The date shows when this volume was taken. 
 
 To renew this book copy the call No. and give to 
 
 the hbrarian. 
 
 HOME USE RULES 
 
 All Books subject to Recall 
 
 All borrowers must regis- 
 ter in the library to borrow 
 books for home use. 
 
 All books must be re- 
 turned at end of college 
 year for inspection and 
 repairs. 
 
 Limited books must be re- 
 turned within the four week 
 limit and not renewed. 
 
 Students must return all 
 books before leaving town. 
 Officers should arrange for 
 the return of books wanted 
 during their absence from 
 town. 
 
 Volumes of periodicals 
 and of pamphlets are held 
 in the library as much as 
 possible. For special pur- 
 poses they are given out for 
 ' a limited time. 
 
 Borrowers should not use 
 their library privileges for 
 the benefit of other persons, 
 ' Books of special value 
 and gift books, when the 
 giver wishes ii^, are not 
 allowed to circulate. 
 
 Readers are asked to re- 
 port all cases of books 
 marked or mutilated. 
 
 Do not deface books by marks and writing. 
 
 JK2352 I882" """"™"'' "-"""^ 
 M«lllffi?,!',,,fS,'IR?ian,.I=>!?..bqok for 18 
 
 olin 
 
 3 1924 030 484 939 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tiiis bool< is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924030484939 
 
"Those who carried the war fir the Union and equal and universal freedini to a v:c- 
 torious issue, can never safely relax their vigilance until the ideas for which 
 they fought have become embodied in the enduring forms oi in- 
 dividual and national life."— Jamc» A. GofJieUl. 
 
 THE 
 
 
 / 
 
 FOR 
 
 1882 
 
 ccKWl ^^^' 
 
 REPUBI^ICAN CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE, 
 
 'WASHIISGTOI«, D. C, 
 
 1882. 
 
Hon. Abram S. Hewitt on the Tariff. 
 
 New York, January 37, 1870. 
 Jay Gould, Esq., President Erie Railway Company. 
 
 Dear Sir : I beg leave to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of 26th inst., 
 and to state that I not only fully concur in the views which you express in regard 
 to the duties on steel and iron rails, but am at a loss to add anything which wiU 
 mate them more forcible ; and I venture to suggest that you will allow me to 
 send a copy of your letter to the Committee of Ways and Means. 
 
 The fact is that steel and iron rails can be made in suitable localities in this 
 country — and notably on the line of the Erie Railway — with as little labor as in 
 any part of the world ; and the only reason why we pay more for American rails 
 is because we pay a higher rate for the labor which is required for their manu- 
 factvire, but for no greater quantity of labor. Free Trade will simply reduce the 
 wages o/ labor to the foreign standard, which will enable us to sell our rails in 
 competition with foreign rails ; but, as a matter of course, the ability of the 
 laborer to consume will be reduced, and a serious loss be inflicted on commerce, 
 general industry, and the business of the railways especially. The only reason 
 AThy a tariff is necessary is to supply the laborer with such wages as will enable 
 him to travel and ^consume not merely the necessaries but some of the luxuries of 
 modern civilization. 
 
 Besides, if we have Free Trade, we cannot expect to procure our supplies from 
 abroad by increased shipments of grain, for already the European markets take 
 from us all that they require, and no amount of purchases of goods from them 
 will induce them to buy more food than they need, and which they now take 
 as a matter of necessity. 
 
 Faithfully Yours, 
 
 ABRAM S. HEWITT. 
 
-THE^ 
 
 REPUBLICAN 
 
 -FOR- 
 
 1882, 
 
 CONTENTS: 
 
 (For Extended Table ef Contents, see Pages iii to viii.) 
 
 Chap. I. Spirit of the Solid South. 
 II. Contested Election Cases. 
 
 III. Usuipations of Democracy. 
 
 IV. Political Assessments. 
 V. Appointments and Removals. 
 
 VI, Corruption of Dem. Party. 
 VII. Bounties for Treason. 
 VIII. River and Harbor Appropria- 
 tions. 
 IX. Chinese Question. 
 X. Union Soldiers in the Depts. 
 
 Chap. XI. Pensions and Bounties. 
 XII. The Tariff. 
 
 XIII. Who pays the National Taxes. 
 
 XIV. Homestead Question. 
 XV. The National Banks. 
 
 XVI. Reduction of Taxation. 
 XVII. The Public Lands. 
 XVIII. Financial Record of the Re- 
 publican Party. 
 XIX. Republican Economy. 
 XX. The National Platforms. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE 
 
 REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE, 
 
 WASHINGTON, D. C, 
 
 1882. 
 

 Piepared Ijy WILLIAM E. NOTT, Librarian of tile Departinent of tlie Interior, under the 
 directio of tlie Republican Congkessional Cbmmittee. 
 
 Printed I)y The National Republican Printing and Publishing Co., 
 WasMugton, D, C. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Spirit of the Solid South. 
 
 PART I— Paae 1— Wade Hampton's 
 Speech at Staunton, Virginia. 
 
 PART II— Page 2— The Confederate 
 Brigadiers in the Senate — They eulo- 
 gize Jeff Davis, and would Pension 
 him and the Confederate Soldiers — 
 How they Voted— Zach Chandler's 
 scathing denunciation. 
 
 PART III— Page 4— Testimony of the 
 Representative Press of the South as 
 to the Demon-like rule of the Bour- 
 bons. 
 
 PART IV— Page 5— Further testimony 
 as to the lawless and corrupt rule of 
 the Bourbons. 
 
 PART V— Page 7— Convicted Bourbon 
 ballot-box stuifers in Mississippi lion- 
 ized by the Bourbon "Beauty and 
 Chivalry" — Pines inflicted bj; Federal 
 courts reimbused the criminals by 
 money raised through public enter- 
 tainments — Proceedings of a public 
 meeting at West Point, Mississippi. 
 
 PART VI— Page 8— Assassination of 
 Col. L. W. R. Blair, a Green backer 
 and United States Supervisor at Cam- 
 den, South Carolina^ — A Cold-blooded 
 Atrocity — A Brave Old Man Seventy 
 Years Old Murdered by a Bourbon 
 Leader — Previously Mobbed in the 
 presence of Hampton, Kennedy & Co. 
 — Persecuted and Slandered — High 
 Character of the Victim. 
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 Contested Kleciioii Cases In Jloiise ot 
 Representatives at the X^lrst Session 
 of the 47th Coiigrress. 
 
 PART I— Page 10— An Exposition of 
 the Constitution and Laws governing 
 cases of Contested Elections before 
 the House of Kepresentatives. 
 
 PART II— Pagv, 13-Lynch vs. C h a 1 
 mers. 
 
 PAftT II— Page 34— Reed's Amendmeut 
 to the Rules of the House— Disgrace- 
 
 ful Fillibustering and Revolutionary 
 Expedients and Proceedings of the 
 Democratic Leaders of the House to 
 defeat all investigations into the facts 
 or merits of the Coutested Election 
 Cases. 
 
 PART III— Page 37— Mackey vs. O'Con- 
 nor. 
 
 PART IV— Page 38— Lowe vs. Whee- 
 ler. 
 
 PART V— Page 44— Bisbee r.v. FLnley. 
 
 FART VI— Page 49— Smalls vs. Til- 
 man. 
 
 PART VII — Page 58 — Gerrymandering 
 Extraordinary Illustrated by the Bour- 
 bon Democracy. 
 
 PART VIII— Page 63— Grand Q u e s - 
 tions for the Solution of the Nation — 
 
 ■ Shall the majority rule ? — Shall the 
 Constitution and the laws be enfor- 
 ced, or the Bourbon Minority be al- 
 Ihwed to rule through Lawlessness 
 iilud Fraud? 
 
 CHAPTER ni. 
 
 Usurpations of the Uenioeracy through 
 liawlessness ancIjFraud. 
 
 PART I— Page 65—" Counting in " a 
 Democratic Invention, and peculiarly 
 a Democratic Practice — "Conn ting in" 
 of James K. Polk as President in 1844 
 -j-Of James Buchanan in 1857 — The 
 Disastrous Consequences to the 
 Nation — Tlie attempted "Counting in" 
 of Samuel J. Tilden in 1876— A Brief 
 Review of the immense Democratic 
 Frauds in the Campaigns of 1844 and 
 1857 compared with those of 1876. 
 
 PART II— Page 68 — Democratic Cry 
 that Tilden in 1876 was elected Presi- 
 dent — Tliat Tilden was Counted Out 
 ':)y the Louisiann and Florida Return- 
 ilng Boards — That, notwithstanding, 
 Tilden had an Imineusc Majority of 
 le Popular Vote — Th(^ cry a part of 
 le Tilden Conspiracy iu)1876 to seize 
 (he Presidency through. LawJessiies.y 
 iud Fraud. 
 
IV 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PART III— Page 69— Statistics in Illus- 
 tration of the above— The Presiden- 
 tial Election in 1844^Janies K. Polk, 
 in a populor Minority of 24,119, re- 
 ceived in tlie Electoral Colleges n 
 Majority of 65. 
 
 PART IV— Page 71 — What was- Til- 
 den's niajority "?— What its Character f 
 —Was it the Result of a La-^rful Vote, 
 or the Violent Product of wholesale 
 Fraud?— The vote of 1876. 
 
 PART V— Page 73— Florida in 1876— 
 Bloody Violence failing. Fraud and 
 Judicial Usurpation resorted to — A 
 Brief History of tlie entire series of 
 Fraudulent Proceedings by which 
 Tilden strove to Capture its Electoral 
 vote — Pacts, Figures, and Incidents. 
 
 PART VI— Pa§-e 76— Louisiana in 1876 
 — Its Population and Votes — The Ku- 
 Klux Crimes of 1868— Tilden Rifle 
 Clubs of 1876 — Murderous Outrages 
 in Seventeen Parislies — State Return- 
 ing Board — Its Duties — Infamy of 
 Tilden and the Democracy. 
 
 PART V— Page 79— Relative Geo- 
 gra-phical Area, Wealth, Population 
 andT Intelligence in 1876 of the Hayes 
 and Tilden States. 
 
 PART VIII— Page 81— T h e United 
 States under the Forty-Sixth Congress 
 an Oligarchy. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Political Assessments — Tlicir Orig^jn 
 ^Vltli the Democratic I'lirty, and their 
 History. 
 
 PART I— Page 93— The Conspiracy of 
 1876 of the Confederate Brigadiers 
 and Copperhead Democracy to wrest 
 the Control of the National Govern- 
 ment from the hands of tlie Republi- 
 can Majority. 
 
 PART II— Page 94.-The Contribution 
 Circular of the Republican Congres- 
 sional Committee — Senator Pendle- 
 ton's Resolution and Speech, in the 
 United States Senate, on Political 
 Assessments. 
 
 PART III— Page 95— Statesmen as 
 Claim Agents— Tlie Pendleton-Belk- 
 nap Kentucky Central Railroad. Job— 
 Pendleton assesses tifty per cent, of 
 the Proceeds. 
 
 PART IV— Page 96— Pendleton's Quali - 
 lications as a Civil Service Reformer 
 —His War and Financial Records— A 
 Typical Copperhead Deniocrat^Theo- 
 retically Virtuous and Patriotic. 
 
 PART V— Page 97— Senators Allison and 
 Hale, members of the Republican 
 
 Congressional Committee, in the Sen- 
 ate, dispose of Pendleton's Absurd 
 Sorsed- Mr. Hisoock, a member of the 
 Committee, disposes in the House ot 
 Springer's and Sitizen Samcox's hyp- 
 ocritical Palaver. 
 
 PART VI— Page 99— George William 
 Curtis's circular to Government Em- 
 ployees respecting the Republican 
 Congressional Committee's Contribu- 
 tion" Circular — Correspondence of 
 Chairman Hubbell and Curtis— Opin- 
 ions ot Attorney-General and Letter 
 of Secretary Folger— Curtis in the role 
 of Reformer. 
 
 PART VII— Page lOS^Origin of Politi- 
 cal Assessments — They have their 
 Rise in the Corrupt Party Practices of 
 the Democratic Party. 
 
 PART Vni— Page 105— The Covode In- 
 vestigation in 1860 — It Covers the Pe- 
 riod from 1853 to 1860— Its Exposure 
 Amid the Corruptions of Pierce's and 
 Buchanan's Administration of Parti- 
 san Assessments as a Cardinal Fea- 
 ture of the Democratic Organization 
 — President Buchanan and Governor 
 Hendricks Superintend the collec- 
 tions. 
 
 PART IX— Page 108— Further Ploofs 
 from the Unpu.blished Records of the 
 Department of the Interior of the 
 manner in which these partisan As- 
 sessments were made and collected 
 under Presidents Pierce and Buchan- 
 an by tlie Democratic Party. 
 
 PART X— Page 111— The law of 1876, 
 prohibiting Political Assessments — 
 Some facts in the History of its Pas- 
 sage. 
 
 PART XI— Page 113— Further exposure 
 of the False Pretenses of Pendleton, 
 Randall, Cos, and Curtis, in the Mat- 
 ter of Political Assessments. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Apiiuintineiits anrt Removals- The Gnil- 
 lotiiie. 
 
 PARTI-Page 115— Washington's Ad- 
 ministration. 
 
 PART II— Pago 116— John Adams's and 
 Jetterson's Administrations. 
 
 PART III— Page 118— Removals and tlie 
 Question of Patronage. 
 
 PART IV— PagellO- Retrenchment and 
 Reform and Reduction and Purilica- 
 tiou of the Patronage. 
 
 PART V— Pago 130— Executive Patron- 
 age "had increased, was increasing 
 and should be diminished" — Reform 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 was necessary — Jackson pledged to 
 cleanse "the Augean Stables "—His 
 popularity in consequence- Number 
 of Officers doubled under Jackson — 
 Consequent increase of expenditures, 
 &c. 
 
 PART VI— Page 121— Specimens of the 
 Appointment Literature of the Time. 
 
 PART VII— Page 132— "To the Victors 
 belong tlie Spoils." 
 
 PART Vlll-Page 123-Van Buren's 
 Administration simply an addendum 
 of Jackson's in the matter of Rejno- 
 vals and Appointments— Nevertheless 
 Van Burcn removed 360 Postmasters, 
 etc — He appointed none but Partisans 
 or Democratic Reformers to Office. 
 
 PART IX-Page 123-Tlie Guillotine 
 under the Wliigs. 
 
 PART X-Page 127-The Guillotine un- 
 der President James K. Polk. 
 
 PART XI— Pase 138— The Gu)llotin<! 
 Again Under the Whigs. 
 
 PART XII— Page 129— The Guillotine 
 Under Pierce and Buchanan. 
 
 PART XIII— Page 133— Removals and 
 Appointments under Presidents Gar- 
 field and Artliur. 
 
 PART XIV— Page 135— Brief Review 
 of the Foregoing Sketch of Appoint- 
 ments and Removals. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 9I»la4lmiiiistratioii and Corruption [of 
 the Democratic Party in Control of 
 National Oovernment- 
 
 PART 1— Page 137— Ratios of Demo- 
 cratic defalcations compared- with Re- 
 publican honesty. 
 
 PART II— Page 138— "Retrenchment, 
 Economy, and Reform " of the Peck- 
 sniffian Democracy — Prom 1838. 
 
 PART III— Page 138— Inauguration oi 
 Andrew Jackson, tlie founder of Mod- 
 l Jern Democracy—" To the Victors be- 
 " long the Spoils." 
 
 PART IV— Page 138— National Humili- 
 ation and Disgrace and Great Pecun- 
 iary loss the Total of Jackson's Re- 
 forms — Confession iu 1839 of Demo- 
 cratic Minority of Harlan Committee. 
 
 PART V— Page 139— " Feculent, reek- 
 ing Corruption"— A long array of De- 
 faulters iu the Mexican War— Its pro- 
 digious Expenditures and Plunder. 
 
 PART VI— Page 139— Mammoth Frauds 
 of Washington "Rings" under Pres- 
 ident Pierce and Buchanan — Pierce's 
 " Outlaws of the Treasury "—The act- 
 ual and proposed plunder under Pierce 
 estimated at $300,000,000!— Buchanan's 
 Administration simply a continuation 
 of Pierce's Reign of Plunder and Tyr- 
 anny in Support Slavery. 
 
 PART VII— Page 140— Immensely In- 
 creased Democratic Expenditures — 
 Increased Taxation of the People to 
 Support this System of Wholesale Cor ■ 
 ruption, Plunder and Fraud. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 RouiiticM for Treason throu^li Unla-fv- 
 fnl Claims to Ex-Confederates. 
 
 PART I— Page 141 — Northern Stump 
 Argument Proving that No Danger 
 Exists from Rebel Claims. 
 
 PART II— Page 143— $3,498,899,936 Exac- 
 ted by the Solid South as Compensa- 
 tion for Treason — A Sum Greater than 
 the National Debt Demanded by 
 Those who Created it — Northern Tax- 
 payers Invited to Foot the Bill. 
 
 PART III— Page 144 — "Justice and 
 Right" the basis of Rebel Demands — 
 Rebel Claims a "Part of the war debt 
 of the Nation" and must be paid, 
 
 PART IV— Page 145— How Rebel Claims 
 Grow— Fecundity of Rebel mules- 
 esthetic Fence Riiils and expansive 
 Pork. 
 
 PART V— Page 146— A Brief Review of 
 some of the Rebel Claims— Direct Tax 
 —Cotton Tax— Special Relief— Des- 
 truction of Property--Compensation 
 for Slaves— Rebel Mail Contractors, 
 &c.— They Already Reach Tliree 
 Thousand Millions of Dollars- "Where 
 will it end ?" 
 
 PART Vl-Page 147-The Southern 
 Jlail Contractors' Fraud-An attempt 
 at Wholesale Robbery by Southern 
 Statesmen, by means of barefaced 
 Falsehood- -How Congressman Wil- 
 lits stopped the Steal. 
 
 PART Vll-Page 153-Anothor Enter- 
 ing Wedge-the fWilliam and Mary 
 College Steal. 
 
 PART Vlll-Page 155- Conger's Pro- 
 posed Constitutional Amendment Pl'O" 
 hibiting Payment of Rebel Claiiiis-- 
 The Vote Thereon— It is Opposed t(» 
 Democratic Policy to make Loyauy a 
 'Test for Rebel Claimants. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PART IX--Page 153--The great danger 
 from Democratic Ascendency-- 1 he 
 Neal Dow Case-How a rebel court 
 aided by a Democratic Judge ot the 
 Supreme Court proposed to steal trom 
 a Union Colon al. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The River and Harbor Appropriation. 
 
 PART I-Page 154— Report ot the Com- 
 mittee ou Commerce. 
 
 PART n-Page 155 -The President's 
 Special Message. 
 
 PART III- Page 155 - Debate in the 
 House. 
 
 PART IV-Page 159-The Bill in the 
 Senate. 
 
 PART V-Pa,ge 159-The two Houses 
 pass the Bill. 
 
 PART Vl-Page 158-Prcsident Arthur 
 Vetoes the Bill. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Tlie Chinese <iuestlon. 
 
 PART I--Page 161- Chinese Question 
 in California. 
 
 PART Il-Page 163-Republicau Record 
 Against Chinese Immigration, &c. 
 
 PART Ill-Page 163-FurtIier Record 
 ot the two Parties on tlie Chinese 
 Question. 
 
 PART iV-Page 164-Tlie Cliiuese Bill 
 of 1882. 
 
 PART V-Page 165-President Arthur 
 Vetoes the Bill. 
 
 CHAHTKR X. 
 
 Confederate Soldiers niider neinoeratU- 
 «;on«re«is— Union ISoldlers in the l>e- 
 partinents. 
 
 PART l-Page 107 --Democratic Civil 
 Service Reform in tlie IIouse--VV()uu- 
 ded and Crijipled Union Soldiers 
 Kiclicd Out to Give Phice to Rebel 
 Sol(lieis--"Dinnaye licar the Slogan" 
 — 'Tis Jeff Davis and His Men. 
 
 PART Il-Page 168-"Civil Service Re- 
 form" in a Democratic Senate--A 
 Rule, adopted in 1854 for "Spoils," is 
 Abrogated iu 1879 for "SpoiJs"--Con- 
 
 federate Soldiers to the Fore, and 
 Union Soldiers Bounced. 
 
 PART III--Page 169-The Washington 
 Police-"Put None but Confederates 
 on Guard" will be the Watchword 
 when Democrats obtain full Power- - 
 The preliminary Steps already taken. 
 
 PART IV- Page 169 - Senator Harri- 
 son's Report on Vorhees' Resolution 
 --The man who Denounced Union 
 Soldiers as "Lincoln's Dogs" in 1864, 
 is Solicitous for their Welfare in 
 1882. 
 
 CliAHTER XL 
 
 Pensions and Bounties. 
 
 PART I-Page 173-Bill for Equaliza- 
 tion of Bounties in 43d Congress only 
 failed to become a law by being pas- 
 sed too late to receive Presidents sig- 
 nature- -Representative Deinocrats in 
 House Vote against it--Only one Dem- 
 ocrats in Senate voted for it. 
 
 PART Il-Page 173-Pension s - T he 
 Fundamental Pension Act of July 14, 
 
 1862, etc. 
 
 PART Ill-Page 175-Arrears of Pen- 
 sions a Republican Measure. 
 
 PART IV-Page 176-Tiie Democratic 
 Record--So Called. 
 
 PART V-Page 177-The Clerical Force 
 iu the Pension OHice. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The Tariff. 
 
 PART I-Page 178 - " Encouragement 
 and protection" to American industry 
 tlie "True American System"--lts Ad- 
 vocates lUustrous Statesmen of Prac- 
 tical Genius— Waslungton, Franklin, 
 Hamilton, Calhoun, Clay, Andrew 
 Jackson, Madison, John Q. Adani.s, 
 Webster, Garfield, Lincoln, and 
 Grant. 
 
 PART Il-Page 170-Protection to 
 American Industry the Cause Under- 
 lying the Struggle iu 1776 for Ameri- 
 can Independence. 
 
 PART Ill-Page 179- 
 the Confederation. 
 
 PART IV-Page 180- Protection under 
 the Govoruinent ot the Constitution. 
 
 PART V-l^ago 180-Americau M-.iun- 
 factures from 1795 to Peace of 1815. 
 
 Protection under 
 
 PART Vl-Page ISl-Taritf of 1816. 
 
 PART Vll-Page 183-Subsequent Tar- 
 iffs fiom 1816 to 1843. 
 
CONTEKTS. 
 
 PART Vlll-Page 184--Tariff of 184S. 
 
 PART ]X--Pagre 184--Tariff of 1846. 
 
 PART X--Page 188--Free Trade -Its 
 History Under Our GoTerninent--The 
 Handmaid of Slavery and Secession. 
 
 PART XI— Page 191— The South under 
 the Rule of its Free Trade Dogmas. 
 
 PART XII— Page 193— The So-called 
 Morrison Tariff of 1876— Piepared by 
 the English Cobden Club for the Ruin 
 of American Industry— Supported in 
 House by the Democrats, but beaten 
 by the Republicans. 
 
 PART XIII— Page 194— Hurd's Resolu- 
 tions in 1880, for the Restoration of the 
 Free Trade Tariff of 1846. 
 
 PART XIV— Page 196— Knit Goods- 
 Duty on Woolen Goods. 
 
 PART XV— Page 197— Tariff Commis- 
 sion. 
 
 PART XVI— Page 198— Mr. Mills' (of 
 La.) Free Trade Amendment to Tar- 
 iff Commissitm Hill— Attempts to tack 
 free trade tariff' of 1846 to bill. 
 
 PART XVII— Page 198— Protection in- 
 creases the sales and profits of agri- 
 culture. 
 
 PART XVIII— Page 300 — Protection 
 Greatly Increases the Wages of La- 
 bor. 
 
 PART XIX— Page 304— Grand Results 
 of Protection in Increased National 
 Power and Wealth. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Who Pays tlie National Taxes. 
 
 PART I— Page 305— Sources of Public 
 Revenue — Customs,Internal Revenue, 
 and Public Lands— The Masses Pay 
 No Taxes— Only Those who Indulge 
 in Foreign Broadcloths, Brussel and 
 Turkey Carpets, Diamonds, &c., in 
 Whiskey, Wines, and Tobacco— Real 
 Estate and Necessaries of Life Un- 
 taxed by National Laws. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Tlie Homestead Question. 
 
 PART I — Page 307 — Republican At- 
 tempts prior to 1860 to Give Home- 
 steads to Actual Settlers— Persistent 
 Democratic Opposition — Homestead 
 Bills Denounced as Pernicious by the 
 Slave Oligarchy. 
 
 PART II— Page 208— The Republicans 
 Succeed— And the Slave Oligarchy Se- 
 cede—Industrious Freemen Trin'mpli 
 in Republican Success— Land for the 
 Landless and Homes for All. 
 
 CHAPTER XV 
 
 The Xntloiinl liaiiks. 
 
 PART I-Page 209— Bill to extend their 
 Charters twenty years. 
 
 PART II— Page 212— Statistics Rela- 
 ting to the Banks. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Keduetion of Internal Revenue Tax- 
 ation and of CuNtoins Unties. 
 
 PART I— Page 215— Bill in tlie House 
 of Representatives. 
 
 PART 11— Page 215— The Bill in the 
 
 Senate. 
 
 PART III— Page 216- Tlie Carlisle Bill 
 of 1881. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The Public Lands. 
 
 PART I— Page 217— Policy of Granting 
 Public Lands for Internal Improve- 
 ment Purposes. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Financial Record of tl>e Republican 
 Party. 
 
 PART I— Page 218— Republican Party 
 in 1860, found a Bankrupt Treasury 
 with Bonds bearing 13 per cent, inter- 
 est — Democratic Mai-Administration 
 had brought Financial Ruin upon the 
 Country — And ended in attempting to 
 to destroy the Government. 
 
 PART II— Page 223— Analysis of the 
 principal of the Public Debt of the 
 United States from July 1, 1856, to 
 July 1, 1882. 
 
 PART III— Page 223— Analysis of Fore- 
 going Table — Resumption. 
 
 PART IV— Page 225— August State- 
 ment of the Public Debt. 
 
 PART V— Page 336— The Currency, 
 
Vlll 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAET yi—Page 230— Aggregate and 
 Annual Eeduction of Expenses. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 the Fiscal Years 1883 and 1883, I 
 Appropriation Acts. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Political Platforms. 
 
 Repnbllcan Economy. 
 
 PAETI-Page 331-Republican Econ 
 omy snown by a comparison of the PART I— Page 235— Eepublican 1880. 
 last three years of Eepubhcan Appro- I 
 
 e nations with the last three years of 
 lemocratic Appropriations. 
 
 PAET II— Page 233— Statement of the 
 Appropriations Made by Congress for I 
 
 PAET II— Page 237— Democratic 1880. 
 PAET III— Page 237— Greenback 188( 
 Page 239— Statistical Tables 
 
OHAPTEE I. 
 The Spirit of the "Solid South." 
 
 PART I. 
 
 IVade Hampton's Speech at 
 Staunton, Virginia. 
 
 Following is the speech of Senator 
 Wade Hampton at Staunton, Virginia, 
 July 36, 1880, as reported by the Staun- 
 ton Valley Virginian : 
 
 "Tlie largest political meeting ever held in 
 Staunton was that on Monday last. The Opera 
 House was crowded with an audience variously 
 estimated at from Hfteen hundred to two thou- 
 sand people. Some three or four hundred were 
 ladies, and about an equal number boys, while 
 the men comprised voters of every political 
 creed and color. Captain John H. Crawford 
 was called to tlie chair, and Major Elder offered 
 the resolutions, which wore unanimously adop- 
 ted. Captain Baumgardner, in his usually 
 happy manner, then introduced Senator Wade 
 Hampton of South Carolina. General Hamp- 
 ton i8,a man of flue physique and splendid ap- 
 pearance, and as he stepped forward to the 
 stage round after round of applause greeted 
 him." 
 
 The Indissoluble bonds of the Confeder- 
 acy — Tbe " glorious heritage of bate 
 and lust of power "— " Turn back the 
 hands." 
 
 " After alluding to the fact that his ancestry 
 were Virginians, and had fought side by side 
 with the sons of the old State, and to his own 
 services during the late war, he said : ' So it is 
 that I am bound to ymi by bonds which death 
 alone can sever. So it is that I, lilce so many of 
 the veterans of the Confederacy, am Jealous of the 
 honor and proud of tlie glorious lieritage be- 
 queathed to her by hei'Lee and her Stonewall Jack- 
 son. Do not understand that I come here to 
 dictate a policy to you, or to advise you what 
 you must do ; rather am I here to consult with 
 you as a Democrat, as a man, and as a South- 
 ern soldier ; as one who looks back to the time 
 when he sliared with you privations and suffer- 
 ing and defeat in the Army of Northern Vir- 
 ginia.' " 
 
 He adjnres Virginia by her Confeder- 
 ate traditions to stand with the 
 "Solid South!" 
 
 " I am here to voice tJie earnest hope that I 
 feel, to utter the fervent prayer of my heart, 
 that Virginia, the Mother of States, will not prove 
 recreant lo all her high traditions. We have al- 
 ways looked to her to lead, and we know that 
 she has the right to do so. We know her his- 
 tory, and we know that in seeking the path of 
 duty she has ever found the way to glory. / 
 adjure you by your traditions, by all that you 
 hold soared, to lead again Virginia as you 
 have done heretofore, not always to victory, but 
 always to honor." 
 
 With 138 votes from the " Solid South," 
 only JTew York and Indiana needed — 
 Will Virginia " Sacrifice the South ?" 
 — Secession again threatened. 
 
 "What is Virginia's duty now ! You hardly 
 realize, my friends, how much depends on the 
 action of your State. With a united South cast- 
 ing 138 electoral votes, we need only New York 
 and Indiana, and I believe we shall have tjiet.i,. 
 Will Virginia, when me have success within our 
 very grasp, sacrifice the Democratic party ? Will 
 she sacrifice the South f Will she sacrifice the 
 National 6o\ernmeut by aiding, indirectly 
 though it be. to elect a Eepublioan President ! 
 I wUl not believe it." 
 
 By the " exalted teachings," the " enno- 
 bling inspirations " of our " glorious" 
 four years of rebellion, be not " recre- 
 ant " now I— The " one great object " of 
 the South, Hancock's election, "Fight 
 for It, and Win." 
 
 " I stood for four years by' the side of Virgin^ 
 ians, and I know the Stuff of which they are 
 made. In tliosc four years I never saw t/iem fal 
 tcr. At this crisis I cannot, I mill not, think i/tul 
 you will prove false to your traditions — that you 
 can prove recreant to tlie exalted teachings, the 
 ennobling inspirations .of your glorious past. 
 Put by everything that ciln distract your at- 
 tention from OUK OSE great object. Look 
 only to tliai, fight for it, and win the fight." 
 
 He attacks the Republican party— Be- 
 wails a loss of State rights and " the 
 fate of the South'"— This election the 
 " Last I>itch " of Confederate Demo- 
 cratic rule. 
 
 " I have nothing to say to you about your 
 local differences ; we have them in our own 
 State, but we have resolutely put thorn behind 
 us. Realize, if you can,what will follow a Eepub- 
 lican triumph in November. You have all seen 
 what strides that party has made toward cen- 
 tralization; you have seen your Judge stricken 
 down by the mailedhands of the National Gov- 
 ei nment ; you have seen the RepubUoaa party 
 mass troops at the polls to overawe your free 
 suffrage ; you have seen their Deputy Marshals 
 their Supervisors, their Returning Boards— tfie 
 instruments of an overthrow of tlie last vestige of 
 Stale rights. I tell you, my countrymen, tlie fate 
 of the So«(A wUlbe harder than ever if theEepub- 
 lican party is successful in this campaign. We 
 shall behold no more free elections, no more 
 untrammeled expressions of political senti- 
 ment, and uo one of us now livin(/ will ever 
 again see a restoration of Democratic rule and 
 principles." 
 Elect Hancock and the Republican vote 
 
 Xorth (as in the bull-dozed South) 
 
 shall disappear—" Peace and Union " 
 
 when the South can dictate. 
 
 '^Ifioe elect the Democratic nominees the He- 
 publican parly will go to pieces like a rope of 
 
SPIRIT OF THE SOLID SOUTH. 
 
 sand. Their mission is ended if tliey over had 
 a mission. There is nothing that holds them to- 
 gether to day save ' the cohesive power of 
 public plunder.' The Democratic party Is the 
 party oi peace and of union that would blot out 
 all seetiomal differences forever, and it has 
 ^proved this in the nomination of General Han- 
 eoeJ^ ut Cincinnati. There was but one feeling 
 there among the Southern delegates. That feeling 
 was expressed when ^ve said to otir Northern 
 Democratic brethrcfi, ' Give \is an available man.' 
 They gave us that mara, andwe have put it in 
 the power of the people to elect the ticket. 
 They can elect it if they will." 
 
 Tbe "Solid South" again— " Consider 
 wliat I.ee and Jackson wonld do"— 
 "These are the same principles for 
 ivhich they fought "—Do not abandon 
 them now I 
 
 "You will hear from one to-day who can 
 fipeak for North Carolina. Governor Vance will 
 confirm my words that we can carry the South 
 Hyou will only carry Virginia. He has come, 
 3i^e me, to appeal to you not to forsake us in 
 the hour of need. Consider what Lee and 
 Jackson would do weke they alive. These 
 ake the same principles for which they 
 potight for four years. remember the men 
 ■who ponred forth thbir life-blood on vir- 
 ginia's soil, and do not abandon them now. 
 
 EBMEMBER that upon your VOTE DEPENDS 
 THE SUCCESS OF THE DEMOCRATIC TICKET." 
 
 ?lie denial that he made that speech — 
 The convincing proofs of the fact. 
 
 The above speech created such a deep 
 feeling in the Northern mind that the 
 Southern as well as Northern leaders of 
 the Democracy feared it would solidify 
 the North for General Garfield. To 
 lireak its force they made haste to deny 
 that Wade Hampton had used the lan- 
 
 giage thus attributed to him, and Wade 
 am|>ton wrote a letter in which he ad- 
 mits that he " appealed to the Virgin- 
 ians present to consider before they 
 voted how Lee and Jackson would vote 
 were they now alive," but says : 
 
 " I have not the slightest recollection of hav- 
 ing used the language attributed to mo in the 
 ©losing- sentences of your report, and I cer- 
 tainly never intended to convey the idea em- 
 Ijodiedin them. Your reporter misconceived 
 my language." 
 
 But the evidence is overwhelming 
 that he did use it, whatever his " recol- 
 leotioin " or " intention" may have been. 
 The New York Tribune at once investi- 
 gated the matter fully, and published 
 more than two columns of proofs. Of 
 tiiese it is enough to say that four of 
 the best known leading Democrats of 
 StanntoT) joined in the following card : 
 
 " ■yVe, the undersigned, heard the speech of 
 General Wade Hampton, delivered in Staunton, 
 en the 26th of July. Wo have also read the re- 
 port thereof published in The Talley Virginian 
 on the 29th of July, and hereby certify that that 
 leport waa substantially correct. 
 
 ARCHIBALD G. STCABT, 
 H. C. TiNSLBY, 
 
 A. C. Gordon. 
 Hugh F. Lylb." 
 
 And that the report of the passage in 
 question in the Democratic paper of 
 
 Staunton, made by Mr. H. C. Tmsley 
 himself, is essentially the same as tnat 
 given by the Republican paper, as wiu 
 be seen by the following : 
 VTomTheTalleyyirgin- From ^^l^^f^""^"^' 
 
 -ConSe?wli'at Lee "Pause l^ef^'e Y"" 
 and Jackson would do cast your vote Think 
 were they alive.. These How Lee would have 
 are tlie same pnnnples voted. Th™*^, ^"™ 
 for which they fought Jackson would have 
 for four years. Remera- done before he would 
 ■berthemenwhopoured have cast a vote calou- 
 forth their life blood on lated to divide his be- 
 Vlrginla's soil, and do loved Virginia. I ask 
 not abandon them now. you to remember those 
 Eemember that upon who have died on your 
 your vote depends the soil, and to remember 
 success of the Demo- that the principles they 
 cratic ticket." died, for are again on 
 
 trial to-day I say noth- 
 ing of youi- differences.'' 
 
 The Staunton Valley Virginian also 
 repeats, in the most positive manner, 
 that — 
 
 " General Hampton declared that the Dem- 
 ocratic party, under Hancock's lead, was 
 fighting for the same principles that Lee and 
 Jackson fought for, and for loliich the Southern 
 soldiers died. There was no qualification 
 IN THE ter.ms used. His appeal was for har- 
 mony in the Democratic parly in Virginia, and 
 to make it effective he brought up the war remem- 
 brance to touch the feelings of the audience." 
 
 PART II. 
 
 Confederate Brigadiers in 
 the §ienate — Tliey l^ulogize 
 Jetr Davis, and would Pen- 
 sion Iiins and tlie Confeder- 
 ate Soldiers — Densoeratic 
 Totes — Zacli. Chandler de- 
 nounces them. 
 
 On March 3, 1879, the Pension Arrears 
 Bill was before the U. S. Senate. To 
 that an amendment was offered extend- 
 ing the arrears to Mexican war veterans 
 when Mr. Hoar, of Massachusetts, moved 
 the following as an amendment to the 
 amendment: 
 
 Provided further. That no pension shall ever 
 be paid under this act to Jefferson Davis, the 
 late president of the so-called Confederacy. 
 
 Instantly the ex-Confederate chief- 
 tains in the Senate were upon their feet 
 in vindication and eulogy of the arch 
 rebel . To them, as indeed to the North- 
 ern Democratic leaders. Jeff. Davis is 
 the representative, the embodiment of 
 the "lost cause," and nothing so ex- 
 presses their devotion and love for him 
 as the utterances of this debate. 
 
 Senator Garland, of Arkansas, roundly 
 declared that Jefferson Davis 
 
 Would scorn it (the pension) if tendered grud"- 
 iugly. * » * jjia services are upon tlie 
 
SPIRIT or THE SOLID SOUTH. 
 
 3 
 
 Teeord of this country, and while they may not 
 surxjass, yet they Tvlll equal in history all Gre- 
 cian lame and all Eoman glory. 
 
 Senator Thunnan, of Ohio, a North- 
 ern Democrat, could see no difference 
 between repentant rebels now honored 
 with office in the Republican party and 
 the unrepentant Jefferson Davis! and 
 added : 
 
 The American people want not only that 
 there shall be amnesty * * • but that as soon 
 as possible there may be oblivion. 
 
 Senator Gordon, of Georgia, also could 
 not see any difference except, because 
 
 One is radical, and the other is not; that is 
 
 ml. 
 
 Senator Lamar, of Mississippi, ex- 
 pressed " surprise and regret that the 
 Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Hoar) 
 should have wantonly, without provoca- 
 tion, flung this insult!''^ Said lie, con- 
 tinuing : 
 
 * * * There was no distinction between in 
 suit to him and the Southern people, exce t 
 that he was their chosen leader and they his en- 
 thusiastic followers ; and there has been no dif- 
 ference since. The Senator, it pains me to say, 
 coupled that honored name with treason ; for, 
 sir, he is lumored among the Southern people. H e 
 ■did only what they soughtto do; he was simply 
 ■chosen to lead them in a cause which we all cher- 
 Ished, and ftis name will continue to he honored 
 for his participation in that great movement 
 which inspired an entire people, the people who 
 were animated by motives as sacred and noble as 
 ever inspired thebreast of a Hampden or a "Waslv- 
 ■mgton. I say this ae a Union man to-day. The 
 people of the South drank their inspiration from 
 the fountain of devotion to liberty and to con- 
 stitutional government. We believed that we 
 were fighting for it, and the Senator cannot put 
 liis finger upon one distinction between the peo- 
 ple of the South and tlie man whom ihe Senator 
 has to-day selected for dishonor as the repre 
 eentative of the South. 
 
 Senator Gordon again arose to declare 
 that — 
 
 Whatever poison is carried in the breast of 
 Mr. Davis by this Parthian arrow, pent back 
 f I om recently defeated Eepublican ranks, must 
 of necessity find lodgment in the breast of every 
 man of the South whose sensibilities are capable 
 of a wound. 
 
 Senator Morgan, of Alabama, eulo- 
 gized him as " a man of high character, 
 of great courage, of established abili- 
 ties, a man whom we could trust." 
 
 Senator Coke, of Texas, said : 
 
 I tell you, candidly and sincerely, that we 
 love Jefferson Davis because he represented us 
 in a struggle In which our younjr men and our 
 old men went down to their graves, and by 
 which our women were made widows and our 
 children were made orphans. He represents us, 
 and we love him ; we respect and revere him. 
 
 Senator Eansom, of North Carolina, 
 replying to a question, said: 
 
 I tell him (Mr. Hoar) that If I were in his 
 place as I am now in my place— and I speak de- 
 liberately—and I believed Mr. Davis was an 
 enemy to this country, I not only would not pen- 
 
 sion him, but I would have for him feelings o • 
 unutterable aversion. But it is impossible that 
 Mr. Davis can be an enemy to this country. * • 
 Be never was an enemy of this country. * * Be 
 belongs to history as does that cause to which be 
 gave aU the ability and devotion of his great 
 nature, Tliere I trust both. ' * * * i hope we 
 all will vote upon this amendment, and vote our 
 sentiments. 
 
 Most of those Democratic senators who 
 were not paired did vote for these Con- 
 federate ^'sentiments." No Democrat 
 voted against those " sentiments." The 
 Democrats who voted "nay" in the 
 adoption of Mr. Hoar's amendment were: 
 
 Messrs. Bailey, Barmim, Beeh, Butler, Cock- 
 rell. Coke, Davis of W. Va., Eaton, Garland, Gor- 
 don, Grover, Harris, Hereford, Jones of Fla., 
 Lamar, MeOreery, McPherson, Maxey, Morgan, 
 liansom, Thurman. 
 
 In spite of their vote, Mr. Hoar's 
 amendment was adopted, and the pend- 
 ing amendment as thus amended was 
 lost — the Democrats having previously 
 voted down a proviso offered by Mr. 
 Mitchell, to the following effect : 
 
 Provided further. That no person who served 
 in the Confederate army during the late war of 
 the rebellion, or held any office, civil or mili- 
 tary, in the late Confederacy, shaU be entitled 
 to receive any pension under this act. 
 
 A sharp contrast — How Jefierson Davis 
 Is regarded by tbe Nortb — Senator 
 Cbandler's scatbing reply to these 
 Southern eulogies. 
 
 It was after listening to these eulogies 
 of Jefferson Davis till forbearance ceased 
 to be a virtue, that the lamented Zach- 
 ariah Chandler rose, pale with long- 
 suppressed wrath, and, with impressive 
 vehemence, uttered the voice of the 
 North as follows : 
 
 Mr. President, twenty-two years ago to-mor- 
 row, in the old ball of the Senate, now occupied 
 by the Supreme Court of the United States, in 
 company with Mr. Jefferson Davis I stood up 
 and swore before Almighty God that I would 
 support the Constitution of the United States. 
 Mr. Jefferson Davis came from the Cabinet of 
 Franklin Pierce into the Senate of the United 
 States and took the oath with me to be faithful 
 to this Government During four years I sat in 
 this body with Mr. Jefferson Davis and saw the 
 preparations goins on from day to day for the 
 overthrow of this Government. With treason 
 in his heart and perjury upon his lips he took 
 the oath to sustain the Government that he 
 meant to overthrow. 
 
 Sir, there was method iu that madness. He, 
 in co-operation with other men from his sec- 
 tion and in the Cabinet of Mr. Buchanan, made 
 careful preparations for the event ibat was 
 to follow. Your armies were scattered all 
 over this broad land where they could not be 
 used in an emergency ; your fieets wore scat- 
 tered wherever the winds blew and water was 
 foimd to float them, where they could not be 
 used to put down rebellion ; your treasury was 
 depleted until your bonds bearing six per cent., 
 principal and interest payable in coin, were 
 sold for eighty-eight cents on the dollar for cur- 
 rent expenses and no buyers. Preparations 
 were carefully made. Your arms were sold 
 under an apparently innocent clause in an Army 
 bill providing that the Secretarj' of War might, 
 at his discretion, sell such arms as he deemed 
 it for the interest of the Government to sell. 
 
SPIRIT OP THE SOLID SOUTH. 
 
 Sir, eighteen years ago last montb, I sat m 
 these halls and listened to Jefferson Davis de- 
 livering his farewell address, informing us what 
 our constitutional duties to this Government 
 were, and then he left and entered into the re- 
 hellion to overthrow the Government that he 
 had sworn to support I I remained here sir, dur- 
 ingthewhole of that terrible rehellion. I saw our 
 hrave soldiers hy thousands and hundreds of 
 thousands, aye, I might say millions, pass 
 through the theater of war, and I saw their 
 shattered ranks return ; I saw steamboat after 
 steamboat and railroad train after railroad 
 train arrive with the maimed and the wounded ; 
 I was with my friend from Rhode Island [Mr. 
 BurnsideJ when he commanded the army o f 
 the Potomac, and saw piles of legs and arms 
 that made humanity shudder ; I saw the widow 
 and the orphan in their homes, and heard 
 the weeping and wailing of those who had lost 
 their dearest and their best. Mr. President, 
 I little thought at that time I should live to 
 hear in the Senate of the United States eulo- 
 gies upon Jefferson Davis, living— a living rebel 
 eulogized on the floor of the Senate of tiie United 
 States ! Sir, I am amazed to hear it ; and I can 
 tell the gentlemen on the other side that they 
 little know the spirit of the North when they 
 come here at this day and with bravado on their 
 lips utter eulogies upon a man whom every 
 man, woman, and child in the North believes to 
 have been a -double-dyed traitor to his Govern- 
 ment. [Applause in the galleries.] 
 
 PART III. 
 Testimony of the Represen- 
 tative Press of the South as 
 to the Oesnon-Iihe Bnle of 
 the Bourbons. 
 
 The Negro " passing out " of Politics- 
 He must side with the I>emocrats or 
 " go to the wall altogether ! " 
 
 Says the New Orleans P!c«2/M«e (Demo- 
 cratic) : 
 
 The negro is passing out of politics. Se can 
 never figure again in lliat arena as a Bepublican. 
 for the simple reason that the Republican party 
 has no longer any use for 'him— or. rather any 
 opportunity to use him. The Southern States are 
 all hopelessly Democratic, and it would be a 
 waste of money sorely needed in more promis- 
 ing quarters to canvass this section in the in- 
 terest of the Chicago nominees. We understand 
 that it is not the intention of the Republican 
 managers to attempt to organize a campaign in 
 this State, and they have ecpially good reasons to 
 abandon the struggle in all the other Southern 
 States. If the negro is tvise ho must beain to see 
 that he has now as Little to hope froni' the Re- 
 publican party as that party has to expect from 
 him. He will see that in his own section he 
 must side wilh the dominant party or, politically 
 speahing, go to the wall altogether. 
 
 White Republicans to be branded as 
 enemies- White Republican candidates 
 " should be saturated]with stench ! "— 
 1,000 Democratic votes equal to 5,000 
 Republican votes!— "We have the 
 count ! " 
 
 A letter signed " Southern Democrat," 
 m the Memphis Avalanche, says : 
 
 WJiite men who dare to avow themselves here 
 as ItepuUicans should bepromptly branded as 
 ihebdlerund malignant enemies of the South 
 The name of every Northern man who presumes 
 
 in this eommunity to aspire to office through. 
 Republican votes should be saturated wtlln 
 stench. As for the negroes, lot them amuse 
 themselves, if they will, by voting the Radical 
 ticket. We have the count. We have a fhousanO, 
 good and true men whose brave ballots wM be 
 fou nd eqw.il to those of five thousand vile Madi- 
 als. 
 The Democrats control South Carolina^ 
 
 and they intend to retain it at every- 
 
 hazard ! 
 
 Says the Barnwell (S. C.) People: 
 
 The Democrats have obtained control of the 
 State of South Carolina, and they intend to re- 
 tain it at every hazard, and in spite of the ut- 
 most efforts of local enemies and their Northern 
 allies. . 
 
 Artillery and Red Shirts the proper- 
 source of enthusiasm for Southern, 
 elections. 
 
 The Lexington Advertiser said : 
 
 Rub your red shirts, patch up your artillery, 
 and get a full supply of ' ' entuusiasm " for th& 
 campaign tliis tall. There will be no Federal 
 count at the end o£ this. election. 
 
 The Democratic party not a political 
 organization but a Vigilance Commit- 
 tee. 
 
 Hear the Greenville Times. It said 
 in November : 
 
 Stripped to the truth, the Democratic party 
 is not a political organization ; it is a vigilance, 
 committee. 
 
 A warning of blood-shed— The negro's 
 only hope of avoiding it is by a sur- 
 render of his political rights— In all 
 such conflicts the negro always the 
 victim. 
 
 The Jackson (Miss.) Comet, on Octo- 
 ber 35, said : 
 
 If there is bloodshed on the 8th of next No- 
 vember, let no colored man say he was not 
 warned in time. If you are saiistted with the 
 government stay at home, for if a conflict should 
 occm- you know who will be the victims. 
 
 Killing no murder, violation of law no 
 crime, if perpetrated in support of the 
 Solid South— Murder and I.awlessness 
 justified by the law of self-preserva- 
 tion. 
 
 Witness the following utterance in 
 the Charleston Xeics and Courier, one 
 of the most respectable of all the Bour- 
 bon organs, it says : 
 
 Killing is not always murder, and violations 
 of liiw are not alwaj s a crime. There is an ear- 
 lier law than the statutes— the law of sell-pres- 
 ervation. That law was the guide and master 
 m bouth Carolina in 1870, and it will be ap- 
 pealed to whenever there is any danger of a re- 
 tm-n to the vilenes.s of negro rule. 
 
 Rally on the Color Line, boys— Negro 
 pretenders must be put down— Step 
 across the platform, boys, and go for 
 them. 
 
 From the Meridan (Miss.) Mercury: 
 Rally on the color line, boys, beyond the plat- 
 form, every man to his color or colors, and 
 make these negro pretenders to govern thJis 
 
SPIRIT OF THE SOLID SOUTH. 
 
 ffat county come' do-wn, else put 'cm down, 
 liat do the young men say to tlie old man's 
 Ijattle ciy in tUs political campaign : " Step 
 iicrasB the platform, boys, and go lor 'em." 
 
 Soivn with the negro — Vote Iiiin down 
 or knock talm down— A white man's 
 party to rnle a white man's country. 
 
 From the Westville (Miss.) Neics: 
 
 Does not the very thouRht hoil the Wood in 
 every vein! WiU you still contend that we 
 must not have a white man's party ? Away 
 with such false doctrines; wu must and wUI 
 ■have a white man's party. We have tried pol- 
 icy long enough. We must organize on the 
 color line, disregarding minor considerations. 
 The white man's party is the only salvation for 
 the State. Show the negro his place and make 
 iimkecplt. If we cannot vote him down, we 
 can knock him down, and the result will he the 
 same. Either the white man or negro will rule 
 this country; they cannot both do it, and il is ^ 
 for the white man to say who the ruler shall be. i 
 liO us have a white man's party to rule a white 
 man's country, and do it like white men. 
 
 Xo appeal from the murderous bull- 
 dozer— Bull Run orChickainauga^Xhe 
 white people must be welded into one 
 compact organization— All personal 
 dilt'erences must be settled within the 
 organization. 
 
 From tlie Columbus (Miss.) Index : 
 
 The necessities of the State of Mississippi re- 
 call tnis inj unction and give emphasis to the 
 parallel— put none but Democrats in office. 
 
 We have gained a great victory— Bull Run or 
 Chickamauga. Let us follow it up to the secui-- 
 Ing of results. 
 
 The white people must be welded into one 
 compact organization. All diflcrences of opin- 
 ion, all personal aspirations must be settled 
 within our own organization, and from its de- 
 cision there must be no appeal. Otherwise 
 «ach recurring election produces its disorders. 
 
 Jlegroes as unreasonable as crocodiles 
 or Kentucky mules— The bloody and 
 violent Mississippi plan the only rea- 
 soner for the Blacks. 
 
 From the Newton (Miss.) Democrat: 
 
 Mr. Potter and ex-Governor Brown, of Hinds, 
 think the negro can be reasoned into Democ- 
 racy, and they have been thinking so ever 
 since the war ; but for our part we would as 
 soon reason with a shoal of crocodiles or a drove 
 of Kentucky mules. And so might they, for all 
 the convictions thej' have produced in the 
 counties of Hinds and Copiah. 
 
 fVhitc Mississippions only shall rule 
 Jllssisslppl— Woe, Irretrievable woe, 
 betide Radical tatterdemalions— Hit 
 them, hip and thigh, everywhere and 
 at all times. 
 
 From the Yazoo (Miss.) Democrat : 
 
 Let unanimity of sentiment pervade the 
 minds of men. Let invincible de'.ermination be 
 depicted on every countenance. Send forth 
 from our deliberate assembly of the eighteenth 
 the soul-stirring announcement that Mississip- 
 pians shall rule Mississippi though the heavens 
 Jail. Then will woe, irretrievable woe, be- 
 tide the radical tatterdemalions. Hit them hip 
 and thigh, everywhere and at all times. 
 
 Carry the election peacably If we can, forci- 
 bly if we must. 
 
 PART IV. 
 
 FnrtBier testimony as to the 
 la^vless and corrupt rnle 
 of tlie ISonrbons. 
 
 Bourbonism and Conservatism— Defini- 
 tion of both by a Conservative Slissis- 
 sippi editor— Bourbonism an extreme 
 faction of Democratic Party ruling 
 through lawlessness — through vio- 
 lence, fraud, and crime. 
 
 The following are extracts from the 
 testimony of Mr. Charles E. Wright, the 
 editor of the Vicksburg (Miss.) Herald, 
 before the House of Kepresentatives in 
 the case by Lynch vs. Chalmers. He 
 says: 
 
 It (the Vicksburg Herald) has differed with 
 some of the extreme papers in this State, t have 
 sustained the Democratic administration of 
 Mis-issippi, the Democratic judges, and every 
 thing eke. It is not true that when I returned 
 from Washington, a year ago last spring, the 
 tone of the paper became changed and differed 
 with the Democratic admimSiration of the 
 State. It never has. J differed with th^ lead- 
 ers of thi ! party concerning the issue they made 
 in Tongress about that time, and said so edito- 
 rially hall a dozen times. It Is not true I have 
 since then denounced the leaders of the Demo- 
 cratic party as " machine politicians," or some- 
 thing of that kind. It is not true that I de- 
 nounced the leaders of the Democratic party as 
 " Bourbons." I regard Mr. Lamar as the 
 leader of the Democratic party in Mississippi, 
 and I know he does not approve those things I 
 issued with. I never made an Issue with the 
 leaders of the party. I refer to fraud and vio- 
 lence as things Mr. Lamar does not approve 
 of. I have not taken any new departure. I 
 have opposed them ever since I have been edi- 
 tor of a paijer. I was the editor of a paper pub- 
 lished in Vicksburg in 1873 or 187i called The 
 Yicksburger, and pi the paper called T?ie Mon- 
 itor, in the following year. 
 
 Q. What fi'aud or violence have you known 
 committed for running for office since March, 
 1879? 
 
 A. The most prominent affair was m Yazoo, 
 in 1879. 
 
 Q. What fraud or violence did you know as 
 being committed in Yazoo in 1879 1 
 
 A. I do not live in Yazoo County, and know 
 nothing of my own personal knowledge. I only 
 knowjust likel get other information for the 
 Eeratd. 
 
 Newspaper men know how to get in- 
 formation generally for the papers. 
 
 Q. Do you know of your own knowledge of 
 any fraud or violence committed against any- 
 body running lor otBce 1 
 
 A. I answer as before, I do not know of my 
 own knowledge. 
 
 Again he says : 
 
 Q. Please to define what you understand by 
 Bourbonism and Conservatism 1 
 
 (Objected to by counsel lor General Chalmers 
 as irrelevant and not i e-examination.) 
 
 A. The difference, as 1 understand it, is this: 
 the Bourbons in this State are an extreme fac- 
 tion of the Democratic p.ii-ty ; they are willing 
 to go outside of law and the Democratic plat- 
 
SPIRIT OF THE SOLID SOUTH. 
 
 form, and anytMng else, and resort to violence 
 and fraud for tie sake of party success. I thinli 
 the conservative Democrats are opposed to 
 that, and want to let the elections go as the 
 ballots are cast. That Is my view of the differ- 
 ence. I regard Senator Lamar as the leader 
 of the Democratic party in this State and Gen- 
 eral Chalmers as identified with the extreme 
 men. 
 
 Death to all Damned Rascals— Intimi- 
 dation and Fraud the rule at all Elec- 
 tions— Ku-blux practices and wide- 
 spread conspiracy to dominate 
 through lawlessness and Crime — Af- 
 fidavit of J. B. Chapline in case of 
 I.ynch vs. Chalmers, 
 
 Circuit court, Monroe County, Ark.— J. B. Chap- 
 line, plff., vs. T. W. Hooper, deft. In matter of 
 contest of election held in said county for 
 thecounty and prohate judge. Amended com- 
 plaint. 
 The plaintiff, hy way of amendment to the 
 
 original complaint filed herein, by leave of the 
 
 court first had and obtained, states : 
 
 I. That defendant, T. W. Hooper, since the 
 flUng of the original complaint has received his 
 commission from the gov. of the State as pro- 
 bate and county judge of Monroe County, Ark- 
 ansas, and has qualified as such judge and has 
 been regularly Inducted into said office. 
 
 II. Complainant further states that since the 
 filing of the original complaint herein many 
 evil-disposed persons, favoring the course of 
 defendant, have resorted to unlawful and crim- 
 inal measures for the purpose of Intimidating 
 complainant and forcing him to withdraw from 
 this contest and the lawful assertion of his 
 rights. That on the night of the 18th day of 
 SeptembiT, 1880, a coffin was placed by these evil- 
 disposed persons in complainant's yard and 
 marked thus : " J. B. Chapline, take timely 
 warning. Thus to all damned rascals." That 
 on the night of the 19th of September, 1880, an 
 armed mob of twelve men, with blackened faces 
 or black masks over their faces, surrounded the 
 house of Wm. H. Tugwell, one of the Judges of 
 the election in Jackson township, Monroe 
 County, Ark., who was then the lawful custo- 
 dian of the duplicate tally-sheet and poll-book 
 for that township, and by unlawful force and 
 menace compelled the said Wm. H. Tugwell to 
 surrender and give up to them the said tally- 
 sheet and poU-book ; that these unlawful acts 
 have created much fear and alarm in the county 
 of Monroe, and clearly indicate a secret, wide- 
 spread conspiracy to deprive complainant of 
 his lawful rights in defiance of law. 
 
 III. Premises considered, complainant prays 
 that defendant's pretended election to the office 
 of county and probate judge of Monroe County, 
 Arkansas, bo declared illegal, null and void; 
 that his commission as such judge be declared 
 null and void ; and that it be canceled by 
 decree of this honorable court ,aud for nought 
 held; that complainant be declared the duly 
 elected Judge of the county and probate courts 
 of Monroe County, Arkansas, and that a copy of 
 the record in this case be certified to the gov. 
 of the State, to the end that ho may commission 
 complainant as such judge, and for all such fur- 
 ther relief as the nature of the case may require. 
 
 JOHN HALLUM and 
 G. W. L. KANAWAH, 
 
 AWys for PUff. 
 State or Akkansas, 
 
 Monroe CounUj : 
 J. B. Chapline states on oath that the matters 
 and facts stated in the foregoing amended com- 
 plaint are true, to the best of his knowled!,'c and 
 belief. J. B. CHAPLINE. 
 
 Subscribed and sworn to before me on this 
 26th day of September, 1880. 
 
 HENRY BATEIIAN, J. P. 
 
 A Greenback stump-speaker astounded 
 in Alabama— "The Confederacy still 
 exists— A Solid South will gain control 
 and redress all our wrongs." 
 
 J. H. Randall, a Greenback orator in 
 tlie recent Alabama campaign, writes to 
 the Washington National View August 
 14, 1880, touching the " spirit of the 
 South," as exhibited in that State. He 
 attended a Democratic meeting at Kizer 
 Hill, and says : 
 
 The first one of the speakers, from our stand- 
 point, indicated that he was very ignorant and 
 a fool, or that he thought the people iiresent 
 were all ignorant and fools. * * • To us it 
 was very strange that (7i«^epp;« listened to h-.m, 
 butthey did andmany of them, in comments we 
 overheard, seemed to thinlc him, telling the truths 
 and that he was very wise. In the course of his 
 speech he said: 'TAe Confederacy still exists, my 
 friends, and Jeff. Davis, t/ie best friend we ever 
 had, is yet our President and devoted to our in- 
 terests ; and if^ HancocJc is elected (and we have 
 no doubt he lolll be) you will be paid for all the 
 property you have lost through Radical rule ; and 
 you Tnust stand by the great Democratic party, 
 for a solid South will now give us entire control 
 of the General Government, and we can redress 
 all our wrongs." 
 
 Randall thinking this pretty extra- 
 ordinary doctrine, attempted to reply, 
 when a man in the crowd yelled out : 
 " We doiiH want no d — n yanlcee to come 
 here and talk to us ; we had better shut 
 him up." Then a brass band from Shu- 
 buta, Mississippi, struck up to prevent 
 Ms being heard! 
 
 Xative ^lississippiaus, business men, 
 privately denounce and lament the 
 Tiolent, Proscriptive, and Intolerant 
 Spirit of the Bourbon " Rule or Rutn " 
 Party— Its practices beyond the pale of 
 all Christian and honorable prece- 
 dent. 
 
 Hon. Wm. R. Jloore, of Tennessee, in 
 a speech in the House of Representives 
 said: 
 
 It is within the bounds of my own personal 
 knowledge that there are business men in Mis- 
 sissippi, native and to the manor born, who 
 vote regularly with the Bourbon partv while 
 secretly des pising it, and who are led to do so 
 only because the proscriptive and intolerant 
 spirit of that "rule or ruin" party will not 
 recognize the right of opposition, and because 
 also that party teaches its adherents to obstruct 
 in every possible way business transactions 
 with a Republican. One of the oldest and most 
 respectable of that class, socially and finan- 
 cially, has only very recently whispered in my 
 own ear, as if afraid It might be heard outside, 
 that the political practices of that bull-dozing 
 party in Mississippi were simply bevond the 
 pale of all Christian and honorable precedent ; 
 and it can be easily and philosophically ac- 
 counted for. 
 
 "Small-pox" should be written over 
 the doors of all Republican Merchants 
 or Business Men— STo Toleration of the 
 " Damn Radicals." 
 
 Mr. Moore also said : 
 
 It is a matter of public record that the editor- 
 m-chiet of a leading Bourbon newspaper in the 
 
SPIRIT OF THE SOLID SOUTH. 
 
 great southwestern Mississippi Valley, an or- 
 gan of that party in Mississippi, has editorially 
 urged that *' ' smallrpox ' eJwuld be written over 
 i?ie doors " of business men and mereluints, and 
 lias actually succeeded, by this diabolical policy, 
 in literally breaking up and driving out of the 
 reach of his pernicious influence reputable and 
 respectable gentlemen for no other reason than 
 that they were earnest and conscientious Republi- 
 cans, and yet in the same paper this editor has 
 emptied gallons of ink in turgid appeals for new 
 immigrants to come into his section only to re- 
 ceive upon their arrival IM same treatment incase 
 they happened to bring with them tlieir opinions 
 ana their manhood. It, therefore, the oldest and 
 most conspicuous editor of this proscriptive 
 party In that section has found profft In publish- 
 ing such views, Is It any wonder If the smaller 
 Srovincial papers, taking their cue from this 
 emoniac leader, shall fulminate from day to 
 day their seditious imitations J 
 
 PART V. 
 Convicted Bourbon ballot- 
 box stuffers in Mississippi 
 lionized by the Bourbon 
 " Beauty and Chivalry " — 
 Fines inflicted by Fed- 
 eral courts reimbursed the 
 criminals by money raised 
 through public entertain- 
 ments — Proceedings of a 
 public meeting at IFest 
 Point, Mississippi. 
 
 The Clay County (Miss.) Leader of 
 July 37 contains a report of a public 
 meeting held at the court-house in West 
 Point, m that county, on the 24th of the 
 same month, " for the purpose of rais- 
 ing money to relieve certain young men 
 of tlie county, upon whom fines were 
 unjustly imposed by the Federal' court 
 at Oxford, upon the illegal verdict of a 
 partisan jury." The meeting was called 
 to order by Captain B. L. Cromwell, Dr. 
 Townsend was elected chairman, and 
 L. T. Carlisle secretary. The report 
 says: 
 
 Captain W. H. Eobertson moved that at some 
 future time we should have a glass-haU shoot- 
 ing, proceeds to be devoted to the above-named 
 purpose. 
 
 Mr. J. H. Brinlrer stated that the ladies pro- 
 posed at some future time to give a concert for 
 the same purpose for which this meeting was 
 called, and moved that a committf e of five be 
 appointed ae an executive committee to make 
 aU arrangements, and as early as possible to 
 confer with the ladles, so as to have the shoot- 
 ing and concert to come off on the same date. 
 
 Messrs. J. H. Brinker, B. L. Cromwell, J. J. 
 WiUlams, J. A. Taliaferro, and Wiley Bell were 
 appointed by the chair. 
 
 An executive commiteee-A grand sboot- 
 ing matcb— A sub-committee t« confer 
 witb tbe ladies, &c. 
 
 The same issue of the Leader has a 
 report of a meeting of this executive 
 
 committee, at which sub-committees 
 were appointed as follows : 
 
 Committee on printing, Mr. WUey BeU, Via- 
 jor Herndon, and L. T. Carlisle. 
 
 Committee to select the grounds and make all 
 necessary arrangements for the shooting match, 
 Mr. J. A. TaliafeiTO, Captain W. H. EoiSertson, 
 Messrs. A. P. CottreU, J. H. McCord, Warren 
 Ware, and T. C. Exum. 
 
 To confer with the ladies about arrangine for 
 concert, &c., Mr. Jep Williams, Mr. A. B. Con- 
 nell, and Captain Fred Beall. 
 
 On motion the chairman was added to the 
 committee. 
 
 On rules and regul<ations for the shoot. Cap- 
 tain B. L. Cromwell, Messrs. George Coleman, 
 and J. D. Franks. 
 
 To arms!— A call for troops— Engrland 
 calling for troops to put down Arabi 
 Bey's rebellion, but Mississippi 'VIest 
 Pointers preparing for tbe grandest 
 glass ball sboot and concert— Proceeds 
 to reimburse 0nes of Bourbon ballot- 
 box stnffers— A grand gala day- Come 
 everybody. 
 
 We have also before us a one-sheet 
 poster about eighteen by twenty-four 
 inches, which announces m large type, 
 under the head of " call for troops," 
 that " while the English are calling for 
 troops to put down the rebellion of Arabi 
 Bej^, the people of West Point are pre- 
 paring for the grandest glass ball shoot 
 and concert on August 3, 1883, ever got- 
 ten up in North Mississippi. &° These 
 festivities are for the purpose of paying 
 the fines of three citizens of Clay Cowntii 
 who were umustlu CONVIOTMD IN 
 THE FEBEBAL OOUBT at Oxford 
 of ELECTION FBAUDS.^^i Come 
 everybody ! It will be a grand gala 
 day icor all those who may attend." We 
 have also the small bill of particulars, 
 in which this announcement is made : 
 
 Proceeds to be appropriated toward reimburs- 
 ing the young men unjustly fined by the Fed- 
 eral court at Oxford. 
 
 Tbe Oala Bay and its Olass Ball Sboot— 
 Brilliant witb Bourbon Beauty and 
 Chivalry — Man, thro' business cares 
 and rivalries, may forget his duty to 
 the Ku-Klnx patriot, but in the hearts 
 of Bourbon women is built the altar 
 of patriotism upon which the fires of 
 the baUot stnifer will always bright- 
 ly burn. 
 
 A special correspondent of the Mem- 
 phis Appeal, under date of August 5, 
 writes from West Point the following 
 account of the entertainment thus ad- 
 vertised : 
 
 Thursday last was in West Point devoted to 
 patriotic service. Stores were closed and the 
 
 food people of our town turned out to a glass- 
 all shoot during the day, and to a concert at 
 White's HaU at night. The proceeds net were 
 applied to the funds collecting for the pay- 
 ment of fines recently imposed on several 
 citizens of our county by the Federal court at 
 Oxford, as referred to in a recent communicar 
 tion. 
 
SPIRIT or THE SOLID SOUTH. 
 
 Tlie glass-ball show -n-as quite a success, and 
 tlie entertainment at nlglit by tbe beauty and 
 cliivalry of West Point was a brilliant affair, 
 tlie success ol vrMcb was mainly due to tbe ef- 
 forts of our noble ladies, under the su- 
 liervision of Mrs. Fred Beall. Man, amid busi- 
 ness cares or reckless rivalries, may forget Us 
 duty to Ms country; but -n-oman, surrounded 
 by tlie sacred Influences of borne, and cheristi 
 ins above every otber consideration tbe future 
 safety of ber sons and daughters, is ever vigil- 
 ant. "Her heart is the altar of patriotism upon 
 Ts-Mch the flres are always brightly burning. 
 
 CJOBVlcted ballot-box staffers assaretl 
 of Sorarbon sympathies— Tbe Bourbon 
 stnffers eulogized as Imnoeent victims 
 of Federal tyranny — Their nasnes will 
 be ever cherished in the hearts and 
 memories of the Bonrbon. 
 
 Thf convicted parties, who came from the 
 count i-y to attend the entertainment, were re- 
 ceivi'd and treated with every marli of atten- 
 tion and respect. At the close of the programme 
 Captain Fred Beall, in a neat and appropriate 
 address, assured these gentlemen that the peo- 
 ple of Clay County believed they were inno- 
 cent of the charge brought against them (vio- 
 lating election laws) ; that their sjnnpathies 
 were with them, and that the names of O'Con- 
 nor, Caradlne, and Hallum would be cherished 
 in the hearts and memories of our people. 
 
 Object of lilonizing; Criminals as Mar- 
 tyrs—Ballot-box stuffing mnst be sus- 
 tained— It is the only hope of a solid 
 South. 
 
 Says theNational Bepuhlioan of Wash- 
 ington in commenting on the above : 
 
 These men were convicted by a mixed Jury In 
 a United States court of the crime of ballot-box 
 stuffing at an election for Congressmen. There 
 were five convicted, but on two of them a nom- 
 inal fine of only $10 was imposed. The three 
 others were fined $260 each. The object of treats 
 ing these convicted criminals as martyrs is ob- 
 vious. It is a necessity in view of the fall elec- 
 tion. The stuffing of ballot boxes must be sus- 
 tained. This can only be done by setting up 
 theresolves of a Bourbon meeting in opposition 
 to the verdict of a Jury made up of Democrats 
 and Republicans. Then, under the assertion of 
 ■ftelieving the convicts innocent, the proceeds 
 «f public meriy-maliing are devoted to paying 
 the penalty inflicted by the outraged law. 
 These facts are not only true, but are exultiugly 
 published by the papers above named. 
 
 These ballot-box staffers convicted at 
 Senator liamar's home — "Who are the 
 judges of crime in Mississippi— The 
 courts and juries or Its respectabil- 
 ity and Intelligence who lionize 
 criminals. 
 
 The National Bepuhlican adds: 
 
 ■WiU some Republican member of Congress 
 ask Mr. Muldrow, the Bourbon member from 
 the district In which these crimes were com- 
 mitted, when Congress reassembles, whether 
 he approves the conduct of the constituents 
 whose names we have given ? Will some Re- 
 publican Senator then ask Senator Lamar, at 
 whose home these ballot-box stuffers were con- 
 victed, and who has been the law professor in 
 the University of Mississippi, located In that 
 very city, whether the respectabilitv and intel- 
 ligence of Mississippi arc those wlio Judge of 
 the guilt or innocence of accused persons by 
 the result of judicial proceedings. In the forrao't 
 
 theverdictof ajury, or those who encourage 
 crime by lionizing criminals, and paying lor 
 them the flues wTiich the court sentenced 
 them to pay 1 The answers to these guestions 
 will enable anti-Bourbon members to see more 
 clearly how much weight to give to Bourbon 
 testiniony and arguments in contested election 
 cases. 
 
 PAET VI. 
 
 Assassination of Col. t. W. R. Blair, a 
 Greenbacfeer and United States Super- 
 visor at Camden, South Carolina — A 
 Cold-blooded Atrocity — A Brave Old 
 Man Seventy Years Old Murdered by 
 a Bourbon I,eader— Previously Mobbed 
 in the presence of Hampton, Kennedy 
 & Co. — Persecuted and Slandered — 
 High Character of tbe Tictlm. 
 
 The special correspondent of the Na- 
 tional Mepiihlican at Columbia, South 
 Carolina, under date of July 10, 1883, 
 says; 
 
 I invite your attention to a few points in the 
 matter of the killing of Colonel L. W. R. Blair in 
 Camden on July 4. He was entirely unarmed, 
 having nothing but his usual walking-stick, and 
 made no threat or attempt to use even that. He 
 was a brave old man (he was 70 years old), who 
 was never known to commence a quarrel or take 
 advantage of an enemy. No instance can be 
 given in which he ever, during his long life, as- 
 saulted or shot any one in a personal quarrel. 
 He did not thre-iten or attack the man who slew 
 him. The casus belli was purely political. The 
 Bourbons were his bitter foes. They had 
 mobbed him in the presence of Hampton, Ken- 
 nedy & Co. in 1880, when he was the Greenback 
 candidate for governor. They had persistently 
 persecuted and slandered him afterward. His 
 private character being Irreproachable, they 
 could not assail it. 
 
 His murderer, Halle, falsely accuses 
 Blair of holfUng Meetings with 'Se- 
 groes at Night— Blair pronounced him 
 a Iiiar and refused to retract — The 
 Bourbon coward shot the unarmed 
 old man five times ivlth a ^Vinchester 
 slxteen-shooter— The rifle convenient- 
 ly concealed in Democratic Auditor's 
 Office— Blair an anti-Bourbon I.eader. 
 
 The man who slaughtered lilm was chairman 
 of a Democratic club, an ex-rebel. Captain 
 Halle. Halle had said, and circulated it, that 
 "Blair held meetings with the negroes at 
 night." This was done to break his Influence 
 over his white adherents, and to goad and irri- 
 tate him. Blair pronounced the man who had 
 said it " a d— d liar." This he would not retract. 
 Haile was the party who should have with- 
 drawn his false utterance and retracted first. 
 Then Blair could and would have withdrawn 
 the offensive epithet, and no man would have 
 done so more readdy. Blair made no demand 
 on Haile and no threat against him. I am fol- 
 lowing the exvarte Democratic accounts strictly, 
 and you wur find them Just as I state. Haile 
 demanded a retraction, and shot him to death 
 on his refusal— shot him five times lu as many 
 seconds with a Winchester riflejsixteen-shooter) 
 —a Winchester talcen from the Democratic audi- 
 tor s office, where it was conveniently at hand, 
 ready loaded— from the auditor's office, not be- 
 ing open for business (a legal holiday), but un- 
 locked and Haile had the entree. When he 
 stepped into that office and closed the door did 
 Blair follow him? By no means. When he 
 
SPIRIT OF THE SOLID SOUTH. 
 
 9 
 
 came out witli tlie murderous weapon in hand, 
 did Blair advance on liim or attack Mm? By 
 no means. Blair was still standing wliere lie 
 left him, in front of the court-house, waiting for 
 the assembling of the people to hold a mass 
 meeting, which had heen duly advertised, and 
 where Blair, as the leader of the anti-Bourbons, 
 was to have spoken . Blair had the people of 
 his county organized, and could not be defeated 
 or answered except by Democratic rifle shots. 
 
 Jtlair'8 murder indefensible, even be- 
 fore Democratic coroner and Jury— Hfo 
 plea of Self-Defense dared — D e m o - 
 cratic SberiflT protects tbe mnrderer— 
 Halle <inickly Released on bail by 
 Bonrbon JTadf^e Kershaw, wbo de- 
 clared that " truer man never lived " — 
 Also Indorsed by Bonrbon I,lent. Qov. 
 Kennedy— Cowai-dly character of the 
 Mnrder- 
 
 The Democratic coroner and Democratic Jury, 
 with Democratic testimony, still dared not on 
 their oaths say one word oi^ " self-defense " in 
 their verdict. But a Democratic sheriff protects 
 the man slayer until Democratic lawyers provide 
 for his immediate liberation. Who issued thewnt 
 of habeas corpus, and on the prisoner's showing 
 alone, ordered his discharge on ball before sun- 
 down on the very day of the murder! Major- 
 General (Democrat} Judge Kershaw. Who at 
 once applauded and endorsed Haile as "truer 
 man never lived ! " General Lieutenant-Gov- 
 ernor Kennedy, whom Blair had posted as "a 
 freater scoundrel " than the editor of the Cam- 
 en Democratic paper, and whom Blair exposed 
 and opposed. If he "put his hand to his 
 breast " at all it was onlj' the spasmodic action 
 when the first ball plunged through his heart, as 
 the postmortem developed. The code requires 
 eciual weapons, and fair play always demands 
 pistol for pistol, swords of equal length, &c. 
 Using a Winchester 16-shooter against an oppo- 
 nent even armed with a pistol would be in every 
 eenso unfair. Yet using a Winchester rifle 
 against an unarmed man and riddling him in a 
 few seconds with five balls, any one of which 
 would have been instantly fatal, is called by the 
 News and Courier killing " in self-defense." 
 
 Blair a feeble old man, bnt Brave and 
 ITnyieldingr in his hatred of Bonrbon 
 Tyranny— Conld be neither bought nor 
 bulldozed — His murder a Bonrbon Ne- 
 cessity—The blood of the Martyrs the 
 seed of the Church. 
 
 Blair was an old man and feeble, although 
 brave and unyielding in his opposition to tyr- 
 anny. He could not be bought; he Could not be 
 bulldozed. The only way to dispose of him was 
 to kill him, and this has been done. Honor to 
 the old man's memory; peace to his ashes. May 
 the time yet come when even in this State the 
 friends of freedom may be en abled to rear a 
 monument to record some of his own immortal 
 declarations in favor of the rights of man. " The 
 blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church.', 
 
 The orphan daughter of Blair defends 
 her Murdered Father — Bourbon ac- 
 counts of Assassination either garble 
 or slur over the facts — Her father 
 had no altercation tvlth bis Assassin 
 before leaving home on the day of his 
 Murder — Anticipated no fracas, and 
 ivholly unarmed — A feeble old man 
 shot down by a man in the Prime of 
 I.ife. 
 
 Tlie Cbarleston Mercury of a recent 
 date contains the following : 
 
 "If you have tears, prepare to shed them 
 now." 
 
 We have been shown a letter from the or- 
 phaned daughter of Colonel L.W. B. Blair, dated 
 Camden, 8. C, July 5, to an old " comrade in 
 arms " of her father, in which she says : 
 
 Sir : I want to give you a few items concern- 
 ing the murder of my father. Colonel L. W. R. 
 Blair, which the accounts given by the Demo- 
 cratic newspapers will either garble or slur 
 over. He had no altercation with James L. 
 Haile, the murderer, previous to leaving home 
 yesterday morning— anticipated no ft'acas of 
 any kind. Papa was wholly unarmed, except 
 his pocket-knife, an ordinary one, and his cane, 
 which he ever carried, and was shot down in 
 that condition by a man in the prime of life and 
 health. 
 
 Blair's body seized by his Bourbon Ene- 
 mies, as also his papers— They refuse 
 to return his papers— Halle, the assas- 
 sin, a Base Tool in the hands of a 
 strong and unscrupulous party— Blair 
 a U. S. Supervisor— Will his assassin be 
 tried in United States Court— Bour- 
 bons boast that Colonels Cash and 
 Blair would not live to see Election 
 Day — Situation of Blair's Daughter, 
 alone with an only Brother seven 
 years old. 
 
 His body was taken in custody by his politi- 
 cal enemies, and the papers which papa had on 
 his person were taken by them, and notwith- 
 standing I had begged for them, have not been 
 returned, and will not be, I feel assured, until 
 they are perused and manipulated sufliciently. 
 A letter which papa addressed to James L. 
 Haile and a piece signed "Aire Niles" will 
 probably appear in the Signal of this week (for 
 I think they were mailed the evening before his 
 death), and wiU, I think, show clearly that 
 James L. Haile was but a base tool in the hands 
 of a strong and unscrupulous party. Such is 
 my firm conviction. I think a portion of papa 's 
 registration papers were among those taken off 
 his body. Please teU me if, being a United States 
 supervisor, the case will not be tried in aUnited 
 States court ! I understand that a common 
 boast among the Democrats was that Colonel 
 Cash and Colonel Blair would not live to see 
 election day. What are these things signifloaut 
 of! Do excuse the liberty I take in adTdressing 
 you this, but I know you were a comrade of my 
 father's lang syne, as well as recently in the 
 work of reform and independence, and I have no 
 ouewithme that I can rely on. My only brother 
 Is 7 years old. 
 
 Col. E. B. C. Cash denounces the Murder 
 and the Murderer— Col. Blair, the Best, 
 Truest, Gamest, and most Patriotic of 
 Men— Blair, a feeble old man, and un- 
 armed, murdered by a young and pow. 
 erful man — Blair had always recog- 
 nized the Code — Why was he not al- 
 lowed a Fair Fight ? 
 
 Col. E. B. C. Cash, of S. C, addressed a 
 letter to Col. Eollin H. Kirk, of this city, 
 from which the following extracts are 
 made : " On the 4th of July Major L. W. 
 R. Blair, the best, the purest, the gam- 
 est, the most patriotic man I ever saw, 
 was shot down in the streets of Cam- 
 den, and from all the reports, public and 
 private, I have no douot he was mur- 
 dered on account of his political opin- 
 ions. He was unarmed, was old and 
 
Id 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 feeble, while his opponent was a young 
 and powerful man, and could have re- 
 sented the insult without a resort to fire- 
 arms. But that would not have accom- 
 plished the purpose. Not only so, Blair 
 has always recognized ' the code,' and he 
 should have been allowed a fair faght." 
 Blair's body stripped and mocked by 
 the Bourbon adherents of the Assassin 
 —His gray lialr was uncombed— The 
 noble old man, having lost his large 
 estate, cultivated like Clncinnatus a 
 few acres to support his Motherless 
 Children— His bloody body spit upon 
 by the Cowards who Chuckle over his 
 Murder. 
 
 After he was killed his body was 
 stripped and his personal appearance 
 ridiculed through the Bourbon papers. 
 He was charged with being filthy, and 
 
 that his gray hair was uncombed. Poor 
 but noble old man! He had lost his 
 large estate, and, like Cincinnatus, cul- 
 tivated a acres of land to support his 
 motherless children. Perhaps he was 
 not clothed in "purple and fine linen," 
 but is that any reason why his bloody 
 body should be spit upon by the cowards 
 who now chuckle over his murder? 
 
 A Republican form of Government will 
 after the election be Demanded by the 
 People for South Carolina. 
 
 "After the next election a majority of 
 the people of S. C. will make an appeal 
 to Congress and demand a Republican 
 form of government, which is guaran- 
 teed each state by the Constitution 
 which the fathers made and I believe 
 Congress will listen to such petition." — 
 National Bepublican, July 17, '83. 
 
 CHAPTER IL 
 
 Contested Election Cases in House of Representatiyes 
 at the First Session of the 47th Congress. 
 
 The ri-glit to a free ballot Is the rigJtt preservative of all riglits, and must and sJiall be maintained in 
 every jjart ofOie United- Sfafeo.— Declaration 6, National Democratic Platform, 1880. 
 
 [Compiled from the Speeches of .Members of the House, Reports of House Com- 
 mittee on Elections, and other ofS cial documents.] 
 
 PART I. 
 
 An ^Exposition of tke Con- 
 stitution a^ntl liaivs gov- 
 erning cases of Contested 
 Selections before the 
 Mouse of Representatives. 
 
 [Extracts from the Speech of Hon. Oeo. 
 M. Robeson, of ST. .1., in House of Rep- 
 resentatives, April as, 1882.] 
 
 Free Government Founded upon the 
 Vntrammeled Will of the Majority. 
 
 Free government rests for its founda- 
 tion on the free expression of the peo- 
 ple s will. Elections are the accepted 
 and legal methods through which that 
 will IS expressed and presented. The 
 machinery of elections, the regulation 
 pt ballots and ballot-boxes, of officers 
 lists and records, the certifications of 
 
 inspectors, commissioners, and of gov- 
 ernors, are the safeguards of the free 
 and fair exercise of that will and the 
 prima facie evidences of its expression 
 and result. They furnish the prescribed 
 and accepted primary evidences upon 
 which, when uncontroverted, is deter- 
 mined the question whetlier at the elec- 
 tion a majority of tlie ctualifled voters 
 have cast their ballots for a qualified 
 candidate. Unless the election is free it 
 is no election, since it lacks its very es- 
 sence. Unless it is controlled by the 
 majority it does not fulfill the idea of 
 representative government. Unless 
 there are officers who may primarily 
 determine who has received the major- 
 ity there is no means of deciding in the 
 first instance that vital question. Un- 
 less they have the power to judge and 
 t9 certify we have no record of their de- 
 cision. Unless thisiM-ma/ocieevidence, 
 when controverted, is to be subjected to 
 the great tests of legal judgment and 
 human reason, then there is no use of 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 11 
 
 higher courts to consider or superior 
 ribuaals to decide. 
 
