46 10 00 to 11 00 6 6 35 45 11 00 to 12 00 - - 8 8 12 00 to 13 00 2 1 15 18 13 00 to 14 00 - - 2 2 14 00 to 15 00 - - 2 2 15 00 to 16 00 1 1 4 6 16 00 - - 1 1 17 96 - - 1 1 18 00 1 - 1 2 36 00 - - 1 1 Not given, . 1 — — 1 Totals, 83 123 826 1,032 86 STATISTICS OF LABOE. To complete the value of the two preceding tables, the fol- lowing table is given. Number of Weeks receiving Income from Occupation. Classification. 3 weeks, 4 weeks, 8 weeks, 9 weeks, 12 weeks, 13 weeks, 14 weeks, 15 weeks, 16 weeks, 17 weeks, 18 weeks, 20 weeks, 21 weeks, 22 weeks, 23 weeks, 24 weeks, 25 weeks, 26 weeks, 28 weeks, 29 weeks, SO weeks, 31 weeks, 32 weeks, S3 weeks, 34 weeks, S5 weeks, 36 weeks, 37 weeks, 38 weeks, 39 weeks, 40 weeks, 41 weeks, 42 weeks, 43 weeks, 44 weeks, 45 weeks, 46 weeks, 47 weeks, 48 weeks, 49 weeks, 50 weeks, 61 weeks, 52 weeks. Not regularly employed, Totals, Personal service. 1 8 2 4 1 7 2 7 4 2S 1 83 2 2 1 1 4 8 1 2 8 8 2 2 14 1 5 1 9 7 17 2 22 123 Manu- factures. 1 2 1 2 6 2 1 1 4 3 1 1 6 2 1 1 63 1 8 2S 8 7 1 17 32 9 6 47 61 6 24 18 101 10 43 30 67 34 65 32 94 826 Aggregates. THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 87 We now draw from the preceding table the fact that the 1,032 girls worked on an average 42.95 weeks per year, and the average weekly earnings during working time are based on this average. On the other hand, the actual earnings and income for 42.95 weeks, in order to show the average weekly wages per year, must be distributed over 52 weeks. Average Weekly Earnings during Working Time. [Being 42.95 weeks during the year.] Assisted. UOT Assisted. Aggregates. OOODPATIOHS. Number. Wage. Number. Wage. Number. Wage. Personal service, . Trade, ••••(.• Manufactures, . . 12 17 132 ?4 59 5 96 6 '63 71 106 694 $5 91 6 47 6 02 83 123 826 ?5 72 6 64 6 12 161 $6 41 871 $5 94 1,032 $6 01 We have in this recapitulation, for purposes of analysis, dis- tributed the average weekly wages during working time among the assisted and not assisted. From this a curious fact appears, that in the average of all occupations it seems that those who have received assistance also received the highest actual wage for the actual time employed, that is, the assisted earned inde- pendent of their assistance an average weekly wage for 42.95 weeks of $6.41, while those not assisted in any way, received but $5.94 for the time worked. These earnings distributed over the 52 weeks, give §4.91 as the average weekly earnings, of the working girls involved, for the whole year^. Income. In addition to earnings through wages under the regular occupations filled, some gain is made through other work done, but very few girls however are able to do work outside of their regular employment, 971 out of the 1,032 receiving no income from other work, and nearly all who are able to do any outside work are engaged in manufactures, only 5 classified under personal service being able to make any extra earnings and only 7 engaged in trade being able so to do. 88 STATISTICS OF LABOE. "We learn that the average weekly income, from these sources, is only 6 cents per week when divided among the 1,032 girls for the year, but the range for those doing other work is all the way from 7 cents to $17.98 per week actually, the average for those who did receive income from other work being $1.10 per week during the year. The following table shows how or in what calling these extra earnings were made. Other Worlc Done besides at Regular Occupation. ' Num- Num- Classification. Amounts. ber. Classification. Amounts. ber. Bonnet making, . $60 Saturday evenings in a Cashier 208 store, .... $38 Cleaning, etc 50 Seamstress, 50 Clerk Saturday evenings, . 3 Seamstress, |t 16 Dressing dolls, . 166 Seamstress, 10 Dressmaking, 100 Seamstress, 10 Dressmaking, 91 Seamstress 8 Dressmaking, . 76 Seamstress, 7 Dressmaking, 26 Seamstress, 6 Dressmaking, 20 Seamstress, 6 Dressmaking, 9 Seamstress, 2 Dressmaking, 6. Sewing and keeping lodg- Dressmaking, 6 ers 60 Dressmaking, - Sewing, I 60 Ksh factory 16 lodgers 60 Hotel work. 42 Bilk factory, 16 Hotel work, 42 Table work with board, . ( 60 Housework, 10 dressmaking, . 36 Housework, 6 Table work. 42 Housework, _ Table work. 24 Keeping lodging house. 936 Table work. 18 Laundress 40 Teaching music. 192 No other work done, . - 971 Not specified (average), . 32 18 Preserving flowers at 150 home, .... Rubber clothing, . 65 Totals, . 1,032 Another source of income is through the assistance of friends, and yet 881 of the whole number receive no assistance at all ; 31 have assistance in some material way, but the money value was not stated ; 912 received no money assistance ; while 120 had received money, or assistance the money value of which was given. The total number assisted in all ways was 151. The number assisted, the sources from which received, and the amount received, are brought out in the two statements fol- lowing. We learn that the average of such assistance among the girls assisted is $1.39 per week, but distributed over the whole number involved (1,032), for the year, it is only 20 cents per week. THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. Assistance. 89 Classification. Amoiuit. Num- ber. Classification. Amount. Num- ber. Assisted From mother, . $139 From aunt, . . . . $10 From mother, . From aunt in clothiDg. From mother for clothing, 56 Board and money from From mother and brother. aunt, _ clothing, and . 35 From bank,. 100 Clothing from mother. Board, . - From niece for board, 1S2 Besides board, . 10 From nieces for board, . U2 Board included, . 415 No assistance, . 881 Board and room, _ From Odd Fellows, . 13 From brothers, . 46 From parents, . 33 From brother. 75 From parents, . 39 From brother. 95 From parents. 50 From brother, S ^ From parents, 25 From father, t 10 From parents, 30 From charity, 53 From parents. 35 ^<31othing, . . . . - 12 From parents. 90 Clothing, and 10 From parents, . 160 Clothing, and 18 ■From parents, , 72 Coal from the city, _ From parents, . 81 Board from daughter, 120 From parents in clothes, . 60 From daughter, . 100 From parents, dresses, etc.. 78 From daughter, . 125 From parents, for clothing. 92 From daughter and step- Clothing from parents, . 27 mother, 252 Present 10 From family, 17 From previous savings, . 10 From father. 10 From previous savings, . 23 From father, 25 From previous savings, . 30 From father. 31 From previous savings, . 32 From father. 40 From previous savings, 69 From father. 150 From previous savings, . 64 From father and brother, . 54 From relatives, . 18 J From father. { 100 From relatives, . 113 From previous savings. j 60 Rentofpart of tenement, . 104 Clothing from father, . 45 Kent of rooms, . 160 Dresses from father, . 50 From rent of part of house. j 168 Father and mother, board I 50 From slater. i 57 and lodging, . i 91 From savings in former From father when neces- years 104 sary. . . . . - From savings in former From friends, 30 years 70 From friends. 75 Shoes given by brother, . 15 Clothing from friends. - From sister. 30 Gifts, also clothes. . 125 From sister, 70 From husband, . 65 From sister. From husband. 69 From sister. 75 From husband, . 80 From sister, dresses. 40 From husband, . 191 Sister does her washing From husband, . 336 and sometimes give her From husband, , 450 clothing, . _ From husband's lodge, _ From son, . 40 Extra income. 50 From sons, . 107 In clothing, .... 4 Board from sons. _ From lodge. 10 From uncle. 462 From lodge* 5 Whole living, . _ From lodging rooms, . 200 Not speciiied (average) , 91 35 For medicine. Money earned previously, 125 50 Total, . 1,032 90 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Average Amount of Assistance Weekly. Manu- Classification. service. Trade. factures. Aggregates. Under 81 00 6 11 47 64 $1 00 to 2 00 3 3 23 29 2 00 to 3 00 - 2 12 14 3 00 to 4 00 - - 6 5 4 00 to 5 00 1 - 2 3 6 00 to 7 00 - - 2 2 7 00 to 8 00 - - 2 2 8 00 to 9 00 - - 3 3 No assistance, 73 107 730 910 Totals, • 83 123 826 1,032 With the tables already presented, we can now summarize the income of the working girls ; this is done in four short tables which follow. Average Weekly Income from All Sources. Personal Manu- Classification. service. Trade. factures. Aggregates. Under $1 00 3 1 9 13 f 1 00 to 2 00 . 4 13 33 50 2 00 to 3 00 . 9 18 95 122 3 00 to 4 00 . 13 16 137 166 4 00 to 5 00 . 17 15 161 193 00 to 6 00 . 11 24 132 167 6 00 to 7 00 . 10 19 109 138 7 00 to 8 00 . 3 7 54 64 8 00 to 9 00 . 4 6 39 49 9 00 to 10 00 . - - 17 17 10 00 to 11 00 . 4 . 2 10 16 11 00 to 12 00 1 _ 8 9 12 00 to 13 00 . 2 1 9 12 13 00 to 14 00 . 1 1 3 5 14 71 . - _ 1 1 15 00 to 16 00 . 1 - 3 4 16 96 . - - 1 1 17 00 to 18 00 . - ■ _ 3 3 18 00 . - - 1 1 21 90 . - - 1 1 Totals, . 83 123 826 1,032 THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 91 Average Weekly Income. Occupations, 13 umber of working girls. Aggregate sum received weekly. Average weekly income. Personal serrice Trade, Manufactures, 83 123 826 $435 89 591 66 4,310 56 $5 25 4 81 5 22 Totals, 1,032 $5,338 10 $5 17 Total Yearly Incomt ClASSIFICATIOS. service. Trade. factures. Aggregates. Under $50 00 3 1 8 12 850 00 to 100 00 . 4 11 29 44 100 00 to 150 00'. 8 17 82 107 160 00 to 200 00 . 11 17 129 167 200 00 to 250 00 . 20 13 151 184 250 00 to 300 00 . 4 22 136 162 300 00 to 350 00 . 16 15 103 134 350 00 to 400 00 . 2 16 74 92 400 00 to 450 00 . 6 5 43 63 450 00 to 500 00 . 1 2 24 27 500 00 to 550 00 . 4 2 16 21 550 00 to 600 00 . - - 7 7 600 00 to 650 00 . 3 1 11 16 650 00 to 700 00 . 1 - 1 2 700 00 to 750 00 . - 1 3 4 760 00 to 800 00 . 1 - 2 3 800 00 to 850 00 . - - 2 2 850 00 to 900 00 . - - 2 2 900 00 to 950 00 . - - 3 3 1,139 00 . - - 1 1 Totals, 83 123 826 1,032 Average Yearly Income. Occupations. Niimber of working girls. Aggregate sum received yearly. Average yearly income. Personal service, Trade, Manufactures, . . ... 83 123 826 $22,661 30,828 224,187 $273 02 250 63 271 41 Totals 1,032 $277,676 $269 07 92 STATISTICS OF LABOE. The average weekly income from all sources whatever for 544 girls was $5 per week or less, while 435 received a total average weekly income of from $5 to $10, there iJfeing only 53 receiving a total average weekly income of over $10 per week. Brought into specific averages, we find that the average weekly income for the year was in personal service §5.25, in trade §4.81, in manufactures §5.22, or the general average for all involved for the whole year loas §5.17 per iveeh. This latter figure must stand as the total average weeTcly income from all sources, earnings, assistance, and other work, of the ivorhing girls of Boston. It should be remembered that the average weekly earnings from occupation only, distributed over the whole year, was but |4.91 ; the total average yearly income from all sources was $269.07 ; for the different departments, $273.02 in personal service, $250.63 in trade, and $271.41 in manufactures. Wages and earnings are affected by various causes, many of which are disclosed through the personal testimony of the girls themselves. A good deal of complaint is made in regard to the low wages quite generally paid to working girls in all the various occupa- tions in which they were found employed. The cause of com- plaint, especially under "Trade," is ascribed to the fact that girls living "at home," with little or no board to pay, work for very low wages. This is considered a great hardship to the lone working girl who is entirely dependent upon her own resources. The mothers in some cases have said that it takes more than the girls earn to feed and clothe them, and some of the girls have been taken from their work and are now idle on that account. In the large stores, employes are reported as hired at the lowest figures possible, and it is said, that wages in the future are likely to be even less. In the manufacture of men's clothing, considerable complaint is made by the girls as to the very small wages now made in the business. Almost invariably, when anything was said by them concerning wages, the cry was " pay is too^ small " ; in these cases, the pay ranges from $3 to $6 generally, a baster on canvas (13i- years old), reporting only $1.25. It is said that many of the girls get discouraged, as they hardly earn enough to pay running expenses, and are obliged to practise the most rigid economy. One girl says she ' ' turns her clothes upside THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 93 down, inside out, and outside in, not being able to make enough over living expenses to buy new clothes." A certain class of piece masters are said to be responsible for low wages ; they take work from firms and do it much lower than they need to — "at any rate," as one girl puts it, " girls used to make better pay before they came." Shirt, dress, and cloak makers, earning §4, $5, |6, and $7 a week, complain very much of the small pay, while in other occupations, where the pay ranges from $2 to $5 a week, the same state of affairs is reported. In paper box making, one girl receiving $8 a week says girls work harder than the men, and are paid much less — unjustly, she thinks. The wages in this occupation are reported as falling off. Another girl, who formerly worked as saleswoman at $4.50 a week, says it was not sufficient to pay for room and board, provide suitable clothing to make a decent appearance in the store, and meet other ordinary expenses. In some cases girls testify that their work is worth more than they receive for it, and think they ought to have better wages. But as others always stand ready to take their places at even less pay, they have to be satisfied with what they get. The need of more pay will be made more apparent when the facts, as to the ways in which the money earned is used, are reached, under " Home Life." In several instances, girls report increase or expected increase, of wages, and for this reason, they seem to be quite well pleased at their prospects. In many places, it appears to be the custom to engage help at small rates of pay, and gradually increase wages until the maximum is reached. Many girls also serve a certain length of time for nothing, until they become familiar with the business and are then placed on piece work, the same as the rest of the employes. Table girls in restau- rants often have their weekly earnings increased by small fees received from regular customers, and in the holiday season by small presents, the fees amounting in some cases to 50 cents or $1.00, and even $2 to |3 a week. Directly connected with the question of wages received, are the prices paid to piece workers, the graded prices paid to employes working by the week,_ and the prices paid for over- time during the busy seasons. M STATISTICS OF LABOR. Carpet-sewers are allowed (as reported by two girls) as fol- lows : — 3 cents per yard for sewing plain carpeting, and 4| cents for borders ; their pay averages from $2 to $10 a week (wages reported for week when visited, $3 and $5). Two shirt polishers in laundry report wages now received as $4 a week ; in best season, they can make $5 at the most, sometimes fonly $3.50, as work is very uncertain; one who irons open bosomed shirts gets $8 a week. Experienced awning sewers (by the yard) can make $15 a week ; they make good wages in the busy season. Dye house employes, as reported by one girl, receive 15 cents an hour for overtime. Head saleswomen, as reported for one store, get from $8 to $10 per week, the average pay for saleswomen being $6. In some stores, very few saleswomen get $5, while in others, not less than $5 a week is paid at any time. Cash dial tenders (mostly young girls) are paid $2 a week for the first year, and from $2.50 to $3, the second year, according to circumstances. Men's Clothing. — A tailoress on boy's suits, gets from 85 cents to $3.50 a suit ; she does not get a $3.50 suit very often, and can not make eight ' ' 85 cent " suits a week ; present wages are reported as $6. A tailoress (40 years old) says five years ago she used to get $10 a week and had received the same wages for years ; she is now getting $9 (as reported) . Five custom tailoresses are reported as getting $12 to $13, 2 at $9, $7.50, and $5 respectively. One other reports that custom work pays well, and she makes in the busy season $9 a week ; in dull times, much less. A coat maker says she gets 75 cents for making a frock coat, and 60 cents for a sack coat. In good times, she can make 16 coats a week ; the week for which wages were returned ($7) , she made 12 coats, but had to take work home nights and worked until 10 o'clock. Another coat maker reports that in Montreal, she could make but $2.75 a week; in Boston, at former place of employment, she made $7 in summer and $6 in winter, and at present place, she earns $4 in winter and $5.50 in summer. Another coat maker says she ,has to work overtime at home to average $6 per week. THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 95 Coat basters report pay much less now than formerly ; one girl formerly earning $7 a week has been cut down to $6. A. pantaloon stitcher says wages on piece work have been so cut down that girls who formerly earned $9 cannot possibly make now more than $5 per week. Pantaloon finishers take pantaloons which have been sewed up on machine, turn up and put in canvas in the bottoms, tack pockets, put in all the waist- band linings and sew on the buttons, for 12^ cents, formerly 15 to 20 cents; they can finish 16 pairs a week by working from 8 A.M. till dark in summer, and till 7 or 8 p.m. in winter. Bushelwomen getting $4, $5.50, and $7 respectively, say their employers pay as much if not more than others, and when working after hours, one girl says they get 20 cents per hour. A machine presser says she used to get $7 a week for what she now receives $5 ; and now has to work harder. Machine button-hole makers receive 20 cents per hundred ; the employer receives $1 per hundred. One girl reports that piece masters are said to be going out of the business on account of the small prices paid by clothiers for making up goods. One other girl says she is paid 25 cents per 100, and can do 800 button-holes per day, while some girls can make 900. The work is very unsteady, and a good deal of time is lost. Shirt makers, on the best grades, and on custom work, can make good wages when work is brisk, $9, $10, $11, and $12 being made on piece-work ; one price reported being 50 cents a shirt, except button-holes. On cheaper grades of work, the prices paid are 77 cents, $1.12, $1.18, to $1.95 per dozen. For thick flannel shirts, except button-holes, 75 cents per dozen is paid ; it takes two days to make a dozen. The nicest flannel shirts have much work in them, and $2 per dozen is paid, it taking the best workers two days to make a dozen. Overall makers receive 5 cents a pair when made at home, and 50 cents per dozen when made in the shop. Women's Clothing. — Dressmakers are paid $1.25 to $1.75 for making a suit ; a suit made for the first-named price sells for $12, and can be made in a day by working in the evening. When paid $1.75, if any extra work not done by self is added, as plaiting, the cost is deducted, the maker actually receiving $1.35 ; the prices of suits are graded according to the quality 96 STATISTICS OF LABOR. of goods, as high as $5 being allowed. It takes two days to make a suit. Another dressmaker has been working at home for two months making suits for $5 apiece, her weekly wage being reported as |5 ; for overtime in one instance, 12| cents an hour was paid. Dressmakers, for themselves, get from $2 to $3 per day, with meals ; when on a long job, one reports that she g^ts $10 a week. • • Milliners can earn from $15 to $25 a week in busy seasons ; at other times, not near so much. Seamstresses on dresses are paid 75 cents to $1 per day; in private families, $1 a day and board ; and when going out by the day, $1.50 per day. A seamstress on buttons gets 10 cents a set for sewing buttons on wrappers, a set being 18 wrappers. A serving machine operator on fine " white goods," can make from $11 to $15 a week. A button-hole malcer on,ladies' dresses gets 3 cents apiece ; a good price, it is said, and good wages can be made. Cloak and sack makers say they have to work very hard to average $6 a week the year round, prices being low; one girl gives her weekly earnings for the year, as follows : — 8 weeks at $9 ; 8 at $2.50 ; 13 at $9 ; 13 at $2.50 ; 5 at $9 ; and 5 weeks idle; average $6.09. The prices paid in some places are 15 cents for an entire cloak, raised, however, on protest to 25 cents ; and 22 cents for making a short walking coat, running two rows of stitching around the entire edge and sewing on 30 buttons. It takes 3^ hours to make a cloak for 25 cents. In making Jersey sacks, one girl says she got 90 cents for making a sack by hand, which took three days to finish ; she was obliged to take the work home and sit up until 11 at night to make $2.50 a week. Another girl says she has to baste, stitch, and face with crinoline, and finish seven seams, for 25 cents. For making boys' waists, 30 cents a dozen is paid, button- holes included. It took one girl one whole day to make the sleeves for 2 dozen boys' waists .- For hemming linen handkerchiefs, 2\ cents a dozen is paid for large ones, and If cents for small ones ; one girl hemmed 75 dozen a day (machine work) when the work was good. Hoopslnirt makers get 82 cents a dozen. Bustle makers used to get 65, 75, and 85 cents a dozen, but THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 97 the price has been recently cut down 15 cents ; the bustles are now made for 50, 60, and 70 cents per dozen. They can do 1^ dozen a day by working from 8.30 a. m. to (5 p. nj., with half an hour for dinner. The work is often slack and they are now making a bustle which pays 'but 25 cents a dozen, and a girl can make a dozen only per day. A book folder, working by the piece, gets from 3^ to 7 cents per 100 sheets, according to the number of folds. At one place, little girls are hired at 6 and 7 cents an hour, the highest price paid being 12 cents an hour. It is not possible to make more than $5 a week on an average ; the girls formerly received a percentage of 10 cents on the dollar earned and it was a great incentive to hard work ; it has since been taken off. One girl once made $7.50 a week, but it nearly killed her, and she has since limited herself to $1 a day. A book-sewer reports a per- centage of 10 cents on every dollar made as being now given to sewers, to equal pay of folders. In Boots and Shoes, there have been 7 or 8 cut-downs in 8 years ; the girls have to work very hard to make $8 a week, and then only in the busy season (for about 2 months). In Rubber Goods, there have been constant cut-downs, and but little work. Circulars are now made for 6 cents apiece, for which girls were formerly paid 15 cents, since cut to 10, 8, and 6 cents successively. Girls used to make $12 to $14 a week, but now only from $3 to $6 ; the factories were reported as running on short time and at low rates, one factory reducing from 600 to 100 hands, those being retained who most needed work. A button-hole maker on gossamers says she left for the reason that the work was put out on new machines because it could be done cheaper. The girls in the shop could not work at same figures and make anything. The employer pays $75 for the use of the machine, the girls get 4 cents per 100, and the employer pays 5 cents royalty per 100 ; it was claimed that 4000 button-holes could be made in a day. In sewing waterproof hats, girls get paid at the rate of $1 for six dozen, the price formerly paid being 30 cents a dozen; they can sew from 7 to 9 an hour. In Fish canning, girls are paid 10 cents per hour after 6 p. M. ; but none make more than $4 a week. In Fancy cardmaking , girls are paid from 1\ to 15 cents an hour for overtime during holidays. 98 STATISTICS OF LABOE. In Printing, female compositors get 25 cents per 1000 ems ; this price is considered too small, and it is thought that women should be put on a footing with men in the same office who are paid 30 and 35 cents per 1000 ; in one case, where a girl, by over-exertion in trying to make good wages at 25 cents per 1000, brought on paralysis of one-half of the body, resulting in permanent injury, the small price paid was thought to be especially hard ; if the girl had been paid the same price as the men, there would have been no necessity for overwork. Press- feeders, when working overtime, are paid 20 cents an hour. 