 Canstitntional qraallGcations limiting 
 and defining classes of electors. 
 
 To preserve the purity of election, 
 and to the end that the will of the au- 
 thorized voter is not swallowed up and 
 defeated by the action of illegal usurp- 
 ers of his power, qualifications are pro- 
 vided by constitutional provisions to 
 limit and define the classes and the in- 
 dividuals in whom the elective power 
 alone resides. By our Constitution it is 
 provided that— 
 
 Tlie House of Representatives shall be com- 
 posed of members chosen every second year by 
 the people of the several States, and the elect- 
 ors in each State shall have tlie CLualiflcations 
 requisite for electors of the most numerous 
 branch of the State Legislature. 
 
 By the fifteenth amendment it is pro- 
 vided that — 
 
 The right of citizens of the United States to 
 vote shall not be denied or abridged by the 
 United States or by any State on account of 
 race, color, or previous condition of servitude. 
 
 These are the general q^ualiflcations 
 fixed by the Constitution ot the United 
 States for the electors of Eepresenta- 
 tives in Congress. We turn to the State 
 constitution of each State to determine 
 the general qualifications of these elec- 
 tors by finding the general qualifications 
 for electors of the most numerous 
 branch of the State Legislature; and 
 those qualifications under the restric- 
 tion of the fifteenth amendment make 
 the qualifications of voters for Repre- 
 sentatives in Congress, which no law of 
 the State can add to or talte away from 
 by direct enactment or indirect pro- 
 vision. 
 
 Constitutional qualifications of Repre- 
 sentatives—Constitutional elections- 
 Constitutional conditions necessary to 
 secure lawful rigbt to seat in House. 
 
 Other clauses of the Constitution pro- 
 vide and fix the qualifications of the 
 Representative. The spirit of our gov- 
 ernment embodied in its general system 
 and the provision of the Constitution 
 which I have just cited unite to fix and 
 declare the governing and essential 
 principle that if a qualified Representa- 
 tive receives at a constitutional election 
 a majority of qualified votes he is en- 
 titled to his seat. These are the essen- 
 tial, governing, immovable, unassail- 
 able conditions upon which rest all 
 constitutional elections. There is the 
 seat provided by the Constitution ; 
 there is the qualified member ; there 
 is the majority of the qualified vot- 
 ers; the qualified Representative and 
 the qualified majority give the seat. 
 That is the end to be attained, and we 
 only attain the end of free government 
 
 and accomplish the free representation 
 which our Constitution guarantees to 
 the people when we put in the seat of 
 the Representative the qualified man 
 who has received a majority of quahfied 
 votes. These are the greatlegal pillars of 
 the Constitution, the great foundation 
 supports upon which rests the structure 
 of our government. They are thus the 
 great objects to be reached. All else— 
 and I hesitate not to declare it as a le- 
 gal proposition which cannot be sue 
 cessfuUy disputed— all else is machin- 
 ery for the accomplishment of these 
 essential objects; all other provisions, 
 whether State or National, are for the 
 purpose of guaranteeing fair elections, 
 surrounding them with proper safe- 
 guards, preserving and recording the 
 evidence, providing for its proper at- 
 testation to afford the proper prima fa- 
 cie evidence of their fairness and result. 
 The great essential conditions, if I have 
 stated and characterized them properly, 
 cannot be overthrown or swept away by 
 the very means that are provided 
 merely to preserve them. The spirit of 
 the Constitution ' cannot be lost nor the 
 requirements changed or modified by 
 the legal and technical provisions made 
 to record and illustrate them. There- 
 fore, aU the machinery which lies be- 
 tween these great landmarks is merely 
 the machinery of evidence provided for 
 the purpose of ascertaining and apply- 
 ing them and recording and proving the 
 results of their application, and they 
 are in their nature subject to attack and 
 to be overthrown by other evidence. 
 Since they are prima facie merely, they 
 satisi'y the requirements of the law 
 when undisputed; they fulfill the law 
 when, even though disputed, they are 
 not overthrown. But when they are 
 overthrown, it is our duty to disregard 
 them and enforce the truth as otherwise 
 established. If, in the light of other 
 and better evidence, they are found 
 wrongfully to deprive a member of his 
 seat, the right of the member is not 
 thereby lost, but he has a constitutional 
 right to it notwithstanding, and it is 
 the sworn constitutional duty of every 
 man who composes the court that de- 
 cides the question to consider and pass 
 upon the evidence, and award the seat 
 according to the result, upon his own 
 judgment. 
 
 Let me repeat that proposition. The 
 constitutional requirements are abso- 
 lute ; the qualifications are absolute ; 
 the necessity for a majority is absolute ; 
 the right of the elected man to his seat 
 is absolute. But all the machinery 
 which intervenes between the qualified 
 candidate, elected by the qualifaed vot- 
 ers, and the constitutional seat is ma- 
 chinery for evidence only, and is subject 
 to be met and overthrown and destroyed 
 whether it be the result of force, or of 
 fraud, of intricacy, or ignorance. 
 
12 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 These are tlie general principles. 
 Now, liow and by whom are they to be 
 applied 1 
 
 The House, under tlie Constitution, tlie 
 Hi^Iiest Court having jnrisdlction 
 o-»er tlie Election and Returns and 
 ^ualiflcatioma of its own Members. 
 
 By the fifth section of the same Con- 
 stitution it is provided " that eacli 
 House of Congress shall be the judge of 
 the election and returns and quahflca- 
 tions of its own members." That pro- 
 •vision makes us the court for the main- 
 tenance and application of these princi- 
 ples. If gentlemen desire it, I readily 
 admit that it makes us a court with the 
 duties and only the powers of a court of 
 largest jurisdiction and last resort. I ad- 
 mit that we are to "judge." But we are 
 a court limited only, as far as we are by 
 express language limited at all, by the 
 word "judge" and the objects to which 
 our judgment is to be directed. Still, 
 we are a court, and though a court, of 
 last resort and of highest powers. A 
 court of highest general powers known 
 to the spirit of the law in the atmos- 
 phere which we live is a court of origi- 
 nal and natural eguity ; not a tech- 
 nical court of equity, such as in the 
 progress of commercial transactions 
 busmess development binds itself to 
 certain formal and technical and fixed 
 rules and modes of evidence and pro- 
 ceeding, but an original court founded 
 upon the broad principles of equity. 
 And these are, says Blackstone, lex non 
 exacte definet, sed arbitria boni vire per- 
 mitiet. N ot what the law exactly defines, 
 but what the judgment of good men 
 permit. The Constitution creates the 
 court without limit of power except by 
 the use of the word judge and the men- 
 tion of the subject-matterf to be judged 
 ■of and determined. 
 
 By this action it clothed us with every 
 power known to the spirit of our legal 
 system, for the examination and deter- 
 mination of our questions, and left open 
 to us without technical restraint every 
 avenue for the investigation and estab- 
 lishment of truth. 
 
 We are a court, then, of high equity, 
 proceeding according to legal processes 
 to investigate truths, the conditions of 
 which are defined and fixed by con- 
 stitutional law, but untrammeled and 
 unregulated in the order of our pro- 
 cesses or the application of the princi- 
 ples by statute or organic law. We are 
 the highest court on these subjects 
 known to our organic law ; to us an ap- 
 peal lies from all other courts who have 
 or assume jurisdiction of them ; and for 
 the settlement of tliem we have all the 
 powers of all courts. In the exercise of 
 these powers we may not make new 
 principles of evidence, for we are to 
 judge according to the logic of human 
 
 reason and the light of civilized knowl- 
 edge, and these have accepted and fixed 
 certain general sanctions of organized 
 investigation which we may not disre- 
 gard. But as we are left free by our 
 own Constitution, so weareuntrammeled 
 by State laws or State machinery in the 
 investigation of truth and in the appli- 
 cation to the principles of evidence. 
 We are not to make new principles, 
 because those are a part of the common 
 law established by the centuries of civ- 
 ilization, the fruits of which we enjoy 
 and in the atmosphere of which we live. 
 But we are a law unto ourselves, when 
 it comes for the application of the ad- 
 mitted principles of evidence, when it 
 comes to the last text for the estab- 
 lishment of real truth and the actual 
 carrying out of the requirements of the 
 Constitution, whose creatures we are 
 and whose principles we are organized 
 to execute. I do not mean that it 
 is not safer and better for this 
 House, acting as a court, to ascer- 
 tain the right and establish it if possi- 
 ble by means of the ordinary rules for 
 the investigation of truth practiced in 
 the ordinary courts and accepted by the 
 common people of the country. I do 
 not mean to deny that, but I do mean to 
 say that when the truth is apparent or 
 admitted we are not to be debarred 
 from accepting it and establishing it by 
 the intervention of mere technical rules 
 of evidence or by the local decisions of 
 rule-bound and inferior courts. Now, 
 the governing fact of this case is estab- 
 lished, as I understand it, by the ad- 
 mitted fact of a ma,iorityof 310 qualified 
 votes for John R. Lynch, found in the 
 ballot-boxes and returned by the in- 
 spectors. 
 
 Imperative Obligation of members to 
 give to others their Constitutional 
 Rights and exercise themselves their 
 Constitutional Duties. 
 
 Now, since this is so, I trust my friends 
 will not " stick in the bark " of this in- 
 vestigation, but wiU permit their viewe 
 of this case to rise to the height of tlis 
 preat central idea for which the invest- 
 igation is made, and that they will ac- 
 cept the fact that when the truth is evi- 
 dent or admitted the rules to ascertain 
 it are "functus," and the imperative ob- 
 ligation is upon them to accept it and 
 give to others their constitutional rights 
 and exercise for themselves their con- 
 stitutional duty. 
 
 What is evidence ? Evidence is that 
 which convinces the judgment of the 
 court, that which makes truth appear 
 to the tribunal to which it is presented, 
 and when it appears or is admitted to a 
 court which has a constitutional power 
 to do It, that court has not only the 
 power but the duty to disregard condi- 
 tions which do not affect the substance, 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 13 
 
 to sweep away technicalities, to break 
 through trammels, to tread dowu for- 
 mal rules, to accept the truth offered, 
 and reach the verj right of the case, 
 
 and execute that with our power. 
 
 * « * * 
 
 Constitutional lilmit of Power of State 
 over tlie Election, and Evidence of 
 Election of Representatives. 
 
 As I have said, the qualifications of 
 voters are fixed by reference to State 
 constitutions and defined by State deci- 
 sions, unless these are clearly wrong, or 
 absurd, or inconsistent with the require- 
 ments of the Constitution of the United 
 States, to tend to defeat the very ob- 
 jects of its provisions, or some of the 
 provisions of the laws which the gen- 
 eral government has a right to make 
 and has exercised its powers to make. 
 
 There is but one law that has been 
 made on this subject by the law-mak- 
 ing power of the United States. It is to 
 be found in section 37 of the Revised 
 Statutes : 
 
 All votes for Eepresentativea in Congress 
 must bo by written or printed ballot ; and all 
 votes received or recorded contrary to tills 
 section shall be of no effect. 
 
 In this case, then, we must appeal to 
 the constitution of Mississippi to see 
 who are qualified voters. We must also 
 see that their votes when cast were by 
 written or printed ballot, for the pro- 
 vision which was made to preserve the 
 principle of voting by ballot, namely, 
 the right of secret ballot if the voter 
 chooses to claim and to exercise it. State 
 laws may define the qualifications of 
 voters; that power is given to the States 
 under the Constitution. They may fix, 
 where the laws of the United States 
 have not fixed, "the time, place, and 
 manner of holding elections." They 
 may of course provide their machinery, 
 their officers, and their modes of certi- 
 fying and attestation, which shall be 
 prima facie evidence, but they cannot 
 impose either upon the voter any other 
 qualification or upon this House any 
 other than the constitutional limit of 
 jurisdiction or any State rule of evi- 
 dence or construction. No State can say 
 to this House, either in words or in ef- 
 fect, "We fix certificates of attestation ; 
 we make them governing and final, 
 and you. Representatives ot the United 
 States, in the exercise of your duty un- 
 der the Constitution, must obey the lim- 
 its which we fix upon the modes and 
 manner and effect of proof." I say to 
 learned gentlemen, iix your own rules 
 of proof; establish your own attestat 
 tion; make out your primary case; i- 
 undisputed it will stand, but if brought 
 to the test of controversy we will try it 
 by those tests of investigation and deci- 
 sion which seem to us to be properly ap- 
 
 plicable to govern the case and elicit 
 the actual truth. 
 
 Who gave to the State of Mississippi 
 or any other State the right to limit the 
 committees of this House in their in- 
 vestigation, or this House in its judg- 
 ments by their technical rules of evi- 
 dence, or by the weight which the 
 decision even of their highest courts 
 give to it ■? If the qualifications of the 
 electors and the qualifications of the 
 elected and the actual majority are the 
 great immovable and unassailable con- 
 ditions — if all else is machinery, mere 
 mode for preserving, certifying, attest- 
 ing, and evidencing the results— then I 
 say that, sitting as a court, in its high- 
 est sense, with all the powers of all 
 courts, fixing our own rules for the ap- 
 plication of legal principles of evidence, 
 we have the right at all times and at all 
 points to meet the suggestions of these 
 prima facie certificates, their defects, 
 their absence, or their falsity, by other 
 proof, and by its force, if effective for 
 that purpose, to correct, suppress, or 
 overthrow them. 
 
 PART II. 
 liynch vs. Chalmers. 
 
 Tbe Famous "Shoestring District"— The 
 "Blaclt District of Mississippi"— Five 
 Hundred Miles l.ong and Fifty Miles 
 Wide— Infamous Bourbon Qerryman- 
 derlng. 
 
 This district, the sixth Congressional 
 district of Mississippi, and familiarly 
 called the "ShoestringDistrict," was be- 
 tween 400 and 500 miles long, and on an 
 average about 40 miles wide. It was com- 
 prised of the counties of Adams, Bolivar, 
 Claiborne, Coahoma, Issaquena, Jeffer- 
 son, Quitman, Sharkey, Tunica, Warren, 
 Washington, and Wilkinson — a long 
 string of counties lying along the Mis- 
 sissippi river, and extending the whole 
 length of the State. No one could notice 
 its extraordinary formation without ex- 
 claiming "why IS this thus?" 
 
 As a part of the history of this country 
 it is well known that that district was 
 so made because it contained a large 
 black population, exceeding by manv 
 thousands the white population. Each 
 county in the district has a majority of 
 blacks over whites. It was confessedly 
 so made because it eliminated from 
 the rest of the districts of the State a 
 large black vote, and permitted them 
 to be felt without the influence of that 
 black vote. It was confessedly made 
 that the district might remain, as it has 
 been familiarly termed, "the black dis- 
 trict of Mississippi." 
 
 At the last election, held in November, 
 1880, James Roland Chalmers (Demo- 
 
14 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 ©rat) and John Lynch (colored Eepub- 
 lican) were candidates for a seat in the 
 47th Congress. 
 
 Mr. I/ynct in InteHigrencCj Character, 
 Honesty of purpose, and mental Cali- 
 ber tbe foremost man of Ills Race. 
 
 Hon. Casey Young, an ex-member of 
 the House from Tennessee, in an argu- 
 ment before the House Committee of 
 Elections in behalf of Mr. Chalmers, de- 
 scribed Mr. Lynch in the following lan- 
 guage : 
 
 I -will say for the contestant that his presenta- 
 tion of his own case before this committee on 
 yesterday was so forcihlo, and admirable 
 that If the argument h&i. then closed with- 
 <oat opportunity for reply oa our side he would 
 liave gained an easy victory. I will say further 
 for Mr. Lynch, from what I know of him and 
 -what I have heard, that in point of intelligence, 
 oharacter, honesty of purpose, and mental caliber 
 he is, without a doubt, the foremost man of his 
 race in the country. 
 
 " In point of intelligence, character, 
 honesty of purpose, and mental caliber, 
 he is, without a doubt, the foremost man 
 of his race in this country." Then why 
 refuse him his seat! The only answer 
 was, and be it spoken to the eternal 
 shame of Democracy, he is a ma^ of 
 color ! 
 
 Cbalmers "counted in" by a Fraudu- 
 lent, Corrupt, and I^awless Manipula- 
 tion of tbe Election Machinery. 
 
 The contestant (Lynch) claimed the 
 seat occupied by the contestee ((Chal- 
 mers) on the ground, stated in the brief- 
 est manner possible, and stripped of all 
 legal verbiage, 1hat a clear majority of 
 legal votes which were cast at the elec- 
 tion held on November 3, 1880, in the 
 sixth district of Mississippi, were really 
 and honestly cast for him ; but that by 
 fraudulent, corrupt, andlawless manipu- 
 lation of the election machinery ; by the 
 throwing out by the county commission- 
 ers of election, unjustly and illegally, 
 of the votes thrown for him at a great 
 number of polls; by the rejection of 
 more than 2,000 votes in one county 
 alone, which were honestly given to him; 
 because of dashes, mere punctuation 
 marks used by the printers in making 
 up the ballots which were voted in good 
 faith by his supporters, and by other 
 fraudulent devices set out in particular 
 in his notice of contest, a seeming ma- 
 jority was secured by Mr. Chalmers in 
 defiance of iustice and public law, in 
 mockery of the hackneyed words ' 'a free 
 ballot and a fair count." 
 
 The "official" returns show the result 
 to be: for J. R. Chalmers, 9,171 votes; 
 and for J. E. Lynch, 5,393 votes, which 
 leaves a majority for Mr. Chalmers of 
 3,779. 
 
 Tbe Election Machinery of Mississippi. 
 
 The first provision of the Mississippi 
 law with reference to the election is: 
 
 The Governor of the State appoints 
 three commissioners of election, who 
 shall be of different political parties. 
 The machinery of the election is put in 
 the hands of tlie governor through this 
 power to appoint. The commissioners, 
 in turn, appoint three inspectors for 
 each precinct. Then there are provisions 
 as to now the electors may elect, in case 
 these appointees do not serve, &c. 
 These inspectors receive from the clerk, 
 who is the registrar in the first instance, 
 a copy of the registration-list (called 
 the poll-book) for the precincts in which 
 the inspectors are appointed. These in- 
 spectors, with this poll-book, open the 
 election. They are required by law to 
 keep, during the deposit of the ballots, 
 a poll-list. They are also required to 
 make out a tally-sheet when they count 
 the votes, and to return the ballots, the 
 ballot-boxes, the poll-books, the poll- 
 lists, and the tally-sheets to the commis- 
 sioners of election on a day subsequent 
 to the election. 
 
 Bourbon Frauds in Warren County and 
 their Character. 
 
 In the county of Warren 3,039 votes 
 cast for Mr. Lynch and 30 votes 
 cast for Mr. Chalmers were rejected by 
 the county commissioners, to whom the 
 inspectors who held the election in the 
 various precincts of that county (and 
 who had passed on them as valid) had 
 made their certified returns. They were 
 thrown out by the county commission- 
 ers on the ground that the ballots cast 
 for Mr. Lynch were in violation of sec- 
 tion 137 of the code of Mississippi, which 
 declares that — 
 
 The ballots shall bo without any marlc or de- 
 vice by which one ticket may be known or dis- 
 tinguished fi-om another, excepting the words 
 at the head of the ticket. 
 
 In the Rodney precinct of Jefferson 
 County 347 votes were cast for Mr. Lynch 
 and 95 votes for Mr. Chalmers, a clear 
 majority tor Mr. Lyncli of 153 votes, 
 and the ballot-box and its contents, 
 after the close of the election were, 
 seized and destroyed. Who did this 
 high-handed outrage the testimony does 
 not show. It is sufficient to say that no 
 one has yet even hinted that it was done 
 for the benefit of Mr. Lynch. The votes 
 cast for Mr. Lynch at Rodney were of 
 the same character as those thrown out 
 in the county of Warren. The aggre- 
 gate vote thus lost to Mr. Lynch over 
 thatin the same way lost to Mr. Chalm- 
 ers in Warren County and in Rodney 
 precinct of Jeflferson County is 3,161. 
 Subtract this number from Mr. Chalm- 
 ers' certified majority of 3,779, and it 
 would cut down his majority to 1.618 
 votes. 
 
COKTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 15 
 
 Issaqnena County— Neglect or Ignor- 
 ance or Fraud of Bourbon Election 
 Managers IiCgal Oround in Bourbon 
 Judgment for Dlsfrancbisement of Re- 
 publicans. 
 
 In the county of Issaquena the com- 
 missioners of the county "threw out, 
 and rejected, and refused to make any 
 return of 785 legal votes for which Lynch 
 had been duly polled by the voters, and 
 duly received, counted, mid returned by 
 the inspectors who held the election/' 
 Chalmers denied that the commissioners 
 "threw out and rejected 785 votes which 
 had been duly revised, (a new word,) 
 counted, and returned by the inspectors 
 of election." Yet he admits that four 
 boxes of the county— to wit, Skipworth, 
 Ben Lomond, Ingomar, and Hay's Land- 
 ing — were not counted by the commis- 
 sioners "because the inspectors of elec- 
 tion did not make out and return any 
 certified statement of the election as re- 
 quired by law." 
 
 Now, m the ofiScial record of the testi- 
 mony in the case, we find that the com- 
 missioners state that they rejected these 
 polls because they "did not find any sep- 
 arate lists of the names of the voters in 
 the box, as required by section 139 of the 
 Eevisedpodeof the State of Mississippi." 
 That section provides that — 
 
 The statement of the result of the election at 
 each precinct ^all he certified and signed by 
 the inspectors and the clerks, and the poll-book, 
 taUy-list, list of voters, ballot-boxes, and ballots 
 shall aU be delivered to the commissioners of 
 election. 
 
 The certificates of this record also 
 contains copies of the inspectors of these 
 four precincts, with a copy of the tally- 
 sheet of each, which show that 785 votes 
 were cast for Mr. Lynch and 115 for Mr. 
 Chalmers, which were not counted be- 
 cause the lists of the voters' names were 
 not sent up with the poll-books, tally- 
 lists, ballot-boxes, and ballots. 
 
 Thus it is indisputably shown that in 
 Issaquena County Mr. Lynch was de- 
 prived of 785 votes, and deducting the 
 115 votes cast for Mr. Chalmers (which 
 had to be rejected in order to reject Mr. 
 Lynch's still larger vote) Mr. Lynch 
 suft'ered a net loss of 670 in that county 
 —legal, properly cast, properly counted, 
 as the very ballots in the ballot-boxes 
 before these Democratic county commis- 
 sioners showed, but rejected by them 
 because the Democratic inspectors failed 
 to send up by accident, or Vy design, a 
 list of the voters'' names, as the statute 
 directed them to do. 
 
 And Mr. Chalmers modestly demanded 
 that Mr. Lynch should suffer for the 
 mistakes (?) or willful frauds of his, 
 Mr. Chalmers', friends. And this in a 
 matter where the statute is clearly di- 
 rectory merely, and not mandatory. 
 
 Fraudulent Suppression of Republican 
 Majority in Adams County. 
 
 In the county of Adams, it appears 
 from the record of testimony that in 
 this county the poll for the precinct of 
 Dead Man's Bend was thrown out by 
 the county commissioners. The reason 
 given is, as sworn to by W. N. Wliite- 
 hurst, a Democratic county commission- 
 er, as follows : 
 
 The only reason I recollect for reaectlng the 
 Dead Man's Bend precinct was because no list 
 of voters was sent up. 
 
 In this he is corroborated by Thomas 
 R. Quateman, another Democratic 
 county commissioner, who swears : 
 
 The Dead Man's Bend precinct box was re- 
 jected because of informality ; the inspectors 
 did not comply with the law and furnished no 
 list of the voters. 
 
 William J. Henderson, the Eepub- 
 lican commissioner, swears to the same 
 facts and shows, as do the two United 
 States supervisors, one a Democrat and 
 the other a Eepublican, that the vote 
 at Dead Man's Bend actually cast, re- 
 ceived, and counted by the oincers who 
 held the election was 85 votes for Lynch 
 and 15 for Chalmers. This gave a clear 
 majority of 70 votes to Mr. Lynch. 
 
 In like manner the vote of Palestine 
 precinct was thrown out because 35 
 more votes or ballots were in the box 
 than the number of names on the "list" 
 of voters signed by the clerk. Here the 
 list was set up, but the tally-sheet 
 showed 39 votes in excess over the list 
 of voters. It showed that 270 votes 
 were given to Lynch and 17 to Chalmers. 
 
 Lenox Scott, the United States super- 
 visor, who was present, swears that 231 
 votes were cast for Mr. Lynch. Lynch's 
 supporters voted open tickets. He saw 
 tliat many openly voted ! Ho also swears 
 that 17 votes were cast for Mr. Chalm- 
 ers: 
 
 Now, it was to the interest of Mr. 
 Chalmers that the entire vote should be 
 thrown out. He would lose 17 votes, 
 but his adversary would lose 231 votes. 
 Any scheme to throw out the entire vote 
 was greatly to his advantage, just as the 
 throwing out of 3,939 votes in Warren 
 county to only 20 of his votes was to his 
 advantage. And the Palestine poll was 
 thrown out ! A fraud was perpetrated. 
 Mr. Chalmers' friends had the election 
 machinery in their own hands. These 
 are the simple, undeniable facts. Who 
 
 Eerpetrated the fraud in this instance 
 y placing the 35 fraudulent votes in 
 the box the testimony does not abso- 
 lutely disclose. But it must satisfy any 
 mind that it worked to the advantage 
 of Mr. Chalmers, and the testimony is 
 clear, with nothing contradicting it, 
 that Mr. Chalmers got 17 votes at Pal- 
 estine poU, wliUe Mr. Lynch got at least 
 
16 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES, 
 
 231 votes — a clear majority of 314 votes, 
 which added to the 70 majority at Dead 
 Man's Bend makes a clear majority, 
 thrown out by the commissioners on 
 technical grounds, of 284 votes in Adams 
 County over those thrown out which 
 were cast for Mr. Clialmers. 
 
 As to the box at Kingston precinct we 
 have the following state of facts : 
 
 First. The only evidence in support 
 of the contestee is the return of the 
 sworn officers. On the other hand, we 
 have the evidence of five witnesses 
 whose uncontradicted testimony estab- 
 lishes first, that this box before the 
 count was completed was twice taken 
 some distance from the place where the 
 voting was going on ; that the aperture 
 into which the ballots were put was not 
 sealed. The law of Mississippi requires 
 that this aperttire shall be sealed during 
 any recess or adjournment. That is one 
 fact. 
 
 Secondly. These witnesses testify that 
 there were from three hundred and fifty 
 to three hundred and sixty pronounced 
 Republicans at that precinct. 
 
 Tliirdly. One of. these witnesses testi- 
 fies that at that poll on that day he tal- 
 lied one hundred and sixty Republican 
 voters whose tickets he saw on his pri- 
 vate tally-list, and that as the rest of 
 them came up and voted they said, 
 "Give me a Lynch ticket," and put it 
 in. Now it is objected that this is hear- 
 say evidence. But in the Vallandigham 
 and other cases it was settled that what 
 a man says at the time he votes should 
 be held to be competent evidence as the 
 confession of a party interested. 
 
 Thus the proof is, first, that there 
 were 350 or 360 Republicans in that pre- 
 cinct; secondly, that they voted that 
 day ; thirdly, that 160 of them voted 
 open tickets and the rest said "Lynch" 
 when they came up and presented their 
 ticket. Yet we have this surprising re- 
 sult—that only 159 votes are returned 
 there for Mr. Lynch, and the balance 
 for Mr. Chalmers. 
 
 Bourbon Frauds in Bolivar County. 
 
 In Bolivar County the commissioners 
 threw out the vote of Australia, Glen- 
 coe, and Bolivar precincts. They gave 
 the reasons as follows: 
 
 Australia, 30 Democratic and 192 Eepublican 
 votes, because the retnrns were not certified to 
 by tlie mepeotors or tlie clerks. 
 
 Bolivar precinct, 45 Democratic and 311 Ee- 
 puWican votes, 6ecffli(se there was no certified 
 returns from the inspectors and clerks. 
 
 We have rej ected the Glencoe precinot,27 Dem- 
 ocratic, 233 Eepuhlioan votes, becnuse the vote 
 was counted out in party by all the inspectors 
 and clerks, and then discontinued until next 
 day, -when the count -was finished by one in- 
 spector and one clerk, and a very imperfect 
 tally-sheet and return sent in by those two not 
 certrued to. 
 
 Thus it will be seen that 103 Demo- 
 cratic votes and 786 Republican votes 
 
 were thrown out by the county com- 
 missioners ; and this is corroborated by 
 the certified statement of 0. Davis, chief 
 United States supervisor. He certifies 
 that tlie supervisors' returns showed 
 that the vote in these precincts were : 
 Australia, 30 votes for Chalmers and 193 
 for Lynch ; Bolivar, no return for Chal- 
 mers, 311 for Lyncli ; Glencoe, 27 votes 
 for Chalmers, 331 for Lynch. This ex- 
 actly agiees with the statement of the 
 county commissioners, save in Bolivar 
 no return is made for Chalmers' vote, 
 which Mr. Lynch concedes was 45 ; and 
 in Glencoe the county commissioners 
 certiy tfhat there were 233 Republican 
 votes, while the supervisor certifies that 
 Lynch, the Republican candidate for 
 Congress, only got 231 of the 233 Repub- 
 lican votes. 
 
 It thus clearly appears that by the 
 throwing out of these three precincts in 
 Bolivar County Mr. Lynch lost over the 
 votes for Chalmers thrown out 633 
 votes. Let it be observed, there is no 
 pretense that these votes were not le- 
 gally casthy the electors and legally 
 g laced in the box by the inspectors who 
 eld the election, and legally and p op- 
 erly sent up to the county commission- 
 ers in the ballot-boxes. 
 
 The Bourbons Fraudulently Suppress 
 the Vote of Washington County. 
 
 Now, passing to Washiii^ton County, 
 we find in the record of testimony a tab- 
 ular vote of said county attested by the 
 county commissioners, by which it ap- 
 pears that against the name of Lake 
 Washington precinct are the words: 
 "Rejected from canvass on account of 
 illegal returns;" and against Ref-ige 
 precinct are the words "Rejected 
 from canvass on account of the 
 returns not being signed by the in- 
 spectors of elections." Against Stone- 
 viUe precinct are the words: " Rejected 
 from canvass on account of no statement 
 of election being returned by inspectors 
 of election." * « * « 
 
 On the record of testimony appears 
 the certified statement of the two United 
 States supervisors— one a Republican, 
 the other a Democrat. Their statement 
 shows that at Lake Washington Mr. 
 Lynch received 113 votes, against 239 
 votes for Mr. Chalmers. This "is corrob- 
 orated by the certified statement of Mr. 
 J. G. MarshaU, the circuit clerk, who 
 gives the vote as 113 for Lyncli and 339 
 tor Chalmers. 
 
 In this precinct it appears that Mr. 
 Chalmers loses by the throwing out of 
 the vote 117 votes more than Mr. Lynch, 
 rhis vrould seem to break the rule that 
 the rejection of entire ballot-boxes was 
 to the injury of Mr. Lynch, but with this 
 precinct was thrown out the vote in the 
 same county of Refuge and Stoneville 
 precincts. As to Refuge precinct, the 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 17 
 
 two United States supei-visors — one a 
 Kepublican and one a Democrat, certify 
 that the vote stood : John R. Lj;nch 99, 
 and James E. Chalmers 67, giving Mr. 
 Lynch a majority of 33. And as to 
 StoneviUe precinct, John Jones, the 
 United States supervisor, certifies that 
 Mr. Lynch received 315 votes, and Mr. 
 Chalmers 60 votes; he swears, when 
 called upon as a witness, that Mr. 
 Lynch received 315 votes and Mr. Chal- 
 mers 60 votes. This shows Mr. Lynch 
 got a majority at StoneviUe of 289 votes, 
 and adding his majority of 33 at Eefuge 
 would make an aggregate majority of 
 331 votes, as against the majority of 117 
 of Mr. Chalmers at Lake Washington. 
 And this would show a net loss of 304 
 votes in the rejection of the three pre- 
 cincts of Lake Washington, Refuge, and 
 StoneviUe, which were rejected at the 
 same time by the same board of commis- 
 sioners. It shows clearly that where 
 a wrong was done to Mr. Chalmers a 
 double wrong was done to Mr. Lynch, 
 
 Coahoma Coanty — Dis&anctaisemeiit of 
 Its Reprabllcan Citizens by Boarbon 
 Frauds. 
 
 AU the polls were thrown out in Coa- 
 homa County by the county commission- 
 ers save Friar's Point, namely : Clarks- 
 dale. Sunflower, Jonestown, Dublin, and 
 MagnoUa. Why they were thrown out 
 the county commissioners do not certi- 
 fy. But we have the certified statement, 
 under seal, of the three inspectors who 
 held the election at Ularksdale. They 
 certify that James R. Chalmers received 
 117 votes and John R. Lynch 307; a clear 
 loss to Lynch of 190 votes. 
 
 A certified statement, signed by aU 
 the inspectors and clerks, shows that at 
 Sunflower Mr. Chalmers received 77 
 votes and Mr. Lynch 33 ; a clear loss to 
 Mr. Chalmers of 45 votes. 
 
 The inspectors and clerks at Dublin 
 precinct certify that Mr. Chalmers re- 
 ceived 63 votes and Mr. Lynch 70 votes; 
 a loss to Mr. Lynch of 7 votes. 
 
 The certificate of W. W. Shelby, one 
 of the inspectors, states that at MTagno- 
 lia precinct J. R. Chalmers received 33 
 votes and John E. Lynch 109 votes; 
 clear loss to Mr. Lynch of 86. 
 
 And this will give in the precincts of 
 Clarksdale, Sunflower, Dublin, and 
 Magnolia, of Coahoma County, where 
 the actual vote is certified to and proved 
 by the very men, </ie inspectors, who held 
 the election, a clear majority of 288 in 
 Coahoma County in favor of Mr. Lynch, 
 but thrown out arbitrarily by the coun- 
 ty commissioners, tv1u> do not even, deign 
 to give ti reason why they did so, but do 
 certify that they give a "correct report 
 ot the votes cast in the election held in 
 Coahoma County." 
 
 Ag^rregates of Iiyncli's Majorities Sap- 
 pressed npon Pnerlle Teclinical 
 Grounds. 
 
 Now, add together these votes — these 
 clear majorities for Mr. Lynch at pre- 
 cincts thrown out by the county com- 
 missioners where there is in the entire 
 record no pretense or claim, or decent 
 insinuations even, that the election was 
 not fairly held, so far as Mr. Lynch is 
 concerned, the ballots legaUy cast, prop- 
 erly placed in the box, honestly counted, 
 and the will of the electors fairly, hon- 
 estly, and clearly expressed, and we 
 have — 
 
 In Warren County, Lynch's re- 
 jected majority 2,009 
 
 In Rodney precinct of Jefferson 
 County, Lynch's rejected major- 
 ita^ 153 
 
 In Issaquena County, Lynch's re- 
 jected majority 670 
 
 In Adams County, Lynch's re- 
 jected majority 284 
 
 In Bolivar County, Lynch's re- 
 jected majority 632 
 
 In Washington County, Lynch's 
 r^ected majority 204 
 
 In Coahoma County, Lynch's re- 
 jected majority 338 
 
 Making a total of „ 4,189 
 
 as against Mr. Chalmers' majority on 
 the face of the returns of 3,779, thus giv- 
 ing a clear, unquestioned, undoubted, 
 undeniable majority of 410 votes for Mr. 
 Lynch, as certified to by the very men — 
 Democrats almost every one of them — who 
 held the election at the various precincts 
 which we have passed in review, who re - 
 ceived the ballots from the hands of the 
 voters and placed them in the ballot- 
 boxeS; and who sent those ballot-boxes 
 containing those very ballots up to the 
 county commissioners, and with them 
 the very tally-sheets; but they were re- 
 jected by those wise (?) county commis- 
 sioners for the reasons — 
 
 First. Because in Warren County 
 and in Rodney precinct of Jefferson 
 County, printers' dashes were used as 
 punctuation marks on the face of the 
 tickets which the electors voted in good 
 faith, and concerning which Mr. Charles 
 Winkley, a practical printer, toho was 
 called as a witness by Mr. Ohahners him- 
 self, sioears that "the dashes used are 
 such as any printer of taste would either 
 put in or lea/ve out according as he want- 
 ed to lengthen or shorten the ticket to 
 suit the paper or otherwise." That is 
 what Mr. Chalmers' own witness sol- 
 emnly swears ; or, 
 
 Second. Because the inspectors who 
 hel<l the election, by accident (?) or de- 
 sign, failed to send up a list of the vot- 
 ers' names from their polls to the coun- 
 ty commissioners, or failed properly, in 
 
18 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 a technical sense, to sign the returns ; 
 or, 
 
 Third. As in the case of Coahoma 
 County, because the county commiss- 
 ioners, leaving us in most bhssful igno- 
 rance, do not even pretend to offer an 
 excuse why they threw out the returns 
 ol Clarksdale, Sunflower, Jonestown, 
 Dublin, and Magnolia precincts— only 
 just they did so! In the record of this 
 case there is not a hint why they so 
 acted, but in the record of the case of 
 Buchanan vs. Manning, from the same 
 State of Mississippi, on page 6, the mat- 
 ter is fully explained. 
 
 Relative TVbite and Colored Population 
 In Mississippi and the Slioestring 
 District— Farther Indubitable Proofs 
 of Infamous Bonrbon Frauds. 
 
 According to the oflBcial census reports 
 of 1880 the State of Mississippi contain- 
 ed a white population of 479,398, and a 
 colored population of 650,391, making an 
 excess of colored people in Mississippi 
 of 170,893. The population of the coun- 
 ties composing the sixth district of the 
 State alphabetically stated are as fol- 
 lows, namely : 
 
 Counties. 
 
 Adams 
 
 Bolivar 
 
 Claiborne 
 
 Coalioma 
 
 Issaquena 
 
 Jefferson 
 
 Quitman 
 
 Sliarkey 
 
 Tunica 
 
 Warren 
 
 Wasliington... 
 Wilkinson 
 
 Total 
 
 White. 
 
 i,796 
 2,594 
 3,910 
 2,412 
 
 825 
 4,260 
 
 692 
 1,405 
 1,256 
 8,717 
 3,478 
 3,570 
 
 37,916 
 
 Colored. 
 
 17,853 
 
 16,958 
 
 12,853 
 
 11,166 
 
 9,178 
 
 13,054 
 
 815 
 
 4,801 
 
 7,206 
 
 22,621 
 
 21,889 
 
 14,245 
 
 151,528 
 
 Making an excess of colored people in 
 this district of 113,613, nine-tenths of 
 whom would have voted the Eepublican 
 ticket if left in the free, voluntary, and 
 undisturbed possession of their rights. 
 
 Now, let us examine into the oflBcial 
 vote upon which Chalmers claimed his 
 ri^ht to the contested seat. The of- 
 ficial records are as follows, showing, 
 first, the inspectors' returns to the 
 State commissioners; second, the num- 
 ber of votes rejected by the commiss- 
 ioners; and third, the commissioners' 
 final returns to the Secretary of State, 
 as per appended tabulated statement, 
 namely : 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 ii 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 '3% 
 
 (CCC ^ 
 
 
 g.2 
 
 CO 
 
 
 ot'S 
 
 
 II 
 
 ti 
 
 .2^ = 
 
 Counties. 
 
 a§ 
 
 4> O 
 
 a g t^ 
 
 3 3s 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 fl-^ 
 
 > 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 oa 
 
 
 ■a 
 
 
 i 
 
 a 
 
 J3 
 
 s 
 a 
 
 
 fl 
 
 ■^ 
 
 a 
 
 ■3 
 
 a 
 
 ■3 
 
 
 !>> 
 
 
 i-> 
 
 .^ 
 
 >i 
 
 a 
 
 
 uj 
 
 V 
 
 h) 
 
 !J 
 
 1-1 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 1,214 
 
 1,715 
 
 1,235 
 
 288 
 
 1,419 
 403 
 594 
 
 1,061 
 
 173 
 
 316 
 
 736. 
 883 
 
 32 
 369 
 
 898 
 979 
 352 
 
 ?R8 
 
 1,387 
 
 Bolivar. 
 
 sni 
 
 
 SM 
 
 
 1,061 
 
 Issaqiiena 
 
 1,118 
 
 785 
 
 114 
 
 333 
 
 59 
 
 Jefferson 
 
 383 
 
 1,043 
 
 •M7 
 
 H-^ 
 
 13« 
 
 451 
 
 
 83 
 
 175 
 
 606 
 
 2,0!«i 
 
 158 
 
 484 
 
 239 
 
 1,034 
 
 
 
 8^ 
 175 
 606 
 
 57 
 
 153 
 
 
 
 
 484 
 
 
 
 
 239 
 
 Warren 
 
 2,029 
 
 20 
 
 1,014 
 
 Washington 
 
 1,298 
 
 1,96E 
 
 366 
 
 366 
 
 772 
 
 1,607 
 
 Wilkinson 
 
 814 
 
 1,961 
 
 
 
 814 
 
 1,691 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 10,915 
 
 10,257 
 
 6,522 
 
 1,085 
 
 5,393 
 
 9.172 
 
 
 
 The summing up of the above figures 
 shows that the votes of the district re- 
 turned by the inspectors of elections to 
 the State commissioners were: For 
 Lynch, 10,915; for Chalmers, 10,257; 
 leaving an original majority for Lynch 
 of 658. The votes rejected by the com- 
 missioners were : For Lynch, 5,533 ; for 
 Chalmers, 1,085 ; making in favor of 
 Chalmers, 4,437. The votes returned by 
 the commissioners to the Secretary of 
 State were: For Lynch, 5,393; for Chal- 
 mers, 9,173 ; showing a majority for 
 Chalmers of 3,779, notwithstanding the 
 fact that the inspectors had already, as 
 before shown, returned a majority for 
 Lynch of 658. 
 
 What then is the inevitable conclu- 
 sion? 
 
 When we are ofScially shown that the 
 twelve counties composing the sixth 
 Congressional district of Mississippi 
 contain only 37,916 white population, in- 
 cluding women and children, and a col- 
 ored population of 151,538, or four times 
 as many colored as white people, is it 
 reasonable to believe that Cnalmers re- 
 ceived a lawful majority of votes in 
 tli;it district? Suppose, by way of illus- 
 tration, that we accept the rule which 
 allows one voter for every five persons 
 and apply it to the case in question ; by 
 that rule the white vote of the district 
 would amount in round numbers to 7,600, 
 and the colored vote in round numbers 
 to 80,350, leaving a colored majority in 
 the district of 33,750. 
 
 B lit if the rule of one to five be ob- 
 jected to as in the interest of the col- 
 ored people, let us take the rule of one 
 to six, which, if partial to either white 
 or colored, is certainly in favor of the 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 19 
 
 former. Then, while the white vote 
 would be about 6,300, the colored vote 
 would be 25,350, or more than four to 
 one. Now suppose, further, that one- 
 tenth of the colored voters would, if 
 left unintimidated, vote the Democratic 
 ticket and that oae-tenth of the whites 
 would vote the Republican ticket. This 
 would give an aggregate Republican 
 vote of 23,357 and an aggregate Demo- 
 cratic vote of 8,255, or, m other words, a 
 fair Republican majority in the district 
 under any reasonable circumstances of 
 not less than 17,000, or about three to 
 one. 
 
 Conspiracy, Intimidation, and Ballot- 
 Box staffing— Heavy Bonrbon Frauds 
 by Ballot-Box Stuffing at other Polls. 
 
 But there are charges of ballot-box 
 stuffing at other polls ; of false returns 
 by the inspectors; of intimidation, and 
 of conspiracy to stifle the voice of the 
 electors. 
 
 At the Washington precinct, in Adams 
 County, the county commissioners cer- 
 tify that James R. Chalmers received 
 264 votes and John R. Lynch received 
 ■98 votes. 
 
 Charles W. Minor, the United States 
 supervisor, certifies that Lynch re- 
 ceive about 300 votes, and Chalmers not 
 more than 57. The reason for this am- 
 biguity he gives when on oath as a wit- 
 ness. 
 
 The law of Mississippi (Code, section 
 136) requires the count to be made so 
 soon as the polls are closed. "When 
 the election shall be closed the inspec- 
 tors shall publicly open the box and num- 
 ber the ballots," &c. 
 
 Mr. Minor shows that when this poll 
 was closed, at 6 p. m., the inspectors 
 opened the i)olls and counted three bal- 
 lots ! The inspectors then adjourned 
 the count until next morning, placed the 
 box in the upper room of a private house, 
 
 Bretended to lock the door, and left it. 
 •iwing the night a light was seen in 
 that room, and the next morning the 
 count was completed with the result cer- 
 tified to. Minor swears that about 363 
 votes were cast ; that about 300 voters 
 present and waiting to vote had not 
 voted when the polls closed ; that there 
 were about 600 registered voters in that 
 district, of whom only about 80 were 
 white men. 
 
 The Democratic challengers asked voters a 
 great many questions, some of wlilcli I remem- 
 6er. Voters were asked where they lived, whose 
 place they Uved on, where they were staying, 
 when they had registered, where they had reg- 
 istered at, and so on. 
 
 At Pine Ridge precinct, in Adams 
 County, the returns give Lynch 138 and 
 Chalmers 141, total 279. Alexander 
 Johnson,. the United States supervisor, 
 certifies that Lynch received 239 votes 
 
 and Chalmers 50. He shows that when 
 the polls closed at 6 p.m. the election 
 inspectors refused to " pabUcly open the 
 box" and count the vote; but against 
 his wishes and protest the box was taken 
 by Mr. E. B. Foster, one of the inspect- 
 ors, to his private residence and kept 
 all night, and the next morning the count 
 was made. 
 
 Webster Bowyer, one of the inspect- 
 ors, testifies that the Republicans tried 
 to vote open ticlcets—olesirly their right 
 it they so wished to do— but "the inspect- 
 ors would not receive them in tltat way." 
 Why should they not? It was the vot- 
 er's clear right to vote an open ticket. 
 But if all Republicans did so, bystand- 
 ing witnesses could swear from obser- 
 vation how the vote stood. Forbidding 
 thevotingof an open ticket, against law, 
 reason, and common sense, was the com- 
 plement and necessary counterpart of 
 the unlawful refusal to obey the law 
 and "publicly open the box" and count 
 the vote when the poll was closed. 
 
 In Robb and Stone precincts of Wash- 
 ington County we have a repetition of 
 th^ programme. The county commis- 
 sioners give Lynch 176 votes and Chal- 
 mers 395. 
 
 T. B. Cooper, the United States super- 
 visor, certifies that he "actually saw 
 and counted 397 straight Republican 
 tickets put in the box, and was satisfied 
 that there were a great many more." 
 Sworn as a witness, he testifies : 
 
 There were 471 ballots cast at that precinct, 
 hut there was not a fair count. In the first 
 place the colored people, or, in other words, the 
 Bepublicans voted an open ticket solidly Repub- 
 lican from bottom to top, and I, to my personal 
 knowledge, counted 297 out of that kind of votes 
 which went into the box. I stood right there 
 and saw them go la. 
 
 At this precinct the inspectors refused 
 at the close of the poll to "publicly 
 open the box" and proceed with the 
 count. They waited four hours, then 
 opened the box and counted out 100 bal- 
 lots, and then a Democratic inspector, 
 in violation of law, took the box to his 
 home, and the next day at 10 a. m. the 
 box was again publicly opened, and Mr. 
 Chalmers got 395, and Lynch only 176 
 votes. 
 
 The witness further swears : 
 
 I voted a ticket that had Garfield for Presi- 
 dent and Arthur for Vice President printed at 
 the top, and General Chalmers' name for Con- 
 gress at the bottom, and I, in the presence of 
 a great many persons scratched Mr. Chalmers' 
 name oflf and inserted the name of John E. 
 Lynch. 
 
 And the witness adds : " If that ticket 
 has ever been counted I never saw it, 
 and I examined every ticket that was 
 counted." 
 
 Much of the evidence which proves 
 the charge of conspiracy, of intimida- 
 tion, and ballot-box stuffing, not neces- 
 
20 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 sary, liappily, in this case to show that 
 Mr. Lynch and not Mr. Chahners was 
 honestly elected, are the copies of the 
 reports of the United States supervisors 
 of election. And here it is proper to in- 
 quire whether such evidence can be 
 looked to. And this must depend on the 
 question whether the county supervisors 
 of election provided for in sections 
 2011 and 3018 of the Revised Statutes of 
 the United States are covered by section 
 2018. 
 
 Undlspnted Facts in the case— Indecent 
 Haste of the Mississippi Courts in 
 their decisions apon the issues In* 
 TOlved— House not hound by the de- 
 cisions. 
 
 But it was seriously contended that 
 the House was concluded in this case, 
 because the supreme court of Mississip- 
 pi had decided the question ; that under 
 the former rulings of the House and 
 under the general rule that in constru- 
 ing the local statutes of a State, or the 
 constitution of a State, the Federal court 
 and the House will follow the construc- 
 tion given by the State tribunals. Be- 
 fore discussing that legal proposition, 
 let us give a plain, unvarnished history 
 of the case, relied upon as it appears in 
 the record. 
 
 On the 3d of November, 1880, the elec- 
 tion now being contested was held . On 
 the 16th of November, 1880, Mr. Lynch 
 filed his bill in the chancery court of 
 Mississippi, asking that the secretary of 
 state be enjoined from making a certifi- 
 cate to the governor whereby the con- 
 testee in this case should receive his 
 prima facie title. That was denied on 
 the 17th of November. On the 33d day 
 of November, 1860 Mr. Lynch served 
 upon the contestee a copy of his notice 
 of contest. On the Otli of December, 
 1880 — nineteen or twenty days after- 
 ward — the district attorney of Tunica 
 County, one of the counties in the upper 
 jjortion of the " Shoestring district," 
 filed his petitios in the circuit court of 
 tliat county, asking that the commis- 
 sioners of election be ordered to reas- 
 semble and reject 506 ballots cast for 
 Mr. Lynch in this case. 
 
 Why? Because he said they had the 
 same marks on them which are com- 
 plained of in this contest. When that 
 decision was rendered we cannot ascer- 
 tain. It has no date ; but that it was 
 rendered soon after being commenced 
 both by the circuit and supreme courts 
 of Mississippi is matter of history, be- 
 cause it was before the House at the as- 
 sembling of Congress. 
 
 Proceedings and decisions of courts 
 characteristic Bourbon frauds, and 
 null and void. 
 
 There were certain jurisdictional 
 
 questions necessary in that question 
 which must appear before the court had 
 jurisdiction. The court i emarked, as it 
 well might, that this House was the 
 proper tribunal to deciiie the question 
 of those ballots. The court said : 
 
 The House of Eepresentatives of tlie Con- 
 gress of the United States is the Judge of the 
 elections, returns, and qualifications of its own 
 members, and the courts of the State have 
 nothing to do with it whateTer. 
 
 Why, then, did they proceed to con- 
 strue the law. Because, as the eminent 
 judge said, it had been suggested from 
 the bar that some officers had been ar- 
 rested, and the public was interested, 
 and so the court would construe the law 
 on the request of the attorney-general. 
 
 It was done without argument. There 
 was not a brief filed on either side. 
 There was no oral argument on either 
 side, all of which is admitted and in the 
 record. Lynch was no party to tke 
 record, and could not be heard. No 
 man opposed to the theory as set out in 
 the bill and admitted by the demurrer 
 was heard. The court itself said it had 
 no jurisdiction of the very question at 
 issue. 
 
 What was the real question in issue 7 
 That on the 3d of November an election 
 was held in that county for member of 
 Congress, and that 506 marked ballets 
 were deposited and counted for Lynch, 
 in violation of law. They asked the 
 court to compel the county commission- 
 ers to reassemble and reject those votes. 
 The court, in its opinion, stated three 
 questions. 
 
 The first question the court had to de- 
 cide was by the section of the Mississippi 
 law upon which it is claimed this action 
 is predicated. Are there proper parties 
 here to give us jurisdiction. If there 
 were no proper parties that was the end 
 of the case. 
 
 It is a solecism for a court to say it 
 would decide so and so, and this is the 
 opinion of the court if it had a proper 
 defendant, but the court finds the de- 
 fendant is dead, and therefore the court 
 does not do any thing but give an opin- 
 ion of what the law would be if the de- 
 fendant was not dead. That is what 
 the court did here. It found these com- 
 missioners had no legal existence ; that 
 as officers they were functi officio, and 
 the relator could not proceed against 
 them at all, and the court therefore said, 
 we find the law to be so and so, but we 
 have no proper parties here ; and that 
 was the end of tlie case. 
 
 The jurisdictional question decided 
 the whole case, and whatever the j iidges 
 said may be treated as obiter dictum, as 
 the opinion of leaerned gentlemen. It is 
 not the opinion of the court of Missi- 
 ssippi except as to that one point. 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 31 
 
 BUsslsslppl Bonrbon courts OTertnm 
 and reverse tlietr own prevlons ral- 
 Ings and antagonize tbe nniversal 
 doctrines of elections tbrongrbont tbe 
 United States. 
 
 The next question the supreme court 
 of the State attempted to decide was 
 that these dashes upon the ballots are 
 such marks as to maJce them obnoxious 
 to the law. An enunciation of such a 
 doctrine coming from a source less high 
 than the supreme court of Mississippi 
 would be considered as of little 
 weight. The universal doctrine through - 
 out_ the United States is opposed to this 
 decision. The court cites no single au- 
 thority in harmony with this opinion, 
 it overturns and reverses the rule de- 
 clared in 47 Mississippi, where the 
 court says that all election laws as to 
 the electors are to be con strued liberally, 
 and as to the oiBcersand their diitiesun- 
 der them mandatory. The SupremeCourt 
 in the Ogrlesby case reverses that rule 
 and says in effect that the law made for 
 the protection of the voter shall be con- 
 strued strictly, and if he does not com- 
 ply with every thing which the letter of 
 the law requires his ballot shall be void. 
 
 That is a reversal of all the doctrines 
 of elections known in the jurisprudence 
 of this country. Tlie furthest that a 
 construction of this law can go should 
 bo to make the voter responsible for 
 the intent in all cases wliere there is 
 not a palpable violation of the law. That 
 is as far as the courts go in civil actions. 
 
 Now, it is competent for the legisla- 
 ture to say that anv distinguishing mark 
 which is distinctly such shall be pro- 
 hibited and the ballots containing it re- 
 jected. But everybody knows what 
 that means. Such laws are an inliibi- 
 tion against spread-eagles, flags, por- 
 traits, differently tinted paper, and the 
 like, whereby the weak, unlettered, and 
 ignorant may be detected in voting and 
 the secrecy of the ballot destroyed. For 
 the ]3urpose of preventing that and of 
 making the ballot secret, thereby pro- 
 tecting the weak, these sort of laws are 
 enacted. 
 
 It is on that principle alone that they 
 can be maintained as reasonable regu- 
 latioDS. But the supreme court of Mis- 
 sissippi held that this law must be con- 
 strued strictly against the voter ; and 
 though a ticket contains what is confess- 
 
 edly punctuation marks, yet they are 
 of themselves such marks or devices as 
 make them obnoxious to the law. That 
 decision stands alone in the jurispru- 
 dence of this country, and is subversive 
 of every principle of right, honesty, jus- 
 tice, and fair dealing in elections. 
 
 I<yncb In printlngr bis tickets consulted 
 wltb Democratic Printers wbo bad ta- 
 ken legal advice— All be wanted was 
 a ticket witbln tbe law— Tbey agreed 
 to print and defend bis ticket against 
 successful assaults. 
 
 Mr. Lynch, fearing something of thi*" 
 in the future, and knowing what he had 
 to cope with, was particularly anxious 
 that histicketshould be a lawful ticket, 
 strongly witnin the law, and nothing 
 else. He did not trust his own party 
 friends, but wentto Democrats who were 
 personal friends, though political ene- 
 mies, to printers who had taken legal 
 advice, and he said to them, "AH I want 
 is a ticket within that law." They talked 
 over the law together. He was assured 
 by Mr. Wright, of the Yickabaii; Rerald, 
 and other gentlemen who printed his 
 tickets, that tney would print them 
 within that law and would defend them 
 from successful assaults. They said 
 that they would print a ticket which was 
 not obnoxious to the law; said it 
 not only then but when they were put 
 on the stand afterward ; and the ticket 
 was put into their hands and they were 
 asked, " Do you consider that a marked 
 ticket." And they answered, "No." 
 They testified as to the art and guild of 
 printing. They testified, " We say that 
 IS a plain ticket without marks." And 
 when Mr. Chalmers called Mr. Charles 
 Winkley, he testified in effect the same 
 thing; that they were plain tickets. 
 When these experts were called all of 
 them testified that they were plain tick- 
 ets and were without distinguishing 
 marks. That testimony was not con- 
 tradicted. 
 
 Cbalmers' and liyncta's tickets alike 
 obnoxious to tbe cbarge of violating 
 tbe law — Slississippi Court rejects 
 liyncb's, but accepts Chalmers' 
 ticket. 
 
 But the Supreme Court of Mississippi 
 threw out more than 3,000 of these votes 
 given for Mr. Lynch: 
 
22 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 Natioial Hel 
 
 For President, 
 JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 For Vice President, 
 CHESTER A. ARTHUR. 
 
 For electors for President and Vice 
 President. 
 
 Hon. William R. Speaks, 
 
 Hon. R. W. Plournoy, 
 
 Dr. J. M. Bynum, 
 
 Hon. J. T. Settle, 
 
 Capt. M. K. Mister, Jr., 
 
 Dr. R. H. Montgomery, 
 
 Judge R. H. Cuny, 
 
 Hon. Charles W. Clarke. 
 
 For Member of the Souse of Bepresenta- 
 
 tives from the 6th Congressional 
 
 District 
 
 JOHN R. LYNCH. 
 
 because they say that the printers' 
 dashes after the heading and between 
 the names are distinguishing marks 
 within the meaning of the statute ; but 
 they have not thrown out any of these 
 ballots, though the vote of a whole 
 county was cast for Mr. Chalmers in this 
 form: 
 
 Democratic— Conservative 
 
 TICKET! 
 
 For President. 
 
 Winfield Scott Hancock. 
 
 For Vice-President, 
 
 Williani H. English. 
 
 For Electors for President and Vice- 
 President, 
 
 F. G. BARRY, 
 
 C. P. NEILSON, 
 
 C. B. MITCHELL, 
 
 THOMAS SPIGHT, 
 
 WILLIAM PRICE, 
 
 WILLIAM H. LUSE, 
 
 ROBERT N. MILLER, 
 
 JOSEPH HIRSH. 
 
 For member of the House of Repre- 
 sentatives from the 6th Con- 
 gressional District, 
 
 JAMES R. CHALMERS. 
 
 Look at the heading in capitals and 
 the "screaming" exclamation point af- 
 ter the word " TICKET." Which has 
 the most distinguishing mark on it? 
 Nevertheless the Supreme Court of Mis- 
 sissippi held that the Lynch ticket was 
 a false ticket. It did Hot hold that the 
 Chalmers ticket was a false ticket, but 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES, 
 
 the application of their principle would 
 make it so. 
 
 Decisions of State Coarts bare no Bind' 
 Ing effect upon the House in Elections 
 of its own Members. 
 
 Suppose the Legislature of Mississippi 
 had passed a law that, no ballot should 
 be legal unless it had printed on its 
 face a disavowal of the Government of 
 the United States, would not that have 
 been a thing for the House to disregard 1 
 Suppose it had required to have printed 
 on the face of the bailots some ridicu- 
 lous or absurd or useless or unessential 
 qualilications to the vote. These com- 
 missioners might have thrown out bal- 
 lots not so printed. This court might 
 have declared that the statute was bind- 
 ing upon them and sustained them in 
 that act, but would that have any bind- 
 ing force upon the House and deprive 
 an honest voter of his right and an 
 elected Representative of his seat ? It 
 would have been a decision of the su- 
 preme court of Mississippi, but it would 
 not have been binding upon the House. 
 Why^ Because it does not strike at the 
 only essential question which their State 
 and its courts are authorized to control, 
 namely, the qualifications of the lawful 
 elector. 
 
 Powers of the State over tlie Ballot and 
 tUe <lnallflcation of Voters — 17njust 
 and Partisan Decision of tbe Missis- 
 sippi Bourbon Coiirts. 
 
 Two questions only remain, which 
 may be objects of regulation by the 
 State. First, the general regulations to 
 preserve the secrecy of the ballot. If 
 these be in their nature essential, which 
 is not admitted, it cannot be denied that 
 this particular. object has been contem- 
 plated and provided for by the United 
 States itself, and that to that extent 
 and for that purpose section 27 of the 
 Revised Statutes is exclusive. But, sec- 
 ond, tlie State may fix the qualifications 
 of voters. It has done so, and if the 
 action of the supreme court of the 
 State has any foundation at all it must 
 be put on the ground that this ballot is 
 a test of and fixes the qualifications of 
 voters. 
 
 Bourbon Election Commissioners Plead 
 Onilty in Court. 
 
 After the election of 1880, certain gen- 
 tlemen were indicted for various elec- 
 tion frauds in the I/nited States court 
 for the northern district of Mississippi. 
 The county commissioners of the County 
 of Coahoma, were M. B. Collins, W. W. 
 Matthews, Olid Joseph E. Monroe. In 
 the record of the case of Buchanan vs. 
 Manning appears this terse but iaost sug- 
 gestive record : 
 
 Xo. 1766. United States vs. M. B. ColUns, War- 
 ner Mattliewe, Joseph E. Monroe, commision- 
 ers oi election for Coaboma County. 
 
 OAoroe.— Failing to return vote of the county, 
 retummg the vote of one precinct as the entire 
 vote of the county. 
 
 Plea of guilty by each defendant. 
 
 When charged with their malfeasance 
 in open court these pure patriots plead 
 guilty with wonderful alacrity. And we 
 are asked to shut our eyes and accept as 
 correct the statements of their open, 
 gross, palpable, andsei!/-co«/essed frauds. 
 
 House Seats Mr. Eyncb— Teas and Nays. 
 
 The SPEAKER. The question now 
 recurs on the second resolution reported 
 by the majority of the Committee on 
 Elections. The Clerk will read the res- 
 olution. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows : 
 
 Seaolved, That John K. Lynch was elected, and 
 is entitled to his seat in the Forty-seventh Con- 
 gress from the Sixth district of Mississippi. 
 
 Mr. Atherton. Upon that resolution I 
 demand the yeas and nays. 
 
 Tiie yeas and nays were ordered. 
 
 The question was taken, and there 
 were — yeas 135, nays 83, not voting 83 ; 
 as f oUows : 
 
 YEAS 125.— Aldrich, Anderson, Barr, Bayne, Bel- 
 ford, Bingham, Bowman, Brewer. Briggs, Browne, 
 Buck, Burrows (Julius C), Butterworth, Cilklns, 
 C.imp, Candler. Cannon, Carpenter, Caswell, 
 Chace, CuUen, Cults, Barrell, Davis (George E.), 
 Dawes, Deering, DeMotte, Dezendorf, Dingiey, 
 Dunnell, Dwight, Ellis, Errett, Farwell (Sewell S), 
 Fisher, Ford, Godshalk, Grout, Guenther, Hall, 
 Hammond (John), Harmer, Harris (Beoj. W.), Ha- 
 zletiue, Haskell, Hawk, Hazleton, Heilman, Hep- 
 burn, Hill, Horr, Hubbs, Humphrey, Jacobs, 
 Jadwm, Jones (George W.), Jones (Pbineas,) Jor- 
 gensen, Joyce, Kasson, Kelley, Lacey, Lewis, Lind- 
 sey. Lord, Mason, McClure, McCold, McKinley, 
 Miles, Miller, Moore, Morey, Neale, Norcross, 
 O'Neill, Orth, Paebeco, Page, Parker. Paul, Pay- 
 soo, Peelle, Pierce, Pettibone, Pound, Prescott, Kan- 
 ney, Ray, Reed, Rice (Tberoa M.), Rice (William 
 W.), Rich, Richardson (D. P.), Ritchie, Robeson, 
 Robinson (George D.), Robinson (James. S.), Rus- 
 sell. Scrauton, Shallenberger, Sherwin, Skinner, 
 Smith (Dietrich C), Spaulding, Spooner, Steele, 
 Stoiie, strait, Taylor, Thompson (Wm. G.), Town- 
 send, (Amos,) Tyler, Updegraff (J.T.), Updegraff 
 g'homas), Urner, Valentine, Van Aernam, Van 
 orn. Walker, Ward, Watson, Webber, White, 
 Williams (Chas. G.) 
 
 NAYS 83. — Atherton, Atkins, Barber, Belmont, 
 BUmchard, Bland, Blount, Buchanan, Cabell, Cald- 
 well, Carlisle, Camdy, Chapman, Clardy, Clark, Qem- 
 enU, CMb, Colerick, Converse, Cook, Cox (Samuel 3.y, 
 Cox {William £.), Cuibereon, Davidson, Davit 
 (Lowndes B.), Dibble, Dowd, Evins, Finley, Forneu, 
 Garrison, Quwier, Hammond (N, J.), Jfardenburgh, 
 Bardij, Herbert, Herhdon, Hemit (O. W.), EoWian, 
 HouM, Kenna, King, Klolz, Ladd, Latham, Manning, 
 Matson, McLane, McUiUin, MUis, Money, Morrison, 
 Mosgrme, Moulton, Muldrow, Midchler, Gates, Phister, 
 Sahddll, Reagan, Robinson (Wm. E.), Rots, ScaUe, 
 Shackl^ord, Shelley, Singleton (Jos. W.), Singleton 
 Otho S.), Spfer, Springer, Stockslager, Thompson (P.B.), 
 Ibwnsend(B. W.), Tucker, Turner (Henry 6.). Tur- 
 ner (Oscar), Ifpaon, Vance, Warner, WeUborn, Whit- 
 thome, WiUiams (Thomas), WlUis, Wise (Geo. D.) 
 
 NOT VOTING i&.— Aiken, Armfield, Beach, Bells- 
 hoover, Berry, Black, Blackburn, Blitt, Bragg, 
 Brumm, BvAner. BurrowstJos. H,), Campbell, CKa<- 
 mers, Cdrnell, Omlngloh, Crapb, Cravetit, Crowley, 
 Curtin, Deuster, Dibbrell, Dugro, Dunn, ErMenlraut, 
 Farwell (Chas. B.), Flower, Frost. Fulker-m, Geddes, 
 George, Gibson, Harris (Hmr]i,S), Hatch, lieudereon, 
 
24 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTIOK CASES. 
 
 Heuriti (_Abram S.), Hiacook, HoUUzeU, Boge, Hooker, 
 Houk, Hobbell, Huichins, Jones (/as. ir.),Ketcham, 
 Knott, Leedom, Lefeme, Marsh, Martin, McCook, 
 McKmsie, Morse. Murch, Nolan, Pnelps. Rice (John 
 B.), Sichardson (John S.), Robertson, Eosecrana, Eyan, 
 SeoviUe, Shulk, SiDionton, Smith (A. Herr), Smith 
 <J. Hyatt), Sparks, Stephens, Talbott, Thomas, Till- 
 man. Van Voorhis, Wadsworth, Wait, Waahburne. 
 West, Wheeler, Willits, Wilson, Wise (Morgan X), 
 Wood {Benjamin), Wood (Wa'.tjr A.), Young. 
 
 So th« resolution was adopted. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 Reed's Amendment to the 
 Rules of the Ilouise — I>is- 
 grace f u 1 Filibustering 
 and Revolutionary Expe- 
 dients and Proceedings of 
 the I>emocratic licaders 
 of the House to defeat all 
 investigation into the 
 facts or merits of the Con- 
 tested Election Cases. 
 
 ^illbasterin^ and Revolntionary £x- 
 pedients of Democratic ILcaders to De- 
 feat all iiiTestigation into the Merits 
 t>f tbe Contested Election Cases— De- 
 bate Involved a Damagplng Exposuire 
 of tbe vile Election Agencies by which 
 a Solid South is maintained. 
 
 On April 6, Mr. Calkins, of Ind., from 
 the Committee on Elections, reported to 
 tlie House tlie case of Lynch vs. Chal- 
 mers, but every effort of the Republican 
 majority to bring the House to a speedy 
 decision of the case was systematically 
 resisted by the Democratic minority 
 through every form of dilatory motion, 
 every device of filibustering known to 
 parliamentary law, and that amid vio- 
 lent and most disgraceful scenes of dis- 
 order. The Democratic leaders, and 
 most conspicuously ex-Speaker Randall, 
 Jo. Blackburn, and Kenna of W. Va., 
 rejected aU offers of orderly debate, in 
 the investigation of the facts or merits 
 of the case preliminary to a final de- 
 cision. Days and weeks were thus con- 
 sumed. The Democratic leaders wanted 
 no debate— no discussion of the facts em- 
 braced in the case. Those they labored 
 to suppress, to conceal from the country, 
 because they involved a damaging ex- 
 posure of the villainous election agen- 
 cies by which a " SoUd South'' is 
 maintained. They relied, for the sup- 
 port of their members usurping seats in 
 the House, wholly upon petty technical 
 pleas, puerile legal ciuibbles, and upon 
 revolutionary expedients for delay. 
 
 On April 6 the case was reported to 
 the House, and not tiU April 20 was it 
 decided by the seating of Mr. Lynch. 
 
 Ex-Speaher Randall, Jo. Blackbnra A 
 Co. lead the Democratic Revoliittan- 
 Ists— Blachbnrn's Rnse in the form of 
 Resolutions referring the Maclceyes. 
 O'Connor case to a Special Committee 
 with instrnctlons to inquire into Pre- 
 tended Forgeries of certain evidence. 
 
 The Republican majority at once at- 
 tempted to push the case of Mackey vs. 
 O'Connor. It had been reported to the 
 House on April 10, but at every step a 
 decision, even a hearing of the case, 
 was resisted by Democratic filibuster- 
 ing, defeating all legislation. On May 
 26, Mr. Blackburn, of Ky., "after con- 
 ference with gentlemen of deserved 
 prominence," andasameansof "unhing- 
 ing the deadlock" which Democratic 
 filibustering had created, proposed the 
 following : \ 
 
 Resolved, That a special committee of Ave 
 members of the House of Representatives bo 
 appointed, Trho shall iiic[uire into the authen- 
 ticity and integrity of all afSdavlte, returns, and 
 evidence of whatever character produced in the 
 case of Mackey us. O'Connor, ajid intiuire into 
 all alterations, destruction, loss, or mutUatlong 
 of the original notes of the same, or of any tran- 
 script of such notes ; and when, where, or by 
 whom such alterations, destructions, loss, or 
 mutilations were made or caused to he made. 
 
 Resolved, That said committee shall have 
 authority to visit such places and compel the 
 production of such persons and papers as ma/ 
 lip necessary to carry out the purpose of their 
 aiti)uintment, and may sit duxiiig the sessions 
 of the House. 
 
 Its consideration was objected to. 
 Filibustering was instantly resumed by 
 the Democratic leaders amid the most 
 disgraceful disorder. 
 
 Mr. Moore's (of Tennessee) Parliamen- 
 tary Inquiry— Shall the ex-Confeder- 
 ate lieaders In the Honse, the Benefi- 
 ciaries of the Tnexampled Generosity 
 of the Nation, be Allowed to Block the 
 Wheels of Ijeglslation7 
 
 Mr. Moore, of Tennessee, submitted 
 the f oUowing parliamentary inquiry : 
 
 Mr. MOOEE, [reading.] I would respectfully 
 inquire whether the minority of this House, 
 most of whom were lately in rebeUion against a 
 Government whose unexampled generosity has 
 enabled them, notwithstanding, to again enjoy 
 every privilege vouchsafed to the most loyal of 
 the land- 
 Mr. TUCKER. That is not a parliamentary 
 inquiry. 
 Many Members. Order 1 Order! 
 Mr. MOORE (continuing to read amid great 
 confusion and calls for order)— have now the 
 right to block the wheels of legislation because 
 men of their party are occupying contested 
 seats whose claims the majority desire to inves- 
 tigate 1 
 * * * * 
 
 The wildest disorder ensued, excited 
 chiefly by ex- Speaker Randall in his 
 abuse of Mr. Moore of Tennessee. The 
 ex-Speaker made himself conspicuous 
 by his violent championship of the right 
 of the ex-rebels to defeat all legislation 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 35 
 
 in their support of Confederate usurpers 
 to seats in tne House. Questions of or- 
 der rapidly followed one another. 
 
 Mr. Belford (of Colorado) denonnces the 
 Democratic I^eaders as Bevolntlon- 
 Ists, wbo by tbelr Dlsgrraceftal Tactics 
 Damage tbe Public Interests by De- 
 featlngr Iieglslatlon. 
 
 Amid the confusion Mr. Belford, of 
 Colorado, rose. The scene which en- 
 sued is thus reported in the Congres- 
 sional Record : 
 
 Mr. BELPOED. I make a point of order -that 
 these Democratic revolutionists will not vote, 
 and they should not be allowed to talk. [Ijaugh- 
 ter and applause on the Democratic eide. I 
 
 The SPEAKEE. The Chair is ready to an- 
 nounce the result of his opinion upon the ques- 
 tion of order when the House shall be in order. 
 
 Mr. BELFOED. I desire to be heard in sup- 
 port of my point of order. I want to discuss ft. 
 (Cries of " (Trder 1 " " Order 1 "] I say these gen- 
 tlemen are not here. They have r efused to vote. 
 [Orles of " Louder I " and "Order' "1 They will 
 not vote, and they cannot be heard upon this 
 floor. They sit there like a set of mules with 
 their haunches on the breech-strap, wagging 
 their ears Instead of answering to their names. 
 [Laughter and loud cries of "Order I" and 
 •• Louder 1 "] I say they are revolutionists, and 
 the majority ot the House should Ignore them 
 as revolationlsts. 
 
 This Is not filibustering, but revolution. Fil- 
 ibustering is Indulged in to secure discussion. 
 You refuse all discussion. Filibustering is In- 
 dulged in to secure the right to offer amend- 
 ments; you desire to offer none. Filibustering 
 Is indulged in to secure the presence of a ma- 
 jority, when that majority is here you wlU not 
 allow the proceedings of the House to go for- 
 ward. Therefore you are revolutionists , demand- 
 ing rights to which no minority is entitled. 
 
 Mr. Calkins's (of Indiana) Resolutions 
 In response to Blackburn's Resolu- 
 tions — Tbe Committee on Elections 
 bad already exbansted Inquiry Into 
 cbarge of Pretended Forgery of Testi- 
 mony In tbe case — Full and Free Dis- 
 cussion In open House needed to ar- 
 rive at Merits or Facts In tbe Case. 
 
 On May 37, Mr. Calkins, of Indiana, in 
 response to Mr. Blackburn's proposition 
 of the previous day, offered the follow- 
 ing: 
 
 A proposition having been submitted "^o the 
 House by Mr. Blackburn, of Kentucky, on behalf 
 of the minority, the majority submit the follow- 
 
 wheroas we are entirely satisfied that the al- 
 legations made by Mr. Samuel Dibble as to forg- 
 ery and falsified evidence have been f ullf, fairly, 
 and exhaustively considered by the Committee 
 on Elections, and arguments thereon have been 
 fully heard; and 
 
 Whereas the cause now comes up for consid- 
 eration in the House, and there has been no dis- 
 cussion in the House thereon, and as the House 
 cannot vote intelligently with no guide except 
 the mere allegations on one side on any prop- 
 osition to refer to a new committee a question 
 which has akeady been considered by the awro 
 priate committee, but must have^the benefit of 
 fuU and free discussion In order to enable the 
 House to decide the question understandingly : 
 
 Therefore, we submit the following proposi- 
 tion: 
 
 Besolved, That the House immediately prn- 
 ceed to the consideration of the Maokey-Dibble 
 case, and after six hours' discussion the House 
 shall vote upon the question of recommittal by 
 yea-and-nay vote; and if the House shall de- 
 cide this in the negative, it shall thereupon con- 
 tinue to consider the case until it be finished, 
 without dilatory motions. 
 
 Its consideration was objected to by 
 ex-Speaker RandaU as unsatisfactory. 
 
 Mr. Reed, of Maine, moves Amendment 
 to House Rules— Tbe Majority shaU 
 Rule — Filibustering and BeTolntion 
 to the Rear— Resolutions adopted. 
 
 On the same day (May 27) Mr. Reed, 
 of Maine, from the Committee on Rules, 
 moved the following : 
 
 The Committee on Eules report the following 
 amendment to the rules, and recommend its 
 passage : 
 
 "Amend paragraph 8 of Eule XVI so as Jo 
 read aa follows : ' Pending a motion to suspelid 
 the rules, or on any question of consideration 
 which may arise on a case involving the consti- 
 tutional right to a seat, and pending the motion 
 for the previous question, or after it shaU have 
 been ordered on any such case, the Speaker may 
 entertain one motion to adjourn ; but after the 
 result thereon is announced he shall not enter- 
 tain any other motion till the vote U taken on 
 the pending question ; and pending the constd- 
 eration of such caae only a motion to adjourn 
 or to take a recess (but not both in succession) 
 shall be in order, and such motions shall not be 
 repeated without further Intervening considera- 
 tion of the case for at least one hour.' " 
 
 Under the decision of Speaker Keifer 
 it was, after much delay and many dis- 
 orderly scenes, pushed (on May 38) to a 
 vote and adopted : 
 
 YEAS— Aldrich, Anderson, Barr, Bayne, 
 Belford, Bingham, Bowman, Brewer, Brlggs, 
 Browne, Brumm, Buck, Burrows, Julius C. ; Bur- 
 rows, Joseph H. : Butterworth, Calkins, Camp, 
 Campbell, Candler, Cannon, Carpenter, Caswell, 
 Chace, Cornell, Crapo, Crowley, CuUen, Cutis, 
 Darrell, Davis, George E. ; Dawes, Deerlng, De 
 Motte, Dezendorf, Dmgley, Duniiell, Dwigbt, Er- 
 rett, Farwell, Charles B.; Fanvell, Sewell S.; 
 Fisher, Ford, George, Godshalk, Grout, Guenther, 
 Hall, Hammond, John; Harmer, Harris, Benjamin 
 W, ; Haseltine, Haskell, Hawk, Hazelton, HeH- 
 man, Henderson, Hepburn, Hill, Hiscock, Horr, 
 Houk, Hubbell, Hubbs, Humphrey, Jacobs, Jad- 
 win, Jones, George W.; Jones, Pbineas; Jorgensen, 
 Joyce, Kasson, Kelley, KeLCbam, Lacey, Lewis, 
 Lord, Lynch, Marsh, Mason, McClure, McCoid, 
 McCook, McKinley, Miles, Miller, Moore, Morey, 
 Neal, Norcros-;, O'Neill, Orlh, Pacheco, Page, Par- 
 ker, Paul, Payson, Peelie, Peirce, Pettibone, Pound, 
 Prescott, Eanney, Ray, Eeed, Rice, John B. ; Rice, 
 Rice, Tlieron M.; William W. ; Rich, Richard- 
 son, D. P.; Robeson, Robinson, George D.; Robin- 
 son, James 8. ; Russell, Ryan, Scranlon, Shallen- 
 berger, Sherwin, Sbultz, Skinner, Smith, A, Herr; 
 Smith, Dietrich C; Smith, J. Hyatt: Spaulding, 
 Spooner, Steele, Stone, Strait, Taylor, Thomas, 
 Thompson, William G. ; Townsenrt, Amos; Tyler, 
 Updegraff, J. T. ; Updegraff, Thomas; Urner, Van 
 Aernam, Van Horn, Van Voorhis, Wadsworth, 
 Wait, Walker, Ward, Washburn, Wateon, Webber, 
 West, White, Williams, Charles G.; willits. Wood, 
 Walter A.— 160. 
 
 'tfAYS— Blount, Sardenbergh.—2. 
 
 NOT VOTING— 4a«n, Armfidd, Alhurton, Atkins, 
 Barb&ur, Beach, Belmont, Beltzhoover, Berry, Black, 
 Blackburn, Blanchard. Bland, Bliss, Bragg, Buch' 
 anon, Buckner, Cabell, Caldwell, ■ Carlisle, Cassidy, 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 CkVOUM, OarOv, Clark, aemenis. Cobb, Cpleridc. 
 Vaiwerae: Ot»t, Oa, Samwd S.: Cox, WtUum R.; 
 tlovttgUm, Cratent, Culberson, Oartin. Davidson, Da- 
 vis, Lowndes B.; Deueter, Dibble, Dibrell, Dowd, Du- 
 gro, Dunn. ElUs, Ermenlrout, Svins, Finley, Flower, 
 Forney, Frost, Fulkerson, Garrison, Qeddes, Qiheon, 
 Ounter, Hammond, N. J.; Hardy, Harris, Henry Sj 
 Hatch, Herbert, Hemdon, Hewitt, Abram S.; Hewta, 
 O W.; HoblitzeU, Hoge, Holman, Hooker, House, 
 Hutckins, Jones, James K.; Kenna, King, Klolz, 
 KnoU, iMdd, Latham, Leedom, Le Fevre, Lindsey. 
 Manning, Martin, Maison, MeKenzie, McLane, Mc- 
 MiUin, Mills, Money, Morrison. Morse, Mosgrove, 
 Moulton, Mtddrow, Murch, Mutchler, Nolan, Oales, 
 Phelps. Phisler, Randall, Reagan, Richardson, John 
 S.; Kitohie, Robertson, Eobiraon, WiUiam E.; Rose- 
 crans, Ross, Scales, Sco/vUU, Shackelford, Shelley, Si- 
 monton. Singleton, James W.; Singleton, Otho R.; 
 Sparks, Speer, Springer, Stephens, Stockslager, Tal- 
 bott, Thompson, P. B.; Tillman, Townshend, R. W.; 
 Tucker, Turner, Henry Q.; Turner, Oscar; XJpson, 
 Valentine. Vance, Warner, Wellborn, Wheeler, Whit- 
 thorne, WilMams. Thomas; Wiilis, Wilson, Wise, 
 George D.; Wise, Morgan R.; Wood, Benjamin; 
 Young— 139. 
 
 All voting aye were Republicans but 
 Mr. Jones of Texas; the two uays were 
 Democrats, and all not voting but pres- 
 ent in the House except three (Messrs. 
 Lindsey, Ritchie, and Young who were 
 not present) being Democrats. 
 
 Snnset Cox's resolutions of Protest- 
 Ikying; story of pretended forgeries- 
 I>enoances tbe Republican resolution 
 to bave a full and free Discussion of 
 tbe fa«ts in open House and before 
 tbe country as unjustiflable, arbitrary 
 and revolutionary. 
 
 Whereupon Mr. S. S. Cox of N. Y., 
 submitted the following paper : 
 
 Whereas tlie minority of tliis House have 
 heretofore, under the rules of the House, suc- 
 cessfully resisted the efforts of the majority to 
 consider the case of Maclcey vs. O'Connor, he- 
 cause a proper hearing has not been granted to 
 the contestee hy the Committee on Elections, 
 as to the allegations of forgery and fraud in the 
 evidence suhmitted by the contestant ; and 
 
 Whereas the minority have offered to proceed 
 to the consideration of the caae as soon as said 
 allegations have been duly investigated ; and 
 
 Whereas the maj ority , in order to prevent and 
 avoid such an investigation, have proceeded to 
 change the rules, in a manner not provided for 
 in the rules by which alone they can or ought 
 to be changed ; and 
 
 Whereas the Speaker has made a ruling which 
 justifies a proceeding unknown to the princi- 
 ples of constitutional and parliamentary law 
 and subversive of the rights of the minority : 
 Therefore, 
 
 The undersigned, representatives of the peo- 
 ple, hereby protest against the proceedings of 
 the majority and the rulings of the Speaker, aS 
 unjustifiable, arbitrary and revolutionary, and 
 expressly designed to deprive the minority of 
 that protection which has been established as 
 one of the great muniments of the representa- 
 tive system, by the patient and patriotic labors 
 of the advocates of parliamentary privilege and 
 civil liberty. 
 