'Fov finishing mittens, a girl receives 30 cents per 100 ; it is not possible to make more than $2 per week. A sewing mdchine operator on quilts used to get 4|, and now 1| cents for finishing comforters (stitching around the edges) ; when paid 4l\ cents girls used to make $10 a week, but the price was cut down immediately, as the employer said he could not have girls making more than his teamster, to whom he paid $9 a week; they work hard now and "like slaves " to make $7.50 a week. A mattress sewer (machine) receives 7 cents for sewing the several sides of a tick and 2 cents a running foot for cushions, including both sides and ends of the cushion. One table girl in restaurant says she is required to pay for all crockery broken. In stores, one girl says they are obliged to pay one half of the selling price for broken crockery or ware ; one other girl who accidentally broke a show-case, left because the price was to be taken from her pay ; she was working at the time on 3 per cent commission on sales (with no other pay) , and one stormy day she made 5 cents. Two machine operators on cloaks were required to pay 25 and 35 cents respectively for the use of machines ; two operators on gos- samers were required to pay for needles and thread, in one case 25 cents for a spool of thread and 15 cents a half-dozen for machine needles ; they were forbidden to buy them outside ; the wages in both cases were reported as $5 a week. " Seasons." Carpet sewers have two seasons, 3 months in winter, and 3 months in summer ; their wages for these periods average $ 12 to $13 a week ; at other times $6, $7, and even less ; the average for the year is from $6 to $7 per week. The season, to one THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 99 girl, only represents about 4 months in the year. Girls report less work than formerly in the carpet business. When the work is dull, girls who sew in stores are expected to come to the store and sit around to anticipate what may come in. Glove dyers say that in winter there is a great deal to do, and that they have worked late for several months at a time ; by so doing they can earn as high as $10 a week. In summer the work is dull and the girls take lotig vacations ; they work in summer two to four days only a week until September. Saleswomen of fancy goods say the busy seasons are from April to July, and October to January. In the manufacture of MevUs Clothing, the work is reported ^as being good in winter and dull in summer ; often during the dull times the girls are obliged to wait in the shop for work to be given out, being mostly piece work. The busy season is only about 4 months, during which time they work very hard 18 hours every day. The health of many of the girls is broken before the end of the season, and they are obliged to go home ; all are exhausted by over-work, and could not continue such a fearful strain on their energies much longer. The girls feel obliged to work very hard during the busy season to make up for dull times, frequently working until 12 o!clock and sometimes all night. The rates of pay are much smaller now than formerly ; first class pantaloon makers get $2 per pair ; custom coat makers make $10 a week, and some by working day and night make $18 in the busy season ; other coat makers ^verage $9 in busy season, and $8 in dull times. The work is very dull for 2 months in sujnmer ; in slack times, girls lose from one to three days occasionally, amounting in a year to 2 or 3 months. In one store, the girls are always given some work, and the force is never reduced. From July to Septem- ber, the pay is said to average not more than $2 to $3 a week. Some of the girls only work in the busy season, and remain at home at other times doing housework. One girl reports her work as busiest in the hottest months; they stop work Saturdays at 2 o'clock but it is half-past before they get cleaned up about their machines, and out. In a similar instance, a pantaloon maker says she works in summer until 12 o'clock every night, but in winter not so long ; her pay in winter aver- ages only $4 a week, in summer $10 to $10.50. In Shirt making, thtobusy seasons are in the spring and fall, 100 STATISTICS OF LABOR. very few girls being kept the year round. About Christmas time, and in the spring, work is very brislc, but for about 4 months in the year there is not enough worl?; to lieep the girls busy all day. The season for silk plush sewers, hat trimmers, and binders lasts about 6 months, and is usually very dull in summer. A hat binder says that in busy times she makes $7 a week and over. Her work was reported dull (when seen) ; also that the shop had been on half-time for months. She says business is hurt by convict labor. Silk plush sewers are paid $2 a dozen ; by working hard from 7 a. m. to 12 p. m., they can make $2 a day. Machine operators on gentlemen's furnishing goods have a dull season in July and August. Dressmakers report busy seasons in the spring and fall, and then they have plenty to do, working early and late, and in some cases bringing their work home. The dull periods come in winter, and July and August. This varies sometimes, one girl reporting herself as being busy from May to August. When work is dull, the girls work at anything they can do, sometimes in retail stores for a few weeks. Dressmakers working for themselves very often have their regular customers the year round, and have but little slack time except that taken for vacation and rest. Milliners are busy from April to July, and October to Christmas, from 4 to 7 months in all. Girls work late durins: the seasons. Bonnet frame makers have two seasons, from February to May, and August 15th to December. In dull times, a few girls work on short time (from 9.30 to 4), or are idle. Dun'ng the busy season, they often bring work home ; one girl says she could not make $4 per week without so doing ; the rates of pay were cut down twice last season. " Time lost" is often attributable to dull season, from 2 to 3 months. Oloakmakers report busiest seasons as comprising 3 months in spring, and 3 months in fall. One girl says she always brings work home, or she could not make pay received. A machine operator on ladies' wear reports work as brisk in summer, and dull in winter. A sewing machine operator on children's carriage curtains says the season extended from January to July last year ; after July, she made lung protectors. THE WORIONG GIRLS OF BOSTON. 101 Hoopshirt makers' work is reported good from February to October. A corset maker says "during 4 months of idleness, went out to do housework, and tided over waiting time." In Boots and Shoes, " there are two working seasons in the year with intervals of 2 months between each, in winter and summer." The dull seasons are from April to June 1, and from the second week in October until Christmas, when there is little or nothing to do, except on order work. A. press-feeder (on engraved work) had been working, when visited, half time, or three days a week, for about 5 months. In Book-binderies, there are two seasons, September to' Feb- ruary, and in July. In this work, the dull season lasts some- times for three or four months ; the girls during that season are never certain of the amount of work they can have to do. In Paper' Box making, on.e girl says work was dull for two months, fall and spring being the busiest seasons. In the good seasons, she earns good pay. In Rubber Goods, girls employed in gossamer rubber clothing factories report an unusually dull season last year. In many instances rates of pay were cut down, and finally the factories were shut down or run in making hoopskirts, bustles, etc. In elastic fabric manufactories, work is usually dull in summer. In Straw Goods, the seasons are short but busy. A few girls are kept the year. round ; one girl says she has only about 2 months dull time (1 month in August and 1 month in Decem- ber and January) ; while others report the season as from 6 to 7 months. During the busiest part, girls work until 7 p. m. and make good wages. In Confectionery manufactories, work is reported as dull in summer ; in fish packing establishments, the busy season is from June to about Christmas ; a salt packing mill was reported as having shut down for 2 months the past year. In Tobacco Factories work is dull once during the winter ; the oirls work about 9 months in the year. Daring the summer months, when work in regular occupa- tion is slack, girls often go to the mountains and seashore and work as table-girls at about $12 a month and board. In other cases, girls shift from one occupation to another 102 STATISTICS OF LABOE. during the dull seasons in regular occupation, dressmakers, for instance, working in tailors' shops, or as seamstresses, etc. The surplus money made in busy times is essential to the tiding over of the dull season, and at the end of the year there is little or nqthing left of their earnings. Expenses. The disposition of total income is accounted for in the fifteen short tables which follow. Present Actual Weekly Eoepenses. Classification. Number. Classification. IsTiTmbQl'. $1 00 to $2 00 2 00 to 3 00 3 00 to 4 00 4 00 to 5 00 . 6 00 to 6 00 6 00 to 7 00 7 00 to 8 00 . . . . . 8 00 to 9 00 9 00 to 10 00 10 00 to 11 00 11 00 to 12 00 . 10 41 '84 166 194 183 133 84 61 36 16 $12 00 to $13 00 13 00 to 14 00 15 00 to 16 00 16 00 18 00 to 19 00 20 87 22 94 29 00 to 30 00 Not given, 12 6 7 2 5 1 1 2 . 1 Total, 1,032 Boom, Board, and Bestaurants, Classification. At ffome. At home, ... . At home; pays for room . . . . At home; pays for room and board At home; pays for room and board separately, At home; pays for room and board, occaBionally takes meals at restaurants; At home; pays for room and board, takes some meals at restanrants, At home; pays for room and takes meals at restaurants At home; takes some meals at restaurants Bestaurmita. ;For room and meals at restaurants, In summer pays for room and board. In winter for meals at restaurants, . Fays for meals at restaurants, Fays for room, board, and dinners, ... . ... Fays for room and board, and meals at restanrants, ... Fays for room and board, and extra meals at restaurants, '. Fays for room and board, and some meals at restaurants, .... Fays for room and board, meals at restaurants in winter, .... Fays for room, and takes meals at restaurants, Fays for room and board separately, with some meals at restaurants, Fays for room and board together, with some meals at restaurants, . Fays for room and meals at restaurants for self and husband, Boom and Board, Fays for board, rent free, ... Fays for room and boards self Fays for room and board separately Pays for room and board together Mt Statedt Etc, Not stated, Pays weekly for rent, Total, ... 503 1 14 2 1 1 1 10 2 1 1 166 280 27 1 1,032 THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 103 Amount paid Weekly for Board and Boom, [The asterisk indicates that the sum specified is paid regularly, but, in addition, other suras are paid towards the household expenses when possible. Those "at home" have board and room free, but those "at home*" pay something towards household expenses, but not a stated sum weekly.] , ClASSIPIOATIOK. Number. Classificatioh. Kumber. *0 50* . . . . 2 $4 26 15 68 1 4 38 1 1 00 1 4 60 33 1 00* 6 4 75 8 1 04 1 5 00 34 1 25 1 5 00* 2 1 25* 4 5 10 1 1 60 10 6 26 5 1 50* 2 6 50 6 1 75 1 5 69 1 2 00 28 5 76 3 200* 2 6 00 8 2 25 5 6 26 1 2 30 1 6 50 9 2 42 1 6 75 1 2 50 32 7 00 6 2 50* 6 7 50 1 2 75 5 8 00 1 3 00 91 8 25 1 3 00* S 8 60 1 325 10 10 00 1 3 30 1 11 64 1 3 42 3 13 14 1 3 50 ... . . 45 At home, 54 3 68 1 At home,* 460 400 19 80 Amount not given. 16 1 Total 1,032 Food and Lodging. Household Expenses. Boom— Con. Under $25 00 . 8 $91 00 $25 00 to 50 00 . 23 117 00 60 00 to 75 00 42 130 00 75 00 to 100 00 65 132 00 100 00 to 126 00 73 161 00 160 00 to 175 00 . 47 Total, .... 175 00 to 200 00 4S 200 00 to 225 00 27 226 00 to 250 00 30 Boom and Household Expenses. 250 00 to 275 00 15 $50 00 275 00 to 300 00 . 14 65 00 300 00 to 350 00 10 68 00 350 00 to 375 00 * . 7 80 00 600 00 to 625 00 2 107 00 647 00 . 1 190 00 650 00 to 576 00 . 3 204 00 575 00 to 600 00 2 212 00 614 00 . 1 1 219 00 . 782 00 879 00 . 1 Total Board. Total 468 Boom. »39 00 $9 00 43 00 35 00 75 00 45 00 . 78 00 . 52 00 117 00 59 00 _ — a J 144 00 . 65 00 78 00 Total, 7 104 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Food and Lodging — Concluded. Classification. Number. Classification. Number. Board and Household Expenses. Boom and Board — Con. 8 $107 00 - $325 00 to $360 00 ... . 121 00 360 00 to 375 00 . 5 122 00 . . . • . 376 00 to 400 00 . 2 162 00 442 00 . . 1 170 00 620 00 . 1 173 00 600 00 . . 1 243 00 280 00 Total Boom, Board, and Household 454 Total, 8 Expenses. $79 00 . Boom and Board. 88 00 Under »26 00 . 4 105 00 $25 00 to 50 00 . 7 109 00 60 00 to 75 00 . 10 162 00 23 175 00 100 00 to . 125 00 . 64 194 00 49 196 00 160 00 to 175 00 . 63 202 00 175 00 to 200 00 . . . 76 213 00 200 00 to 225 00 . 76 224 00 225 00 to 260 00 . . 31 241 00 28 493 00 3 300 00 to 326 00 . 7 Total, 13 RECAPITULATIOlf. Number. Classification. Personal service. Trade. Manu- factures. Aggregates. Household expenses, Room Room and household expenses, Board Board and household expenses. Room and board, Room, board, and household expenses, No expense 32 8 2 35 1 6 61 47 10 366 3 6 6 7 372 11 66 468 12 9 7 8 464 13 71 Totals 83 123 826 1,032 Clothing. Classification. service. Trade. factures. Aggregates. Under $10 1 2 20 23 $10 to 20 9 3 60 62 20 to 30 9 8 64 81 80 to 40 6 6 80 92 40 to 50 8 4 79 . 91 50 to 60 8 13 124 146 60 to 70 6 12 60 78 70 to 80 10 19 103 132 80 to 90 2 8 19 29 90 to 100 1 2 16 18 100 to 110 14 22 102 138 110 to 120 - 6 6 120 to 130 3 4 29 36 180 to 140 1 2 a 140 to 160 ' 3 S THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 105 Clothing — Concluded. Classipication. Personal service. Trade. Manu- factui-es. Aggregates. tlS0to$160 ... . . 3 10 29 42 160 to 170 _ 1 3 4 175 .. . 2 3 5 191 .. . _ 1 1 200 1 » 2 12 16 226 _ 3 3 250 1 2 3 260 .. . 2 2 300 .. . . _ 1 1 450 .. . _ 1 1 No expense, 3 16 19 Totals 83 123 826 1,032 Medical Attendance. Classification. » Kumber. Classification. Number. $1 00 7 $26 00 2 00 . . . 6 27 00 3 00 3 30 00 . . • . 4 00 4 34 00 5 00 13 40 00 6 00 4 40 00 (for father) 7 00 ... . 1 48 00 8 00 1 50 00 9 00 ... . . . 1 60 00 (for husband) . 1 — 10 00 19 55 00 10 00 (for children) .... 1 62 00 10 00 (for relatives) . 1 78 00 12 00 6 89 00 13 00 1 100 00 15 00 10 200 00 . , 17 00 2 330 00 (for husband) 18 00 2 No expense 21 00 (for children) .... 1 — 25 00 8 Total .ggrogates. Fuel. Classification. $2 00 . 3 00 . 4 00 . 5 00 . 6 00 . 7 00 . 8 00 . 9 00 . 10 00 . 11 00 . 1 4 2 14 16 10 2 3 4 1 Classification. $12 00 . 13 00 . 14 00 . 17 00 . 18 00 . 19 00 . 20 00 . No expense, Total, [1,032] 181 28 6 3 28 83 7 256 V 22 1.8 1 ~ 1 4 961 106 STATISTICS OF LABOR. ^ Washing. Classification. Number. Classification. Numbt' $2 00 2 $20 00 . . . . ■ 3 3 00 2 21 00 . . . . . 1 4 00 2 23 00 1 6 00 . . . ... 8 25 00 8 6 00 1 26 00 . . ... 19 7 00 2 30 00 . . ... 1 8 00 1 33 00 . • 1 9 00 2 35 00 1 10 00 3 39 00 1 11 00 1 40 00 1 12 00 1 48 00 1 18 00 . 7 60 00 1 14 00 3 52 00 5 15 00 5 65 00 1 16 00 4 No expense, 939 3 Total, 1,032 Car Fares. Tot! $1 00 3 $25 00 . .' . 9 2 00 1 26 00 5 3 00 8 2T 00 2 4 00 1 28 00 2 6 00 3 29 00 6 6 00 3 30 00 29 8 00 . . . . 2 31 00 10 9 00 2 35 00 . . . . . 10 00 8 39 00 11 00 5 40 00 12 00 6 46 00 13 00 . . . ... 6 48 00 14 00 2 49 00 . . — -i 00 11 50 00 4 „ 00 2 62 00 Hou^ 1 60 00 Rooruj 2 76 00 2 Koom y ^ 3 80 00 1 Board >' ' [ [ ' ' [ 11 2 No expense 863 2 Koom, 1> ' ' ' 1 ' ] 2 Total 1,032 No expel Support of Others. aild) . listers) . ■elativos; partial) lister; partial; ^ brother; partial) . ^father; partial) (mother; partial) . TJndefJ (relatives'; partial) *100 (relatives; partial) VOO _j 00 (child; partial) ■^ 15 00 (mother; partial) . 16 00 (parents ; partial) . 20 00 (brother.; partial) . 20 00 (mother and sister; partial) 20 00 (parents; partial) . 20 00 (relatives; partial) 25 00 (child; entire) 26 00 (mother; partial) . 26 00 (relatives; partial) 26 00 (parents ; panial) . 25 00 (relatives; partial) 26 00 (sister; partial) $27 00 (mother ; partial) 30 00 (two children ; entire) 30 00 (relatives; partial) SO 00 (parents; partial) 40 00 (child) 40 00 (brother; partial) 40 00 (sister; partial). 45 00 (mother; partial) 46 00 (sister ; partial) . 50 00 (child ; entire) . 60 00 (two children ; partial) 60 00 (father; partial) 50 00 (mother ; partial) 50 00 (parents; partial) 60 00 (sister; partial). 65 00 (mother; partial) 76 00 (lather; partial) 75 00 (parents; partial) 77 00 (child; entire) . 78 00 (child; entire) . 78 00 {mother; partial) 86 00 (father; partial) 96 00 (child ; entire) . THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 107 Support of Others — Concluded. Classification. Number. Classification. Kumber. $100 00 (parents; partial) 104 00 (two children; entire) 147 00 (mother's relatives; entire) 150 00 (child; entire) . 162 00 (father; entire) . 185 00 (mother and child; partial) 233 00 (child; entire) . . 302 00 (parents; entire) . 829 00 (parents ; partial) 400 00 (mother; partial) 430 00 (parents) . . 446 00 child ; partial) . ; Jrother and sister. Child, 8 Child ; entire, . Two children ; entire. Mother; entire, . Brother and sister; partial, Child; partial, . Husband; partial. Mother; partial. Parents; partial. Relatives; partial. Sister; partial, . No expense Total, 1 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 4 1 931 1,032 All Other Expenses. Classification. Number. Classification. Number. TTnder $25 00 $25 00 to 50 00 60 00 to 75 00 75 00 to 100 00 100 00 to 125 00 125 00 to 150 00 267 215 83 29 15 14 11 6 $200 00 to $225 00 . . 225 00 to 250 00 . . 250 00 to 275 00 . 400 00 . No other expenses, . Total, . . . . 2 3 3 1 384 150 00 to 175 00 176 00 to 200 00 1,032 Other Expenses : Nature, and Number having such Expenses. [Summary by number, of preceding expense tables, excepting Food and Lodging, and Clothing.] Classification. Personal service. [83] Trade. [153] Jtfanu- facturcs. Aggregates. [1,082] Car and ferry fares, . . . , . Children's support, .... Church, .... . . . Debts and interest Dentistry, Fuel and light . Funeral expenses Furniture, G-axe (or assisted) husband, . C^ave (or assisted) parents, Gave (or assisted) brothers and sisters. Gave (or assisted) relatives, . Household expenses. Lodges and societies, Music and painting, . Personal expenses, . Sickness and medicines, Sundries and incidentals. Washing 22 1 1 18 65 4 36, 4 4 1 12 67 10 146 24 6 3 22 71 6 7 2 198 17 7 206 4 7 8 109 508 79 181 28 6 3 28 83 7 266 22 8 256 4 13 9 127 630 108 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Total Yearly Eoepenses. Classifioatioh. service. Trade. factures. Aggregates. Under $60 2 1 10 13 $50 to 100 6 11 30 46 100 to 150 9 17 80 106 160 to 200 14 17 131 162 200 to 250 21 12 158 191 250 to 300 2 23 146 171 300 to 350 14 17 110 141 350 to 400 3 14 67 84 400 to 450 7 7 36 60 460 to 500 1 1 18 20 500 to 560 1 2 13 16 . 660 to 600 _ - 6 6 eOO to 650 2 1 10 13 660 to 700 1 - 1 2 700 to 750 _ _ 3 3 760 to 800 1 _ 1 2 800 _ _ 1 1 850 to 900 _ 2 2 900 to 950 _ 2 2 1,039 \ 1 1 Totals, 83 123 826 1,032 /Savings or Debt. Classification. Number. Classification. Number. Samngs. Debt. $4 00 .... $4 00 1 5 00 . 6 00 2 10 00 6 00 3 16 00 7 00 1 17 00 8 00 1 19 00 11 00 1 20 00 14 00 1 25 00 11 18 00 1 30 00 20 00 4 32 00 24 00 1 36 00 25 00 2 37 00 30 00 1 40 00 10 35 00 1 45 00 48 00 1 48 00 50 00 1 60 00 19 62 00 1 64 00 76 00 3 59 00 76 00 1 60 00 78 00 1 70 00 125 00 2 72 00 75 00 Total 30 80 00 90 00 100 00 16 106 00 RECAPlT,irLATION. 125 00 128 00 Savings 120 160 00 6 Debt, 30 160 00 2 No savings or debt 882 200 00 3 250 00 300 00 3 Total, 1,032 Total, • , 120 THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 109 Recapitulation. — - Principal Expenses; Savings and Debt. Peksoxal Sbrvicb. Tkadk. Manufactures. All Occupations. Classification. K lim- Yearly Num- Yearly Num- Yearly Num- Yearly ber. Average. ber. Average. ber. Average. ber. Average. iPrim^pal Expenses. Food and lodging, 78 $165 01 113 $144 43 768 $169 66 969 $166 31 Clothing, 83 65 18 120 80 08 810 66 19 1,013 67 76 Medical attendance, 8 13 88 14 22 00 117 26 66 139 - 24 60 Sael 4 12 60 7 8 71 70 8 60 81 8 72 Washing, . 4 27 60 10 24 60 79 19 82 93 20 66 Gar fares, 8 20 88 28 26 11 138 22 06 174 22 66 Support of others. Other expenses, . 9 72 67 a 63 00 61 66 48 76 67 33 66 41 61 72 36 11 520 42 17 648 41 45 Total yearly expenses. 83 261 43 123 246 20 826 263 63 1,032 261 30 Savings and Debt. Savings, 13 80 69 11 63 82 96 71 95 120 72 15 Debt 4 21 75 6 31 40 21 40 67 30 36 60 From the recapitulation just given, and the recapitulation of the tables on wages and earnings, we get at the real economic condition of the working girls. By an analysis of the recapitu- lation of principal expenses, it will be seen that these items of expense are not common to all ; for instance, of the 1,032 girls, 959 paid out something for food and lodging, the average yearly expense for each being $166.31 ; 1,013 spent on an average $67.75 for clothing; only a very small percentage of the whole number were under any expense for medical attend- ance, fuel, washing, car fares, or support of others, while 648 reported other expenses not classified. These principal expenses not being common to all, it is therefore impossible to give a yearly average for each of the 1,032 girls for each of these items in detail ; but the $261.30, given as the average of all expenses .for the year, represents the actual average yearly expense for each of the 1,032 girls involved. The margin of annual income over annual expense is very small ; from an annual income of $269.07, the average for all the girls, there must be paid out a yearly expense of $261.30, leaving a margin for everything outside of the absolute neces- saries of life of $7.77. Only 120 out of 1,032 made any savings during the year, the savings being for that 120 an average of $72.15 per year; 30 girls ran into debt to the amount of $36.60 per year on an average ; the balance just met their 'expenses with the assist- no STATISTICS OF LABOR. ance of friends and what could be earned outside regular occupation. Very many who lived with their parents or friends were enabled to get through the year without running in debt through the aid of board being given them ; from such figures as we have, we found that only 21+ per cent of those living at home with parents paid board, while 66+ per cent of those living with relatives or friends paid board ; taking all in these two classes together we find that only 30+ per cent of all those living with parents, relatives, or friends pay board. Home Life. It is not enough to know the wages paid to working girls ; the ways in which the money earned is used and the number dependent upon their work, are essential in determining their actual condition. The income and expense tables fully show from what sources the total income is derived, as well as the amounts expended for room and board, or contributed towards the common expenses of the household. They do not show, however, upon how little money, in many instances, the family is obliged to live, and how necessary, under these circumstances, is the constant work of the supporti-ng members of the family. The information furnished by the working girls shows that the wages earned by them constitute in many cases the chief, and sometimes the entire support of the family, the parents looking to the earnings of one, two, three, and four daughters to pay the household bills ; the father often being reported not able to work much or always, on account of disability, from lack of steady work, or possibly, from disinclination to work while there is revenue from any other source. In large families, the earnings of the girls, together with the wages of the father, when all are working, do not more than cover living expenses. The work of the brother or brothers is also spoken of, and their earnings form a part of the family fund. Four sisters are reported as working and supporting the father, who does not work regu- larly ; they pay stated sums each week, and at any time when the father is not working, they pay all their money into the house. Many report it as being very hard work to keep the family to- gether and send the younger children to school ; in one instance, those needing support included three children of a deceased THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. Ill sister. In some cases, one or both parents are reported as be- ing old or out of health, and the children of the family are often called upon to pay, in addition to the household expenses, bills for medical attendance and sometimes funeral expenses, etc., for parents or other members of the family, which, in most cases, is apt to be quite a heavy tax upon them. In cases where the father is dead, or not living with the fam- ily, the mother is often wholly dependent upon the girls and boys working for her support, and where there are younger children, for their education and support as well ; the mother working also at times, or keeping the house only. One girl is reported as having supplied a home for her widowed mother for the past twenty years ; others are supporting invalid mothers, sisters, brothers, or other relatives, in whole or in common with one or more sisters or brothers ; in some cases, doing the housework besides. This often entails, in cases where the girl assisted by brothers provides the family income, a great deal of hard work for the girl, she being compelled to work nights to keep up her part of the expenses ; in other instances, the brother or brothers being well-situated provide the larger part of income, and of course to that extent relieve the girl of the necessity of extra or undue labor. In still other cases, where the father is living, the mother adds her weekly earnings to common fund, and where widowed, often has quite a family to maintain. Girls who have no parents living either provide support for other members of the family, or divide the expense with other brothers or sisters, usually finding it hard work to get along. Others have been obliged to leave their homes on account of bad treatment or conduct of dissipated father, or because they felt the need of work, and not finding it at home, have come to Boston, and are dependent upon themselves for maintenance ; these girls also generally contribute something to the support of parents and family at home. One girl has built a cottage for her parents and bought them a horse and carriage, while another lives with sister who requires no board, so that all her surplus earnings may go to the support of their aged and infirm parents. Another