 (Signed) Abram S. Hewitt, Daniel Ermentrout, 
 J. Fred. C. Talbott, Morgan R. Wise, h. C. Latham, 
 Miles Ross, Henry S. Harris, H. A. Herbert, G. W. 
 Hewitt, R. P. Bland, Wm. Mutchler, John S. Bar- 
 bour, A. A. Ha*denbergh, Benton McMiUin, Geo. 
 W. Ladd, S. M. Stockslager, W. G. Colerick. James 
 K. Jones, Chas. B. Bimonton, W, K. Morrison, J.G, 
 Carlisle, Albert S. Willis. W. H. Hatch, J.Phelps, 
 P. Henry Dugro, Wm. R. Cox, Jas. W. Singleton, 
 
 E. Jno. Ellis, R. Graham Frost, Van H. Manning, 
 Geo. D. Wise, A. M. Scales, Jno, F. House, Phil, B. 
 Thompson, Jr., Jno. B. Clark, jr., Olin Wellborn, 
 Robt. M, McLane, Jno. E. Kenua, Jonathan Soo- 
 ville, John H. Evins, G. D. Tillman, J. 8. Richard- 
 son, D. Wyatt Aiken, Perry Belmont, C. P. Perry, 
 N. C. Blaochard, Thos. Williams, H. D. Money, 
 Lewis Beach, Robt. Klotz, Geo. T. Garrison. Oscar 
 Turner, John H. Reagan, Sam. J. Randall, S. S. 
 Cox, Jo. C. 8. Blackburn, Jordan E. Cravens, H. G. 
 Turner, Gibson Atberton, Fetter 8, HoWitzell, Jos. 
 Wheeler, Wm. S. Holman, J. R. Tucker, W. C. 
 Whitthorne, Ben. Le Fevre, J. A. MeKenzie, Wm. 
 A. J. Sparks, Wm. C. Gates, C. M. Shelley, R. L. 
 Gibson, Geo. C. Cabell, Geo. W. Cassidy, E. 0. 
 Phister, W. S. Rosecrans, James Mosgrove, J, Floyd 
 King, A. M. Bliss. J. J. Finley, J. Proctor ICnott, 
 Jno. W. Cadwell, Wm. M. Bprihger, E. H. M. Da- 
 vidson, H. L. Muldrow, Geo. L. Converse, J. D. 0. 
 Atkins, S. W. Moultou, Geo. W. Geddes, G. H. Oury, 
 Martin L. Clardy, M. E. Post, R. P. Armfield, Clem- 
 ent Dowd, E. W. Robertson, R. Warner, A. G. 
 Chapman, Hugh Buchanan, B. Wilson, T. M. Gun- 
 ter, Philip Cook, Robt. B. Vance, J. G. Clements, 
 Martin Magiunis, Geo. AnsllB, E. I4. Martin. 
 
 The paper contains no single word of 
 truth, as the following pages tn the ex- 
 position of the Mackey vs. O'Connor 
 case show, nor did Mr. Cox or any of its 
 signers believe it does ; it was only of- 
 fered as a part of the programme of 
 fraud by which the Democratic leaders 
 labored to maintain the Confederate 
 usurpers in their seats. 
 
 Ex-Speaker Randall's resolutions— Tbe 
 arcb-fiUbuster and reTOlutlonlst tn 
 support of Confederate usurpers to 
 seats in tbe House reinforces Cox's 
 witb similar resolutions— Charges of 
 Forgery and Fraud in all tbe Election 
 cases a part of tbe Democratic pro-^ 
 gramme. 
 
 And ex-Speaker Randall offered th& 
 following : 
 
 Resolved. That the report in the CMe pending^ 
 be recommitted to the Committee on Elections 
 with instructions to inquire into the authentic- 
 ity and integrity of all depositions, returns, and 
 evidence of whatever character produced in the 
 case of Mackey vs. O'Connor, and loquire Into 
 all alterations, destruction, loss, or mutilations 
 of the original notes of the same, or of any 
 transcript of such notes ; and when, where, or 
 by whom such alteratious, destructions, loss, 
 or mutilations were made or caused to be. 
 made. 
 
 Resolved, That said committee shall have au- 
 thority to visit such places and compel tJie pro- 
 duction of such persons aad papers aa may be- 
 necessary to carry out the purpose of their ap- 
 pointment, and may sit durint the sessions of 
 the House. 
 
 These resolutions and protest were 
 simplj offered in pursuance of the Dem- 
 ocratic programme in the contested 
 ^election ca^es. In all of them the ut- 
 terly baseless charges of forgery and 
 fraud were to be urged by the Democ- 
 racy, and all inquiry into the charges 
 were to be resisted and if possible de- 
 feated by filibustering and revolution. 
 Tbe mej ority never tbeless resolves to 
 
 proceed with tbe Maebey »». O'Connor 
 
 case in open House. 
 
 But the House on May 29, by a vote of 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 yeas 150, nays 1 (not votinK 140— all Dem- 
 ocrats), determined to proceed to the 
 consideration ol the case of Mackey vs. 
 O'Connor, contestants for a seat in the 
 House from the Second Congressional 
 district of South Carolina. 
 
 PART in. 
 
 mackey vs. O'Coutior. 
 
 History or (be Ciue. 
 
 This case arose out of a contest from 
 the secoad Congressional district of 
 South Carolina (comprising the counties 
 of Charleston, Clarenfljn, and Orange- 
 burg), and was referred in the House to 
 the sub-committee of the Committee on 
 Elections, composed ol Judge Waite of 
 Connecticut, Judge Ritchie, of Ohio, 
 MiLLEii, of Pennsylvania, Moijlton, of 
 Illinois, and Davis, of Missouri. The 
 parties were E. W. M. Mackey, contest- 
 ant, and M. P. O'Connor, contestee. At 
 the general election held the ad day of 
 November, 1880, these two parties were 
 voted for, and the State board of can- 
 vassers of the State of South CaroUna, 
 acting upon the returns made to them 
 by the county canvassers, declared Mr. 
 O'Connor elected, and the certificate 
 of election was accordingly issued to 
 him. Mr. Mackey at once commenced 
 a contest for the seat in the House, and 
 the parties in due time proceeded to 
 take the testimony. 
 
 election Machinery of Sontb Carolina 
 I.aw. 
 
 By virtue of the laws of the State, the 
 governor, prior to each general election, 
 appoints turee commissioners of elec- 
 tions for each county; these appoint, for 
 their respective counties, three man- 
 agers for each election poll ; these man- 
 agers conduct the election, count the 
 ballots and make return to the commis- 
 sioners of elections, who on the following 
 Tuesday organize as a board of county 
 canvassers, and canvass and state the 
 votes. From their statement the State 
 canvassers declare what persons have 
 
 This is, in short, the recognized State 
 machinery of elections. 
 
 By virtue of the statutes of the United 
 States the circuit courts appoint a com- 
 missioner to be chief supervisor of elec- 
 tions of the judicial district, to whom 
 the law gives ample powers of super- 
 vision to guard and scrutinize the pro- 
 ceeding of the election. And for the 
 purpose of protection of elections, when 
 Representatives and Delegates in Con- 
 
 fress are chosen a judge of the United 
 tates court has authority, upon proper 
 application, to appoint and commission 
 for each precinct two resident citizens, 
 
 of different political parties, as super- 
 visors to guard and scrutinize the pro- 
 cedure of the voting and the canvassing 
 of the votes, and make a full report to 
 the chief supervisor in the premises, 
 
 Tbe Conspiracy and Its execution. 
 
 The proofs in the case cannot fail to 
 convince any unprejudiced mind that 
 the general proceduie in carrying on 
 the election was, on the part of the 
 Democrats, the result of preparation, 
 plotting, and conspiracy. The disre- 
 gard ot law and right evinced a desper- 
 ate determination, and the care, ingen- 
 uity, and variety of the methods used 
 establish the fact that those who 
 plotted and those who performed knew 
 that they were in a minority. 
 
 The.premature opening of the polls; 
 the refusal to allow to the supervisors 
 an inspection of the boxes ; the Unusual 
 places at which some poUs were held ; 
 the inconvenient and uncommon eleva- 
 tion at which boxes were universally 
 placed ; the suspiciously large apertures 
 made in the boxes for receiving the bal- 
 lots ; the working into the boxes of a 
 few check-baclc imitation tickets, to 
 furnish a basis of false representation : 
 the creation and general use of tissue 
 ballots ; the surcharging of the poll lists 
 with names of men not voting to fit bal- 
 lots never voted; the painstaking 
 searching out of Republican ballots 
 honestly voted in withdrawing from the 
 boxes to conform the number of ballots 
 to the poll list and avoid the exeess 
 caused oy stuffing; the rejection of 
 boxes, returns, and votes upon petty 
 and unfounded pretexts ; the scheming, 
 to rob communities of their votes by un- 
 founded allegations of intimidation ; the 
 burglary of the box ; the stealing of re- 
 turns and votes and the substitution of 
 votes never polled ; the circular of Dem- 
 ocratic State executive committee, 
 seven days before election, directing as 
 to the withdrawing of excess ballots 
 and to destroy unseen ; the appointing 
 by the Democratic county commission- 
 ers of both managers for every poll in 
 the three counties from members of the 
 Democratic party, and the spiteful ha- 
 tred shown before, at, and after the 
 election toward United States marshals 
 and supervisors, conclusively prove the 
 existence of a conspiracy, involving a 
 whole party, to control the results of 
 the election at all hazards — a conspiracy 
 cunning in its methods and unscrupu- 
 lous and relentless in their execution. 
 
 Mr. Dibble's Protests. 
 
 Four difierent protests— (the first, on 
 January 24, 1883 ; the Second, on Feb- 
 ruary 7, 1883 ; the third, on February 31, 
 1882; and the fourth, on May 15, 1883)— 
 were filed by Mr- Dibble with the Com- 
 mittee on Elections, against the ovi- 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 dence offered by Mr. Mackey, Mr. Dib- 
 ble alleging that it was fraudulent, or 
 forged, and against the action asked for 
 by Air. Mackey, all of which, after able 
 argument on both sides, were exhaus- 
 tively considered, first, by a sub-com- 
 mittee, to which they were referred, 
 and afterwards, by the full committee, 
 and decided in the light of the testimo- 
 ny and undisputed facts against Mr. 
 Dibble, the sitting member. 
 
 How Mr. Dibble obtained a Certificate. 
 
 After the testimony in chief on either 
 side had been completed Mr. O'Connor, 
 on April 36, 1881, died, and on the 33d ot 
 May, 1881, the governor of South Caro- 
 lina, assuming that a vacancy was 
 caused in the representation of the 
 State by Mr. O'Connor's death, ordered a 
 special election to till the same. At that 
 special election Mr. Dibble, the sitting 
 member, was voted for and returned 
 elected, receiving but 7,344 votes m a 
 district that on November 3, 1880, Mr. 
 O'Connor claimed gave him 17,569 votes. 
 The Republicans of the district, claim- 
 ing that Mr. Mackey, and not Mr. 
 O'Connor, had been elected November 
 3, 1880, and that the death of Mr. O'Con- 
 nor had created no vacancy, refrained 
 from voting at said special election. 
 
 Tbe Alleged Forgery of Evidence- 
 Charge Cnfoanded— The Fnllest and 
 Most Complete Hearing given to Con- 
 testee and Counsel, botb by the Snb 
 and Full Comnjittee— Exhaustive Ar- 
 gnments in the Case. 
 
 The Democracy pretended in the 
 House that the committee never consid- 
 ered this question of alleged forgery. 
 The case was argued at length on March 
 6, before the sub committee by counsel, 
 for Mr. Dibble and Mr. Mackey relative 
 to the alleged alterations and perversions 
 of the- record, and an adjournment was 
 had until March 13. In the meantime 
 the majority members of the sub-com- 
 mittee with great care, examined not only 
 the, ex parte aflidavits submitted by Mr. 
 Dibble and Mr. Mackey, but also thetesti- 
 mony in the printed record whicli was 
 alleged to be altered, in the light of the 
 arguments of counsel on both sides, 
 printed and oral ; and on March 13, 
 after a full argument by the several 
 members of the sub-committee, at a 
 meeting called expressly for that pur- 
 pose, they decided to overrule the mo- 
 tion of Mr. Dibble to strike out from 
 the record all the depositions heretofore 
 taken by Mr. Mackey ; and Mr. Dibble 
 was further ordered forthwith to file 
 his brief, the 30th March being agreed 
 upon for final argument on the merits 
 of the case. 
 
 The sub-committee met on tbe 30th 
 March, and during that day and the fol- 
 
 lowing day heard able and exhaustive 
 arguments, on the part of Mr. Dibble, by 
 General H. E. Paine, one oi the ablest 
 lawyers on election cases that appeared 
 before the Elections Committee during 
 the session. 
 
 They also heard arguments, on the 
 part of Mr. Mackey, by Judge SheUa- 
 barger, a former member of the House 
 and a distinguished lawyer. The brief 
 submitted by General Paine is in print, 
 and contains twenty-seven closely 
 
 E Tinted pages. That brief discusses, as 
 e did orally, the disputed question 
 which was in controversy relative to the 
 alleged forgeries, changes, and altera- 
 tions of the testimony. 
 
 The facts of the case, touching the 
 election of Mr. Mackey or Mr. O'Connor 
 were not controverted or argued by 
 either Mr. Paine or Mr. Earle, who ap- 
 peared before the sub-committee for Mr. 
 Dibble, or by Mr. Dibble himself. No 
 assertion or declaration was ever made 
 to the committee by them, or any one of 
 them, that, in accordance with the 
 printed evidence in the case and the re- 
 turns of the Democratic precinct man- 
 agers, Mr. Mackey was not clearly 
 elected. 
 
 After argument a majority of the 
 members of the sub-committee met, and 
 after consnllation and a careful review 
 of the evidence submitted to them, and 
 a full and careful consideration of the 
 arguments of General Paine and Judge 
 Shellabarger, they concluded that the 
 charges of forgery and alteration of 
 the record made by Mr. Dibble were 
 utterly and wholly unfounded, and that 
 the refutation of such charges by the 
 evidence submitted by Mr. Mackey, jex 
 parte, as was Mr. Dibble's, utterly dis- 
 pelled any doubt or shadow of doubt that 
 had been attempted to be cast upon it 
 by Mr. Dibble ; and further, that the 
 evidence of Mr. Mackey's election in ac- 
 cordance with the returns made by the 
 precinct managers of election on the 
 night of election, was incontrovertible, 
 and that these returns clearljr showed 
 thathismajority was 879, counting it, and 
 counting it only as it had been counted 
 by these Democratic precinct managers, 
 every one of whom, as far as appears, 
 voted for Mr. O'Connor. The major- 
 ity of the sub-committee agreed upon a 
 report, and at a meeting of the full sub- 
 committee, every member being; pres- 
 ent, the same was considered and 
 adopted. 
 
 On April 5 this report was submitted 
 to the fuU committee and discussed. 
 This report was discussed at length by 
 the members of the sub-committee to 
 the full committee. 
 
 The same allegations of fraud, for- 
 
 fery, and alteration of the record which 
 ad been originally raised by Mr. Dibble 
 were again gone over in the full com- 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 mittee. Judge Moulton and Mr. Davie, 
 memberB of the snb-conunittee, both 
 argued at length to the full committee 
 that the report of the sub-committee 
 should not be adopted ; and they gave 
 as the only reason for refusing to adopt 
 it that the printed record had been 
 changed. 
 
 Not only the members of the sub-com- 
 mitte, but other members of the full 
 committee, who in the meantime had ex- 
 amined the subject to some extent, took 
 Eart in that discussion. After an ex- 
 austive argument and investigation on 
 the part of the full committee, the report 
 of the majority of the sub-committee 
 was adopted by a vote of 11 to 3. By 
 this vote of 11 to 3 the full committee 
 again reaffirmed the declaration that 
 the testimony in this case had not been 
 forged and altered. 
 
 Conclnslve evidence In minority report 
 tliat charge of forgery bad been fally 
 considered botb by Sab and Fnll Com- 
 mittees. 
 
 On April IC the case was reported to 
 the House by Mr. Miller, of Pa. On the 
 13th Mr. Moulton, on behalf of the min- 
 ority of the full committee submitted a 
 minority report in the case. That re- 
 port recommended that the contest of 
 Mackey vs. O'Connor be dismissed. Of 
 that minority report of twesty-five 
 printed pages, fourteen are taken up with 
 the effort to demonstrate that the testi- 
 mony had been altered and changed ; 
 estaolishing again beyond any doubt 
 that this question which had been 
 mooted had not only been examined 
 fully by the sub -committee, but also by 
 the full committee and passed on by 
 them. 
 
 Higli character of Counsel in the case— 
 The Testimony and the Agents in and 
 the manuer of taking and certifying 
 the testimony. 
 
 Mr. O'Connor had able counsel. Chief 
 among tkem was Mr. Dibble, the sit- 
 ting member. There was Mr. Brown- 
 ing, Mr. Barron, Mr. Whalen, Mr. 
 Chisolm, and Mr. Izlar. The testimony 
 taken comprises a volume of 766 pages. 
 The contestant's (Mackey's, testimony 
 under the seal of Mr. Hogarth, a notary 
 as well as a stenographer, reached the 
 House of Representatives, at Washing- 
 ton, in anenvelopeaddressedtoitsclerk. 
 No witness was examined, but who was 
 cross-examined by counsel. Indeed, 
 the work was thoroughly done. 
 
 The contestee's (O'Connor) testimony 
 reached the House in a similar manner 
 certified by the magistrate, and verified 
 or authenticated in the same way. 
 
 After the contestee's testimony was 
 taken by the stenographer and written 
 out in the imperfect way in which sten- 
 
 ographers often write out testimony, it 
 was put into the hands of O'Connor's 
 own counsel, Mr. Chisolm;and he, finding 
 there were some verbal errors — and they 
 almost always occur even among the best 
 stenographers — verbal errors and omis- 
 sions, Mr. Chisolm called in Mr. O'Con- 
 nor's son and directed him to sit down 
 with Mr. Mackey and correct these er- 
 rors whatever they were ; and they did 
 do so, and not one of them substantially 
 changes the sense or meaning of any- 
 thing. They are made on the written 
 translation or transcript of the steno- 
 graj)hic characters, and everything 
 which was done appeals on the depo- 
 sitions sent to the House. 
 
 And the affidavit of Mr. O'Connor says 
 that there was not a thing done nor a 
 change made except by the mutual 
 agreement of the parties; and that 
 he acted by Chisolm's advice, direction, 
 and authority in all he did. This affi- 
 davit was produced and filed by Mr. 
 Dibble himself. 
 
 This testimony of the contestee went 
 into the hands of Mr. Chisolm, counsel 
 of the contestee, according to the gen- 
 ral custom in such cases and by mutual 
 arrangement the transcript of the sten- 
 ographer's notes, not the original notes. 
 He took them, and went into an examina- 
 tion of the transcript to see whether it 
 was correct. 
 
 Mr. Mackey never undertook alone to 
 make even a suggestion that anything 
 was wrongly written down or tran- 
 scribed in the testimony of the contes- 
 tee. But Mr. Chisolm directed the son 
 of Mr. O'Connor, a lawyer, to sit down 
 and examineif there were errors in tran- 
 scribing or otherwise in contestee's evi- 
 dence. And Mr. O'Connor, the son, a 
 lawyer, a gentleman, and a man of truth, 
 says in his testimony : "With the appro- 
 bation of Mr. Robert Chisolm and by his 
 request deponentassisted Mr. Mackey in 
 making such corrections as we both con- 
 sidered fit and proper ; and sometimes 
 those corrections were made by the one 
 and again by the other. In no instance 
 whatever was any correctionmade with- 
 out the consent of both the deponent 
 and contestant." 
 
 Let it be remembered that Mr. Dibble 
 furnished this affidavit, and that conse- 
 
 guently all the charges of forgery by 
 im and the Democracy in the case were 
 uttered with this proof to the contrary 
 before them. 
 
 Dibble's Sweeping Impeachment of his 
 own witnesses and counsel— Charges 
 that his own Agents Committed the 
 Forgery in collusion with the Con- 
 testant. 
 
 Nevertheless, Mr. Dibble, standing on 
 O'Connor's rights, attempted to impeach 
 his own stenographer, his own notary, 
 and O'Connor's son, a lawyer and an hon- 
 
30 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 orable man, and pretended that the son 
 of Mr. O'Connor and Mr. Mackey com- 
 mitted a f orgerj^. 
 
 To prove this sweeping charge the 
 only thing relied on (for there was noth- 
 ing else) was the fact that Mr. O'Con- 
 nor'scounsel and Mr. Mackey, taking the 
 transcript of some stenographic notes, 
 interlineations and verbal changes, not 
 one of which changes the senseor mean- 
 ing, but only corrects verbal or gram- 
 matical errors. 
 
 What next? This manuscript was 
 sent back to the stenographer, to the 
 notary under whose authority the notes 
 were taken, and who was to become re- 
 sponsible for it when he affixed his ^wra* 
 and certificate; and the notary and the 
 stenographer adopted everything there 
 as right and correct, and then sent it to 
 the House under the notarial seal. 
 
 Thus Mr. Dibble, supported by the 
 Democracy, accused a man of tamper- 
 ing with evidence, of fraudulently and 
 corruptly altering it, when every alter- 
 ation or change was made with a full 
 understanding, in the open light of day, 
 by the consent and with the concurrence 
 of both parties, and these alterations or 
 changes were adopted by the magis- 
 trate who was responsible for them, and 
 who transmitted the testimony to the 
 House under his own certificate and of- 
 ficial seal. By this charge Mr. Dibble 
 impeached his 077n magistrate, young 
 O'Connor, the son of the deceased prima 
 fade member, Mr. Chisolm himself, and 
 attempted to cast an unjust imputation 
 upon Mr. Mackey jointly with them. 
 
 Contemptible Character of Alleged For, 
 geries of Testimony— Pretended Alter, 
 ations wholly Immaterial in Purport. 
 
 Mr. Eanney, in the House, in describ- 
 ing these pretended forgeries, said : 
 
 I have here the sheets of testimony 
 with every single alteration or erasure 
 appearing to be made in that testimony, 
 so far as I have been able to find. It 
 is said that in the testimony there have 
 been made interlineations and erasures. 
 Now, if any man can find any one here 
 that is material or that amounts to any- 
 thing, his eyes are better than mine. I 
 find here one place where the word "of 
 was written twice, and one of these 
 words is scratched out. 
 
 Mr.EEED. That is awful. [Laugh- 
 ter.] 
 
 Mr. RANNEY. And in another place 
 the word "some" is written twice and 
 one of those is scratched out. 
 
 Mr. DINGLEY. That is a corrupt al- 
 teration. 
 
 Mr. RANNEY. I find in one of the 
 depositions that it first read " I could 
 read the names on the ticket." The 
 word "could" is scratched out, so that 
 it IS left "I read the names on the tick- 
 et," What an enormous forgery that is ! 
 
 Here is another case, where it is writ- 
 ten originally "Joseph Spratt, Jr.," and 
 that is erased and is written "Joseph 
 Sprott.jr." 
 
 Mr. REED. What a horrible thmg 
 that is. rLa,ughter.] 
 
 Mr. RANNEY. Yes, awful; on an- 
 other page they have the word "exhibit" 
 written twice, and they scratched but 
 one of them. In another sentence where 
 it was written "he arrived there after I 
 did, and upon being told"— the word 
 "upon " is written twice, and one of 
 those words is scratched ©ut. In an- 
 other place it was written "it used to be 
 held at Carpenter's store." The word 
 "store" is Scratched out and "hotel" in- 
 serted. And in another place it was 
 written "private house ;" that is scratch- 
 ed out and it has changed to "oat- 
 house." 
 
 Mr. MOULTON. What testimony is 
 the gentleman commenting upon ? We 
 cannot hear him. 
 
 Mr. RANNEY. Here is one where tlie 
 initials of the name were wrong, an '"Ai" 
 looking originally something like an 
 "H," and it was made "H." In another 
 "Simms" is made "Sommes." In an- 
 other place there is the word ".Jeff" 
 written ; it is made to read "Jack." In 
 another place it was written " witness 
 produced on behalf of E. W. M. Mackey, 
 contestant." "E. W. M. Mackey" ia 
 scratched out, and the word "contest- 
 ant" left. That would save some ex- 
 pense in printing merely. 
 
 In another place the word "some" is put 
 in twice and one " some " is scratched 
 out. In another place "Carpetsville'" is 
 scratched out and " Corbettsville " in- 
 serted. In another place is a word 
 which looks to me something hke 
 "around;" in the sentence "were any of 
 them around." That is changed to 
 "armed;" they were talking about 
 whether there were any persons there 
 armed, and that is the rijrht word. In 
 another place "Walker" is changed to 
 "Hegler," which is the correct name. 
 They did not always get the names right, 
 In another place it was written " Hardy 
 Rough ;" it should be and was made 
 "Rugg;" a mistake made in taking it 
 down by sound. 
 
 Mr. MOULTON. What is the gentle- 
 man reading from ? 
 
 Mr. RANNEY. I am reading from the 
 original testimony of the contestant. I 
 have gone over it and selected every thing 
 in it in the way of erasure or change that 
 I could find. In another place there is 
 a word that is something like "stettler- 
 ing" that is stricken out and "standing" 
 put in. I am taking up the time in these 
 matters. 
 
 Many Members. " Go on ! " " Go 
 on!" 
 
 Mr. RANNEY. In another case there 
 18 written "cast for the Republican Con- 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 31 
 
 gressman." The words "candidate for" 
 are interlined. 
 
 Mr. REED. That is perfectly awful ! 
 [Laughter.] 
 
 Mr. EANNEY. Here comes the great 
 alteration that is complained of in Mr. 
 Dibble's affidavit already referred to. 
 There are two lines and two words eras- 
 ed. What is the evidence about it? One 
 of the witnesses swears that he went 
 before the magistrate to sign liis depo- 
 sition and he teld him that he had got 
 it wrong, and he insisted on its being 
 changed, which was done. In liis affi- 
 davit here, got to meet the charge, the 
 witness swears that he has examined 
 the printed copy of his testimony, and 
 that it is right as printed. It is not of a 
 feather's weight, and did not amount to 
 anything, as already shown. It has 
 nothing to do with the case repor,ted. Now 
 that is done before the magistrate. It 
 is sanctioned by the magistrate and de- 
 manded by the witness himself. Now 
 witnesses nave rights. Stenographers 
 do not always get it just right unless 
 they are very good ones, and they some- 
 times commit errors in transcribing. A 
 witness has a right to insist when any- 
 thing Is wrong that it shall be changed. 
 My rule is that if there is any substan- 
 tial change made that it shaU be made 
 at the end. 
 
 Here is another one of these changes. 
 The manuscript now reads "I had to do 
 so by holding the arm of the manager." 
 Before the word " manipulation," it read 
 "I had to do so, I could only detect them 
 by holding the arm of the manager." 
 The effect of the change is simply to 
 show the exact meaning, and the error 
 in taking or transcribing the note was 
 apparent, and was properly corrected 
 on the responsibility of the notary. 
 
 Here is another of the changes. The 
 change of a name — William Poole, a 
 Democrat, and nobody denies tliat it is 
 right as it stands now. Here is another 
 in the phrase, "the Republican votes 
 and tickets," the words " votes and " are 
 scratched out, leaving the words " Re- 
 publican tickets." 
 
 Another instance is the interlineation 
 of the words " in violation of law." I 
 do not know by whom. It is entirely 
 immaterial in effect. The presumption 
 is that the insertion was properly made 
 as having first been omitted by mistake. 
 In every event these words are entirely 
 immaterial and not of the slightest con- 
 sequence. 
 
 In another case there are the words 
 "objection same as before." It is not 
 in the testimony, but the noting of an 
 objection by the magistrate, and is of 
 no consequence any waj. Those are all 
 the alterations which lean find; and I 
 went over the matter this morning again 
 personally. Gentlemen can see and ex- 
 amine the sheets for themselves, and I 
 
 challenge the closest scrutiny of aU this 
 manuscript testimony. I wish the House 
 to see that the charge made is false in 
 general and false in detail, and that the 
 committee have investigated, as bound 
 to do ; and to make good my assertion 
 to the gentleman from Maryland, [Mr. 
 McLane,] who sought to make a per- 
 sonal matter of this thing, although he 
 had no personal knowledge on the sub- 
 ject, and when I had examined the 
 matter. If there is in this whole testi- 
 mony a material alteration or anything 
 that looks like a falsification I have been 
 unable to find it, and would thank any 
 gentleman to point out anything which 
 they have found and which has not 
 been mentioned by me. 
 
 The charge of Forgery Itself a Fraud.— 
 Only one Deposition of a Hundred 
 charged with a Taint of Forgery.— The 
 truth of that verified by Mackey by 
 the Affidavits of all the Witnesses. 
 
 But the tampering with a deposition 
 will only vitiate and justi^ the exclu- 
 sion of that one. It will not and cannot 
 be made to affect a hundred others not 
 subject to the charge. It was not pre- 
 tended that any other affidavit was so 
 tainted. _ No one of Mr. O'Connor's five 
 counsel named another affidavit as liable 
 to the charge of forgery, nor a sentence 
 or a word of any other deposition. And 
 had the affidavit charged as forged been 
 stricken from the record of testimony, 
 it would not have affected the case at 
 all. Other affidavits, unim^eached and 
 unimpeachable, fully verified every 
 statement in tlie pretended forged tes- 
 timony. But Mr. Dibble had no case. 
 The Democracy were fully aware of that 
 and were driven to vile invention to 
 justify their outrageous filibustering 
 and revolutionary tactics in the House 
 in support of the usurper Dibble. They 
 therefore resorted to a prolonged cry of 
 forgery, extending through many days, 
 and even weeks, and that with the fur- 
 ther hope of creating in the country a 
 laelief tnat all the testimony in the case 
 was forged or tainted with forgery — that 
 the Republicans were guilty of a wicked 
 outrage by attempting to seat Mackey 
 through forgery in support of fraud. 
 
 Macfcey promptly disposes of the charge 
 of Forgery— He vermes the genuine- 
 nessof the assailed Affidavit. 
 
 But the contestant (Mackey) met this 
 charge and cry in a manly and fearless 
 manner. Indeed, every charge of this 
 kind, general as it was, received refu- 
 tation in committee at the hands of the 
 contestant. He expressed no fears from 
 an investigation, but courted it. He in- 
 structed Mr. Hogarth, the stenogra- 
 pher and notary, who took and certified 
 to the depositions under his official seal. 
 
33 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 to compare the printed record evidence 
 of every material deposition with his 
 original stenographic notes, and they 
 were verified and certified to anew in a 
 sworn aflidavit. He compared and veri- 
 fied every deposition covering the 
 §roof made as to the eleven precincts in 
 ispute and the Democratic returns 
 from which contestant is shown to be 
 elected; and the affidavit was before 
 the committee and the House. 
 
 Not only tliat, but further, contestant 
 obtained and produced before the com- 
 mittee and the House the affidavits of 
 all or substantially all the witnesses 
 themselves, verifying the testimony 
 printed as coming from them. 
 
 Infamons character of ttae only witness 
 to tbe cbarge of Forgery. 
 
 And who was the man, and what his 
 character, on whose testimonj was 
 based this charge of forgery? His name 
 was C. Smith. He was an old acquain- 
 tance of Mr. Dibble's, who brought him 
 into this case. Smith at one time was 
 a member of the Senate of South Caro- 
 lina; and as a member of the South 
 Carolina general assembly at its regular 
 session of 1877-78, Mr. Dibble investi- 
 gated some corrupt transactions in 
 which Smilh was implicated. In his re- 
 port from the joint investigating com- 
 mittee upon these transactions Mr. Dib- 
 gle denounces Smith as corrupt and 
 guilty of receiving bribes. In one in- 
 stance when a Senator of South Caro- 
 lina as receiving $1,000 ; in another in- 
 stance as receiving a bribe of $500 ; in 
 another, one of $300, and in another, one 
 of $100. He apparently could be bought 
 for any sum for any job. We g^uote 
 from Mr. Dibble's report his estimate 
 of his own witness : 
 
 Your committee feel assured that no lan- 
 
 f;uage by -way of comment would add force to 
 he eimple statement of facts attending this era 
 of revelry, embracing peculation, and embez- 
 zlement, and robberies of a character hitherto 
 unknown in South Carolina. The perpetrators 
 are covered with Infamy and disgrace, and 
 should be pursued during their natural lives 
 with the sword of justice hanging by a thread 
 over their heads. 
 
 HeB»e, when Mr. Dibble wanted a 
 swift and pliant witness he knew ex- 
 actly wliere to find him. 
 
 R^nblican and Democratic Tlcltets 
 'W>ted In tills IMstrict^Tbelr Form 
 and Character— Democratic Tickets 
 Travelled Always in Pairs— The " tit- 
 tle Joker" or Famons Tissue Ballot. 
 
 This ticket is printed on coarse paper, 
 the face white, the back checked in 
 white, red, and green. 
 
 There is not a man with eyes who 
 could not distinguish this ticket as far 
 as he could see it. 
 
 inilOH MPDBIICM TICKET 
 
 For President, 
 
 JAIIEES A. GARFI£I.D. 
 
 For Vice-President, 
 
 CHESTER A. ARTHUR. 
 
 For Presidential Electors, 
 
 At Large— THOMAS B. JOHNSON. 
 
 At Large— A S. WALLACE. 
 
 First District— WILLIAM A. HAYNE. 
 Second District— E A. WEBSTER. 
 Third District- THOMAS N. TOLBEKT. 
 Fourth District— WILSON COOK. 
 Fifth District — B. P. CHATFIELD. 
 
 For 47th Congress— Second District, 
 EDMUND W. M. MACKEY. 
 
 For Solicitor— First Circuit, 
 M. E. HUTCHINSON. 
 
 For Sheriff, 
 LOUIS DUNNEMAN. 
 
 For Clerk of Court, 
 JOHN H. OSTENDOEF. 
 
 For Coroner. 
 WILLIAM H. THOMPSON, 
 
 For Judge of Probate. 
 WAEREN E. MAESHALL. 
 
 For School Commissioner. 
 SAMUEL E. COX. 
 
 For County Commissioners. 
 
 GAERET BUENS. 
 
 E. K. WASHINGTON. 
 
 A. E. PHILIPPY. 
 
 For Senator, 
 JAMES B. CAMPBELL. 
 
 For House of Eepresentatlves. 
 ANDEEW SIMONDS. 
 
 THOS. A. McLean. 
 
 WILLIAM J. 6AYEE. 
 CHAELES H. VANDEEHOBST. 
 C. G. MEMMINGER. 
 DANIEL T. MIDDLETON. 
 JAMES BEENNAN. 
 PEANK LADSON. 
 EOBEET W. BROWN. 
 LOUIS SEEL, SR. 
 MOSES CAETER. 
 WM. G. PINCKNEY. 
 THOS. OSBORN. 
 JAMES HUTCHINSON. 
 SMAET WRIGHT 
 STfiPNEY W. LADSON. 
 JAMES SINGLETON. 
 
 That was the Republican ticket that 
 was voted. The Democratic ticket 
 voted in that box was the following: 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 S3 
 
 Democratic Ticket--1880 
 Charleston County 
 
 Electors at Large, 
 John L. Manning, 
 William Elliott. 
 District Electors, 
 1st— E. W. MoLse. 
 2d — Samuel Dibble. 
 3d — ^J. S. Murray. 
 4th— Cadwallader Tones, 
 5th— G. W, Crofr. 
 OOTernor, 
 Johnson Hagood, 
 Lleatenant-Gorernor, 
 
 J. D. Kennedy, 
 Comptroller-General, 
 
 J, C. Coit. 
 Secretary of State, 
 
 R, M. Sims. 
 
 Attornejr-General, 
 
 Leroy F. Youmans, 
 
 8ii|ierlntendent of Edncation, 
 
 Hugh S. Thompson. 
 
 Adjntant & Inapector-General, 
 
 Arthur M, Manigault, 
 
 State Treasurer, 
 
 John Peter Richardson, 
 
 Congress— Second District, 
 
 M, P. O'Connor, 
 
 Solicitor— First Circuit, 
 
 W, St. Julien Jervey, 
 
 Senator, 
 Augustine T. Smythe, 
 Bepresentatires, 
 C, H. Simonton, 
 J, B. E, Sloan. 
 James Simons. 
 C. P. Richardson. 
 John Jenkins, 
 H, L. P. Bolger, , 
 
 E. McCrady, Jr. 
 A, S, J. Perry. 
 John F. Ficken, 
 J. C. McKewn, 
 E, J, Dennis, 
 W, T. W. Baker. 
 John H. Devereux. 
 G. W, Egan. 
 George M. Mears, 
 Joseph Parker, 
 Paul B. Drayton. 
 Gerk of Court, 
 W, W. Sale. 
 Sheriir, 
 Hugh Ferguson, 
 Probate Judge, 
 William E. Vmcent, 
 School Commissioner, 
 Rev, P. F. Stevens. 
 
 Coroner, 
 John P. DeVeaux, 
 Conntf Commissioners, 
 T. A. Huguenm. 
 Philip Fogarty. 
 William H. Cain. 
 
 Constitutional Amendment relating 
 to Homestead— Ves. 
 
 This ticket is printed on thin, light- 
 blue tissue paper. 
 
 That is the "little joker" or the tis- 
 sue ballot which does duty in South Car- 
 olina. They have a wonderful way 
 down there of always having two Dem- 
 ocratic tickets, one narrower than the 
 other. 
 
 These tickets were so folded, one 
 within the other, that a by-stander 
 could not tell that there were more than 
 one ticket. 
 
 It is in evidence that at some polls aa 
 many as forty of these little feUows 
 were in the outside jacket. When the 
 manners come to draw out the tickets, 
 in order that every one them may count, 
 they stir them up and then these inside 
 tickets would fall out. 
 
 Here are two more tickets : 
 
 For BeDresentatiye in Congress, 
 
 Second OoNaREssioNAL District, 
 
 (TO FII.Ii VACANCY,) 
 
 SAMUEL DIBBLE. 
 
 For ReDFEsentative In Congress, 
 
 Second Conqkkssional Distbict, (to 
 
 FILL VACAUCY) 
 
 SAMUEL DIBBLE. 
 
 They all travel in pairs— these South 
 Carolina tickets. There is always 4 
 little one and then a big one to cover it. 
 
 Cbaracterlstic Bourbon Frandts at Hope 
 Engrlne-Mouse Poll — Bepabllcans Vote 
 open Tickets— Testimony as to tbe 
 Facts. 
 
 At Hope Engine-house poH in the city 
 of Charleston, the poll-list kept^ by the 
 Democratic managers of election, the 
 list kept by the Democratic United 
 States supervisor, and the list kept by 
 the Republican United States supervisor 
 substantially agreed. One of them stated 
 that 1,318 men had voted, and two of 
 them stated that 1,314 men had voted — 
 a difference of only four votes in a poll 
 of either 1,318 or 1,214, 
 
34 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 No person had access to or control of 
 the ballot-box at that poll during the 
 day of election except the Democratic 
 managers. At the close of the poll, and 
 when the ballots were counted, it was 
 found that there were 2,389 ballots m 
 the box, or 1,071 more ballots than there 
 were voters all told. 
 
 It was also found that there were 1,683 
 Democraticballots in that box — 465 more 
 Democratic ballots than there were vo- 
 ters all told, Republican and Demo- 
 cratic. It was in evidence in this case, 
 the proof being put iu by Mr. Dibble 
 himself, assisting the attorney of Mr. 
 O'Connor in Orangeburg County, that 
 the Republican tickets, owing to the pe- 
 culiar appearance of the back of the 
 ticket, which resembles a playing card, 
 could be recognized across the street. 
 
 The Republican supervisor of Hope 
 Engine-house poll states that for much 
 of the day ho was in plain view of the 
 voters at that poll, and that he saw 
 many of the Republicans — at least two 
 hundred — came up to the ballot-box and 
 cast such a ballot as above shown ; that 
 they came up before the managers with 
 their ticket open by a preconcerted ar- 
 rangement, and upon tlie request of Mr. 
 Mackey, that he might be enabled after 
 the election was over to prove just how 
 many ballots were cast; that in the 
 presence of the Democratic manager 
 they folded up the tickets that he might 
 see that each Republican voter voted 
 but one ticket. This Republican super- 
 visor says there were 597 of these tickets 
 put in the box tliat day by 597 Republi- 
 cans at that precinct. This would leave 
 but 617 Democratic tickets wJiich should 
 bave been cast there on that day. But 
 the evidence shows that, instead of the 
 Democrats having 617 ballots in the box 
 at the close of the poll, they had 1,683. 
 
 Bourbon process for pnrlfyins ballot- 
 box of Frand ~ Blindfolded Bourbon 
 draws all Republican ballots from box 
 — Distinguished tbem by tbelr feel as 
 «asily as be would a piece of Iro n. 
 
 In accordance with the law of South 
 Carolina when an excess of ballots is 
 found in the box, it is the duty of one 
 of the managers to draw out such ex- 
 cess. One of them was accordingly 
 blindfolded ; and in drawing out this 
 excess of 1,071 he drew out every Re- 
 
 Sublican ballot but five. And when Mr. 
 'Connor placed that man upon the 
 stand he liad the brazen impudence to 
 swear that lie felt for the Republican 
 tickets and tliat the reason those live 
 was not drawn out was because he could 
 not find tliem. One witnesses which 
 Mr. O'Connor called said he could tell 
 them by their feel as easily as lie could 
 tell a piece of sheet-iron from these 
 tissue ballots. 
 
 Fraudulent result at Hope Engrlne- 
 house poll after Pmriflcation of Bal- 
 lot-box. 
 
 At the close of this purification the 
 Democratic managers counted the vote, 
 1,300 for O'Connor, and gave to Mac- 
 key 5. The county canvassers, all of 
 them Democrats, counted it in the same 
 way, 1,200 to 5. And it went up to the 
 State board of canvassers, all of whom 
 were Democrats, and they again counted 
 it 1,300 for O'Connor and 5 for Mackey. 
 And it came to the House Committee on 
 Elections, and not desiring to count the 
 vote other than the precinct managers 
 had counted it, notwithstanding this 
 atrocious villainy, notwithstanding the 
 magnificent fraud, notwithstanding this 
 unclothecl perjury, the committee count- 
 ed it 1,300 to 5. Because the committee 
 would not grant his memorial, because 
 they thought that was the sheerest non- 
 sense in the world, the Democrats filibus- 
 tered for eight days. The committee 
 counted it as the Democrats counted it, 
 and then the Democratic minority, the 
 Democratic leaders, Randall and Hewitt 
 and Blackburn, resorted to every fili- 
 bustering expedient to defeat the House 
 in unseating Dibble. 
 
 Infamous Bourbon frauds at Haut Gap 
 precinct — Republicans protest— Coun. 
 ty canvassers and court refuse to cor- 
 rect Fraudulent count— State Board 
 orders correction as to count for State 
 offi<" i-s but leaves Fraudulent count 
 5 - congress Intact — House Committee 
 counted It as Democratic precinct 
 manag^ers counted It. 
 
 The undisputed evidence in the case 
 shows beyond all doubt or controversy 
 that the vote cast at Haut Gap was : 
 
 Mackey 1,037 
 
 O'Connor 46 
 
 Majority for Mackey 991 
 
 After the polls had been closed it was 
 found that there had not been a single 
 ballot voted in excess of the number of 
 
 fiersons who had voted. After the bal- 
 ots liad been counted and put back in 
 the box with the poll-lists and returns 
 it was sealed up and delivered to J. H. 
 Wilson, one of the Democratic precinct 
 managers, who delivered it to the clerk 
 of the county commissioners of election. 
 The box remained in the possession of 
 the county commissioners of electioiu 
 who are also the county canvassers of 
 election , until opened to oe counted, and 
 when so opened and counted by them it 
 was found to result as follows : 
 
 Mackey 19 
 
 O'Connor 1,052 
 
 Majority for O'Connor 1,033 
 
COSTESTED ELECTION CASKS. 
 
 35 
 
 At once the attention of the county 
 canvassers was called to the fraud which 
 had been perpetrated, but they refused 
 to either hear evidence or correct it. A 
 writ of mandamus was at once sued out 
 against the managers at Haut Grap pre- 
 cinct to compel them to make a return 
 of the election at that poU. To that 
 writ they made answer that they had 
 already done so. Upon this issue was 
 joined, andtestimony taken by thejudge 
 who issued the writ— himself a Demo- 
 crat — and after hearing he rendered the 
 following decision : 
 
 1. That the hallote oast at the election, together 
 with a statement of the result and the poll list 
 at the close of the canvass by the managers, 
 were put in the box, the box covered with paper 
 and sealed with wax and delivered to J. H. 
 Wilson, one of the managers, to be delivered by 
 him to the county canvassers. 
 
 2. That J. H. Wilson brought the box with the 
 seals unbroken and delivered it to the county 
 canvassers on the 3d day of November stating 
 at the time of delivery the contents of the box. 
 
 3. That at the time of the delivery of the box 
 to the county canvassers it contained the ballots 
 cast at the election, a statement of the election 
 Ijy the managers, and a poll list, and that the 
 violation of the box was subsequeut to its de- 
 livery by Wilson. 
 
 The managers having done that which it is 
 sought to compel them to do, it Is ordered that 
 the rule be discharged. 
 
 On this the Republican candidates car- 
 ried the matter to the State board of 
 canvassers, and there the attorney for 
 the Republican candidates and the 
 attorneys for the Democratic candi- 
 dates made an agreement. It states 
 that the whole number of votes 
 cast at Haut Gap precinct and counted 
 and returned by the managers thereat 
 was 1,083, of which number the Repub 
 lican candidates received 1,037 and the 
 Democratic candidates received 46 ; that 
 •when the ballot-box purporting to come 
 from Haut Gap precinct was opened by 
 the commissioners of election of said 
 county it contained no statement of tlie 
 votes cast at said precinct signed by the 
 managers at said precinct, but simply 
 certain ballots and a poll-list signed by 
 the commissioners of election for 
 said county, acting as a board of 
 county canvassers, that said bal- 
 lots were found in all to number 
 1,071 of which number the Republican 
 candidates received 19 and the Demo- 
 cratic candidates 1,053, and that the 
 commissioners of election of Charleston 
 County canvassed and counted the said 
 ballots as last above stated as the votes 
 of the Haut Gap precinct. 
 
 Upon this statement, the evidence of 
 the fraud being so overwhelming, the 
 board passed the following resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That the board overrules the action 
 of the county board of canvassers as to the 
 Haut Gap box, and accepts and acts upon the 
 secondary evidence as to Its contents as ad- 
 duced before this board. 
 
 In accordance with this resolution the 
 State board corrected the vote as to the 
 
 county officers, but held that as to mem- 
 bers of Congress the board had no juris- 
 diction — the same being vested exclu- 
 sively in Congress in case of a contest. 
 The Committee on Election, there- 
 fore, as to this poU, counted it precisely 
 as the Democratic precinct managers 
 had counted it, as the State board of 
 canvassers corrected and counted it for 
 county officers, as the counsel for the 
 Republican and Democratic candidates 
 agreed in writing that it had been cast 
 and should be counted : that is, for 
 Mackey, 1,037; for O'Connor, 46. 
 
 Mackcy'8 election decided by tbe count 
 of the Democratic precinct managers. 
 
 In arriving at the conclusion that Mr. 
 Mackey was elected by a majority of 
 879, the committee accepted the returns 
 precisely as counted by the precinct 
 managers of tlie three counties compris- 
 ing the district— Charleston, Orange- 
 burgh, and Clarendon— every manager 
 in every precinct in the district, as here- 
 tofore stated, being a Democrat. There 
 are sixty-one precincts in the three 
 counties. The managers counted the 
 vote at every poll and forwarded the re- 
 sult, together with the ballots and the 
 lists of voters to the county canvassers. 
 The aggregate result in the three coun- 
 ties, as 80 counted by the managers and 
 returned to the county canvassers, was 
 as follows : 
 
 
 Mackey. 
 
 O'Connor 
 
 
 12,707 
 4,167 
 1,473 
 
 10,888 
 
 
 4,067 
 
 
 2,613 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 18,337 
 
 17,458 
 
 
 
 
 879 
 
 
 
 
 In the county of Charleston the county 
 canvassers counted twenty-six of the 
 polls precisely as the managers had 
 counted them, but changed the vote at 
 Haut Gap poll from 1,037 for Mackey 
 and 46 for O'Connor to 19 for Mackey 
 and 1,052 for O'Connor, and left out en- 
 tirely in their count seven precincts, 
 which were counted by the managers as 
 follows: For Mackey, 3,577; for O'Con- 
 nor, 465. 
 
 In the county of Orangeburgh the 
 county canvassers counted fifteen of the 
 polls precisely as the managers had 
 counted them, but rejected four polls 
 entirely, which were counted by the 
 managers asfollows : For Mackey, 1,445 ; 
 for O'Connor, 430. 
 
 In the county of Clarendon the county 
 canvassers counted all the precincts, 
 eight in number, precisely as the man- 
 agers had counted them. Tlie dispute, 
 therefore, before the House Committee 
 in this case narrowed itself down to 
 
36 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 these twelve precincts, so far as Mr. 
 Mackey's right to his seat was con- 
 cerned. 
 
 Totes in tlie eleven rejected polls— 
 Supreme Conrt of State declares that 
 they should toe counted— O'Connor's 
 false pretense of Intimidation and 
 Tiolence. 
 
 The eleven polls which were rejected 
 hy the county canvassers gave the fol- 
 lowing aggregate vote: For Mackey, 
 6,023 ; for O'Connor, 895. 
 
 A table compiled from the evidence m 
 this case, shows the number of pers9ns 
 who voted at these precincts according 
 to the poll-lists kept by the Democratic 
 managers; the number of ballots 
 found in the boxes at the close of 
 the polls by those managers ; the num- 
 ber of Republican ballots drawn out ; 
 the number of Democratic ballots drawn 
 out, and the vote as finally counted and 
 returned by the managers to the county 
 canvassers. 
 
 The table is as follows : 
 
 In Charleston an d Orangeburgh coun- 
 ties: 
 Number of persons who voted according 
 
 to the poll-lists kept by the managers of 
 
 the election 6.993 
 
 Number of ballots found in the boxes at 
 
 the close of the election 6,230 
 
 Number of ballots in excess of number of 
 
 persons voting 237 
 
 Number of Republican ballots drawn out 18* 
 Number of Democratic ballots drawn out 63 
 
 Votes as counted by the Democratic 
 precinct managers and returned' to 
 county canvassers : 
 
 For Mackey 5,022 
 
 For O'Connor 895 
 
 In order to compel the county canvass- 
 ers to count the votes of these polls ille- 
 gally rejected, application on behalf of 
 the contestant and the other candidates 
 on the Republican ticket was made to 
 Judge "Wallace, one of tlie circuit judges 
 of the State, for a writ of mandamus, 
 which he declined to grant. An appeal 
 was then taken to the supreme court of 
 the State, and after a delay of many 
 months it decided that the county boards 
 had erred in rejecting these polls ; that 
 under the law of South Carolina the 
 duties of the county canvassers and 
 State board of canvassers in counting 
 the vote of a member of Congress were 
 merely ministerial, and that none of 
 said boards had the right to decide a 
 protest or contest as to the election of a 
 member of Congress, and concluded 
 that — 
 
 If E. W. Mackey, candidate for Congress, had 
 filed his petition separately, praying that the 
 mandamus might issue rectulrmg the board of 
 county canvassers to count the votes found in 
 the boxes for him as a candidate for Congress, 
 
 we do not see in the case any conclusive rea- 
 soTi why the writ should not have issued aa to 
 Mm. 
 
 Mr. Mackey, in his notice of contest, 
 stated that these polls had been thrown 
 out by the county canvassers. 
 
 Mr. O'Connor, in his response, said, 
 inter alia : 
 
 Without admitting or denying that in Orange- 
 burgh County the commissioners of election 
 refused to count and canvass and include in 
 their statement of the result of the election the 
 votes cast, canvassed, and duly returned for a 
 member of Congress at the foUowmg voting 
 precincts, to wit, Lewisville, Fort Motte, Fo- 
 gle's, and Bookhart's, I aver and shall main- 
 tain that threats, acts of intimidation and vio- 
 lence were perpetrated by your partisans and 
 supporters. 
 
 Responding to the charge relative to 
 the polls rejected in Charleston county, 
 he said, inter alia : 
 
 I admit that in Charleston County the com- 
 missioners of election, sitting as a board of 
 county canvassers, did not count, canvass, 
 and include, in their statement of the result of 
 the election, the votes cast at the following vot- 
 ing precincts, to wit, Calamus Pond, Strawberry 
 Ferry, Biggin Church, Ten Mile HiU, Brick 
 Church, Enterprise, and Black Oak ; but their 
 refusal to count the same was well founded and 
 iustifled on the part of the board, sitting as a 
 Doard of county canvassers, because the re- 
 turns from each of these precincts, with the 
 exception of Black Oak, when handed into the 
 board were accompanied by protests, properly 
 made out, charging intimidation, violence, and 
 other outrages done by your partisans and sup- 
 porters. 
 
 This is a brief statement of the num- 
 ber of votes cast and canvassed at these 
 eleven polls rejected by the county 
 board of canvassers of Charleston and 
 Orangeburgh counties. It is true that 
 Mr. O'Connor, in his answer, set up that 
 these polls were thrown out because 
 " threats, acts of intimidation, and vio- 
 lence were perpetrated by the partisans 
 and supporters of Mr. Mackey," " to 
 the serious interference with the man- 
 agers of election in the discharge of 
 their duties, and to the prevention of a 
 free and fair election," but he utterly 
 failed to establish the charges in his 
 proof. Not a single manager testifies 
 that they were overawed and forced to 
 make a miscount ; the farthest they go 
 is that they believe many colored men 
 would have voted for Mr. O'Connor if 
 they had been left to their own free 
 choice. No allegation set up by Mr. 
 O'Connor for the rejection of these polls 
 was supported even by the testimony of 
 his own witnesses, and not a particle of 
 evidence in the contestee's testimony 
 shows that these poUs were not counted 
 as the committee reported, or that they 
 were not so counted by the Democratic 
 precinct managers. 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 87 
 
 Tote of the Second Congressional Dis- 
 trict or Sontb Carolina, as counted 
 and returned by the Democratic Man- 
 agpers of the Election. 
 
 Vote certified and declared by 
 tile State board of canvass- 
 ers 
 
 Deduct tbe vote fraudulently 
 returned by tbe coun^ can- 
 vassers of Charleston County 
 as the vote of Haut Gap 
 
 Add the correct vote of Haut 
 Gap :is it waa counted and re- 
 turned by tbe managers of 
 the election 
 
 Add tbe correct vote of the fol- 
 lowing polls, which the coun- 
 ty canvassers of Charleston 
 and Orangebui;gh refused to 
 count and canvass, as re- 
 quired by law, to wit : 
 
 Calamus Pond... 
 
 Strawberrv 
 
 Biggin Church 
 
 £n erprlse 
 
 Brick Church 
 
 Ten Mile HiU 
 
 Blade Oak 
 
 Foglc's.v 
 
 Fort Moi?te 
 
 l/cwisvllle 
 
 Boukbardt'B 
 
 Total vote as counted and 
 returned by the managers 
 of the election , 
 
 Mjtjority for E. W. M. Maokey. 
 
 § 
 o 
 6 
 
 CM 
 
 17,669 
 
 1,052 
 
 16,617 
 
 16,663 
 
 119 
 90 
 63 
 
 161 
 16 
 6 
 11 
 10 
 85 
 
 236 
 69 
 
 17,468 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 12,297 
 
 19 
 
 12,278 
 1,037 
 
 13,316 
 
 611 
 673 
 380 
 385 
 732 
 603 
 893 
 264 
 279 
 700 
 212 
 
 18,337 
 
 17,468 
 
 879 
 
 That was the Democratic statement 
 of the vote— the statement of the Demo- 
 cratic officers of election— and by it 
 Mackey's majority was 879. 
 
 Stuffing Ballot-boxes, and their Pnria- 
 cation by Bourbon Process — Blind- 
 folded Bourbon draws out of box only 
 Republican Ballots — The Result a 
 Handsome Majority for Bourbon 
 Usurper — Mackey's real and legal 
 Majority of the Vote cast, 9,427— Bal- 
 lot-box Stuffing. 
 
 Although the majority of 879, shown to 
 have been returned by the Democratic 
 managers of the election to the county 
 canvassers, was sufficient to entitle the 
 contestant to be seated, yet the testi- 
 mony also shows that the contestant ac- 
 tually received a very much larger ma- 
 jority. Itwas reduced to 879 by a uniform 
 systemof ballot- boxstuffiuj,'— by causing 
 
 to be put in the ballot-boxes at all of the 
 polls in the Congressional district but 
 ten an excess of votes over voters on the 
 poll-lists, and then by drawing out a 
 number of ballots equal to that excess — 
 an operation by which the vote of Mr. 
 Mackey was reduced and the vote of Mr. 
 O'Connor greatly increased. 
 
 In reference to these frauds the con- 
 testant in his notice of contest charged 
 that at each of those polls numerous 
 ballots bea,ring cohtestee's name were 
 fraudulently placed in the ballot-box for 
 the purpose of creating in them an ex- 
 cess of votes over voters, and thereby 
 compelling the mp,nagers to draw out 
 and destroy the excess of ballots thus 
 created, in order to reduce the number 
 of ballots in the box to the number of 
 names on the poll-list ; that in drawing 
 out of the box at each of those polls the 
 excess of ballots so created, numerous 
 ballots with contestant's name thereon 
 which had been legally voted were 
 drawn out and destroyed, and in their 
 pl^ce were fcpunted a corresponding 
 number ol ballots with, contestee's name 
 thereon which had not been legally 
 voted; and the change was substantially 
 admitted by the contestee and fully 
 proved by the contestant. 
 
 The extent to which the ballots in the 
 boxes exceeded the number of names on 
 the poll- lists at these polls is Shown ia 
 thb following table : 
 
 Number of persons who voted'aocording to 
 
 ipdjl-list 36,248 
 
 Numbet of ballots found In boxes 42,637 
 
 Excess of ballots over voters 6,289 
 
 In drawing this excess of 6,289 ballots, 
 at many polls not a single Democratic 
 ballot was drawn out, and at many only 
 one; and the consequence was that 
 nearly all the ballots drawn out were Re- 
 publican. As a natural result, the Re- 
 publican vote was greatly reduced and 
 the Democratic vote greatly increased. 
 By this table it appears that if Mackey's 
 vote had been counted as cast, his ma- 
 jority would have been 9,427 instead of 
 879, as counted by the managers after 
 this excess of 6,289 was drawn out. 
 
 House Seats Mr. Mackey — Teas and 
 Nays. 
 
 The SPEAKER. The House will come 
 to order. The Clerk wiU read the reso- 
 lutions. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows : 
 
 Besolved, That the Hon. Samuel Dib'ole is not 
 entitled to hold the seat now occupied by him 
 in this House as a Eepreeentatlve from the sec- 
 ond district of South Carolina In the Forty- 
 seventh Congress 
 
 Jtesolved, That the Hon. E. W. M. Mackey was 
 duly elected as a Representative from the sec- 
 ond Congressional district of South Carolina in 
 the Forty-seventh Congress, and is entitled to a 
 seat in this House. 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 The call of the roll was concluded; 
 and there were — yeas 150, nays 3, not vot- 
 ing 138, as follows : 
 
 YEAS 160— Aldrioh, Anderson, Barr, Bayne, 
 Belford, Bingham, Bowman, Brewer, Briges, 
 Browne, Brumm, Buck, Burrows, Julius C. ; Bur- 
 rows, Joseph H. : Butterworth, Call^inB, Camp, 
 Campbell, Cannon, Carpenter, Caswell, Chace, 
 Cornell, Crapo, Crowley, CuUen, Cutts, Bar- 
 ren, Davis, George E. ; Dawos, Deering, De 
 Motte, Dezendorf, Dingley, Bunnell, Dwight, Er- 
 rett, Farwell, Charles B.; Farwell, Sewell S.; 
 Fisher, Ford, George, Godshalk, Grout. Gueniher, 
 Hall, Hammond, John; Harmer, Harris, Benjamin 
 W, ; Haseltine, Haskell, Hawk, Hazelton, Heil- 
 man, Henderson, Hepburn, Hill, Hiscock, Horr, 
 Houk.Hubbell, Hubbs, Humphrey, Jacobs, Jad- 
 win, Jones, George W.; Jones, Phineas; Jorgensen, 
 Joyce, Kasson, Kelley, Keicham, Lacey, Lewis, 
 Lord, Lynch, Marsh, Mason, McClure, McCoid, 
 McCook, McKinley, Miles, Miller, Moore, Morey, 
 Neal, Norcros", O'Neill, Orth, Pacheeo, Page, Par- 
 ker, Paul, Payson, Peelle, Peirce, Pettiboue, Pound, 
 Prescott, Eanney, Eav, Reed, Rice, John B. ; 
 Eice.Theron M.; Rice, William W.; Eich,Eichard- 
 son, D. P. ; Ritchie, Robeson, Robinson, George D.; 
 Robinson, James S. : Russell, Ryan, Scranton,Shal- 
 lenberger, Sherwin, Shultz, Skinner, Smith, A. Herr, 
 Smith, Dietrich C; Smith, J. Hyatt; Spaulding, 
 Spooner, Steele, Stone, Strait, Taylor, Thomas, 
 Thompson, William G. ; Townsend, Amos; Tyler, 
 Updegraff J. T. ; Updegraff, Thomas ; Urner, Van 
 Aernam, Van Horn, Van Voorhis, Wadsworth, 
 Wait, Walker. Ward, Washburn, Watson, Webber, 
 West, White, Williams, Charles G.; Willits, Wood, 
 Walter A. 
 
 NAYS i—Eardenbergh, Morse, Phdpa. 
 
 NOT VOTING \3&— Aiken, ArmfleU. Atkerton, At- 
 kins, Barbour, Beach, Belmont, BeUzhoover, Berry, 
 Black, Blackburn, Blanchard^ Bland, Bliss, Blount, 
 Bragg, Buchanan, Buckner, Cabell, Caldwell, Candler, 
 Carlisle, Cassidy, Chapman, Clardy, Clark, Clements, 
 Cobb, Colerick, Converse, Cook, Ctoa:. Samuel S.; Cox, 
 William E,; Covington, Cravens, Culberson, Curtin, 
 Davidson^ Davis, Lowndes H.; Deuster, Dibble, 
 Dibrell, Dowd, Dugro, Dunn, Ellis, Ermentrout, 
 Evins, Finley, Flower, Forney, Frost, Fulkerson, 
 Garrison, Oeddes, Gibson, Qunter, Hammond, N. J ; 
 Hardy, Harris, Henry S.; Hoick, Herbert. Hem- 
 don, Hewitl, Abram S.; Hewitt, G. W.; HobliizeU, 
 Hoge, Holman, Hooker, House, Hulchins, Jones 
 James K.; Kenna, King, Klotz.Knott, Ladd, La- 
 tham, Leedom, Le Fevre, Lindsey. Manning, Martin, 
 Matson, McKenzie, McLane, McMillin, Mills, Money, 
 Morrison, Mosgrove, MouUon, Mutdrow, Murch 
 Mutchler, Nolan, Dales, Phister, Randall, Seagan, 
 Richardson, John S.; Robertson, Robinson, William E; 
 Rosecrans, Ross, Scales, Scoville, Shackelford, Shelley, 
 Simonton, Singleton, James W.; Singleton, Otho R.; 
 Sparks, Speer, Springer, Stephens, Stockslager, Tal- 
 boti, Thompson, P. B.; Tillman, Towushend, R. W.; 
 Tucker, Turner, Henry (?.,• Turner, Oscar; Vpson 
 Valentine, Vafice, Warner, Wellborn, Wheeler, Whtt- 
 thorne, Williams, Thomas; Willis, Wilson, Wise 
 George D.; Wise, Morgan R.; Wood, Benjamin; 
 Young. 
 
 So the resolutions reported by the 
 Committee on Elections were adopted. 
 
 PART IV. 
 liowe vs. TVheeler. 
 
 History of the Case. 
 
 At the general election held in No- 
 vember, 1880, in the Eighth Congress- 
 ional district of Alabama, (comprising 
 the counties of Colbert, Franklin, Jack- 
 son, Lauderdale, Lawrence, Limestone, 
 Madison, and Morgan), the candidates 
 
 for a seat in the Forty-seventh Cop- 
 gress were Joseph Wheeler (Democrat) 
 and Wm. M. Lowe (Greenback Demo- 
 crat). The returned aggregate vote was: 
 for Wheeler 12, 808, for Lowe 12,765; ma- 
 jority for Wheelpr, 43, upon which Mr. 
 Wheeler was given the certiiicate of 
 election. Mr. Lowe at once took the 
 necessary steps to contest Mr. Wheeler's 
 right to a seat in the House. 
 The Pretense that WTieeler was denied 
 a Hearing before the Committee a 
 Frand— A Characteristic Rnse for De- 
 lay. 
 
 In the House the claims of the two 
 parties were early referred to the Com- ~ 
 mittee on Elections, and by it to a sub- 
 committee composed of Messrs. Thomp- 
 son of Iowa, Hazelton, Eanney, Paul, 
 and Beltzhoover. All manner of delays 
 to prevent a hearing or adjudication of 
 the case were the tactics resorted to by 
 the contestee (Wheeler) supported by 
 the Democracy. On the 24th of Decem- 
 ber, 1881, within three days after the or- 
 ganization of the committee, the testi- 
 mony in the case was given to the Public 
 Printer and printed. No extension of 
 time or delays were asked by the 
 contestant Lowe. All requests of that 
 kind were made for by tne contestee, 
 and his every request or motion for ex- 
 tension of time was granted by the com- 
 raittee. Finally on the 1st of May, 1883, 
 after months of delay asked for and ob- 
 tained by the contestee or his attorney, 
 Mr. Wheeler filed his brief in the case. 
 Hence his cry, and that of the" Demo- 
 cracy in the House, that Wheeler was 
 denied time to prepare and argue his 
 case, denied a hearing before the com- 
 mittee, was simply a fraud ; it had no 
 foundation in fact. 
 
 Jio politics in the case — Tt^heeler and 
 liOwe rivals in Tillificatlon of the Re- 
 publican party— No fair election in Al- 
 abama for fifteen years. 
 
 The charges and counter-charges, 
 criminations and recriminations, 
 brought by the contestee and contest- 
 ant, one against the other, renders it 
 doubtful which of these two men has in 
 the last ten years been most forward in 
 abusing, villifying, or traducing the Ee- 
 publican party. Mr. Lowe, however, 
 denounces bulldozing and the robbery 
 of the ballot-box, and demands a free 
 ballot and a fair count. He says that in 
 the last fifteen years there has not been 
 a fi-ee or fair election in all Alabama. 
 The conspiracy and its Ag^ents and Pro- 
 gramme—Vigilance In Registration- 
 Negroes mnst realize that they are 
 enrolled for the benefit of the Demo- 
 crats—The Poor and Dependent, the, 
 weaker classes generally, must be 
 manipulated. 
 
 We print fi-om the evidence in this 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 39 
 
 case the following parts of an extra- 
 ordinary document authoritatively pre- 
 scribing the villainous Bourbon Demo- 
 cratic programme for the capture of the 
 8th Alabama Congressional District: 
 
 Tlie following recommendations are made to 
 the respective Hancocli clubs m tlie 8tli Con- 
 gressional district of Alabama. ♦ » » 
 
 THE WHITE VOTE. 
 
 1. Malce a Ust of white voters in each precinct 
 not on the roll of Its club. 
 
 2. Appoint a committee of on e member to wait 
 on each of these, and respectfuDy and cordially 
 Invite him to Join us. The committee to report 
 at the next meeting of the club. 
 
 3. If any one fails to respond to this invitar 
 tion, send a committee of two other members 
 most likely to influence him, who will urge him 
 by every consideration that can be presented 
 not by lethargy or Inaction to desert his kin- 
 dred and country in this effort of deliverance, 
 and in some cases to tell him that his decision 
 will. In the opinion of many of his friends and 
 neighbors, determine whether we regard him as 
 a friend or foe to our party. 
 
 With some persons such extreme expressions 
 would not be advisable, as many gentlemen who 
 do not care to have their names enrolled In 
 clubs are our earnest friends. 
 
 THB BLACK VOTE. 
 
 1. Make at once a complete Ust of the quali- 
 fied negro voters m your precinct, In which 
 BhaU be set down : 
 
 First. The name and address of each voter. 
 
 Second. With whom he works, and whether 
 as a hired hand or tenant. 
 
 Third. What merchant or other person ad- 
 vances for iilm. 
 
 2. It Is deemed preferable that this census be 
 made by regularly appointed census-takers or 
 committee, and that the negro voter should know 
 that he is tlius enrolled by the club. • ♦ * * 
 
 PLAN OF CAMPAIGN. 
 
 1. The Hancock clubs for the election of aU 
 Democratic nominees will meet not less than 
 twice a month ; oftener when expedient, and in 
 executive session with closed doors. 
 
 2. It is desirable that cur attention be con- 
 centrated upon selected negro voters to secure 
 the majority desired, and that the others be let 
 alone. 
 
 Those selected for our efforts should be, not 
 party leaders, offloe-seekers, or others who ex- 
 pect to make something out of the Eadical 
 party, but- 
 First. Those who have acquired property and 
 pay taxes. 
 
 Second. Those whos* relations to and stand- 
 ing with the whites is best. 
 
 Third. Those who are poorest and most de- 
 pendent upon the whites. 
 Fourth. The weaker classes generally. 
 
 3. It is deemed best to operate upon the indl 
 vidual negro voters and to carefully avoid at- 
 tempting to influence them in masses. To this 
 end, when your register of negro voters is com- 
 plete, submit It to your club, and require each 
 member to select such negro or negroes as he 
 can Influence. Let such member be a commit- 
 tee of one for the purpose he haa undertaken 
 and report results to the executive committee 
 of the club ; these results to be registered and 
 report when called for by the county chairman. 
 
 Tbe Clanses of Alabama Constitution In 
 reference to the Ballot, Ac^ 
 
 The constitution of Alabama provides 
 
 that all popular elections shall be by 
 ballot ; that no educational or property- 
 test for suffrage or office shall ever be 
 imposed ; and that the legislature shall 
 protect the ballot by adequate penalties, 
 &c. What is a ballot in the meaning of 
 the Constitution? It has the same 
 meaning in law as in the common ac- 
 ceptation of the people. It is a piece of 
 paper or other suitable material with 
 the name of the jjerson or persons voted 
 for written or printed thereon, together 
 with the office for which each person so 
 named is intended to be chosen. (Cool- 
 ey's Constitutional Limitations, 760.) 
 
 IFbole Election Dfactainery of Alabama 
 In bands of Bourbons — Election Of- 
 ficials unable to Bead or Write. 
 
 The whole machinery of the election 
 was in the hands of Mr. Wheeler's par- 
 tisan friends. At many of the precincts 
 his Democratic sujiporters refused to al- 
 low a Republican inspector to act or be 
 appointed. It was in evidence that a 
 circular was sent out notifying inspect- 
 ors of election that the law for the ap- 
 pointment of United States supervisors 
 was invalid, and should be disregarded; 
 that the United States supervisors had 
 no business to touch a ballot or to inter- 
 fere with the election in any way. 
 
 In nearly every one of the election pre- 
 cincts, from one end of the district to 
 the other, the whole machinery of the 
 election was in the hands of the partisan 
 friends of the contestee, who refused to 
 put upon the board any man selected by 
 the friends of the contestant; who re- 
 fused to select for that position any in- 
 telligent man, any man who could read 
 and write, and in some case appointed 
 over the protest of Republicans men 
 who could neither read nor write, 
 and who, as they supposed, would not 
 be able to detect the frauds they pro- 
 posed to perpetrate. 
 
 Tbe Bourbons secure a majority only 
 by manipulating tbe Ballot Box— Bis- 
 francblsement of voters tbrong-b the 
 rejection of legal ballots legally cast. 
 
 More than one thousand of the voters 
 of the district were disfranchised — vot- 
 ers for Wm. M. Lowe — on the ground 
 that the tickets voted were illegal in de- 
 sign. Over six hundred votes were 
 thus rejected simply and solely because 
 on the face of their ticket, before the 
 word "district," was printed the numer- 
 als "1st, 3d, 3d," &c. 
 
 Form and Words of the Rejected Ballots. 
 
 The rejected ballots were in the fol- 
 lowing form and words : 
 
40 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 FoH Electors fok President and 
 Vice President. 
 
 STATE AT large. 
 
 W. L. BRAGG. 
 E. A. O'NEAL. 
 
 DISTRICT ELECTORS. 
 
 l8t District-D. p. BESTOE, 
 
 Sd District-JOHN A. PADGETT, 
 
 3d District— J. F. WADDELL, 
 
 4th District-JOHN ENOCHS. 
 
 5th District— THDS. W. SADDLER, 
 
 6th District— J. G. HARRIS, 
 
 7th District— P. W. BOWDON, 
 
 8th District— H. C. JONES. 
 
 FOR CONGRESS — EIGHTH DISTRICT. 
 
 WILLIAM M. LOWE. 
 
 For Electors for President and 
 Vice President. 
 
 state at large. 
 JAMES M. PICKENS. 
 OLIVER S. BEERS. 
 
 district electors. 
 
 Ist District— C. C. McCALL, 
 
 2d District-J. B. TOWNSEND, 
 
 3d District— A. B. GRIFFIN, 
 
 4th District— HILLIARD M. JUDGE, 
 
 5th Districtr-THEODORE NUNN. 
 
 6th District-J. B. SHIELDS, 
 
 7th District-H. R. McCOY, 
 
 8th District— JAMES H. ^OWAN 
 
 FOR CONGRESS — EIGHTH DISTRICT. 
 
 WILLIAM M. LOWE. 
 
 Six Hundred Totes Rejected— A Detail- 
 ed Sammary. 
 
 The following exhibits a summary of 
 the rejected votes ; 
 
 Totes. 
 
 Big Creek 7 
 
 ClnckaBaw 8 
 
 Courtland 66 
 
 JDanriUe 42 
 
 Decatur 3 
 
 Elkmont 66 
 
 FalkvUle 97 
 
 Plint 76 
 
 Florcnoe 4 
 
 Green Hill 22 
 
 Hunts vine 63 
 
 Kasli'B . - 2 
 
 Madison 3 
 
 Mrridianville (No. 1) 32 
 
 Owen's Cross Roads 31 
 
 Poplar Eldge 41 
 
 EussellvUle 61 
 
 Total., 601 
 
 Tiolent Bonrbon Outrages In the mani- 
 pulation of the Ballot-Box— Bourbons 
 Ask for and then Denounce United 
 States supervisors— Mutilate or Steal 
 Registration liists. 
 
 The evidence shows that at Lanier's 
 box all the State officers were weU- 
 known Bourbons, and that the ballot- 
 box in the absence of opposition inspec- 
 tors was duly stuffed in the interest of 
 the contestee. The evidence shows the 
 fact to a moral if not to a legal certainty. 
 The testimony of Hertzler, McDonnell, 
 R. H. Lowe, McDaniel, Toney, Lanier, 
 and others ought, a priori, to satisfy any 
 honest doubt on the subject; but, a for- 
 tiori, while the inspectors return only 
 67 votes for Lowe, 128 of the voters 
 themselves voluntarily swear that they 
 cast their ballot with Lowe's name upon 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 41 
 
 them. The same thing is disclosed at 
 Meridianville. All the officers were 
 Bourbons ; Lowe had no friends among 
 them ; and the ballot-box was stuffed, 
 of course, by the partisans of Wheeler. 
 The evidence shows how these things 
 were done, and systematically done, by 
 Wheeler's partisans. They called on 
 the United States marshal for deputies 
 at the election, and then denounced him 
 as a usurper for granting their request, 
 and issued a formal proclamation 
 " warning" the people against his au- 
 thor! ty . They refused in many instances 
 to afpoint Republican or Greenback in- 
 speifors, but they petitioned the Federal 
 jud^e far in advance of either party for 
 UiJited States supervisors for them- 
 selves, while both before and after their 
 arpointment they railed out in the name 
 c !' State rights against all Federal elec- 
 tion oiBcers as the enemies and oppress- 
 ors of the people. They falsified inces- 
 santly in everv way from the beginning 
 to the end of the canvass, while they 
 held themselves out to the people as the 
 only friends of decency and truth. They 
 mutilated or stole away the registration 
 lists, and then charged a failure to regis- 
 ter upon the opposition. They avowed 
 their devotion to an honest election and 
 a fair count while forging every kind of 
 false and deceptive ballot. 
 
 The Infamous yellow circular — Furtber 
 proofs of Bourbon conspiracy and 
 llrauds— Harhs or figures on Ballot 
 prohibited by election laws— Sucb 
 ballots ordered to be rejected— ITever- 
 tbeless Democratic Returning Boards 
 can only count for Wtaeeler 43 ma- 
 jority—Democratic minority of House 
 Committee beat Alabama Democratic 
 Returning Board at tbe game of 
 Fraudulent Counting. 
 
 The following circular, called the "yel- 
 low circular," was placed in the hands 
 of Wheeler's partisans at every elec- 
 tion precinct or poll throughout the dis- 
 trict: 
 
 [Yellow circular.] 
 
 Deak Sir : As Boon as the polls are closed In- 
 form tie Inspectors of the election that the 
 Lowe tickets with Hancock electors on them are 
 Illegal. They contain the flgures Ist, 2d, &c., 
 designating the district. These are marks or 
 figures which are prohibited by the election laws; 
 see acts 1878-79, page 72 ; and all such tickets 
 should bo rejected when the votes are counted, 
 after the poUa are closed. 
 
 (Indorsed :) To be shown only to very discreet 
 friends. 
 
 It was inclosed in the following : 
 
 IMPORTANT. 
 
 You are specially designated as a person 
 whose influence and ability can accomplish 
 much in the election. 
 
 ******* 
 
 You are earnestly requested to be at the polls 
 before the voting commences, and if any in- 
 
 spectors or managers are absent see that a good 
 Democrat takes his place. This is very import- 
 ant. 
 
 ******* 
 By order of the Congressional Comt. 
 A. J. 8YKE8, 
 
 Ohairman. 
 E. H. FOSTER, 
 
 Secretary. 
 
 At the close of the polls, as tbe evi- 
 dence shows, the vote stood: for Lowe, 
 13,456; for Wheeler, 12,50^— majority 
 for Lowe, 817. But in obedience to the 
 ''yellow circular" decree, the returning 
 boards of the district rejected of Lowe 
 ballots denounced as illegal because of 
 the numerals "1st," "2d," "3d," &c., 
 printed on them, a number sufficient to 
 return a majority for Wheeler of 43. Al- 
 though the election machinery was in the 
 hands of Mr. Wheeler's friends, and 
 they cast out these 601 votes, threw 
 overboard more than 700 by failing to 
 count or return them, yet, in spite of 
 all this, the returning board of the dis- 
 trict, experienced as its members were, 
 heartless as ttie evidence shows them to 
 be, could only figure 43 majority for 
 General Wheeler in that district. 
 
 It was left to the minority of the Com- 
 mittee on Elections to surpass them at 
 their own ^ ame and to actually figure a 
 majority for General Wheeler of 2,625. 
 The retui 'ling boards, every one of 
 them Den ocratic, composed of neigh- 
 bors, frie' ds, and partisans of the con- 
 testee, hn'J not cheek enough to return 
 a majori y of more than 43 ; but the 
 minority :>i theHousecommittee, having 
 a bettei Knowledgeof arithmetic, return 
 a majority of 2,625. 
 
 The rejected liOwe ballots violated no 
 la'w of Alabama — Wheeler tickets 
 printed with flgures or marbs like 
 Rejected liOwe Ballots counted— Im. 
 possible to frame ticket technically 
 legal In every sense. 
 
 It was in evidence, and undisputed, 
 that at this election, Wheeler tickets, 
 printed like Lowe tickets, with nume- 
 rals on them, were counted for Wheeler. 
 At the Huntsville poll, 147 such votes 
 were counted. The only difference was, 
 that one set of tickets had numerals on 
 the side, and the other set had numerals 
 on the tail. Why were these Wheeler 
 tickets counted and similar Lowe tickets 
 rejected 7 
 
 Was it not in obedience to the fraud 
 deliberately concocted by Wheeler and 
 his partisans and announced in the in- 
 famous yellow circular? But the re- 
 jected Lowe tickets violated no law of 
 Alabama. It probably would be im- 
 possible to frame a strictly legal ballot 
 — a ticket against which no flimsy or 
 fraudulent objection cpuld be raised. 
 
 If "figures''^ mean numerals, if "char- 
 acters" mean letters, if "marks" mean 
 punctuation marks, if " ruHngs " mean 
 
43 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 printer's rules, if "embellishments 
 mean the art of penmanship or tne 
 graces of job-work, it would be prac- 
 ticaUy impossible to write or print a 
 ballot which would not technically ot- 
 fend against the letter of the statute. 
 But that is not the proper construction 
 of the law. It is the construction ot 
 school-boys and school-books, not ot 
 lawyers and courts. 
 
 Active Bourbon Invention— Cnniiing 
 Bonrbon devices to disfrancbise Ke- 
 publlcan and Greenbacli voters— Car- 
 penters witb Tape-Ilne and Mercbants 
 witb Tard-sticli measure ballots— In- 
 dustrious and ingenious fraud. 
 
 One of their inspectors, a carpenter by 
 trade, carried his tape-line to the polls 
 to measure Lowe's ballots while count- 
 ing them ; and another, being a mer- 
 chant, utilized his yard-stick for the 
 minimum discovery, after the election, ot 
 a score or more of Lowe's ballots, which 
 he triumphantly declared were from 
 one-sixteenth to one sixty-fourth of an 
 inch too long or too short. Indeed, these 
 Bourbon officials were industrious to 
 invent and employ every cunning arti- 
 fice and secret trick in the election, 
 
 in the district, at every precinct, a man 
 with registration certificates ; and when- 
 ever a voter was not registered he could 
 apply to that man and be registered 
 right there and vote. 
 
 Besides, where were the registration 
 lists'? Where the proof that the men 
 not registered cast their ballots for 
 Lowe ? Where the proof that they were 
 not registered 1 But the committee, in 
 order to test this new charge as far as 
 Bossible, took the scraps of registry 
 lists which had been furnished them— 
 all that could be found in the 8th Ala- 
 bama district, and contrasting Wheeler's 
 pretended lists of non-voters with the 
 names on them, actually found regis- 
 tered even on those scraps of registry 
 hundreds of names alleged by Wheeler 
 not to be registered. Wheeler's pre- 
 tense was simply a fraud. 
 
 Registration law of Alabama— Regis- 
 tration no ftuallflcation of Voters — 
 Citizens may legally Vote on Certifl- 
 cate— No BoobLS of Registry. 
 
 The constitution of Alabama, article 
 8, section 5, provides: 
 
 The General Assembly may -when neceseary 
 provide by law lor tlie registration of eleetors 
 
 whUe busying themselves . to conceal %^^f^^'^^J^^t^^i^leTii^^ol?^l^ 
 
 their methods, not from their opponents 
 only, but from the more scrupulous men 
 in their own ranks. And when brought 
 to the bar to answer for their offenses, 
 whether as a witness, party, or juror, 
 they know how to avoid perjury by 
 what we may designate as a " detour of 
 intention," a compromise with consci- 
 ence, a mental reservation against the 
 . constitutionality of the law or the juris- 
 diction of the court. 
 
 These offenses were more notorious 
 and worse in fact in Madison county 
 than in any part of North Alabama. 
 They began with the election frauds 
 of August and continued through the 
 November elections. They filled the 
 public mind with a cloud of suspicion 
 and distrust. 
 
 mieeler attempts to Hedge, and al- 
 leges new but equally baseless grounds 
 in support of bis title to bis Seat- 
 Pleads tbat thousands wbo voted for 
 lowe 'fvere not registered — Alabama 
 law does not require voters to regis- 
 ter. 
 
 Wheeler, realizing that he could not 
 maintain his seat through the notorious 
 frauds by which he had been counted 
 in, attempted to hedge by alleging the 
 discovery that thousands of Lowe ballots 
 had been cast by men not registered. 
 Admitting that fact, what of if? The 
 law of Alabama does not make a man's 
 right to vote contingent upon his regis- 
 tering. But it provides tliat the inspec- 
 tors of election should have at every poU 
 
 city or town 1 , 
 
 no person shall vote at any election unless he 
 shall have registered as required by law. 
 
 The natural construction of this pro- 
 vision is that re^stration could not be 
 made a prerequisite to voting unless it 
 existed in the law itself creating tke 
 registration. 
 
 There is nothing in the language of 
 the provision to warrant any other con- 
 clusion. If the framers of that instru- 
 ment had intended to make registration 
 a constitutional condition precedent to 
 the right to vote they could and would 
 have said so in plain, direct, and une- 
 quivocal language. 
 
 If the Constitution, per se, makes reg- 
 istration a qualification of voting, why 
 should it vest such a discretion as it has 
 in the Legislature over the main ques- 
 tion? The reasonable construction is 
 that the General Assembly is author- 
 ized to enact a registry law and provide 
 in that law that no person shall vote at 
 any election unless he shall have regis- 
 tered as required by law ; and when such 
 law so provides, and not otherwise, reg- 
 istration becomes an absolute condition 
 of the right to vote. The present regis- 
 try law of Alabama does not contain any 
 such condition. 
 
 Indeed, it is hardly entitled to be 
 called a registry law. It is crude and 
 imperfect, and its execution has been of 
 the same character. Registration made 
 in 1875, under that law, is a complete 
 registration to-day. Registration in one 
 Congressional district, or in one townoi; 
 precinct is registration under that law^ 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 4S 
 
 in any one within the State. And its 
 so-caUed registrations exist in mere 
 fragments. 
 
 Judge after jndge, constituted by law 
 the custodian thereof, swears he does 
 not know where his book of registry is. 
 Another judge swears he has a few 
 scraps of paper, that they call a regis- 
 tration list, in his ofiice. And so on. 
 The law has neTer'been executed as it 
 is. And the law never required any man 
 to register in order to have a right to 
 vote. The law provides any man going 
 to the polls who is not registered shall 
 have the privilege of going to a regis- 
 trar, appointed on the morning of the 
 election, and may register. And that is 
 a compliance with the law. 
 