girl who used to live with, her aunt says she left her, because heraunt charged her for board when sick 112 , STATISTICS OF LABOR. or idle, and she concluded that it was just as cheap to pay her board in the city and save car fares. Married women living with their husbands are at work, and very often report their earnings as being the major part of joint income. The husbands are reported as either being out of health and not able to work, or only working at times or about half the time, and contributing but little towards the support of the family. In all these various conditions of the existence of the family, the average wages of the working girls were from $4 to $(? per week, some reporting as low as $1.50 and $2, others $7, $8, $9, and $10, and one as high as $18 ; the larger part receive the average figures. It should also be mentioned that in a few instances, the in- come of the family is increased by rent of tenements sublet, from rooms let to lodgers and boarders, and in the case of a few of the girls their houses, in town and out of town, are owned by them, and the revenues therefrom are applied to living expenses ; three sisters so owning a house in common, repoi't a mortgage of $200 on same, with interest at 8 per cent, due in three years, and nothing now saved towards the principal. The widowed mothers of the girls are also assisted in some cases by pensions, and from charitable sources. Having considered the support rendered by working girls in the family, it is well to notice how in other cases, the working girls themselves have been aided by relatives and friends, and how circumstanced in a money point of view, at home or wherever located. In quite a number of cases, the girls report, that living at home or with some members of the family, they are not obliged to work, but do so from choice, or because they do not care to become a burden to their parents, in some cases, paying no board and in dull times staying at home idle ; if any board is required, it is always stopped when out of work. Others prefer to work in Boston rather than remain at home, but go home a part of each year on a visit ; still others live with friends, are very easily circumstanced and are very well satis- fied. In a few instances, married women at work say there is no necessity for working, as their husbands with whom they THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. H3 live are well able to support them ; they work from choice only. Of those who derive assistance from their parents in any way, some report that if they did not live at home and receive aid from parents or brothers, they could not live, one girl receiving $8 and $9 a week, besides her board, from parents, the girl being at work because she wants the money to spend. Another girl receives assistance weekly from her mother who is a domestic ; another is in debt to her mother for medicines and other things, while others receive money and dresses from home as needed. Another girl says she is the only one that works, as her mother has sufficient property to support the family. Other women, left with children by the death of hus- band or otherwise, report that if it were not for parents they could not support their children on the wages eai-ned. Others receive assistance from husbands absent at work in other places, from brothers, married sisters, and friends, who aid them in money, clothes, and in various ways, and with such assistance they are able to get along. LiVing with brothers, sisters, or relatives, they are either charged no board, or by doing certain parts of the housework or sewing are boarded free. Those living with friends either work nights and mornings at housework, sewing, etc., for their board, or are boarded at low rates out of kindness and when unable to meet expenses are not pressed for board. In one case, an orphan girl who had lived from childhood with relatives who were very cruel to her, she sleeping many a night on the top of the shed for personal safety, reports that the kind-hearted woman who took her in, and with whom she now has a home, only charges her $2.50 a week, and treats her as one of her own girls; in another case, a girl working away from home and upon whom her parents are somewhat dependent, was obliged to have her food given her for some time by friends with whom she lived, or else she could not have maintained herself; she is married, but receives nothing towards support from her husband with whom she does not live. In a few instances, and only a few, support from the city has been given, while in others, extra sewing nights and mornings has helped to piece out income, necessitating, however, a very regular life in order to keep up under this constant strain of hard work. 114 STATISTICS OF LABOE. Girls living away from home, in boarding and lodging houses, the latter especially, are oftentimes obliged to practise very close economy in living, one girl being repoi:ted as taking her meals at restaurants, and often going without her supper as well as other meals, because she did not have the money to pay for them ; another, as going without meat for weeks, eating bread only without butter, and seldom able to buy a baker's pie, while in the case of three sisters living in one room, with all meals at restaurants where employed, they are only able to get a bare living without any of life's comforts ; they econo- mize in every way possible, buy food and cook it themselves Sundays, and when invited out to dinner (which is only rarely), they make a " field-day " of it. In the same way, girls speaking of their dress, say that it is almost impossible in many cases to buy new clothes, they depending largely upon what is given them in the way of old dresses and other garments by relatives or friends ; others spend little or nothing for clothes each year, or have a new suit once in two or three years. One girl says '' it costs every cent she earns for board and other expenses," and that she was obliged to take ten dollars that she had saved for a new dress and pay a doctor's bill, and that she is in consequence nearly destitute of clothing suitable for street or store wear. This matter of dress, she says, has a great deal to do with one's success in seeking employment, a. poorly dressed woman being refused on the score generally of "just hired, "while a shabbily dressed girl is entirely ignored. Touching the question of income, and in addition to and explanatory of the savings or debt table, are the facts re- ported by some of the working girls as to how they have been able to make some slight saving each year, or the causes which have led them into debt. Some of the girls report that it takes about all they ever earn to meet expenses, and that it is only by the strictest economy that they can lay by anything ; two others, sisters, say they want for nothing, live frugally and manage to save a little something, while another says she pays all of her money to her mother, but thinks it is being saved for her ultimate benefit. Four sisters report that they each expect to receive $200 from the estate o^a deceased uncle, while one girl says that the $40 saved the past year she intends to THE WORIONG GIRLS OF BOSTON. 115 send to her parents. Of those who have saved in past years any considerable sums, two are reported as having $500 in savings bank, in one case the result of seven years' savings ; two others, as having $100 saved, in one case during four years of work ; one other girl says her savings in all amount to $300, while still another says that in three years she has almost paid for a $300 piano. A tailoress, earning ten dollars a week, says she has lost money in various savings banks, $300 of which was in Mrs. Howe's " institution," but notwith- standing these losses she has about $5,000 saved. Another woman, well advanced in life, says^she has during the past year built a little house to provide for old age, and that in her working career she has accumulated some hundreds of dollars, but could not have done so if she had not been with friends and not obliged to pay any board. In still other cases, one girl says she is using her money towards clearing a debt on a farm left her by her father, while another says three years ago she saved up money enough to pay the passage to this country of her mother and brother. From those in debt, or without savings, comes the report that through the sickness of the girl herself or her mother, the savings of years have been eaten up by medicines, etc. ; in one instance, a girl reports that during a ten weeks' sickness two years ago she spent the savings of eight years and was $20 in debt. Another says she has incurred a debt of $75 on account of the expenses of her son's illness ; another that she placed some money, the savings of many years, in the hands of a friend who has lost it by speculation, while still another says she opened in company with another woman a boarding and lodging; house, but owing to the bad management, as she says, of the other woman, the venture was a failure and she suffered a loss of $500 in money ; she has had some money left her, and that with what she has earned make her savings now amount to $500. In a few instances, girls are reported as having come to Bos- ton from other states and countries, on account of the favorable reports received of plenty of work and good pay, and with the expectation of making a great deal of money, but in all these cases they are dissatisfied and intend to return at their earliest opportunity; they report the work duller here even than from whence they came, and that they have been unable 116 STATISTICS OF LABOK. to find sufficient good paying work upon which to live. Others say that during work-life there is little chance for amusement, while others think girls in many cases would be much better off at housework or some kindred occupation than in shops or factories. One girl left her work to do light housework in a boarding house, but found there were thirty boarders to work for, and so left and went back to her usual occupation. It is interesting to note the ' ' life " experiences of a few who have been at work for a number of years and have a history, and from them learn what the future of working girls entirely dependent upon their own labor may be, if the conditions developed in regard to small pay, etc., should continue. A carpet sewer, 34 years of age, and now earning six dollars a week, says she was married at 29 and lived with her hus- band until, on account of his dissipated habits and neglect of her, she finally left him and went to work, earning $2 a week and running up a board and lodging bill of $35. She has re- ceived since a little money from her husband's lodge and makes a little extra by crocheting tops on woollen mittens at ten cents per dozen pairs. She gets her own meals on a little parlor stove and is compelled to live in a small way in order to keep herself and boy alive ; she spends scarcely anything for clothing. A coat maker, earning six dollars a week, says that at the age of fourteen she had a fever and for lack of proper medical care it settled in her right leg, causing decay of the bone ; although a great sufferer, she has worked for 26 years and taken care of herself without assistance. She had one hundred dollars in the bank in December, but in consequence of dull times was obliged to draw it out to meet expenses. Eleven years ago, she made the acquaintance of another lame girl, and formed with her a partnership both in their work and housekeeping. They share everything in common and their relations have been of a most affectionate and self-denying character. In a garret, four stories up, was found a machine operator on men's clothing who said she was married at the age of 20 ; her husband was consumptive but lived 16 years after her mar- riage. During her married life she worked more or less, at home and in stores. She has two children, a boy of 11 and a girl of 5, but they do not now live with her ; up to a short THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 117 time since, the boy lived with her and went to school ; her work failing, she could not pay his board in advance, and he was sent to live with relatives. At night, after working through the day, she makes clothes for her children and does her own sewing and washing ; she has not had a new dress for three years, and she says it sometimes costs a good deal more than she earns to provide for herself and children, and that she has often had to go without her supper. In another instance, a very bright, smart and most intelligent woman was found living in a small attic room lighted and ventilated by the skylight only, In her younger years, she said she taught school in summer and- went to school in winter, studying music and preparing herself to enter the Normal