 Democrats Not Tlesistered Voted npon 
 Affidavlt^I/Owe certificates all Prop- 
 erly Verified. 
 
 On election day many Democrats, not 
 registered, secured affidavits and voted. 
 All the Lowe affidavits, every one of 
 them, upon which votes were cast were 
 dulj certified or authenticated as pre- 
 scribed by the law of Alabama. 
 
 Wheeler also raises the cry of Forgery- 
 Its Baseless Character— The false pre- 
 tense of Torgery and Frand to appear 
 in all cases as a part of the programme 
 to maintain Confederates in seats 
 nsarped through violence and Fraud. 
 
 The report of the Democratic minor- 
 ity in the case declares : 
 
 It is also claimed l)y Mr. Lowe that Flint pre- 
 cinct was not counted in the returns of Morgan 
 County, and tliat this precinct gave Mm 17 ma- 
 jority, but the proof regarding this raattter Is 
 contradictoiy, and is tainted by a forgery, 
 which the affldavlt of the probate judge shows 
 was Indorsed upon It after It went into the 
 hands of Mr. Lowe and his attorneys. 
 
 So far as reaching the meaning indi- 
 cated, it is an absolute fabrication. 
 What is this "taint "of forgery? In 
 making up the official vote of Morgan 
 County the proper officer had omitted 
 to include, by mistake, evidently, in his 
 certificate, the result of the vote at Flint 
 box precinct, and this fact of omission 
 was afterward noted on the outside of 
 the certificate by the following memo- 
 randum: "Flint box not given: Lowe 
 76 ; Wheeler 59 ; " and was no doubt so 
 noted by the returning officer or his 
 clerk. In the light of the facts such an 
 insinuation is an impeachment of the 
 men who make it, and not of Lowe and 
 his attorneys. , . ^ 
 
 This insinuation against the integrity 
 of Mr. Lowe and his attorneys found its 
 way into the minority report, not from 
 the facts in this case, not from the 
 judgment or convictions of the men 
 who made and submitted the report 
 to the House, but in deference to the 
 policy of a party caucus of the minority 
 of the House, that had resolved to over- 
 
 ride the sovereignty of a majority of 
 the American Congress in the execution 
 of an unlimited power of the Constitu- 
 tion, the absolute right and power of 
 the House to judge of the eleocions, re- 
 turns and qualifications of its own mem- 
 bers, upon the mere pretense of forgery 
 or fraud, which was to appear upon the 
 face of all minority reports in the elec- 
 tion cases of the House involving the 
 unseating of members on the other side 
 of this Chamber, and furnish therebj 
 an excuse for delay in the public busi- 
 ness by filibustering as has confronted 
 us for days in the South Carolina case 
 of Mackey against Dibble. 
 
 nonse seats Mr. liOwe— Teas and STays, 
 
 The SPEAKER. The question recurs- 
 on the adoption of the resolutions re- 
 ported by the Committee on Elections, 
 which the Clerk will read. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows : 
 
 Resolved, That Joseph Wheeler Is not entitled 
 to a seat in this House as a Representative In 
 the Forty-seventh Oongress from the eightll 
 Congressional district of Alabama. 
 
 Resolved, That William M. Lowe is entitled to- 
 a seat in tills House as a Bepresentative in the 
 Forty-seventh Congress from the eighth Con- 
 gressional district of Alabama. 
 
 The yeas and nays were ordered. 
 
 The question was taken ; and it was 
 decided in the affirmative — yeas 148, 
 nays 3, not voting 140 ; as follows : 
 
 YEAS 148— Aldrich, Anderson, Barr, Bayne,. 
 Bingham, Blsbee, Bowman, Brewer, Brigfrs, 
 Browne, Buck, Burrows, Julius C. ; Burrows, 
 Joseph H. ; Butterworth, Calkins, Camp, Cannon.;: 
 Carpenter, Caswell, Chace, Cornell, Crapo, CuUen, 
 Cutis, DarroU, Davis, George R. ; Dawes, Deering, 
 DeMotte, Dezendoif, Dingley, Dunnell. Dwight, Ep- 
 rett, Parwell, Charles B.; Farwell, Sewell S.; 
 Fisher, Ford, Fulkerson, George, Godshalk, Grout, 
 Gueniher, Hall, Hammond, John; Harmer, Harris, 
 Benjamin W, ; Haseltine, Haskell, Hawk, Hazelton,. 
 Heilman, Henderson, Hepburn, Hill, Hiscock, 
 Horr, Houk, Hubbell, Hubbs, Humphrey, Jacobs, 
 Jadwin, .Times, George W.; Jonej, Phineas; Joyce,. 
 Kasson, Kelley, Ketcham, Lacey, Ladd, Lewis,. 
 Lord, Lynch, Mackey,_ Marsh, Mason, McClure, 
 McCoid, McCook, McKinley. Miles, Miller, Moore, 
 Morey, Neal, Norcross, O'Neill, Pacheco, Page, Par- 
 ker, Paul. Fayson, Peelle, Peirce, Pound, Prescott,. 
 Ranney, Ray, Reed, Rice, Theron M.; Rice, William. 
 W. ; Rich, Richardson, D. P.; Ritchie, Robeson, 
 Robinson, George D.; Robinson, James S.; Russeli, 
 Rvan, Soranton, Sballenberger, Sherwin, Sliultz, 
 Skinner,Smitb,A.Herr; Smith, Dietrich C; Smith, 
 J.Hyatt; Spauldlng, Spooner, Steele, Stone, Strait, 
 Taylor, Thomas, Thompson, William 6.; Town- 
 send, Amos; Tyler, Updegraff, J. T.; Updegraff, 
 Thomas; Urner, Valentine, van Aernam, Van 
 Horn, Van Voorhis, Wadsworth, Wait, Walker, 
 Ward, Washburn, Watson, Webber, West. White, 
 Williams, Charles G.; WilUts, Wood, Walter A.; 
 Young. 
 
 NAYS 3—Hardenbergh, Phelps, Rice, John B. 
 
 NOT VOTING liO— Aiken, Armfteld, Aiherton, At- 
 kins, Barbour, Beach, Belford, Belmont, Bellshoovery. 
 Berry, Black, Blackburn, Blanchard, Bland, Bliss, 
 Blount, Bragg, Brumm, Buchanan, Buckner, CabeU,. 
 Caldwell, Campbell, Candler, Carlisle, Cassidy, 
 Chapman, Ciardy, Clark, Clements, Cobb, Colerick, 
 Converse, Cook, Cox, Samuel S.; Cox, William S.; 
 Covington, Cravens, Crowley, Culberson, Curtin,. 
 Davidson, Davis, Lowndes H,; Deuster, Dibrell, 
 Dowd, Dugro, Dunn, EUis, Ermentrout, Evins, Flower-, 
 
u 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 Fomeii, Frost, Garrison, Geddes, Gibson, Ounif, 
 Eammond, N. J.: Hardy, Harris, Henry S; Hatch, 
 Herbert, Hemdon, Hemtt, Abram i.; Hemtf, O. W.; 
 Hohlitzell. Hoge, Holman, Hooker. House, Hutchms, 
 Jones, James K.; Jorgensen, Kenna, King, Kloiz, 
 Knott, Latham. Leedom, Le Fevre, Lmisey Manning, 
 Martin, Matson, McKenzie, McLane, MeMtlhn, Mills, 
 Monei/, Morrison, Morse, Mosgrove, Moulion. Muldrow, 
 Murch., Mutchler, Nolan, Oates, Orlh, Pettibone, 
 Phister, Randall, Reagan, Richardson, John &.; 
 Sobertson, Robinson, William E.; Rosecrans, Boss, 
 Scales, Scovdle, Shackelford, Shelley, Simonton, Single- 
 ton, iames W.: Singleton, Otho R.; Sparks, Speer, 
 Sorinaer, Stephens, Slockslager, Talbott, Thompson, P. 
 £■ TiUman, Townsliend, R. IF.; Tucker, Turner, 
 Henry 6.; Turner, Oscar; Upson, Vance, Warner, 
 Wellborn, Wheeler, WhiUhome, WiUiams, Thomas; 
 Willis, Wilson, Wise, George J).; Wise, Morgan B.; 
 Wood, Benjamin, 
 
 PART V. 
 Bisbee vs. Finley. 
 
 History of the Case. 
 
 At the general election held in Novem- 
 ber, 1880, in the second Congressional 
 district of Florida, (comprising the 
 counties of Alachua, Baker, Brevard, 
 Bradford, Clay, Columbia, Dade, Duval, 
 Hamilton, Madison, Marion, Nassau, 
 Orange, Putnam, St. John's, Suwanee, 
 and Volusia,) Jesse J. Finley, (Demo- 
 crat,) and Horatio Bisbee, jr., (Republi- 
 can,) were the candidates for a seat in 
 the Forty-seventh Congress. The ag- 
 gregate vote on the face of the returns 
 ■was -for Finley, 13.579; for Bisbee, 12,- 
 427 — making a majority on the face of 
 the returns for Finley of 1,152, upon 
 ■which Mr. Finley received the Govern- 
 or's certificate of election. Mr. Bisbee 
 accordingly entered upon the necessary 
 legal measures to contest Mr. Finley's 
 right to a seat in the House, thus mak- 
 ing the fourth of a series of four con- 
 tests from the same district, to which 
 the claimants to a seat in the present 
 House were one or both of them parties. 
 Fraud and contests in the district had 
 become chronic. 
 Correction of Bourbon Fraudulent 
 
 Count In Madison County— Bisbee's 
 
 liCgal majority 564. 
 
 The original returns upon their face 
 gave Finley a majority of 1,152, but it 
 ■was conceded that two returns in due 
 form and properly authenticated, and 
 aggregating 149 votes, from two pre- 
 cincts in Madison County, were not 
 counted by the county canvassers. 
 These reduced contestee's majority to 
 1,003. No excuse was alleged or shown 
 for the conduct of tlie county canvass- 
 ers referred to. Under the laws of 
 Florida, as previously adjudicated by 
 the supreme court or that State, they 
 were bound to count these returns, liav- 
 ing no revisory discretion of judicial 
 authority vested in them to do other- 
 wise. Tlieir failure to do so can be 
 accounted for only on the assump- 
 tion of fraud or gross negligence 
 
 amounting to fraud. We starL there- 
 fore, in an examination of the tacts m 
 the case, with an apparent majority of 
 1,003 votes in favor ot contestee Finlw, 
 but soon find that, in ono aspect of the 
 case, the very worst aspect which can 
 be assumed, contestant Bisbee was 
 elected by a majority of 83 votes ; but 
 in another aspect, which the majority 
 of the committee believed to be the true 
 one, as not only warranted by the law 
 and the evidence, but as established 
 firmly by the proofs, Bisbee was elected 
 by a majority of about 564 votes. 
 Minority Report claims only S16 ma> 
 Jorlty for Finley. 
 
 The report of the minority of the 
 committee indulges in an extended ar- 
 gument and voluminous statement— a 
 cloud of words or sophistry. It argues 
 at length in support of the original re- 
 turn of 1,153 majority for Finley, but 
 flnaUy with great liberality concedes 
 that Finley's majority was only 316. 
 One of the minority so announces it in 
 an unqLualifled statement, thus practi- 
 cally yielding all else in controversy. 
 Details frona tbe Testimony In proof of 
 
 Blsbee's election— His majority 364— 
 
 Tbe Fig^nres and Facts. 
 
 A minute analysis of the majority re- 
 port shows that the contestant claimed, 
 sustained by the facts, that 269 votes 
 were tendered for him and illegally re- 
 jected ; that 96 illegal votes were cast 
 for contestee ; that 237 votes were cast 
 for contestant in Alachua County more 
 than were returned for him, to wit, 191 
 at Arredonda, 18 at Newnansville poll, 
 and 38 at Parker's Store poll, these 33't 
 votes having been cast by persons 
 whose names appear on the poll lists, 
 and 156 of them having been counted 
 for Mr. Finley instead of contestant. 
 Contestant's vote was thereby wrong- 
 fully reduced by 237 votes, and contes- 
 tee's vote wrongfully increased by 156. 
 This results in reducing Mr. Finley's 
 majority to the extent of 393 votes as 
 the proper deduction on account of these 
 three polls. That contestant's majority 
 in Madison County was at least 436, in- 
 stead of 108, on the face of the district 
 returns, making a difference of 338 votes, 
 which should also be deducted from Mr. 
 Finley'sreportedmajority named. That 
 would give contestant a majority of 83 
 votes without rejecting any returns or 
 deducting any votes from Mr. Finley 
 except the 96 illegal votes and the votes 
 cast for contestant and wrongfully 
 counted for contestee. 
 
 Tlie majority of C45 found for contest- 
 ant, in the other aspect of the case, was 
 obtained by rejecting Brevard County, 
 wliich gave Mr. Finley a majority of 
 148, because there was a fraudulent ne- 
 glect or omission to obey the law relat- 
 ing to registration, so that the entire 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 45 
 
 foundation for a legal election in that 
 county was wanting ; by rejecting the 
 80-caned returns of Fort Christmas 
 poll, OrangeCounty, where Mr. Finley's 
 majority was 37, and counting nothing 
 there for either in the absence of aU 
 proof as to what it was ; by rejecting 
 the returns of Arredonda, Newnansville, 
 and Parker's Store polls, by which Mr. 
 Finley loses his returned vote (not hav- 
 ing proved any) of 173 at Arredonda, 
 146 at Newnansville poll, and 155 at 
 Parker's Store, total 473; from which 
 387 (number proved for Mr. Bisbee over 
 returned vote) must be deducted, le&,v- 
 ing 386 to be carried into column of de- 
 ductions; by rejecting return No. 3, 
 Hamilton County.'which gave Mr. Fin- 
 ley a majority of 68; by adding one vote 
 for contestant arrd deducting same from 
 the vote of Mr. Finley in Nassau County. 
 That is one way of stating it. 
 
 Table giving In another form tbe Fig- 
 ures and Principles In proof of Bls- 
 bee's election. 
 
 The following table gives the figures 
 and principles in another form : 
 
 
 t 
 
 6 
 1 
 
 The total vote returned is 
 
 13,430 
 
 12,427 
 
 Add to contestant's vote the 
 votes tendered and resjected 
 
 Deduct from contestee's vote 
 the Illegal votes cast for him 
 
 Deduct from contestee's vote at 
 the Arredonda poll, 172 ; New- 
 nansville poll, 146 ; Parker's 
 Store 165 .. 
 
 96 
 473 
 
 269 
 
 And add to contestant' 
 the votes proven at sai 
 in excess of hie returne 
 Arredonda, 191; Nct 
 ville, 18 ; Parker's Stor 
 
 Madison County, deduc 
 
 s vote 
 dpoUs 
 a vote, 
 vnans- 
 5, 28 
 
 237 
 
 t from 
 
 163 
 
 
 165 
 
 Nassau County.Odwin's Branch 
 poll, deduct from contestee. . . 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 Total of above correction.. 
 
 733 
 
 672 
 
 Total vote returned for 
 Bisbee 
 
 Add Bisbee's corrected 
 
 12,427 
 672 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13,099 
 
 Total returned vote for 
 
 13,430 
 733 
 
 12,697 
 
 
 Deduct Finley's correo- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 And making a clear ma- 
 
 
 402 
 
 
 
 
 But this must be still further cor- 
 rected as follows : 
 
 Deduct returned vote in Brevard 
 County • 
 
 Deduct returned vote at No. 3 poll, 
 Hamilton County 
 
 And at Port Christmas poll. Orange 
 County 
 
 Total . 
 
 222 
 
 136 
 
 30 
 
 145 
 
 Recapitulation. 
 
 Total returned vote for Bisbee 12,427 
 
 Add for Bisbee's corrected vote 672 
 
 Deduct corrected vote of Bisbee . 
 
 13,099 
 
 145 
 
 12,961 
 
 Total returned vote for Finley. . . 13,430 
 Deduct corrected vote of 
 
 Finley's 733 
 
 Deduct ditto 388 
 
 1,121 
 
 Leavingatotal for Finley of 12,309 
 
 Anda majority for Bisbee of 645 
 
 Now, concede to contestee at the two 
 polls of Newnansville and Parker's 
 Store, Alachua County, the difference 
 between the total returned vote for 
 Representative and the votes proved for 
 contestant, and 355 votes would be de- 
 ducted from Bisbee's majority, leaving 
 him 390 majority. And even if the polls 
 in Brevard County, No. 3, Hamilton 
 County, and Fort Christmas poll, (gr- 
 ange CTounty, were not rejected, contest- 
 ant would still have a majority of 147 
 votes. 
 
 In any view of the case founded upon 
 the law and the evidence, the contest- 
 ant has a majority of the legal votes 
 cast. 
 
 Table of Minority Report giving figures 
 In support of Finley's Claims ttaat 
 Finley's majority was 316. 
 
 The following will show the figures 
 given in the conclusion of the minority 
 report already referred to : 
 
 Finley's official vote '. 13,430 
 
 Bisbee's official vote 12,427 
 
 Add from Alachua 88 
 
 Add fronrMarion 122 
 
 Add from Nassau 2 
 
 Addfrom Madison 328 
 
 Add from Orange 83 13,000 
 
 Finley's majority 430 
 
 From this may be deducted all other votes 
 which there is any proof to show were dis- 
 allowed 11* 
 
 Leaving Finley's majority 316 
 
 By this it will be seen that the minor- 
 ity allow the 328 additional votes 
 
46 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 claimed from Madison County, the ad- 
 ditional votes cast in Newnansville and 
 Parker's Store poll (all save 3) for con- 
 testant and counted for contestee, 88, 
 (twice 44,) being added to Mr. Bisbee's 
 vote. Those added for Marion, Nassau, 
 Orange, and the 114 generally, embrace 
 the 269 stated as tendered and refused 
 in what the majority find. 
 
 It will be seen that the minority do not 
 deduct from the vote of Mr. Finley the 
 96 votes which the majority find were 
 illegal, that they count the return as 
 made from the Arredonda poll, to wit, 
 172 for contestee and 69 for contestant, 
 and adopt the other returns which the 
 majority find should be rejected. 
 
 JBallot-box StnfBng' and Fraud in Mad- 
 ison County— Tbe Returns purged of 
 tlieir Fraud. 
 
 In Madison county ballot-box stuffing 
 and fraud were systematically practiced 
 •on a large scale. The facts are admitted 
 bythe minority report. Italso concedes 
 the 338 additional votes claimed for Mr. 
 Bisbee, and in estimating the true re- 
 sult of the election these polls were 
 simply purged of their fraud. Had 
 the whole return been rejected, the 
 frauds would have been successful, and 
 the Republican majority of the county 
 practically disfranchised. 
 
 Sbot-gnns, and Muskets, |and Bowie- 
 knives— Bonrbon Election Agents in 
 Sontb Carolina — Intimidation and 
 violence at Fort Christmas poll. 
 
 At Fort Christmas poll, upon the 
 fraudulent return, the vote was, Finley 
 30, Bisbee 3. At that poll, ten of these 
 thirty valiant Democrats appeared with 
 their shot-guns and their muskets, and 
 they stacked them near the poll (all save 
 one which was taken inside) as a menace; 
 and one of these men took position in 
 the door-way of the polling-room with 
 a large bowie-knife— a ten-mch blade- 
 prominent in bis belt. There is no evi- 
 dence taken to show whether any elec- 
 tors were intimidated and went away or 
 not with out voting. That was not gone 
 into. But there is this significant fact, 
 they allow in the return only three Re- 
 publican votes. Brave and valiant men, 
 to go there thus armed to protect them- 
 selves and the poll against three colored 
 Kepublicans! There must have been 
 more to call for such a demonstration. 
 Ihis poll was, of course, rejected. 
 
 Bourbon Frauds at tbe Arredonda Poll 
 —Bisbee proves tbem by Unquestion- 
 able Testimony — 259 Electors swear 
 tbey voted for Bisbee — Only 60 re- 
 turned. 
 
 Mr. Bisbee, the contestee, called wit- 
 nesses to prove that at the Arredonda 
 
 poll there were cast for him 260 votes at 
 feast. He called 259 electors to prove 
 that, each one of whom swore that he 
 voted for him, and that another elector 
 not called voted for him also. The 
 names of the men who so swear are 
 down on the poll-list as saaong those 
 who voted, and on the registration list 
 as qualified electors. They are men 
 who are well known in that precinct, 
 having lived there long, if not aU their 
 lives, had always voted there, and had , 
 always voted the Republican ticket. 
 According to the way in which they, or 
 some of them, give their testimony, 
 they would have regarded it as almost, 
 an insult for any one to say that they 
 voted any other ticket. And yet only 
 69 of them were counted for contestant ! 
 
 Increase of Democratic vote and De- 
 crease of Republican vote at Arredon- 
 da Idle Talk. 
 
 It is idle TO talk about the Democratic 
 vote having increased from 66 in 1878 to 
 172 in 1880, and of the Republican vote 
 having correspondingly diminished, 
 against the evidence of 259 electors, and 
 with nobody else swearing the other 
 way or attempting to account for it, or 
 to show it except by a return which is 
 impeached successfully by this evidence, 
 and otherwise controlled. 
 
 Flagrant and Ingenious Fraud at Ar- 
 redonda Poll — an old Complaint — 
 Every Safeguard provided by Eanr to 
 Protect the Ballot-box and secure an 
 honest count Broken Doirn. 
 
 How did it happen that only 69 votes 
 were returned for Mr. Bisbee and 173 
 for Mr. FinleyV It was by a well- 
 planned scheme of flagrant and most 
 mgenieus fraud. It was not new in 
 kind. In another part of this very dis- 
 trict the same thing was practiced at a 
 previous election. The method of pro- 
 ceeding was not patented; so it was 
 adopted here. What did they do? The 
 vote was peaceable and quiet ; every- 
 body voted who wanted to vote ; there 
 was no intimidation; everything was 
 fair and smooth on the surface. But 
 when the poll was closed, either anoth- 
 er box already prepared with con- 
 tents was substituted for the box used, 
 or the contents of the box used were 
 changed by a manipulation skillfully 
 executed. That is the only way in which 
 to account for the result. And a state- 
 ment of the facts proved shows that it 
 was done, although there was no direct 
 evidence as to the exact time and way 
 of its accomplishment. 
 
 The managers of election at this poll 
 broke down every safeguard provided 
 by law to protect the ballot-box and to 
 secure a fair election and an honest 
 count. 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 47 
 
 Boarbon violations of ttae Constitation 
 and liaws of Florida at Arredonda 
 Poll. 
 
 The minority speak of the violations 
 of law being technical. Let us see. 
 By the laws of Florida the Kepublicans 
 were entitled to have one inspector at 
 least in each precinct who could read 
 and write, and if any inspector is absent 
 on the day of election the electors pres- 
 ent are to choose another to fill the place. 
 The person appointed at the Arredon- 
 da poll, Ephriam George, was appointed 
 against the protest of the Republicans. 
 He was a disreputable person, a fugitive 
 from justice; and not appearing, his 
 father, Virgil George, an intemperate 
 person, was selected and put in his place 
 by two Democratic inspectors on the 
 false pretense that he was the one in- 
 tended in the appointment originally. 
 He was furnished with spirituous liciuor 
 at the polls, got drunk, as was contem- 
 plated, and proved unfaithful to his 
 trust. 
 
 By tlie statute the Eepublicans were 
 entitled to have admittedinside the poll- 
 room a representative of their own 
 choice to act as watcher. 0ne was 
 chosen, a man of high standing, but 
 he was excluded by the Democratic 
 managers. 
 
 The statute authorized an adjourn- 
 ment only for dinner for one-hall hour 
 between twelve and one o'clock p.m., 
 the box meanwhile to be sealed up and 
 kept in possession of an inspector, who 
 was not to have the key thereof. An- 
 other provision of the statutes reads : 
 
 As soon as the polls ol an election shall be 
 finally closed the Inspectors shall proceed to 
 canvass the votes oast at such election, and the 
 canvass shall be public, and continued without 
 a^joiimment until completed. 
 
 These wise provisions of law were 
 openly violated and for a manifest pur- 
 pose. 
 
 Plewellen, oneof the Democratic in- 
 spectors, and evidently the schemer and 
 head-devil in the fraud, had a supper 
 previously ordered and ready at a board- 
 ing-house about one hundred yards from 
 the polling place. 
 
 Infamons Bonrbon Frauds at Arre- 
 donda Poll — Too Indecent and Fla- 
 grant, too Corrupt for any mercy of 
 constrnctlon. 
 
 The poll closed at sunset. Instead of 
 proceeding to canvass the votes at once 
 publicly, the inspectors delayed pur- 
 posely, and without excuse, until it was 
 dark, closed the shutters to conceal the 
 box fi-om the public view, waited, doing 
 nothing for a half -hour or more, with 
 only about 330 votes to count, and then 
 ad.iourned for supper. Nothing was 
 done about counting the votes before 
 supper. A box was carried to the sup- 
 
 per-room, and a box brought back after- 
 ward, opened in a room used as abar-r oom 
 adjoining the polling-room, and a lot of 
 ballots there counted, and the return 
 referred to subseauently made. The 
 table on which the ballot-box stood 
 during the process of polling was a large 
 dry-goods box turned openside down. 
 There was a door leading from the poU- 
 ing-room into an adjoining room. It 
 was manifestly well known by the poll- 
 list, or by the number of known electors 
 at that poU, about how large a vote 
 there would be. It was easy to dupli- 
 cate the box— there were duplicates in 
 existence — as they were made alike. It 
 was, therefore, easy; to have a prepared 
 box ready for substitution, or to have a 
 set of ballots ready on hand for substi- 
 tuted contents of the ballot-box used, 
 either at the house or in the adjoining 
 room alluded to, or under the dry-goods 
 box used as a table. 
 
 All hands agree that some eighty per- 
 sons followed clamoring when the ad- 
 journment was made, but they were 
 not let into the boarding-house. 
 
 In the words of another, " there was 
 a most indecent and flagrant violation 
 of duty, too palpable for blunders, too 
 corrupt for any mercy of construction." 
 
 Bisbee tabes Testimony wltbln the I>e- 
 g^al time — Bourbons expel bis attor- 
 ney engaged In taUlng Testimony— 
 Bourbons raise Hades in ttae District— 
 TT. S. Judge and Marshal powerless to 
 suppress the Disorder. 
 
 It was also charged in the debate in 
 the House that the contestant (Bisbee) 
 was allowed by the committee to take 
 testimony out of the time prescribed for 
 the obtaining of evidence in the case. 
 In reply, Mr. Bisbee, the contestant, said : 
 
 " Idesire to say that all the testimony 
 which I took was taken within the 
 ninety days. He [Mr. McMiUin] says 
 I took the testimony during the last ten 
 days which ought to have been taken 
 during the first forty. In answer to 
 that I will state to the House and the 
 country what the contestee well knows 
 —that his friends and supporters in 
 Madison County raised there what has 
 been left out of the revised edition of 
 the New Testament. 
 
 "They drove my officer and my attor- 
 ney out of that county. The Depart- 
 ment of Justice sent a United States 
 judge and marshal there, but they could 
 not check the disturbance and proceed 
 with the evidence. The excitement 
 and turmoil and civil commotion extend- 
 ed over the whole district. He knows, 
 if he knows anything about the case", 
 and I judge from his argument that he 
 does not, that that is the reason I did not 
 take the testimony during the first forty 
 days. Will any man of common sense 
 suppose I delayed the taking of any 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 testimony until the last ten days, thus 
 running the risk of having it nued out, 
 if I could have taken it during the first 
 forty days ? 
 
 "Such a state of things existed, Mr. 
 Speaker, that I could get no attorney to 
 go outside of Duval County to take the 
 testimony, and while I was here occu- 
 pying a seat on this floor I sent an attor- 
 ney from the city of Washington in 
 order to do it." 
 
 Bonrbons perpetrate every Crime 
 known to tbe Iiaws— Armed Masked 
 Men stop and invade Railroad trains, 
 and release Prisoners and Subpoenaed 
 ivitnesses In cbarge of U.S. Marsbals— 
 tbe District boney combed vitb Fraud 
 and Crime. 
 
 The contestant thus briefly describes 
 the systematic outrages and the violent 
 crimes by which the contestee secured 
 the fraudulent majority counted for him 
 by the Democratic Returning Boards of 
 Florida : 
 
 "Mr. Speaker, this record discloses 
 that the supporters of the contestee 
 have committed every crime known to 
 the election laws of Florida and to the 
 national election laws in this contest at 
 that election. In Columbia County, in 
 Putnam County, in Orange County they 
 arrested men while at the poUs to vote ; 
 these same Democrats, supporters of the 
 idea advanced here but a year and a 
 half ago, that if a deputy marshal was 
 permitted to be at the poll, even to rep- 
 serve the peace, the liberties of this 
 country were in danger. 
 
 "And yet here a deputy sheriff, without 
 a warrant, with out any charge against 
 them, took men away from the polls 
 while in the act of depositing their bal- 
 lots. Two men in Putnam County were 
 arrested, taken away from the polls, 
 and soon after the election they were 
 released. So it was in Orange County. 
 At one of the polls in Orange County 
 the officers of the election made a rul- 
 ing excluding every man from voting 
 whose name was not on the registration 
 list. Some Republicans went home who 
 were denied the right to swear in their 
 votes, which the law commanded the 
 election officers to allow them to do. 
 After those men had gone home, some 
 Democrats came uj) whose names were 
 not on the registration list, and the elec- 
 tion officers reversed their ruling and 
 allowed them to vote. 
 
 "In the county of Madison, not only 
 did they debauch the ballot-box and 
 revel in fraud, but they entered into a 
 conspiracy to prevent the frauds they 
 had committed from being exposed. 
 They did that not only by threatening 
 the voters, but by going on the railroad 
 trains with masks and with arms, stop- 
 ping the trains and releasing by force 
 the prisoners who were in the hands of 
 
 the deputy marshal and the witnesses 
 who had been subpoenaed to attend the 
 Federal court. Language is in adequate 
 to describe the condition of things in 
 that county, the influence of which 
 spread like wild fire all over the whole 
 district. Yet gentlemen pretend that 
 this was a fair and honest election. Al- 
 though in this case, as in others, it was 
 honeycombed all through with fraud, 
 yet gentlemen come here and claim, 
 without a twinge of conscience or a 
 blush of shame, that this was an honest 
 election. 
 
 "Mr. Speaker, there are other points in 
 this case that I should like to discuss, 
 but time will not permit. It is said by 
 the gentleman from Texas that you 
 ought to retain my opponent in his seat 
 as an olive-branch of peace to the De- 
 mocracy of the South. Sir, this House 
 ought to be just at all times. If my 
 opponent had shown that he was elected, 
 or if I had not shown that I was elected, 
 I would not ask to be seated." 
 
 House seats Mr. Blsbee— Teas and ITays. 
 
 The SPEAKER. The question is upon 
 agreeing to the resolutions reported 
 from the Committee on Elections, which 
 the Clerk will read. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows : 
 
 Resolved, That Jesse J. Flnley was not elected 
 aa a Representative to the Forty-seventli Con- 
 
 fress from the second Congressional district of 
 lorida, and is not entitled to the seat. 
 Resolved, That Horatio Bisbee.jr., was duly 
 elected as a Eepresentatlve from the second 
 Congressional district of Florida to the Forty- 
 eeventh Congress, and is entitled to his seat as 
 
 BUCh. 
 
 The yeas and nays were ordered. 
 
 The question was taken, and there 
 were— yeas 141, nays 0, not voting 141 ; 
 as follows : 
 
 YEASUl.— Aldrich,Anderaon,Barr, Bayne[Biiig- 
 ham, Bowman, Brewer, Briggs, Browne, Buck, 
 Burrows (Julius C), Butterwoith, Calkins, Camp, 
 Campbell, Cannon, Carpenter, Caswell, Chace, 
 Cornell, Crapo, Crowley, Cullen, Cults, Darrell, 
 Davis(George R.), Dawes, Deering, DeMotte, Dezen- 
 dorf, Dingley, Dunnell, Dwight, Errett, FarweU 
 (Charles B.), Farwell (Sewell S.), Fisher, George, 
 Godshalk, Grout, Guenther, Hull, Hammond 
 (John), Harmer, Harris (Benj. W.), Haskell, Hawk, 
 Hazleton, Heilman, Henderson, Hepburn, Hill, 
 Hiscock, Horr,Houk,Hubbell, Hubbs, Humphrey, 
 Jacobs, Jadwin, Jones (Phineas), Jorgensen, Joyce, 
 Kelley, Ketcham, Lacey, Lewis, Lord, Lynch, 
 Mackey, Marsh, IVIason, McClure, McCoid, Mo- 
 Cook, McKinley, Miles, Miller, Moore, Morey, 
 Neale, Noroross, O'Neill, Orth,Pacheoo,I'a<'e, Par- 
 ker, Payson.Peelle, Pierce, Petiibone, Pound, Pres- 
 ?u,Vi- ^"?,?^' 5?^' ^^^^' K'«e (John B.), Rica 
 (William W.), Rich, Richardson (D, P.), Ritcbie, 
 Robeson, Robinson (George D,), Robinson (James 
 Sii' iP"J,^^"- ^?*"- Shallenberger, Sherwin, 
 r >" ^miH,"^?^ij ^?.i"i (A. Herr), Smith (Dietrich 
 §;L^ i^^ ?,■ ?.y*^'>' Spaulding, Spooner. Steele, 
 
 Van 
 
 ri \ rf J r.-* *» ^"""ins, xiiompson fwu 
 
 G.) Townsend, (Amos.) Tyler, Updegraff (J. T. 
 Updegraff (Thomas), brnlr. Van Ilrnam Vau 
 w»r^' w"°i.y°°'''",5! Wadsworth, V^ait, Walker, 
 Ward, Washburn, Watson, Webber,' We't. White, 
 WiUiams Chas. G. , WiUets, Wood (Walter A). 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 49 
 
 NAYS 9.— Burrows (Job. U), Ford, Pulk'rson, Har- 
 denbwrgh, HazdUne, Holman, Jones (George W.), 
 Paul, Bice (Theron M). 
 
 NOT VOTING l^.— Allen, Armfldd, Alherlon, At- 
 kins, Barber, Beach, Beljord, Belmont, Beltzhoover, 
 Berry, Black, Blackburn, Blanchard, Bland, Bliss, 
 Blount, Bragg, Brumm, Buchanan, Btiekner, CaJbel'., 
 Caldwell, Candler, Carlisle, Cassidy, Chapman, ClO' dy, 
 dark, Clements, Cobb, Cokrick, Converse, Cook, Cox 
 {Samuel S.), Cox C Wiliiam B.), Covington, Cravens, 
 Ou&erson, Owrtin, Davidson, Davis (Loumdes H), 
 Deuster, Dibbrell, Dowd, Dugrow, Dunn, Ellis, Ermen- 
 trout, Evins, PLnley, Flower, Forney, Frost, Garrison, 
 Geddes,' Gibson, Gunter, Hammond (N. J.), Hardy, 
 Harris, {Henry S.), Hatch, Herbert, Hemdon, Hewitt 
 {Abram S.), Hewitt {G. W.), HoUitzea, Hoge, Hooker, 
 House, Huichins, Jones {Jas. K.), Kasson, Kenna, 
 King, Elotz, Knott, Ladd, TMham, Leedom, Le Feme, 
 lAndsey, Manning, Martin, Matson, McKenzie, Mo- 
 Lane, McMiUin, Mills, Money, Morrison, Morse, Mos- 
 grme, Moulton, Muldrow, Murch, Muichler, Nolan, 
 Gates, Phelps, Phister, Randall, Reagan, Richardson 
 (John S.), Robertson, Robinson { Wm. £.}, Boseerane, 
 Boss, Scales, ScoviUe, Seranton. Shackleford, Shelley, 
 Sinionton, Singleton {Jos. W), Singleton {Otho B.), 
 Sparks, Speer, Springer, Stephens, Stockslager, iWboU, 
 Thompson{P.B.), TiUman.Townshend {B. W.). Tucker, 
 n,mer{Hmry G.), Turner (Oscar), Upson, Valentine, 
 Vance, Warner, Wellborn, Wheeler, WhiWiome, Wil- 
 liams {Thomas), Willis, Wilson, Wise {Geo. D.). Wise 
 {Morgan R.), Wood (Benjamin), Young. 
 
 So the resolutions reported by the 
 Committee on Elections were adopted' 
 
 PART VI. 
 ISmalls vs. Tillman. 
 
 History of tbe Case. 
 
 At the general election held in No- 
 vember, 1880, in the Fifth Congres- 
 sional District of South Carolina, (com- 
 prising the counties of Colleton, Beau- 
 fort, Barnwell, Edgefield, Aiken, and 
 Hampton,) George D. Tillman (Demo- 
 crat) and Robert Smalls ( Republican ) 
 were the candidates for a seat in the 
 Forty-seventh Congress. The aggre- 
 gate vote on the face of the returns 
 was— for Tillman, 23|32S; for Smalls, 
 15,287— majority for Tillman, 8,038, Mr. 
 Tillman received the certificate of elec- 
 tion. Mr. Smalls at once took the nec- 
 essary legal steps to contest Mr. Till- 
 man's right to a seat in the House of the 
 Forty- seventh Congress. 
 Tbc Election Xaws and Machinery of 
 South Carolina. 
 
 The election law of South Carolina in 
 force at the time of this election was 
 quite ample in its provisions, easily un- 
 derstood, and, if strictly followed by 
 the officers of election, furnished every 
 facility for detecting frauds and cor- 
 recting errors if any were committed. 
 It provided for a State board of can- 
 vassers, consisting of certain State of- 
 ficers; a board of three commissioners 
 of elections for each county in the State, 
 who were to be appointed by the gov- 
 ernor, and a board of three managers 
 for each election precinct; to be appoint- 
 ed by the county commissioners. The 
 precinct managers were authorized to 
 
 employ a clerk, who was required by 
 law to keep a poll-list containing the 
 names of all persons who voted in the 
 precinct. At the close of each election 
 the precinct managers and their clerk ' 
 are commanded to immediately proceed 
 to open the box, count the ballots, and 
 continue such count without adjourn- 
 ment until the same is completed, and 
 make and sign such a statement thereof 
 as the nature of the election shall re- 
 quire. If in counting two or more like 
 ballots shall be found folded together 
 only one shall be counted, the other de- 
 stroyed, but if they bear different names 
 they shall both be destroyed and not 
 counted. If the ballots in the box ex- 
 ceed the names on the poll list, they 
 shall be returned to the box, mixed to- 
 gether, and one of the managers or 
 clerk, without seeing the ballots, shall 
 draw from the box and immediately de- 
 stroy as many ballots as those in the 
 box exceed the names upon the poU- 
 list. 
 
 Within three days thereafter the 
 chairman or one of the board, to be des- 
 ignated in writing by said board, shall 
 deliver to the county commissioners of 
 elections the poll-list, the box containing 
 the ballots, and a written statement of 
 the result of the election in the precinct. 
 The county commissioners of elections 
 shall meet at the county-seat, organize 
 their board on the Tuesday next fol- 
 lowing the election, and proceed to can- 
 vass the statements of the several boards 
 of managers. They shall make such 
 statements thereof as tlie nature of the 
 election shall require, within ten days 
 after their organization, and shall make 
 separate statements of the whole num- 
 ber of votes given in such county for 
 Representative to Congress, a copy of 
 which shall be transmitted to the gov- 
 ernor, secretary of state, and the oomp- 
 troUer-general. Immediately after the 
 final adjournment of the county board 
 the chairman thereof shall forward, ad- 
 dressed to the governor and secretary 
 of state, by a messenger, the returns, 
 poll-lists, and any protests' and all pa- 
 pers pertaining to such election. 
 
 Precinct Returns and Poll-lists de- 
 stroyed as a means of Concealing the 
 Frauds in the Election or Tillman's 
 returned vote. 
 
 In this contest when the secretary of 
 state was called upon for copies of 
 the election returns and poll-lists for 
 this district he replied that there were 
 no poll-lists or precinct returns of votes 
 cast at that election sent to his office 
 from the counties of Edgefield, Barn- 
 well, and Colleton. 
 
 Why were not these papers sent, filed, 
 and preserved, and why did these of- 
 ficers neglect this plain and important 
 duty ? li these papers were in existence 
 to-day they would furnish evidence 
 
50 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION OASES. 
 
 conclusive and overwhelming of the 
 fairness and legality of the election 
 in this district and thus vindicate the 
 election officers, or they would es- 
 tablish beyond question the truth of 
 the charge of frauds and rascalities 
 and identifv and expose to public 
 view the officers by whom they were 
 perpetrated. The plain and impera- 
 tive provisions of the law required those 
 papers to be made and forwarded, and 
 a faithful discharge of official duty de- 
 manded a strict compliance with its pro- 
 visions. 
 
 We can conceive of no object or pur- 
 pose for this neglect unless it was to 
 cover up and conceal the frauds which 
 liad been committed and prevent their 
 discovery by the suppression or destruc- 
 tion of this important evidence. 
 
 Color Iilne In politics strictly drawn In 
 South Carolina — Colored voters all Re- 
 publicans — liargre Colored majority 
 in Flftb Congressional District. 
 
 In no Southern State is the color 
 line in politics more strictly drawn 
 than in the State of South Carolina. 
 In every county in that State the col- 
 ored people are recognized as Kepnb- 
 licans. In the fifth Congressional dis- 
 trict there were 14,394 whites and 27,263 
 colored males who were twenty-one 
 years of age and over. Here was a 
 clear majority of 13,968 in favor of the 
 contestant. Not one spark of testi- 
 mony was produced before the com- 
 mittee to show how, by any fair and le- 
 gitimate means, Ihat could have been 
 changed into 8,038 majority for the 
 contestee. 
 
 Colored People, when unlntinildate<I, 
 vote the Republican Ticket. 
 
 The evidence in this record shows what 
 every intelligent man in the country 
 knows, that the colored people vote for 
 the Republican ticket. They regard that 
 party as the party that gave them their 
 freedom and bestowed upon them the 
 rights of citizenship.and when left to vote 
 as they choose, unawed by fear, they are 
 faithful to the Republican party as they 
 were faithful to the Union cause during 
 the late war, and the persecutions and 
 the outrages that have been visited upon 
 them since their emancipation have 
 driven them together more closely and 
 increased their devotion and loyalty to 
 that party. 
 
 Relative Colored and White vote in 
 Allien County from Census of 1880— 
 Proofs of Bourbon Frauds in Till- 
 man^s returned vote. 
 
 In the county of Aiken the census of 
 1880 — the year when this election was 
 held — shows that the white males of 
 twenty-one years of age and upward, 
 including native-born and foreign, were 
 3,873; colored males of the same age. 
 
 3,H3; making an aggregate of 5,985 
 white and colored, native-born and for- 
 eign, of voting age. The vote, as certi- 
 fied by the secretary of state in his re- 
 turn, and upon that return the contes- 
 tee's credentials were based, gives the 
 vote for Mr. Tillman as 4,980 and of Mr. 
 Smalls 1,467, making an aggregate of 
 6,447 claimed to have been cast at that 
 election, showing an excess of votes 
 over the voting population in that 
 county of 463 ; and the evidence in this 
 case shows conclusively that 414 citizens 
 were deprived of the right of suffrage, 
 which, added to the excess of 463, would 
 increase the vote to 876 above the voting 
 population of the county. 
 
 Another remarkable feature deducihle 
 from these figures is that if Mr. Tillman 
 received the vote which was credited to 
 him in the State canvass he must have 
 received the votes of every white male 
 voter in the county, with 2,107 colored 
 votes in addition. 
 
 Relative Colored and White vote in 
 Barnwell County from the Census ol 
 1880— Proofs of Bonrbon Frauds In 
 Tillman's vote as returned. 
 
 In BarnweU County the census of 1880 
 gives the voting population: white, 
 8,131 ; colored. 4,775 ; total, 7,906. The 
 returns of votes for this county were as 
 follows: Tillman, 5,433 ; Smalls, 3,445; 
 total, 7,867; lacking only 39 votes of the 
 entire voting population of the county; 
 while the evidence in this case shows 
 that there were beyond all controversy 
 1,148 voters who were deprived of the 
 right of suffrage, which, added to the 
 vote as counted, would show an excess 
 of votes over voters in this county of 
 1,117. If Mr. Tillman's vote is correctly 
 stated in the returns from this county 
 he must have received the entire white 
 vote of the county besides 3,391 votes 
 from the colored voters. 
 
 Relative Colored and White vote in 
 Colleton Couuty from Census of 1880— 
 Further proofs of Bourbon Frauds In 
 Tillman's vote as returned. 
 
 In the county of Colleton the voting 
 population by the census of 1880 was: 
 white males, 3,706; colored, 5,173; total, 
 7,879. By the return of votes Mr. 
 Tillman received 3,475 votes in this 
 county and Mr. Smalls 3,776; a total of 
 6,351, or 1,638 less than the entire voting 
 population. The record discloses that 
 many voters were disfranchised, 618 
 castmJacksonvillepreoinctnot'counted, 
 376 in Horsepen precinct, 700 in Sum- 
 merville, and m other precincts hun- 
 dreds were deprived of the right to 
 vote, the exact number of which cannot 
 be accurately ascertained, but a number 
 sufficiently large which if added to the 
 vote counted would show that the vote 
 tar exceeds the voting population of the 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 51 
 
 eounty. A comparison of these figures 
 alone shows that for Mr. Tillman to 
 have received the vote counted and cer- 
 tified for him he must have received 
 the entire white vote and 769 colored. 
 
 Kelatlve Colored and White vote in 
 Edgefield Coanty from the Census of 
 18S0 —Still farther proofs of Bourbon 
 Frauds In Tillman's vote as returned. 
 
 In the county of Edgefield the voting 
 population of the census returns was as 
 follows: white males, twenty-one years 
 of age and over, 3,553; colored, 5,648: 
 a total of 9,201. The vote, as counted 
 l)y the State board, for Mr. Tillman was 
 6,467; for Mr. Smalls, 1,046; a total of 
 7,543, or 1,688 less than the voting pop- 
 ulation. But the record evidence m 
 this case proves beyond a question that 
 in the county of Edgefield, in the various 
 precincts, 3,020 legal voters were de- 
 prived of the right of suffrage by in- 
 timidation and violence. This, if ad- 
 ded to the vote counted, would show 
 the excess of votes over voters to be 
 1,332. 
 
 Now, if Mr. Tillman's vote is correctly 
 
 stated at 6,467 he must have received in 
 
 addition to the votes of every white 
 
 male voter in the district the votes of 
 
 3,914 colored voters, a proposition which 
 
 no man in his senses will oelieve. 
 
 Relative Colored and White vote In 
 
 Hampton County from the Census «f 
 
 1880 — Aflditional proofs of Bourbon 
 
 Frauds In Tillman's returned vote. 
 
 In Hampton County, by the census of 
 1880, the white males over twenty-one 
 years of age were 1,381; colored, 2,447; 
 total, 3,828. The vote as returned by 
 the secretary of state was; for Tillman, 
 2,590; Smalls, 1,575; total, 4,165, show- 
 ing an excess of votes over voters in the 
 county of 337; and the record evidence 
 in this case shaws that in this county , 
 hundreds of colored men were deprived 
 of the right of suffrage. If the vote for 
 Mr. Tillman was properly returned and 
 counted he must have received in addi- 
 tion to the entire white vote 1,209 votes 
 from the colored voters. 
 
 Kelative aggregate Colored and 
 White Voting Population in the Fifth 
 Congressional District — Hfo Eloquence 
 or Rhetoric can add Force to the Fig- 
 tires' Story of Frand. 
 
 The census shows the aggregate vo- 
 ting population in these five counties to 
 be as follows: White, 13,644; colored, 
 21il55; total, 34,799. The vote as re- 
 turned by tlie State board and counted 
 ■was 37,622, and the voters who were de- 
 prived of the right to vote in these five 
 counties, and the votes not counted in 
 precincts where they were cast, are 4,- 
 525, showing an excess of votes over vo- 
 ters on the returns as made of 7,348. In 
 
 these five counties the white voters 
 were_ 13,644, Mr. TUlman's vote 22,935, 
 and if Mr. Tillman received the vote 
 with which he has been credited he must 
 have received the votes of 9,291 colored 
 voters. 
 
 It is unnecessary to dwell upon these 
 statistics; they speak for themselves. 
 No eloquence or rhetoric can add force 
 or weight to their story. They must be 
 sufficient to convince any fair-minded 
 man that the vote returned for Mr. Till- 
 man from these five counties and upon 
 which his credentials were based was the 
 result of frauds of the most stupendous 
 character. 
 
 Aiken County— Tote of County as Cor- 
 rected by House Committee on Elec- 
 tions. 
 
 The corrections and changes made by 
 the committee in Aiken County are as 
 follows : 
 
 Tillman's 4,980 
 
 Deduct Aiken Court-House 719 
 
 Deduct SUYerton 225 
 
 Deduct Creed'B Store 231 
 
 Deduct Windsor 396 
 
 1,571 
 
 3,409 
 
 Smalls' 1,467 
 
 Deduct Aiken CourtHouse 383 
 
 Deduct Silverton 
 
 Deduct Creed's Store 16 
 
 Deduct Windsor lo 
 
 409 
 
 1,058 
 
 TUlmjin's majority 2,35i 
 
 Rioting and Fraud at Aiken Court- 
 House and throughout Aiken County 
 — Polls Barricaded against the Repub- 
 lican Voters — Brutal and Bloody As- 
 saults—Cayenne Pepper Thrown Into 
 the Eyes of Republicans —The Pal- 
 metto Rifles Support the Bourbon 
 Ruffians at the Polls— Cannon Trained 
 on Republicans— Republicans Stabbed 
 and Whipped with Switches. 
 
 This poll was properly rejected by the 
 committee. The evidence in regard to 
 the proceedings at this poll is quite vol- 
 uminous and from the lips of eight or 
 ten persons who witnessed them. A 
 barricade was erected in front of the 
 poll, the north end intended to be the 
 place of entrance and the south end the 
 place of exit. A large number of Re- 
 publican voters congregated around the 
 north end, but were not permitted to 
 enter, the Democrats holding sticks 
 across the entrance to prevent them; 
 while the whites entered the southern 
 end, intended for the exit, without ob- 
 jection. Colored men attempted to go 
 there, but were driven back. A large 
 number of colored Republicans stood 
 all day long attempting to reach the box 
 to deposit their tickets, and at the close 
 of the polls 400 Republicans went away 
 without voting. 
 
 About nine o'clock in the forenoon a 
 
53 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 riot was inaugurated, a number of Re- 
 publicans in the crowd were cut, and 
 Cayenne pepper was thrown m the eyes 
 of the Republican voters gathered at the 
 end of the barricade guarded by Demo- 
 cratic sentinel aforesaid. 
 
 The Palmetto Rifles, carrying arms, 
 were marched to the polls, and a cannon 
 was trained upon a body of Republican 
 voters. At this precinct an aged colored 
 man, when attempting to vote, was 
 brutally stabbed in the breast, and the 
 scar is still there from the wound which 
 was made by the red-sMrter's knife. 
 At Summer Hill fraudulent ballots were 
 stuffed into the box, a Republican 
 speaker beaten by the crowd, and but 
 one Republican permitted to vote. At 
 Windsor the life of the Republican bal- 
 lot vender was threatened ; he was com- 
 pelled to leave, and no ballots were al- 
 lowed to be distributed. At Hanker- 
 ton's Store the box was stuffed with 
 fraudulent ballots, and the clerk, who 
 was keeping a list, was dragged from 
 the poll and whipped with switches till 
 he bled. At Creed's Store the lives of 
 colored voters were threatened, and 
 fraudulent votes put in the box. At 
 Kneece's Mill a Democrat took from a 
 Republican supervisor his poll list and 
 destroyed it. At Jordan's Mill the Re- 
 publican supervisor was not permitted 
 to see the box opened before voting 
 commenced. Now, the law of South 
 Carolina requires that the box should 
 be publicly opened, and opened, too, in 
 the presence of the supervisor, who goes 
 there to protect the rights of the mi- 
 nority ; or, in this case, perhaps, to pro- 
 tect particularly the rights of tlie colored 
 voters ; so that if there should be any 
 attempt in advance to crowd the box 
 with tissue ballots or fraudulent votes, 
 as was done throughout the district, 
 the supervisor would have an opportu- 
 nity to observe and guard against such 
 fraudulent practices of that kind. 
 
 Barnwell County — Corrected Vote of 
 County. 
 
 The changes made in Barnwell coun- 
 ty from the vote as returned and counted 
 by the State board are as follows : 
 
 Tillman's vote as returned by 
 
 State board 5,422 
 
 Deduct Allendale 700 
 
 Deduct votes illegally drawn 
 
 at Ferril's store 22 
 
 Leaves Tillman' vote . . 
 
 Smalls' vote as returned by 
 State board 
 
 Add vote not counted at Fer- 
 ril's store 
 
 4,700 
 
 Deduct AUendiile 
 
 Making Smalls' vote . 
 
 And Tillman's majority 2,269 
 
 Bourbon Ruffians armed and in Ked' 
 Shirts BuUdoJie the Repnhlican Vot. 
 ers of Barnwell County— the V. S. Su. 
 pervlsor, Kefusing to Sign the Fraud- 
 ulent Returns, is Forced to Flee from 
 the County— Barnwell the Bloody 
 Scene in 1876 of the Murderous Ellen- 
 ton Riots. 
 
 In the county of Barnwell, Allendale 
 precinct was the only one rejected, and 
 that because the evidence sustained the 
 claim of the contestant that the violence 
 and intimidation at this poll drove away 
 Republican voters and prevented them 
 from casting their ballots. 
 
 Allendale is a strong Republican pre- 
 cinct. The vote counted and returned 
 was 700 for Tillman, 36 for Smalls. The 
 evidence shows that a large number of 
 Republicans assembled with the Repub- 
 lican tickets in their hands, variously 
 estimated from three liundred to five 
 hundred. Two hundred and fifty, be- 
 ing all members of one Republican club, 
 were there together for the purpose of 
 voting. A crowd of Democrats, some 
 of them armed and clothed in red shirts, 
 kept at the door and on tlie piazza, thus 
 obstructing the passage to the voting 
 place. If a colored man attempted to 
 enter he was asked what ticket he in- 
 tended to vote, and if he would reply, 
 "the Republican ticket," he was boldly 
 told he could not vote that ticket there. 
 He was pushed from the piazza, spat 
 upon, beaten, and knocked down by 
 these men who had possession of the 
 passage-way to the polls. 
 
 In the early part of the day assurances 
 were given that the colored men could 
 vote after twelve o'clock, but they met 
 with the same obstructions and the 
 same brutal treatment after that hour 
 as before. The United States supervi- 
 sor attempted to keep # poll-list; it was 
 impossible to keep it accurately, and he 
 abandoned it about one p. m. He was 
 requested to sign the poll-list and re- 
 turn that night by the Democrats, but 
 refused to do so. A crowd of Demo- 
 crats visited his house about one o'clock 
 on that night and demanded that he 
 should get up and sign the list, but he 
 refused ; then they cursed, threatened 
 to break down his door, and shot around 
 his house, alarming his family. The 
 next night these same things were re- 
 peated, and he concluded, for his own 
 safety, it was advisable for him to leave, 
 and he did so, remaining away several 
 weeks. The evidence as to this pre- 
 cinct shows, beyond contradiction, that 
 a fair and honest vote did not take 
 place, and the poll should be rejected. 
 
 At Ferrill's Store, when the votes 
 were counted, there were found to be in 
 the box 33 votes in excess of the names 
 upon the poll-list, and in drawing out 
 the excess the manager was not Wind- 
 folded but looked into the box and; 
 
CONTESTED ELECTIOX CASES. 
 
 53 
 
 drew out 23 Republican votes. The 
 , officers at this precinct were all Demo- 
 crats, and, from the evidence the fraud- 
 ulent votes were Democratic votes. To 
 purify this poll and to correct the fraud 
 perpetrated in drawing out the excess, 
 33 votes should be taken from the con- 
 testee and the same number added to 
 the contestant. 
 
 This county was the theatre of the 
 EUenton riot, which shocked the Amer- 
 ican people by its atrocities in 1876, and 
 the colored people are still haunted by 
 its memories, and live in constant fear 
 of its repetition. So strong and intense 
 is this feeling that they liardly dare act, 
 speak, or think as independent freemen. 
 It pervades to a greater or less extent 
 the precincts of Eobbins, MiUitts, Mix- 
 on's Mills, Allendale, Baldock, Barker's 
 Mills, Williston, Elko, and Buford's 
 Bridge. At Barker's Mills and Mixon's 
 Mills the two political parties are about 
 of equal strength; all the others named 
 are strong Republican precincts. 
 
 Bed-Hblrted Bonrbon RnlSans at Nlglit 
 prior to Election rode ttarongb Darn- 
 well County, making Night Hideous 
 with Hellish Orgies, flrlng guns, as- 
 saulting the Cabins of and Shooting 
 Colored Voters— The South Carolina 
 Plan— Colored Voters Intimidated and 
 Disfranchised— Bourbon Ruffians de- 
 clare, "Damned few Republicans 
 polled to-day "— " Give them Hell I "— 
 v. S. Supervisor Menaced with Death. 
 
 At the election in 1880 this condition of 
 the colored people seems to have been 
 thoroughly understood. For several 
 nights prior to the election the red- 
 shirted Democracy rode around through 
 many of the precincts, making the night 
 hideous with their hellish orgies, firing 
 guns and pistolS, knocking at the cabins 
 of the colored men, and making threats 
 of various kinds, for the purpose of pre- 
 venting them from voting the Republi- 
 can ticket. Colored men on the way to 
 the polls at Red Oak precinct, within 
 half a mile of that place, were met by 
 eighteen armed men, who shot among 
 them or over them, and the colored men 
 fled in different directions, some of them 
 sleeping in the woods for several nights. 
 The night before they visited the house 
 of Mr. Gifford and broke down the door, 
 and threatened, if he went ten steps 
 from his house, they would shoot him 
 as they had Simon P. Coke. By such 
 threats as these the neighborhood was 
 
 freatly alarmed, and many of the voters 
 ared not attempt to exercise the right 
 of suffrage. 
 
 At Graham's the train from Augusta 
 brought down a crowd of Democrats 
 armed with pistols, cursing and yelling; 
 all voted, one of them three or four 
 times. At Elko, on the day of election, 
 the led-shirted Democracy were out in 
 
 great numbers, armed with pistols, and 
 the Healing Springs Democratic club 
 came, yelling and cursing as they came 
 up. The object of these demonstrations 
 was to alarm the colored voters, and it 
 succeeded, as but few voted, and the 
 statement of Mr. Nixon, one of the 
 Democratic managers, that there would 
 be "d — d few Republican votes polled 
 there that day," proved to be literally 
 true. At Baldock the red-shirters were 
 out Thursday, Friday, and Saturday 
 nights prior to the election, riding up 
 and down, cursing, and discharging 
 guns and pistols, openly proclaiming 
 that they were " going to keep the d— d 
 Republicans away from the poUs and 
 give them hell." 
 
 On Saturday night before the election 
 they left a coffin, cut from pasteboard, 
 at the house of Mr. Uill, United States 
 supervisor, which had the following per- 
 suasive inscription upon it : 
 
 Alex. Gill , if you don't quit your ways and j oin 
 tlie Democracy you shall bo in clay in a few 
 days. 
 
 Colleton County— Corrected Vote of 
 County. 
 
 The committee made the following 
 corrections in the vote of Colleton 
 County : 
 
 Tillman's vote as returned by State 
 
 board of canvassers 3,476 
 
 Deduct Walterborough 90 
 
 Smalls' vote as returned by State 
 
 board of canvassers 2,776 
 
 Add Jacksonburgli 618 
 
 Add Horse Pen 276 
 
 Add Walterborough 90 
 
 3,385 
 
 3,760 
 
 Smalls' majority 376 
 
 The changes in this county were to'count 
 the vote at Jacksonborough and Horse 
 Pen, which were illegally rejected by 
 the county and State canvassers, and 
 deduct 90 votes from the contestee at 
 Walterborough precinct and credit the 
 contestant with a like amount. This 
 was one of the counties in which there 
 were no precinct returns and poll-lists 
 sent up by the county canvassers to the 
 State board of canvassers, and in which 
 the statement Of the State board was 
 made in the aggregate and not by pre- 
 cincts. The committee, therefore, was 
 compelled to resort to the testimony of 
 persons present to ascertain the neces- 
 sary facts. 
 
 violence, Intimidation, and Fraud 
 ruled throughout Colleton County- 
 Cheating attained Its Acme at Jack- 
 sonborongh— Heavy frauds In favor of 
 Tillman. 
 
 While fraud, violence, and intimida- 
 tion was the rule and a peaceable elec- 
 tion the exception at the great majority 
 of the polls in this district, the very 
 
54 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTlOM CASES. 
 
 acme of cheating was attiiined at the 
 precinct of Jacksonboiough. In tliis 
 locality there had originally been five 
 precincts to accommodate thelar^e num- 
 bet of voters living in that vicinity. 
 Three of these precincts had been abol- 
 ished by the Legislature of the State, 
 which compelled all the voters in that 
 vicinity to go to Gl o vers ville and Jack- 
 sonborough. Themanagersofthesepolls 
 were all Democrats, and evidently by a 
 preconcerted plan between the commis- 
 sioners of election and the managers of 
 these two precincts the poll was not 
 opened at Glovers ville, and the smallest 
 sized box recognized by the law was 
 sent to the Jacksonborough precinct. 
 The election here was quiet, and- every 
 person, without distinction of color, was 
 permitted to vote. 
 
 Large numbers were necessarily driv- 
 en to this poll by the abolition of the 
 three boxes above referred to and the 
 refusal to open the poll at Gloversville. 
 By one o'clock in the afternoon the 
 Democratic managers of election an- 
 nounced that the box which had been 
 furnished them by the commissioners 
 ■was full, and that as a necessity the 
 poUs must be closed. To this the Re- 
 publican United States supervisor pro- 
 tested, and urged that another box be 
 used for tlie purpose of receiving the 
 ballots of those present and of others 
 who would necessarily be compelled to 
 report at this poll on account of the 
 Gloversville poll not having been 
 opened. The managers, however, be- 
 ing in control, peremptorily closed it 
 and refused to receive any further 
 votes. On the request of the Repub- 
 lican United States supervisor that the 
 ballots be counted f andhisrecord showed 
 that 618 persons had voted) the commis- 
 sioners, well knowing that but few, if 
 any. Democratic votes other than their 
 own had been deposited in the box, re- 
 fused to count them on the ground that 
 they had no autJiority to do so, the poll 
 having been closed before the legal 
 time, six o'clock p. m. 
 
 In accordance therewith, and against 
 the protest of the United States super- 
 visor, the box, with the statement of 
 the managers why it was closed and the 
 reason it was not counted, was sent to 
 the county canvassers, and a Mr. Holmes, 
 the only Republican on the board of 
 election commissioners, testified that 
 this precinct was rejected because tlie 
 poll had been closed before six p. m. 
 
 The evidence further shows that the 
 contestant lost between 800 and 400 
 votes by the failure of the managers to 
 open the Gloversville poll, and between 
 600 and 700 votes by the failure to open 
 the Summerville poll ; and that fully 
 100 votet in addition to the 618 votes 
 heretofore referred to were lost to the 
 contestant by illegally closing the poll 
 at Jacksonborough. 
 
 l.awlcssness and Violence refgnecl Sn* 
 preme throughout Edgefield County— 
 The Grossest Frauds Perpetrated— Red 
 Shirt Bourbon Ruffians, Armed with 
 Guns and Pistols, patrolled the streets. 
 Firing, Yelling, and Assaulting Re- 
 publican Voters — The only Poll in 
 Court-House Building Guarded by 
 Armed Bourbon Ruffians— Other Dem- 
 ocratic Roughs Armed with Stones and 
 Brickbats swarmed Outside— Repub- 
 licans in Attempting to Vote subjected 
 to all manner of Personal Violence, 
 Scofls and Jeers— Edgefield the Bloody 
 Scene of the Hamburg Slassacre of 
 1876— The Colored Voters, remember- 
 ing the Hamburg and EUenton 9Ias- 
 sacres, were Intimidated — 2,000 Re- 
 publican Voters Disfranchised. 
 
 A spirit of lawlessness and violence 
 seemed to reign supreme in this entire 
 county, and the grossest election frauds 
 were committed m various election pre- 
 cincts. Edgefield Court-House was the 
 most important precinct in the county. 
 
 At this place, above all others, being 
 the home of one of the United States 
 Senators from that State, we would nat- 
 urally have expected a free vote and a 
 fair count. Owing to the threats which 
 the colored Republicans had heard in 
 that county prior to the election, and 
 remembering the massacres of Ham- 
 burg and EUenton in 1876, they deter- 
 mined as largely as possible to assemble 
 at Edgefield Court-House to vote on No- 
 vember 2, 1880. Under the law of South 
 Carolina a legal voter can vote at any 
 precinct in the county. In accordance 
 with this, on the night previous to the 
 November election, large bodies of the 
 colored voters of Edgefield County com- 
 menced congregating at Edgefield, and 
 by early morning of November 3 from 
 2,000 to 2,500 colored voters are estimated 
 to liave been present. 
 
 A prior formed purpose to disregard 
 the law in order to defeat the rights of 
 the majority was boldly carried out. A 
 crowd of mounted men, attired in red 
 shirts, armed with pistols or other weap- 
 ons, rode to and fro through the streets, 
 discharging fire-arms, yelling, and re- 
 sorting to other methods calculated to 
 intimidate the colored voters. 
 
 The polls were held in the court-room 
 up stairs. The doors were double, each 
 eighteen inches wide ; one was open, 
 the other securely fastened. This en- 
 trance was under a Democratic guard 
 and a hundred or more Democrats 
 flanked the stairway and approaches 
 thereto, and the colored Republican who 
 had the temerity to pass through was 
 the subject of scofl's and jeers, insults 
 and personal injuries «on his way to the 
 poll, finding liis clothing cut upon his 
 escape from the crowd. The porch over 
 the outside entrance swarmed • with 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CAgES. 
 
 53 
 
 Democrats armed with stones and brick- 
 bats. 
 
 The Edg^eBeld Rifles, u Military Com- 
 pany, formed Opposite tbe Poll— Bour- 
 bon Cliairman of Democratic Connty 
 Committee early Ordered the Rifles to 
 the Poll— Same Bourbon Chairman 
 Ordered Other Armed Democratic 
 Clubs to the Poll— Capt. Wise, with his 
 Armed Company, Toluntarily Re- 
 ported at Edg;efleld— Old Bourbon Cry 
 " Jfo Military Interference at the 
 Polls "—Military Ordered to Poll be- 
 cause the Republicans " could not 
 Stand the Sight of Fire-aiins "—Such 
 an Election Farce a Travesty on Amer- 
 ican Institutions. 
 
 Just across the street from the poll- 
 ing place was the armory of the Edge- 
 field Rifles, a State military company. 
 Early in the day D. E. Durisoe, the 
 chairman of the Democvatic county- 
 committee, ordered Captain St. Julien 
 Bland, who was in command of this 
 military company, to call his company 
 together and assemble at the armory 
 forthwith, which he did, the company 
 meeting lust across the street from the 
 
 EoUing place, armed and fully equipped. 
 1 addition to this, this same Demo- 
 cratic coupty chairman sent messengers 
 to Landraum's store, Trenton, John- 
 ston's, and Cheatam's store for detach- 
 ments of other armed Democratic clubs 
 to come to Edgefield forthwith. 
 
 Mark you, this is the testimony of the 
 Democratic chairman himself. For 
 what purpose the Edgefield Rifles were 
 ordered to tlieir armory by the Demo- 
 cratic chairman and armed themselves 
 in plain view of the polls t For what 
 purpose did the Democratic chairman 
 send messengers to other points in the 
 county requesting the -immediate pres- 
 ence of armed Democratic rifle-clubs ? 
 For what reason did Dr. G. W. Wise, 
 the commander of the Democratic club 
 of Trenton, leave his own polling place 
 with all his command that had not al- 
 ready gone to Johnston's and reported 
 at Edgefield with the armed company *? 
 
 Is not this the same Democratic party 
 wliich protested against bayonets being 
 exposed at the polls 1 Is not this the 
 same Democratic party which, at the 
 extia session of Congress over three 
 years ago, attempted time after time to 
 vote riders on appropriation bills to pre- 
 vent even one United States unarmed 
 officer from standing by and witnessing 
 an election? Why were these armed 
 men ordered there? Had a single col- 
 ored man assaulted a white Democrat 1 
 Were not these 3,000 colored men, al- 
 though assembled for a lawful purpose, 
 and althougli prevented from exercis- 
 ing their right of franchise, were they 
 
 not peaceable, and orderly and quiet ; | before nighti* 
 
 and when kept from approaching the 
 polls did they create any disturbance ? 
 The answer as to the presence of this 
 Edgefield rifle company and of this 
 armed Democratic club from Trenton 
 is given ijy one R. T. Anderson; a Dem- 
 ocrat, and a witness for the contestee 
 in this case, who states as follows : 
 
 As to the explanation by some of these parties 
 that were in the hall (the Edgefield Rifles) they 
 knew full weU the Republioaus could not stand 
 the sight of fire-arms. 
 
 This Democratic witness knew full 
 well that the colored Republicans, re- 
 membering Hamburg and remember- 
 ing EUenton — remembering the massa- 
 cres of 1876— could not stand the sight 
 of fire-arms. He reasoned well, for, 
 nirtwithstanding that ;'t was the home 
 of a United States Senator, of aU those 
 3,000 voters that assembled at Edgefield 
 on the morning of November 3, 1880, to 
 vote, but 15 ballots were cast by them 
 that day and but 11 counted. To caU 
 such a farce an election is a travesty on 
 American institutions. To permit any 
 man to hold a seat in this Plouse by such 
 a fraud, by such intimidation, by such 
 violence, would be a reflection on the 
 House and every member in it. 
 
 Red-Shirt Bourbons, Armed with Guns, 
 Swords, and Clubs, at other polls in 
 Edg-efleld County, perpetrate every 
 a< of Brutal Violence— They made the 
 Republicans ,," Smell Hell Before 
 Night"— v. S. Supervisors Beat Over 
 the Head with Clubs, their Commiss- 
 ions Wrested From Them, and farced 
 to liCave the Polls under Threats of 
 Death— Republicans Forced to Vote 
 Democratic Tickets with Pistols at 
 their Heads and under Threats to 
 Blow Out their Brains— Colored Vot- 
 ers Shot and Killed — Intimidation, 
 Violence, and Fraud. 
 
 Witnesses tell us that at the Mount 
 Willing precinct similar scenes of vio- 
 lence were enacted, that from 180 to 190 
 colored voters were kept away from the 
 poll. 
 
 The red-shirters were standing around 
 with clubs and pistols keeping the col- 
 ored Republicans back and admitting 
 the Democrats. About two o'clock a 
 crowd of red-shirters came up and be- 
 gan beating the colored Republicans 
 with clubs and sticks; one pistol was 
 fired, and after that a great deal of fir- 
 ing took place. 
 
 At tho^ Meeting-House precinct the 
 supervisor, who was a Republican, was 
 not allowed to act in his office, struck 
 three times over liis head, one of the 
 Democratic leaders at the same time 
 saying to him that he would "smell hell 
 
56 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 At Chatham's Store precinct a colored 
 Eepublican voter was seized by an 
 armed Democrat who beat him, pre- 
 sented a pistol, and threatened to blow 
 his brains out if he did not vote the 
 Democratic ticket. To save his life he 
 complied with this brutal demand. 
 
 At Talbot's Store the entrance to the 
 room where the votes were received 
 was crowded by Democrats in such a 
 manner as to prevent Republicans from 
 entering, and the supervisor states that 
 twenty-five colored men only voted, one 
 hundred and fifty being deterred by 
 threats from making the attempt. At 
 Bed Hill the Repubhoan supervisor had 
 his commission forced from him, and he 
 was told to leave or a hole would be put 
 through him. We learn from the testi- 
 mony of the supervisor that at Lan- 
 drum's Store seventy-six more ballots 
 were found in the box than there were 
 names on the poll-list, and to prevent 
 an investigation the supervisor's poll- 
 list was forcibly taken from him. At 
 Johnston's the Republican supervisor 
 remained till nearly three o'clock, when 
 he was seized by a red-shirter, who, 
 with profane and threatening language, 
 compelled him to leave the precinct. It 
 was at this poll that Democrats were 
 riding up and down during the day, 
 waving clubs and swords and discharg- 
 ing pistols and guns. One colored man 
 was shot in the liead and killed, and out 
 of the seven or eight hundred colored 
 men who came to this precinct to vote 
 not over thirty of them were permitted 
 to cast their ballots. 
 
 Hampton Connty — Corrected Tote of 
 County. 
 
 The committee made the following 
 corrections in the vote of Hampton 
 County as counted by the State board : 
 
 Tlie vote of Tillman as counted 
 
 by State board 2,590 
 
 Deduct Brunson 336 
 
 Deduct Early Branch 316 
 
 Deduct Beach Branch 120 
 
 Deduct Lawtonvllle 340 
 
 Deduct BarnesvlUe 459 
 
 1,571 
 
 1,019 
 
 The vote of contestant as counted 
 
 by State board 1,675 
 
 Deduct Brunson 19 
 
 Deduct Early Branch 87 
 
 Deduct Beach Branch 
 
 Deduct La-wtonvlUe 174 
 
 Deduct Barnesville 129 
 
 409 
 
 1,166 
 
 Smalls' majority 147 
 
 The committee, after careful consider- 
 ation of this county, recommended that 
 tlie precincts of Brunson, Early Branch, 
 Beach Branch, Lawtonville, and Barnes- 
 ville be rejected on account of the in- 
 timidation and violence practiced in 
 ' these several precincts. 
 
 Ballot-box Stuffing at Brunson, Hamp- 
 ton County— Raid on STlglit prior to 
 Election of Bed-sWrt Bourbon Ruf- 
 fians into Brunson, cursing, yelling, 
 Hurrahing for Hancock, and Damn- 
 ing Garfield— Firing pistols, and Ex- 
 ploding Powder under an Anvil, 
 whlcb Sounded like the Report of a 
 Cannon — Intimidation tbe Bourbon 
 Role— U. S. Supervisors advised to Ske. 
 daddle. 
 
 At Brunson precinct, Hampton Coim- 
 ty, where only 19 Republican votes were 
 returned by the Democratic managers, 
 588 ballots were put in the box against 
 350 names on the poll-list, and contes- 
 tee's witnesses admit that 238 more bal- 
 lots were found in the box than there 
 were voters. U. S. Supervsior E. A. 
 Brabham thus testifies : 
 
 Q. Was the election quiet and orderly 1 
 A. It was not. On the evenins previous to 
 the day of election several crowds of mounted 
 red-shirters rode into the town of Brunson. Di- 
 rectly after darli they gathered around the de- 
 pot of the Port Eoyal and Augusta Railway. 
 They whooped and yelled, hurrahed for Han- 
 cock, and cursed Garfield. They fired off guns, 
 and exploded powder under an anvil, which ex- 
 plosion sounded lilie a cannon, and was heard 
 many miles from here* They Icept up this shoot- 
 ing all night, and until near sunrise the next 
 morning. I went to the poll at about daylight, 
 and found a great many Democrats there, many 
 of whom seemed to be under the Influence of 
 whisky, and seeming to have talien charge of 
 the poll. It seemed to be the purpose of the 
 Democrats to malte as much show of vio- 
 lence and force as possible, but not to hurt 
 any one; but when they got their men drunk 
 for the purpose, they could not control them. 
 They knew that the Bepublicans, having been 
 run over with horses, beaten with sticks, and 
 shot with pistols at this poll on election day in 
 1878, would be afraid to come to this poUif there 
 was any disturbance about it. They kept threat- 
 ening to come to my house, which is about one 
 hundred and fifty or two hundred yards from 
 the depot, " and break in on me.'* 
 
 A prominent Democrat sent a colored man to 
 my house with a message to me, saying that I 
 had better go away from home; that those men 
 at the depot had just agreed to come to my 
 house after me, and that if they found me there 
 they would injure or kill me. Two other Dem- 
 ocrats came to my house, a few minutes after, 
 and advised me to leave. I told them that I 
 would go, but my family was here. I had no 
 where to take them and would stay with them 
 if I got killed Shortly after this a crowd came ; 
 called to my gate, and said they wanted to see 
 me. I refused to go out, and they left. A few 
 minutes later another crowd came. They came 
 in my yard, and knocked at my bedroom win- 
 dow, insisting that I should get up ; that they 
 wanted to see me. I refused to get up. They 
 talked to each other awhile, and left. I heard 
 one say " Let's go in ; " another said " No." Af- 
 ter the J)OU opened the Democrats whom I 
 found there early in the morning kept up a 
 
 food deal of noise, appearing to be drunk, and 
 ehaved very disorderly. 
 
 Violence at Beach Branch Polls — Ifo 
 Republicans allowed to Vote— Repub- 
 lican Tickets Suppressed by Bed* 
 shirt Ruffians — " Halt, yon Sons of 
 Bitches, and Give us those Tickets, or 
 we will Blow your Brains Out." 
 
 At Beach Branch not a single Republi- 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 57 
 
 can was permitted to vote ; the Repub- 
 lican tickets were taken away from a 
 party of Republicans by armed Demo- 
 crats clothed in red shirts, by methods 
 that would constitute highway robbery 
 in any civilized community. One of the 
 victims tells liis story, and in this he is 
 fully corroborated by his associates : 
 
 Wilson McTeer, being duly sworn, 
 deposes and says : 
 
 Q. What did you do wlieii you got to tlie poll 1 
 
 A. We waited till about eeveu o'clock, and 
 when we found there were no RepuWican tlck- 
 e 8 there, Frank Saxeon, the president of our 
 club, directed me fo take three other men with 
 me and go to Bruneon in a hurry, and tell Mr. 
 Brabham, the Republican county chairman, to 
 send him some tickets. I took Govan Brooks, 
 Toney Moss, and Edmund Riley, and we went to 
 Branson and got a package of about 1,200 tick- 
 ets from Mr. Brabham, and started back to 
 Beach Branch. Wc rode very fast. When we 
 had got about three miles from Brunson, and at 
 what is known as the Hammock Place, John 
 Glover, a Democrat, overtook us, and ran his 
 horse by us, and turned the horse across the 
 road ahead ot us, and said, "close up." Then 
 eight other Democrats rode up to us with sticks 
 and pistols in their hands, and eaid : " Halt, you 
 sons of bitches, and give us those tickets. If 
 you don't give them up we will blow your d— d 
 brains out." 
 
 Q. Did you give the tickets up 1 
 
 A. I did not have the tickets myself; but they 
 seized hold on me, and was searching my pock- 
 ets for the tickets. WhUe they were searching 
 me for the tickets, one of them said : " There is 
 the SOB of a bitch that has them." Then they 
 went to Govan Brooks. One of them held a 
 pistol to his breast, and one held a club over his 
 head, while othe s put their hands into his 
 pockets and took the tickets out. 
 
 Q. How were those Democrats dressed 1 
 
 A. They were all dressed in red shirts, except 
 one who wore a red bow. 
 
 Q. What did they say after they bad taken 
 the tickets 1 
 
 A. They told us to go and not let them catch 
 us back that way again or they would kill us. 
 
 Drunken Violence of Red-sblrt Bonr- 
 Ibon RnlBans, armed and mounted, at 
 liawtonvlUe polls — Blaspliemlng' re- 
 bakes of Republicans by the Bed-sbirt 
 Buflians— They ride among Republi- 
 cans witb swords, clnbs, and pistols— 
 Republicans shot and cut — Ben Sbep- 
 pard, an old man of Fifty Years, per- 
 forated with six balls— No Honest Elec- 
 tion. 
 
 At Lawtonville precinct some fifty 
 drunken Democrats, clothed in red 
 shirts, all armed, seemed to be the rul- 
 ing spirits, and they prevented an hon- 
 est and a fair election. Their outra- 
 geous conduct could not be better de- 
 scribed than in the sworn testimony of 
 their victims : 
 
 Personally appeared before me, Ben. Shep- 
 pard, who being diily sworn, deposes and says, 
 to wit : 
 
 Question. What is your name, yo)ir age, your 
 occupation, and where your place of residence 1 
 
 Answer. Ben Sheppai-d is my name ; my age 
 is flfty-four years ; am a farmer ; and I live at 
 Dr. Ramsey's place; LawtonviUe Township, in 
 Hampton County. 
 
 Q. How long have you Uved there 1 
 
 A. "Was born and raised there. 
 
 Q. Where were you at the last election 1 
 
 A. Was at the LawtonviUe precinct. 
 
 Q. Was it a quiet election that day ? 
 
 A. No, sir; they commenced a row there I 
 suppose, as near as I can com.e at it, about 
 eight o'clock a. m.; they kept quiet down for 
 awhile, for about one and one-half hours, then 
 started row again ; then things went on until 
 about four o'clock p. m., when they started it 
 again. They threatened to flght the Republican 
 party for voting; they rebuked ua by every 
 blasphemy they could think of; they were 
 ai-med, every Democrat; most that 1 seen had 
 from one to two pistols ; then in the evening, at 
 four o'clock, they rid off a piece and came back 
 and rid right in among the Republican party 
 with swords and clubs ; then we tried to get out 
 of the way, and in trying to get out of the way 
 shot among us; I myself got six b^Us in me at 
 that time, and another man, named Adam Pat- 
 terson got shot. He and I were carried home in 
 a wagon together. 
 
 Smalls' majority 1,486— The vote of the 
 District purged of fraud, as ascer- 
 tained by the House Committee on 
 Elections. 
 
 Aiken.... 
 Hampton 
 Barnwell. 
 Colleton . 
 Beaufort. 
 
 3,409 
 1,019 
 4,700 
 3,388 
 391 
 
 12,907 
 
 a 
 
 1,058 
 1,166 
 2,431 
 3,760 
 
 6,978 
 
 14,393 
 
 SmaUs' majority, 1,486. 
 
 The Record in the Case the unaided 
 work of the citizens of the Districts- 
 Evidence remarkable from a District 
 the Scene in 1S76 of the Hamburg 
 and Ellenton massacres— Armed Mi- 
 litia at the Home of 17. S. Senator 
 Butler violently disfranchise 3,000 
 liCgal voters amid every form of out- 
 rage — Republicans assaulted, shot, 
 wounded, and Killed— The body of a 
 Slnrdcred Republican left near the 
 Polls as a ivarning to others— Sixteen 
 U. S. Supervisors assaulted, beaten, 
 obstructed in their Duties, or driven 
 from the Polls— Intimidation General 
 through the violence of Armed and 
 Mounted Ked-Shirt Bourbon Ruf- 
 fians. 
 
 Such is a brief review of the evidence 
 in this case which decided the House in 
 seating Mr. Smalls. The record which 
 governed the House in this decision was 
 made by the citizens of the fifth Con- 
 gressional district of South Carolina 
 themselves, unaided by any committee 
 of either branch of Congress, and with- 
 out assistance of any United States offi- 
 cer. The witnesses appeared before 
 resident officials and were examined and 
 cross-examined by counsel employed 
 by the contestant and coutestee, living 
 in the immediate vicinity. 
 
58 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTIOX CASES. 
 
 Although the evidence on the part of the 
 contestant is not as full as it might have 
 been, yet it is remarkable that, in a dis- 
 trict which was the scene of the Ham- 
 burg massacre and the Ellen ton riots 
 of 1876, and which was subjected to 
 the violence and intimidation which 
 marked the elaction of 1880 that testi- 
 mony disclosing so much glaring fraud 
 could have been taken at all. 
 
 At one poll, and that the home of a 
 Senator wlio now sits in tlie United 
 States Senate, more than 2,000 persons 
 were ijrevented from voting. Armed 
 militia drawn up near by command- 
 ed the ballot-box. At another pre- 
 cinct the messengers sent for the tickets 
 were basely assaulted and the Republi- 
 can tickets taken forcibly from them, 
 the men who did it recognized, and no 
 one of them called to explain away their 
 action or their conduct. At another a 
 colored Republican was killed near the 
 polls, and his lifeless body left lying 
 there as a warning to all others that 
 such would be their fate if they at- 
 tempted to vote the Republican ticket. 
 At another five men were wounded with 
 fire-arms, one of them carrying in his 
 body at the time of taking the testi- 
 mony in the case the marks of five 
 wounds, which were exposed to the of- 
 ficer so taking the testimony. At many 
 others, bodies of armed men were at the 
 polls for the express purpose of intimi- 
 dating persons from voting, while at 
 some polling places mounted armed 
 men rode through the crowds at the 
 polls cutting them Avith sabres and 
 driving them away. 
 
 At sixteen of the precincts in the dis- 
 trict the United States Republican su- 
 pervisors, who were appointed by a law 
 Eassed by the Congress of the tJnited 
 tates for tlie express purpose of wit- 
 nessing the election and making a re- 
 turn as to Congress, were assaulted, 
 beaten, obstructed, and driven from the 
 polls; one of whom was followed into 
 the swamps and has never since been 
 heard of. 
 
 Predetermined and well matured Plan 
 l>y the Bourbon Democracy to cap- 
 ture the District— National and State 
 liaws Defied— Public oflicials violate 
 their sworn duties— Citizens disfran- 
 chised by Intimidation— Ballot-boxes 
 stnfTedand vote fraudulently counted 
 —Success of our Free Institutions de- 
 pends upon the purity of the Ballot- 
 Box— A Man or a Party who would 
 obtain public position by such agen- 
 cies should be branded as an Enemy 
 to the Republic. 
 