school to become a teacher. Disappointed in this respect, she has had a rather hard life since, and now has a little child to support. While at work, she leaves her little girl at the Day Nursery and pays five cents for the privilege. In the dull sea- son, she has lived on less than a dollar a week for food for her- self and child. When seen she was doing quite well as compared with her experience for some years ; she had paid her rent to date and had the first five dollars in her pocket over and above living expenses for many a day, with a prospect of earning suflScient to fully meet running expenses. She felt quite elated over what seemed good fortune to her, it being some- thing new in her experience as a working woman. In the same way, a very intelligent, well-educated and good- appearing lady, apparently quite comfortably situated with relatives, reported that five years ago her husband was sun- struck, and two years after he was obliged to be confined in an asylum, where he died. During his illness and after his death, having no money or propei-ty, the support of the family including two children, now six and eight years respectively, devolved upon her, and she went out sewing, making cloaks and suits, and in dull seasons doing nursing and such other work as she could find. Being quite smart, she succeeded in making, as she says, $400 a year for almost four years. Con- stant application to work, often until 12 at night and sometimes on Sundays (equivalent to nine ordinary working days a week) , afiected her health and injured her eyesight. She has been treated for her eyes and was ordered by the doctor to 118 STATISTICS OF LABOE. suspend work, stay in doors and keep out of sun and lamp light ; but she must earn money, and so she has kept on work- ing. Her eyes weep constantly, she cannot see across the room and " the air seems always in a whirl " before her. She complains that women having husbands employed, work in shops for rates of pay less than girls who are dependent solely on themselves can afford. On account of her popr health, the past year has been a bad one for her, and she has been unable to meet her expenses. She was obliged to sell some of the furni- ture bought when married and other articles, and owed when seen three months' board for self and children ; she gets aid from relatives in the shape of clothing for children, and that is all. She hopes something may be done for working girls and women, for, however strong they may be in the beginning, " they can't stand white slavery for ever." VI. MOKAL CONDITION. The moral condition of the working girls cannot be stated with that statistical accuracy which belongs to the other condi- tions we have discussed, and yet in certain directions we have the most positive information and of such a character that it possesses all the value of a statistical statement. It has often been said that the shop girls are an immoi'al class, that it is largely from their ranks that prostitution is recruited, and the vile charge has often been made that in great stores where many girls are employed, an engagement often depends upon the willingness of the saleswoman or shop girl to become the intimate friend of either the proprietor or head of a department. The assertion is often very flippantly bandied about that when a girl seeks employment and the wages offered are very low and she objects to such low wages, she is coolly informed that she must seek some gentleman to help her to support herself. In addition to our desire to ascertain the general moral condition which surrounds the working girls of Boston, we have had a very strong desire to ascertain the truth or falsity of these damaging assertions and charges, and first, we will consider the girls in their homes and employments. Under social condition, we dealt very fully with the condition of the girls in their homes. THE WORKING GIELS OF BOSTON. 119 It was seen that a very large proportion of them were living at home with parents and friends. In addition to this we found that in nearly all the cases where a girl was called upon in the evening and found to be out, her parents or the friends with whom she was living, knew of her whereabouts, and would oftentimes send for her to come home and give the informa- tion sought by the agents. This evidence in itself is very em- phatic in establishing the moral surroundings at least of the girls involved. A few of the girls testify to ill treatment by friends or relatives, but as a rule, they were surrounded by such home influences that it is entirely unreasonable to believe them to be guilty of walking in evil ways. Some of them have spoken very frankly about ill treatment by their employers ; some of these say that the employers or the men placed in charge are in the habit of speaking very roughly to employes and oftentimes while they do not swear at the girls, they use violent and some- times bad language before them ; others are said to curse and swear at the girls and treat them very shabbily. One girl says she has been subjected to rough words and harsh treatment from the foreman in charge of the department ; his general demeanor is bad. She says he is a good tool for employers, who are all right themselves* apparently, but that they do not know of many things which otherwise might be remedied ; they place implicit confidence in him and having little or no knowl- edge of their help, they do not know but what their employes are well treated. Another girl says her employer is good natured according to his mood ; if he does not like the way the work is done, he is apt to take it rudely from her hands and tell her to leave ; on the other hand, he might feel good natured enough to pay her in advance if he thought she needed money. In some places, during working hours, no one is allowed to call upon the girls employed ; even on the occasion of the death of a friend who was killed, the girl was notified after much trouble, and then only through a speaking tube. This girl says she was absent two and three-quarter hours, and her em- ployer, although knowing the circumstances, would not allow her the time ; he also fails to pay for overwork when done. Other girls speak of the bad language used by employers, and in some cases say they had left for this reason. 120 STATISTICS OF LABOR. Only five girls were found of the whole number interviewed who gave any specific reasons why their surroundings in the shops and places of employment were not of a moral character. In almost every case, the answer was that, so far as known, there were no immoral influences exerted over the girls at their work, but rather that the moral atmosphere of the places where em- ployed was very good and as pleasant as could be wished. In fact, it is reasonable to suppose that employers are as anxious to have good moral conditions "exist in their places as any other class of men. The working girls seen by the agents were well appearing generally, frank and honest in their statements, and gave every indication that they were leading orderly, upright lives. Cer- tainly, there was little or no evidence to the contrary, nor has there been anything adduced in support of the rumors to which we have referred. They were mentioned fre- quently to the agents, both by the working girls and by women of bad repute, but, as already remarked, in only five instances could these rumors be traced to anything tangible whatever, and these instances were of such a trivial nature that they are hardly entitled to a place in this Report. We do not hesitate to assert that the working girls of Bos- ton are, as a rule, living in a moral atmosphere so far as their homes are concerned, and that they are not corrupted by their employers, and that employers do not seek to corrupt them. All such statements originate in the idea that girls can- not dress well with the small wages they receive, unless they lead immoral lives in which they receive pecuniary assistance. The testimony of capable and honest women, of the heads of departments in dry goods stores, millinery establishments, of forewomen in shops, matrons of homes, and of all those best informed and in the best position to give testimony on this point, is that the working girls are as respectable, as moral, and as virtuous as any class of women in our community; that they are making as heroic a struggle for existence as any class is a fact which all the statistics prove. The idea that well dressed girls receiving low wages must live disreputable lives is a very common one, but, as has been shown under economic condition and other chapters of this Report, a large number of these girls live in comfortable THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 121 homes with parents in comparatively easy circumstances and well able and willing to support their children, who pay little or no board and spend their earnings as they please, chiefly for dress. Many are graduates from the High School, and large numbers are employed for months in making out commercial lists and addressing envelopes for the pittance of two or three dollars per week ; at the end of such service they leave and their places are filled by others recently graduated from school ; the supply of this labor always exceeds the de- mand. Other well dressed girls, who live at home, turn their earn- ings into the common family fund and their clothes are pro- vided for by their parents and these are generally made during the evening by themselves, and by skill and ingenuity a good appearance is made at little cost. It is only the few who are well dressed and helped by their friends who attract attention, and of these the question is often asked, how can they dress well when they earn so little ? Such questions led to the idea that they take up prostitution, but the fact that the girl works hard all day for three or four dollars a week is sufficient proof that she is not living in prostitution ; girls cannot work hard all day and be prostitutes too. There is another class of working women who live in the city among strangers, whose home is the boarding house or lodging room and who are away from home influence, but our conclusion from the facts gathered is that their number is much less than is generally supposed ; but many of this class have good homes in the country, or friends living there, to which they return when sick or out of work, and they are often sup- plied with clothing by their friends at a distance. There are others however who have no home but the boarding house, and no friends to depend upon for aid, sympathy, or moral en- couragement, and it is among this class of shop girls chiefly, that the aid and assistance of the benevolent and charitably inclined people of our city should be directed. It. is among these that Boffin's Bower* exerts a great influence, and with whom the name of Jennie Collins * is a household word ; but none of these girls can by any possible stretch of the im- agination be charged with being dissolute. Our agents have * See note on page 133, post. 122 STATISTICS OF LABOR. \ ■visited them in their rooms and held free and frq,nk converse with them ; they have spoken frankly about themselves as to how they were circumstanced, and our agents have come away impressed with the heroic struggle they are making to lead a proper life. The weakest and least competent go to Boffin's Bower and to some other establishments, where, if they are in need of a meal or dinner, they can get it without lowering themselves by begging. About sixty girls board and lodge at the Young Women's Christian Association building, Warrenton Street; they pay from $3.00 to $5.00 per week, including washing; they have religious services night and morning and are expected to attend church at least once on Sunday ; also, they are obliged to be in the house before 10 o'clock at night at which time the doors are locked. All these girls are struggling hard to secure an honest livelihood and are surrounded by good moral influences and are living virtuous lives ; this is the testimony of those in charge. Many working women out of employment find a temporary home at 17 Davis Street ; the small charge of 15 cents is made for a meal or for a lodging, while if a girl out of employ- ment has no money, she is allowed to stay five days and everything possible is done to find her employment ; but the inmates of this home are mostly domestic servants, a class not considered in this investigation, and the home on Davis Street is simply mentioned as an instance of what may be done to help girls who are out of employment. The matron, however, testified that she had seen a great deal of the working women, and held a high opinion of them, especially of those who worked in stores and shops, and that when in temporary difficulties they have too much pride and self respect to apply to any of the charitable institutions for aid, and live on one meal per day, and as far as their morality goes, she believes implicitly in them. On Harvard Street, in connection with Hotel Harvard, is a house having a flat of 24 rooms which are let exclusively to working women at from $1.00 to $2.50 per week each; these rooms are under the charge of a special janitor who has been six years in his present position and has seen much of and knows much about the working women of Boston; his testimony is emphatic that there is not a more industrious, moral, or virtu- THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 123 ous class in the community. He says the idea is preposterous that they walk the streets at night or are improperly influenced by their employers. The matrons of the homes on Pleasant Street and North Ben- net Street give evidence to the same effect. The same testi- mony comes from correctional institutions, matrons and super- intendents, that they rarely if ever have any females coming from stores or shops. The matron of the Penitent Females Refuge in Rutland Street, a house of mercy which offers refuge to fallen women who desire to return to the paths of virtue, has been connected with the institution for over 20 years and has had a very wide experience among fallen women, and she holds a high opinion of the virtue and moral character of the working women of Boston ; she said there was no truth in the charges of immorality against the girls ; that some of the women involved would be sure to drift there to her home or she would be likely to hear about them from some of her inmates, into whose his- tory and antecedents inquiries are made. Like evidence comes from the Home for Destitute "Women in Oak Place. Interviews upon this subject with prostitutes on the streets and with night policemen on their beats, all tend to show one thing, that all such statements as those referred to are utterly false and without foundation. A captain of police expressed the matter well when he said that people, who charge the working women with walking the streets at night for evil purposes, do not know what they are talking about ; night walkers are all of them hardened convicts or prostitutes ; some of them may have been hard working wo- men, but no working woman ever walks the streets as a pros- titute. This captain said that when a girl falls from virtue, she has first to graduate as a " parlor girl," and then serves some time in a still lower house before she is hardened enough to take to the streets. All the officers with whom our agents con- versed on the subject gave similar testimony. We have been thus explicit upon this particular point of our investigation because men have come to this office with the assertion that the streets were crowded with working girls in the evening, who were in the habit of soliciting men to accom- pany them home, and these gentlemen have expressed them- selves as greatly astonished that in a city as well regulated as 124 STATISTICS OF LABOK. Boston, girls should come out of stores and shops and ply their vocation as night walkers on the streets in the evening. The only remark we can make in this matter, after having given, as we have, positive testimony that such charges are absolutely untrue, is, that if gentlemen have had such experi- ences on our streets it does not speak well for them and indi- cates to our mind that the first ofience was on their part and that they were again mistaken in supposing the girls they were approaching were working girls. Let us now consider how far the ranks of prostitution are fed by girls from our shops. From 170 inmates of houses of ill- repute, known to the police, we have gathered some very val- uable information ; the causes given for their taking up the life they follow is of interest. Of these 170, 22 declined to give any cause, 17 entered their present life on account of ill- ti'eatment at home, 59 from choice, most of them on account of love of easy life and love of dress, 26 testify that they were driven into the life by poor pay and hard work, while 46 were led into the life through seduction. It is important to know just the course so far as given through which these women have passed before entering their present life. This is shown in tlie following table. This table is to be read thus, taking the fii'st item ; a woman was employed in a box factory, was then married, then became a dressmaker, and then entered a'house of ill-repute. With this explanation the whole table is easily understood. Occupations. Box* factory, married, dresBinaker, . CanniDg goodB, table work, at home, . Chambermaid, eeamstrese Goal picker and begging, dressmaker. Compositor, married, music store. Corset factory, housework Corset maker Cotton mill 'Cotton mill, at home Cotton mill, hotel waitress, Cotton mill, housework Cotton mill, housework, table work, housework. Dressmaker Dressmaker, at home Dressmaker, married Dressmaker, shne factory, married, . Dressmaker, table work, at home. Dressmaker, tailorees, cotton weaver, at home. Dry goods store, cloak maker 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 10 4 1 6 1 4 1 2 1 1 1 1 THE WOEKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 125 Occupations. Hat factory, cotton mill, hotel work, care of invalid, Hoopskirt factory, jewelry finisher, seamBtresa, Hosiery mill, teacher, table woi'k, at home, . Housework, ... .... Housework, at home, Housework, brush maker, at home, Housework, cotton mill, Housework, cotton mill, bookkeeper, . Housework, cotton mill, married, .... Housework, hoopskirt factory Housework, hotel work, Housew^ork, lozenge factory, dressmaker, . Housework, machine sewer, table work, at home. Housework, married, Housework, married, liquor busineBs Housework, miscellaneous work, table work, Housework, rubber factory, Housework, saleBwoman, Housework, seamstress, Housework, shoe shop, Housework, table work ■. . Housework, table work, at home, .... Housework, table work, dresamaker, . . . Housework, tailoress, Jewelry, at home Married (no previous occupation) , . . . Ullliner, at home, Mill operative, ... .... Music teacher, .... ... Nurse, brush factory, seamstress Nurse, cotton mill, Nurse, housework, Nurse, housework, cotton mill, .... Nurse, table work, housework, .... Nurse and housework Nurse and housework, cotton and woollen mills. Nurse girl, housework, saleswoman, at home, Nurse girl, saleswoman Nursery work, housework, Paper mill Print works, at home Reform school, housework, Rubber factory Saleswoman , Saleswoman, housework, married, Saleswoman, table work, Shirt maker Shoe factory, .... ... Stocking weaver, housework, . ... Table work, -,....... Table work, chambermaid, Table work, hosiery mill Table work, married, at home, .... Table work, saleswoman, cotton weaver, Tailoress Tailoress, married, Tailoress, table work Tailoress, upholstery work, Thread mill, housework, Woollen mill, Writer in office, at home No previous occupation, . . ... Total, To summarize the previous occupation, or that immediately preceding their entry upon the life of shame, we reach the fol- lowing results : 60 came directly from housework, table or hotel work ; 32 from textile factories ; 6 from Shoe factories ; 19 were dressmakers, sea^mstresses, or tailoresses ; 5 were sales- 126 STATISTICS OF LABOR. women ; 18 had been in various occupations, while 30 had had no previous occupation. The foregoing statements do not prove unfavorable to the working girls. These 170 women are leading lives of shame it is true, many of them leading lives of sorrow, also. Often during this investigation when considering this class of women, and the temptation to which girls are exposed, we have wished that public condemnation could fall as severely upon the seducer, and upon the tempter, as it has in the past upon his victim. This punishment would be quite severe enough. In conclusion, so far as this part on moral condition is con- cerned, we can most freely and positively assert that the work- ing girls of Boston are making a;n heroic, an honest, and a vir- tuous struggle to earn an honorable livelihood, and that it is rare that one of them can be found following a life other than one of integrity. We can also assert, to the credit of the mer- chants and employers of Boston, that they do not make the honor of the girls they employ the price of a position. If, in our future investigations, we find this is not true, we assure the guilty ones that their infamous business shall be ex- posed. We, of course, do not wish to be understood as asserting that the working girls are any better than the same number of girls in any other calling, for the amount of private immorality in any community or among any class cannot be traced, yet they come out of this investigation with as good a name as that which can attach to any class. We only wish it were possible to in\festigate and expose the conduct of men who help women into fallen lives, and then see these men meet the punishment which justly belongs to them. The fact that here and there a girl forsakes the path of virtue and lives a sinful life should not be used to the. detriment of the class to which she belongs, especially when her life is pe- culiarly exposed to temptation, as is the case with girls strug- gling along on five dollars or less per week. , It is easy to be good on a sure and generous income ; it requires the strongest character to enable one to be good and respectable on an un- stable income of five dollars per week. THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 127 RESULTS OF THE INVESTIGATION. Summarized, the investigation into the condition of tlie work- ing girls of Boston enables us to state that in round numbers, — There are 20,000 working girls in the city of Boston, exclu- sive of domestics; of these 68.7 per cent are living at home with parents or other relatives; 11.3 per cent are living in boarding houses ; 15 per cent in lodging houses ; and 5 per cent in private families. The single constitute 88.9 per cent of the whole; the mar- ried, 6.7 per cent ; the widowed, 4.4 per cent. In regard to nativity, 58.4 per cent were born in Massachusetts, but both parents of 73.8 per cent were foreign born, and 3.9 per cent had one parent foreign born, the purely American girls being 22.3 per cent of the whole. The present average age of the working girls is 24.81 years, while the average age at which they began work was 16.81, and the average time actually at work, 7.49 years ; the average number of occupations followed is 1.78, and the average time spent in each, 4.43 years. Of the whole average time em- ployed, during 6.31 years they have been employed in Boston, or 84.3 per cent of the whole time ; so the working girls of Boston are Boston girls. Of the whole, 85 -|- per cent do their own housework and sewing, either wholly or in part. But 22 -f- per cent are allowed vacations, and 3.9 per cent receive pay during vacation ; the average vacation for those receiving it being 1.87 weeks. A little over 26 per cent work the full year without loss of time, while 73 + per cent of the whole lose an average of 12.32 weeks each ; the average time worked by all during the year is 42.95 weeks. In personal service, 26.5 per cent work more than 10 hours per day; in trade, 19.5 per cent are so employed, and in manufactures, 5.6 per cent; in all occupations, 8.9 per cent work more than 10 hours per day, and 8.6 per cent more than 60 hours per week. In regard to health, out of 7.49 years employed, the average time for the working girls, 5.57 years have been in good health, or in other terms during 74.4 per cent of the whole time employed they have been in good health ; or referring to num- 128 STATISTICS OF LABOK. bers, 76.2 per cent of the whole number employed are in good health. The present actual weekly earnings (week of investigation, 1883) are for all employed $6.35, but the average weekly earn- ings for the average time employed, 42.95 weeks, was $6.01, and the average weekly earnings of the working girls of Boston for a whole year are §4.91. The average weekly income, including earnings, assistance, and income from extra work, is §5.17 for the year. The average yearly income from all sources Is $269.07 and the average yearly expenses for positive needs are $261.30, leaving but $7.77 on the average as a margin for books, amuse- ments, etc. Those making savings are 11+. per cent of the whole, their average savings being $72.15 per year. A few run in debt, the average debt being $36.60 for the less than 3 per cent incurring debt. Of the total average yearly expenses *63+ per cent must be expended for food and lodging and *25-[- per cent for cloth- ing, a total of 88+ per cent of total expenses for subsistence and clothing, leaving but 11+ per cent of total expense to be dis- tributed for all the other wants of living. The working girls of Boston, as a class, are honest, indus- trious and virtuous, and are making an heroic struggle against many obstacles, and in the face of peculiar temptations, to maintain reputable lives ; they are entitled to the aid, sym- pathy, and respect of all who love good order, honest lives, and industi'ious habits. With the facts before us, and by which we can very accu- rately determine the condition of the working girls of Boston, it would be reasonable to suppose that some suggestion might be advanced, looking to the general improvement of that con- dition. We should not forget that with the progress of the modern industrial system there seems to be no limit to the industrial opportunities of women. A quarter of a century ago * These percentages agree with the law laid down by Dr. Engel of Prussia as to per- centage of expenses belonging to subsistence, etc., which law was fully corroborated by the investigations of this bureau in 1875. See Sixth Annual Report, Mass. Bureau of Statistics of Labor, pp. 437-441. THE WORKING GIELS OF BOSTON. 