 All the facts and circumstances at- 
 tending this election disclose a prede- 
 
 termined and well-matured plan by the 
 Democracy to capture this Republican 
 district. To attain that end, State and 
 national laws were defied ; public offi- 
 cers failed to perform their sworn 
 duties ; the right of American citizens 
 to freely cast their votes and have them 
 honestly counted were denied, and the 
 exercise of that unquestioned right pre- 
 vented by armed Democratic desper- 
 adoes. At a time and upon an occasion 
 when peace, law, and order should pre- 
 vail, outrages, anarchy, and disorder 
 ruled supreme. Errors may sometimes 
 occur in the administration of our elec- 
 tion laws through the carelessness or 
 ignorance of election ofiQcers; indis- 
 cretions may be committed in times of 
 great excitement when intense party 
 feelings are aroused, but these may be 
 attributed to the imperfections and 
 weakness of our nature. It is a source 
 of profound regret that this charitable 
 view cannot be taken of the striking 
 revelations in this case. 
 
 The right of an American citizen to 
 the elective franchise is too sacred to 
 be denied. The purity of our elections 
 is of vital conseg^uence, and the success 
 of our free institutions depends upon 
 its preservation. The man who would 
 obtain ofiicial position or the party that 
 would achieve success by its violation 
 should be branded as an enemy of the 
 Republic. 
 
 PART VII. 
 
 Crerryinandering Extraor- 
 dinary Illustrated by the 
 Bourbon Democracy. 
 
 Villainous Oerrymanderin^ in Sonth 
 Carolina— Crcrrymandered Slap of the 
 the State— Maps of Districts Nos. I and 
 7 — Their formation — Enormous size 
 and Population of District No. 7. 
 
 Mr. Horr, of Michigan, in the House, 
 July 19, 1883, in reA'iewing the case or 
 Smalls vs. Tillman, said : 
 
 I have here a map of South Carolina, 
 showing the Congressional districts as 
 they have just been arranged by the Leg- 
 islature of that State. 1 will ask the 
 Clerk to hold it up, so the members may 
 all see the beauties of this scheme. 
 [Here Mr. Horr exhibited a map of South 
 Carolina, showing the ou.tlines or forma- 
 tion of the respective Congressional 
 districts of the State.] 
 
 Now, I claim, Mr. Speaker, that that 
 map is a stump speech of itself, and an el- 
 egant one, too. Please follow me while I 
 
CONTESTED ELliCTIOK CASES. 
 
 59 
 
 point out some of its wonders. First, let 
 me call your attention to the first distric t. 
 It seemed for some reason that they de- 
 sired to take into that district the city of 
 Charleston, so they run down this nar- 
 row neck [indicating] and take in that 
 city; and then with a still narrower 
 strip they run up along the coast of the 
 ocean forty or fiftj^ miles hereto McClel- 
 lanville, and take in some two hundred 
 Democrats in that village. 
 
 Let us next examine this seventh dis- 
 trict. The district commences here at 
 the southern border of the State, and in- 
 cludes all this large territory running up 
 here to Charleston harborj including 
 these islands ; and then crossing the har- 
 bor it runs along this strip between high 
 and low water mark up to McClellan- 
 ville, and then off into this queer shaped 
 country. I have the billliere in my 
 hand, and it makes the boundary line 
 the high-water mark of this coast, so at 
 high tide the connecting link is under 
 water entirely. [Laughter.] Then take 
 a look at the general outline of this dis- 
 trict. See the indenture here; the zigzag 
 there ; the broad expanse here; the nar- 
 row strip there. 
 
 But you cannot understand these dis- 
 tricts properly unless you see them 
 standing out alone, each one by itself. I 
 have here a diagram representing them 
 to a dot. Here is District No. 7, in all its 
 proportions. [Exhibiting a diagram by 
 which the outline or formation of the 
 district was shown.] 
 
 Now, you would not think that district 
 
 Eossible unless you could see its mate, 
 >istrict No. 1. Here it is. [Exhibiting 
 a diagram showing the formation of the 
 district.] 
 
 They are not twins ; but they do match 
 each other beautifully. [Laughter.] You 
 would have no use for this leg and foot 
 on No. 1 if you did not have this boot in 
 No. 7 for it to slip into. [Laughter.] 
 Now, look at the enormous size of this 
 District No. 7. It must include quite 
 one-fifth of the State. I find upon ex- 
 amination that it contains over 187,000 
 people, being 69,000 more inhabitants 
 than are in the smaller districts. 
 
 Object of thisJTlllalnons Gerrymander- 
 ing—Population of the respective Con- 
 erresslonal Districts of Sonth Caroli- 
 na—Heavy Colored Majorities in all 
 but Two— rormatiou of Districts JTos. 
 3 and 4— A Matbematical Point the Con- 
 necting liinU where their Corners 
 touch. 
 
 What object could there be in mak- 
 ing such an enormous district as that in 
 territory and population 1 A short ex- 
 amination of the census tables will show. 
 I will insert here a table showing the 
 white and colored voters of each dis- 
 trict : 
 
 District. 
 
 3 
 
 o 
 o 
 O 
 
 C8 
 
 3-1 
 
 s . 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 First 
 
 12,445 
 11,446 
 13,359 
 17,670 
 11,805 
 12,480 
 7,695 
 
 13,884 
 16,283 
 12,707 
 16,985 
 12.669 
 13,408 
 32,893 
 
 652 
 C85 
 
 1,439 
 4,837 
 
 
 Tliird 
 
 Fourtli 
 
 
 Fifth 
 
 864 
 
 988 
 
 25,198 
 
 Sixtli 
 
 Sevcntli 
 
 
 Total 
 
 80,900 
 
 118,889 
 
 1,337 
 
 33,326. 
 
 You see by that table there are 35,198 
 more colored voters in that seventh dis- 
 trict than there are white voters. In 
 that first district there are only 26,339 
 voters ; in the fifth district only 24,474, 
 wliile in this marvelously shaped sev- 
 enth there are 40,588 voters ! Thus, you 
 see, this game becomes apparent. They 
 started out with this seventh district 
 and run it in all directions, without re- 
 gard to county lines, or town lines, or 
 voting precincts, simply with one pur- 
 pose in view — that of collecting into one 
 district all the colored voters possible, 
 and thereby preventing their votes from 
 being felt in the other districts. And 
 such work as that is called redistricting 
 a State according to law ! 
 
 Mr. DUNN. Is that evidence in this- 
 case? 
 
 Mr. HOUR. It is a part of the evidence, 
 and before I get through I will show youi 
 a much stronger link between this proof 
 and the case we are now trying than 
 there is between the different portions 
 of some of these districts. [Laughter. 5 
 If you do not believe it look at these di- 
 agrams of districts No. 3 and 4. [Exhib- 
 iting diagrams showing the formations 
 of districts Nos. 3 and 4.] 
 
 You will notice that the only connect- 
 ing link between the two portions of this 
 third district there is a mathematical 
 point where their corners touch. 
 
 Extract from the Crerrymandering Act 
 of Sonth Carolina. 
 
 For the edification of the House let 
 me read from the bill, a certified copy 
 of which I hold here in my hand, tlie 
 description of this remarkable first dis- 
 trict: 
 
 The first Congressional district to be com- 
 posed of the county of Cliarleston, except 
 James Island, Folly Island, Morris Island, and 
 the islands lying between tbem; the lower 
 harbor of Charleston Harbor and the ocean 
 coast line from and below high-water mark ; 
 the towns of Mount Pleasant and SummerviUe, 
 and so much of the parish of Saint James, 
 Goose Creek, as lies between western track of 
 the South Carolina Eailwiiy and the Ashley 
 Elver in the county of Berkley, and below the 
 county of Colleton; the townships of Bells, 
 Burns, Cenn, Dorchester, George, Graham, 
 Heyward, Eoger, Sheridan, and Verdier in the 
 
60 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 county of CoUeton ; tlae townsMps of Branok- 
 ville, Caw Caw, Caw Castle, Easto, Elizabetli, 
 Goodland, Heteon, Liberty, Middle, New Hope, 
 Orange, Union, Willow, Eocky Groye, Zion, m 
 the county of Orangebuxgli , and tte county ol 
 Lexington. 
 
 How does th^t soand for the one Con- 
 gressional district? And the descrip- 
 tion of the seventh district is like unto 
 this— only more so. Why, sir, this bill 
 not only divides counties, but it splits 
 up townships and even sunders voting 
 precincts, so that the people of one poll- 
 ing place will be compelled to vote for 
 Congressmen in different districts. 
 What is all this for ? Do they seek to 
 have two or three ballot-boxes at each 
 place so that they can more readily use 
 3, double set of these tissue ballots 1 Is 
 that it? Oris it simply an attempt to 
 ■disfranchise a large number of the col- 
 ored voters 1 
 
 ■Cterrymanderlng In Obio nnder the 
 ]>eniocracy — Bad as it iras it was Oer- 
 rymandering simple and pure— The 
 Sontta Carolina Jot> pure and simple 
 "Villainy — Forced to Tunnel nnder 
 Charleston Harbor to connect its 
 parts— Will South Carolina blush at 
 such villainy 7 
 
 Mr. ATHERTON. I wish to ask the 
 •question whether it is any more unfair 
 in South Carolina to make districts of 
 that kind than in the case of the seven- 
 teenth district of Ohio 1 I believe it is 
 the seventeenth district. 
 
 Mr. HORR. Do you mean the one my 
 brother is about to be elected from ? 
 That is the fourteenth. [Laughter.] 
 
 I have not the maps of the various ap- 
 "portiontments heretofore made in Ohio 
 oefore me, but I will guarantee that if 
 you will look them up > ou will find that 
 the worst job of that kind ever done in 
 that State was done by the Democrats 
 in the last decade; by far the worst 
 looking map of that kind ever made in 
 that State was made at that time by you 
 Democrats. [Laughter.] You know 
 that. Judge. 
 
 Mr. ATHERTON. Not as bad as this 
 one I have mentioned. 
 
 Mr. HORR. Oh, yes, indeed ! It was 
 a great deal worse. But you may 
 take that map, as bad as it was, and 
 place it by the side of this one of 
 South Carolina, and while the Ohio map 
 was the worst the Democrats of that 
 State could do, you will find they con- 
 fined themselves to gerrymandering 
 simple and pure, while this South Caro- 
 lina business is pure and simple vil- 
 lainy. [Applause on Republican side.] 
 
 The men who would prepare such a 
 map as that, who would divide town- 
 ships, split in two precincts— worse than 
 that; here in this seventh district, in 
 
 Charleston Harbor, in order to make a 
 land connection you are compelled to 
 tunnel under that harbor. [Great laugh- 
 ter and applause.] 
 
 Mr. ATHERTON. Is it any worse to 
 disfranchise 50,000 people in South Caro- 
 lina than 50,000 Democrats in Ohio? 
 
 Mr. HORR. Let me assure my friend 
 from Ohio that no such outrage as this 
 has ever been perpetrated in his State. 
 You cannot find on the face of these 
 entire United States another such at- 
 tempt to disfranchise an entire race of 
 people as is shown by this recent divis- 
 ion of the State of South Carolina. The 
 gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. 
 Evins] the other day said to me that 
 South Carolina had never yet done any- 
 thing of which she was ashamed. This 
 map was not at that time made. Can 
 the gentleman repeat that remark now ? 
 [Applause on the Republican side.] 
 
 Mr. UPDEGRAPF. There is in Ohio 
 no Congressional district which bears 
 any resemblance to that South Caroliua 
 district, and no one not composed of 
 contiguous counties without any divis- 
 ion of counties, townships, or pre- 
 cincts. 
 
 Mr. Horr subsequently said : 
 
 I want only a moment simply to show 
 the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Ather- 
 ton,] who took me unawares as to the 
 fourteenth district of Ohio, which my 
 brother may represent in the next Con- 
 gress. My friend Dawes from that 
 State has furnished me a diagram here 
 showing the exact shape of the district 
 as it now is. Just look at it. Simply 
 four entire counties in one square, solid 
 chunk. There. [Exhibiting the dia- 
 gram.] 
 
 Now, to put on the county of Holmes, 
 which my friend Atherton claims natu- 
 rally belongs there, would make the 
 picture like that. [Exhibiting a dia- 
 gram.] 
 
 He must have become so familiar with 
 Democratic districting that a district 
 does not look natural to him unless it 
 has one of those prongs on it. [Laugh- 
 ter] As it now is it is a square, shapely 
 district. 
 
 Even Precincts, and Townships divided 
 in this extraordinary Oerrymauder- 
 ing Villainy — Extract from South 
 Carolina law providing for their di" 
 vision — District JSo. 7 formed to em- 
 brace most of the Colored Voters in 
 Eastern part of State — Its crooUed 
 length runs 250 miles np and down 
 the coast. 
 
 Mr. EVINS. He [Mr. Horr] stated 
 awhile ago that in South Carolina we 
 have divided precincts and townships. 
 Now the gentleman is mistaken. No 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES, 
 
 61 
 
 precincts are divided. In South Caro- 
 lina the counties are usually double or 
 triple the size of counties in other 
 States and a number of townships have 
 been cut off. » * * * » 
 
 Mr. MACKEY. My colleague sayS 
 that no precincts are divided. Moun* 
 Pleasant precinct, in Berkeley County> 
 was divided. 
 
 Mr. EVINS. I have no knowledge of 
 such a thing ; and of course, while I 
 may be mistaken, I do not believe that 
 it is done. 
 
 Mr. MACKEY. I could name a dozen 
 which have been divided. 
 
 Mr. HORE. If you have not divided 
 precincts and townships, pray what did 
 your Legislature mean by their bill'? 
 Let me read the exact provision of the 
 law framed by your Democratic Legis- 
 lature. Listen to sections 2 and 3 of this 
 very bill which divided up the State 
 into these districts and made these dia- 
 grams possible : 
 
 Skc. 2. In every case In wMdi under the pro- 
 visions of this act the townships or parts of 
 townships of any county may not all ho In the 
 same Congressional district, it shall he the duty 
 of the proper hoard of county canvassers of 
 such county in canvassing the votes of said 
 county to report separately the results of the 
 vote of such townships or part of townships for 
 the Congressional district to which they may 
 respectively hclong. 
 
 Sec. 8. In any case in which a voting precinct 
 may form part of more than one Congressional 
 district, if no other provision he made hy law 
 the commissioner of election for the county In 
 which such precinct is situated shall provide 
 for such precinct separate boxes for every Con- 
 gressional district within which the said pre- 
 cinct may be, and each voter at such precmct 
 shall deposit his ballot for member of Congress 
 in the box provided for the Congressional dis- 
 trict within the limits of which said voter may 
 reside. 
 
 Mr. EVINS. I presume that has ref- 
 erence exclusively to county officers. 
 
 Mr. HORR. I beg the gentleman's 
 pardon, that is not what it says. It ex- 
 pressly states Congressional districts; 
 and these separate boxes have nothing 
 to do with county matters, nor is it 
 possible for the law to apply to anything 
 except elections of Congressmen. It 
 seems beyond dispute that the makers 
 of this lawiit least feared they had di- 
 vided towns and voting precincts, else 
 no such provisions would have appeared 
 in their bill. Why, look again for a 
 moment at the diagrams of districts No. 
 1 and No. 7 ! 
 
 For some reason they desired to take 
 in Cliarieston in one end of No. 1. That 
 split the territory of No. 7 plumb in two. 
 It would seem that it had already been 
 determined that No. 7 should include 
 most of the negro votes in the east half 
 of the State. To do that they must run 
 the district two hundred and fifty miles 
 up and down the coast and jump the 
 
 Charleston and McClellanville strip of 
 No. 1, which runs its crooked length en- 
 tirely through the seventh district. 
 These men do not stop at triiies. The 
 strip of territory and the constitutional 
 barrier are both passed at a single bound, 
 and No. 7 is formed, taking in a major- 
 ity of over 35,000 negro voters and a 
 population of 187,600 souls. 
 
 District STo. 7 embraces 40,000 more 
 People than the ratio of the State, and 
 69,000 more than the adjoining dis- 
 trict—Formed to gather within Its 
 crooRed and indented Borders as 
 many as possible of the colored voters. 
 
 Mr. HORR. My friend from Ohio 
 claimed that his district includes a sur- 
 plus of 5,000; but here we have a dis- 
 trict with nearly 40,000 people in excess 
 of the regular ratio of the State and 69,- 
 000 more than the adjoining district, 
 and built in that way simply to gather 
 within its crooked and indented borders 
 as many of the colored voters as pos- 
 sible. 
 
 Such villainous Oerrynianderlng: im- 
 possible under an honest execution 
 of Apportionment Act of last Con- 
 gress. 
 
 Mr. HORR. The apportionment bill 
 which passed the House at this session 
 requires districts to be made from con- 
 tiguous territory and as nearly as prac- 
 ticable equal in population. And let 
 me say that any set of men who would 
 try to faithfully and honestly execute 
 that law as passed could never make 
 such districts as those we are now con- 
 sidering. 
 
 This villainous Gerrymandering part 
 of an infamous Bourbon plan adopted 
 immediately after the passage of the 
 ReeonstructioBi Acts for the purpose 
 of creating a Solid South— Part of a 
 plan, the principal Agents of which 
 were the Ku-Klux, Tissue ballots. In- 
 timidation, Red-shirt brigades, and 
 Shot-gun companies— So long as the 
 South practices such tricks and en- 
 courage such agents, so long will 
 there be a Solid North against It. 
 
 Let me repeat to you gentlemen that 
 the North will be kept soUd just so 
 long as you insist upon these methods 
 of destroying the votes of the loyal 
 people of the South, just so long as you 
 continue to practice that kind of trick- 
 ery. But you ask what has all this to 
 do with the case before the House ? 
 Let me tell you. These cases show that 
 you men of the South are simply car- 
 rying out a plan which you inaugurated 
 
62 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 among yourselves immediately after 
 the reconstruction acts were passed. 
 The moment we had forgiven you for the 
 part you took in the rebellion and had 
 given you even the right to set here as 
 law-makers of the land, you com- 
 menced at once— and South Carohua was 
 conspicuous among those who started 
 this plan— I say you commenced by every 
 conceivable means, by kukluxism, tissue 
 ballots, intimidation, red-shirt brigades, 
 and shot-gun companies, to prevent the 
 voice of her loyal people from being 
 heard, and to prevent the colored men 
 in your States from having any voice m 
 choosing their rulers. 
 
 PART VIII. 
 
 Orand Questions for the So- 
 lution of the oration — 
 Shall the majority rule? 
 — Shall the Constitution 
 and the Iiaws he enforced, 
 or the Bourbon Minority 
 he allo^ved to rule through 
 liawlessness and Fraud ? 
 
 The Questions of To-day— How to se- 
 cure and record a Free Ballot and a 
 Fair Count— Tlie attitnde of tbe De- 
 mocracy — It has sustained tliese 
 Frauds at the South— It defended 
 Chalmers In Mississippi, Wheeler in 
 Alabama, {Finley in Florida, and 
 Dibble and Tillman in South Caro- 
 linar— Has it ever denounced or con- 
 demned the Hamburg Massacre or 
 the Ellenton Riots of 1876 ?— those Ter- 
 rible Agencies of a "Solid South?" 
 — Shall this Reign of Perjury, and 
 Fraud, and Tissue Ballots, and Vio- 
 lence, and Bloodshed usher in the 
 X.ong Expected Democratic Era?— The 
 <luty of all who love their Country is 
 to unite in guarding the Purity and 
 Sanctity of the Ballot-box. 
 
 Hon. Samuel H. MiUer, of Pennsyl- 
 vania, in the House of Representatives, 
 July 19, 1883, said : 
 
 "To-day it is a question how to secure 
 and record a free vote and a fair count 
 from nearly twelve million voters. No 
 difference of opinion should exist among 
 honest men as to the propriety, nay, the 
 necessity, of accomplishing this. How, 
 then, shall we explain the attitude of 
 the Democratic party on this question"? 
 Wlien has it raised its voice against 
 these frauds at the Soutli ? What Dem- 
 
 ocrat has denounced them? What 
 Democrat in this House has raised his 
 voice against them 1 If there is one let 
 him stand up ! 
 
 "Has not that party defended Chal- 
 mers in Mississippi, Wheeler in Alabama, 
 Finley in Florida, and Dibble in South 
 Carolina? Who of them has condemned 
 the admitted illegal stuffing of the bal- 
 lot-boxes of the South? Who of them 
 has condemned the fraud and violence 
 and outrages in the fifth Congressional 
 district 1 Who of them denounced the 
 Hamburg massacre of July, 1876, or the 
 EUenton riots of September, 1876? 
 Who of them wiU rise in his seat and 
 utter but a single word of condemnation 
 for this carnival of fraud and outrage 
 and wrong and violence ? 1 pause for a 
 reply. Is it possible that the once i)roud 
 and powerful Democratic party is willing 
 to accept power at any price of national 
 honor and at any sacrifice of personal 
 rights ! Has it come to this, that the 
 great Democratic party admits that a 
 solid South is a prerequisite to Democrat- 
 ic success and that their Southern allies 
 may choose their own means to make it 
 solid? 
 
 "Shall this reign of perjury and fraud 
 and tissue-ballots and violence and 
 bloodshed on Southern soil usher in 
 the long-expected Democratic era? 
 God forbid! Let every man North, 
 South, East, and West who loves his 
 country, who cherishes her institutions, 
 who believes that the ballot is our 
 great Magna Charta, who is determined 
 to transmit this Government of, for, 
 and by the people in all its strength 
 and purity to future generations, let 
 all such unite in one common cause to 
 protect the purity and sanctity of the 
 ballot and guard it by the wisest and 
 best legislation that statesmanship can 
 devise. Then, and not till then, will 
 the permanency of Republican institu- 
 tions be assured. 'Then those who 
 died on the hundred battle-fields of the 
 rebellion shall not have died in vain; 
 then this nation, under God, shall have 
 a new birth of freedom ; and govern- 
 ment of the people, by the people, and 
 for the people shaU not perisli from the 
 earth.'" 
 
 Wealth and Intelligence should not be 
 governed by Ignorance and Poverty— 
 The claim that Bourbouism embraces 
 all the Wealth and Intelligence of the 
 South an Unfounded Frauil— The Op- 
 position to Bourbonism embraces u 
 liarge Percentage of the Wealth, In- 
 telligence, antl Moral Worth of the 
 South — Equally true is it that the 
 Bourbon Democracy embraces within 
 its Ranks some of the most Ignorant 
 and Depraved — Bourbons therefore 
 dare not make Education or Intelli- 
 gence a quallflcatiou of the voter. 
 
CONTESTED ELECTION CASES 
 
 Hon. Jolin Lynch, of Mississippi, in 
 the House of Representatives, April 37, 
 1883, said : 
 
 " That the South is solidly Democratic 
 at the expense of the purity of elections 
 is no longer a disputed question. Every 
 intelligent man knows it, and every 
 candid man admits it. Many of those 
 ■who defend the methods of Southern 
 Bourbons do so upon the plea that wealth 
 and intelligence ought not to be gov- 
 erned by poverty and ignorance, and as 
 the wealth and the intelligence of the 
 South are Identified with the Demo- 
 cratic party, and the poverty and ig- 
 norance with the Republican party, it 
 necessariiy follows that Democratic 
 success is essential to the ascendancy of 
 the intelligent and property-owning 
 classes. According to their reasoning, 
 therefore, the country ought to coun- 
 tenance and justify fraud and violence 
 on their part. Let us inquire into this 
 a Little. The claim that the Democratic 
 party at the South embraces within its 
 membersliip all of the wealth and the 
 intelligence of that section has not the 
 slightest foundation in fact. I know 
 whereof I speak when I assert that the 
 opposition to the Democratic organ- 
 ization, in the State of Mississippi, for 
 instance, embraces within its member- 
 ship a large per cent, of the wealth, the 
 intelligence, and the moral worth of 
 that Commonwealth. It is equally true 
 that the Democratic party embraces 
 within its membership some of the most 
 i^orant and depraved of our popula- 
 tion. 
 
 "True, the Republican party at the 
 South has a larger percentage of the il- 
 literate voters than has the Democratic 
 party, but it is also true that both par- 
 ties contain a sufficient number of each 
 of these classes to prevent either from 
 being accepted as the exclusive repre- 
 sentative of either class. Under the 
 existing order of things it is impossible 
 to make wealth and intelligence the ba- 
 sis of party organization in any one of 
 the Southern States. If it be true that 
 the Democraticorganizationat the South 
 is the exclusive representative of the 
 wealth and the intelligence of that sec- 
 tion, why is it they do not establish bj 
 law an educational or a property quali- 
 fication for electors'? I think I can in- 
 form the country why it is they have 
 attempted nothing of the kind. It is 
 / because thejr know they cannot disfran- 
 cliise the illiterate Republican voter 
 without disfranchising at tlie same time 
 and in the same way the illiterate Dem- 
 ocratic voter. It is because they know 
 they cannot disfranchise the poverty- 
 stricken Republican voter without dis- 
 franchising at the same time and in the 
 same way tlie poverty-stricken Demo- 
 cratic voter. This is the 'self-preser- 
 vation' which they consider to be the 
 ■* first law of nature.' " I 
 
 "The Colored Troops foaght nobly ! "— 
 Bravery of tbe Colored Man and bis 
 Fidelity to Principle and Party — Al- 
 tbongb tbe Bondman's Toke op- 
 pressed blm, yet wben tbe If ational 
 TlsLg was trailing In tbe dnst of Rebel- 
 lion and Treason, be was loyal and 
 Tme— He pnrcbased an inberltancc of 
 Freedom npon tbe Battle-Fleld, and 
 watered tbe Tree of Mberty wltb bis 
 Blood— He feels tbat be Is part and 
 parcel of tbe Nation — Ton may de- 
 prive blm of lilbcrty and Lilfe, of 
 Family and Home, and tbe means ol 
 an Edncatlon, and a IilTlng:, but can- 
 not deprive blm of bis Manbood and 
 Principles— His rapid advance in Civ- 
 ilization— All be asbs is, tbat bis Bal- 
 lot sball be Free and Honestly 
 counted. 
 
 Mr. Lj;nch also said : 
 
 " The impartial historian will record 
 the fact that the colored people of the 
 South have contended for their rights 
 with a bravery and a gallantry that is 
 worthy of the highest commendation. 
 Being, unfortunately, in dependent cir- 
 cumstances, with the preponderance of 
 the wealth and intelligence against 
 them in some localities, yet they have 
 bravely refused to surrender their 
 honest convictions, even upon the altar 
 of their personal necessities. They 
 have said to those upon whom they de- 
 pended: You may deprive me for the 
 time being of the opportunity of making 
 an honest living; you may take the 
 bread out of the mouths of my hungry 
 and dependent familj;; you may close 
 the school-house door in the face of my 
 children ; yea, more, you majr take that 
 which no man can give, my life, but my 
 manhood, my principles, you cannot 
 have! [Applause.] Even when the 
 flag of our country was trailing in the 
 dust of treason and rebellion ; when 
 the Constitution was ignored, and the 
 lawfully chosen and legally-constitut- 
 ed authorities of the government were 
 disregarded and disobeyed; although 
 the bondman's yoke of oppression was 
 then upon their necks, jet they were 
 then true and loyal to their government, 
 and faithful to the flag of their country. 
 [Applause.] 
 
 " They were faithful and true to yon 
 then ; they are no less so to-day. And 
 yet they ask no special favors as a 
 class ; they ask no special protection as 
 a race. They feel that they purchased 
 their inheritance when upon the battle- 
 fields of their country they watered the 
 tree of liberty with the precious blood 
 that flowed from their loyal veins. 
 [Loud applause.] They ask no favors; 
 they demand what they deserve and 
 must have, an equal chance in the race 
 of life. They feel that they are a part 
 and parcel of you, bone of your bone, 
 flesh of your nesh. Your institutions 
 
64 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION CASES. 
 
 are their institutions, and your govern- 
 ment is their government. You cannot 
 consent to the elimination of the col- 
 ored man from the body politic, es- 
 pecially through questionable and 
 fraudulent methods, without consenting 
 to your own downfall and to your own 
 destruction. That the colored people of 
 the United States have made and are 
 making material progress in the acqui- 
 sition of knowledge, the accumulation 
 of wealth, and in the development of a 
 high order of civilization are facts 
 known, recognized, and admitted by all 
 except those who are too blind to see 
 them or too prejudiced to admit them. 
 * * * * *- 
 
 " The colored man asks you in this par- 
 ticular instance to give effect to his 
 ballot, not for his sake alone, but for 
 yours as well. He asks you to recog- 
 nize the fact that he has the right to as- 
 sist you in defending, protecting, andup- 
 holding our government and perpetuat- 
 ing our institutions. You must, then, 
 as I am sure you will, condemn the 
 crimes against our institutions, against 
 law, against justice, and against public 
 morals that were committed in this 
 case." 
 
 The Repnblican Party Enfranchised 
 the Colored Man — It struck the shack- 
 les of Slavery from his L<imbs and 
 made him a Freeman— It placed him 
 on the Grand Plaliie of Citizenship 
 and Endowed him with the Powers of 
 Sovereignty — The g^reat mass of Ne- 
 groes South are Republicans— Its Mis- 
 sion noir is to Protect them in their 
 liberties by Demanding and Enforc- 
 ing an Untrameled Ballot and an 
 Honest Count. 
 
 Mr, Calkins, of Indiana, in the House 
 of Representatives April 29, 1883, said : 
 
 "The Hepublican party demands that 
 the ballots shall be counted as they are 
 cast ; that when an elector casts one bal- 
 lot that shall be honestly counted as it 
 was cast. That is the broad platform 
 on which the Republican party stands. 
 And this is the point made by the gen- 
 tleman from Tennessee [Mr. Moore] 
 when he said that the better people of 
 the South were in favor of an honest 
 ballot, and counting them according to 
 the law of the land. The liberties of 
 the people depend upon this, for the 
 love of liberty is the love of law, and 
 without law there is anarchy. 
 
 "In conclusion allow me to say, al- 
 though it may not be safe to count all 
 of the negroes of the South as voters of 
 the Republican ticket, certainly not in 
 election cases, yet, Mr. Speaker, that it 
 is the universal testimony of almost 
 
 all the men who have spoken upon this 
 subject, and of those who are competent - 
 to speak upon it, and the facts bear out 
 the assertion, that the great mass of 
 the negroes of the South are Republi- 
 cans. In the very nature of things they 
 ought to be ; they must be at least for 
 this generation. 
 
 " It was that party and the leaders of 
 that party that gave them their free- 
 dom. It was that party, and it is the 
 spirit that now animates those who act 
 with it, that took from their limbs the 
 shackles of slavery and made them 
 freemen. It was that party that placed 
 in their hands that badge of sovereignty 
 that raised them from servitude to the 
 grand plane of citizenship. [Applause.] 
 It was that party that placed, not a 
 tiara upon the head, but the baUot in 
 the hands of a freeman. It was that 
 party that has protected them. It is 
 that party that has stood by them and 
 aided them in all of their troubles. It 
 is that party that will stand by them to 
 the end, whatever may come. [Ap- 
 plause.] Not because they are negroes, 
 but because in the very necessity of 
 things leading to their freedom and 
 clothing them with full citizenship ; by 
 the very force of circumstances and the 
 protection which that party has thrown 
 around them by its legislation, it has 
 given pledge of its fealty to justice. 
 
 "Having obtained from that party 
 every boon that could not have been 
 granted them in their h elpless condition, 
 they naturally look to that party stiU 
 for guidance, and it would be cowardly 
 in us to desert them. But the time is 
 coming — I hope it is near at hand— when, 
 not only throughout the North, but in 
 every part of the land, this same senti- 
 ment will be recognized as the intelli- 
 gent sentiment of an enlightened nation. 
 
 " And I do now, assure my friends, 
 that any liberal men in the South that 
 reach out their hands to us who are im- 
 bued with this one grand sentiment will 
 be heartily grasped from whencesoever 
 they come. [Applause.] No matter 
 what the past has been, it shall be no 
 longer remembered. Give us a free vote, 
 a fair count, an honest election. That 
 is all we ask. If there has been bitter- 
 ness between us we put it by as belong- 
 ing to the past. But do not immolate 
 truth and justice for party success. 
 We stand for liberty and law. And I 
 say to the negroes that the same spirit 
 which secured them these blessings will 
 educate their children, and the good 
 people of all parties will stand by you 
 in every forward step you take toward 
 cizilization and say, God bless you." 
 [Great applause on the iioor and in the 
 galleries.] 
 
PAST USURPATION'S OF TUE DEMOCRACY, 
 
 65 
 
 OnAPTER III. 
 
 Usurpations of the Democracy through Lawless- 
 ness and Fraud. 
 
 Tke right to a free ballot is the rwht preservative of all rights, and must and shall be maintained in 
 every part of the United «(«(««.— Declaration 6, National Democratic Platforni, 1880. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 '' Connting in " a Democrat- 
 ic Invention, and pecu- 
 liarly a Democratic Prac- 
 tice — '* Counting in " of 
 James K. Polk as Presi- 
 dent in 1844— Of James 
 Buchanan in 1837 — The 
 Disastrous Consequences 
 to the IVation — The at- 
 .tempted " Counting in " 
 of iSamuel J. Tilden in 
 1S76— A Brief Review of 
 the immense Democratic 
 Frauds in the Campaigns 
 of 1844 and 1857 com- 
 pared with those of 1876. 
 
 Iq 1844, in tlie Presidential campaign 
 of tliat year, James K. Polk, of Tennes- 
 see, was notoriously " counted into " the 
 Presidency over Henry Clay, of Ken- 
 tucky, who liiid been elected President 
 fairly by the voice of the American peo- 
 ple. 
 
 Who was Henry Clay ? Who James 
 K. Polk? Who the arch conspirators 
 by whom Clay was .robbed of the 
 Presidency— by whom the American 
 people were cheated of their choice as 
 Cliief Magistrate ; and what the agen- 
 cies or means by which a result so dis- 
 astrous to the nation was accomplished ? 
 What the motives or ends which in- 
 fluenced the agencies for a result so la- 
 mentable 1 
 
 Just now, in presence of the Demo- 
 cratic design to seize the Presidency by 
 Mexicanizing the Republic— by subvert- 
 ing the Constitution and the laws, by 
 bull-dozing, by b Hot-box stuffing, and 
 by all other possible nefarious means — 
 these inquiries tire pertinent and preg- 
 nant ones. We will answer them as 
 briefly as possible. 
 
 The "Great Commoiior," Uemry Clay 
 ivbo iroald '^j*ather be right than 
 President!" — His unknown Demo- 
 cratic opponent, James K. Polk. 
 
 For nearly half a century, in 1844, 
 from 1797, when Kentucky was framing 
 a new State constitution, Henry Clay 
 had been active in the service of his 
 country. A Senator of the United States 
 in 1806, when onlj; twenty -nine years 
 old, and distinguished, even at that 
 early age, for eminent ability and elo- 
 quence ; unrivaled subsequently as the 
 Speaker and leader of the Bouse ; equal- 
 ly brilliant in the Senate and Cabinet, 
 in war as in peace, as a statesman, ora- 
 tor, and diplomat ; pre-eminent for his 
 chivalrous courage and lofty patriotism, 
 and probably the only man of his time 
 who could, without personal ridicule, 
 have uttered his celebrated apothegm, 
 " I would rather he right than Presi- 
 dent P' 
 
 Such was Henry Clav, " the Great 
 Commoner," the Whig candidate for 
 Piesident in 1844 ; while his opponent, 
 Polk, was so little known, his services 
 to the nation of so little couseqiience, 
 that upon his nomination by the Democ- 
 racy the cry went througliout the Ke- 
 public, " Who is James K. Polk ?" 
 
 The vote by which Clay was rig^htfnlly 
 elected anfl entitled to the Presi- 
 dency — The villainous Democratic 
 Irauds by ivhich he was " Counted 
 out." 
 
 Henry Clay was the choice of tlie 
 American people for President, and a 
 decided majority of the votes actually 
 cast was thrown for him. He was cho- 
 sen President by the voice of his coun- 
 trymen, and under the Constitution and 
 laws — by all the rules of right — was en- 
 titled to the Presidency. None now 
 doubt that. As a matter of history it is 
 notorious. Nevertheless, in the House, 
 in 1845, the electoral vote counted was: 
 For Polk, 170; for Clay, 105; while 
 Polk's minority on the popular vote was 
 
 '. 24,119. The electoral colleges counted 
 for Polk included that of New York (36), 
 Pennsylvania (26), Georgia (10), Louis- 
 iana (6) — in all 78 votes — to all of which 
 
 I Clay was entitled by decided popular 
 
PAST USURPATION OF THE DEMOCRACT. 
 
 majorities in all those States. Heuce, 
 add those 78 votes to Clay's 105, and de- 
 duct them from Polk's 170, will give 
 Clay 183 votes and reduce Polk's to 92, 
 making Clay's majority in the electoral 
 colleges 91, the real result of the can- 
 vass, but which was defeated by the de- 
 liberately-planned frauds of the Democ- 
 racy. Even strike from Polk's 170 New 
 York's 36 votes, which State Clay con 
 fessedly carried by from 5,000 to 10,000 
 majority, will leave Polk but 134 elec- 
 toral votes and give Clay 141, a majority 
 of 7 in the colleges. 
 
 Samuel J. Tilclcn's g;ailty coinplictty 
 in the democratic villainy ! 
 
 In all these villainous frauds, Samuel 
 J. TUden, in New York, aided by the 
 notorious Isaiah Rynders and his cohort 
 of unprincipled ruffians, and in Louis- 
 iana by the equally notorious John Sli- 
 dell, a New Yorker by birth, was, as a 
 leading Democrat of the Empire State, 
 the headquarters of the conspiracy for 
 the defeat of Clay, an active and effi- 
 cient co-worker. It is not strange, 
 therefore, that Tilden, who in the cam- 
 paign of 1876, simply attempted, in be- 
 half of himself, to repeat the frauds of 
 1844 against Clay, should be chagrined 
 at his failure, and that he and his par- 
 tisans should so fiercely denounce fraud 
 against the Republicans as thej; did in 
 1844 denounce Clay and the Whigs. 
 
 Gamblers' conspiracy at the bottom of 
 these grave ]>emocratic crimes — And 
 Tilden's gnilty participation in them. 
 
 That Henry Clay was entitled, and 
 confessedly entitled, to the electoral 
 votes of the States of New York, Penn- 
 sylvania, Georgia, and Louisiana— 
 seventy-eight in all— which, by fraud, 
 by the " counting in" process which the 
 Democracy now charge against the Be- 
 
 gublicans, were counted for Polk, we 
 ave before us the proofs in a number 
 of shapes. They cannot be questioned. 
 In 1844 a combination of gamblers, 
 through a system of betting all over the 
 country in favor of Polk, as in the can- 
 vass of 1876 in favor of Tilden, secured 
 by their winnings the means of defray- 
 ing the expenses of the frauds. That 
 was notoriously so in New York, Penn- 
 sylvania, and Louisiana. Horace Gree- 
 ley, in 1848, in one of his " Open Letters 
 to a Folitician "—to Samuel J. Tilden— 
 reminds Tilden of these grave crimes, 
 and of his participation in them. All 
 mav see the details at length in Gree- 
 ley's Life of Henry Clay, in Calvin Col- 
 ton's, m "The Whig Review," and kin- 
 dred works, of the wholesale and sys- 
 tematic villainy, the great crime by 
 wliioh theillustriousClay wasdefrauded 
 ot New York and the other States— by 
 agencies similar to those which, iu 1868, 
 in New York, Tilden "counted in" 
 
 Seymour and Hoifman when Grant and 
 Griswold had carried the State. 
 
 "Connting in'' peculiarly a Democratic 
 process — The bogus Democratic vote 
 of Kew Tork in 1S44— The Pennsylva- 
 nia Democratic frauds of that year. 
 
 This "counting in" is peculiarly a 
 Democratic process — an invention to 
 which the Democracy, and only the 
 Democracy, have a sole and undisputed 
 right. 
 
 In New York, in 1844, of the popular 
 vote Polk was in a minority of 10,706 
 votes. His plurality over Clay was only 
 5,106. That he obtained in the city and 
 its surroundings by fraudulent natural- 
 ization, by repeating and ballot-box 
 stuffing ; by the manufacture and count, 
 through such infamous agencies, of from 
 10,000 to 15,000 bogus votes. Some place 
 the number as high as 20,000. 
 
 In Pennsylvania the frauds were 
 equally flagrant. At the October elec- 
 tion it was admitted by the best posted 
 of the Democracy that Clay in the State 
 was at least 10,000 votes stronger than 
 General Markle, the Whig candidate 
 for Governor. Hence, in order to beat 
 Clay in November, Shunk's majority 
 must reach 10,000. It was only 4,282, 
 fully 6,000 less than the Democratic es- 
 timate as absolutely necessary to beat 
 Clay. Nevertheless, Clay was beaten. 
 His vote, as the Democracy had calcu- 
 lated, was 5,200 greater than Markle's, 
 and was drawn principally from Shunk's; 
 yet Polk's majority in the State was 
 6,332. 
 
 The Democratic "model" which in- 
 spired Tilden's infamous Democratic 
 secret circular of 1868. 
 
 It was in this canvass in Pennsylva- 
 nia that the model of Tilden's infamous 
 confidential circular of 1868, by which 
 he arranged the machinery for the 
 fraudulent count of New York for Sey- 
 mour and Hoffman, appeared as a secret 
 circular, dated " Harrisburg, January, 
 1844," and signed by Edward A. Penni- 
 man and seventeen Democratic mem- 
 bers of the Pennsylvania Legislature as 
 an executive committee. It was dis- 
 tributed only among the faithful, with 
 the injunction that its " contents should 
 be made known only to such of our 
 (Democratic) friends as will keep 
 their own counsel and assist in or- 
 ganizing the party ;" and urged that "it 
 IS very desirable that it should not ap- 
 pear in any newspaper or be communi- 
 cated to our political opponents." It 
 particularly enjoined the faithful "to 
 secure a large turnout at the election 
 of judges and inspectors (of the polls). 
 This done, we shall have the vantage 
 ground, and an easy victory will be 
 ours." So it proved. By securing the 
 judges and inspectors ot tlie polls, the 
 
 
PAST U8UUPATI0N OF THE DEMOCRACY. 
 
 67 
 
 ■count of any number by the Democracy 
 was a very easy matter. 
 
 Tbe Democratic frauds that in 1844 
 gave Georgia to PolK. 
 
 In Georgia, in 1844, and it may be so 
 now, by tne tax-list, the exact number 
 of legal voters in the State could be 
 readily ascertained. By that list there 
 were in the State 78,611 votes. At the 
 Presidential election 86,277 votes were 
 cast. Even supposing, therefore, that 
 every legal voter in the State attended 
 at the polls — the decrepid, aged, sick, 
 and dying— there was still a fraud of 
 7,666 votes. By whom were these polled f 
 In the Whig counties less than the legal 
 vote as shown by the tax-list was 
 polled ; but in the Democratic counties 
 of Forsyth, Lumpkin, Habersham, and 
 Franklin the lawful vote was 3,303. 
 They returned a vote of 4,014 for Polk 
 and 1,835 for Clay— in all 5,835— a fraud 
 in these four counties alone of 3,633 ; 
 and so on throughout all the Democratic 
 counties of Georgia. Nevertheless, 
 Polk's majority in the State was only 
 3,077. 
 
 The Infamous Democratic frauds In 
 liOulsiana — Open, notorious, shame- 
 ful. 
 
 In Louisiana the frauds were truly 
 villainous. No attempt was ever made 
 to disguise or cover tliem. They were 
 •open, notorious, and shameful. John 
 Slidell was their infamous engineer, 
 and under his manipulation thousands 
 of fraudulent votes were counted for 
 Polk ifi New Orleans and all along the 
 Mississippi River. A single instance 
 will illustrate all. Up to the day of the 
 rebellion — up to 1861— the lar^rest aggre- 
 gate vote polled in Plaquemihe parish 
 was 550 ; in 1844 it ^ave Polk 1,007 ma- 
 jority, while his majority in the State 
 was only 699. 
 
 Tbus Tlldeu and the Democracy of 1S44 
 '■counted In" Polk. 
 
 Thus in 1844, throughout the country, 
 fraud by Tilden and the Democracy was 
 reduced to a system. Through its re- 
 sults James K. Polk, the weak but am- 
 bitioustool of the pro-slavery oligarchy, 
 was "counted in," and the gallant 
 and patriotic Clay, the illustrious 
 "Great Commoner," whose services 
 to the nation in war and peace 
 constitute the brightest pages of its civil 
 history, was robbed of the Presidency- 
 was robbed by Tilden and the Democ- 
 aacy. 
 
 The Pennsylvania Democratic frauds 
 by which. In 1857, Intrepid Fremont 
 was robbed of the Presidency and 
 Buchanan, the Pliant Tool of the 
 Oligarchy, "counted In." 
 
 liater, in 1857, by similar frauds in 
 
 Pennsylvania, by the same parties, ac- 
 comphshed through like agencies, J ohn 
 C. Fremont was cheated of the same 
 high office, and James Buchanan, an- 
 other weak and equally pliant tool of 
 the oligarchal conspirators of 1844, was 
 fraudulently placed iu the chair of 
 Washington, manifestly under pledges 
 to complete the traitorous work for the 
 destruction of the Republic begun by 
 Polk. 
 
 Tilden's wholesale frauds in 1876 at the 
 Korth— His Mississippi shot-gun pol- 
 icy at the South. 
 
 The campaign of 1876, was modeled 
 upon that of 1844. By similar agencies or 
 arts, by wholesale and systematic frauds 
 in the North, he succeeded in carrying 
 New Yoik, New Jersey, Connecticut, 
 and Indiana ; and in the South, by the 
 murderous Mississippi shot-gun policy, 
 1 effected the manufacture of the ficti- 
 tious figures which constitute his pre- 
 tended popular majority. 
 
 What miseries the success of the Dem- 
 ocratic Frauds of 1844 and 1837 en- 
 tailed upon the Nation. 
 
 In 1844, and 1857 the oligarchal con- 
 spirators succeeded in disfranchising 
 the nation. In 1876 they failed only by 
 a count of one. In 1844 their fraudu- 
 lent success entailed upon the nation 
 the crimes of Polk's disastrous reign - 
 the " unholy " Mexican war for the ag- 
 grandizement of slavery, exacting of 
 the nation a saci-iflce of thousands of 
 lives and hundreds of millions of treas- 
 ure; his iniquitous free- trade tariff; 
 his hostility to internal improvements 
 and kindred measures, all in the inter- 
 est of the pro-slavery oligarchy ; the 
 fatal reopening of the slavery question, 
 precipitated by the struggle of the sec- 
 tions for the possession of the territory 
 seized from Mexico, and which, in 1861, 
 under the manipulation of Buchanan 
 and the Democracy, culminated in the 
 appalling crimes of the Rebellion. 
 
 The success of the Democratic frauds of 
 1876 would have brought upon the Re- 
 public Humiliation and Ruin. 
 
 In 1876 their success was intended to 
 be as disastrous as those of 1844 and 
 1857. The Confederacy had failed in 
 its attempt to destroy the Republic. Its 
 prestige and pride were humbled, and 
 in the murderous struggle provoked by 
 its crimes its losses had been immense. 
 Tilden's success was intended to redress 
 all that. A restoration of the Confed- 
 erate to power and place in the Govern- 
 ment was to be followed by the humili- 
 ation of loyalty— the abasement of the 
 nation at the feet of the rebel ; and the 
 ruin of the Republic was to be effected 
 by the confiscation of its property and 
 
PAST USURPATION OF THE DEMOCRACY. 
 
 means in the payment of thousands of 
 millions of fraudulent claims as indem- 
 nity to the Confederate for losses in the 
 Rebellion. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 Democratic Cry tbat Tilden in 1876 was 
 elected President — That Tilden was 
 Counted Out by the Louisiana and 
 Florida Returning Boards— That, not- 
 withstanding-. Tilden had an Immense 
 Majority of the Popular Vote— The cry 
 a part of the Tilden Conspiracy in 1876 
 to Seize the Presidency through Iiaw- 
 lessness and fraud. 
 
 The Democratic party pertinaciously 
 continues the cry that in 1876 Tilden 
 Tras elected President — that he was 
 counted out by the returning boards of 
 Louisiana and Florida, and that, not- 
 witlistanding, he had an immense major- 
 ity on the popular vote. No intelligent 
 Democrat believes that this cry has any 
 biisis of truth. All such understand its 
 purpose. It is persisted in only as a part 
 of the conspiracy in 1S76, by which Til- 
 den and tlie Democracy proposed and 
 labored to seize the Presidency through 
 violence and fraud. 
 
 It is a majority of the Electoral Col- 
 leg^cs, not a Popular ^majority, which 
 Elects the President — The People do 
 not Vote for President, but for Elec- 
 tors, who choose the President — Elec- 
 tors not Constitutionally bound to 
 Vote for the Candidates supported by 
 those w^ho appoint them — Electors 
 appointed by the supporters of one set 
 of Candidates may EawfuIIy Vote for 
 an opposite set, or for Men not even 
 Mentioned in the Canvass. 
 
 Now, under the Constitution, it is the 
 majority of the electoral colleges, not 
 the popular majority, by which tlie 
 President and Vice - President of the 
 United States are chosen. The people 
 do not vote for President, but for elec- 
 tors, who choose the President and 
 Vice-Presideut. All that the people can 
 legally do, under the Constitution, in 
 the election of a President, is to mani- 
 fest tbeir preference for the men they 
 propose shall fill that high office by ap- 
 pointing electors who may favor those 
 men ; but even then the electors are not 
 bound by the Constitution or the law to 
 vote for the men thus preferred, nor 
 was it intended by the framers of the 
 Constitution that the electors should be 
 influenced in the choice of a President by 
 any other consideration than the public 
 good as it appears to their individual 
 judgments, it would therefore be per- 
 
 fectly lawful and consistent with their 
 oaths, consistent with their duty under 
 the Constitution, for an elector or a ma- 
 jority of electors chosen by the support- 
 ers of one set of candidates to vote for 
 the candidates of the opposite party, or 
 for men not even mentioned in the can- 
 vass for electors. 
 
 Custom, or the Eaw of Parties, which, 
 has become the Unwritten Xraw of the 
 Eand, has practically Amended t he- 
 Constitution in that particular — "Wash- 
 ingrton and Adams and Jefferson not 
 Formally Nominated by Party — Cho- 
 sen President as the First Citizens or 
 the Republic. 
 
 But custom or the law of parties, 
 which has become the unwritten law of 
 the land, has practically or in effect 
 amended or changed the Constitution in 
 this particular. Washington and the 
 elder Adams were not formally nomi- 
 nated by any body of men which might 
 be styled a party or representative body, 
 as is the practice to-day in the nomina- 
 tion of candidates. Nor indeed was- 
 Jefferson. Washington and Adams were 
 the most eminent, the widest known,, 
 and the most popular men of their day, 
 and as such, although identified as lead- 
 ers of the Federal party, received a ma- 
 jority of the votes of the electoral col- 
 leges. 
 
 Presidential Election of 1800- Jefferson' 
 and.Bnrr received the Same Electoral 
 Vote, 73— Constitutional provisions at 
 that date respecting the Election of 
 President- jro Choice by the Electoral 
 Colleges in 1800 — The Election de- 
 •volved upon the House of Representa* 
 tives. 
 
 In the presidential campaign of 1800' 
 Jefferson and Aaron Burr both received 
 the same vote, (73,) which was a major- 
 ity of the electoral colleges. As the 
 Constitution then read, candidates for 
 President and Vice-President were not 
 voted for separately, but the electors- 
 cast their votes for two men, with- 
 out specifying which of the two they 
 preferred for President or Vice-Presi- 
 dent. In the counting of tlie electoral 
 colleges by the Houseol Representatives,, 
 the man who had the greatest number 
 of votes cast by the colleges, if a major- 
 ity of the whole, was declared Presi- 
 dent of the United States, and the one 
 who had the next highest vote was de- 
 clared Vice-President. But in a case 
 like that of Jefferson and Burr, in 1801, 
 where the two men receiving the high- 
 est had the same vote, there was no* 
 choice of President, and the election of 
 a Chief Magistrate devolved upon the' 
 House of Representatives. 
 
PAST USUllPATION OF THE DEMOCHACT. 
 
 6» 
 
 ]>anger to the Republic growing ont of 
 ilie Contest In tlie If oase botiveeii ttie 
 Supporters of Jelfersou and Burr 
 strong^ly tests the Patriotism of House 
 and People— Amendment of tlie Con- 
 stitution providing for Separate or 
 Distinct Ballots for President and 
 Vice-Presidents— Under tbe Unwritten 
 law of Party the People do in effect 
 Vote for Prcsideut^The Practical 
 Force of tliat Unwritten I^aw. 
 
 The excited contest which ensued in 
 the House, and which soon extended to 
 the people, between the supporters of 
 Jefferson and Burr, was one of real 
 danger to the Republic. It alarmed 
 and strongly tested the patriotism of the 
 House and people. It admonislied all 
 that a change in the method of choosing 
 a President and Vice-President was de- 
 manded by the safety of tlie Govern- 
 ment and the peace of tlie nation, and 
 the Constitution was accordingly so 
 amended as to provide for separate or 
 distinct ballots for President and Vice- 
 President. It retained the electoral col- 
 leges, making no alterations in their re- 
 sponsibility or powers, and also pro- 
 Tided that a majority of the whole 
 vote cast by the colleges should be 
 necessary to elect. But under the sub- 
 sequent organization of parties, and 
 their practice through conventions of 
 nominating candidates for President 
 and Vice-President, and placing the 
 names of the candidates thus nomi- 
 nated at the head of their electoral i 
 tickets, have in effect establislied an un- 
 written law which practically super- 
 sedes the rule of the Constitution. In ef- 
 fect the people do thus vote for Presi- 
 dent. For, so strong is the force of this 
 unwritten law, that should electors, in 
 the exercise of their undoubted lawful 
 right, vote for men different from the 
 ones indicated by the votes of those who 
 appointed them, Ihey would be forever 
 dishonored. Such a vote, indeed, under 
 the circumstances, would amount to a 
 violation of a weighty and solemn trust, 
 and probably defeat the will and best 
 interests of the nation. 
 
 A Majority of the Popular Vote not Xe* 
 cessary to a Choice of a Iflajorlty of 
 Presidential Electors— A Popular Mi- 
 nority, under tbe Constitution, can 
 and has Chosen a President — Illustra- 
 tions of the Workings of the Constitu- 
 tional Provisions respecting the Ap- 
 pointment of Electors and the Choice 
 of a President. 
 
 Nor is a majority of the popular vote 
 necessary to a choice of a majority of 
 electors, and consequently necessary to 
 a choice of ii chief ma-gistrate of the Re- 
 public. A minority of (he popular vote 
 of tlie nation, or rather a mere plurality. 
 
 can, under the Constitution, appoint, 
 and has again and again appointed, a 
 majority of electors : a mere popular 
 plurality, or an actual minority, of the 
 whole vote, has again and again chosen 
 a President. 
 
 Each State is entitled, under the Con- 
 stitution, to as many votes in the elec- 
 toral colleges as it has Senators and 
 Members in Congress. Hence, in many 
 States, the electors may be chosen by; 
 small majorities — by majorities even of 
 one in each — while those of the other 
 States may swell into thousands. Thus 
 candidates having a majority of the 
 electors may be chosen by States polling 
 the smallest majorities for the colleges, 
 and be in a minority of the aggregate 
 popular vote of the Republic. 
 
 Again, tlie small States like Delaware 
 and Nevada, each of which have but one 
 member of the House, but each has two 
 Senators, are under the Constitution 
 each entitled to three presidential elec- 
 tors. Hence, at the presidential elec- 
 tion of 1876, Delaware and Nevada, 
 while casting only an aggregate popular 
 vote of 43,834, polled six votes in the 
 electoral colleges — the same as Cali- 
 fornia, which cast a popular vote of 
 154,459. 
 
 The Constitution a System of Checks 
 and Balances^- Our government a 
 Kepresentative Repulbllc, not i» De- 
 mocracy. 
 
 The Constitution has been well de- 
 scribed by eminent jurists as a system 
 of checks and balances, and our Govern- 
 ment as representative republic. It is 
 not a Democracy. 
 
 PART III. 
 
 Statistics in Ilinstratioii of 
 tlie above — The Presiden- 
 tial f^lection of 1844 — Jas. 
 li.. Polk, iai a Popular Mi- 
 nority of 24,119, received 
 in tlie X^lectoral Colleg^es a 
 Majority of 65. 
 
 A few instances from our presidential 
 elections will illustrate these facts. 
 
 In 1844, at the presidential election, 
 there were three sets of candidates voted 
 for, to wit : 
 
 FOR president: 
 
 Democrat- Jas. K. Polk, of Tennessee. 
 Whie— Henry Clay, of Kentucky. 
 
 Atoolitionist— Jas. G. Birney, ot Now York. 
 
 FOR vice-presidemt: 
 
 Democratic — Geo. JI. D.illas, of I'eunsylvania. 
 Wliifi— Theo. FrelinglluyMeu, of N. J. 
 
 Abolitionist- Thomas Moi-xl«, of Ohio. 
 
70 
 
 PAST USURPATION OF THE DEMOCRAOT. 
 
 The vote was— 
 
 Popular Eleoto- 
 
 vote. ral vote. 
 
 For Polk and Dallas 1,337,243 170 
 
 For Clay and Freliughnyaen 1,299,062 106 
 
 For Birney and Morris 662,300 
 
 2,698,605 
 
 27S 
 
 Polk's plurality, or excess of votes 
 over Clay, was 38,181 ; Clay's and Bir- 
 ney's majority over Polk was 24,119 ; 
 while Poik counted in the electoral col- 
 leges 170 votes, and Clay 105 ; Polk's 
 majority being 65. 
 
 Presidential Election of 1848 — General 
 Ziicliary Taylor in a Popular Minority 
 of 151,708 received in the Electoral 
 Colleges a Majority of 36. 
 
 In 1848, at the Presidential election, 
 three sets of candidates were voted for, 
 to wit : 
 
 FOR PRESIDENT : 
 
 Democrat — Lewis Cass, of Michigan. 
 WMg— Zacliary Taylor, of Louisiana. 
 Froe-Soil— Martin Van Bui-en, of New York. 
 
 FOR vice-president; 
 Democrat— W. O. Butler, of Kentucky. 
 Whig— Millard Fillmore, of New York. 
 Free-Soil— Charles Francis Adams, of Mass. 
 
 The vote was : 
 
 Popular Eleoto- 
 vote. TOte. 
 
 For Taylor and Fillmore 1,360,099 
 
 For Cass and Butler 1,220,544 
 
 For Van Buren and Adams.. 291,263 
 
 163 
 127 
 
 Taylor's plurality, or vote in excess of 
 Cass's was 139,555; Cass's and Van Bu- 
 ren's combined vote constituted a ma- 
 jority over Taylor's of 151,708, or 12,153 
 votes larger than Taylor's plurality ; yet 
 Taylor in the electoral colleges counted 
 163 votes, and Cass 127 ; Taylor's ma- 
 jority being 36. 
 
 Presidential Election of 1860 — Abra- 
 ham liincoln in a Popular Minority of 
 947,388 receives in tbe Electoral Col- 
 leges a Majority of 57— Analysis of the 
 Popular and Electoral Votes at this 
 Election, and its Eictraordlnary Re- 
 sults. 
 
 In 1860, at the presidential election, 
 four sets of candidates were voted for, 
 to wit : 
 
 FOR PRESIEDNT : 
 
 Secesh Democrat— John C. Breckinridge, of Ky. 
 Sq. So V. Democrat^Stephen A. Douglas, of 111. 
 Republican— Abraham Lincoln, of 111. 
 
 Native American- John Bell, of Tenn. 
 
 FOR VICE-PRESIDENT : 
 
 Secesh Democrat — Jos. Lane, of Oregon. 
 Sii.Sov. Democrat — Herschel V. Johnson, of Ga. 
 T'epublican— Hannibal HamUn, of Maine. 
 
 N ative American— Edward Everett, of Mass. 
 
 The vote was ; 
 
 Popular Electo- 
 
 vote. ral vote. 
 
 For Lincoln and Hamlin .... 1,866,452 180' 
 
 For Douglas and Johnson 1,375.167 12 
 
 For Breckinridgeand Lane.. 847,953 72 
 
 For Bell and Everett 590,631 39 
 
 303 
 
 4,680,193 
 
 Now, let us analyze this vote : 
 
 Lincoln's plurality or vote in excess of 
 
 Douglas's, the next highest, was 491,295- 
 
 Douglas's vote over Breckinridge's was. 627,204 
 
 Douglas's vote over Bell's was 784,526 
 
 But the MAJORITY of the combined vote 
 of Douglas, Breckinridge, and Bell 
 OVER Lincoln's was 947,288 
 
 Thus Lincoln, on the total vote was 
 in a minority of nearly a miUion votes 
 but in the electoral colleges received a 
 majority of 57. 
 
 Let us examine this vote further. Let 
 us examine it in the light of the relative 
 percentages of the popular and electo- 
 ral votes of the respective candidates. 
 These were — 
 
 Percentage Percentage 
 
 of popu- of electo- 
 
 lar vote. ral vote. ' 
 
 Lincoln's 39 69 
 
 Douglas's 29 4 
 
 Breckinridge's 20 24 
 
 Bell's 13 IS 
 
 101 
 
 100 
 
 Now, Lincoln, with only 39 per cent, 
 of the popular vote, received 59 per 
 cent, of the electoral colleges. 
 
 Douglas, with 29 per cent, of the popu- 
 lar vote, received only 4 per cent, of the- 
 electoral vote. 
 
 Breckinridge, with only 20 per cent, 
 of the popular vote, received 24 per 
 cent, of the electoral vote. 
 
 Bell, with 13 per cent, of the popular 
 vote, received also 13 per cent, of the 
 electoral vote. 
 
 Breckinridge, with a popular vote one- 
 third less than Douglas, received in the 
 electoral colleges six times more votes 
 than Douglas. 
 
 Bell, with less than one-half the popu- 
 lar vote of Douglas, received in the 
 electoral colleges over three times 
 more votes than Douglas. 
 
 Arid Lincoln, with a popular vote only 
 10 per cent, greater than Douglas, re- 
 ceived in the electoral colleges over 
 fourteen times more votes than Doug- 
 las. 
 
 The above analysis makes clear Tllden's. 
 cry of Fraud. 
 
 This analysis verifies beyond all ques- 
 tion or cavil the facts stated above ; 
 that under the Constitution the choice 
 of a President does not depend upon 
 the popular vote, even when untainted, 
 by lawlessness or fraud, nor the ap- 
 pointment of araajority of electors npoit 
 
PAST rSUKPATION OF THE DEMOCRACY. 
 
 71 
 
 a ijouular maiority ; and tho absolute 
 fraud of the l"ilden cry thus becomes 
 clear and pronounced. 
 
 PART IV. 
 
 l¥taat was Tilden's luitjor- 
 ity ? — TVhat its Charac- 
 ter? — ^Vas it tlie Result 
 of a liawful Vote, or the 
 Violent Product of whole- 
 sale Fraud ? — The vote of 
 1876. 
 
 But what was Tilden's majority? 
 What was its character? Was it a 
 real or a fictitious majority — the result 
 of a real or lawful vote, or the violent 
 product of wholesale fraud 1 Let us ex- 
 amine into the popular vote of the sev- 
 eral States and the leading facts which 
 marked the Presidential election of 
 1876: 
 
 The aggregate vote cast in 1876 was 8,411,130 
 
 Tilden's vote 4,284,265 
 
 Hayes' vote 4,033,295 
 
 Cooper's vote 81,737 
 
 All other votes 11,839 
 
 4,126,871 
 
 Tilden's apparent majority 157,394 
 
 The popular vote In the Free *States, 
 Border States, and Slave States 
 grouped and compared with census 
 of voting population. 
 
 In the former (or present) free States 
 there was cast a total of 5,633,310 votes, 
 of which Hayes received 3,939,739 and 
 Tilden 3,683,481 ; majority for Hayes, 
 257,348. 
 
 In the States of Delaware, Maryland, 
 Virginia, West Virginia, Kentucky, 
 Tennessee, North Carolina, Missouri, 
 Arkansas and Texas the total vote was 
 1,830,319. For Hayes, 744,747; for Til- 
 den. 1,085,473; Tilden's majority, 340,- 
 825.' 
 
 In South Carolina^ Georgia, Florida, 
 Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana the 
 vote was 890,811, of which Hayes re- 
 ceived 363,331 and Tilden 588,590; Til- 
 den's mtijority, 166,359. 
 
 Aocording to the census of 1870, the 
 latest enumeration available, there were 
 in the Northern States at that time 
 4,850,151 male citizens over twenty-one 
 years of age. The vote for President 
 in those States, as has already been 
 shown, was 5,622,310. Increase over 
 the enumeration, 772,059. 
 
 In the second group ol States the 
 enumeration was 1,800,639 ; total vote 
 
 for President, 1,815,009. Increase over 
 the enumeration, only 14,370. 
 
 In the last group, or Gulf States, the 
 enumeration was 973,714 ; total vote tor 
 Hayes and Tilden, 890,811. Loss on the 
 enumeration, 83,903. 
 
 Recapitulation : In the free States, 
 where the election was free, fair, and 
 full, there was a gain of 773,059 voters. 
 In the border slave States, where Re- 
 publicans are kept in hopeless minori- 
 ties, and did not cast their full vote, 
 the increase was only 14,370. In the 
 Southern Republican States, where Re- 
 publican majorities were subverted by 
 armed violence, the loss was 83,903. 
 
 Assuming that the increase of voters 
 in these States was of equal ratio to 
 the free States, the increase over tho 
 enumeration would have been 114,714. 
 Adding the loss of 83,903 to this amount, 
 and we have 197,617 votes, or about one 
 in six, not oast in the six States last 
 named. 
 
 The real voting: strength of the Gulf 
 States— Showing; In 1870 a total col. 
 ored majority of 57,335. 
 
 But there is anotlier and still more re- 
 liable method of ascertaining the real 
 voting strength and popular will of 
 those States. In 1870 the voters were 
 divided as follows : 
 
 White. Col'd- 
 
 Alabama 104,270 105,014 
 
 Florida 19,211 20,170- 
 
 Georgia 127,785 119,920- 
 
 Louisiana 72,413 80.12K 
 
 MiSRieRippi 76,677 97,724 
 
 South Cariilina 57,933 91,978: 
 
 Total 458.195 516,530 
 
 Colored majority 57,335 
 
 And exhibiting; a total Republican ma- 
 jority of 183,335 in 1870. 
 
 In ascertaining the Republican 
 strength South, two estimates may be 
 made that are perfectly reliable. First, 
 that the colored vote is solidly Repub- 
 lican; secondly, that a small per cent, 
 of the white vote Is Republican ; much 
 depending on the locality and the Irvee- 
 dom of election. The division of voters 
 on this basis is shown in the following 
 table : 
 
 EepuWioan. «Xe: 
 
 Color'd, White. White. 
 
 Alabama 105,612'^ 15,000 89,276 
 
 Florida 20,170 3,000 10,211 
 
 Georgia 119,920 20,000 107,735 
 
 Louisiana 80.126 10,000 62,413 
 
 Mississippi 97,724 10,000 60,577 
 
 South Carolina 91,978 5,000 62,933 
 
 515,530 03,000 396,195 
 
 Total Republican vote 578.530 
 
 Total Democratic vote 396,195 
 
 Republican m.ajority 183,335 
 
PAST USURPATION OF THE DEMOCRACY. 
 
 These figures are based on the popu- 
 lation and enumeration of 1870. 
 
 Snbseqnent changes of population 
 favored the Repnbllcans, especially 
 In Sonth Carolina, Mississippi, and 
 Iiouisiana. 
 
 Whatever changes had taken place 
 since that time, and they were con- 
 siderable, were favorable to the Eepub- 
 licans. This was notably true of South 
 Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana. 
 These- three States continued under Re- 
 publican control long after the States 
 adjoining had fallen under Democrat!* 
 dominion. Democratic rule was ac- 
 eompanied by the abolishment of col- 
 ored schools and harsh and proscriptive 
 administration. Thereupon there was 
 an exodus of negroes from those States 
 to the otliprs, where the rights and in- 
 terests of their race were respected, 
 their children educated, and the ruling 
 powers were friendly. The States of 
 Virginia, North ■ Carolina, Tennessee, 
 Arkansas, and Texas contributed many 
 thousands of tlieir colored voters 9n 
 this account to South Carolina, Mis- 
 sisssippi, and Louisiana. The last 
 Presidential election aftbrds abundant 
 proof of this statement. Take 
 
 South Carolina, 
 
 for example. The vote in this State for 
 the years named was as follows : 
 
 1868— Rep«bliu£in 62,301 
 
 DBfflOcratio 46,207 
 
 RepuWican maj oiity 17,094 
 
 1870— Ropubliean 86,071 
 
 Democratic 51,537 
 
 Republican majority 33,634 
 
 1S72— RepuMioan 72,290 
 
 Democratic 22,703 
 
 Republican majority 49,587 
 
 It has already been shown that the ' 
 total' white vote in 1870 was 57,933, and the ! 
 colored! vote 91,978, the total being 149,- | 
 911, and the colored majority 34,545. 
 
 1876— Republican: vote 91,870 
 
 Democratic , 91,070 
 
 Total 182,946 
 
 Vote' Bf 1870 149,911 
 
 Increase 33,035 
 
 A passing reference to the past white 
 population of South Carolina leaves no 
 doubt that this increase was almost 
 wholly colared. The United States 
 census finishes the following figures 
 
 Wliitos. 
 
 1S30 257,803 
 
 1840. 269,084 
 
 ISy 274,563 
 
 I860.— 291,300 
 
 1870 289,667 
 
 Thus it will be seen that tlie white 
 populiitiaa mi the State has been almost 
 
 stationary for the past half century. It 
 will not be argued by the Opposition 
 that it has received marvelous increase 
 under the very odious (!) Republican 
 Administration since reconstruction. 
 Whence, then, the 33,035 votes added to 
 the poll-books 1 If they are not white 
 they must be colored, and that is the 
 fact. Then we have the actual vote of 
 South Carolina, confirmed by this test, 
 as follows : 
 
 Colored 124,033 
 
 WMte 67,933 
 
 Colored majority 66,100 
 
 Mississippi Republican by 40,000 ma. 
 Jority, but " counted in " by " 51,500 
 majority ' for Tilden. 
 
 Next take Mississippi. The colored 
 majority in 1870 was 31,157. Alcorn was 
 elected "Republican Governor in 1869 by 
 a majority of 38,089. Grant's majority 
 in 1873 was 35,119. It is admitted by all 
 conversant with the political affairs of 
 the State that the present colored ma- 
 jority is fully 40,000. Yet Mr. Tilden 
 carried the State, much as a storming 
 party carries intrenchments, by a ma- 
 jority of 51,468. How was this done? 
 Take the five following counties to il- 
 lustrate : 
 
 
 Eep. 
 
 Dom. 
 
 Rep. 
 
 Dem. 
 
 Rep. Dom. 
 
 Hinds... * 
 
 3,819 
 
 1,415 
 
 4,015 
 
 1,639 
 
 1,474 4,503 
 
 Lo^wndes 
 
 4,082 
 
 844 
 
 3,217 
 
 698 
 
 2 2,073 
 
 Madison . 
 
 2,.';08 
 
 629 
 
 2,612 
 
 765 
 
 13 1,473 
 
 Warren. . . 
 
 4,641 
 
 1,005 
 
 4,709 
 
 1,284 
 
 623 2,036 
 
 Yazoo . . . 
 
 2,642 
 
 815 
 
 2,433 
 
 932 
 
 2 3,672 
 
 17,692 4,71 
 
 16,886 5,208 2,114 13,757 
 
 Here was an actual loss of 15,578 Re- 
 publican votes in four counties, and of 
 6,333 on the aggregate vote of 1873, in 
 counties where the colored vote has 
 been increased by immigration fully 
 3,500 since that year. The returns from 
 other parts of the State are in keeping 
 with these. What were the means 
 which operated to effect this extraordi- 
 nary change? They constituted what 
 is known as the "Mississippi Plan." Its 
 villainies are now all confessed even by 
 its principal authors, and the assassina- 
 tion of Dixon, a leader, in 1875, in the 
 execution of the plan as also the assas- 
 sination of the Chisholms at the com- 
 mand of the men it placed in power, 
 because he proposed to rebel against 
 their rule, were natural but terrible re- 
 sults of the violent tyranny it estab- 
 lished. Hence, the State of Mississippi 
 as rightfully belonged to Hayes and the 
 Republican cause as Massachusetts or 
 Vermont. But it was counted for Mr. 
 Tilden upon a fraudulent majority of 
 51,500. 
 
PAST UStJKPATION OF THE BEMOCRACY. 
 
 73 
 
 PART V. 
 
 Florida — Blood y^ Tiolence 
 failing. Fraud and Ju- 
 dicial Usurpation re- 
 -sorted to — A Brief History 
 -of the entire series of 
 Fraudulent Proceedings 
 l>y which Tilden strove to 
 Capture its Electoral vote 
 — Facts, Figures, and In- 
 cidents. 
 
 But Mr. Tilden claimed that he was 
 entitled to the electoral colleges of 
 Florida andLouisiana, and pertinacious- 
 ly charges that he was defrauded of 
 them by the Reiurning Boards of those 
 States. But what are the fact.s 1 The 
 following is a summary of the entire 
 Florida case in brief : 
 
 Bloody violence and Ballot-box De- 
 bauchery. 
 
 At the election in Florida of Presi- 
 dential electors, November 7, 1876, every 
 expedient, whether fraudulent or vio- 
 lent, was employed by the Tildenites to 
 secure a ihajority at the polls— at least 
 to secure a majority on the face of the 
 returns. In the Democratic counties all 
 the election machinery was in the hands 
 of the Tildenites. The " Mississippi 
 shot-gun policy " was their favorite ; 
 but wnen that failed, the resort was to 
 ■debauch the ballot-boxes or manipulate 
 the returns. A denial of bloody vio- 
 lence during the cauvass is not seriously 
 pretended ; it cannot be successfully 
 maintained. 
 
 Ttae State at first conceded to Hayes — 
 One vote needed for Tilden— Tbe wbole 
 situation thereupon chang^es — The At- 
 torney -Oeneral denies his master, the 
 people— "And immediately the Cocke 
 crew." 
 
 Early after the day of voting the re- 
 turns from the Republican counties were 
 received at Tallahassee — Escambia, 
 Gadsden, Leon, Jefferson, Madison, Al- 
 achua, Duval, Nassau, and Marion ; and 
 their aggregate majority (7,418 for 
 Hayes) was publicly known. The returns 
 from Baker and Dade subsequently in- 
 creased that to 7,463. The State by the 
 Democracy was conceded to Hayes by a 
 handsome majority. It was not con- 
 sidered probaole that tlie Eepublican 
 majority would or could be overcome 
 in the Democratic counties ; nor was it 
 pretended as possible until the vote of the 
 State became necessary to Tilden's elec- 
 tion. Instantly, then, the whole situa- 
 tion was changed. The State was 
 
 claimed by the Democracy. A clamor 
 of fraud was raised by them as a blind 
 to the villainy by which the Tildenites, 
 in the Democratic counties, remote from 
 the capital and difficult of access, pro- 
 posed to destroy Hayes' majority; and, 
 as a Dart of the conspiracy to that end, 
 the Democratic Attorney-General of the 
 State telegraphed North : 
 
 Tallahassee, Fla., November, u, 1876. 
 The returns from the county maoagers not 
 yet m. The Board ol State Canvassers, of which 
 I, as Attorney-General, am one. does not meet for 
 thlrty-flve days after the election, but you may 
 rest assured that Tilden has carried the State 
 and Drew is elected. I do not think the Radi- 
 cals can cheat the Democrats out of the State. 
 
 WiLLLAM ArCHEE COOKE. 
 
 Now, if the returns were not yet in at 
 the date of this dispatch, where did 
 Cocke get his information? How did 
 he know the State had voteii for Til- 
 den? The Republicans, from the re- 
 turns actually in, from their aggregate 
 majority as compared with the results 
 of previous elections, knew that the 
 State had voted for Hayes by a decisive 
 majority. But how and where did 
 Cocke obtain his information 1 What 
 special means had he of communicating 
 with the Democratic counties, so remote 
 from Tallahassee and so difficult of 
 access 1 Is not the answer plain 1 
 
 First warning- to the Republicans— The 
 Tilden Democrats cut the wires, wreclt 
 trains, and bulldoze the Oovernor's 
 couriers. 
 
 This dispatch of the Democratic At- 
 torney-General of the State was a warn- 
 ing totheEepublicans of the fraudulent 
 plots at work. It aroused them to ac- 
 tion. But all the efforts of Governor 
 Stearns to secure the actual results of 
 the election— to protect the ballot-boxes 
 and returns from mutilation and fraud 
 — were resisted by the most violent 
 agencies. The telegraph wires were 
 cut, a train, in which were some of the 
 Governor's messengers to the western 
 counties, was ku-kluxed and wrecked, 
 and liis couriers were intercepted and 
 turned back with the warning threat 
 that if they dared to proceed without a 
 pass from Mr. Pasco, the chairman of 
 the Democratic committee at Tallahas- 
 see, they would be assassinated. 
 
 Bat in spite of all this, and much more, 
 Hayes has a majority on the face of 
 the returns of 43. 
 
 Even under such circumstances, with 
 violence and fraud rampant throughout 
 the Democratic sections of the State, 
 the returns of all the counties, except- 
 ing those of Dade, when opened on the 
 38th of November, showed on their face 
 a majority of 43 for the Hayes electors, 
 to wit: 
 
74 
 
 PAST USURPATION OF THE DEMOCRACY. 
 
 Mayes Bleclors. 
 
 Humphreys . . . 24,328 
 
 Pearce 24,324 
 
 Long 24,s23 
 
 Holden 24,328 
 
 Tilden Electors. 
 
 Yonge 24,284 
 
 CaU 24,285 
 
 Hilton 24,283 
 
 BuUock 24,282 
 
 The returns from Dade, which were 
 received on Monday, December 4, were: 
 For Hayes, 9 ; for Tildeii, 4. 
 
 Clamor of ''frand" ag-ainst the Repub- 
 licans — Bribery rampant — Tilclcn's 
 '•barrel of gold" at work. 
 
 This result, although a serious disap- 
 pointment to the Democracy, yet in- 
 cited and nerved the Tildenites to re- 
 newed clamors of fraud against the 
 Republicans, and they now settled down 
 in dead earnest to the desperate work 
 of wresting the State from its Repub- 
 lican majority. Falsehoods and false 
 charges of fraud against the Repub- 
 licans were systematically telegraphed 
 over the country as a means of prej udging 
 the canvass of votes, perjurer^ were re- 
 cruited with bribes to sustain these 
 charges, and unscrupulous partisan 
 counsel, feed from tlie notorious "bar- 
 rel of gold," were imported from the 
 North to superintend and manage the 
 efforts to capture the State for Tilden. 
 
 riie Board of State Canvassers— The law 
 governing their action. 
 
 Under the fourth section of the law 
 of Florida, approved February 37, 1872, 
 the Board of State Canvassers consisted 
 of the Secretary of State, Samuel B. 
 McLin, who was elected its president ; 
 Comptroller of Accounts Clayton A. 
 Cowgill, and Attorney-General Wil- 
 liam Archer Cocke. The two former 
 were classed as Republicans ; the latter 
 is a Democrat, and all three are native 
 sons of the South. Under the same sec- 
 tion the canvassing board is required to 
 meet in the office of the Secretary of 
 State within thirty-five days after any 
 general or special election, and proceed 
 to canvass the returns and determine 
 and declare who shall have been elected, 
 as sliown by such returns. It com- 
 mands: "If any such returns shall be 
 shown, or shall appear to be so irregu- 
 lar, false, or fraudulent that the board 
 shall be unable to determine the true 
 vote for any such officer or member, 
 they shall so certify, and shall not in- 
 clude such return in their determination 
 and declaration." 
 
 Attorney-General Cocke objected to as 
 a member of the Board because of pre- 
 judgment- He goes on his knees and 
 is forgiven. 
 
 Hence the canvassing board began its 
 sessions on the 27th of November. At- 
 torney-General Cocke's unfitness to 
 serve with the board was urged, on the 
 ground that he had prejudged the case. 
 
 even before the receipt of the returns, 
 and that consequently he could not 
 render an impartial judgment; but that. 
 gentleman, having earnestly pledged 
 himself that he would be governed ia 
 his action by his oath and the facts, the 
 objection to his acting was withdrawn.. 
 
 The Board, under Democratic counsel, 
 rule, and precedent, proceed to busi- 
 ness and find a majority for ISayes. 
 
 Under the written 0])iBion of this gen- 
 tleman, the Democratic Attorney-Gen- 
 eral of the State, and the le^al adviser 
 of the Board, given in 1874, with the ap- 
 plause of the Democracy, and in accord- 
 ance with the practice adopted under 
 that opinion in the canvass of that year, 
 by which the Democracy so greatly prof- 
 ited, a contest of the county returns, or 
 of the vote of any county or of any pre- 
 cinct of a county, was allowed. The 
 Democratic Attorney-General in sub- 
 stance declared : "It is the duty of the 
 Board to seek the true returns." Ac- 
 cordingly the Canvassing Board pro- 
 ceeded to find the true vote of the State. 
 The returns of the counties were opened, 
 and upon their face, as stated above, 
 showed a majority of 43 for Hayes. The 
 subsequent return from Dade increased, 
 that majority to 48. 
 
 The Democracy at once cry "Fraud '"— 
 The Republicans tax: Democratic 
 counties vrith "Shenanigan." 
 
 The Democracy immediately assailed 
 the returns from Baker and other coun- 
 ties, and the Republicans filed objections 
 to the returns from a number of Demo- 
 cratic counties and precincts. All these, 
 under the express commands of the laws- 
 of the State, the written advice of the 
 Democratic Attorney-General, and the 
 previous practice of the Board under 
 both, the Board determined to inquire- 
 into. But the twenty-four uncontested 
 counties— to wit, Brevard, Bradford,Cal- 
 lioun, Dade, Escambia, Franklin, Gads- 
 den, Hillsborough, Holmes, Lafayette,. 
 Liberty, Madison, Marion, Putnam,"Polk, 
 Santa Rosa, Sumter, St. John's, Suwa- 
 nee, Taylor, Volusia, Wakulla, Walton, 
 and Washington— were first taken up 
 and canvassed according to tlie face of 
 the returns. 
 
 The Board investigates for the "true"' 
 Returns— Much nnanlmlty In its find* 
 Ings— The counties of Baker, Clay, 
 Hernando, STassan, Levy, Orange, 
 I.eon, Hamilton, Monroe, Jefferson, 
 and Manatee. 
 
 The Board then entered into an in- 
 vestigation for the true returns in the 
 contested counties. The investigation 
 was public. In all its proceedings, in 
 all its flndiugs, or means of ascertaining 
 the true return, it acted upon the opin- 
 
PAST 08UKPATI0>f OF THE DEMOCRACT. 
 
 75 
 
 ions and advice of its legal adviser, the 
 Democratic Attorney- General of the 
 State. It, of course, consulted other 
 counsel. But those, in their opinions, 
 only confirmed the general principles 
 laid down for their rule of action by the 
 AttorDey-General. Indeed, there was 
 little actual discord or difference among 
 its members. Thus, in the counties of 
 Baker, Clay, Hernando, Nassau, Levy, 
 Orange, Hamilton, Leon, and Monroe 
 the true return was found, as nearly as 
 was possible, by the unanimous vote of 
 the Board, Attorney-General Cooke vot- 
 ing with his Republican associates in 
 the findings and count. In Jefferson 
 county sixty votes were unanimously 
 deducted from the Republican count; 
 the remainder of the county was count- 
 ed. The vote of Manatee County was 
 rejected because of the entire absence 
 ot all legal preparation for holding the 
 election. No election, in fact, was held. 
 
 Alachua Connty Democratic Ballot-box 
 Stuflinii; — Bold Perjurlcsi and Con- 
 fessed Bribes. 
 
 In Alachua county a determined effort 
 was made bv the Democracy to destroy 
 the count of Archer precinct No. 2. It 
 was largely Republican. All election 
 day it was made the rendezvous of lead- 
 ing Democrats. All day they plotted to 
 destroy the vote of the precinct. But 
 ho w7 At night, after the close of the polls, 
 the vote was canvassed, counted, and 
 compared with the poll-lists, duly cer- 
 tified and signed by all the election offi- 
 cers — two Democrats and two Republi- 
 cans — and, after the sealing of the bal- 
 lot-boxes, the vote and majority was an- 
 nounced — about the usual and previous- 
 ly unquestioned majority. The ballot- 
 boxes were then placed in the court- 
 house, an insecure building, with loose 
 shutters and yielding fastenings. This 
 the Democrats guarded at night on the 
 
 Eretence of protecting the ballot-boxes ; 
 ut so negligently that some one en- 
 tered, opened the boxes, extracted some 
 of the oallots, and substituted others. 
 But who? The Republicans had no mo- 
 tive for the act. The safety of those 
 ballots was the guarantee of their re- 
 turns. Their manipulation so as to 
 change tlie announced and returned re- 
 sult was their loss, but was an immense 
 fain for the Democracy. There was rfo 
 oubt in the matter. Even the bold per- 
 juries and confessed bribes of the Demo- 
 cratic witnesses, Green R. Moores and 
 Floyd Dukes, demonstrate who were 
 the guilty parties and what the manifest 
 object of the crime. That no doubt 
 should be had about the accuracy of the 
 canvass, the Republicans verified their 
 votes by the affidavits of the persons vo- 
 ting; but the Democrats utterly failed 
 in their attempt ataveiiflcationof their 
 pretended vote. Hence the canvassing 
 
 board accepted and counted the returns 
 thus verified. 
 