129 women were allowed to enter but few occupations ; now, as seen by the first tables on occupation, there are hundreds of avocations in which they can find employment. The result of this vast extension of opportunity is the same as under like conditions in other directions ; whenever any industrial opera- tions are simplified to such an extent that the weaker person can perform what was done of old by the stronger one, the cheaper labor comes in and wages must of necessity be lowered tem- porarily. As the adult man has in light occupations given place to the woman or the young person, wages in specific employ- ments have decreased as compared with the former wages of the man, but have vastly increased as compared with the for- mer wages of the woman or young person ; in other words, by the progress of, or change in industrial conditions, the limit to the employment of women has been removed and their opportu- nity for earning wages correspondingly increased and the wages themselves greatly enhanced. Now the working girls of Bos- ton find themselves in the condition of such new elements of labor, and no action can be taken which will increase abnor- mally their wages, for they are now earning something where formerly they could earn nothing. For an increase of wages, certainly a most desirable result to be gained, they must depend upon industrial and economic conditions, and not upon legislative enactment or even to con- certed actions of persons charitably and benevolently disposed. Wliile in regard to their wages no suggestions can be made by which they can be improved, improvement is possible in nearly every other direction. First. Their hours of labor should not exceed ten hours per day, for, as we have seen, 85 + per cent of the working girls of Boston do their own housework and sewing either wholly or in part, and this home work must be done in addition to that per- formed for their employers. They should not be kept too con- stantly at work ; in stores when trade is dull some might be allowed, as they are in many cases, an opportunity to ,go home for the purpose of attending to domestic sewing, and in many ways their burden might be lightened. Employers can do more in this direction than can be accomplished by law ; more kindli- ness on their part, more thoughtfulness as to the condition of their employes in all things that belong to physical and sanitary 130 STATISTICS OF LABOE. conditions would result in making the girls happier in their lot, more cheerful in the service rendered, and we are sure the economic results of such kindliness and thoughtfulness would be realized in the returns to capital invested. Those employ- ers who understand the power of moral forces, of human sym- pathy, of care for the welfare of their employes, have seen the positive economic results of their broad-heartedness ; positive and practical benefits are the actual outcome of an investment of this kind. We are not suggesting sentimentalism, but the application of the highest principles. Second. We would suggest that parents teach their children to respect all honest labor ; the honest working girl engaged in honest labor should be respected by all honest minded people ; she should be welcomed in the churches of the city, she should be drawn into the best associations where social and moral sur- roundings would aid her in cultivating her own self respect, and in which mutual assistance would be rendered ; certainly it should not be possible to class her as the " forgotten woman ; " her struggle is too heroic, her hardships too painful, her lot too dreary for Christian people to thoughtlessly pass her by. Third. One great lack in the lower grades of industry is the want of thorough training in technical knowledge, and of the capacity for close application ; to secure these, there should be numerous institutions for free instruction in various branches of work. Such institutions already exist and are doing most excellent work ; prominent among these are, sewing schools under the patronage of churches, the Chapel of the Evangelists, the Young Women's Christian Association, the North End Laundry, the Temporary Home for Working Women, the Train- ing School for Nurses, the School of the Church of our Father, and several others ; all such institutions should be generously supported and their number increased. These institutions together with evening schools can do much towards making the labor of the working girls far more efficient, thus bringing their economic conditions to a higher plane. , Fourth. \Se, would like to see established homes for work- ing girls ; these should be founded on the basis of such homes in London on the plan elaborated by John Shrimpton, Esq., of London. These homes are for the express purpose of accom- modating young women engaged in business during the day. THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 131 the object being to furnish a respectable home during those trying periods of non-employment, and while looking for a new situation ; it is during this time that the girl is most subject to temptation, and most liable to succumb to evil. Poor, out of work, and seeking employment day after day, then is the time she needs all the strength of the highest virtue ; and the more attractive she is the greater must be her moral power. We have seen that the girls are employed on an average but 42.95 weeks in the year; this fact shows the necessity of the establishment of one or more such homes ; these homes are not charity affairs in the general sense, but really excellent boarding houses where a girl out of employment can find a good home with good living, including use of dining and sit- ting rooms, and library, at a minimum cost, which cost is charged to her, if she has no means to pay, until such time as she finds a new situation ; she is then allowed to remain in the home and pay off her indebtedness by instalments, while the rate of her living is not increased. If she has been obliged to remain at the home so long that the indebtedness is a burden the matron of the home reports this fact to the proper officers, or to benevolent individuals, and she is aided. Of course no girl of bad character is allowed to remain in these homes. The rates in the London homes are as follows : — for rent of rooms, including use of dining and sitting rooms with library, from 60 cents to $1.00 per week; board, meaning thereby, breakfast, dinner, and tea, averages $1.12 per week, subject to special arrangement ; separate meals are, breakfast 5 cents, dinner 12 cents, tea 5 cents, supper 3 cents. There are now in London several of these homes located in different parts of the city, but within that great district where manufactures abound. The rules for the government of these homes, taking those for the residents at Morley House in Fitzroy Square as a sample, are as follows : — I. Each Resident is required to make her own bed, and keep her compartment neat, and is expected to look after her own luggage, as the Committee will not hold themselves responsible for any loss. II. Needlework and writing are not allowed to be done in the bed- rooms, as their occupation prevents a current of fresh air passing through the rooms, and impedes the servants in their work. 132 STATISTICS OF LABOR. The compartments to be left by 10 a.m., Sundays included. It is particularly requested that on Sunday the Residents abstain from needlework. III. Each Resident when at home is requested to attend Family Prayers, which commence at half-past eight in the morning, and half- past nine at night ; and the Bible Reading, held on Sunday and also on one evening in the week. The doors are closed at half-past ten p.m. In individual cases ar- rangements may be made with the Superintendent for Residents returning occasionally at a later hour. IV. As the object with which this House has been established is to provide all the comforts and blessings of " Home Life " for those who cannot reside with their own families, it is earnestly hoped that all the Residents will in every way assist in promoting that object, the accomplishment of which so largely rests with themselves. V. Rent of Bedroom to be paid in advance. VI. No stimulants allowed on the premises. VII. Each Resident is required to pay One Penny per week towards the support of the Sick Fund, which is established for the benefit of those residing in this House. In all eases medicine is supplied free for 21 days, and in the event of any Resident being confined to the House on account of illness. One Shilling per day is allowed for a period of not more than 14 days. The Sick Fund is under the man- agement of the Superintendent. The government of these homes is under a board of trus- tees, with treasurer, finance committee and so forth, with the founder, John Shrimpton, as the honorary director, and who has the general business management of them. One of the homes is named the " Garfield House," in honor of the late president of the United States, and is situated at 361 Brixton Road, S. W. Each house is under the immediate charge of an experienced matron, and everything is done to make the resi- dents of the homes happier in their lot, and to lead them into a higher moral atmosphere ; their success has been really sur- prising. With one such home in Boston, under proper man- agement, more real practical good could be accomplished than through any other means. Something kindred to them is already in existence here, but nothing which fully meets their purpose ; the Warrenton Street establishment of the THE WORKING GIRLS OF BOSTON. 133 Young Women's Christian Association more nearly represents such homes than any other in the city. The great success of the London homes lies in the fact that he residents of them are on an independent basis, as they are not objects of charity. Boffin's Bower * assists working girls by advice and encour- agement in carrying out their views, by aiding them in find- ing suitable employment, and, if destitute, there they can get a wholesome meal. The Temporary Home for Working Women, on Tremont Street, has some of the features of the London home, but none in the city supply the want furnished by such establishments as the homes for working girls in Lon- don. Fifth. If people of wealth, in making provision for the distribution of that wealth by will, could be impressed with a knowledge of the amount of happiness they could bring to deserving people by remembering the generally weak institu- tions which are fighting bad conditions, they would, we feel certain, liberally endow such institutions, or provide the means for the establishment of new ones upon better and broader plans. It may be that the time has now come when, instead of leaving great sums to educational institutions, money can .be made to tell more for the practical Christianity of the age by so placing it as to help relieve those who are obliged to make the contest of life with the barely elementary education furnished by the lowest grades of schools, the necessity of pro- viding their own support too often obliging them to forsake the school for the shop. * Miss Jennie Collins, the founder of Boffin's Bower, died July 20, 1887, aged 57 years. The work inaugurated by Miss Collins is being carried forward as she hoped to lire to see done, that is, by the establishment of homes so cheap in their charges that working girls can take care of themselves without becoming objects of charity. The name Boffin's Bower is not used, the work being now done by the New Eng- land Helping Hand Society. It is located at No. 12 Carver Street, Boston. Mrs. Micah Dyer, Jr., is Chairman, and Mrs. E. Trask Hill, Secretary. 3 1924 092 403 DATE DUE '•yr-T ~) -\ -• GAYLORD PRINTED IN U.S.A.