 Baker and Duval Counties— The Demo- 
 cratic Deviltries in Jackson County — 
 The Canvass Completed. 
 
 In canvassing Baker county, a Demo- 
 cratic county, the Republican members 
 of the board voted with Cocke; and in 
 Duvall county, the board, after verify- 
 ing the county returns by a comparison 
 with the precinct returns, determined 
 to count the vote. 
 
 In Jackson county, Campbelton and 
 Friendship Church precincts were 
 thrown out because the elections and re- 
 turns were frauds upon the election 
 laws. At the Campbelton precinct the 
 ballot-box, at the adjournment for din- 
 ner, was taken from the polling-booth, 
 placed in an adjoining store unsealed, 
 and concealed from the public. At the 
 close of the poll the ballots were not 
 counted nor compared with the number 
 of names on the poll-list, and only 76- 
 Republican votes were returned where 
 133 swore that they had voted. At 
 Friendship Church precinct ,the ballot- 
 box was hidden from the view of the 
 public and of the voters, even when vo- 
 ting; a supervisor — not an inspector — 
 received the ballots at a window above 
 the heads of the voters, below the sill of 
 which, out of sight, was placed the bal- 
 lot-box. Instead of making and com- 
 pleting the canvass at the polling-booth, 
 without adjournment, and in view of the 
 public, the boxes were removed two 
 miles away to a bed-room, where the re- 
 turns were made up without counting 
 the ballots or comparing them with the 
 poll lists. The county, with these de- 
 ductions, was canvassed. That com- 
 pleted the canvass. 
 
 Attorney-General Cocke's Admission — 
 Manton Marble and other Tllden 
 Agents "see " the Attorney-General. 
 
 And in all its decisions the canvassing- -^ 
 board was governed by tiie advice of 
 the Democratic Attorney-General. In 
 the rejection of Hamilton county Cocke 
 was emphatic in his declaration that it 
 should be rejected. He was equally de- 
 cided in the rejection of Monroe. When 
 appealed to for his legal opinion, he 
 said: "It must be thrown out." But 
 when the extent of the reckless charac- 
 ter of the Democratic frauds beg^an to 
 dawn upon him, he got ftightened and 
 nervous at the results of his advice. 
 When compelled to reject Hamilton 
 county, he said : " This elects Hayes." 
 When Jackson, with its eighty unpun- 
 ished murders was passed in review and 
 rejected, he said: " This elects Stearns." 
 And he only proposed to recede from 
 his action after an interview with Man- 
 ton Marble & Co. But there was no re- 
 treat. The board could only act upon 
 the facts under the law in the light of 
 
76 
 
 PAST USURPATION OF THE DEMOCRACI. 
 
 its duty impartially performed. It 
 ■could not exclude or count votes for the 
 single purpose of electing Tilden and 
 Drew ; it must reject all returns vi- 
 tiated by proved fraud. That it did, and 
 that only. 
 
 Final Kcsult of Count— Hayes' Majority 
 983— His real majority. 
 The result, as found by the board, was 
 as follows : 
 
 POE HAYES ELECTORS. 
 
 Humphreys 23,849 
 
 Pearce 23,844 
 
 Holden 23,848 
 
 iong 23,843 
 
 FOR TILDKN ELECTORS. 
 
 Yonge 22,923 
 
 Call 22,919 
 
 Hilton 22,921 
 
 Bullock 22,919 
 
 Majority for Hayes, 933 ; and the evi 
 dence of their own witnesses before the 
 Congressional investigating committee 
 •of 1876 demonstrates that if there had 
 been a fair election, even an honest re- 
 turn of the election actually held, Hayes' 
 majority, instead of being only 923, 
 would have ranged between 3,000 and 
 5,000 votes. 
 
 The baffled Tildenites Self-stultlfl«atlon 
 — They fly to the Democratic Conrts 
 to Forcellie Defunct State Canvassing^ 
 Board to come to l^ife and Action. 
 Yet the Democracy were not happy. 
 Their situation was as deplorable as it 
 was desperate. They had been baffled 
 at every turn. Violence, fraud, bribery, 
 and perjury had all failed them, and yet 
 the State must be captured for Tilden. 
 All will remember the situation. South 
 Carolina had been surrendered. In Lou- 
 isiana they had no hope. Hence Florida 
 must be wrested from Hayes. But how 
 to do it 9 How to assail the finding of 
 the canvassing board? It had acted 
 under the law — under the Democratic 
 theory of its meaning, and under the 
 Opinion and advice of the Democratic 
 Attorney-General, the highest law offi- 
 cer of the government of Florida. Stul- 
 tification was their only recourse. They 
 must assail the powers of the board. 
 They haS- contended that it was clothed 
 with judicial powers ; that its duty was 
 to go behind the returns and find the 
 true vote. They now assailed that po- 
 sition. They appealed to the S tate Court 
 to compel the canvassing board, a polit- 
 ical body, and that body functus officio 
 under the law creating it, it having per- 
 formed the functions imposed upon it by 
 law and adjourned sine die, tiiey ap- 
 pealed to the judiciary to force the 
 board to revive, to review its canvass of 
 the votes of the State, and to count in 
 Tilden and Drew ; to the court to per- 
 form a political and partisan act for the 
 maintenance of crimes, of which mur- 
 der, ballot-box stuffing, forgery of re- 
 turns, bribery, and perjury were the de- 
 monstrated elements. 
 
 The Democratic Court Compiles — An 
 VSHrpatlon—Hayos still in a Majority. 
 
 The Democratic court readily com- 
 
 I plied. Its mandamus to the canvassing 
 ; board was an usurpation as violent as 
 I it was novel, it was a process unknown 
 to the law. It violated the laws of 
 Florida. It changed the court, from a 
 j udicial to a political and partisan body, 
 I into a canvassing board, and transferred 
 , the powers and duties of the board, a 
 I body constituted of three members, mi- 
 ' der the laws of Florida, to the court, in 
 the person of a single judge. Now, a 
 mandamus may issue compelling an oiS- 
 cer to act, to perform the functions of Lis 
 j office, but a mandamus instructing a po- 
 I litical bod^ in the manner of perfoim- 
 I ing its duties, dictating to a canvassing 
 I board what it shall count in determin- 
 i ing the result of a political election, was 
 ! an usurpation without a precedent. 
 Even under the re-canvass thus forced 
 through the judiciary in violation of 
 law, tlie Mayes electors had still a major- 
 vity by the very vote tohich elected Drew. 
 Further Usurpations by the Democratic 
 Judiciary, and Democratic State Leg- 
 islature — All parts of the Tilden Plot. 
 Like its mandamus to the canvassing 
 board, the quo warranto proceedings ot 
 this debauched court against the elec- 
 toral college of tlie State — an inquiry to 
 a body functus officio (dead in law,) by 
 what right it performed certain func- 
 tions before it expired, was an "abso- 
 lute novelty " in law ; an usurpation as 
 violent as its purposes were fraudulent. 
 The acts of the Democratic Legislature 
 of Florida were of a like character; sim- 
 ply usurpation without a precedent, re- 
 troactive acts to reverse proceedings 
 complete, legal, and final under the laws 
 of the United States and the laws of 
 Florida at the date of their perform- 
 ance — all acts, indeed, in pursuance of a 
 conspiracy for the triumph of fraud and 
 crimes without a parallel in the history 
 of the Republic. 
 
 part" VI. 
 
 I^onisiana — Its Population 
 and Totes — The Ku-klux 
 Crimes of 1868— Tilden 
 Rifle Clubs of 1876— Mur- 
 derous Outrages in Seven- 
 teen Parishes — Slate Re- 
 turning Board — Its Du- 
 ties — Infamy of Tilden 
 and the Democracy. 
 
 The following facts and figures prove 
 the Republicanism of Louisiana and tlie 
 crimes of the Tilden Democratic con- 
 spiracy against it : 
 
 Population and voters — Repnblicnn 
 majority of 30,000 at least. 
 
 In 1875 the male population of Louis- 
 
PAST USURPATION OF THE DEMOCRAOr. 
 
 n 
 
 iaua according to the State census, was: 
 Whites, 404,916 ; colored, 450,611. Of the 
 white males thousands were aliens and 
 lion voters, merely residents of the 
 State, engaged in commercial pursuits 
 under the treaties with France ceding 
 Louisiana to the United States. In No- 
 vember, 1876, on the day of the Presi- 
 d.'ntial election, the registration in the 
 State stood : Whites, 93,900 ; colored, 
 115,310, showing a Republican majority 
 on the face of the register, upon the 
 colored lino alone, of 23,314. It is esti- 
 mated that in the State there were not 
 less than 10,000 white Republicans, while 
 not lialf that number of colored men 
 voted the Democratic ticket. Itis there- 
 fore a moderate estimate j iistifled by an 
 overwhelming array of facts, developed 
 during the campaign, that on election 
 day, with a le^al and quiet poll of the 
 entire vote ot the respective parties, 
 the Republican majority in the State, at 
 the smallest figure, was 30,000 votes. 
 
 The Democratic pIoi^-Tbe Tilden con- 
 spirators' secret circular. 
 
 The Tilden Democratic conspirators, 
 backed by no end of Tilden "barrels of 
 gold," and their minds inflamed by the 
 lust of untold millions in fraudulent 
 rebel claims, decided to overcome this 
 large Republiciin majority by a deep and 
 devilish plot. 
 
 In a "confidential" circular of the 
 Democratic Conservative State Central 
 Committee, at New Orleans, signed by 
 J. W. Patton, president, and P. J. Sul- 
 livan, sect'etary, the organization of 
 clubs was directed in the different 
 parishes. The circular urgred that in 
 conversation no gloomy forebodings 
 should be indulged in, and that the re- 
 sult of the election should be spoken of 
 as a foregone conclusion, "as loe have 
 the means of carrying the election, and 
 intend to do so. But be careful to say 
 and do nothing that can be construed 
 into a threat or intimidation of any 
 character." Frequent meetings of all 
 these clubs were enjoined. Their mem- 
 bers were instructed to occasionalIj[ 
 assemble at their several places of 
 meeting, and to proceed thence on horse- 
 back to the central rendezvous. "Pro- 
 ceedings of that character would im- 
 press the negroes with a sense of the 
 imited strength" of the Democracy. 
 And it directed that on election day, at 
 each polling place, affidavits should be 
 prepared; afflrming "that there has been 
 no intimidation and no disturbance on 
 account of any efforts by the Democratic 
 Conservative party to prevent any one 
 from voting on account of race, color, 
 or previous condition of servitude." 
 
 How secret Instractlons were carried 
 oat— Rifle clubs and "Knights of the 
 White Camelia"— Dragrooningthe Par- 
 
 ishes— Mutilation, Maiming:, Whip- 
 ping, Murdering, and General Terror. 
 
 It was a villainous conspiracy and 
 literally pursued to its devilish conse- 
 quences. Clubs were formed in the 
 parishes. The old murderous White- 
 Leaguers re-organized as rifle clubs, as. 
 "Knights of the White Camflia." 
 These, mounted, masked, and armed, 
 dragooned the parishes night and day 
 and ruled in terror and blood, amid 
 assassination and outrages, and violence- 
 of every degree and kind— mutilation, 
 maimings, and whippings. No age or 
 sex was respected — none was spared. 
 The evidence, multiplied in a hundred 
 shajies, is overwhelming, and ie as re- 
 volting in its terrible details as it is; 
 conclusive in its proofs. The historical 
 sanguinary violence of the "Franco- 
 Spanish blood" — the sources of Louis- 
 iana's white population — was indulged 
 without restraint Tlie old hellish ter- 
 rorism of Murat, Couthon, and St. Just, 
 those cruel demons of the French revo- 
 lution of 1798, was revived in Louis- 
 iana in all its frightful horrors. Indeed,, 
 throughout the canvass, prior to elec- 
 tion day, murder was king, intimida- 
 tion rioted as absolute tyrant. 
 
 The election— How the true result was 
 to be determined — The State Return- 
 ins Board— Its duties under the law.. 
 
 The election was held. To determine 
 the true result was the duty, under the 
 laws of Louisiana, of the State canvass- 
 ing board. " The statute organizing 
 that board declares in substance" as 
 stated by Senator Sherman, "that when- 
 ever from any poll or voting place 
 there shall be received by the board the 
 statement of any supervisor of regis- 
 tration or commissioner of election, 
 confirmed by the afSdavits of three or 
 more citizens, of any riot, tumult, acts 
 of violence, intimidation, armed dis- 
 turbance, bribery, or corrupt inflaences 
 which prevent, or tend to prevent, a. 
 fair, free, and peaceable vote of all 
 qualified electors entitled to vote at 
 such polls, the board shall proceed ta 
 investigate the facts, and if from such 
 statement and affidavits they shall be 
 convinced that such causes did not 
 materially interfere with the purity 
 and freedom of such election, or pre- 
 vent a sufficient number of qualified 
 votersfrom voting to materially change 
 result of the election, then such votes; 
 shall be canvassed and compiled; but 
 if they are not thus fully convinced, it 
 shall be their duty to examine further 
 testimony in regard thereto, and ta 
 that end shall have power to send for 
 persons and papers ; and if, after exam- 
 ination, the board shall be convinced 
 that such acts of violence, intimidations 
 &c., did materially interfere with the 
 purity and freedom of the election at 
 
78 
 
 PAST UStJRPATipN OF THE DEMOCUAOIT. 
 
 sacli poll, or did prevent a sufficient 
 number of qualifled voters from regis- 
 tering or voting to materially change 
 the result of the election, then the 
 board shall not canvass or compile the 
 vote of such poll, but shall exclude it 
 from their returns." 
 
 TVhy the State Retnriilng; Board was 
 created— Terrible Kii-Klnx doings of 
 1868— The parishes of Orleans, Caddo, 
 Saint Landry, and others. 
 
 What compelled the State to create 
 this Canvassing Board I It was to pro- 
 tect the State against the "Ku-Klux 
 Klan," which by a series of sanguinary 
 atrocitiee in 1868 had endeavored to in- 
 timidate the colored vote, uproot in the 
 State all the guarantees by which free- 
 dom and the suffrage is protected, to 
 purge the State of the "stigma of negro 
 equality," and seize the State govern- 
 ment. Thus one-half of the State— 
 those counties in which colored majori- 
 ties prevailed — was, just preceding the 
 Presidential campaign of 1868, "over- 
 run by violence, midnight raids, secret 
 murders and open riots. Ku-Klux no- 
 tices were scattered everywhere, warn- 
 ing the colored men not to vote." 
 
 In the documents accompanying Presi- 
 dent Grant's special message to the 
 Senate, January 13, 1875, communicating 
 the proofs of numberless atrocities at 
 Colfax and elsewhere in Louisiana, is a 
 communication from Lieutenant Gen- 
 eral P. H. Sheridan, dated New Orleans, 
 January 10, 1875, to the Sec;:etary of 
 War, in which he says : 
 
 "Since the year 1S6S nearly 3,000 persons, a 
 
 fro it majority of whom were colored men, 
 ave been billed and wounded in this State. 
 In 1868 the official record shows that 1,884 were 
 iilled and wounded. From 1868 to the present 
 time no official investigation has been made, 
 and the civil authorities, in all but a lew cases, 
 Tiave been unable to arrest, convict, and pun- 
 ish perpetrators. Consequently there are no 
 -correct records to be consulted lor intormation. 
 There ie ample evidence, however, to show that 
 more than 1 200 persons have been Icilled and 
 "wounded during this time on account ol their 
 political sentiments. Frightlul massacres have 
 ■occurred in the parishes ol Bossier, Caddo, 
 Catahoula, Saint Bernard, Saint Landry, Grant, 
 and Orleans. The general character ol the 
 massacres in the above-named parishes is so 
 "well Isnown that it is unnecessary to deso-ibe 
 them." * * * 
 
 The "glorious Democratic victory" 
 which ensued in 1868 was preceded by 
 one of the most terrible massacres on 
 record. The Republicans, colored and 
 white, for days were hunted through 
 swamps and fields, and over two bun- 
 dled were killed and wounded. Thir- 
 teen helpless captives were taken from 
 the jail and shot, and a pile of twenty- 
 five dead bodies was found in the woods 
 buried. Having thus conquered the 
 Republicans, having thus murdered or 
 expelled their white leaders, the masses 
 were captured by the Ku-Klux, marked 
 with badges of red flannel, enrolled in 
 
 clubs, led to the polls, and compelled to 
 vote the Democratic ticket. They were 
 then given certificates of the fact. 
 
 The effect of this devilish system of 
 terrorism is shown by selecting a few 
 illustrations out of the frightful mass, 
 as developed by Congressional investi-, 
 gation : 
 
 In the parish of Orleans, of its 39,910 
 voters 15,020 were colored, and in the 
 spring of 1868 the parish had polled 13,- 
 973 Republican votes, but in the fall, for 
 General Grant, only 1,178 were polled, a 
 falling off of 13,795 votes. 
 
 In the parish of Caddo there were 
 3,987 Republicans. In the spring of 1868 
 the Republicans carried the parish; in 
 the fall it gave General Grant one 
 vote. 
 
 In the parish of St. Landry, in 1868. 
 the Republicans had a registered major- 
 ity of 1,071 votes. In the spring the 
 Republicans in the parish had polled a 
 majority of 678 votes; in the fall not a 
 vote was cast for General Grant. Sey- 
 mour and Blair polled the f uU vote of 
 the parish — 4,787 votes. 
 
 It was this systematic, organized 
 deviltry which compelled the State to 
 create the State Canvassing Board with 
 extraordinary powers to sit in judgment . 
 upon the violent conspiracy of the 
 White League Democracy to wrest the 
 local government from the control of 
 its lawful majority. Its duties were not 
 merely to receive and count any and all 
 returns which might be forwarded to 
 it. Its grand duty was to sit in judg- 
 ment upon aU such returns, to sift and 
 purge them of all fraud, and particu- 
 larly of fraud perpetrated through or- 
 fanized violence. Its legality was af- 
 rmed by the Electoral Commission. 
 
 "What the Retarning Board did in 1876. 
 
 How, then, in November, 1876, at its 
 canvass of the vote of Louisiana for 
 the appointment of Presidential elec- 
 tors, did this board execute its respon- 
 sible and perilous duties 1 Wisely, 
 justly, equitably, or the contrary i 
 What are facts ? 
 
 Under the laws of Louisiana, under the 
 express commands of those laws, re- 
 quiring them to reject the votes of all 
 parishes in which intimidation and vio- 
 lence had defeated a free election, the 
 board rejected the votes of seventeen 
 parishes — all of them Sepublican par- 
 ishes by large majorities, butiu which the 
 Democracy claimed 10,000 majority. 
 Why did they reject them ? 
 
 Another Democratic secret circular— 
 Dreadful work In seventeen rejected 
 parishes. 
 
 In obedience to the "confidential" 
 circular of the Democratic Central 
 Committees of the State, organized 
 clubs of masked, men mounted and 
 armed for mouth s prior to the President 
 
PAST U8UKPATI0N OF THE DEMOCEACY. 
 
 79 
 
 ■election, dragooned the parishes night 
 and day, "marking their course by the 
 ■whipping, shooting, wounding, maim- 
 ing, mutilation, ana murder of women, 
 children and defenseless men, whose 
 homes were forcibly entered while they 
 slept, and, as their inmates fled through 
 fear, the pistol, the rifle, the knife and 
 the rope were employed to do their hor- 
 rid, work." For this " horrid work" 
 through systematic intimidation, 
 through organized murder and outrage, 
 heavy Republican parishes were selec- 
 ted, like East and West Feliciana, East 
 Baton Rouge, Morehouse, Ouachita, 
 ■etc., all of which in every previous election 
 had voted heavily Bepublican, and were 
 manifestly selected because of their 
 contiguity to Mississippi and Arkansas, 
 to whose " border ruffians the appalling 
 villany of the clubs might be charged." 
 In these seventeen parishes on election 
 day there was a registered Republican 
 majority of nearly 7,000 votes ; but the 
 returns from those parishes to the re- 
 turning board were : For Tilden, 31,123 ; 
 for Hayes, 10,970— making a Democratic 
 majority of 10,153. The Democracy de- 
 manded that such returns, with fraud 
 stamped upon their face, with tl;ie hor- 
 rible agencies by which that fraud had 
 been perpetrated notorious, should be 
 counted for Tilden. Of course, with 
 the certified proofs before it, the board 
 demurred. Under the command of the 
 law it was their duty to investigate. It 
 did investigate, and the facts developed 
 were revolting. 
 
 The parish of Ouachita— TbeDtnlisrave 
 murder— The Pinkston tragedy. 
 
 Take any one of those parishes ; take 
 Ouachita, for example. Inl868 it gave a 
 Republican majority of 1,071; in 1870 it 
 
 fave a Republican majority of 798; in 
 872 a Republican majority of 798; in 
 1874 a Republican majority of 937. At 
 the Presidental election in 1876, with a 
 registered Bepublican majority o/ 1,040 a 
 Democratic majority of 1,073 was re- 
 turned. Early in August the Vienna 
 Sentinel, a leading Democratic organ of 
 the parish, boasted that in Ouachita the 
 canvas had been reduced to a single 
 ticket, the Democratic nominees. It 
 boasted that the Republicans were 
 wavering, disheartened, scared. A few 
 Republicans still dared to keep the 
 field, but it warned them that they 
 "were well known and watched, "and 
 that the halter for their necks is already 
 greased." Bernard H. Dinkgrave, one 
 of those resolute few, a " white man, a 
 culivated man, and a native of Louisi- 
 ana, and against whose character no 
 one has breathed a word," except that 
 he was a Republican^ was subsequently 
 brutally assassinated. The details of 
 the murder of Henry Pinkston, the 
 murder of his babe in the arms of his 
 wife, and the revolting outrage and 
 
 mutilation of the person of his wife by 
 a band of masked men, shocked even 
 the humanity of the Democratic visit- 
 ors at New Orlean s. These are but few in- 
 stances, illustrations, of a multitude of 
 like cases attested by a " cloud of wit- 
 nesses." Was it singular, therefore, 
 that in these parishes the spirit of the 
 colored man should be broken ; that he 
 was "impressed" with the " strength " 
 of the Democracy ; that hundreds in 
 their terror fled from the polls, as they 
 had from their homes, into the swamps 
 and fields ? 
 
 A conipariNon of Results In the Bull- 
 dozed Parishes with the parishes not 
 ''bulldozed^' — Lan'ful action of the 
 Returning^ Board —Infamy of Tilden 
 and his Democracy. 
 
 Thus throughout these seventeen par- 
 ishes these were the agencies, this the 
 diabolical system of terrorism through 
 organized murder and outrage employed 
 by the chivalrous "Knights of the 
 White Camelia," in "bulldozing" a Dem- 
 ocratic majority of 10,000 out of par- 
 ishes entitled to a Republican majority 
 of 7,000 ! In the other forty parishes of 
 the State, where intimidation failed, a 
 registered Republican majority of 15,- 
 000 yielded an actual Republican ma- 
 jority of 6,000. Under a fair or free 
 election in.the unfortunate " bulldozed" 
 parishes, tlie majority in Louisiana for 
 Hayes and Wheeler would have been 
 greatly increased. Under the laws of 
 the State the returning board could not 
 restore the Republican majority. Al- 
 though the proofs that thousands of 
 Republican voters were disfranchised 
 through intimidation were as over- 
 whelming as their details were shock- 
 ing and disgraceful to the State and na 
 tion, although simple justice demanded 
 the restoration of the Republican vote, 
 yet the board was powerless to remedy 
 the wrong in that way. It could onl v 
 reject the "bulldozed" returns. Could 
 it have rendered real justice by the re- 
 storation of the legal vote which would 
 have been polled in these parishes in the 
 absence of intimidation, Hayes and 
 Wheeler's majority in the State would 
 have been between 10,000 and 15,000 
 votes. No legal poll, such as is con- 
 templated by tlie Constitution and the 
 laws, would have depressed that major- 
 ity. 
 
 What, then, in the light of the facts, 
 is the attitude of the Democracy declar- 
 ing Tilden entitled to the Presidency 
 upon the votes of Louisiana ? Is it not 
 simply infamous 1 
 
 PART V. 
 
 Relative Geographical Area, Wealth, 
 Population and Intelligence in 1876 
 of the Hayes and Tilden States. 
 
 Now let us examine the results of the 
 
80 
 
 PAST USURPATION OF THE DEMOCRACY. 
 
 Piesidental election of 1876 in the light 
 of the area, wealth, population, and il- 
 literacy of the States respectively 
 voting for Tilden and Hayes. The fol- 
 lowing statement, compiled from the 
 census of 1870, shows the relative geo- 
 graphical area, wealth, population, and 
 intelligence in 1876 of the Hayes and Til- 
 den States : 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 t^ 
 
 ■i 
 
 t> 
 
 
 
 :: 
 
 o 
 
 CD 
 
 o o 
 
 1 ^ 
 
 a- 
 
 
 
 £B 
 
 O O 
 
 0^ 
 
 
 
 
 H^ Hb 
 
 P 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 
 CD 
 
 
 g 
 S 
 
 
 O 
 
 
 § 
 
 s 
 
 
 [=: 
 
 
 t» 
 
 2 
 
 ?6 c+ 
 
 H- 
 
 
 02 
 
 (t> (Tt- 
 
 g^ 
 
 
 CI- 
 
 E° 
 
 CO fB 
 
 
 
 f 
 
 
 ; 
 
 JH 
 
 CO 
 
 
 
 
 h-i 
 
 
 to 
 
 
 
 
 D3 
 
 to c 
 
 CO « 
 
 2 
 
 O 
 00 
 
 II 
 
 fe 
 
 i 
 
 ! 
 
 00 
 
 CO 
 
 3 
 
 2> 
 
 3 
 
 00 
 
 1 
 
 ft) p 
 
 CO 5= 
 
 
 
 M 
 
 o 
 
 -q 
 
 
 * CD 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 0& 
 
 w 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 bO 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 en 
 
 CO 
 
 P- 
 f^ 
 
 00 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 -q 
 
 3i 
 
 )P- 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 O 
 
 -1 
 
 i^ 
 
 
 fe 
 
 
 a. 
 
 -^ 
 
 D 
 
 
 1^ fi^ 
 
 H 
 
 
 CO 
 
 P 
 
 - 
 
 OO 
 
 1- 
 V7 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 Ul 
 
 X) 
 
 If- 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 bO 
 
 ^ 
 
 \(^ 
 
 
 
 
 >-' 
 
 -1 
 
 CO 
 
 
 
 
 03 , 
 
 D 
 
 00 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 w 
 
 CO 
 
 .1 
 
 
 
 
 CO 
 
 tD 
 
 B 
 ^ 
 
 m 
 
 POPULATION. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o ■ 
 
 lO 
 
 O 
 
 
 
 
 -5 
 
 h-i 
 
 D 
 
 
 
 
 <S) 
 
 CO 
 
 O 
 
 en 
 
 
 1 
 
 CO 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 s s 
 
 ,« 
 
 1 
 
 gi 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^1= 
 
 f 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 O 
 
 ." 
 
 
 M C 
 
 d 
 
 o» 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 3 3 
 
 D 
 
 en 
 
 
 «5 
 
 
 -3 ^ 
 
 -3 ■ 
 
 _(0 
 
 g| 
 
 
 h* 
 
 
 O 1 
 
 
 I-' 
 
 o Ct 
 
 
 I"* 
 
 
 o >■ 
 
 
 
 rt-as 
 
 
 The Hayes States embraced the High- 
 est Intelligence, the Wealth, the Heav- 
 iest Taxation and largest part of the 
 National domain— As also the White 
 vote of the BTation— The Tilden States 
 the Ignorance, Poverty, and Crime, 
 and Bfegro Vote. 
 
 Hence the States represented in the 
 vote of Hayes contain nearly 400,000 
 square miles more of territory than the 
 area embraced in the States represented 
 by the vote of Tilden, and nearly 
 $1,000,000,000 more of the wealth of the 
 nation : while those represented by Til- 
 
 den's vote embraced nearly all the fg-- 
 noranee and consequent crime of the 
 nation, and those represented by the 
 vote of Hayes its very highest intelli- 
 gence, the noblest culture and learning, 
 as they do its greatest wealth and tax- 
 ation, and the largest portion of its geo- 
 graphical area. By a singular perver- 
 sion of things, the vote of Tilden, the 
 candidate of the men and party who la- 
 bor to disfranoliise the negro, to wrest 
 from him all political power, represented 
 the great bulk of the negro population, 
 and Hayes's vote a vast majority of the 
 white population, as it does tlie land, 
 the wealth, and the intelligence of the 
 Republic. 
 
 The Hayes States em'jraced the Indus- 
 try, Thrift, Wealth, and Morals of the 
 STatlon— The Tilden States darkened 
 hy the I>read Color-line of Ignorance 
 and Crime — The fraudulent vote ol 
 Sew Yorb. 
 
 Analyze and run the parallel as you 
 will, the result is the same ; in the rela- 
 tive number of libraries, public and pri- 
 vate, and in the number of their vol- 
 umes; in the relative number of institu- 
 tions of learning, and school facilities 
 and attendance; in the relative number 
 of authors and works published and 
 read, and newspapers and periodicals 
 printed; in the relative character of 
 populations, their relative thrift, in- 
 dustry, wealth, and morals; under every 
 analysis and comparison, the dread 
 color line of ignorance and crime bounds 
 and darkens the Tilden States. That, 
 too, while giving Tilden all the advan- 
 tages of the notorious Democratic vio- 
 lence and fraud at the election, wliile 
 counting for him all the States he thus 
 cairied. Thus the electoral vote of 
 New York was counted for him. But 
 was he legally entitled to the vote ? He 
 carried New York city and its surround- 
 ings through the terrible frauds of its 
 vicious classes. The State was 
 heavily against him. Thus the city, by 
 its frauds and crimes, disfranchised the 
 legal majority in the State, and Tilden 
 counted its electoral vote as the repre- 
 sentative, not of its legal popular ma- 
 jority, but of its Five Points and its 
 criminal classes. 
 
 The Tilden vote in Indiana, Tieyr Jersey, 
 and Connecticut— Fraudulent JTatar- 
 alization. Wholesale Repeating, etc. 
 
 In like manner, and for like reasons. 
 Tilden counted the electoral vote or 
 Indiana, only carried for him by the 
 fraudulent Kentucky vote, principally 
 in three counties, against the legal pop- 
 ular majority of the State ; and of New 
 Jersey and Connecticut, only carried 
 for him by colonizalion, false naturali- 
 zation and registration, and wholesale 
 repeating, violently disfranchising, as 
 
PAST USURPATION OF THE DEMOCRACY. 
 
 81 
 
 in New York, the legal popular majori- I 
 
 ties of those States. 
 
 In the Tllden States Sonth, Crime rioted 
 In all manner of Deviltry— His vast 
 majorities In tlie Solid Sontli the worK 
 of organized violence and fraud- 
 States like Alabama and BI 1 s s- 
 Isslppl, Kepnbllcan by 40,000 and 
 60,000 majority, made to give Tllden 
 80,000. 
 
 In the South the violence and fraud 
 was even more notorious and flagrant, 
 and the pretended popular majorities 
 even greater cheats. The election, in - 
 deed, was simply an infamous and 
 bloody farce ; it was no election. In the 
 States of Georgia, Kentucky, Arkansas, 
 Tennessee, Texas, etc., witli the State 
 Governments and all the machinery of 
 election under the control of tlie Confed- 
 erates, no Republican organization or 
 canvass was permitted, and the pre- 
 tended popular majorities returned are 
 simply the handiwork of their returning 
 boards or State oflScers. In North Car- 
 olina, there is little doubt the Ee- 
 publicans carried the State by a hand- 
 some majority on the legal vote. The 
 returns show that their candidates 
 polled a heavier vote than was ever 
 before polled by any party in the 
 State, but the ballot-box stuffing in the 
 Vance counties disfranchised the legal 
 popular majority in the State. InAla- 
 baraa and Mississippi crime rioted in all 
 manner of deviltry. In the two States, 
 both confessedly Republican by at least 
 sixty or seventy thousand votes, the 
 pretended Democratic majorities reach 
 80,000 ; and as in Mississippi and Ala- 
 bama, so by systematic intimidation, 
 through organized violence and blood, 
 they desperately attempted to wrest 
 South Carolina, Louisiana, and Florida 
 from their legal Republican majorities. 
 
 Tllden did not I.awfally carry Six of 
 tlie Seventeen States counted lor htm— 
 On I>awfnl vote was In an Immense 
 Minority of the popular vote as be 
 was of the Katlon. 
 
 Hence, if we strike from Tilden's poll 
 the majorities thus obtained through 
 gigantic fraud, he did not carry six of 
 the seventeen States claimed for him, 
 and he would stand in an immense mi- 
 nority of the legal popular vote, as he 
 did in the representation of the wealth 
 and intelligence of -tbs nation. 
 
 The Pree^fiiimrial Election of 187ft an in- 
 famous and Violent Fraud, without a 
 Ttorallel in the History of Free eov- 
 '^nment — A Rebellion by all nialig- 
 ^•nnt Ag:encles to Disfranchise the le- 
 ^jal popular majorities of the States— 
 To destroy the popular principle un- 
 derlying the Constitution and substi- 
 tute the Ty rao-iy of the old Oligarchy. 
 
 The infamous and violent fr.aud, in 
 the form of an election in 1876, has no 
 parallel in the history of free govern- 
 ment. In 1861 the Democratic rebellion 
 was, by force of arms, to destroy the 
 Union, to blot out the Republic from 
 the family of nations, and to errect an 
 oligarchy, based upon negro slavery — 
 upon the ruins of American liberty. In 
 1876 the Confederate Democratic con- 
 spiracy was but slightly modified— a 
 rebellion by all malignant agencies, by 
 systematic intimidation and fraud, 
 though organized violence and mur- 
 der, to disfranchise the legal popular 
 majorities of the States, to subvert the 
 Constitution, to destroy tlie popular 
 principle underlying it and our laws 
 and substitute for it, in the rule of the 
 government and nation, the old oligar- 
 chal tyranny ! 
 
 PART VriT. 
 
 The United states under the 
 Forty-Sixth Congress 
 Oligarchy. 
 
 an 
 
 The Democratic Majority of the House 
 in a Minority of the Popular Vote by 
 which they were Elected— A Minority 
 of the Electoral Colleges— A Minority 
 of the Population, Wealth, Taxes, and 
 Intelligence of the UTation— The i;n. 
 lawful Domination of an Unprinci- 
 pled Minority— Table giving the Facts 
 and Figures. 
 
 What is an oligarchy 1 "Webster de- 
 fines an Oligarchy as " a form of govern- 
 ment in which the supreme power is 
 placed in the hands of a few persons ; " 
 that is, the rule or reign of a minority. 
 And what in the United States, under 
 the two Confederate Houses of the For- 
 ty-sixth Congress was the character of 
 the reign ? Was it not that or an oli- 
 garchy — that of the unlawful domina- 
 tion of an unprincipled minority —a mi- 
 nority of the vote actually and pretend- 
 edly cast in the election of the members 
 of the House of Representatives, as also 
 a minority of the electoral colleges — a 
 minority of the population, of the 
 wealth, taxes, and intelligence of the 
 States and nation; but wliich, through 
 violence and blood, and a multitude of 
 '•nfamous and fraudulent agencies seized 
 upon a majority of the National Legis- 
 latiire, trampled under foot the Consti-- 
 tution and tlie laws, usurped the pow- 
 ers of the moiority, and despoiled it and 
 the nation of .xiillions annually through 
 the taxation of its industry and wealth. 
 
 The following table, compiled in 1879, 
 from official data, demonstrates the 
 truth of the above : 
 
«3 
 
 PAST USUEPATION OF THE DEMOCRACY. 
 A. 
 
 
 States. 
 
 
 > 
 
 s 
 
 o o 
 
 gs , 
 all 
 
 00 4; — ' 
 
 ill 
 
 > 
 
 1 
 
 a 
 o 
 
 O. 
 
 a 
 
 • i to 
 1- . 
 
 >.'Po 
 
 S82 
 
 -So 
 M 
 
 Taxation In 1878— 
 
 i 
 
 From 
 Customs. 
 
 From 
 Internal 
 Revenue. 
 
 1 
 
 Eepublicah. 
 
 California 
 
 Colorado 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 21 
 
 11 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 13 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 35 
 
 29 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 
 
 500,247 
 
 39,864 
 
 f>37,451 
 
 2,639,891 
 
 1,194,020 
 
 364,399 
 
 628 915 
 
 1,457,351 
 
 1,184,059 
 
 439,706 
 
 122,993 
 
 42,491 
 
 318 300 
 
 906 0.6 
 
 4,382,759 
 
 3 521,951 
 
 217 333 
 
 330,551 
 
 1,054,070 
 
 S638,767,017 
 2),243,303 
 774,631 524 
 
 2,121,680,679 
 717,844,760 
 188,892 014 
 348,165,871 
 
 2,132.148,741 
 719,208,118 
 228,909,590 
 69,277,483 
 31,134,012 
 262,624,112 
 940,978,064 
 
 6.500,841,264 
 
 3 808,340,112 
 296,965.846 
 235,319,663 
 702,307,329 
 
 24,877 
 
 6,297 
 
 19,680 
 
 86,368 
 
 24,116 
 
 18,369 
 
 13,486 
 
 74,935 
 
 31,613 
 
 12,747 
 
 2,385 
 
 727 
 
 7,618 
 
 37,067 
 
 163,501 
 
 131,728 
 
 1.6,416 
 
 15,185 
 
 35,031 
 
 86,441,933 20 
 
 82,146.790 
 
 
 2,S,G26 
 
 102,423 
 
 450,146 
 
 267,985 
 
 137,802 
 
 121,478 
 
 263,218 
 
 255,423 
 
 99.664 
 
 60,217 
 
 18,774 
 
 76.605 
 
 195.761 
 
 806,488 
 
 694,103 
 
 18,242 
 
 59,573 
 
 206,172 
 
 83,508 
 
 580,336 
 
 19,668,791 
 
 4 
 
 366167 97 
 
 1,500,873 01 
 
 16 65 
 
 ,•; 
 
 
 9.:8,861 
 
 ■fi 
 
 
 153,358 
 
 7 
 
 
 310,801 34 
 
 13,051,010 19 
 
 273,497 62 
 
 41,464 72 
 
 70,696 
 
 8 
 9 
 
 ao 
 11 
 
 MabSachu3etts.. 
 
 Michigan 
 
 MinnCKOta 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 2,424,364 
 
 1,602, tea 
 
 276 00? 
 
 699,821 
 
 69,017 
 
 T" 
 
 
 13 
 
 14 
 16 
 16 
 17 
 
 as 
 
 19 
 
 New Harapshin- 
 New Jersey ... - 
 
 New York 
 
 Pennsylvania.. 
 Rhode Island .. 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 14,324 86 
 
 2,325 90 
 
 93,085,262 81 
 
 8,963,768 63 
 
 162,443 97 
 
 397,188 56 
 
 53,8>3 88 
 
 228,188 
 5,0-j6,325 
 14,951,620 
 5,917.422 
 248,760 
 44,;'.: .9 
 2,431,301 
 
 
 191 
 
 3,834,884 
 
 19,811 070 
 
 21,8'28,096,8,S2 
 
 722,115 
 
 122,857,753 11 
 
 57,638,184 
 
 A 
 
 ■2 
 3 
 
 1\ 
 
 Democeatio. 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 Deiaware 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 11 
 
 16 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 22 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 11 
 
 6 
 
 178 
 
 88,306 
 49,884 
 13,542 
 39,662 
 ]25,257 
 406,288 
 160,005 
 
 998,992 
 
 484.471 
 
 125.1115 
 
 187,748 
 
 1,184,109 
 
 l,6S0.6.f7 
 
 1.321,011 
 
 726,915 
 
 780,891 
 
 »27,9j2 
 
 1.721295 
 
 1,071,361 
 
 2 685,260 
 
 98,9-J3 
 
 705,608 
 
 1258.510 
 
 818 579 
 
 1,225,163 
 
 442,014 
 
 ■:0l,85o,841 
 
 166,394,691 
 
 97,1^0.833 
 
 44,11 3,6.j5 
 
 :88, 169,207 
 
 1,268,180,543 
 
 601.318,562 
 
 328 125,6i;8 
 
 643,748.976 
 
 200,197,315 
 
 1,254,922,897 
 
 260,757,214 
 
 2,2 15,430,300 
 
 61.5 i8,C32 
 
 208.146,989 
 
 498,237,724 
 
 159,052,;>42 
 
 409,688,133 
 
 190,6.-.1,491 
 
 349,771 
 111,719 
 
 19,356 
 
 66,238 
 418,- 63 
 
 7C,6:i4 
 2 9,667 
 257,184 
 114,100 
 291,718 
 148,771 
 339,789 
 
 92,720 
 2.609 
 265,892 
 290,549 
 189,423 
 390,913 
 
 48,1-02 
 
 52,287 31 
 
 137,970 
 115,736 
 480,937 
 18.^,821 
 
 19.923 03 
 
 304,692 91 
 
 86,462 74 
 
 1.015 50 
 
 47,394 60 
 
 1,580,681 98 
 
 2,982,106 70 
 
 4,375 19 
 
 1,523,1 6:i 88 
 
 38,436 68 
 
 417,556 41 
 
 144,745 19 
 
 70,065 99 
 
 20,773 44 
 
 153 884 22 
 
 53,388 95 
 
 2,199 85 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 S 
 
 s 
 
 10 
 
 u 
 
 lt2 
 13 
 
 Georgiii 
 
 Indvana 
 
 KeuLUcky 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Missouri 
 
 North Carolina. 
 Ohio 
 
 33.3,620 
 5,710,838 
 6,880,614 
 
 850.641 
 
 131,694 
 
 51,820 
 
 322,003 
 
 129,009 
 
 583,577 
 
 33,421 
 
 ]02,16o 
 
 144,876 
 
 178 444 
 
 124,334 
 
 94,929 
 
 2,320,795 
 
 86,.-24 
 
 6 071,233 
 
 1,818,460 
 
 14,770,608 
 
 
 
 60,683 
 
 46 
 16 
 17 
 18 
 19 
 
 South Carolina. 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Texas 
 
 Virginia 
 
 We^t Virginia ., 
 
 119,242 
 844,485 
 265,9iS2 
 6,601,730 
 326,478 
 
 
 2,839,135 
 
 18,314,435 
 
 9,114,881,581 
 
 3,722,388 
 
 7,489,094 07 
 
 46,880,439 
 
 Mi 
 
 ijor. in favor Rep 
 
 13 
 
 995,549 
 
 1,528,635 
 
 12,713,415,321 
 
 
 115,168,659 04 
 
 10,767,764 
 
 ijor.in favorDeni. 
 States 
 
 3,000 273 
 
 RECAPITULATION. 
 
 
 Rep. States. 
 
 Dem. States. 
 
 Rep, Majority. 
 
 Dem. Majority. 
 
 
 191 
 
 3 884,684 
 
 19,841,070 
 
 821,828,098,882 
 
 722,115 
 
 ¥122,667,763 11 
 
 857,638,193 00 
 
 178 
 
 2,S;'.9,136 
 
 18,3U.4»6 
 
 S9,114,6M,561 
 
 3,722,388 
 
 87,489,091 07 
 
 S48,880,4..9 00 
 
 13 
 
 995,649 
 
 1,528,635 
 
 8i2,713.415,:-l21 
 
 
 Voic in 1878 for H.iuse of Eepre-enta- 
 tives of 46th Congress 
 
 
 
 
 Wealth aucoidiug to ninth census 
 
 Illiteracy — cannot rend. ., 
 
 
 3,000,273 
 
 
 8116,16.8,669 04 
 «10,767,764 
 
 *■ '* " internal revenue. . 
 
 
 
 
 
PAST U6U11PATI0N OF THE DEMOCRACY. 
 
 83 
 
 Not n Showing of a "l^olid Korth"n!< 
 Against a "Solid South," but a Show- 
 ing upon the basiB of the Actual Rep- 
 resentation In the House— The I>e- 
 ■nocracy In a Hopelsss ]Mlnority. 
 
 The above is not a showing of a 
 "Solid North" as against a "Solid 
 South," but a showing upon the basis 
 of the actual representation in the Na- 
 tional House of Representatives of the 
 Forty-Sixth Congress, including in the 
 Democratic States Indiana and Oregon, 
 as also Ohio, which through the infa- 
 mous gerrymandering of the State by 
 the Democracy had a Democratic ma- 
 jority in its representation in the House, 
 wliile the Republicans had in 1878 a plu- 
 rality of 10,998 in the vote by which they 
 were elected. But even with the sup- 
 pression, either by violence or fraud, or 
 both, of the entire Republican vote in 
 all the States South, and granting the 
 Democracy in the Confederate States 
 the fraudulent figures which they claim, 
 with the strength and wealth of Indiana, 
 Ohio, and Oregon, all of them u_pon a 
 fair and constitutional vote decidedly 
 Republican States, the majority in the 
 two Confederate Houses of Congress, 
 the Confederate Democracy in the Sen- 
 ate and House, are in the country in a 
 hopeless minority. 
 
 Recapitulation of the Facts— The Rela- 
 tive Electoral and Popular Tote — Pop- 
 ulation and Wealth of the Democratic 
 and Republican States in the House— 
 The Republican States embraced 
 Three-fourth of the Total Wealth of 
 the Nation. 
 
 In illustration let us recapitalate the 
 facts in the above table. 
 
 In the electoral colleges the Republi- 
 can States, as represented in the pres- 
 ent House, have 191 votes against 178 of 
 the Democratic States — a Republican 
 majority of 13. 
 
 On the popular vote, exclusive of Cal- 
 ifornia, as reported as cast in 1878, for 
 Congress, with all its violence and tre- 
 mendous Democratic frauds, its sup- 
 pression of the entire Republican vote 
 in all the Confederate States, the 19 Re- 
 publican States embraced a total of 
 3,834,684 votes against 3,839,135 of the 
 Democratic States — a Republican ma- 
 jority of 995,549, and, including the vote 
 of California, a Republican majority of 
 over a million votes. 
 
 In population, according to thecensus 
 of 1870, the 19 Republican States em- 
 braced 19,841,070, persons against 18,314, - 
 435 of the Democratic States— a Repub- 
 
 lican majority of 1,526.635— a Republi- 
 can majority of over a million and a 
 lialf. 
 
 Of the wealtli of the nation, of a total 
 valuation of $30,942,778,443, the Demo- 
 cratic States possessed only $9,114,681,- 
 561 ; the Republican States possessed 
 $31,838,096,883— $13,713,415,321more than 
 the Democratic States ; indeed, nearly 
 three-fourths of the total wealth of the 
 nation. 
 
 Taxation of the Respective States— Cus- 
 tom Duties Collected in 1868— Fifteen- 
 Sixteenths Collected in the Republi- 
 can States— Collections of Internal 
 Revenue. 
 
 Of tlie taxation for the support of the 
 Government to meet the vast liabilities 
 saddled upon the nation as the effect of 
 the Democratic rebellion for the de- 
 struction of the Constitution and the 
 Union, of a total of $130,146,847.18 paid 
 in 1878 as customs duties, 123,657,753.11 
 was collected in and paid by tlie Re- 
 publican States— only $7,489,094.7 was 
 collected in or paid by tlie Democratic 
 States ; that is, $115,168,659.05 more were 
 collected and paid in tlie Republican 
 than in the Democratic States, or in the 
 Republican States were paid over fif- 
 teen-sixteenths of the whole customs rev- 
 enue of the nation. Of a total of $104,- 
 518,633 from internal revenue in 1878, 
 $57,638,193 was collected and paid in the 
 19 Republican States, and $46,880,439 in 
 the Democratic States ; that is, $10,757,- 
 754 more were collected and paid in the 
 Republican than in the Democratic 
 States. 
 
 Internal Revenue Collected In all the 
 States from 1866 to 1878— The immense 
 Cost of the Rebellion— $3,055,397,846 
 Collected as Internal Revenue— of 
 Which the Eleven Confederate States, 
 the Authors of our Public Debt, Paid 
 Only $210,906,096- Ohio Alone Paid 
 $13,104,534 more than All the Con- 
 federate States Combined— Illinois 
 $9,981,216 more than AH the Confeder- 
 ate States, and New York nearly twice 
 as much as All the Confederate States. 
 
 In 1878 only whisky and tobacco, 
 banks and bankers, and patent medi- 
 cine adhesive stamps were taxed. But 
 the following table shows who, in tlie 
 previous 13 years, since the close of the 
 rebellion, paid the. vast sums collected 
 as internal revenue : 
 
84 
 
 PAST USURPATION OF THE DEMOCRACi'. 
 
 B. 
 
 Tears. 
 
 Collected iu 
 all the 
 States. 
 
 Collected in 
 
 the eleven 
 
 Confederated 
 
 States. 
 
 Collectea 
 in Ohio. 
 
 Collected 
 in Illinois. 
 
 Collected 
 in New York. 
 
 1806 
 
 1867 
 
 lees 
 
 18li9 
 
 1870 
 
 18T1 
 
 1872 
 
 IM! 
 
 1874 
 
 1M5 
 
 li-7a ■ 
 
 1877 
 
 1878 
 
 Total ill 13 years 
 
 S:509,226,813 42 
 266,C"7,537 4:! 
 191,087,.589 41 
 158,356,460 86 
 184,899,756 49 
 143,098,163 6i 
 1.30.612.177 72 
 11M,729 314 14 
 102,409,784 90 
 110.007,493 68 
 1!C,700,732 03 
 118,630,407 83 
 110,681,624 74 
 
 $20,645,919 16 
 34,604,660 48 
 31,33i,186 85 
 9,861,766 97 
 14,005,147 26 
 11.633,429 86 
 9,927,231 96 
 12,271,587 43 
 10,517,422 65 
 11,919,151 92 
 11,120,6.56 11 
 12,321,994 16 
 11,142,042 45 
 
 2.055,397,846 18 
 
 201,906,096 16 
 
 825,257 
 20,134, 
 12,SC4, 
 16,135, 
 19,437, 
 15,295, 
 14,928, 
 ll,870i 
 15,044, 
 14,707, 
 16,.591, 
 15,479, 
 14,702, 
 
 710 12 
 ,516 35 
 ,867 99 
 ,972 31 
 ,515 04 
 ,450 73 
 ,135 07 
 ,277 83 
 ,831 77 
 ,712 60 
 ,136 69 
 ,511 30 
 979 94 
 
 815,249,678 00 
 11,956,633 08 
 7,624,747 89 
 13,055,230 23 
 18,186,366 35 
 1.5,270,&12 03 
 15,798,722 40 
 16,462,020 60 
 15 357,9:'8 15 
 17,678,267 57 
 23,708,545 60 
 21,896,588 24 
 19,651,732 21 
 
 215,010,620 51 211,887,312 35 
 
 $68,810,834 76 
 67,973,220 95 
 39,644,.583 49 
 3.5,497,403 68 
 36,514,889 37 
 28,665.183 96 
 23,446,.577 34 
 19,312,323 60 
 15,285.280 87 
 15,224,856 74 
 14,609,335 07 
 14,458,326 50 
 14,963,899 92 
 
 384,406,776 25 
 
 Thus in 13 years, from 1866 to 1878, in 
 support of the national honor, as a 
 means of honestly and promptly liqui- 
 dating the immense obligations inflicted 
 upon the nation by the Democracy in 
 rebellion, the Government was com- 
 pelled to collect of the people, as in- 
 ternal revenue, the mighty sum of 
 $2,055,397,846.18! Of that sum the 11 
 Confederate States, the guilty authors 
 of our immense public debt, paid only 
 $201,906,096.15 ! The single loyal State 
 of Ohio alone paid $215,010,620.54, or 
 $13,105,524.39 more than all the Confed- 
 erate States combined. Illinois alone 
 paid $3H,887,313..35, or $9,981,316.20 more 
 than all the Confederate States. New 
 York alone paid $384,406,776,35, or $183,- 
 500,680.10 more than all the Confederate 
 States— nearly twice as much as all of 
 them combined. 
 
 ]>emocratic States embraced nearly 
 Flve-sixtbs of alltbcI;;norance of tlie 
 Nation — ITtie Southern ]>eniocrac,y, an 
 OHgarchal Minority, LiOOking; to the 
 Spoils of the National Treasury, the 
 Sack of the Nation, as a means of Res- 
 cuing its L,eaders from Bankruptcy, 
 Impudently ITsurp the Power of Tax- 
 ing the Nation. 
 
 And with this comparative poverty, 
 this immense inferiority in the popular 
 vote as in population and wealth, this 
 immense inferiority as taxpayers, the 
 Democratic States monopolized almost 
 wholly all the ignorance, with its con- 
 sequent evils, of the nation. According 
 to the census of 1870, as shown above, in 
 table "A," the 19 Republican States con- 
 tained only 722,115 persons of all ages 
 who caunot read ; but the Democratic 
 States, the land of the ku-klux, shot- 
 gun, and bowie-knife, the bloody ground 
 of political murders, outrage and fraud, 
 contained 3,722,388, or 8,000,373 more 
 than the Republican" States, nearly tive- 
 sixths of all the ignorance of the nation. 
 
 Nevertheless, this minority, the Con- 
 federate and Copperhead Democracy, 
 ignorant, violent and bloody, and look- 
 ing to the spoils of the national Treas- 
 ury, the sack of the nation, through a 
 conquest of the National Government, 
 as a means of rescuing its oligarchal 
 leaders, the old pro-slavery land-owners 
 of Secessia, from personal bankruptcy 
 and sinking into ooscurity as a parve- 
 nu class, this seditious and disloyal 
 minority, through violence and fraud in 
 a thousand forms, seized upon a major- 
 ity of the two Houses of Congress, tltey 
 again impudently usurped tne power of 
 taxing the majority ! 
 
 TTsurpation In 1878, through Shot-gun 
 Outrages, Bloody Raids, and Ballot- 
 box Stuffing, have given the Demo- 
 cracy both Senate and House — Analy, 
 sis of the Figures and Facts- 
 
 And by what agencies did these old 
 conspirators against the honor, the lib- 
 erties and peace of the nation, succeed 
 in thus practically subjugating the na- 
 tion—its numbers, wealth, and intelli- 
 gence? Let us analyze the composition 
 of the two Houses of Congress, and re- 
 view tlie agencies by whicli they were 
 elected. 
 
 In the House, of its present 293 mem- 
 bers, the Democracy counted 155; 55 from 
 the North. The Republicans counted 
 137, only 6 from the South. Thus the 
 South, the old Confederate enemies of 
 the Republic, were solid against the na- 
 tion, were solid in a new conspiracy to 
 subvert the constitutional rule of the 
 majority, to force the loyal masses, as of 
 old, to pay them tribute, to remunerate 
 the Confederacy and its leaders for their 
 losses in the rebellion which they fo- 
 mented for the destruction of the nation 
 and its liberties. They have suppressed 
 violently and fraudulently the Republi- 
 can vote in all the States South. Al- 
 though in 1876 the Republicans polled, 
 even by the Confederate count, 1,096,- 
 
PAST USURPATION OF THE DEMOCRACY. 
 
 85 
 
 626 votes; although on the color line 
 alone, 37 Congressional districts South 
 were Republican, and should in the For- 
 ty-sixth Congress have been repre- 
 sented by Republicans, yet 6 Republi- 
 cans only were returned from that section 
 to the House. Undoubtedly other dis- 
 tricts of the Confederacy, upon a con- 
 stititutional, free, or fair vote, would 
 have returned Republicans ; but merely 
 strike from the Democratic vote in the 
 House that of the 31 districts notoriously 
 seized through violence and fraud by the 
 Democracy (155 — 31 — 134) and add them 
 to the Republican vote, (137—31—158,) 
 and the House would, as it should, have 
 been Republican by 34 majority. Usur- 
 
 Eation through shot-gun outrages, 
 loody raids and ballot-box stuffing, 
 gave it a Democratic majority of 31. A 
 like result follows in the Senate. Strike 
 from the Democratic vote in that body 
 usurped through violence and fraud, 
 those of Alabama, 3; Arkansas, 3; Geor- 
 gia, 2 ; Louisiana, 1 ; Mississippi, 1; North 
 Carolina, 3, and South Carolina, 3—13, 
 and add them to the Republican vote, 
 (83 + 13=45,) and the Senate would, as it 
 should, have been Republican by a ma- 
 iority of 15. Only usurpation through 
 bloody violence, terrorism, and fraud made 
 it Democratic by a majority of 9. 
 
 erant's Vote In 18G8 and Hayes's Vote In 
 1876 In the Sontb Violently Snp- 
 pressed In 1878 In Blood, and Terror- 
 ism and Fraud— An Analysis of the 
 Flg^nres and Facts. 
 
 Nor is this review open to doubt. 
 The facts are too clear, too positive, to 
 admit of a successful challenge. In 1868 
 (General Grant received in the South 57 
 electoral votes, those of Alabama, 8; 
 Arkansas, 5; Florida, 3 ; Missouri, 11; 
 North Carolina, 9 ; South Carolina, 6 ; 
 Tennessee, 10; West Virginia, 5. In 
 1873, General Grant received in the 
 South 57 electoral votes, those of Ala- 
 bama, 10; Florida, 4; Mississippi, 8 ; N. 
 Carolina, 10; S. Carolina, 7; Virginia, 
 11 ; and West Virginia, 5. But in 1876, 
 General Hayes received in the South 
 only 19 electoral votes, those of Florida, 
 4j Louisiana, 8 ; and South Carolina, 7. 
 What, in 1876, had become of the Re- 
 publican majorities in Alabama, Arkan- 
 sas, Missouri, North Carolina, Tennes- 
 see, Virginia, and West Virginia, by 
 which General Grant in 1868 received 57 
 electoral votes, and in 1873 47 votes 1 Vi- 
 olently suppressed in blood, and terror- 
 ism, and fraud! 
 
 Ctrant's Vote In 1868, and Hayes's Vote 
 of 1876, In Arkansas, Suppressed In 
 1878 in Blood, and Terrorlsmi, and 
 Fraud— An An.ilyslsof the Figures and 
 Facts. 
 
 In Arkansas, in 1868, General Grant 
 received 33,113 votes and the electoral 
 
 college of the State. On the Congres- 
 sional vote of 1868, the Republicans 
 polled 33,030 votes, and elected 3 of the 
 3 members of Congress, and the Legis- 
 lature, on joint ballot, a majority of 98. 
 In 1873, General Grant received 41,373 
 votes and the electoral college of the 
 State ; the Republicans elected 3 mem- 
 bers of Congress, and 40 majority of the 
 Legislature on joint ballot. Even in 
 1876 General Hayes was allowed 38,669 
 by the Confederate count. But the Dem- 
 ocratic vote was fraudulently placed at 
 58,071. A solid Democratic delegation 
 to Congress was declared, and the Leg- 
 islature, on joint ballot, from 98 Republi- 
 can majority was transformed into 86 
 Democratic majority. In the first Con- 
 gressional district of the State, in 1868, 
 the vote was, for the Republican candi- 
 date, 7,151 ; for the Democrat, 6,987= 
 14,138. In 1876, in that district, no op- 
 position was allowed, and the Demo- 
 cratic candidate for Congress quietly 
 counted 15,841 votes, the total vote of the 
 district ; but in 1878 a count of only 8,- 
 863 was all that was needed to send a 
 Democrat to Congress, while the Repub- 
 lican vote disappeared from the State. 
 What, in 1878, had become of Grant's 
 majority of 1868 and 1873? What, in- 
 deed, of Hayes's vote in 1876 of 38,669, 
 an absolute majority of the actual vote 
 of the State ? Suppressed in blood, and 
 terrorism, and fraud! 
 
 Orant's vote in 1868 and Hayes's vote In 
 1876, in Oeorsla, Suppressed in 1878 
 by the Ku-KIux in Blood and Terror- 
 Ism and Frand— AnAnalysis of the Fig- 
 ures and Facts. 
 
 In Georgia, in 1866, the registered vote 
 of 1 he State was : white, 95,303; colored, 
 93,458 ; and in 1876, the Republicans 
 polled, even upon the Confederate count, 
 for (general Hayes, 50,446 votes. At the 
 Congressional election of 1878, the Re- 
 publican vote almost wholly disap- 
 peared ; only 5,357 votes were cast, or 
 rather, counted— 3,643 for Wade in the 
 second and 1,614 for Archer in the ninth 
 district; 69,808 votes elected the nine 
 members of the present House, a solid 
 anti-Republican delegation to Congress. 
 In 1876, in the third Congressional dis- 
 trict of the State, the Republicans 
 polled 4,380 votes for Pierce, for Con- 
 gress ; but in 1878, only two years later, 
 (ilook. Democrat, was elected to the 
 Plouse by a total vote of only 3,638. 
 What had become of the 4,380 Republi- 
 can votes polled in 1876 for Pierce ? In 
 1878, in the eighth district, Alexander H. 
 Stephens was elected to the House by a 
 total vote of only 3,355 against 58 scat- 
 tering. In 1876, in the sixth district, the 
 Republicans polled 4,578 votes for Gove 
 forCongress; but in 1878, Blount, Demo- 
 crat, was elected to the House by a total 
 vote of only 3,193. What had become 
 
PAST USURPATIONS OF THE DEMOCKACY. 
 
 of the 4,578 Republican votes polled for 
 Gove in 1876, only two years before *? 
 What, indeed, had become of the 50,446 
 polled only two years before, in 1876, 
 for Hayes V Siipj^r eased by the Ku-Klux in 
 blood and terrorism and fraud ! 
 
 Grant's vote in 1868 and Hayes' vote In 
 1876, in Iioaisiana, Suppressed in 1878 
 by tbe Knigbts of tbe White Camelia 
 in Blood and Terrorism and Fraud — 
 An Analysis of tbe Figures and tbe 
 Facts. 
 
 In Louisiana, iu 1867, the registowd 
 vote was: colored, 84,431; white, 45, 199— 
 a Republican majority on the color 
 linealone of 39,333. In 1872, Grant re- 
 ceived 71,663 votes, and the Republicans 
 elected a solid delegation to Congress. 
 In 1876 the registration showed a Re- 
 publican majority of 23,314. Even by 
 the Confederate count in 1876 General 
 Hayes received 77,174 votes, but only 
 two years later, in 1878, that heavy Re- 
 publican vote disappeared, and a unani- 
 mous Confederate delegation was re- 
 turned to Congress. What had become 
 of the registered Republican majority 
 in the State from 1867 to 1876 1 What> 
 indeed, of Hayes' heavy vote of 1876 f 
 Suppressed by the "KnMits of the White 
 Camelia'''' in blood and terrorism and 
 fraud ! 
 
 Grant's vote in 1868 and Hayes' vote in 
 1876, In Iforth Carolina, Suppressed 
 in 1878 in Terrorism, Blood, and 
 Fraud— An Analysis of the Figures and 
 Facts. 
 
 In North Carolina, in 1868, General 
 Grant received 96,769 votes, (13,168 ma- 
 jority,) and the electoral college of tlie 
 State. The Republican's elected 5 of the 
 7 members of Congress, and of the Legis- 
 laiui-e, on joint ballot, a majority of 70. 
 In 1873, Grant received 94,769 votes (34, 
 730 majority,) and the electoral college 
 of the State. In 1876, General Hayes, 
 even by the Confederate count, received 
 108,417 votes, but only two years later, 
 in 1878, that large vote, a majority of tlie 
 actual vote cast in 1876, almost wholly 
 disappeared. In the iirst Congressional 
 district 12,565 Republican votes were 
 counted, and a Republican returned to 
 Congress. In 1876, in the sixth Con- 
 gressional district., the Republicans 
 polled 10,383 votes for Jordan for (Con- 
 gress, but in 1878 a count of only 4,908 
 votes returned a Democrat (Steele) to 
 Congress. Only 358 were counted 
 against him. What had become of the 
 10,383 Republican votes polled in the 
 same district only two years before? In 
 the eighth Congressional district, in 1876, 
 the Republicans polled for Hampton for 
 Congress 7,493 votes, but in 1878 a 
 count of only 3,894 votes returned 
 Vance, Democrat, to the present House. 
 
 What had become of the 7,493 Republi- 
 can votes polled iu the same district 
 only two years before 'i What had be- 
 come of Grant's heavy majorities of 1868 
 and 1873? What, indeed, of Hayes' 
 large vote in 1876 ? Suppressed in ter- 
 rorism, blood, and fraud! 
 
 Grant's vote in 1868 and Hayes' vote in 
 1876, in Alabama, Suppressed in 1878 
 in Blood and Terrorism and Fraud— 
 An Analysis of tbe Figures and Facts. 
 
 In Alabama, in 1867, the registered 
 vote was: colored, 90,340; whites, 74,450, 
 a Republican majority on the color line 
 alone of 15,890. In 1868, General Grant 
 received 76,366 votes and the electoral 
 college of the State. In 1873 Grant re- 
 ceived 90,373 votes and the electoral col- 
 lege of the State. The Republicans 
 elected 5 of 7 Congressmen aud a heavy 
 majority in the Legislature. Even in 
 1876, under the manipulation and frauds 
 of the Confederates, 68,330 votes were 
 counted for General Hayes ; but only 
 two years later, in 1878, at the election 
 for governor, not a single Republican 
 vote was counted. In tlie fourth Con- 
 gressional district, 6,545 Republican 
 votes were counted for Haralson for 
 Congress against 8,514 for Shelley, a 
 Democrat. In 1870, the population of 
 that district, embracing the counties of 
 Dallas, Hale, Lowndes, and Perry was, 
 colored, 109,318 ; wliites, 32, 349, a colored 
 majority iu population of 76,869. In 
 1876 the Republicans were allowed a 
 count of 15,750 votes ; but in 1878 a count 
 of only 8,514 returned a Democrat to 
 Congress iu a district Republican by a 
 majority at least of 10,000. On the State 
 ticket no opposition was tolerated, and 
 the Republican vote, a majority of the 
 State, wholly disappeared. What had 
 become of Grant's majorities of 1868 and 
 1872 ? What, indeed, of Haves' vote m 
 1876 of 68,230 ? Suppressed 'by the shot- 
 gun in blood and terrorism and fraud! 
 
 Grant's vote in 1S68 and Hayes' vote 
 in 1876, iu South Carolina suppressed 
 in 1878 by tlie Kifle Clubs in Blood 
 and Terrorism and Fraud— An Anal- 
 ysis of the Figures and Facts. 
 
 In Soutli Carolina,in 1876,theregistered 
 vote was: colored, 80,386; whites, 47, 
 010— a Republican majority on the color 
 line alone of 47,010. In 1870, the popu- 
 lation of the State was : colored, 415,814 ; 
 whites, 289,078— a colored majority of 
 136,741. In 1868, at the Presidential elec- 
 tion. General Grant received in South 
 Carolina 63,301 votes and the electoral 
 college of the State. In 1872, Grant re- 
 ceived 73,290 votes (49,587 majority) 
 and the electoral college of the State. 
 A solid Republican delegation was 
 elected to Congress, aud of the Legisla- 
 ture on joint ballot a majority of 95. In 
 
PAST USURPATION OF THE DEMOCKACT. 
 
 87 
 
 1876, General Hayes received 10,798 
 votes; Tilden, supported by the rifle 
 clubs, only 90,906. But in 1878, how 
 many Kepublican votes were cast, or 
 rather counted ? On the governor's 
 vote not one. Only 213 were counted 
 as scattering. Not a single Kepublican 
 member was returned to Congress. The 
 Democratic vote was increased to 119,550, 
 by which was elected the 5 members of 
 the House, a solid delegation to Con- 
 
 fresB, and of the LegiRlature on joint 
 allot a majority of 143. What in 1878 
 had become of Grant's heavy majorities 
 of 1868 and 1873'? Wliat, indeed, of 
 Hayes' vote of 91,786 polled in 1876— 
 only two years before °l Suppressed by 
 the rifle chchs in blood and terrorism and 
 fraud ! 
 
 Grant's Vote in 18GS and Hayes' vote 
 In 1876, In Mississippi, Suppressed In 
 1S78 In Blood and Terrorism and 
 Fraud— An Analysis of the Fig^urcs 
 and Facts. 
 
 In Mississippi, in 1867, the registered 
 vote was: colored, 60,167; whites, 46,- 
 636. The population in 1870 was : col- 
 ored, 444,201 ; whites, 383,896— a Kepub- 
 lican majority on the color line alone of 
 61,305. In 1869, Alcorn's ( Republican) ma- 
 jority was for governor 38,089. In 1873, 
 General Grant's majority was 34,877. In 
 1873, Ames' (Kepublican) majority for 
 governor was 20,467; and in 1874 the Re- 
 
 Eublican majority on joint ballot in the 
 egislature was 20,467 ; and in 1874, that 
 majority on joint ballot in the Legisla- 
 ture was 30. In 1870, even by the Co^- 
 federate count, General Hayes received 
 53,605 votes. Bat in 1878, the Republi- 
 can vote, an immense majority of 
 the State, almost wliolly disappeared. 
 Only 2,085 Kepublican votes were 
 returned as cast, a solid Confed- 
 erate delegation was returned to Con- 
 gress, and an almost unanimous Demo- 
 cratic Legislature was counted in. 
 What, in 1878, had become of the Re- 
 publican majority of the State ? What, 
 indeed, of Hayes's vote in 1876 ? Sup- 
 pressed by the shot-gun in blood and ter- 
 rorism and fraud! 
 
 Organization of the Senate and Honse 
 of the Forty-Sixth Congress— In the 
 Senate the Confederate Brigadiers 
 Monopolize the Committees — An Anal- 
 ysis of th« Senate Committees. 
 
 And in the organization of the two 
 Houses of Congress, the power thus 
 usurped through violence and blood 
 was recognized and enlarged. In the Sen - 
 ate the Democracy counted 43 votes — 30 
 from the South and only 13 from the 
 North. In the House they counted 155 
 votes— 100 from the South and only 55 
 from North. 
 
 In the Senate, of its 38 standing com- 
 mittees, the Confederates had the 
 chairmanship of 17 of the most impor- 
 
 tant-;-those on Privileges and Elections, 
 on Finance, Appropriations, Commerce, 
 Agriculture, Post Offices and Post 
 Roads, Indian Affairs, Pensions, Claims, 
 District of Columbia, Territories, Edu- 
 cation and Labor, Railroads, Civil Ser- 
 vice and Retrenchment, etc. And they 
 had not only the chairmanships of these 
 important committees, but aU the com- 
 mittees of the Senate were so constituted 
 as to give the control of them to the 
 Confederates. In every case the major- 
 ity of thecommitteewasDemocratic;but 
 a majority of that majority was also Con- 
 federate, which gave the latter a con- 
 trol of the committee by controlling 
 the majirity. Thus: 
 
 The Committee ou Privileges and 
 Elections, always a most important 
 committee, as it practically decides all 
 cases of contested seats in the Senate — 
 all questionable rights to seats — was com- 
 posed of 9 members — 6 Democrats and $ 
 Republicans; but 5 of the 6 Democrats 
 were Confederates; 1 was from the Nortli 
 or loyal States. 
 
 The Committee on Finance was com- 
 
 Sosed of 9 members — 5 Democrats and 4 
 .epublicans; but 3 of the 5 Democrats 
 were Confederates. 
 
 The Committee on Appropriations was- 
 composed of 9 members — 5 Democrats 
 and 4 Republicans ; but 3 of the 5 Dem- 
 ocrats were Confederates. 
 
 TlieCommittee on Commerce wascom- 
 posed of 9 members— 5 Democrats and. 
 4 Republicans ; but 4 of the 5 Democrats- 
 were Confederates. 
 
 The Committee on Post Offices and. 
 Post Roads was com posed of 9 members— 
 6 Democrats and 3 Republicans ; but 5- 
 ot the 6 Democrats were Confederates- 
 The Committee ou Claims, just then,, 
 in view of the immense amount of pend- 
 ing rebel claims — hundreds of millions — 
 a committee of the grandest importance 
 to the Soutli as it is to the nation, was. 
 composed of 9 members — 5 Democrats — 
 all Confederates — and 4 Republicans. 
 
 The Committee on the Election of 
 President and Vice-President, truly a 
 most iui|<ortaut committee to our whole 
 people, was composed of 9 members — 6 
 Democrats and 3 Republicans ; but 4 of 
 the 6 Democrats were Confederates. 
 
 And so on through all the Senate 
 Committees. A majority of the majority 
 of the committee was Confederates, and 
 consequently control it under the caucus 
 rule ou all important questions. 
 The Petty State of Delaware given the 
 Chairmanship of the tivo Important 
 Committees of Privileges and Flec- 
 tions, and Finance — ^The great State of 
 ISew York the Committee on Patents— , 
 The great Maritime and Industrial 
 States, the great Taxpayers of the Na- 
 tion, excluded from all voice in shap- 
 ing the I<egisIation of the Nation. 
 The petty State of Deleware wasgiven 
 
m 
 
 PAST USTJDRPATION OF THE DEMOCKACT. 
 
 the chairmanship of the two important 
 committees on Privileges and Elections 
 ■and finance; the great State of New 
 York the Committee on Patents. West 
 Viiginia was given the Committee on Ap- 
 propriations ; the great State of Penn- 
 syl viiuia that on the Ee vision of the Laws. 
 Georgia wasgiven the Committeeon Com- 
 merce, Texas the Committee on Post 
 Olfices and Post Roads ; Virginia the 
 Committee on Pensions, North Carolina 
 the Committee on Railroads, Tennessee 
 the Committee on Education and Labor, 
 South Carolina that on Civil Service and 
 Reform ; while the great maritime and 
 industrial States of the North, East and 
 West, the great taxpayers of the nation, 
 the proprietors of its wealth, thrift and 
 intelligence, were practically excluded 
 from any voice in shaping legislation 
 for the control of the interests in which 
 their citizens are so largely concerned. 
 
 In tbe Hoase twenty-two Confederate 
 Brigadiers given the most Important 
 cbalrmanslilps— Analysis of tbe House 
 Committees. 
 
 In the House the same rule governed 
 in the distribution and composition of 
 its committees. Of its standing com- 
 mittees, 43 in number, 23, and the most 
 important ones, had Confederate chair- 
 men — those on Appropriations, on Bank- 
 ing and Currency, Commerce, the Ju- 
 diciary, Pacitic Railroads, Railway and 
 Canals, Coinage, Weights and Measures, 
 Post Offices and Post Roads, Claims, 
 Education and Labor, Accounts, etc. 
 As in the Senate, so in the House— all 
 the committees were so constituted as tfl 
 give the control of them to the Confed- 
 erates. Thus : 
 
 The committee on Elections, wliich 
 practically decides all cases of contested 
 seats, was composed of 15 members — 
 9 Democrats and 6 Republicans; but 6 
 of the Democrats, a majority of the 
 majority, was Confederates — only 3 
 were from the North or loyal States. 
 
 The Committee on Ways and Means, 
 the committee which controls or fixes 
 the taxes of thenation, was composed of 
 13 members— 8 Democrats and tive Re- 
 publicans : but five of the Democrats 
 were Confederates. 
 
 The Committeeon Appropriations was 
 composed of 15 members — 9 Democrats 
 and 6 Republicans ; but 6 of the 9 Dem- 
 ocrats were Confederates. 
 
 The Committee on Banking and Cur- 
 rency was composed of 11 members — 7 
 Democrats and 4 Republicans ; but 4 of 
 the Democrats were Confederates. 
 
 The Committee on Pacific Railroads 
 was composed of 13 members — 8 Demo- 
 crats and 5 Republicans ; but 6 of the 8 
 Democrats were Confederates. 
 
 The Committee on War Claims, the 
 committee which must decide on all 
 rebel claims, was composed of 11 mem- 1 
 
 bers — 6 Democrats and 5 Republicans; 
 but 4 of the 6 Democrats were Confede- 
 rates. 
 
 The Committee on Commerce was com- 
 posed of 15 members — 10 Democrats 
 and 5 Republicans; but 7 of the 10 
 Democrats were Confederates. 
 
 The Committee on Post Oflices and 
 Post Roads was composed of 11 members 
 — 7 Democrats and 4 Republicans ; but 
 5 of tlie 7 Democrats were Confederates. 
 
 And so the Committee on Public Ex- 
 penditures, and the respective com- 
 mittees on the Expenditures of the Ex- 
 ecutive Departments, the Committee on 
 Foreign Aifairs, on the Judiciary, on 
 Accounts, Printing, Invalid Pensions, 
 etc. — all were so constituted as to give 
 the control of them to the Confederates. 
 
 In tbe Senate and Mouse tbe Conun it- 
 tee on Education and liabor given to 
 tbe ex-Confederate Brigadiers— to the 
 Men whose Maxim prior to ISei was 
 "Slavery Is the ITatnral and JTor- 
 mal condition of the liaborer"—" Ub- 
 erty for the few; Slavery in every 
 form for the Masses." 
 
 In both Houses the Committee on 
 Education and Labor was given to the 
 Confederates. In the Senate 8 of the 4 
 Democrats, constituting the majority 
 of the committee, were Confederates; 
 and in tlie House the majority of the 
 committee were all Confederates- (5 
 Confederates, and 4 Republicans) — were 
 all men the cardinal maxims of whose 
 caste in the oligarchy, prior to 1861, and 
 who act upon those maxims to-day in 
 their States in their treatment of the 
 laborer, were, that " certain menial em- 
 ployments," all manual labor, "are in- 
 compatible with mental cultivation," 
 with education, and accordingly pun- 
 ished then, as now, as crimes, all at- 
 tempts to introduce within their limits 
 popular educatiira ; that " raiment, 
 food and shelter," the physical wants of 
 the auimal, were the highest needs of 
 tlie laborer ; that tlie negro, brutalized 
 by slavery, was in bondage superior 
 " mentally, morally, and socially " to 
 the white workingmen in freedom. 
 Hence, that "slavery was the natural 
 and normal condition of the laborer ; " 
 th-At " slavery was right and necessary, 
 whether vthite or hlacl;" and lustily 
 shouted as their favorite slogan ; " Lib- 
 erty for th« few— slavery in every form for 
 the masses ! " Such were, up to the latest 
 liour of their old dominion, and are 
 now, the principles and the aims— the 
 revival and extension of slavery, and the 
 perpetuity of ignorance among the 
 masses— of the oligarchal caste to which 
 in botli Houses of Congress had been 
 given, and designedly, the Committees 
 on Education and Labor. 
 
PAST USUnPATION OF THE DEMOCRACY. 
 
 89 
 
 In botli Honses the Committees on the 
 Ascertainment and Declaration of the 
 Election for President |and Vice Pres- 
 ident gfiven to the ex-Confederates 
 as a means of Seizin;; upon the Presi- 
 dency, Ac, 
 
 And as a part of this gi'eat usmpation 
 the committees on the Ascertainment 
 and Declaration of the Election of 
 President and Vice President were in 
 both Houses in the hands of the Con- 
 federates. In the Senate the committee 
 wascomposed of 4Confederates,l North- 
 ern Democrat, and 3 Republicans. In , 
 the House the committee was composed 
 of 7 Democrats and 4 Republicans ; but 
 4 of the 7 Democrats were Confederates ; 
 and 80 constructed deliberately with 
 implied instructions to devise and re- 
 
 fiort some plan or scheme, however un- 
 awful or revolutionary, by which to 
 enable the oligarchal minority to count 
 out the loyal or national candidates for 
 President and Vice President, if elected 
 by the people, no matter how large their 
 majority on the popular vote, or how 
 decided in the electoral colleges, to 
 fraudulently seize upon the Presidency; 
 to restore by force and fraud the Con- 
 federates in all branches of the National 
 Government. 
 
 The Bourbon Slinority transferred to 
 to the Hnlls of Congress the tnrbulcnt 
 Spirit which rules In their States— 
 They attempted to Coerce the Pres- 
 ident by Revolutionary Expedients — 
 The Rule of tlie Caucus in which the 
 ex-Confederates Dominated. 
 
 Sedition, treasonable plottings, tur- 
 bulence, and scenes of blood and 
 deviltry like the Chisholm massacre 
 and the Dixou assasinations, and 
 the countless assassinations dur 
 ing the last twelve years all over 
 the late Confederacy, are indigenous 
 to their daily life. Like the brutal 
 oligarchs or pro-slavery nobles of the 
 Middle or Dark Ages, whose institutions 
 or laws our old slave owners largely 
 adopted, imbibing with them the san- 
 
 f'uinary and cruel instincts of the ages 
 rom which they were adopted, and 
 whose tyranny and lives they still im- 
 itate; like those noble oligarchs, as 
 ignorant as sanguinary, ever in revolt 
 against their king, or engaged in furi- 
 ous raids against their neighbors, mur- 
 dering, burning, and plundering ; like 
 them, to our old pro-slavery oligarchs, 
 our recent slave owners and their de- 
 scendants, the exercise of power through 
 violent scenes of deviltry forms the 
 highest gratification of their natures. 
 Peace, obedience to law, is absolutely 
 their hell. Hence into Congress, upon 
 obtaining possession of its two bouses, 
 
 they naturally transferred the turbu- 
 lent spirit which rules in their States, 
 and attempted to coerce the President 
 by revolutionary expedients — by riders 
 on appropriation bills — into an appro- 
 val of or acquiescence in their violent 
 plans under a threat oi' starving the 
 Government. In all their proceedings 
 during tlie Coogress, the Democracy — 
 a majority of the two houses— substi- 
 tuted the caucus for the law — the caucus 
 for theCoustitution. The Confederates 
 or Southern wing of the Democracy, by 
 their numerical preponderance, ruled 
 in the caucus and dictated and shaped 
 all its measures — all of them of a vio- 
 lent or revolutionary character, aU of 
 them looking to a consummation of 
 their usurpation — the seizure of the 
 Presidency by violence and fraud 
 through the destruction or repeal of the 
 election laws. 
 
 The ex-Confederates, while plotting the 
 vlolentselzure of the Presidency, slan- 
 dered the Republican Savers of the 
 Nation — BTo troops ever used by Re- 
 publicans at the Polls— No military 
 Interference anywhere by Repub- 
 licans with elections — "Bloody Mon- 
 day" in Washington in 1858. 
 
 As in the Confederacy and before tlie 
 world they load with unmerited cal- 
 umny the wretched victims of their 
 murderous violence as a justification of 
 their crimes, so in Congress, as a justi- 
 fication of their revolutionary exped- 
 ients looking to the crowning infamy of 
 their usurpations — the seizure of the 
 Presidency in 1880— they slandered the 
 Republican party ; they traduced the 
 party which, while rescuing the nation 
 from their traitorous efforts to destroy 
 it by force of arms, magnanimously 
 spared them the halter denounced by 
 the laws against their crimes ; they ac- 
 cused and denounced it as having used, 
 and as being in favor of continuing the 
 use, of troops at the polls. No fouler 
 slander was ever invented or uttered 
 by traitor in extenuation of his guilt. 
 When and wliero were troops over used 
 by the Republicans at the polls? At 
 what election? Wheu and where by any 
 party but the Democracy, as at Wash- 
 ington, in June, 1858, on "Bloody Mon- 
 day," when, under the orders of a Dem- 
 ocratic President, James Buchanan, at 
 a petty municipal election, the streets 
 of the national capital were reddened 
 with the blood of its unoffending citizens 
 under the fire of the regular soldiery"? 
 No troops were ever so used by the Ee- 
 
 Eublican party. Not a single instance 
 as ever been cited--not a single in- 
 stance can be cited. Not one of such 
 use of troops by any party but the Dem- 
 ocracy. 
 
90 
 
 PAST USURPATION OF THE DEMOCBACr. 
 
 Ka-KInx aud White Jjcagae licaclers, 
 tbc Beneficiaries »f Wholesale Bal- 
 lot-box IStntfing and Violent Francis, 
 raised the cry of an "Untrammeled 
 Ballot," "Free Elections," "JTo Troops 
 at the Polls" as a Blind— The Govern- 
 ment had no troops to use at Flec- 
 tions—The Figures and Facts. 
 
 But the men so recently confederated 
 in arms for the destruction of the Con- 
 stitution and the laws, and whose pres- 
 ence in the national Senate and Plouse 
 House was due wholly to tlio suppression 
 of the Republican vote iu all tlie States 
 South by bloody yiolence, by murder, 
 massacre, and intimidation at tlie polls 
 by the Ku-IClux, White League, and other 
 armed brigand gangs — these men in 
 Congress raised the cry of "An Untram- 
 meled Ballot,'''' "Free JSlections,'" "No 
 Troops at the Polls,'" as a blind to their 
 own guilt, as well as a justitication of 
 their threat to starve tlio Government 
 in revenge for its protection of the elec- 
 tion laws of the United States against 
 their revolutionary efforts to repeal them 
 — tlieir efforts to destroy tlie only gu aran- 
 tees of the citizen at the polls of a free aud 
 untrammeled vote. The dishonesty of 
 the cry, its hypocrisy and transparent 
 purpose, was exposed iu the fact that the 
 Grovernment, even if disposed to resort 
 to intimidation at the polls, to violate 
 every rule of its policy and practice, 
 and of the great and law-abiding party 
 which supports it, had no troops at its 
 command for the jDurpose. At tliat 
 date tlieie were 
 
 In Alabama 32 United States soldiers 
 in arsenal. 
 
 In Arkansas 57 soldiers. 
 
 In Delaware not one. 
 
 In Florida 182 United States soldiers 
 at 3 separate barracks, uavy yards, &c. 
 
 In Georgia 29 United States soldiers. 
 
 In Kentucky not one. 
 
 In Louisiana 239 United States sol- 
 diers. 
 
 In Maryland 192 United States sol- 
 diers at Port McHenry. 
 
 In Mississippi not one. 
 
 In Missouri not one. 
 
 In North Carolina 30 United States 
 soldiers at Port at mouth of Cape Pear 
 river. 
 
 In South Carolina 123 United States 
 soldiers guarding Charleston harbor. 
 
 In Tennessee not one. 
 
 In Texas not one outside of frontier 
 guard. 
 
 In Virginia 282 United States soldiers 
 at school of practice at Portress Mon- 
 roe. 
 
 In West Virginia not one. 
 
 In the South one Soldier to a Coailty— 
 One Soldier to every 700 Square Miles 
 a Formidable force with ^rhich to In- 
 timidate the Btae Clubs and other 
 Armed G-an^s, dx^ — In STew Engpland 
 123 Troops to every 1,000,000 Citizens; 
 in the South only 70. 
 
 In all the South only 1,166 soldiers with 
 which to intimidate a population esti- 
 mated at 15,000,000 persons. In the 
 South there are 1,303 counties. Hence, 
 there were iu the South less than one 
 soldier to a county ; only one soldier to 
 every 700 square miles. Truly a formid- 
 able force, and one certainly calculated 
 to intimidate the rifle clubs and other 
 armed gangs wJiich infested all tlie late 
 Confederated States. But in New Eng- 
 land, from which were heard no com- 
 plaints of the election laws, there 
 were 133 United States soldiers to every 
 1,000,000 of its citizens; in the South only 
 70. Hence, it was not a fear of the 
 troops which influenced the Democracy 
 in their cry against tlie election laws, 
 but a wish to remove the United States 
 supervisors of election provided by those 
 laws from the polls on election day, and 
 thus open out to them in the " large 
 cities of the North a clear field for tue 
 frauds, wholesale illegal voting, and 
 ballot-box stuffing by which they pro- 
 posed to seize the Presidency. 
 
 The Oligarchy in 1861 and 1878—383,637 
 Slave-owners prior to 1861 constitut- 
 ed its Uomiuant or Ruling Faction— 
 They Monopolized all its Honors and 
 Offices— The People the merest Ci- 
 phers in all things Political or Social 
 —They had no Voice or Influence in 
 the Body Politic. 
 
 In 1861, in all the South, of its 8,037,075 
 white i^eople, only 383,637 were slave- 
 owners. But few as they were, they 
 constituted the Southern oligarchy of 
 the past, its dominant or ruling faction. 
 They framed or dictated all its laws upon 
 every subject, social, civil, aud politi- 
 cal; monoi)olized all the civil oflttces of 
 the State, failed its judiciary and all the 
 commands of the militia; interdicted. 
 all popular education, burning school- 
 houses, and whipping, expelling or mur- 
 dering tlie teachers ; educated its ignor- 
 ant white masses in their own violent 
 sentiments, a hatred of all freedom or 
 progress, and of labor aud the laborer, 
 a hatred of the negro or slave as a God- 
 degraded caste, incapable of all im- 
 provement. Thus they organized the 
 oligarchy under which they maintained 
 their crushing rule, and punished all 
 hostility to their tyranny in outrage and. 
 torture and blood. Literally the people 
 of the South prior to 1861, the white 
 majorities of its respective States, were- 
 the merest ciphers m all things politi- 
 cal or social. They had no voice or in- 
 
PAST USURPATION OP THE DEMOCRACY. 
 
 91 
 
 fluence in the body politic. They were 
 held and ruled practically as subjects or 
 serfs of the oligarchal slave-owners. 
 
 Revival of the Ollgrarcliy— Tbe old Slave 
 owners and tbeir Descendants again 
 Trample Oat all Freedom of Opinion 
 and Action— Again Monopolize all the 
 Honors and OOlces of tbeir States— 
 Again Dominate tbrougta tbe Old Vio- 
 lent Agencies. 
 
 So to-day, in all the States South, cer- 
 tainly in all the recently Confederated 
 States, we have but a revival, a restor- 
 ation, of the disgusting and degrading 
 old oligarchal rule in all its turbu- 
 lent wickedness. Again the oligarchal 
 minority tramples into thedustthe Con- 
 stitution and the laws. Again it crushes 
 out all freedom of opinion, all freedom 
 of action, all hostility or opposition to 
 its tyranny in outrage and torture and 
 blood, in massacre^s like the Chisholm, in 
 assassinations like the Dixon. 
 
 The old slave owners, or their de- 
 scendants, educated in the sedition, tyr- 
 anny and bloody violence of the old oli- 
 garchal system, intensified by the expe- 
 riences and hatred generated by the re- 
 bellion, and comprising but a petty fac- 
 tion of even the white population of 
 their respective States, agrain monopo- 
 lize, as a riglit inlierent in their oli- 
 garcal caste, all the offices of the State. 
 Again they fill the local judiciary, all 
 the commands of the local militia, all 
 the places of their Legislatures. Again 
 they arrogantly frame all their laws, 
 socially and politically, in the spirit of 
 tyranny and in support of their caste, 
 and again they violently suppress all at- 
 tempts at popular education. 
 
 Tbese old Conspirators against Free 
 dom and tlic IVation, for fifty years 
 prior to 18G1, dominated in tbe Gov- 
 ernment and JVation— They taxed the 
 majority — Exacted tribute of tbe com- 
 merce and Industries of the Nation in 
 support of their Peculiar Institution 
 —Monopolized the Honors and Offices 
 of the Nation, and prostituted the 
 I^lves and Treasure of the People in 
 Support of Wars for the Aggran. 
 dlzement of the Oligarchy. 
 
 For over fifty years prior to 1861 these 
 old conspirators against freedom and 
 progress insolently dominated in the 
 Ijrovernment and nation. They taxed 
 the majority. They exacted tribute of 
 the commerce and industries of the na- 
 tion in support of their " peculiar insti- 
 tution "—that " execrable sum of all vil- 
 lainies"— domestic slavery. They appro- 
 priated, as a matter of right inherentin 
 their caste, the lion's share of the honors, 
 offices, and their emoluments, of the 
 State, at home and abroad. They prosti- 
 
 tuted the Uvea and blood of our people, 
 hundreds of millions of the national 
 treasure, in foreign wars — in infamous 
 schemes for the acquisition of foreign 
 territory for the extension and perpe- 
 tuity of human slavery, and resisted 
 all plansof internalimprovementby the 
 National G-overnment, all plans for the 
 advancement or in aid of the commerce 
 and industries of our people. 
 
 To Rescue their Caste and Slavery from 
 overthrow, these Oligarchs in 186^ 
 raised their Mailed hands against tbe 
 -I/ife of tbe Nation— They proposed to 
 erect a Barbarism pure and simple — 
 Their Slogan was, "Slavery is the Na- 
 tural and Normal Condition of the 
 l.aborer" — "Uberty for the Few, Slav- 
 ery in every form for the Masses." 
 
 After such a domination, through so 
 long a period, ever preying like the vul- 
 ture upon the great heart of our people, 
 these Confederate oligarchs, in 1861, 
 threw up the banner of revolt : they 
 impiously raised their mailed hands 
 against the life of the nation ! As a 
 caste the scepter was about to be 
 wrenched from their grasp. Civiliza- 
 tion and freedom, and their attendants, 
 popular education and popular rights, 
 with irresistible power, were on all 
 sides pressing their oligarchy, and new 
 lights and aspirations were awakening 
 even among their own white masses. 
 The old brutal, obscene, and tyrannical 
 institution, domestic slavery, was threat 
 ened with overthrow : their own su- 
 premacy and power as the dominant 
 caste were menaced. 
 
 To rescue all from the impending- 
 ruin thus threatened by the advance of 
 civilization, to strengthen and perpetu- 
 ate slavery, and with it their own su- 
 premacy and power, they revolted 
 against the nation. Nor did they leave 
 the world in doubt as to their designs— 
 the establishment upon the ruins of tlie 
 National Union of a new Confederacy, 
 a barbarism pure and simple, with do- 
 mestic slavery as its corner-stone — a 
 grinding tyranny of oligarchal slave- 
 masters in which would be revived all 
 the horrors of the Dark Ages. For 
 years prior to their revolt, in their 
 press, in Congress, and in their Legis- 
 latures, even in their pulpits, they in- 
 ifamously advocated the enslavement of 
 the white masses of the North, as well 
 as those of the South. They declared 
 "free society a failure." One enlight- 
 ened oligarch, the erudite and astute 
 Keith, of South Carolina, in Congress, 
 declared: " The existence of mechan- 
 ics and laborers [free white working- 
 men] in society is due to the partial and 
 progressive emancipation of slavery." 
 Slavery, he urged, was their " natural 
 and normal condition ;" and declared 
 that " when they [the white working- 
 
93 
 
 POLITICAL ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 man and laborer] stepped out of bond- 
 age, they branched off into four con- 
 stantly reourringsubdi visions — the thief, 
 theheggar,thehireling, and the prostitute." 
 Hence, "free society was a failure," "an 
 abortion," "was radically rotten and 
 lorong .'" And hence tlieir slogan : "Sla- 
 very is the natural and normal condition 
 of the laborer !" "Slavery is right and 
 necessary whether white or Made. "lib- 
 erty for the Few, slavery in every form for 
 the Masses /" 
 
 Thus upon the ruins of the nation, 
 upon the ruins of liberty and free insti- 
 tutions, they proposed to erect a bar- 
 barism in which free society and free 
 
 labor would be expelled — in which mas- 
 ter and slave, the oligarchal few organ- 
 ized into a reigning caste andthe masses 
 wliite and black in slavery, would be 
 the only classes. In that terrible revolt 
 for a purpose so infamous, they, in round 
 numbers, inflicted upon the nation a 
 loss of 500,000 lives, slain in support of 
 the Constitution and the Union, multi- 
 plying widows and orphans and woe 
 and suffering throughout the .land, a 
 loss in treasure of $6,300,000,000, and cre- 
 ated a debt which will embarrass and 
 burden our children's children for gen- 
 erations to come. 
 
 OHAPTEE lY. 
 
 Political Assessments— Their Origin with the Demo- 
 cratic Party, and their History. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 The Conspiracy of 1876 of 
 the Confederate Briga^ 
 diers and Copperhead 
 Democracy to wrest the 
 Control of the Efational 
 Crovernment from the 
 hands of the Republican 
 Majority. 
 
 The conspiracy of the Democratic 
 minority, in 1876, to seize, through law- 
 lessness and fraud, by every violent, 
 unlawful, or corrupt agency, upon a 
 "solid South," and tlirough it, and a 
 union with tlie Copperhead Democracy 
 of the North, to wrest the National Gov- 
 ernment from the control of the Repub- 
 lican majority by a fraudulent seizure 
 of the Presidency, may now be regarded 
 as practically a confessed fact even by 
 the Democracy ; but certainly as a fact 
 established by overwhelming and irre- 
 futable proofs. The Hamburg massa- 
 cre, the Ellenton riots and their mur- 
 derous results, the widespread and 
 systematic outrages of tlie most san- 
 guinary kind, and the systematic intimi- 
 dation and ballot-box stuffing all over 
 the reconstructed States, preceded by 
 the admitted wholesale frauds and or- 
 ganized murderous violence by which 
 "tlie Mississippi plan " had iu 1875 suc- 
 ceeded in tliat and other States, in ex- 
 pelling or suppressing their Republican 
 miijoritics, with the exj)osure of tlie in- 
 famous cipher dispatches, all combine 
 
 in irrefutable proofs demonstrating the 
 existence and the purpose of that con- 
 spiracy. These proofs cannot now be 
 successfully assailed. 
 
 l»resl«leut Cirant at the Fortjr-tblrd 
 Congrrcss asks f»r Power to Protect 
 the Republican Majorities In the Re- 
 constrncted States— The Bill for the 
 Protection of Electors In certain 
 States South— A hostile faction of the 
 Republicans, with the aid of the Dem- 
 ocracy, defeat the BUI— The Confeder- 
 ate Brigadiers In consequence at sub. 
 seqnent elections in their States cap- 
 ture the House— The House becomes 
 the Centre from whlcW the Conspiracy 
 Is operated— Hostile I.eslslatlon, false 
 pretenses of Bentocratic Retrench- 
 ment, Bogrns iiiTestlgrations by unscra- 
 pulous Smelling Committees under 
 an orgranlzed system of E^ipionage, In- 
 formers, and Perjnry, and other ma. 
 chlncry of the Conspiracy. 
 
 At the second session of the Forty- 
 third Congress, President Grant asked 
 for power to enforce the constitutional 
 rights of the Republican majorities in 
 the reconstructed States. In compli- 
 ance with that request, a bill was intro- 
 duced into the House for the protection 
 ol electors in those States; but a hos- 
 tile faction of the Republicans, uniting 
 witli the Democracy, succeeded in de- 
 feating it, and in consequence the Con- 
 federate brigadiers, through the most 
 lawless and corrupt practices at the sub- 
 sequent elections in those States, suc- 
 ceeded m capturing the national House 
 ot Representatives. The House thus 
 became tne centre of the Democratic 
 
POLITICAL ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 93 
 
 conspiracy of 1876 to seize tlie Presi- 
 dency. From it and througb it the con- 
 spiracy was operated tliroughout the 
 States. Every agency, corrupt, hypo- 
 critical, or other, was pressed into its 
 service : investigations at an immense 
 cost to the nation, by unscrupulous 
 smelling committees, into lying general 
 charges of fraud against the Kepubli- 
 can administration, all of which wholly 
 failed to develop a single fact in proof 
 of these charges, but did succeed in un- 
 earthing some very unsavory proofs of 
 Democratic corruption in control of the 
 House — all in pursuance of a system of 
 espionage, informers, and reckless per- 
 jury as corrupt as any which marked 
 the declining days of ancient Rome: 
 with bogus reductions of the national 
 expenditures for the double purpose of 
 making a false showing of pretended 
 Democratic retrenchment before the 
 country and of crippling the labors 
 or eflSciency of the government, and 
 kindred legislation for the purpose of 
 destroying or paralyzing the powers of 
 the Eepublican majority of the nation. 
 
 The I^air Respecting; Political Assess- 
 ments part of the fk-andnlent machin- 
 ery of the Democratic Conspiracy of 
 1S76— It prohibits nnder prescribed 
 penalties certain Government employ- 
 ees from giving: any money or valuable 
 thing to any other Government em- 
 ployee of a stated rank for partisan 
 purposes— Passed, not to punish Arbi- 
 trary political Assessments, for none 
 were apprehended, but to prohibit 
 Voluntary Contributions to and an ef- 
 fective organization of the Republi- 
 cans—Arbitrary and Compulsory po- 
 litical assessments had their origin 
 ivith the Democracy — Were enforced 
 by the Democracy with a corrupt and 
 tyrannical hand uj> to the latest hour 
 of its long Misrule— When liaw «f 1876 
 was passed the Democratic National 
 and other Committees were assessing 
 Democratic Senators and Members, the 
 authors of the I^aw, for partisan pur' 
 poses — At New Yorfc, wherever the 
 Democrats had control of either State 
 or Municipal Government, they were 
 assessing a pro rata of Salaries ten 
 times greater than 3 per cent.— The 
 liaw simply tlie fraudulent Agent of a 
 corrupt Conspiracy. 
 
 As a part of the conspiracy they en- 
 acted the law of 1876 respectmg politi- 
 cal assessments. That law is as follows: 
 
 Sec. 6. All executive officers or employ^j.-i of 
 tlie United States not appointed by the Presi- 
 dent, with the advice and consent of the Senate, 
 are prohibited from requesting, giving to, or 
 receiving from any other officer or employ^ of 
 the Government any money or property or 
 other thing of value for political purposes ; and 
 any euoh officer or employ^ who shall oflFend 
 against the provisions of this section shall be at 
 
 once discharged from the service of the United 
 States; and he shall also be deemed guilty of a 
 misdemeanor, and on conviction thereof shall 
 beflnedin asnmnot exceeding$500.(8upplement 
 to the Kevised Statutes of the United States, 
 section 6, page M5.) 
 
 In that the grand purpose of the Con- 
 federate Brigadiers was to defeat if pos- 
 sible the Republican majority in the 
 approaching Presidential campaign by 
 depriving tliem of the sinews of war, 
 and consequently of the means of an ef- 
 fective organization— by depriving their 
 representative committees, or organs, 
 of the means of communicating with 
 the voters in the country, and discuss- 
 ing before them the issues of the cam- 
 paign ; that too, while actually prosti- 
 tuting the national Treasury as a Dem- 
 ocratic campaign fund through the 
 printing of campaign documents as re- 
 ports ot the House and Senate, and so 
 on They hoped that this law could be 
 made to cover and defeat all voluntary 
 contributions of money to representa- 
 tive Republican bodies, like the Repub- 
 lican Cfongressional Committee. They 
 knew that there would be no arbitrary 
 or compulsory assesssments on anyone, 
 no assessments in fact of any kind, as 
 there had never been, by any Republi- 
 can body in the government or else- 
 where ; but by clamor and the passage 
 of this law they hoped to create the 
 lying impression in the country that 
 there had been and would be again, and 
 that the organizations of the Republi- 
 can party were supported by such as- 
 sessments. That tliey did in the teeth of 
 their own party history, in the teeth of 
 the notorious fact that arbitrary and 
 compulsory assessments of government 
 officials for partisan purposes had their 
 origin with the Democratic party ; that 
 they were unknown in our party history 
 prior to the beginning of that party ; 
 thatthey had been enforced by the Dem- 
 ocracy with a tyranuical hand from its 
 origin tliroughout its long career of 
 maladministration and fraud up to the 
 latest hour of their misrule ; that at the 
 moment of the passage of this act, the 
 Democratic National and Congressional 
 Committees were actually assessing 
 Democratic Senators and members for 
 partisan purposes, and that at New 
 York City, and elsewhere, wherever the 
 Democracy were in control of either 
 State or municipal government, its com- 
 mittees were arbitrarily assessing and 
 forcing the payment of ten times two 
 per cent, of the salaries of officials under 
 their control. All that is shown, sup- 
 ported by indisputable proofs, in the 
 following pages ot this chapter. Hence, 
 this Democratic law respecting politi- 
 cal assessments, in itsorigin and essence, 
 as in its purpose, is a miserable Demo- 
 cratic fraud ; a fraudulent agent of the 
 violent and corrupt conspiracy in 1876 
 by which the Copperhead and Confed- 
 
94 
 
 POLITICAL ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 erate minority worked to wrest the 
 control of the National Government 
 from the hands of the Republican or 
 loyal majority. 
 
 PART n. 
 
 The Contribution Circular 
 of tiie Republican Cou« 
 gressional Committee — 
 Senator Pendleton's Reso- 
 lution and Speech, in the 
 United iStates Senate, on 
 Political Assessments. 
 
 The Republican Congressional Commit- 
 tee, the orgran of the Republican Party 
 instructs its Executive Officers, Chalrl 
 man Hubbell anil Secretary ;H!en<ier. 
 son, to address the usual circular to 
 the Employees of the Executive Gov- 
 ernment, etc., requesting; contribu- 
 tions for Campaign purposes. 
 
 At the beginning of the present cam- 
 paign, the Congressional Republican 
 Committee, the organ of the Republi- 
 can party of the nation, locatedat Wash- 
 ington, D. C, instructed its executive 
 officers, its Chairman, (Judge Jay A. 
 Hubbell,) and its Secretary, (Col. D. B. 
 Henderson,) to address a copy of the 
 usual contribution circular to every em- 
 ployee of the Executive Government. 
 
 The Circular — The Comn>lttee organ- 
 ized for the Protection of the Inter- 
 ests of the Republican Party in the 
 Congressional Districts of the Union— 
 In order to Meet all Proper Expenses 
 for Preparing:, Printing, and Circulat- 
 ing Suitable Documents aud other Ex- 
 penses incident to the Campaign, the 
 Committee feels Authorized to Apply 
 to all Citizens whose Interests or 
 Principles are Involved in the Strug- 
 gle — It therefore Requests Contribu- 
 tions from the Persons addressed, for 
 these Campaign Purposes, and Warns 
 Them that the Eabors of the Commit- 
 tee will AflTect the Result of the Presi- 
 dential Election, as well as the Pres- 
 ent Congressional Struggle — STo Coer- 
 cion even Hinted at or Intended. 
 
 Here is the circular : 
 
 (Jay A. Hubbell, chairman ; D. B. Henderson, 
 secretary; Executive Committee— Hon. W. B. 
 Allison, Hon. Eugene Hale, Hoti. Nel'fOn W. 
 Aldrlcli, Hon. Frank Hiscook, Hon. George 
 M. Robeson, Hon. William McKinley, Jr., Hon. 
 George R. Davis, Hon. Horatio G. Fisher, Hon. 
 Horace F. Page, Hon. W. H. Calkins, Hon. 
 Thomas Ryan, Hon. Win. D. Washburn, Hon. 
 L. C. Hpuk, Hon. R. T. Van Horn, Hon. Or- 
 lando Hubbs.l 
 
 HB.A.D(J0AnTER3 OF THE REPUBLICAlf 
 
 OONGUESSIONAL COMMITTBE, 1882. 
 520 THItlTEESITII StREBT, NoltlHWEST, 
 
 Washinf/ion, D. C, May 15, 1882, 
 
 Siu : Thi-) committee is organized for the pro- 
 tection of theinterests of theRepublioan party in 
 each of the Congressional districts of the Union. 
 In order that it may prepare, print, aud circu- 
 late suitable documents Illustrating the issues 
 which distinguish the Eepublicau iiartylrom 
 any other, and may meet all proper expenses 
 incident to the campaign, the committee feels 
 authorized to appl^ to all citizens whose prin- 
 ciples or interests are involved in the struggle. 
 Under the circumstances in which the country 
 finds itself placed, the committee believes that 
 you will esteem it both a privilege and a pleas- 
 ure to m.ike to its fund a contribution which, it 
 is hoped, may not be less than $ . The com- 
 mittee is authorized to state that such volun- 
 tary contribution from persons employed in the 
 service of the United States will not be objected 
 to in any official iiuarter. 
 
 The labors of the committee will affect there- 
 suit of the Presidential election in 1884, as wcU 
 .as the Congressional struggle ; audit may there- 
 fore reasonably hope to have the sympathy and 
 assistance of all who look with dread upon the 
 possibility of the restoration of the Democratic 
 party to the control of the Government 
 
 Please make prompt and favorable response 
 to this letter by bank check or draft, or i ostal 
 money order, payable to the order of Jay A. 
 HtjBBELL, acting treasui-er, post office lock-box 
 589, Waslungton, D. C. 
 
 By order of the committee, 
 
 D. B. HENDERSON. 
 Secretary. 
 
 The Circular a Copy of that of I8S0, ap- 
 proved b y Civil Service Reform Presi- 
 dent Hayes- It Levies no Assessment- 
 It Pretends to no Power of Coercion— is 
 simply a Request for Contributions In 
 Support of the Republican Party in its 
 Absolutely STecessary Expenses In the 
 Cantpalgn — A few Circulars Accident- 
 ally Sent to Female Officials — Cor- 
 rected as Soon as Discovered— Senator 
 Pendleton's Resolution and Speech in 
 Senate Arraigning the Committee and 
 Party for Violating thte law respect- 
 ing Political Assessments. 
 
 This circular, in every particular but 
 its date, is a copy of the Committee's cir- 
 cular of 1880, which was submitted to and 
 received the approval of the then "Civil 
 Service Reform" President Hayes. It 
 levies no assessment. It pretends to no 
 power of coercion, but simply requests 
 contributions from Republican officials 
 in support of the Republican party in 
 tlie present canvass to meet the abso- 
 lutely necessary expenses of the cam- 
 paign, leaving the officials addressed 
 perfectly free to contribute or not. All 
 that is perfectly understood. But the 
 clerks of the Committee, in addressing 
 tliese circulars, sent a few of them to fe- 
 male officials in the Departments. It 
 was a mistake, purely an accident. The 
 official Blue Book was the only guide for 
 the clerks in the matter, and it contains 
 notliiug to distinguish them from male 
 officials; no "Miss" or "Mrs." before their 
 names ; it has nothing but their initials, 
 and the mistake was unavoidable. The 
 
POLITICAL ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 95 
 
 mistake was instantly corrected upon be- 
 coming known. But the Hon. Georee H. 
 Pendleton, of Oluo, learning these facts, 
 promptly on June 5, but with more zeal 
 than discretion, brought the matter to 
 the attention of the United States Sen- 
 ate by the following resolution : 
 
 Beaolvcd, That the Committee on Civil Ser- 
 vice and Ketreuchment be Instructed to Inquire 
 whether any attempt is being made to levy and 
 collect assessments lor political partisan pur- 
 pose'' from any employees of the Government 
 m Washington, whether the same be under the 
 guise of asking voluntary contributions or oth- 
 erwise ; and to report to the Senate by bill or 
 otherwise, in its_di8cretion. 
 
 And, on June 38, Mr. Pendleton sup- 
 ported this resolution in a speech in 
 which he arraigns the Republican Con- 
 gressional Committee, and through it 
 the Republican party, as guilty of vio- 
 lating tlie Democratic act of 1876 re- 
 specting political assessments. He ar- 
 raigns tlio Republican party for oppres- 
 sion of employees in tiie Departments, 
 and charges that the circular levies an 
 assessment, and that it was intended 
 and is understood to be compul sory. He 
 concludes witli an eulogy of the Demo- 
 cratic party, in wliich he exclaims : 
 
 The history of the Domooratio party is before 
 the country. It is a long and glorious history. 
 For more than one-half of this century which Is 
 passingaway It held possession of the powers of 
 this Government, and illustrated the benefi- 
 cence of Its policy by .an uuexampli'd purity of 
 administration. If he [Senator Conger) shall 
 be able in the <ourse of that long and Illustri- 
 ous career to find that either in its organization 
 or its prominent men It has at times fallen into 
 evil practices, I can tell him that tlie Demo 
 cratio party has been subjected to discipline. 
 
 PART III. 
 
 Statesmen as Claim Jigents 
 — Tlie Pendletaai-Bclknap 
 Kentucky Central Rail- 
 road Job — Pendleton as~ 
 sesses fifty per cent, of the 
 Proceeds. 
 
 Wbo Is Hon. Oeo. H. Pendleton ?— What 
 are Ills <lnaIiflcatlons as a Civil Ser- 
 vice Reformer?— Have liis Associa- 
 tions witli Bellinap, in 1876, In the 
 Kentucky Central Railroad Job 
 been Condoned or Forgotten ? 
 
 But who is Hon. Geo. H. Pendleton t 
 He is now posing as a Civil Service Re- 
 lormer. What are his qualifications 
 for that role ? Has his association witli 
 Belknap, in 1876, in the Kentucky Cen- 
 tral Railroad job been condoned or 
 forgotten ? Let us in this connection 
 fluote tlie estimate in 1876 of Mr. Pen- 
 dleton by an organ of Civil Service Re- 
 form : 
 
 Pendleton Exonerates Belknap, but 
 who Exonerates Pendleton— Pendle- 
 ton's testimony before the House 
 Belknap Committee, in 1876— A mat- 
 ter of no little surprise and a great 
 deal of regret— Disappointment In 
 the estimate of bis Character- An 
 Agent of Doubtful Claims — States- 
 men as Claim Agents. 
 
 Says the New York Evening Post of 
 March 15, 1876, in an editorial headed, 
 "Statesmen as Olaim Agents:" 
 
 Mr. Pendleton " exonerates the Soorotary of 
 War." says a morning Journal ; but has Mr. 
 Pendleton exonerated himself ? His teatimony 
 before a Committee of the House of Eepresen- 
 tatives yesterday will occasion a great deal of 
 regretandnollttlesorprise. Whatevermay have 
 been thought of some of his notions of political 
 economy, lie has been regarded hitherto as a 
 man of high personal character. It has been 
 supposed that he aimed to consider public 
 questions from the plane of the statesman 
 rather than the politician. He was believed to 
 bo a man of political retintiment, if the term 
 may be used; and if an observer of events had 
 been asked to name eminent Democrats who 
 wonld scoin to undertake the negotiation of 
 doubtful li'ederal claims, especially to become 
 solicitors of a Republican adjuinistration wlilch 
 they had rebuked for its corrnpt practices in 
 such matters, the name of Mr. Pendleton would 
 have appeared well up in the list. How far he 
 has come short of the estimate which has been 
 formed of him the simple narrative of his ease 
 shows. 
 
 The Kentucky Central Railroad Claim 
 —Disallowed by Secretary of War 
 Stanton— Claimants have little Faith 
 in Validity of Claim— OITer 50 per cent, 
 "to get it through"— Hon. Oeo. H. 
 Pendleton collars the Job — Belknap 
 helps It through — Amount of Claim 
 $148,000— Pendleton pockets $75,000 
 nr $05,000— Extortionate and Mon- 
 strous. Character of the Assessment 
 — Pendleton declares that he did not 
 Bribe Belknap — What shall be said of 
 Statesmen as Claim Agents ? 
 
 The Post adds : 
 
 The claim of tlie Kentucky Central Railroad, 
 which was allowed by Secretary Belknap after 
 having been rejected at least once by Secretary 
 Stanton, was for compensation for transportar 
 tlon of troops during the war. Payment bad 
 been made to the amount df a certain percent- 
 age of the regular r.ates, .and the owners of the 
 road asked tor a further allowance. Evidently 
 there was not much faith In the validity of the 
 claim, for one of the owners said tliat ho would 
 give flfty per centum of it " to anybody who 
 would get It through." Men do not so easily re- 
 linquish one-half of $160,000 which they iielieve 
 there is a strong probability of their getting. 
 Mr. Pendleton, however, thought the prize 
 worth trying for. As (1) administrator of the 
 estate of his brother-in-law, Mr. Bowler, an es- 
 tate which owned three-tifths of the road, and 
 as representative in that capacity of two minor 
 children; as (2) president of the road; and as 
 (3) Mr. George H. Pendleton, he made with 
 himself a triple agreement under which he se- 
 cured a good deal more than fifty per centum. 
 The amount paid upon i he claim, he says, was 
 either $148,000 or $140,000. Of this amount he 
 received for himself $80,000 or $90,000, he is not 
 sure which. The remainder— $50,000, $58,000. $60,- 
 
96 
 
 POLITICAL ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 000 or 168,000. as tlie case may be— went to the 
 two minor obildren and the otlior owners of tlio 
 road. He paid from his own share $15,000 to 
 one Ransom, who had some former connection 
 with the claim, so that Mr. Pendleton's net gain 
 from the transaction was $65,000 or $75,000, or 
 from $7,000 to $15,000 more than his cUents, if 
 they were his clients, received. Upon the as- 
 sumption that they were olleats, it must he said 
 that the counsel fee was extortionate. Upon 
 the assumption that Mr. Pendleton was a trus- 
 tee and guardian the charge was still more 
 monstrous. 
 
 This c itioism proceeds upon the ground that 
 there was no bribery in the case, as Mr. Pen- 
 dleton says that there was not. Belknap is en- 
 titled to the exoneration which Mr. Pendleton 
 has given him ; but what shall be said of states- 
 men as claim agents 1 
 
 PART IV. 
 
 Pendleton's Qualifications 
 an a Civil Service Reform- 
 er — His War and Finan- 
 cial Records — A Typical 
 Copperhead Oemocrat™ 
 Theoretically Virtuous 
 and Patriotic. 
 
 Pendleton's Qualifications as u Civil 
 Service Reformer — A Claim A^cnt 
 posing as a, Statesman gobbling the 
 I.ion Share of Pelf through doabtfnl 
 War Claims— If an assessment of two 
 per cent, upon Government Officials 
 for partisan purposes nrould be un- 
 lawful or Corrupt, what is an assess- 
 ment of fifty per cent, upon fraudu- 
 lent claims by a would-be Civil Ser- 
 vice Reform liCader in his Individual 
 Interests. 
 
 Does such a record qualify a Senator 
 as a Civil Service Reformer? A doubt- 
 ful if not an absolutely fraudulent 
 claim, once disallowed by an incorrup- 
 tible minister, and its final allow- 
 ance by a corrupt minister tainted with 
 a charge of bribery as a corrupt in- 
 ducement for its passage, and of the 
 gross sum thus allowed the Senator 
 pocketing the largest share ! If a con- 
 tribatioii — call it an assessment, if you 
 please, for the sake of the argument — 
 of two per cent, upon Government of- 
 ficials above a stipulated grade, for the 
 purpose of supporting tlie Republican 
 party in its contests with the Democ- 
 racy — with a solid South and its vio- 
 lent and corrupt election agencies — and 
 consequently^ in support of every na- 
 tional, material and patriotic interest — 
 indeed, in support of these officials 
 themselves, whose places depend wholly 
 upon the success of the Republican 
 party — if such a contribution for such 
 purposes be corrupt or unlawful, what 
 18 the character ot an assessment in the 
 
 individual interests of Hon Geo. H. 
 Pendleton of fifty per cent, upon tainted 
 claims liquidated by a Belknap 1 
 
 This Conflict of Pretended Virtue and 
 doubtful acts no new Feature in Pen- 
 dleten's Character— In 1S63, a Rebel 
 Sympathiser, posing as a ITnion- 
 ist in the National House of Repre- 
 sentatives, and denouncing the 
 Greenback, when absolutely needed 
 for the Support of the Union Forces 
 in the field, as unconstitational, d;c. 
 — In 1861, still posing as a Unionist, 
 the Candidate for Vice President of 
 the Copperhead Democracy upon a 
 Platform denouncing the war for the 
 Union as a Failure — I<ater, when all 
 men of Sound Financial Views were 
 struggling to Resume Specie Pay- 
 ments, Pendleton becomes the en- 
 thusiastie Partisan of the Greenback, 
 pronouncing it constitutional, &c.— 
 He now, as during the Rebellion, 
 woulft deny the Republican Party all 
 the Sinews of War, in its conflict with 
 Democracy, in the assured belief that 
 the Success now of the Democratic 
 Party would be scarcely less fatal to 
 every national Interest than would the 
 the triumph of the Democracy in Re- 
 bellion. 
 
 Nor is such a violent contrast of pre- 
 tended virtue and doubtful acts a new 
 thinginthe Senator's biography. In 1863, 
 when the nation was struggling for ex- 
 istence against the Democracy in arms 
 for its destruction, and when our green- 
 back currency was absolutely needed 
 for the support of the Union forces in 
 the field — when without those green- 
 backs the National Government must 
 have abandoned the contest and seces- 
 sion have triumphed — the patriotic Sen- 
 ator, then a member of the House, with 
 pronounced rebel sympathies while pos- 
 ing as a Unionist, opposed their issue as 
 unconstitutional and destructive of the 
 best interests of the country. In 1864, 
 while still posing as a patriot, he was the 
 candidate of the Copperhead Democ- 
 racy for Vice President upon a platform 
 which denounced the war for the Union 
 "a failure." Later, when the national 
 forces had triumphed over the Democ- 
 racy in rebellion, and the Republican 
 party, aU men of all parties of sound 
 financial views, were struggling to get 
 back to the constitutional currency of 
 the Nation, to the resumption of specie 
 payments, the consistent and patriotic 
 Pendleton became the enthusiastic par- 
 tisan of the greenback. He now pro- 
 nounced it constitutional. He declared 
 that its practically unlimited issue was 
 demanded by the great needs of all the 
 industrial or business interests of 
 the country. So now, again, Senator 
 
POLITICAi ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 9r 
 
 Pendleton, affecting a disbelief that the 
 Democratic party had ever been guilty 
 of assessing goVernment officials for 
 partisan purposes, arraigned, with all 
 the airs and flourishes of superior virtue, 
 the Republican Congressional Commit- 
 tee, and through it the Republican 
 party of violating the Democratic law 
 of 1876 respecting political assessments, 
 and indulged in an extravagant eulogy 
 of the Demociatic party in all its past 
 history. The patriotic Senator would 
 now, as during the Rebellion, withhold 
 from the organs of the Republican 
 party all the sinews of war, being fully 
 assured that the triumph now of the 
 Democracy in obtaining possession of 
 the National Government would be 
 hardly less fatal to every material in- 
 terestof the Nation, to every national in- 
 terest, than would have been the suc- 
 cess of the Democracy in arms for the 
 oveithrow of the government. 
 
 PART V. 
 
 Senators Allison and Hale, 
 members of the Repub- 
 lican Congressional Com- 
 mittee, in tbe Senate, dis. 
 pose of Pendleton's Ab- 
 surd iScreed — Mr. Miscock, 
 a member of the Commit- 
 tee, diHposeji in the House 
 of Springer's and S. S.Cox's 
 hypocritical Palaver. 
 
 Senator Allison Corrects Penitleion's 
 Grave Misapprehensions— Tlie Circu- 
 lar in its essence and spirit a Tolnn- 
 tary Circular— It lias nona of the ele- 
 ments ot Coin;?ulsion— A Copy of Civil 
 Service Reform President Hayes's Cir- 
 cular of ISSO, issned after Consulta- 
 tion with Hayes's Cabinet— Hayes op- 
 posed to Political Assessments— The 
 Circular in no sense an Assessment- 
 Sent not merely to Government offi- 
 cials, but to all Republicans likely to 
 Contribute — Government officials per- 
 fectly free to Contribute or not. 
 
 Mr. Pendleton was promptly met and 
 answered by Senators Allison and Hale, 
 members of the Republican Congress- 
 ional Committee. Mr. Allison said : 
 
 Mr.President, I rise chit-fly to correct some inis- 
 appietiensions, and grave mieapprehensions, 
 tliattlieSenatoi-lromOiiio [Mr.Pendleton] seems 
 to have fallen into.aud upon wMcU misapprehen- 
 sions he has teased his remarks to a very great 
 extent. This circular, I need not argue, is in 
 its essence and in its spirit a voluntary circu- 
 
 lar. It has none o£ the elemen s ot compulsion 
 i in it, upon -which the Senator from Ohio has 
 t made his eomcaents. The circular which was 
 read i>y the SenaTor fiom Ohio, I will say to 
 , him, i« an exact copy oif the circular that was 
 i printed and circulated by the Eepublican Con- 
 I gressional National Commltte'i in 1880, save and 
 I except tha-. "1880" is stricken out and •'18«2" 
 inserted. The circular of 1880 alluded to the 
 Presidential election of that year, and this cir- 
 cular makes the same allusion to the Presiden- 
 tial election of 1884. 
 
 The circular of 1880 was issued- by the then 
 Congressional Committee of the Kepublican 
 party. It was Issued after consideration by 
 the members of the committee, and after con- 
 sultation with the gentlemen who then con- 
 trolled the various Executive Departments of 
 this Government. It was wcU known at the 
 time that President Harei objected to what 
 w re known as political assessments, and the 
 Congressional Committee did not undertake to 
 make political a'sessments in any sense; and 
 I wauf to proclaim now that this is not and is 
 not intended to be a political assessment, and 
 every man who holds office or is in public em- 
 ployment is just as much at liberty, if he so 
 chooses, to decline to make this contribution as 
 any citizen of the Senator's State is at liberty 
 to decline if he does not see proper to make the 
 contribution voluntarily. 
 
 Mr. BECK. I should like to ask one question 
 for the benefit of some poor people. Do you 
 believe they will be allowed to retain the posi- 
 tions they now hold if they fail to contribute t 
 I should like to know that. 
 
 Mr. ALLISON. I thank the Senator from 
 Kentucky for asking mo that question. I was 
 coming to that in a moment. 
 
 Mr. BECK. Several could not retain their 
 places after 1880 that refused. I know. 
 
 Mr. A.1.LIS0N. In 1880, as I said, this identi- 
 cal circular was issued. A Presidential cam- 
 paign of g! eat interest to the American people 
 was then going forward, and a struggle was be- 
 ing made then for the control of the House of 
 Eeprese:itatives by the two great contending 
 parties in this country. This circular was sent 
 then, as now, to employees of the Goverument, 
 and to men who were notemployees of the gov- 
 ern nent It was sent to persons who were sup- 
 posed to be willing to contribute to the success 
 of the Republican party. 
 
 Senator Allison's Reply to Senator 
 Beck's inquiry — Government officials 
 absolutely free to Contribute or Tlot 
 at their pleasure— Of ISO, 000 €rOvern- 
 ment employees addressed In 1880 
 only 11,514 Contribnted— Jfot one of 
 the Delinqnents removed or disturbed 
 in his place — \<ft one will ever be by 
 Republican Officials in authority. 
 
 I now come to give the answer to the Senator 
 f I om Kentucky, and I want him to listen to 
 what I say. To that circular in 1880 only 11,514 
 alfirmative responses were made of the vast 
 number of employees of the United States who 
 a"e scattered throughout Its borders. Of the 
 100,000 people in public employment only a little 
 more than one-tenth responded affirmatively ; 
 and I now staid in my place and ask the Sen- 
 ator from Kentucky or the Senator from Ohio 
 to name one single office holder who failed to 
 contribute in 1880 who wa« removed from of- 
 fice for that caustt 2 Of the 100.000 public em- 
 ploye, s, only a little over 11,000 contributed in 
 1880, and I believe that not one man h s ever 
 been disturbed in his place because he did 
 no^ respond lavorably to that circular. So that 
 so far from this being a compulsory circular, it 
 is simply a voluntary one ; and that was all the 
 statement that I intended to make, or that I 
 propose to make to-day in reference to this 
 matter. 
 
S8 
 
 POLITICAI, ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 Being a member of tbi- committee, and to the 
 extent of membersliip Iteing responsible for its 
 action, I wisli to say as sucU member that I re- 
 gard this circular of 1880 and tills circular of 
 1882 as simply a request for a voluntary contri- 
 tiution, and to my belief tbere lias never been a 
 man removed from place because lie did not re- 
 BP"nd to it farorably, and in my belief no man 
 will be disturbed hereafter it he fails for 
 any cau^e to respond fa,vorably to this circu- 
 lar. 
 
 Senator Male also Corrects the Grave 
 Misappreliensions of Senator PeiiUlc- 
 toii — The Circular Simply a request ad- 
 dressed to Republicaus for Contribu- 
 tions in Support of the Republican 
 Cause — It was not issued in the dark, 
 or Secretly, or Covertly, but publicly, 
 and without mystery — The Commit- 
 tee have no apologies for the Circular 
 — STo woman or poor day-laborer has 
 been knowingly requested to Con- 
 tribute — Xone were expected to Con- 
 tribute. 
 
 SeHator Hale said : 
 
 Tljere has been no intention on the part of 
 the committee In sending out this little cir- 
 cular, three inches by . eight, as shown by in- 
 spection, of oppressing anybody ; and it has not 
 been sent out in the dark. There has been no 
 secrecy, nothing whatever covert, nothing 
 whatever apoloijetic on the part of the Eepub- 
 lican '"'ongressional Committee in that act 
 signed by Colon 1 Henderson, its secretary. It 
 In sending out numerous circulars asking em- 
 plo,, ees of the Government if they were willing 
 to contribute to a cause which they believe to 
 be the greatest politically that agitates men's 
 thoughts in this country, there has been here 
 and there a circular deli%'ered to some poor 
 woman in a Department or outside of Washing- 
 ton, that has never been intended. The whole 
 scope and aim of political contributions as en- 
 ginei-redby Congressional committees, whether 
 on the one side or the other, has never been a 
 mystery, and there is no more mystery about it 
 to-day than there ever was before. No woman 
 has ever been reiiuestf d except where under 
 her initials she has appeared as a man. nor has 
 any poor day -laborer been intended to be even 
 solicited. If there has been any such poor la- 
 borer that has received any invitation of this 
 kind, he may be assured that he will never be 
 troubled again by the Republican Congressional 
 Committee, whether he pays or not. 
 
 Senator Hale defies Pendleton, or any 
 Man, to Specify a Single Act of the 
 Committee or its Oflicers, or an Act of 
 the whole Republican Caucus, Indi- 
 cating that any Employee not Contri- 
 bnting will be Punished — The Com- 
 mittee Simply Ask for Contributions 
 as Church and other Organizations 
 Ask for Contributions in Support of 
 l.nwful Ends -- Pendleton, if he ever 
 becomes President, will, as the Foun- 
 tain of Executive Patronage, become 
 the Head Centre of Democratic Polit- 
 ical Assessments upon the Recipients 
 of his Patronage. 
 
 I defy the Senator from Oliio, or any man, 
 whoeyftrhc may be,,either iu this little circular 
 or any coi rospondeuee of the Committee, or 
 any resolution of the Committee, or any utter 
 ance of any single member of the Committee, 
 
 or of the whole Bepublican caucus that consti- 
 tuted the Committee, to find anywhere a single 
 act indicating that the screws were to be imt 
 upon men ; but we have gone out Just as men go 
 out in other fields, .just as men go out in volun- 
 tary associations and ask the members, when 
 an emergency arises, if the.y are willing to g ve, 
 just as church and parish organizations are 
 conducted. Does the Senator know that in run. 
 ningasociety, whether it be social, cducatio-al, 
 or religious, if an emergency arises, if a conflict 
 impends, if means are legitimately needed, the 
 men that are natura'.lj^ sought are the men who 
 belong to the association? Does he know that 
 no man considers himself, to use his language, 
 degraded and insulted because he has the op- 
 portunity ottered him ? 
 
 This thing has always been done, and if the 
 Senator from <.>hio*' ever becomes the President 
 of the United States, the head of his party, with 
 the distribution of patronage and the control of 
 patronage, he will tind that it will be done then 
 as it was always done by the Democratic party. 
 
 Senator Irffale Defends the Circular in 
 its Essence and Purpose — Contribu- 
 tions by Government Employees in 
 Support of a Campaign Fund for l,eg- 
 itimate Party Purposes, Voluntarily 
 Given, without Coercion or Oppres- 
 sion, Morally Rag-ht — The Circular 
 Asks and Intends Nothing Else. 
 
 But the question to be fairly co'sidered. Mr 
 President, the question that thoughtful men 
 should consider, the question that prudent, 
 patriotic men should consider here, is whether 
 the matter of voluntary contributions for legit- 
 imate campaign put-poses shall be conducted 
 freely, openlj', without oppres.siou; that there 
 should be n ■ yoke imposed upon a man in of- 
 fice ; that there should be no threat held over 
 him because he is in office ; that there should be 
 nothing imperious aud tjTannical, and so long 
 as it is done in that way you have got nothing 
 more than what I may say and stand here boldly 
 to maintain is a legitimate source of contribu- 
 tion to a proper political fund for the purposes 
 of legitimately carrying on a campaign. When 
 I have said this for our circular I have said all 
 that I need to say, I think, as to its moral foi ee. 
 
 Blr. Hiscock, a Member of the Commit- 
 tee, Exposes and Repels in the House 
 Springer's Officious and Hypocritical 
 liument over the Pretended Oppres- 
 sion of Republicans in Office — The 
 Committee Asks no Advice as to their 
 Circulars or Methods from D e m o - 
 crats— Mr. Hiscock Indorsed the Cir- 
 cular— It Is Right that Republican Offi- 
 cials, even One-armed and One-legged 
 Soldiers, should Contribute to I^eglti- 
 inate Campaign Expenses — Of what 
 One-armed or One-legged Soldier, of 
 what Fnlon Soldier, was Springer the 
 Advocate 7 
 
 Mr. Hiscock, in the House, said : 
 
 I wish to say to the gentleman from Illinois 
 [Mr. Springer] that he has no authoi ity to apeak 
 for the Congi-essional Committee. It will sjipak 
 by its own circulars aud its own method-^. We 
 are not asking Information from the other side 
 as to what those methods should be. I stand 
 here putting a fair constraction— the construc- 
 tion intended— upon their circulars, williugnow 
 and forever to indorse them. It is right that 
 citizens of this country— oue-Jegged aud one- 
 armed soldiers, if j-ou please— should contribute, 
 if they choose, to the expenses of an election 
 
POLITICAL ASSESSIIEN'TS. 
 
 99 
 
 -And I am not here to blusU for them. [Ap- 
 plause.] 
 
 Mr. Cliairmau, I would like to know wliat offi- 
 cer of this House, a one-aimed or one-Icgfied 
 soldier, Union eoldier, liaj asked tlie gentleman 
 from Illinois to appear liere as liis advocate and 
 Mb repreKentativc? 
 
 PART VI. 
 
 Creorge William Curtis's 
 circnlar to Cir»veriiuient 
 Employee.^ ra's^pectiiig the 
 Republican Con gvesa- 
 ional Committee'!^ Contu*!- 
 bution Circular — Corres- 
 pondence of Cbairinan 
 Hubbell and Curt is — 
 Opinions of Attor u e y° 
 €reneral and r,ctter of Sec- 
 retary Folger — Curtis in 
 the Bole of Reformer. 
 
 The Civil Service Kcform Circular— Mr. 
 Cnrtis <lcclare>« Republican Congress- 
 ional ComDnittee^M Circular rediuest- 
 Ing^ Contributions illegal — Siij^niH- 
 cantly Calls attention to the provis- 
 ions and penalties ol' tlie Ijaw of 1S7U 
 —Warns Employees to prudently re- 
 frain from Camjjlyinj^ with the Com- 
 mittee's reiiuest— The Civil S:;rvice 
 Reforancrs attempt to Bulldoze or In- 
 timidate (jrovea'aianent Employees 8>y 
 fianplieil Threats of Persecution. 
 
 Tlic t'ollowiiig ciicular was sunt to 
 t\n' piiucipal employees of the Goveiu- 
 lueut in tlie United States : 
 
 <.'ivir, SisuvicE Reform As.soci.vTrox. 
 
 Nbw Yokk, June 17, IBSa. 
 DE.iic Sir: We Huderstandtliat a circular lias 
 recently been sent to .you from the Kepublirau 
 i^'ungressional Committe ■, asJiiug for couiribu- 
 tion towards detrayiu.ij^ the expenses oi that 
 oomniittec at the comiu,^ election. 
 
 We desire to iulorm you that, in th" oiiinion 
 ■of conn ^el, as the members of the comniittcc are 
 otHccrs of the United States Government, you 
 as an ofHccholder are liable, under section 6 of 
 cliapter 287 of i he United btates Statutes. 1870, 
 (supplement to Eevi ed Statutes, page 245), to 
 punishment by tine or removal from office, or 
 both, in case you subscribe a.s requested. The 
 National Civil-Service Eeforui League proposes 
 to bring the matter to the attention of the At- 
 torney-General and other prosecuting officers 
 •of the United States, and until their decision is 
 j;iven we should advise you prudently to refrain 
 from complying with the request of the com- 
 ani tec. 
 
 KcBptctfuIlv, 
 
 GEOEGE WILLIAM CURTIS. 
 
 President. 
 EVERETT P..WHEEDEiR, 
 
 Chairman Executive Committee. 
 WILLIAM POTTS, 
 Secretary for tlic New York 
 
 Civil Service Jteform Association. 
 
 Chairman Hubhell's reply— He Joins is- 
 sue with Mr. Curtis and the Civil-Ser- 
 vice Keform Circular to Oovemment 
 employees as to the character of the 
 Committee's Circular— He denies that 
 it violates the law of 1876— He charges 
 that Mr. Curtis misstates and perverts 
 the law in an attesnpt to alarm, that 
 is, to Intimidate or Bulldoxc, Oovem- 
 ment Employees — Proposes to refer 
 the Interpretation of the I>aw to I'. S. 
 Attorney-«eneral— If the law has been 
 violated, then he. Chairman Hubbell, 
 is equally guilty with thcContributing 
 Culprit— He challeng-es, therefore, as 
 the more manly and honorable course, 
 to bring- the issue to a decision by a 
 prosecution of himself. 
 
 Hon. Jay A. Hubbell, cbaiiman of the 
 Republican Conjrressional Coinmittee, 
 addressed the following letter to George 
 William Curtis in reply to tlie Civil- Ser- 
 vice Reform Association circular to 
 Government employees: 
 
 HOL'.SE OF REI'BESENT.VTIVES, 
 
 Wasiiin<;ton, D. C , .fiinc 22, 18«2. 
 
 Sir : I uuderst.and that a circular signed by 
 you has been seut to large numbers of pi-rsons 
 employed in the service of the United States, 
 advising them to refrain from comxilying with 
 the r( quest of the Kepublican Congressional 
 Committee for a conti ibution to its campaiiin 
 fund. In th's circular you state that -'in the 
 opinion of counsel, a ■ the in^'mbers of the Re- 
 publican CoDgres.sioiial C'ommittei- are oliicers 
 of the United States Government," all pernom 
 making contributious to such comiuittcB will 
 render themselves liable under section 0. chnp- 
 ter 287, United States Statutes. If it be law 
 that persons paying become thereby li.ible to 
 a penalty, I, being a member of Coii:,'iims and 
 the treasurer who receives that payiucnt, am 
 also liable. 
 
 I am willing to meet you on this (luestion 
 anywliei'e or at any time, and to unite with you 
 in requesting the President to ask an opinion 
 of the Attoruey-tJoneral. If you desire any other 
 form of action in any tribunal which can give 
 an immediate consideratio i of the point, I will 
 join in testing the soundness of the circular, 
 and I iuvite you to this mode of settlement, as 
 both are m<u'e manly ai.d more honorable than 
 your attemj)t to <'onfuse the action or alarm 
 the minds of the employees alluded to. The law 
 is misstated in your circular, .and the alarm you 
 seek to create is without justitication In the 
 law, your counsel, to whom you vaguely al 
 lude, either misund-rst.anrtiDg or perverting 
 it. Disdaining to seek shelter behind any 
 cover, 1 therefore challenge you to the step 
 necessary to au immediate determinutio;i of 
 the degree of responsibility which is attached 
 to this fact, and to the correctness of your cir- 
 cular, which I distinctly deny. 
 
 Yours, JAY A. HUBBELL, 
 
 Chairmai) and Treasurer 
 Hepuhlican C'onyressionul Com mittee. 
 To Mr. Georoe WlLLi.iM-CCRTia, -New York. 
 
 President Civil-Sereice Reform Association. 
 
 Mr. Curtis rejoins — He practically con- 
 fesses the Bulldozing Purpose of the 
 Civil-Service Kcform Association Cir- 
 calar, and I.amcntably attempts to 
 esttenuate or defend it — Characteris- 
 tically utters, npon pretended infor- 
 mation, n willful libel that Clerks, 
 errand boys, and grlrls are "virtually 
 
100 
 
 POLITICAL ASSESSMUNTS. 
 
 threatened" by the Committee's Cir- 
 cular with loss of Place— Prates with 
 hypocritical iiadignation a7»oiit the 
 abuses flowing from his on'n false 
 statements of the I<aw anrt Facts— Eu- 
 logizes the democratic authors of the 
 l^aw of 1S76, the authors of the cor- 
 rupt and tyranulcal practice of arbi- 
 trary and compulsory partiisan as- 
 sessments, and charges all their sins 
 ag-ainst £nnocent Kepublieans, but 
 fails t4> accept Chairman MubbeSl's 
 ehallenge to brings the matter to a de- 
 cisioci before the V. S. A.ttoruey-Oen- 
 eral or the Courts— Proves himself 
 the .Toseph Surface of Civil-Service 
 Reform. 
 
 The Hon. Greorge William Curtis has 
 written the following to tlie Hon. Jay 
 A. Hubbell : 
 
 Hon. Jay A. Hdbbell, 
 
 Chair itian and Treasurer, <&c. 
 Sm : r have received your letter of the 23d in- 
 siant. ill which you comment upon the circular 
 of the, Civil-Ser'i'lce Reform A6eoci.ation, advis- 
 ing certain employees of the government that 
 they may render themselves liable to legal pon- 
 alties Rhould they yield to a requisition to pay 
 .1 specified part of their salaries into the treas- 
 iiry of your committee. Upon this suggestion 
 you remark : "The law is misstated in your cir- 
 oular, and the alarm you seek to create is with- 
 out justification in the law. Your counsel, to 
 whom you vaguely allude, either misunder- 
 stands or perverts it." 
 
 It seems to me, however, that a man who 
 lives with his family upon $500 or S600 a year 
 would tind it much more alarming and con 'us- 
 ing to be summoned to pay 2 per cent, of that 
 amount than to be told that such payment 
 might lead to legal trouble. If, indeed, there 
 be any question of comparative manliness and 
 honor in the transaction, it strikes me that 
 virtually to threaten laborers in navy-yards and 
 elsewhere, clerks, errand boys, and even women 
 and girls, in the pub ic oHices. to whom I am 
 informed that circulars have been sent, that 
 they are in danger of dismissal if they do not 
 surrender a part of their wages, is conduct 
 quite as open to the charge of want of manli- 
 ness and honor as the act of warning such la- 
 borers that the law probably protects them 
 against the demand. 
 
 You remark tli.at you disdain "to seek pro- 
 tection and shelter behind any cover." You 
 will not, theiefore, attempt to hide under tuc 
 pitiful pretence that tne assessment of 2 per 
 cent., or other speciflc sum levied by the Con- 
 gi-essional Committee, is an invitation to make 
 a "voluntary contribution." It is stated that 
 30,000 or more of the circulars of your Commit- 
 tee have been sent out. I have per.sonal knowl- 
 edge 0." them as addressed to employees of the 
 Government fraui Kentucky to New England, 
 .md they are undoubtedly dailj- mailed to every 
 part of the Union. The^- are app.areutly ad- 
 diersed exclusively to public employees, and 
 those employees undoubtedly understand that 
 the alternative Ik that of payment or dismissal 
 The demand is issued by a Committee which 
 knows that sueli is the general understanding 
 111 the service. I once pleaded with a superior 
 othee;' against the iujustice of this assessment 
 upon poor men earning small wages and re- 
 duced to despair by the demand, and he told me 
 hotly and plainly that tor every one that did 
 not wish to pay there were titty persons ready 
 to take his pl.ioe witli all its incumbrauces. 
 It IS not necessary for mo to point out to you 
 that this IS practically a. sale of the public ser- 
 vice to the high<»t bidder; that it destroys the 
 self-respect of the public employees and that it 
 
 is necessarily fatal to honest polities, and econ- 
 omical administration. If the wages of the 
 piiiilic service are too high let them be reduced. 
 But by what right does a committee of an irre- 
 siiousible club ,of . members of Congress levy 
 pa ty toll upon the public employees under pain 
 ■ of dismissal? You, sir, are chairman and treas- 
 urer of the Republican Congressional < 'ommit- 
 tee. What party autliority constituted that 
 Committee? In what w^ayis it responsible to 
 the Republican party ''. If a levy of money is to- 
 lie m:ide upon employees of the Government for 
 the benefit of a. party treasury, whii.'h I hold to 
 ' be a peri ous abuse, it should be authorized by 
 I those whom the party designates for the pur- 
 pose. It is certainly not a duty to be assumed 
 b.v any committee of members of the party 
 elected for another purpose. If such a commit- 
 tee may demand 2 per cent, of wages, it may ex- 
 tbrt 20 per cent, under the same tenor. Other 
 similar c 'mmittees may do the same thing, and 
 in fnct the public employees a-c now subject to 
 various demands of the kind. The money thus 
 coerced by irresponsible committees is expended 
 in ways of which there is no public account. It 
 becomes often a vast corruption fund, di awn 
 from the public treasury by the p.art.v in power 
 to secure its continued control of tlie Govern- 
 ment. This is a dangerous blow to free institu- 
 tions, and the general knowledge of the abuse 
 necessarily destro3-s popular confidence in the 
 [ honesty of elections, and tarings us face to face 
 1 with a catastrophe. 
 
 I Undoubtedly there are legitima ' e jiolitical ex- 
 [ penses for every party, and in a free country 
 ! everybody should be at liberty to aid and 
 to refuse to aid his party. B it the jniblic 
 I emplo.vees of the Government are usually se- 
 lected in a way which practicall deprives them, 
 of the liberty of givIUL' or withholding such 
 j aid at their pleasure. If a man knows that he 
 holds his place by personal favor, he will nat- 
 I urally propitiate that favor in order to retain 
 his place. It was the knowledge that the lib- 
 erty of the office-holder in this 'matter is thus 
 impaired which led Congress to pass the act of 
 protection to which our circular refers. That 
 act recognizes as universal experience and the 
 reason of the case shows, that a Government 
 employee whose family depends upon his wages 
 is not deluded by the phrase " volimtar.y con- 
 tribution," and fears that he canno; refuse to 
 pay without taking the risk of dismissal. His 
 refusal, indeed, would not be alleged as the rea 
 son. but it would be the reason; and to say to 
 an employee, as the circular of the Congres- 
 sional Committee says, that liis " contribution 
 will not be objected to in any official quarter," 
 is merelj' to tighten the scre'w. It is a hint t* 
 him that the demand is known and approved by 
 those who can dismiss him. You assert your 
 willingness to ask the President to ask the opin- 
 ion of the Attorney-General. But your circular 
 lias been sent to the employe-s in the Attorney- 
 General's office, and it distinctly assures them 
 them by necessary implication that the head of 
 the office does not object. If j-ou read the news- 
 papers carefully you are aware of the very gen- 
 eral public condemnation of the pi actice of po- 
 litical assessments, and they are condemned, 
 for the precise reason that such assessments- 
 arc not what they protend to be— "volun- 
 tary contiibutions." If you ask me to con 
 tribute to 5'our treasury. I am a priv.ate citizen, 
 and I can give or refuse without suffering But- 
 If you and your associates ask mv neighbor, 
 who is employed in the custom-house, tor a con- 
 tributiou. he feels that he is in danger if he de- 
 clines. This is the infringement of the equal 
 liberty of citizens which makes this practice 
 odious, while its inevitable cousequi-uces make 
 It threatening to the public welfare. The asso- 
 ciation of which I have the honor to be presi- 
 dent will spare no lawful effort to restoio that 
 equal liberty to every citizen. 
 
 George William Cdktib, 
 
 President of llm \cw York Civil-Sor«ie£ Iteform 
 Assootation. 
 
POLITICAL ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 101 
 
 Counsel of CI vll-Servlee Beform Associ- ; 
 atlon, In a I^etter to Chairman Hnb- 
 bell, Support Mr. Curtis— Tbcy Refuse 
 upon a Pettifogging Plea to Refer the 
 Interpretation of the I^aw to United 
 .States Attorney-General — Thus De- 
 cline to accept Chairman Hubbell's 
 Challenge of Prosecution against , 
 Himself, but with a Meanness Ctaar- ' 
 acterlstic of the so-called Reformer 
 make an Offer, which no Monorable ; 
 Man could act upon, that Chairman 
 llubbell Unite with them in the Pros- 
 ecution of some Oovernment £m- | 
 ployeo who had Contributed to the 
 Republican Campaign Fund. 
 
 The letter of Civil-Service Reform 
 Associatiou Counsel : 
 
 Nos. 8 AND 10 Pine Stkjbet, New Yoek, 1 
 June 24, 1882. j 
 
 Hon. Jay A. Hubbell: 
 
 Sir— Hon. George WlUiain Curtis has lianded i 
 to us your letter to Mm of the 22d Inst., to wbicli 
 io proposes to reply at once. In answer to your 
 speciflc propositions we would say on behalf of 
 the Civil-Service Reform Association, of which 
 we are the counsel, that it would give the asso- 
 ciation and ourselves much satisfaction to have 
 an immediate opportunity of "testing the sound- 
 ness of the circular" to wnich you refer. The Cir- 
 cuit Court of the United States for the Southern 
 district of New York is now in session. We will 
 make a test case of auy one which you may se- 
 lect of the numerous payments which have been, 
 as we are informed, made to you in this district 
 in response to your circular by executive officers 
 or employees of the United States not appointed 
 by the President by and with the advice and 
 consent of the Senate. Wo will, if you concur 
 in this suggestion and select the case, request 
 the Attorney of the United States to proceed at 
 unee by information against the ofl'ender. Wo 
 will request him to state in tins information tho 
 tacts exactly as they exist, so that the counsel 
 for the defendant may demur to the iuformaliion 
 at once. 
 
 With liis concurrence, which we beUeve would 
 be cheerfully giveu, it you conem- through your 
 touusel in facilitating the proceeding, we doubt 
 not the Court will llx an early day for the hear- 
 ing. 
 
 And thus this important question will be judi- 
 eiully determined. 
 
 The motion in arrest of judgment, in the case 
 of the United States against Newton M. Curtis, 
 i.i appointed to be argued before the full bench 
 of the some Circuit Court on the 28th inst. This 
 circumstance will, in all probability, enable us 
 to have a hearing before the full bench of this 
 Court at an earlier day than it could bo ob- 
 tiiiiicd I'lscwhere, should you desire such a hear- 
 ing. 
 
 \V(; do not accept your proposition to request 
 the President to take the opinion of the Attor- 
 ncs'-General. We have requested the distin- 
 gu'isiied head of the Department of Justice to 
 gi\c instructions to the attorneys of the United 
 States in tho several districts, in accordance 
 with sections 362 and 771 of the Revised Statutes, 
 to prosecute all delinquents for ofl'enses against 
 the act of Congress m reference to political con- 
 tributions. Whatever the private opinion of a 
 prosecuting offloer may be, we understand that 
 it is his official duty, upon tho reasonable com- 
 plaint of respectable citizens, to present that 
 complaint in legal form to the Court for its de- 
 cision. We have no right to asli his opinion. 
 We have a right to ask his official action. 
 
 You will also observe that we do not propose 
 to i-aise the (juestion by an information against 
 you. 
 
 The act of Congress referred to does not in 
 terms make it a misdemeanor for a legislative 
 oiflcer to receive the contribution which it for- 
 bids an executive officer to pay to any other of- 
 ficer of the government. Of your action Con- 
 gi'ess and your constituents can judge. 
 
 But wc think it is clear, and we presume you 
 wUl not dispute, that you are a legislative olHcer 
 of the government and that therefore payments 
 to you arc illegal. 
 
 In conclusion permit us to inform you that 
 there is a very general fear among employees 
 of the government that if they do not make the 
 contributions you request they will be dis- 
 missed from the service of the United States. 
 Wc have been appealed to by many whose fam- 
 ihes are dependent on them for support, who 
 can ill spare the two per cent, you ask, but who 
 cannot aft'ord to lose their places and their 
 meagre income. In tlie words of the late Presi- 
 dent GiHllcld, these requests are made of em- 
 ployees " with the distinct understanding that 
 unless they paid that per cent, upon their sal- 
 aries others will be found to take their places 
 who will pay the assessment." And we believe 
 that a very large propor1;ion of the money re- 
 ceived by you from such officeholder is paid 
 under duress. We wiU gladly Join you in a let- 
 ter to the President asking him to issue an ex- 
 ecutive order that no removal shall be made 
 tor a refusal to pay the contribution you re- 
 quest. 
 
 We follow your example in giving this letter 
 to the press. Yours respectfully, 
 
 EVERETT P. WHEELER, 
 FREDERICK W. WHITRIDGE. 
 
 Chairman Hubbell in Reply Exposes, 
 the MeaiBiiess and Persistent False- 
 hood of Mr. Curtis— No £xcnse or Jus. 
 titication for such False Representa- 
 tions as that tlie Committee's Circular 
 "Virtually Threatens "—The Contri- 
 butions were Intended to be and are 
 wholly Voluntary —Chairman Hubbell 
 Challenges Curtis to Point to a Single 
 Instance in support of his False State- 
 ment—Senators and Members, in their 
 Places and upon Their Responsibility 
 Give Curtis the tie— The Committee's 
 Circular Violates bbo ILaw^- It Infringes 
 no Right either of the Citizen or Offi- 
 cial—He Repels with Indignation Cur- 
 tls's Counsel's offer to unite in the Pros- 
 ecution of some Government l^^anployee 
 as a Test of the I^aw — Chairman Hub- 
 bell will be guilty of no such act of 
 Dishonor, no such Meanness — Hubbell 
 lyill continue to Support the For- 
 tunes of the Republican Party — Cur- 
 tis may contlsine liis role of Partisan 
 of Rallot-Box Stuffer, of Efficient Ally 
 of the Bourbon ISnll-dozer. 
 
 House op Repkesentatives, 
 
 Washington, D. C, July 6, 1882. 
 Sir : I have received your letter of the 24th 
 ultimo, and that of your lawyers of the same 
 date. A few words will make the only reply 
 which I thiuk they require. You continue to 
 assert that the circular signed by me *' virtually 
 threatens " with dismissal the otBcers and cm- 
 IJloyees to whom it is addressed, should thc.\" not 
 "surrouder part of their wages." Then? ik no 
 excuse for .such a misrcprcscutatioii. The 
 phraseology of the circular shows :m absolute 
 absence ot all language of tlucat. It also, uf- 
 firmativcly, shows that the request is for a vol- 
 untary contribution. Your misroprcscutatiou 
 is, therefore, without justification in the lan- 
 guage of the circular. It is equally without jus- 
 
103 
 
 POLITICAL ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 tlfication In the purpose of it. That is proved 
 l)y tile fact tbat, altlidiisli like circulars have 
 been issued bienuially (or at least sixteen years, 
 by EepulJlican Congrossioual committees, and 
 many persons Lave refused to respond to tliem, 
 there has never been a single removal from of- j 
 fiCe or employment for that cause. It is not in | 
 your power, therefore, to put your fiuKcv upon , 
 a siuKle fact, either of statement or result, which 
 iustiiies your representation. Besides, you have 
 had the explicit denial of Senators and Kepre- 
 sentatives, members of that committee, of any 
 purpose of threat or coercion. Notwithstand- 
 ing all these proofs, you persist in speaking of 
 It as a "virtual threat." To say that this Is 
 deeply discreditable to you is to use mild lan- 
 guage. 
 
 The other accusation is that the circular is an 
 invitation to the commission of what is made a 
 crime by section 6 of the act of the l".th of Au- 
 gust, 1876. As a matter of law this is absurd. 
 There is no difflcnlty in the point, as your law- 
 yers will find out in due time, if they have not 
 already. The law docs not apply to members 
 of Congress in any of its terms, but is confined 
 In all its parts to exeouti , o officers and em- 
 ployees. This its language shows, and all the 
 circumstances surrounding it prove. Your 
 construction involves the absurditi' that mem- 
 bers of Congress are executive officers, and the 
 further absurdity tliat it is a crime for a man 
 holding an office freely to contribute of his 
 funds to a political committee. 
 
 Of course, according to your notion, a simple 
 citizen may so contribute of his funds as of 
 right, but a citizen becoming an official loses 
 the right to help the organization whose princi- 
 ples he may approve, and whose policy he may 
 deem essential to the prospprity of the people. 
 In orher words, under cover of protecting the 
 official, you degTadehim 
 
 Yon ask me to unite with you in si artiug an 
 experimeut.al criminal prosecution against an 
 officer or employee in New Yorli for liaving com- 
 plice! with my recpiest for aid to the Republican 
 canvass. I will not do this for several reasons. 
 It would be an act of dishonor in me to so turn 
 upon any Republican official who thus con- 
 tributed.' Besides, it is needless as .a me*n-i of 
 testing the sense of said section G. In my opin- 
 ion neither the Attorney-General of the United 
 States nor the district attorneys require in- 
 stfuction eirher from you or myself as to tlie 
 meaning of laws, or their duties in prosecutions 
 for violation of them, and I therefore leave 
 the subject witli them, you having declined to 
 uniti.' in malting a case against me as being the 
 I arty equally rcspousiljle^with any contriliutor. 
 As lor mv myself. 51 f. Curtis, it is only due to 
 candnrto say that :is long as the records of Oou- 
 gres.s show throughout all the Gulf States the 
 s\"L-tcmatic use of tissue l^allots for purposes of 
 frai'-d, the systematic throwing out of ballots ! 
 cast, and the insertion of ba'lots not cast, the 
 systeijiatie defeat of the exercise of the right of 
 suttVagc, and ev(a'y conceivable A^iolation of law 
 for the purposr' of thwarting the expression of 
 popular win, and so long as it be proved impos- 
 sible 1o ha' e a fair election and an honest' 
 count in any portion of this country, I juopose ^ 
 to help iiinintain a Kspublican organization I 
 which shall be strong enough to prevent these , 
 outraiies: or, when their comiriissiou cannot be ' 
 pi-evented, to punish the criminals; and to that 
 end I propose to ask all good citizens, otliee- 
 holdrrs or otherwise, to supply the Congres- 
 sional Coonnitt<'c^ with the uecess.ary means fen' 
 smiting this oriuir against our common liberty. 
 To the extent thai you, in the role you are now 
 playing, nniv succeed in crippling the ojiera- 
 ions of this Coniuiiltee, you will beemiie a nuist 
 eHii'ient ally of tlu; Soullu'rn bull-dozer, and a 
 nnist powerful promoter of their invidious and 
 lies ruefive methods. And there I leave you. 
 Very respectfully yours. 
 
 Jay a. Hubbell. 
 Cltaivman Jtrpubfiritii Ooiir/reJisional Comniitlce. 
 
 Mr. GliOHGE-WlLLtAM CURTIS, 
 
 New York City. 
 
 Opinion of U. S. Attorne.y fteneral as t»- 
 the meaning of the I,aw of 1876 respec- 
 ting PoSitieal Assessments and Sec- 
 retary Folger's I..etter to Mr. A. 
 Thosnas, of the Third Comptroller's 
 Office— MejnSjers of Congress are not 
 Officers of the Government within the 
 Sleaning of the liHW— Tliie Attorne.v- 
 Oeneral Supports liis Opinion by am- 
 ple Anthoritles of the HigSiest char- 
 acter—The Circular of the Etcpiibli- 
 can Congressional Committee does 
 not violate the I,aw — Secretary FoB- 
 ger announces the Kepublican doe- 
 trine, which is that of the Republican 
 Congressional Coanmittee, that all cit- 
 izens believing in Republican Success 
 as necessary to good government and 
 the welfare of the Nation will contrib- 
 ute, but all such contributions should 
 be wholly voluntary. 
 
 Treasukt Department, 
 Office of the Secbetart, 
 
 Washington, D. C, July 2.5, 1882. 
 Mr. A. Thomas, 
 Chief of aDivision, Second Comptroller's Officer 
 Sir: Your letter of imiairy of da' e 6th July, 
 1882, reached me in due course, and had my con- 
 sideration. Wishing to have the deliberate 
 opinion of the law officer of the government on 
 the point staf ed by you, and believing that that 
 opinion would be more satisfactory to all than 
 any view I might take of he subject, I referred 
 yonr letter to the honorable the Attorney Gen- 
 eral for his determination I have to-day re- 
 ceived the opinion of that oflicial. The Attor- 
 ney-General states the question to be: "Whether 
 a member of Congress i • an officer of the gov- 
 ernment, within the meaning of section 6, of 
 chapter 287, of the act 15th A igust, 1876." (Re- 
 vised Statutes, sup. page 210.) That section is in 
 these words ; "All cxecutiN'e officers or em- 
 ployees of the United States not appointed by 
 the Presi lent, with the advice and consent of 
 the Senate, are prohibited from requesting, 
 giving to, or receiving from, .anj' othei' officer 
 or cnployee of the governm.'nt any money or 
 property, or other tiling tif value, for i^tilitical 
 purposes," utc. The Attorney-General reaches 
 the conclusion that a member of Congress is not 
 .an officer of the governmcut within the mean- 
 ing of th.at section. And to sustain his view he 
 cites Blount's case, wherein it was so held, and 
 compares with this section, and with each other, 
 sections 28 and 30, 1756. 17St, 1782, 1786, 5i50, 5451, 
 6300, 5,501, R. S. : 1st seel ion and -ItU sections 2d 
 article; 6th section, 1st ai'ticle; 13th section, 
 14th article. United States Cini.^titution ; section 
 733. Stcny on Constituhon; 2(1. 3d and 6th sec- 
 tion^. act of Felir.iary 26, 1.S.53. chapte si. 
 The further conclu-sioii follows: That execu- 
 tive officers and emplo.vees of the United Sta es 
 not appoin'ed by the President, with the ad- 
 vice and consent of the Senate, are not liable to 
 the pains andiienaUies of section 6 of the act of 
 August, 1876, tor the act of .giving to a member 
 of ( 'tingress money, proi.)criy, in- otherthiug of 
 value. Youare sue i .an officer or employee, and 
 the etl'eet of the opinion of the Attorney-Gcu- 
 eral is that jou may give to Chairman Hubbell, 
 iu coinplianec willi bis request, without run- 
 ning foul of a penal statute. I might stop here, 
 as the si'vy question th.at you put is explic fly 
 answi'i'i'd, and as you in your letter express a 
 willingiiess— nay, more a desire — to give as 
 asked. But 1 will ta,ke this place to sa.v that I 
 wish it fell throughout the Treasury Depart- 
 ment iu all its raniitieati(uis of service that no 
 servant of the United States therein need feel 
 the slightest pressure upon him to give if he 
 does not wish to give. If he has that belief in 
 
POLITICAL ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 103 
 
 the Konndnoss o1' the priiiciples of tu<' Repiibli- 
 ^■aii pai'ty .18 to desire their suHteutatiou .and 
 Hiict-f.-Hs, audto lie willinj^ and desirous ot show- 
 ing' his I'alth liy his worits. and feels that he is 
 aliletii iiid, let him give of his substance or of 
 hie income as ho sees lit. Or it lie is of the other 
 politieal faith, or the claims of family or I he 
 needs of self pinch his purse, and he wishes nol. 
 to give, let him treel. refrain therefrom. I 
 would have him thinli and feel and do a< If in 
 the 1 elifilous raoering-house of his clioice the 
 preacher Khould lay before him the needs of 
 some ciiuee. If it was commended to his jiid,£,'- 
 ment and h(; felt able and willing to spare 
 of his pelf, he would give. If it was otherwise 
 he would hold fast that which was bis own. So, 
 abMilurely so. in the matter in hand. let it be 
 understood and felt by all who hold place under 
 7iie thnt which ever way they take they may 
 take it nnmolcstcd by me therefor. I say as I 
 tuean. I will do as I atiy. 
 Very reRpectfuUy, 
 
 CHAS. J. FOLGEE, 
 
 Secretary. 
 
 Botb Secretary Folger's letter and tlie 
 opinion of the Attorney-General were 
 read and considered in the Cabinet 
 
 ineeling. 
 
 President ArtSiiar in Cabinet Meeting 
 li;-iveM has .7ucl^9ticni; in tSie matter of 
 E*artisaii contributions — No Govcrn- 
 menf eins^Ioyee., <Qeclining; to contrib- 
 ute, sliaH be discKiarg^eU or criticised 
 for the Act— All shall be ^Vholly Free 
 to contribute or not as they please — 
 That the Moctrine of President Ar- 
 thur's Inciter of Acceptance— That the 
 Doctrine., past aiad present, of the lie- 
 publucaEi Party and its Representa- 
 tive Committees. 
 
 Tlie ses.sion of the Cabinet of July 2.j 
 was an unusually long one, AH tlie 
 members were present except Secretary 
 of War Lincoln, and tlie question of 
 partisan contributions was pretty thor- 
 oughly canvassed. Presitlent Arthur 
 gave his judgraent in the m.-itter. He 
 St: id in elfect : 
 
 " No iierson in any one of the execu- 
 tive tlepartments declining to contrib- 
 ute shall, on that account, be subjected 
 to discharge or criticism, and no attempt 
 to injure hiin, on this ground, will be 
 counti.'iianced or tolerated." These con- 
 clusions are in accordance with the 
 views expressed by him in his letter of 
 nci-eptancc of July !?>, 1880, in which he 
 says : " 1 will adc'l that by the accept- 
 ance of public office, whether high or 
 low, one does not, in my judgment, es- 
 cape any of his responsibilities as a cit- 
 izen, or lose or impair any of his rights 
 as a citizen, and that he shouhl enjoy 
 absolute liberty to tliink and speak and 
 act in political matters according to his 
 own will and conscience, provided only 
 that he honorably and faithfully dis- 
 charge all his official duties." 
 
 In tliese utterances the Pr sident an- 
 nounces the doctrine, past and present, ; 
 of the Republican party— the doctrine 
 of the Republican Congressional Com- 
 mittee. 
 
 General GarOeld favored Contribu- 
 tions for Partisan Purposes— His 
 I/etter to Ciiairman Hubbell during 
 last Presidential Election asklnia; how 
 are the Departments generally doing-. 
 
 General James A. Garheld is often 
 quoted by the so-called Civil-Service 
 Reformers as opposed to or reprobating 
 political contributions for partisan pur- 
 poses. The quotation is a character- 
 istic fraud of the bogus reformer. To 
 arbitrary or , compulsory assessments 
 General Garfield was no doubt opposed, 
 asare JayA. HubbellandD. 13. Hender- 
 son — as indeed are all Republicans. 
 But the General was too sensible a man, 
 too experienced, practical, and just, to 
 oppose or reprobate voluntary contri- 
 butions, or requests from responsible 
 organs of the party for contributions, 
 in support of the cause he himself so 
 ably sustained. Were there any doubt 
 in the matter the following letter from 
 General Garheld during the late Presi- 
 denl,ial election, when he was himself a 
 candidate, would authoritatively settle 
 it: 
 
 JIliXTOK, Ohio, An'jasl 23, 1880. 
 Ml- DUAK HUBBELI.: 
 
 Yours of the IQth instant is received. Please 
 say to Brady I hope be will give us all the as- 
 sistance possible. I think he can help ctl'cct- 
 ively. Please tell me how the departments are 
 generally doing. 
 
 jN»s ever yours, 
 
 J. A. GAEFIELD. 
 Hon. J.vv A. HuiiBELL, Chairman riepubli^-an 
 Congressional c:ommlttee, Washington, D. C. 
 
 PART VII. 
 
 Origin of Political Assess- 
 ments — TIaey have their 
 
 Kise in the Comiij»t Party 
 Practices of the Demo- 
 cratic Party. 
 
 Gen. Andrew Jaclison in 1839 Inangu- 
 rate<l as the President of Democratic 
 Retrenchment and Refor nt — A Reform- 
 er of the Geo. "^Vin. Curtis type — Cor- 
 ruptions unfller his Reign— Origin, 
 here of Political Assessments — .Speak- 
 er Jfas. It. Polllk Paclis Committees 
 against iBivestigation — Tlse Harlan- 
 Mouse ComDUittee — Its exposure of 
 the Practice of Partisan assessments 
 by Democratic Party from 1S39 to 
 1839— The disgraceful Record. 
 
 On March 4, 1839, Gen. Andrew .Jack- 
 son, of Tennessee, who had been elect- 
 ed as the candidate of Retrenchment 
 and Ret'oim, was inaugurated as Presi- 
 dent of the Uuited States. Here was 
 the birth of tlic modern Democratic 
 partj-. Jackson was as pronounced a 
 
104 
 
 POLITICAL ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 Reformer as Geo. Wm. Curtis or "Gen- 
 tleman George" Pendleton. For years 
 
 Erevious "Retrenchment and Reform" 
 ad been his inspiriting slogan and 
 that of his partisans. But hardly 
 had he been inducted into otiice, when 
 a hungry swarm of personal partisans 
 violently claimed possession oi all pub- 
 lic oflEices under the maxim that "to 
 the victors belong the spoils." Now 
 began practices unknown Defore in the 
 history of our parties. Among these 
 was that of arbitrary and compulsory 
 assessments of government employees 
 of all grades or sahiries for partisan 
 purposes. They cannot be traced to a 
 prior period in our national politics. 
 They soon became an organic part of 
 the "Democratic party and were relent- 
 lessly enforced both at State and 
 national elections with a tyrant's hand. 
 The corruptions of Jackson's Reforms 
 soon became notorious. The press and 
 people clamored for investigation, but 
 that was resisted in both Houses of 
 Congress by the indignant leaders of 
 the lieform Democracy, whose speeches 
 or Reiorra screeds are evidently the 
 models of those of Pendleton and Cur- 
 tis. After three years of efforts in the 
 Senate, the elder Thomas Ewing suc- 
 ceeded in getting an investigation in 
 1834 into the corruptions of the Post 
 Office. The developments startled the 
 country. Reform, it was thought, was 
 hardly the proper word to do justice to 
 the facts. In the House all real investiga- 
 tion was practically defeated by the 
 packing of the committees by Speaker 
 James K. Polk. 
 
 In January, 1839, the House, although 
 controlled by an administration major- 
 ity, resolved to take the appointment of 
 a committee to investigate these cor- 
 ruptions into its own hands and thus 
 elected a special committee of nine with 
 Hon. James Harlan, of Kentucky, as 
 chairman, with instructions to inquire 
 into the alleged corruptions of the civil 
 service. Now, the developments wore 
 astounding. 
 
 Among the corruptions, ramified 
 throughout all the departments of the 
 National Government, was that of 
 parlisan assessments tyrannically en- 
 forced as tests of party "fealty. 
 
 Mr. Harlan, in his report, in introduc- 
 ing the testimony on that subject, says: 
 
 The Hy,stfin o( a remilur tamtinii of iiublic of- 
 flct'i'H coiiuL'oted "With and dcriviuf? patroiiag^e 
 from the cnstHiu-lionsc at New York, by a tariff 
 pvoporiiniK'd ii> siirh jnitronatjc in each case, for 
 tbo Kupport of jHU'itj flcvtions is uow alluded to. 
 — ( II Jtcp. ;i) 3, February 27, wm,Tu-enty-Jiflh Con- 
 (jreas, First Session, pages 249, 250.) 
 
 Ho then gives the testimony in the 
 case : 
 David S. Lyon was sworn — 
 
 I was tlic fli'st deputy collector of the port of 
 New York duringtliewliole time Samuel Swart- 
 
 wout was collector. I have frequently been 
 called upon to contribute to political objects 
 while I was deputy collector, as an officer of tlie 
 custom-house. The ammintwas fr&m^O to HOO. 
 The tax was ^ro rata, according to s.ilary. It 
 beyre a proportion from one to six per cent. I fre- 
 quently paid a part of the amount. When it 
 was too high, and more than I could afford, I 
 urged them to reduce it. In one mstance, when 
 I was assessed $20, Mr. Swartwout told the col- 
 lector of the tax that $10 was enough for me to 
 pay. For a few years tiack I have not paid any- 
 thing to the general committi e, because I could 
 not afford to pay the amount assessed. * * ♦ * 
 TLe collectors of the Tammany Hall general 
 committee, one of whom was John Becker, 
 called on me several timea. William Tyack 
 once or twice called on me to collect the amount 
 With which I was assessed. He was not the 
 regular collector, but was one of the general 
 committee. I believe that nearly all the officers 
 of the custom-house, in -doors and out, and the 
 clerks, were similarly taxed, and generally paid 
 what they were assessed. It was assessed by 
 the general committee of Tammany Hull, ar.d 
 for the support of the party denominated the 
 Tammany Hall party. If the individual did not 
 pay the amount he was taxed with, the collec- 
 tor would remark: "You will be reported to 
 general committee;" and everybody well un- 
 derstood that proscription worild follow. The 
 collector of the general committee has an alpha- 
 betical book, whicli contains the names of per- 
 sons, and the amount each individual is re- 
 quired to pay.— (Jff. Bep., 313 Twenty-fifth Cong., 
 Third session, pages 250. 251.) 
 
 Arent S. DePeyster sworn : 
 
 The weigtiers were called on to pay fifteen 
 dollars each for the support of the el* ction, and 
 when I declined, .Mr. Vandai-pool, the deputy 
 surveyor, observed that I ought to consider 
 whether my $1,500 per annum loa^ not worth pay- 
 ing $15 foi\ Under the impression that it was 
 the price of my situation, I paid it. The above 
 occurred during the last spring election for 
 charter officers. — {IHd.) 
 
 Abraham B. Vanderpool, an appraiser 
 of customs in New York, at $3,000 a 
 year, was also sworn by the committee. 
 In reply to the inquiry of Mr. Wise as 
 to whether the officers of the custom- 
 house had been assessed for political or 
 party purooses, he began his answer 
 with: "1 hare known officers attached 
 to the ciistom-liouse to be called onfor^'— 
 when Mr. Owens, a Democratic mem- 
 ber of the committee, interposed and 
 informed the witness that lie was not 
 bound to answer any questions relating 
 to his piivate aftairs, and Mr. Foster, 
 another Democratic member of the 
 committee, objected to the question. 
 
 The committee decided that the ques- 
 tion should be propounded, Avhen tlio 
 wituess declined to answer and was al- 
 lowed to retire. 
 
 John Becker was also sworn as a 
 witness. He said : 
 
 "I h.ave been collector for the Democratic-Ee- 
 publicun party in this (New York) city. It is 
 not an ottlclal appointment. » » « * All the 
 collections I ever made tor the Deraooratio-Re- 
 publican party were strictly confldenlial. I 
 therefore respectfully decline answering the 
 question." '■ When asked whose coufldence he 
 would \iolate by answering the question, he 
 replied: 'Jhe confidence ofthcfliiance committee 
 ofthegencral Democratic-Eepuhlfian committee." 
 — (/6td,i). 251.) 
 
POLITICAL ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 105 
 
 The Poindcxter Commlssioii in IS41 In. | 
 qnlrcs Into tbe condition of New 
 Yoplt t'astom-Housc— Its exposure of 
 partisan assessments under Van Bn- 
 reu — " All you Sainned Sons of 
 Bitches that don't pay up will be sor- 
 ry for it"—" Ood damn you, I'll re- 
 member you for it '"— •■ To the Victors 
 belong the Spoils " — Partisan as- 
 sessments a vital part of the Reform 
 nemocratic Org-anlsm. 
 
 At the next Pivsideutial electiou in 
 1840, Van Duien, Jackson's successor, 
 AvasejectedbytLepeoplefrom the Presi- 
 dency. In March, 1841, General Win. 
 Henry Harrison entered nijon the duties 
 of the Chief Magistracy, and a com- 
 mission, with Hon. Geo. Poiiidexter, an 
 ex-Senator from Mississippi, was ap- 
 pointed by the President to inquire in- 
 into the condition of the custom-house 
 at New York. 
 
 Peter Field, one of Collector Hoyt's 
 inspectors of customs, testified on oath 
 before tlie commissioners that Tam- 
 many Hall assessed every officer of the 
 customs a tax for electlouering expen- 
 ses. One time lie (Field) would not pay 
 —on which Egbert G. Sweet, also an 
 inspector of customs and collector of 
 Tammany's assessments, said to Jiim : 
 " You will be sorry for this " — went to 
 a book, tore out a list of the inspectors, 
 etc., saying : " All you damned sons of 
 bitches that don't pay up will be sorry 
 for it. God damn you, I will remember 
 you for it." 
 
 Soon after this Field was put out. 
 
 This Sweet was subsequently ex- 
 amined and at once admitted that he 
 had collected these assessments, that 
 he had been absent several days in 
 succession from his duties in the Cus- 
 tom House electioneering, and that these 
 assessments went into the fund of the 
 Tammany Hall Committee. These orig- 
 inal Democrats, the "undetiled and 
 unterrjfied," did not hesitate, one and 
 all, to declare in the language of Gov- 
 ernor Marcy, that "they saw nothing 
 wrong in tlie maxim that to the victors 
 belong the spoils of the enemy." 
 
 These arbitrary and compulsory as- 
 sessment for partisan purposes had, in 
 fact, now become a vital part of the 
 reform Democratic organism. Their pay- 
 ment was made the test of party fealty. 
 To rebel against them was treason to 
 party, and was instantly and inexorably 
 followed by decapitation. " Off with 
 his head." 
 
 FAET VIII. 
 
 The Covode luvestigation 
 am I860 — It Covers the 
 
 Period from 1853 to I860 
 
 — Its ExiJosHi-e Amid the 
 Corruptioiafi ©f Pierce's 
 aaad ISaafhaaiaM's Adiaain- 
 istratiosa of Partisaaa As- 
 sessiaaeaats as a Cardiiaal 
 FeatBire of the Idemoerat- 
 ic Cdrganizatioaa — Pi'csi- 
 deaat Buchaaaaai aiad Crov- 
 eraaor Heiadrtellss 8aipei*in- 
 tesad the collectloaas. 
 
 Isaac West, of Custom - House, at Phil- 
 ativlphla, Testlflcs— Two Assessments 
 t-Dr ]Vational and State Elections in 
 Same Year— §40 Assessed on Salary of 
 81,093— Paid under Belief that Remov- 
 al would follow Refusal— Assessments 
 Paid 3Iore Promptly than Other 
 I>el>ls. 
 
 In 1860, the Covode investigation cov- 
 ered the period from 1853, tlie date of 
 inauguration of Frank Pierce, up to the 
 close of Buchanan's reign. Among the 
 appalling corruptions exposed, that of 
 cumpulsory partisan assessments of 
 Government employees was not the 
 least. The evidence is very full, and to 
 the point. 
 
 Isaac AVest, an inspector for five years 
 in the cuttom-house at Philadelphia, 
 was sworn. He said: 
 
 Q. Were you there at the time of the election of 
 1856, wlien Mr. Buchanan was elected 1 
 
 A. Yes, sir. 
 
 Q. What do you know about monetis being 
 raised off the employees of the cusiom-liouae on 
 that occasion % 
 
 A. There was a certain lax levied upon the per- 
 sons oonneoted with the custom-house. 
 
 Q. What amount on each person % 
 
 A. A certain 2)ercenlage. On a jiersou roceiy- 
 ing SI, 095 a year I tliink the lax for the Presiden- 
 tial election was from $30 to $33. 
 
 Q. Do you mean for the Presidential electiou 
 alone, or for both Presidential and Congress- 
 ional elections 'i 
 
 A. I mean the Presidential election alone. 
 
 Q. What ahout the other election ? 
 
 A. The amount was not so gi-eat for the State 
 election. 
 
 Q. How much was that ? 
 
 A. That I do not recollect. It strikes me that 
 it was from $5 to S7, something like that. 
 
 Q. The two then, would amount to in the 
 neighborhood of SlO ? 
 
 A. res, sir; in that neighborhood. 
 
 Q. Upon what salaried officers was that ? 
 
 A. Those of $1,100 or rather $1,095 a year 
 
 Q. Were the others assessed in proportion to 
 IJisir salaries I 
 
 A. Yes, sir. 
 
 Q. To whom was the money paid ? 
 
 A. It was generally deposited. That portion 
 which I collected in my department / gave to 
 the deputy collector, Mr. Barbeson. I believe he 
 was the treasxirer, so far as the custom-house 
 was concerned, and he paid it over to the ex- 
 ecutive committee, I believe. 
 
 Q. A political committee ? 
 
 A. Yes, sir. 
 
 Q. Did all the employees pay 1 
 
loe 
 
 POLITICAL ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 A. I ncrcr Imcw one to rcfuRC. 
 
 a. What wan the impression— Vnax it was 
 ratlier oblioatori/ upon them to pay i 
 
 A. That seerti erf to be the impression ; they all 
 felt It their (luti/ to pan that more prompth/ than 
 some of their debts; that was the imjiressioii, 
 hut I (lo not Imow ahout whether they would 
 havohoea removed If they had not paid, hut it 
 ■was considered otiliaatorn, I believe. 
 
 JToscpIt M. l.incas, ,. Clerk In General 
 I^anil Office, Sworn— Assessments Pro 
 Rata ujtosi Salaries— From Two-ancl-a 
 Half to Five I»ev Cent— The Bisbnvs- 
 ing Officers of Departments the C ol- 
 lectors of the Assessments— Govern- 
 ment Furnished the Stationery— As- 
 sessments Paifl to Buy I'eace- To Avoid 
 Proscription, 
 
 Joseph M. Lucas, also a cleik in tlie 
 General Land Office, was sworn : 
 
 Q. Will you tell us all you know about the col- 
 lecting and raising of money there for political 
 purposes? 
 
 A. I can give aU the information I have, prob- 
 ably in a very few words. Whilst I was a clerk 
 In that Department le\ies were made upon va- 
 rious occasions upon the clerks for funds, and 
 on every occasion I dissented. It wa.s against 
 my feelings and principles. They did not come 
 on all occasions to me ; but the last occasion to 
 which I took exception was one on which they 
 w;inted to raise a fund of eight or nine thousand 
 dollars in the various Departments. That, how- 
 ever, I do not know, but such was the statement 
 made to mc. 
 
 By Mr. WlxSLiiw: 
 
 Q. Say nothing about statements or hearsay, 
 if vou please. 
 
 A. The list of the i-lcrks was made out, their 
 names in one column, thtlr salaries in anotlier, 
 and the perceutage levied in another column. 
 This list they presented to me ami fivi' others 
 in the room,' all of whom jiaid but myself. I 
 looked at the list and asked the two gentlemen 
 wlio luought it who sent them to me. They 
 snid they were not going to answer me any 
 questions, but asked me if I would paj-. I told 
 them "X(i;" and that is pretty uiuch the sub- 
 stance of all the iufonnation I have. They 
 Avent. as I saw, in the diflercut rooms T hap- 
 pened to hnve business in, to the diffei'ent 
 clerks, and presented this Ust to them, and they 
 paid their pro rata iissessnient. The informa- 
 tion that we received was tliat it was to raise a 
 fund to pay (tff a debt that had been contracted 
 in Peinis^-h'auia, v,'hich Ihey expected to have 
 raised out of Congress, luit it atl.ionrned with- 
 out rinsing tliis a.mouut, and they had to raise it 
 in another way. 
 
 i;v the Cii.vuuiAX: 
 
 f). Will) carried that list into your room? 
 
 A. The persons who carried tlie list around 
 for the portion of the odice in which I was were 
 ]\Ir. Crijmerand a ~M\\ -Sloeinult wlio hails Irom 
 MlssisBipp], lint is recognized proliably as an 
 Indi.a.iiian. Tlu'y iirouuhl liie lisl around and 
 tliere were four or \\w\ otlier elerlis in 1 he room 
 beside myself. 1 refused to sultscrihe. Mv 
 friends all told me that 1 had lietter subserih,', 
 but I told them tliat I i-onld not witli i ay view 
 ol' the ease, and I denouiieed it in tlie public 
 prints. 
 
 By Mr. ()l.r\: 
 
 Q. Do you ri'coUect abiait what percentage 
 was upon the salaries ? 
 
 A. I do not, exactly; I tliiuk it was between 
 2^ and 5 per cent. 
 
 By the Chairman : 
 
 Q. You say that It was an assessment, and 
 that you refused to subscribe % 
 
 A. It was a regular assessment. It was upon 
 paper that I recognized as coming from a cer- 
 tain office. The iiamee, the salaries, and the 
 amounts to he paid were all put down. 
 
 By Mr, TK.iiN : 
 
 Q. Where did the paper come from ? 
 
 A. From the Department of the Interior. It 
 was the same Irind of paper as the pay-olert 
 uses. On a previous occasion an assessment 
 was made In the middle of the month, when the 
 clerks had no mone.y, and the amounts were af- 
 terward deducted from their jiay by the pay- 
 clerk. 
 
 By the Chairman : 
 
 Q. Was that an assessment or a suhseriptionf 
 A. I will not be certain whether it was an as- 
 sessment or a subscription. At all events the 
 money was deducted from the pay of the clerks 
 by the pay-clerk. 
 
 By Mr. Robinson : 
 
 Q. When was that first assessment that yoa 
 speak of? 
 
 A. I cannot be certain as to the exact time. 
 It Avas dm-ing the struggle between Douglas and 
 Lincoln. 
 
 Q. When was the last assessment made 2 
 
 A. About two years ago, I think ; somewhere 
 about that time; I cannot fix the date pre- 
 eiselv. 
 
 Q. There was none of that fund raised to help 
 Douglas, I suppose? 
 
 A. Xo, sir; I think not. I know the Demo- 
 oerats as well as the others in the office de- 
 nounced the matter, but yet paid. I know a 
 great many of them denounced the principle, 
 but the:\' paid to buy peace, as they said. 
 
 Q. Were you for Douglas ! 
 
 A. No, sir; T was for Lincoln. I was a Whig, 
 and had never voted for a Democrat In my Ufe, 
 I think. 
 
 Q. When did you leave the office? 
 
 A. It will be two years in September next. 
 
 Q. Did j-ou resign, or were you discharged ' 
 
 A. I resigned, because I believed I would he 
 removed. 
 
 J. i., CriiBner, Clerlt in General liaad 
 Oflicc, Sworn — A Collector of Pari!- 
 
 sana Assessments — Two Assessnaents iu 
 Same Yeai-- Thos. W. HeiadricSis, Co:n- 
 naassioiaea* of General liand Oflioe, ami 
 iaa 1S74> SJeaaioca'atic Caaadidate ffl>" 
 Vice-Presideaat, Bosses the .foS> in t.^i 
 l^asad Office, 
 
 J. L. Cramer, a clerk in the General 
 Land Office, was sworn: 
 
 Q. Do you know of any asssessments marie 
 upon the clerks or employees tlicre for political 
 purposes? 
 
 -V. / Jutve iisl.-rd the qenttemen — a portion of 
 them — tneonlritiule for that pnr^tose. 
 
 Q. Yon a'^ked tli''m yourself ? 
 
 A. Yes, sir. 
 
 Q. How was that contribuTion made: was?7« 
 ecrtniii prrrcntttf/c on the s;ilary ? 
 
 A. In one mstfutce if was; a small per cent, 
 was aslied of the gentlemen. 
 
 (). In what year was that? 
 
 A. My impression is that it was in the i/rar 
 lS.5(i. 
 
 Q. Did I/O" eollcrt it that year? 
 
 A. T etitlfd on some of the'gentlemcn. 
 
 Q. In v.hat way was that list made ? Dc8Crib& 
 how it WMs pieparcd, whether with the names 
 and the salaries, and percentage that was as- 
 sessed, or how was it? 
 
POLITICAL ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 lor 
 
 A. So far iir my recollection ecrvee me. I am 
 ■Kol airufi; tlial I had a list. I tbink I Lad a mem- 
 oriiHilu.H hitfiU, in wliicli I put down the names 
 of snt'li ;rcHtleiuon a-^ contribnted, knowituj Uieir 
 fiitl<irii nntl n-hal proportion it wo-ildbe. ' That 
 is uiv rcrollectiffu of the nialtnr 
 
 f) Dill yon eiillecl in IK.jS? 
 
 A / collct'letl on firo occatdons ; it Pti'ikes me 
 I'liit one was in 1838. and the other was in 18.58. 
 
 1^1. Do ,yoii Itiiovv for what- Ktati'. or for wliat 
 Inn'iK)se, tliat luoiic.v was eollc<'t-d cither in 
 18.-6 or 18.J.S? 
 
 A. I thjiilc the riinnrn in 18"j6 ttjas collected lo he 
 Hliproprlatetl to pan some balance lo be stippUed 
 in i'cnninih-ania. If E r(-memher right, the X>t?Ai- 
 ocratlr Sialc commltiec h td got into (Icbl quite a 
 Slim of money. :ind it was with a view of liqui- 
 datintj /A<// delft that t\nt inoneij was raised. It 
 was.) list after the October election, I think, there 
 ■was another eoUeetion to pay for soiue(Zoe«/nc«/s 
 tla t luid been printed to lie distributed. 
 
 Q. Were not there ttvo assessntenfs m;idc that 
 year— one before the election, and another af- 
 terward, to make np a di'tleiency ? 
 
 A. That is what I spoke of. I think one was 
 before the election, and another to make up 
 nacficiencij. I was under the impression that 
 the defleieiicy was the only one I had anything 
 to do with. 
 
 Q. That one you collected ? 
 
 A. Yes, sir 
 
 Q. Do you know at whose request that asesss- 
 ment v as made to njalie up the deficiency In 
 Pennsylvani.'i? 
 
 A. I do not. I understood — 
 
 Mr. WrxsLOW, a Democratic member, (to wit- 
 ness:) Don't state what you understood'; state 
 what you know, if ^ ou please. 
 
 The Witness. I do not know. 
 
 By the Chairman : 
 
 Q. Iiywho.se authority was it done! Who was 
 it tijat requested or directed voii to i)erform 
 this duty ? 
 
 .V / took the pax)cr around at the request of the 
 Commissioner of the General Land Offlce 
 
 CJ. Was it the assessment tiefore or after the 
 f:lertion thnt yon collected^ 
 
 A. I tljiuk it was after the October election, but 
 I may be mistaken about that. I am not posi- 
 tive wlietlicr it was after that cleetiou or after 
 the Fresidcntiat election. 
 
 «.;. Do J ou know the total amount of that Penn- 
 sylviiuia defieieucy to be rai.sed ! 
 
 A. I do not know only t. om what I herd ; I 
 have no other iiiiaus of knowing. 
 
 Q. What was the amount you heard ? 
 
 Mr Wrxsr.ow. I object to the witness answer- 
 ing that question. 
 
 lly the CiiAir.MAN : 
 
 Q. Who told yon what anioun t iras to be raised ? 
 A I think it was the Commissioner, Bon. T. 
 W. I-Ieudrieks. 
 
 Hon. Thos. W. Hendricks, tlie caiidi- 
 diite, iu 1876, for the Vico-Presidency ou 
 the Tilden ticket, find who is to-diiv, as 
 lie Wii.s in 1876, a prominent candidate 
 for the Democratic nomination for the 
 Presidency. 
 
 Stephen «». Dortge, a Clerli in Pensiioii 
 Office, SworBD— t'lea'Uft in B^eiiBi^ioii ©f- 
 t:<-o Assessed — Assessmeuis Paid on 
 I'rtiracipte of I.,ifc Insii ranee— To In- 
 sure Retention in Olfflice— Details of 
 ttcp ,lfot> TCilticli is Bossed by Contmis- 
 sSoner of Pensions Wiiitinsf. 
 
 Stephen Ti. Dodge, a clerk in the Pen- 
 sion Office, who was removed ou the 
 ground of political unsouuduesss : 
 
 j By the CiIAiBMAV: 
 
 i Q. State what you know about a paper that 
 
 I was handed around relative to raising money 
 
 ] to meet a deficiency of the Keystone Club, and 
 the manner in which that money was paid or to 
 t)e paid. 
 
 I A. In the spring of 1858 
 
 I Q. Was it the spring or summer ! 
 
 A. In the spring or summi-r of ISis. or some 
 
 I time in 18.58. a paper was i>risciited to me for 
 signature, head d as near as I can re oUi-et. in 
 
 ! these words : 
 
 ! "The undersigned request the disbursing 
 clerk of the Department of the Interior to re- 
 tain out of our salaries for the- current month 
 
 , the sums set opposite to ourresiieetive names." 
 Q. In whose hindwrlting was that paiier 
 dr .wu 1 
 A. It was app.arently in the handwriting of 
 
 I the Commissioner of Pensions. 
 
 I By Mr. AViNSLOW : 
 
 Q. The present Commissioner, Mr Whitius? 
 I A. Yes. sir; the subscription was headed with. 
 ; the name of the Commissioner with the sum of 
 
 ] «10. 
 
 By the Chairman : 
 
 Q. Did yoa know it to be his handwriting? 
 
 A. I say it was apparently in his hnndwriting. 
 He has clerks in his office who frank his name^ 
 and whose handwriting is almost exactly like 
 his. I could scarcely distinguish between their 
 writing and his. It was apparently in liis hand- 
 writing. 
 j By Mr. ItOBiNsoN : 
 
 Q. Go on and state what else you know about 
 it. What other names were to i he paper ? 
 
 A. The name of the chief clerk, who I think, 
 was a]>seut, was also down for the sum of ¥lo, r 
 think. 
 
 B.>' the Cii.virm.^n; 
 
 Q. In whose handwriting ? 
 
 A. I think that was ia the handieritinq of the 
 Commissioner; I think that Mr. Bn.vm.ii'ton's 
 name was also down, and the best of ni.v "recol- 
 lection is that he also coutriljuted SliV; I wiis 
 asked to sign the xiaper, but objected to dolug 
 80, ou the ground that I haa alread.\" con- 
 tributed N25 to the funds of the Indinna flulj for 
 the purpose of circulating the same kind of' 
 documents; but being advised by some friends 
 that it would be brttiu- to make the coiilriliu- 
 tion.Ididso; and in a con\'rrsation Avitli the 
 Commissioner of Pensions hiiu.seit. I said to 
 him t'aat I had done it upon the iirimiple of life 
 insurance — to insure my offlce to no.'. 
 
 By Mr. Eobinson : 
 
 Q,. What reply to that remark of vours did he 
 make 1 
 
 A. I do not remember of his makiu,g any .an- 
 swer; I presume he h.ad acted upon 1:he same 
 principle tluit I had; that is only mj- presump- 
 tion, liowever. 
 
 It will be noticed that in these arbi- 
 trtiry partisan n.ssessmcnts l.iy the De- 
 mocracy, the disbursing officer,'; of the 
 Government were made the collectors 
 of the party tax. 
 
 And so on through all the depart- 
 ments and throughout all the ramifica- 
 tions of the Government in all parts of 
 the nation. As high as three assess- 
 ments -nere made in the same year — one 
 of them to support the newspaper organ 
 at Washington, tlie Vonstitiition, amid 
 such broad-cast and notorious corrup- 
 tion as to cause Roger A. Pryor, a stal- 
 wait southern Democratic member of 
 file House, to cry out in very sliame: 
 
 " From the by-ways and highways of 
 the Government the rottenness of cor- 
 
loa 
 
 POLITICAL ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 ruption sends forth an insufferable 
 stench. Wliy are the people so patient 1 
 Why slumber the indignation oJf the De- 
 mocracy V' 
 
 PART IX. 
 
 Further Proofs Troni the 
 Unpublished Mecords of 
 the Department of the In- 
 terior of the manner in 
 ^irhich these partisan As- 
 sessments ^vere made and 
 collected under Presi- 
 dents Pierce and Buch- 
 anan by the Democratic 
 Party. 
 
 S. D. 9IiIIs appointed t» assess Exam- 
 iners of Patent Office— He fnlfills his 
 duty witb cliaraeteristic democratic 
 Zeal— He reports a true Statement o 
 Facts to the President — •' J. B. " in- 
 dorses report to the Secretary of the 
 Snterior— Out of 26 Examiners only 14 
 ''pony np'' — Refnsal to pay on g;round 
 of being no Politicians — QuaUers — Ap- 
 pointed and rely upon their Scientific 
 attainments. 
 
 Let us now give, from a batch before 
 us of original papers, parts of the old 
 files of the Interior Department under 
 Pierce and Buchanan hitherto unpub- 
 lished, a few in proof of the extent and 
 compulsory character of these partisan 
 assessments. 
 
 Tlie following is an illuminated docu- 
 ment : 
 
 U. S. Patent Office, 
 
 April 29, 1857. 
 
 S[r: Sometime Itefore the flrst election in 
 Pen]i!^,> Ivaiiiii la.-^t fall, I was called upon to wait 
 upon the exaraiuers of this office to solicit con- 
 tributioiLs to bo expended in hehalf of the Dem- 
 oevatic party in that Sta' o, and the following is 
 a true statement of facts connected with my in- 
 terview with them. 
 
 L. D. Gale — T have no money: I never attended 
 a political meetini; in my lite. 
 
 J, H. Lane— T stand on scieutiflc prluclides; I 
 am no politician. 
 
 H. Baldwin— I will not give anything for such 
 purposes. 
 
 G. C. Hchacil'cr— Ecfuses to giie upon the ground 
 thrit ho takes no part in political affairs. 
 
 T. E. Pcale— Kefuses to jjive uiion the ground 
 that he takes no part in political affairs. 
 
 T. T. Everett— Has contributed tiBO to N. Y. 
 Club, anil scut what money he could spare 
 t o doubtf 1 districts in N. Y , and will give 
 gi \ e S.'iii iiiaiil in my presence) to PcnnH^■lva- 
 uia Club If wished by Peunsylvauiaus. 
 
 J. M. Henry— Refuses to give one ccut. 
 
 A. Herbert- Kefuses to give anythiug; is op- 
 posed to the principle. 
 
 De Witt C. Lawrence— SSO, contributed to Penn- 
 sylvania Club, tso to Pa. cumpaign, $25 to 
 Mich. Club. 
 
 T. H. Dodge— Out ot city. (Pd. $20 subse- 
 quently. 
 
 A. B. Little— Out of city. (Pd. $20 subse- 
 quently.) 
 
 E. Foreman— Has given $2S to Md. Club, and $lo 
 to Pa. 
 
 D. Breed— Eefuses to give anything for any 
 electioneering purposes ; he is a Quaker and 
 stands on scientific principles. 
 
 C. B. Moss— For Pa. Club $10 ; would give more 
 if he had it to spare ; subscribes purely as a 
 Democratic partisan. 
 
 J, Van Santvord— EefuEea to give anythiug. 
 
 J. Tyasowski— $10 to Pa. 
 
 H. P. K. Pecli— $10 to Pa. ; have contributed a 
 small sum to Ohio Club. 
 
 M. Bull— Has given $10 to Pa. 
 
 w . B. Taylor— Have subscribed $15 to Pa. Club. 
 
 Wm. Bead- Havejust subscribed $2.50 into Ky. 
 Club for sending documents to that State, 
 and am at present out of funds, or I would 
 subscribe. 
 
 A. T. Jenks— $25 to Pa. Club, $10 for Pa. at pres- 
 ent; ($20 subsequently.) 
 
 J. D. Toll— $25 to Mich. Club, and considerably 
 otherwise purchasing and sending off docu- 
 ments. 
 
 J. H. Adams— Has subscribed $10 to Pa. 
 
 S. E. Cowes— $25 to N. H. Club. 
 
 E. Shaw— $10 to Pa. 
 
 French— Was not appointed on political princi- 
 ples. 
 
 Ee pectf uUy submitted, 
 
 S. D. MILLS. 
 
 The report relating to the Patent Of- 
 fice employees has the following in- 
 dorsement : 
 
 " S. D. Mills, 
 
 0/ the Patent Office, Ain-il 29, 1837 : 
 
 Before 'he flrst election in Pennsylvania last 
 fall, he waited upon the examiners of the bu- 
 reau to solicit subscriptions in behalf of the 
 Democratic pa ty in that State, and gives a 
 statement of his interviews with each. 
 
 Out of the 26 but 14 subscribed ; the others 
 absolutely refusing, or giving some lame ex- 
 cuse. One of the subscribers gave $2. .50." 
 
 Then follows, in a different handwrit- 
 ing, the following: 
 
 "Referred to tlie Secretanj.of the Interior. J. 
 
 " J. B." — that is, James Buchanan, 
 the President of the United States. 
 Tliat shows that the report was made 
 to President Buclianan; that he received 
 and approved and sent it to the Secre- 
 tary of tlie Interior. He thus indorsed 
 the practice of parti.sau assessments on 
 the salaries of government employees, 
 and by sending the report to their offi- 
 cial superior indicated his judgmeiit 
 that the delinquent or recusant exam- 
 iners should be decapitated. 
 
 Report of the Xon- YorK democratic As- 
 sociation at^Vashing'ton. I>.C, respect- 
 in;;- partisan assessnnents— l,ist of do- 
 lincjuents in tite Rureans of the In- 
 «oi>Ior nopartniont— L,lst of those in 
 I»ost Oflice nepartment- ICatlo of .*s- 
 sessnient- Causes ..^ssi^ned for Failure 
 — List of those inditrorent—I.ist of those 
 whoexhlhitcd Praiseworthy devotion 
 to nemocratic Cause by promptly 
 " Ponying: up"— Order of Association 
 to Hie Report with Secretary of the 
 
POLITICAL ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 loa 
 
 Interior and Postmaster-General— In- 
 dorsement of Department on Report. 
 
 Like the foregoino:, the following is a 
 strongly illuminated paper : 
 
 Exlrcut from a Heporl made by the Committee in 
 mirnvKnccof a reu'duttrm aclopted by tite New 
 YfjH:, Dcmocvatlc Assovidtitn of Washington 
 City, oil the \Uh Novevihcr, 1856, instructing it 
 to collect information regarding payments by 
 New Yorkers in office in Washington: and vjho 
 failed or dtdined to act lolth said Association 
 in aid of the Democratic cause. 
 
 , INTEItlOR DEPARTMENT. 
 
 Simeon Smitb, clerk— was a eo-called " Eepubll- 
 can;" and failed to respond to the call of 
 the Aesn. 
 
 GKNKRAL LAND OFFICE. 
 
 C. Walbridgc, clerli- failed to respond to the 
 call of the Assn. ; and so far as we can learn 
 paid nothing for our cause. 
 
 D. McCarty, clerk— failed to respond to our 
 call, until assessed elsewhere ; when he paid 
 our Treasurer $15 on the day of Pennsylva- 
 nia election. 
 
 Eiohard Kelly, clerk at Sl,400 per annum— failed 
 to respond to our call ; hut, late in the can- 
 vass, handed our Treasurer $2.50. 
 
 M. J. Bacon, clerk— subscribed $2.60 per month, 
 or $12.50, but faUed to pay anj^thiug; his 
 name was strickou from the list of members 
 of the Association by resolution. 
 
 PATENT OFFICE. 
 
 L. D. Gale, examiner — declined to aid the Dem- 
 ocratic cause, saying he would not interfere 
 In poUtice. 
 
 Daniel Breed, asst. exr. — refused to give 
 anything to the Democratic cause, 
 stating that he held his office in virtue of 
 his scientilic attainments ; he is a so-called 
 "Eepubliean." 
 
 J. Van S.antvord, asst. examur.- stated, in re- 
 sponse to an as-sessmeut from another quar- 
 ter, that he was opposed to the principle of 
 giving to sustain the Democratic cause, and 
 tailed to respond to our call ; he was a eo- 
 called "Republican." 
 
 P. \V. Eitter, clerk at .?1,COO per ann. — sub- 
 scribed HI per mouth, or $5, but paid only 
 one-half of that amount, and did no service. 
 
 W. W. Turner, Librarian— is a so-called "Eepub- 
 liean" foreigner, and refused to aid the Dem- 
 ocratic cause ; he did not respond to om' 
 call. 
 
 Jas. S. Ewbank, clerk— failed to respond to our 
 call, and wo are iuformed does not claim 
 sympathy with the Democratic cause. 
 
 PENSION OFFICE. 
 
 Samuel Cole, Chief Clerk— failed to respond to 
 our call, and kept aloof from the Canvass 
 until lale, when he paid, involuntarily, else- 
 where about $20. 
 
 As the following named New YorJcers, Judging 
 by their conchicl, ajipear to have been %ndtffer- 
 ent to the Democratic cause dnHng the Canvass, 
 it is deemed proper to give the following facts 
 concerning them. • 
 
 I'ATENT OFFICE. 
 
 v. I. Browne, Agi-icultural Division— kept aloof, 
 without responding to our call, untn the 
 State election in Pennsylvania; after that he 
 sent to our Treasurer $ao. 
 
 GENERAL LAND OFFICE. 
 
 Ellas W. Gillett, Clerk— failed to pay anything, 
 and did nothing in favor of our caueethat 
 came to the knowledge of the Association. 
 
 H. L. Kendig, Clerk in Pension Office— sub- 
 scribed SIO, but only paid $2; he received 
 $1,400 pr. ann. ; came to our room several 
 times, but was entirely inefficient. 
 
 Names of persons, members of the New York 
 Democratic Association, and others, hailing 
 from New York, who exhibited proper and, 
 praiseworthy devotion to tlie cause of tite De- 
 mocracy diinng tIte Canvass oflBX. 
 
 EXTRACT. 
 INTERIOR DEPARTMENT. 
 
 P. Lammond, elk.- contribution of money and 
 personal effort. 
 
 OFFICE OF INDIAN AFFAIRS. 
 
 Charles V. loUne, clerk— contribution of money 
 
 and personal effort. 
 I. Bartow (since resigned)— contribution of 
 
 money and personal eflort. 
 H. R.Schoolcraft (onStatistics)- contributionof 
 
 money and "personal effort. 
 
 GENERAL LAND OFFICE. 
 
 I. N. Granger, Recorder — contribution of 
 
 money. 
 S. Brintwall, clerk— contribution of money and 
 
 personal effort. 
 C. C. Leeds, clerk— contribution of money and 
 
 personal effort. 
 I. L. Cramer, clerk — contribution of money and 
 
 personal eft'ort. 
 N. B. Smith, (late Pay Gen'l Off.)— contribution 
 
 of money and personal effort. 
 G. H. Gurley, clerk — contribution of money and 
 
 personal effort. 
 I. B. Hunt, clerk— contribution of money and 
 
 personal effort. 
 
 PATENT OFFICE. 
 
 T. T. Everitt, Examr. — contribution of money- 
 A. M. Smith, clerk— contribution of money and 
 personal effort. 
 
 PENSION OFFICE. 
 
 Wm. B. Maleom— contribution of money and 
 
 personal effort. 
 A. G.F 
 
 Fowler— contribution of monej' and jier- 
 sonal effort. 
 
 Elias Marsh— contribution of money and per 
 sonal effort. 
 
 March 24, 1857. On motion, ordered, that the 
 report of the Committee be accepted, and a 
 copy of the same be forwarded to Hon. John 
 Kelly and Hon. I. B. Haskins, together with 
 lists of other delinquents, and such persons re- 
 siding iu Washington, as aided the Association 
 with labors and contributions, with the request 
 that 60 much thereof be presented by them to 
 each of the Secretaries and the P. M. General as 
 relates to their respective departments. 
 
 By order of N. Y. Democratic Association, 
 N. B. SMITH, 
 Chs. O. Johne, President. 
 
 Recording Secretary. 
 
 This report of the committee of the 
 New York Democratic Association has 
 the following endorsement : 
 
 Interior Department. Report of a committee 
 of the New York Democratic Association giv- 
 ing names of clerks iu he Interior Departme^it 
 who refused to contribute for Democratic pur- 
 poses, and also of those who thus contributed. 
 
 Pennsylvania Democracy active parti- 
 sans of Political Assessments— Re- 
 port of Pennsylvania B. A: B. Club un- 
 der Instructions of Club — Ust of Penn- 
 
110 
 
 POLITICAL -ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 sylvanians ivho refused ttie ''Spondu- 
 lix." 
 
 The Pennsylvanians were also active 
 partisans of politicalassessments. These 
 Democratic patriots, like their confreres 
 of Now York and other States the sup- 
 porters of Lecomptou.and the violent and 
 bloody border ruffian rule in Kansas, 
 believed that all who refused to con- 
 tribute to the fund for the maintenance 
 of tliat i-ule, should be summarily guil- 
 lotined. TJie following is the report of 
 their club in the matter : 
 
 [Copy.] 
 
 Pesn'a B. & B. Club Room, 
 Washington City, V. C, Nov. 12, 1850. 
 In obedience to a resolution of tlie club, 
 passed Aug. 6. 1356, callin? (,u the Secrel arv for 
 areport of tile number of p'^rsons in office from 
 Pennsjlvauia, wlio refused to connect tliem- 
 selves with our o-ganizatiou, I herewith report 
 the following named gentlemen, as having re- 
 fused to aid us, either with their money or their 
 presence : 
 
 1. Francis Marlioe, State Dept Sl,800 
 
 2. A. H. Derrielc, " " 1,000 
 
 3. John P. Polt, " •' 1.600 
 
 i. S. M. McKean, Treasury Dept 2,000 
 
 5. .lames M. Ramsey, " " 2.000 
 
 6. W.M.Gongs, '• '• i;soo 
 
 7. John B. Sullivan, " " 1,600 
 
 «. B. W. Keyser, " " 1,400 
 
 9. J. B. Oliver, " •• (Re- 
 moved May 29, 1858) " " 1,400 
 
 10. Brooke Mackail, " " 1,400 
 
 11. C. M. Harris, " " 1,400 
 
 12. W. L. Waller, " " ... '.' 1.400 
 18. A. (i Marshman, " " (Re- 
 moved Nov. 13, 1857) " " 1,200 
 
 14. J. C. Kietchman, " " 1,200 
 
 1.5. J. E. Peale, Interior Dept 2,000 
 
 :6. G. P. Howell, " " .... 1400 
 
 17. Thos. H. Baird, " " (Re- 
 moved Peb'y 3, 1858) 1,200 
 
 18. Archibald Campbell, War Dept . 2,200 
 
 19. W. P. Young, P. O. Dept 1,600 
 
 20. C. K. Stillwagon, Navy Dept 1,400 
 
 Respectfully submitted to the club, 
 
 THOS. J. McCAMONT, 
 7?ec. Sec'y. 
 
 21. Note.— To above may be added Alex.ander 
 Hood, who refused to give until after Octo- 
 ber election. 
 
 Hon. ». A. Sinallcy of Vermont to Secre- 
 tary of the Interior— Uemancls Re- 
 moval of J. H. I,ane because ho refused 
 to pay Assessments— Payment of As- 
 sessments a test of I>«niocracy— Re- 
 fusal to pay Good Oround for Ueiuo- 
 val— James I.ake Henry, an lndig;nant 
 Democrat fharged with jnlidelKy to 
 Party— A ISIaveholder and Oordial 
 Hater of Black Republicans- He not 
 only Contributed, but when an offl- 
 cer of the Army, Slarched his two 
 Companies of Regulars to the Polls 
 in I>etroit and ordered them to vote 
 Democratic ticket and defend them- 
 selves In so voting^. 
 
 One interesting ana instructive docu- 
 ment consists of a letter from A. J. 
 Cass, an oflScer in the Treasury, to D. A. 
 
 Smalley, a Democratic M. C. from Ver- 
 mont. Tlie letter was written at the re- 
 quest of Smalley, Mr. Cass, having 
 some doubts of " the propriety of one 
 clerk voluQteering charges against an- 
 other." Mr. Smalley was not troubled 
 with scruples. Mr. Cass says : 
 
 Washington, D. C, May 16, 1857. 
 Hon. D. A. Smalley, 
 
 Deak Sir : The man J. H. Lane is an Exam 
 iner in the Patent Office from your State. If he 
 lias not been since the advent of Clirist, be has 
 certainly been so long that "the memory of 
 man runnetli not to the contrary." From reli- 
 able information I have ascertained that he iiae 
 never been witii us politiealh-, iience, he has 
 been against us. When we were at worlr like 
 Kcallcd fiends to avoid beins driven to the wall 
 by the horde of "black spirits and white" in 
 Pcnua., Mr. Lane refused to gi-se us aid and 
 comfort, stating that he " stood on scientific 
 and not on political principles." " - '■ 
 
 I remain. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. J. CASa. 
 
 The above letter was enclo.^ed iu the 
 following one fi-om Smalley : 
 
 WiLLAEDS Hotel, 2!aij 16, 1857. 
 Dear Sir : Before I leave the citv, pennit me 
 to say a word about two clerks froin Vt. lu your 
 Depts. One is S. G. Heaton, in Pension Bureau. 
 He is a sound and reliable Democrat, and I sin- 
 cerely hope will be retained, as Vt.. Ithink, has 
 much less than her (juota of Clerks. 
 
 Mr. J. H. Lane is also an Examiner, appt. 
 from Vt., and I think he ought to be removed- 
 the reasons therefore will be found in the en- 
 closed not from Mr. Cats, written in reply to 
 one I addressed him yesterday. 
 
 With High 
 Respect yours 
 Truly, 
 T , ,^, D. A. SMALLEY. 
 
 Hon. Jacob Thompson, 
 Sec'y of Interior. 
 
 Following the above, on the samf 
 sheet of paper, this State paper is added: 
 
 "To the foregoing note of my friend SmaUev, 
 I desire to add that I have the best reasons for 
 believing that about 50 per c->nt. of the clerks in 
 the_ Laud and Patent Otfices su'eaHli-Dcniocratie,, 
 under one ism or another. The only evidence 
 which you should require of this fact— is the re- 
 fusal of a hi/ one to contribute toward the ex- 
 penses of the late Presidential election, unless 
 for the assigned cause of sheer poi-crli/. 
 
 There are some in youi- own department who 
 not only refused to contribute, but avowed the 
 ground of their refusal to be that they were not 
 democrats. 
 
 Is it to be said that their places cannot be siip- 
 inied: I trow not. 
 
 Faithfully and Cordially, 
 Y'oui' friend, 
 
 ALBERT SMITH. 
 
 . Another contribution to liistory con- 
 sists of a letter from J. L. Henry, an Ex- 
 aminer in the Patent Office, addi-essedto 
 lion. Jacob Thompson, Secretary of the 
 Interior, as follows : 
 
 U. S. Patent Office, 
 
 am . T 1 i, i June 10, '57. 
 
 T5„; ,',• learn that my name is upon a list "Bl'k 
 Republicans, Know-Nothings, etc.," before you. 
 
 If so, the one who was instrumental in plac- 
 ing It there deserves punishment for blind, if 
 not malicious lalsehood. My entire family and 
 lelatives are (being slave-holders) cordial haters 
 
POLITICAL ASSKSSJTEN'TS. 
 
 Ill 
 
 of t^hat class of men. But, as I did all m my 
 power (by subscription, example, etc.) to defeat 
 them, and to elect our President, I feel morti- 
 fied at this step — unnecessary. I hopf, to vindi- 
 cate my self-respect. 
 
 I may add that Mr. Bu<!hanan is my personal 
 friend, procured my cadetship, has more than 
 once Wndly written me advice, etc. 
 
 I may further add that, in '.50-1 1 was repri- 
 manded by order of the War Department, and 
 violently prejudiced by opposing papers, for (as 
 an oflicer) "interfering in elections" and caus- 
 Inginy two companies of regulars to be marched 
 to the polls, in Detroit, and OefeiuJ themselves in 
 voting for Mr. A. W. Biiel, (Democrat)— the oppo- 
 nent of E. G. Penuiman (Whig). Lastly— I have 
 a letter from one of your co-equalti (if I may so 
 si)eak) aslcing promotion for me. * * « 
 I have the honor to bo 
 Yr Ob't Serv't, 
 
 JAS. LAKE HENPvY, 
 Examiner 
 Hon. J. Thompson, o/P'is. 
 
 Sec*i/ of Iitterwr. 
 
 P. 8. My 'name was at the head of a list pre- 
 pared by the Know-Nothings, lor proscription 
 Before the election. 
 
 We might multiply, from the batch 
 before us, these characteristic letters, 
 but the foregoing amply tell tlie shame- 
 ful tale of the corrupt ami tyrannical 
 abuse of political asse.ssments by the 
 Democrats under Pierce and Buchanan. 
 
 PART X. 
 
 The liaw of 1876, proliibi- 
 biting Political Aj^se^^s- 
 mentsi — Some tacts in the 
 History of its Passage. 
 
 Ymvt of 1S70, passed by the Confederate 
 Brlg'adter.s— 'Part of tSie Confederate 
 machinery to wrest STational Oovern- 
 inent from the hands of the majority 
 — Violated even at the date of its pas- 
 sag^e by its Democratic authors — The 
 Brig^adiers and all of the einplo.yees of 
 Cong^ress assessed in 1S76 hy Demo- 
 cratic National Committee for parti- 
 san purposes and promptly foot the 
 bill— Hon. S. S. Cox, friend and pro- 
 tege of John Kelly- S. S. Cox in 1S76 
 denounces Republicans for political 
 assessments — Tammany's Assessments 
 in 1S76 of municipal employees of 
 Bfew York in support of Sammy's 
 election to House— Kelly's assessment 
 circular of 1876. 
 
 The law respecting political assess- 
 ments referred to b.v Mr. Pendleton in 
 the Senate, and by Geo. Wm. Curtis in 
 his circular, was passed in 1876. It was 
 
 fassed by the Confederate Brigadiers, 
 t was passed as a part of the macliine- 
 ry by which they proposed to wrest the 
 National Government from the liands of 
 the majority. By it, all. they proposed i 
 was to defeat or cripple the organization 
 of the Republican party by defeating ' 
 
 all voluntary contributions, not assess- 
 ments, in its support. Tliat is abso- 
 lutely notorious. For at the moment 
 I of its passage the party committees of 
 1 the Democracy were assessingthe Briga- 
 I diers, Senators and Members, and all 
 the employees of both Houses of Con- 
 gress, for partisan purposes. Thus, at 
 j the moment of its passage, their own 
 I committees, with tlieir knowledge and 
 j approval, were violating the provisions 
 I of the law, and the Brigadiers united 
 ! in their infringement by paying these 
 : assessments. Couhl party craft be 
 , meanfer or more wicked ? 
 j Now, Hon. S. S. Cox, a Democratic 
 I member of the House representing a vir- 
 tuous New York city const! Ueucy, is 
 t a genius and a scholar, rich in political 
 history and racy in debate. He i.s par 
 ] excellence a reformer of the most ap- 
 proved copperhead type — a purist in 
 . everything — in politics, as in religion 
 and morals. He literally abhors all 
 ; vice — all corruption — all the machinery 
 j or agents of corruption or vice. His 
 great mission on earth, like that of 
 Pendleton and Curtis, is to purify our 
 politics and society. Hence, being a 
 ; Nevv Yorker, lie is naturall)^, as from 
 I inclination or ambition, a friend and 
 ' protege of that great and good man, the 
 grand sachem of Tammany, John Kel- 
 ly. Hence, also, in 1876, Hon. S. S. Cox 
 was the principal, as he was the ablest 
 and most eloquent, supporter of the 
 law against political assessments. 
 
 His invectives against the corrupt sys- 
 tem of arbitrary assessments for partisan 
 purposes were as terrible as eloquent, 
 : as was also his arraignment of the Re- 
 publican party as guilty of corruption 
 and tyranny in resorting to or enforcing 
 such assessments. Against all such cor- 
 rupt party practices this sublimated 
 patriot, the "high toned" and virtuous 
 S. S. Cox, would revolt as contami- 
 nating. Nevertheless, about the date 
 of these utterances in 1876, this incor- 
 ruptible purist, our "Little Samm.y," was 
 liquidating the assessment of his own 
 party committee, and in New York city, 
 at home, in support of Sammy's re-elec- 
 tion, among other partisan purposes, his 
 friend and patron, John Kelly, the good 
 Sachem of Tammany, was assessing in 
 a vast sum the municipal employees of 
 the New York city government. About 
 that date, the New York Herald pub- 
 lished the following circular from the 
 Democratic general committee, signed 
 by Augustus Schell as chairman, and 
 John Kel'y and others as its tiuance com- 
 mittee: 
 
 Sir : The Democratic Republican General 
 Committee of New York are much in want of 
 funds to pay the legitimate and necessary ex- 
 penses of the commg Presideiitialr State , and 
 county elections, to be held ih November, on- 
 suing, and request from you for that purpose a 
 contribution of dollars. 
 
112 
 
 POI.ITICAL ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 Bv pavinff that amount to tlie ooUector, Mr. 
 Jolm D. Newman, at your earliest convenience, 
 you -mil greatly oblige. 
 
 This circular is a copy of the one 
 ren-uliirlv addressed by the latumany 
 committee, at all National, State, or mu- 
 nicipal elections, to all the employees 
 of the municipal and State goveiTuments 
 when under the control of the Democ- 
 racT, and the assessments thus made are 
 inexorably enforced. Woe to the un- 
 fortunate" wight who hesitates or re- 
 fuses to pay them. By virtue of such 
 assessments the Honorable S. Is. Oox 
 liolds his seat in the House. 
 
 partments wben vacancies occur during his 
 term all of which enter Into the calculations of 
 the political pool. The sheriff's order of arrest, 
 clert and deputies make large amounts outside 
 of the sheriff's regular fees, amounting in the 
 vear according to the estimate of an expert, to 
 ilouble the amount of the sheriff's gross in- 
 cenie, or, say, one hundred and eighty thousand 
 dollars, xhe illegitimate charges greatly exceed- 
 ing the legitimate charges under some former 
 sheriffs. This portion of the plunder account 
 stand^ as follows : 
 
 rATEOSAGB OF NEXT MAYOR. 
 
 $6,000 
 
 Two cominiesiouers of accounts 
 
 Patronage of office, 1876 
 
 One supervisor City Record 
 Corrnpt Character and Vast Amount ] Patronage of otBce, 1876 
 of Tammany's Partisan Assessments 
 on New YorR City and County— $448,- 
 600— Personal Plunder of Tammany— 
 Sammy Cox's Friend and Patron— The 
 ^ihameful Story In detail of this Sys- 
 tematic Corruption. 
 
 One police commissioner 
 
 One-third patronage of police departs 
 
 meut as per ta:i levy o f 1876 1,363,000 
 
 ■ ■ ' '■- 6,000 
 
 6,000 
 6,000 
 
 ^ ^ 25,000 
 
 One commissioner of charities and cor 
 
 rection 
 
 One-third share of salary patronage.. 
 
 One tire commissioner 
 
 One-third share of salary patronage. . 
 
 One health commissioner 
 
 One-thud share of patronage 
 
 One dock commissioner . 
 
 One-third share patronage (estimated) 
 
 A successful politician must necessarily be a one parlt commissioner 
 
 good arithmetician, not only must he well one-third share of salary patronage., 
 versed in the rules of addition, division, suh- ] one commissioner of taxes and assess- 
 
 traotion, and "silence," quoting the words of our i ments 
 
 able and sprightly "contemporary the Sun, hut One-third share of salary patronage.. 
 
 5,000 
 93,000 
 5,000 
 
 349,000 
 
 6,000 
 
 46,000 
 
 3,000 
 
 100,000 
 
 he must possess the ahiUty of a Ughtuing calcu- 
 lator, so as to he competent to arrive at totals 
 and pcrcentai^es with promptness and accuracy. 
 Talie the jilunder to be scrambled for in the po- 
 litical pool m this city in the present elections, 
 for instance, and it wiU bo seen that the capac- 
 ity of an expert accountantis needed to grapple 
 with the figures involved. We have to elect a 
 Mayor, a SherifT, a County Clerk, a Surrogate, a 
 Jiuige of tlie Superior Court, a Judge of the Ma- 
 rine Court, six Aldermen-at-Largc, sixteen dis- 
 trict Aldermen, three Coroners, seven Congress- 
 men, and twenty-one Assemblymen. Here are 
 fifty-eight ofHces to be divided up among a hun- 
 giy crowd of applicants numbering nearly as 
 many Imndreds, and the labor is of course in- 
 creased when the division isto include the mem- 
 bers of a rival political organization. The first 
 thing necessary is to ascertain the net value of 
 the otiites, after deducting thepoUtical percent- 
 ages claimed by the successful party, and the 
 result of tills primary calculation shows as fol- 
 ows; 
 
 Annual Political 
 Salary assuss Not re- 
 Office, or fees, inenis, ccipts. 
 
 Superintend nt of buildings. 
 
 Patro ■ age of otBce 
 
 Comptro ler (p obably) 
 
 Patronage of office 
 
 Corporation counsel (probably). 
 Patrona: e of office 
 
 101,000 
 
 5,000 
 34,000 
 6,600 
 68,600 
 12,000 
 230,000 
 16,000 
 146,000 
 
 Muyor S12,00(l 
 
 Shcrifr 110,000 
 
 County Cleric 75,00j 
 
 Surrogate 15,000 
 
 Superior Court JuQffe 17.500 
 
 Marine Court Judge 10,003 
 
 President Board Aldermen.. 6.000 
 
 Twenty one Aldermen 105 000 
 
 Seven "Cuiigressmcn 35,000 
 
 Twenty-one Afisemblymen.. 31.503 
 Three Coroners 75,00 i 
 
 S6,U0 1 
 
 87,000 
 
 50.000 
 
 60, 00 
 
 i'l.Coj 
 
 50,000 
 
 S.OjO 
 
 12,( 00 
 
 5,(10(1 
 
 12.000 
 
 2,000 
 
 8,000 
 
 J, 50 J 
 
 4 50O 
 
 21,000 
 
 84,030 
 
 1(1.500 
 
 24.500 
 
 5,700 
 
 2.5.603 
 
 15,000 
 
 GO.OjO 
 
 Totals 492,000 243,700 318.800 
 
 The distribution of the political plunder of 
 this city, therefore, implies the bestowal upon 
 political favorites of the snug net annual in- 
 come of $348,300, and the securing for parti pur- 
 poses the handsome contribution of $134, 700 each 
 year, or its i-i'oportion during the continuance 
 of those elected in office. But this is b.r no 
 means all, or the most important portion of the 
 plunder. The election of a party mayor, sheriff, 
 county clerk, and surrogate means the bagging 
 of a very large amount of direct official patron- 
 age with those offices in addition to the salaries 
 andfees. The mayor appoints the heads of dc- 
 
 ' Grosstotal $2,681,000 
 
 Lees 10 per cent, political assessment- 268,400 
 
 Net plunder $2,415,600 
 
 Wc include the comptroller's and corporation 
 attorney's offices as the probable plunder of the 
 next miyor, because, although the terms of of- 
 fice of Mr. Green and Mr. Whitney will expire 
 before Mayor Wickham retires from public life, 
 the board of aldermen is imderstood to be under 
 instructions not to confirm Mr. Wickham's ap- 
 pointments to these offices should the Tam- 
 many mas'or be successful, but to leave them to 
 his successor. In addition to this we have the 
 patronage of the sheriff's and county clerk's of- 
 fices outside the fees of the princiiials. and of 
 the surrogate's office, which is estimated as fol- 
 lows ; 
 
 Sheriff's patronage $180,000 
 
 County clerk's patronage 60,000 
 
 I Surrogate's patrsnage " 76,000 
 
 I Total $305,000 
 
 I Less ten percentum political assessment 30,500 
 
 I Net patronage $274,600 
 
 Wc therefore have as the total city andcounty 
 plunder at stake in the present election the fol- 
 lowing grand total: 
 
 Gross direct salaries and fees . 
 Less political assessments - .. 
 
 $492,000 
 143,700 
 
 Gross mayor's patronage 2,684,000 
 
 Less political assessments . . . 268,400 
 
 $348,300 
 
 Gross other patronage $805,000 
 
 Le^s political as:iessment6 . . . 30,500 
 
 2,415,609 
 
 274,500 
 
 Net personal p'.under . 
 Political assessments. , 
 
 Grand total plunder. . 
 
 $3,038,400 
 442 GOO 
 
 $3,481,000 
 
POLITICAL ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 li:j 
 
 It Is vciy easy to understaud from tliis state- 1 
 ment how ditHcult a work it must be to auction j 
 ott'and divide up tiiese oltices among politicians ' 
 ot rival and adverse organizations, and why- 
 Mr. John Kelly is so anxious to boo. ire all the 
 spoils for his own political household. — New 
 fork Herald, October, 1876. 
 
 The Democrats of North Carolina, like 
 their Conveners of Nexv Yorli, also tle- 
 nonnce Partisan Assessment while 
 enforcing; assessments njton all offi- 
 cials whom they control. 
 
 We have come into possession of a circular 
 from the liepuhlican Congressional Comuiittce 
 to a gentleman holding an oitlce under the gov- 
 verment In the city, assessing him the sura of $3 
 tor the benefit of the campaign tuni.— Elizabeth 
 Oitu "Falcon," 
 
 Happy Republican oifloial! And we have 
 come into possession of the fact, as alleged, 
 that it is proposed to assess the entire Demo- 
 cratic gang of chronic otlioehoiders, including 
 State olHcials and Congressmen, one month's 
 pay each for campaign expenses. There will be 
 a lively time in getting that month's pay out of 
 many of these gents, particularly those of them 
 who feel their otUcial days are numbered, and 
 that list includes seven Representatives and 
 one Senai or in Congress. But make them pay 
 out of the plunder tuey have already received. 
 —Ralei^/i N. O. Journal. 
 
 So throughout the States, in county, 
 city, and town, wherever they have con- 
 trol, the Democracy, all reformers of 
 tlie Pendleton and Cox and Curtis type, 
 while clamoring against Republican 
 contributions, inexorably enforce their 
 sj^stem of political assessments as a test 
 of party fealty. 
 
 PART XL 
 
 Further Exposure of the 
 
 False Pretenses of Pendle- 
 ton, ISandall, Cox and 
 Curtis, in the Matter of 
 Political Assessments. 
 
 Hypocrisy of the Democracy and the 
 Civil Service Reform Noodles ag^ainst 
 Political Assessments— All in the Past, 
 as in the Present, g^uilty of levying: a 
 Partisan Tax, Political Assessments, 
 npon their Supporters— Sfo Party but 
 the Democratic Party ever Arbitrari- 
 ly Assessed Oovernment Employees 
 for partisan purposes— No Party but 
 the Democratic Party ever Inflicted 
 Removal from OlBce as the penalty 
 of Non-Payment of the Assessments 
 of the insatiable Democratic Tax 
 Gatherer-But the corrupt practice 
 originated In 1829 in the Demo- 
 cratic Party— That Party inexorably 
 enforced the Tax throughont its long 
 Misrule— The History of the Republi- 
 can Party one whole Conflict against 
 such Corrupt Tyranny. 
 
 Hence, the studied hypocrisy, the 
 fraud or false pretense of tlie highly 
 
 wrought indif.ruati'- .it the P;judlftons, 
 Randalls and Co? ..-i in the Senate and 
 House, and tV.n Democratic press— by 
 the leaders of the Democratic party 
 every wliere — at partisan assessments, at 
 arbitraiy and compulsory assessments 
 for partisan purposes— as also their af- 
 fected liorror at the pretended corrup- 
 tion and demoralization of the times, 
 their simulated sympathies for op- 
 pressed office -liolders coerced to sub- 
 mit to arbitrary assessments of their 
 " meager salaries " for partisan pur- 
 poses, and their theatrical himents over 
 the fall of purity in parties and the 
 consequent dangers to liberty and 
 morals, can all be properly appreciated 
 at their real worth and in their real 
 character — as only the old masks with 
 which these hereditary conspirators 
 against freedom, honest administration, 
 and the purity of part}' — our hereditary 
 corruptionists — march to the resurrec- 
 tion of that putrescent old hulk — the 
 Democratic party. 
 
 No party b\ifc the Democratic party 
 ever resorted to compulsory parti.■^an 
 assessments. No party but the Demo- 
 cratic party ever inflicted the penalty 
 of dismissal from oflice npon the un- 
 fortunate Groverumnt official, who 
 failed or refused or was unable to liqui- 
 date this arbitrary party tax at the 
 command of the insatiable Democratic 
 tax gatlierer ; but this practise, as cor- 
 rupt and demoralizing as it was tyran- 
 nical originating witli the Democracy, 
 was inexorably enforced bj; that party 
 and its organs in the national, State, 
 and municipal governments under (heir 
 control throughout those fifty years of 
 misrule which Pendleton, in the Senate, 
 so highly eulogized. Every principle 
 of the Republican party revolts at such 
 a practice. Its whole history is one of 
 conflicts with such practices, and its 
 only parallel in anv party is ro be found 
 in the attitude of George Wm. Curtis 
 and the so called Civil Service Reform- 
 ers in their campaign against the Re- 
 publican party in support of the violent 
 and corrupt Democratic bulldozer. 
 These political purists, these preten- 
 ders to reform of the Civil Service — 
 the Pendletons, rich in the spoils of 
 rotten railroad claims; the S. S. Coxes, 
 elected by Tammany through the very 
 agencies or practices they denounce, 
 arbitrary and compulsory partisan as- 
 sessments of municipal employees of 
 their cities or districts, with Ueo. Wm. 
 Curtis, all work upon the same plane to 
 the same ends — the overthrow or sup- 
 pression either by violence or fraud of 
 the lawful majorities of the Nation. 
 They all abhor the majority. They 
 all arbitrarily assess their retainers 
 wherever they have tlie power and des- 
 potically punish all delinquents. 
 " Shoot deserters," " Decapitate all 
 delinquents of the party tax," were. 
 
114 
 
 POLITICAL ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 inflexible cardinal maxims of the old 
 Democracy. 
 
 Cnrlis Places himself on the platform 
 of the Bourbon Bulldozer— He de- 
 nounces tlie Rule of the "Majority , 
 and proclaims the Kule' of the Mi. 
 nority— Curtis and his Reform Pre- 
 tenders ever elamorlnii^ for Contri- 
 butions— His Simulated Sympathies 
 for the Oppressed OIHce-holders Ex- 
 tinguished by tlielr contributing to 
 the Fund of the Party which saved 
 the Katlon — All Such Contributing 
 Officeholders must expiate Such Sin 
 iu the Penitentiary, their Families 
 in the Alnishouse — Cnrtis the Ge- 
 nius of the Inquisition— Viva Curtis 
 and liOyola— Tlva Curtis and Wade 
 Hampton ! 
 
 Gfeo.; Win. Curtis and his bogus re- 
 foi'mers are ever clamoring for pe- 
 cuniary- aid, for contributions, for " do- 
 nations " of money. A passage of tlieir 
 circular addressed to every Goverment 
 employee, reads : 
 
 Donations lor tlie general pui'posee of the As- 
 BQciation are, , requested. Clieolts should be 
 drawn to order of Jolm C. Euo, treasurer, and 
 addressed to WiUiiun Potts, secretary. 
 
 Anotlier passage reads : 
 
 The Association invites all citizens to join Its 
 numbers and assist in Improving our civU ser- 
 vice and purifying our politics. 
 
 Annual dues for membership, $2. For fur- 
 ther particulars address William Potts,' secre- 
 tary. 
 
 Tlius George Wm. Curtis and his 
 bogus reformers declare that it i.s per- 
 fectly justifiable, highly moral, and iu 
 fhn) Ijne of a pure Ci\il! Service for theiy 
 laogiis association, for this c6pbina,tioij 
 of , unprincipled hoodies, yclept , reform- 
 ers, this pai'ty, of .bogus Civil^ Se'vvipe 
 reformers, to daily addrpss Government 
 ofljicials clamoriug for donati'^'hs of 
 money, to assess or tax iu the form of 
 annual-dues, every member of tlieir as-, 
 sociati,ou ,or,part|y, whether Goyeinme^jt 
 officials or not,, tor a partisan fund,\vit|^L 
 ■which, to defray the expenses of their 
 slanderous' publications' agaui,st tlje Ke- 
 publi9au party ; but in the same breath 
 denounce as,, immoral, corrupt, and op-' 
 prea^ive , for the Ivepublioau organs tp 
 reriuestand 'recicive of .Government of- 
 ficials, <?r for such employee to contrib- 
 ute, "money or otljer valuable thing" iu 
 support of the party upon wliose cour- 
 age aiid virtues, m\w as iii all the past, 
 ■wholly rest the liberties as the luorals 
 of the,people aod uatiou, , . 
 
 True,, Cui'tis and his bogus refoimers 
 have not, the. power to remove tliose 
 
 offlcials ■who treat their clamors for con- 
 tributions, their daily requisitions for 
 money, with contempt. But they act 
 upon the principle as far as their power 
 extends. And Curtis has removed all 
 doubt as to his m >tives or purposes. 
 In his oration before the Phi Beta 
 Kappa Society, of Brown University, in 
 June, he publicly placfed hiinself upon 
 the plane, the' platform, of th'e Southern 
 oligarch. He repuditited the majority. 
 He deiiounced What 'he styles "the ser- 
 vility to tlie majority," and'declared in 
 favor of the riile-of the minority^, the 
 rule of the oligarch, the rule of the 
 "educated classes" — in favor of that 
 rule which in every nation, in all ages 
 past, has been marked by uniforin re- 
 sults, the betrayal of liberty, the degre- 
 d^iioU of humanity, in the establishment 
 through every vile crime of a slavish 
 tyranny, corrupt and bloody. 
 
 That, too, was the platform of the old 
 Southern slave-owners — the . platform, 
 the motive and purpose, .which lay at 
 the bottom of the slave-holders' rebel- 
 lion. It is the platform to-day of the 
 Southern oligarch — the rule of the "ed- 
 ucated classes" — the platform and pur- 
 poses of a "Solid South" — the public 
 position upon which the Bourbon De- 
 mocracy justify ballot-box stuffing, in- 
 timidation, and every violent and cor- 
 rupt or fraudulent -election villainy by 
 which the domination of the "educated 
 classed," "the wealth and intelligence" 
 of the "Solid South," is maintained. 
 Curtis thus places himself and iiis shab- 
 by array of reform pretenders upon 
 their natural platform.' He thus an- 
 nounced and illustrated their motives 
 and purposes. ' He thus exposed tlieir 
 alliance with the violent bull-dozing 
 supporters of the Corrupt minority rtile 
 of the "Solid South." Wliyjihen should 
 he not be indulged iu their role?. To 
 assess or tax the multitude or masSes — 
 to assess or tax the "rank-scented 
 many," the canaille, and to punish all 
 who resist or refueehis tax? He charged 
 th© circular of 'tiliei>Republican -Congres- 
 sional Conrmi ttefrwitlv*'YiT*ually threalt- 
 ening"-all who refuse, or fail' to contrib- 
 ute to til©' party fund.: ■'But ■■Cnrtis 
 indulges in. ne-''virtia«ii ithreats.'V'-iHe 
 openly declares that-all.-wlift^ojoenti'ib- 
 ute shall not only be removedi«bait pros- 
 ecuted,- fined/; and, imprisoned- iu .the 
 ppnitentiavy I .. Is. ai>ot„tl>at,.ii-iei vejy 
 genijU,s, ^f . torture ? [. Th«> weui.qs pf , tke 
 iuquisitKin f , ^he.. genips ,Qf.,j)u oli- 
 gaj^^ch lilve.a Bpisgujlbert oi; Fi;oJit flu 
 Hoeuff? All..,syi)ipaj;hy fpr thejj- pp- 
 prosseil cpuflition, uU coi^mi^erat;ion H>i' 
 their wives ana cl.;ildreu, ave.extiugUish- 
 ed by the crime o't th(iscputi-il')iiting,Und 
 they and their fixinilios iiiust ' expiSite 
 their outrcctiidaucelH dlslio'iior 'ai/d Hils- 
 ery ill- (be 'peiiitontisiiy jVlld iliiifelioUSb! 
 
 Vive Curtis and W!td(3 Hart^tPtt ! ' TIH 
 Qi^rtis.i^ud.Jpif, D;iv:^s!, 
 
APPOINTMENTS AND REMOVALS. 
 
 115 
 
 CHAPTER Y. 
 Appointments and Removals— The Guillotine. 
 
 " The OCT8, honest f ellowe, would think it no eiu, 
 To drive the iss mtt, and i o screw themselves in; 
 While the ins (O the rogues 1) are agreed to a man, 
 To keep themselves snug where they are— if they can." 
 
 PART I. 
 
 WasMngton's Administra- 
 tion. 
 
 Org:anlzatlon of tbc government under 
 TVasblngton— Hla first Cabinet— For- 
 matlon of Parties— Federalists and 
 Republicans— Principles and objects 
 nndcirlying tbelr organizations— 
 Washington fiercely assailed and tra- 
 duced— Iiampooned anA caricatured— 
 Jefi'erson, as Secretary of State, sup- 
 ports Washington's libellers— Scenes 
 in the Cabinet— JeflfersoDi's Anas- 
 Washington appointed only partisans 
 of bis administration^Pronounces 
 the opposite course "Political Sui- 
 cide" — Shrewdly anticipates the prac- 
 tices underlying the formation of 
 modern parties. 
 
 The Srovernment of the United Sta<es 
 under the constitution went into opera- 
 tion on Wednesday, March 4, 1789— 
 President George Washington yeas not 
 inaugurated until April 30, following. 
 He selected as his cabinet: For Secre- 
 tary of State, Thos. Jefferson of Vir 
 ginia ; for Sefcretary of Treasury, Alex- 
 ander Hamilton, of New York ; for Sec- 
 retary of War, Henry Knox, of Massa- 
 chusetts ; aiid tor Attorney General, 
 Edmund Eandolph, of Virginia. Sam- 
 uel Asgood of Massachiisetts was ttp- 
 nointed Postmaster 'General. With these 
 Washington organized the government. 
 He had been untoiir^oHsly elected.' Par- 
 ties had not as yet taken former root 
 in the Nation ; andliis appointjnents a.t 
 first were.w'hollyof infen of fi6voluti'on- 
 ary fame or gtock or their friends or ad- 
 herents. Soon, however; the radical dif- 
 ferences wliich inaniftested themselves 
 in the coflverition> which framed the' 
 Constitution, the wide' difttererices of 
 opinion <;atised by the Preiticli 'Revolu- 
 tion, and thedivifeionsrespeC'ti'llg Wash- 
 ington's foreign and dcJmfestie-'pdlicy,' 
 consolidated therciseilKs .ijitQ,: oappsitei 
 P9.rtie8. Tliese took tlje^jiame ,ot .j^^- 
 
 eralist' arid Kcpuf)ppai).^ , 4n?.ftrig 
 
 Fisher Ames, and Madison for a time ; 
 among the leading Republicans were 
 Jefferson, Aaron Burr, Elbridge Gerry, 
 Wm. B. Giles, Monroe, Clinton, etc. 
 
 The original division or separation into 
 parties, and from which tuese parties 
 took their names, was upon the charac- 
 ter or interpretation of the Constitu- 
 tion. This division was anticipated by 
 the differences in the constitutional 
 convention. The Federalists were the 
 partisans of the Constitution as it was 
 adopted, and the advocates of a strong 
 national Government tli rough a vigor- 
 ous administration of the powers or 
 forces of the organic law under a liberal 
 construction. The Republicans in the 
 convention had opposed the Constitution. 
 Th'ey regarded it, in the language of 
 Patrick Henry, as "a scjuinting toward 
 monarchy," or as Jefferson described it, 
 as "an elective monarchy," after the an- 
 cient Polish pattern — the worst possible 
 form of government:— and attempted to 
 popularize or circumscribe its powers, 
 restricting the forces of tlie National 
 Government and enlarging those of 
 the States, by a strict or literal con- 
 struction. 
 
 The formation of these parties brought 
 with it the inevitable battle for power 
 and spoils, and the conilict soon waxed 
 "fast and furious." it tested all Wash- 
 ington's equanimity. He was lampoon- 
 ed and caricatured, ancl charged with 
 almost every crime in the political calen- 
 dar,. He was no states.man-^not even a 
 soldier. H« was an "anglomanist," or 
 tool of England — a "tyrant" and "mono- 
 crat," bent on destroying the liberties 
 of tlie people in the establishment of 
 kingly government ; a peculator, and 
 was even charged with murder in ,1757 
 in 'the old French wars. It is not re- 
 m^rkal^le tb^t Wiisl^ington,'$ great Self- 
 command broke 4pwn under this syste- 
 matic abuse. Jefferson in his "Anas," in 
 de'gctibilig scenes in Washington's Cabi- 
 net, bf ymbhhe wafe U m'eniber as Sec- 
 retary of State, says : 
 
 'KiidS:,in'afoolish incoherent sort ol a speech 
 introduced the pasqutnade' liitely priufed, cal- 
 led the funeral of George W— n. and James 
 W— n, king and judge, &c., where the Pr sideuo 
 was placed on theiguillotinc. Thfe President 
 was milftmfid : ' got into, one of , those passions, 
 when he caonot command himself ; run on nmcli 
 
116 
 
 APPOINTMCXTS AND ItF.JIOVA f.S 
 
 on tlie i)ersonal abuse wliich liad been bestowed 
 on Mm; deflecl any man on eartli to produce 
 one single actot'liie since lie liadbeen iulue 
 goverijnient wliich was not done on tue purest 
 motives; tbat lie bad never icpeutecl tjut once 
 tbe baving slipped llie moment of resigning bis 
 otbce, and tliat was every moment siuce; tbat 
 by God be bad rather bom his grave t nan in bis 
 pesent situation; that be would rather boon 
 his farm i ban to be made emperor of the world; 
 and yet t liat they were chargiughlin with want- 
 ing to be Iting —[Jefferson's Wor/;s, Vol. 9. p. 
 164.] 
 
 Jefferson was charged mth retainiug- 
 some of these slanderers of the General 
 in- the State Department. In his " Anas " 
 Jefferson says that Washington declared: 
 
 "That that rascal Freneau sent bim three of 
 bis papers everyday, as if ho thought be would 
 bocoin.! the distributor of his papers; tbat be 
 could see in this nothing but an impudent de- 
 sign to Insult him ; he ended in this high tone. — 
 [Ibid , p. 164.1 
 
 " He [Washington] adverted to a piece of Fre- 
 neau's paper of yesterday ; [May 22, 1793] he said 
 he despised all their attacks on Mm personally, 
 but that there never had been an act of the 
 government, not meanin.g in the executive lino 
 only, but in any line, which that paper had not 
 abused. He had also marked tbe word republic 
 V, where it was applied to the French republic. 
 (See the original paper.) Ho was evidently sour 
 and warm, and I took his intention to be, that 
 I should Interpose in some way with Freneau, 
 perhaps withdraw Ms appointment of translat- 
 ing clerk to my office. But I will not do it.— 
 \Ibid., p. lis.] , 
 
 Jefferson was probably correct in the 
 belief that Washington wished the re- 
 moval of Freneau. The formation of 
 parties had brought discord into liis cab- 
 inet, Hamilton and Knox had joined the 
 Federalists, and Jefferson and Randolph 
 the Republicans, and a constant conflict 
 of opinions and purposes were the re- 
 sult. Jefferson and Randolph notorious- 
 ly labored to thwart Washington's pol- 
 icy and to injure his administration in 
 the estimation of his countrymen. Such 
 a conflict could have but one conclusion. 
 Jefferson found it necessary to withdraw, 
 Randolph was retired in disgrace, and 
 Washington was coerced to adopt the 
 rule to appoint none hostile to his admin- 
 istration. He believed the opposite 
 Sractice absolutely suicidal. In a letter 
 ated "Mt. Vernon, 27th September, 
 1795," to Timothy Pickering, Secretary 
 of War, Washington urges : 
 
 " I shall not, whilst I have the honor to ad- 
 mimster the government, bring a man Into any 
 office of conseciuence knowingly, whose poUtioal 
 tenets are adverse to the measures which the 
 general government are pursuing ; ^f or tMs, in 
 my opimon, would be a sort of pobtical suicide. 
 That it would embarrass its movements is most 
 certain. But of two men equally well affected 
 to the true interests of their counti-y, of equal 
 abilities, and equally disposed to lend their sup- 
 port, it is the part of prudence to give the pref- 
 erence to Mm against whom the least clamor 
 can be excited. "—SparA:s'« Washington, [FoMl, 
 ;». 74.] 
 
 Washington, in this policy, shrewdly 
 anticipates that subsequently adopted by 
 aU parties in this country. He will ap- 
 
 point none but partisan.s of his adinini.?- 
 tration. To appoint his opponents to 
 office would be "political suicide." And 
 as between two partisan.s or friends of 
 equal ability he will appoint him against 
 wliom the least clamor can be excited, 
 that is, the one most jjopular or strongest 
 with the people. 
 
 Will our civil-service reform noodles, 
 will Geo. Wm. Curtis, turn their shafts 
 against the "Father of his Country?" 
 
 PART II. 
 
 sfolsis Aclams's aiad Jefter- 
 
 sosi's Administrations. 
 
 Afllams A<Ioj>ted WasSiiBig^ton's Policy 
 Respectiag; Appoiiitmeaats — Alien and 
 Sedition I/aws — Presidential Cam- 
 paign of 180 'i—No Election b.y «io Elee- 
 toi'al CoHeg^es — Je^erson Elected toy 
 the Honse of Representatives In 1801 
 —James A. Bayard's Infliicnca Upon 
 tbe Election. 
 
 The elder Adams, who succeeded Wash- 
 ington in the Presidential chair, adopted 
 Washington's policy in reference to ap- 
 pointments and removals. Under him 
 the enactment of the unpopular "Alien 
 and Sedition Law" and its somewhat 
 rigid enforcement by the United States 
 courts, being pretty generally regarded 
 as an unconstitutional and dangerous 
 stretch of Federal power, greatly inten- 
 sified the hostility and bitterness of par- 
 ties, and in consequence, at the next 
 presidential election in 1800, Adams was 
 defeated. Jefferson and Burr, both Re- 
 publicans, had, in 1801, the same vote 
 (73) in the electoral colleges, and the 
 choice of a President consequently de- 
 volved upon the House of Representa- 
 tives. The contest between the two was 
 an excited one. The fortunes of the can- 
 didates were practically in the hands of 
 a Federalist, Hon. James A. Bayard, of 
 Delaware, the grandfather of the present 
 Democratic U. S. Senator of that name, 
 and a patriotic man of high character and 
 great abilities. He had little respect for 
 either Jefferson or Burr. He regarded 
 the principles and character of botli as 
 hostile to the best interests of the nation. 
 But a President had to be elected or civil 
 war and ruin of the government would 
 in all probability follow. Hence, choos- 
 ing, as he states, "between two evils," 
 he acquiesced in the election of Jeffer- 
 son as the "least evil." 
 
 The Guillotine under Jefferson — Bay- 
 ard's Exposure of Incidents attendlns- 
 Jefferson's Election — Jefferson Re- 
 wards Ills Friends— His Punishment 
 of His Enemies-" So Innocence, no. 
 Merit, no Truth, no Services, conld 
 
APPOINTMENTS AND REMOVALS. 
 
 117 
 
 Save the Unliappy Secretai-y wtio "Bis- 
 believed" iai Jeffcrsoai's €roeU — Jef- 
 ferson tlie Fountlcir of t!ie so-called 
 " Spoils System." 
 
 Jefferson early began the worlt of de- 
 capitating such of liis opponents as lie 
 found in office— the "anplomanists," as 
 he styled them. The guillotine worked 
 briskly and vengefully. 
 
 In the celebrated debate in the House 
 of Representatives, in February, 1803, 
 upon the Jefforsonian proposition to 
 abolish or "reform." the United States 
 courts, that is, to abolish or remove 
 what Jefferson denounced as "John 
 Adams' midnight judges," certainly the 
 most extraordinary, radical and revolu- 
 tionary proposition in the matter of re- 
 movals ever made under our Govern- 
 ment, Mr. Bayard, in reply to Mr. 
 Giles, of Virginia, the leader of the Re- 
 publicans of the House, thus describes 
 some of the characteristic incidents at- 
 tending and following the election of 
 Jefferson the year previous : 
 
 The case, sir, to wliioli I refer cari'lce me once 
 more to tlie scene of the Presidential election. 
 I should not have introduced it into this de- 
 bate had it not been called up by the honorable 
 member Jrom Virginia. In that scene I had my 
 part; it "was a part not barren of incident, and 
 which has left an impression -which cannot 
 easily depart from my rccolleotiou. I iknow 
 who were rendered impoi-tant characters, either 
 from the possession ot personal means or from 
 the accident of political situation. Audno^y, 
 sir, let me aslf thi honorable menilicr what his 
 reflections .and belief will be when he observes 
 that every man ou wuose vote the event of the 
 election hung has since been distinguished hv 
 presidential favor. I fear, sir, I sliall violate 
 the decorum of parliamentary prucceding in the 
 mentioning of names ; but I hope the example 
 which has been set me will be admitted as as 
 excuse. Mr. Charles Finclincy, of Soutli Caro- 
 lina, was not a member of the House, but he 
 was one of the most active, elflcient, and auc- 
 cesssul promoters of the election of the present 
 Chief Magistrate. It was well ascertained that 
 the votes of South Carolina were ro turn the 
 equal balance of the scales. The zeal and in- 
 dustry of Mr. Plncknoy had uo bounds. The 
 doubtful politics of South Carolina were de- 
 cided, and her votes cast into the scale of Mr. 
 Jefferson. Mr. Piuckney has since been ap- 
 pointed minister plenipotentiary to Ahe court of 
 Madrid ; an appointment as high and honorable 
 as any within the gift of the Executive. I 
 wiU not deny that this preferment is the re 
 ward of talents and services, although, sir, 
 I have never yet heard of the talents or ser- 
 vices of Mr. Charles Pinckney. In the House 
 of Representatives I know what was the value 
 of the vote of Mr. Claiborne, of Tennessee. The 
 vote of a State was in his hands. Mr. Clai- 
 borne has since been raised to the lilgh dignity 
 of governor of the Mississippi Territory. I 
 know how great, and how greatly felt, was the 
 importance of the vote of Mr. Linn, of New Jer- 
 sey. The delegation of the State consists of 
 five members. Two of the delegation were de- 
 cidedly for Mr. Jellerson ; two were decidedly 
 for Mr. Burr. Mr. Linn was considered as In- 
 clining to one side, but stUl doubtful. Both 
 parties looked up to Mm for the vote of New 
 Jersey. He gave it to Mr. Jefferson, and Mr. 
 Linn has since had the profitable ofiice of super- 
 visor of his district conferred upon him. Mr. 
 Lyon, of Vermont, was in this instance, an im- 
 l)0itant man. He neutralized the vote of Ver- 
 mont. His absence alone would have given the 
 
 vote of a State to Mr. Burr. It was loo much to 
 give an offlce to .Mr. Lyon; his character was 
 low. But Mr. Lyon'8 son has been handsomely 
 provided for in one ot the executive offlces. I 
 shall add to the catalogue but the name of one 
 more gentleman, Mr. Edward Liviogston, of 
 New York. I Irnew wel I . f uU welt I knew, the 
 consequence ot this gentleman. His means 
 wore not limited to his own vote ; nay, 1 always 
 considered more than the vote of New York 
 within his power. Mr. Livingston has been 
 made the attorney for the district of New York; 
 the road of preferment has tiecn opened to him, 
 find his brother has bren raised to th6 distin- 
 guished pi ace of minister plenipotentiary to the 
 French Eepublic. — [Annals of Congress, 1th 
 Cong., 1st session, p. 640.] 
 
 Said Mr. Btiyard, " this catalogue 
 might be swelled to a much greater 
 magnitude." 
 
 And again, in the same debats, in re- 
 ply to the invectives of Mr. Giles against 
 the judges for what he regards as their 
 tyrannical abuse of their powers, Mr. 
 Bayard said : 
 
 If, however, Mr. Chairman, the eyes ot the 
 gentleman [.Mr. Gilen, of Virginia, 1 are deliglited 
 with victims— if objects of misery are grateful 
 to his feelings — let me turn his view from the 
 walks of the judges to the track of the present 
 executive [Jefferson. | It is in this path we see 
 the real victims ot stem, uncharitable, unre- 
 lenting power. It is here, sir, we see the sol- 
 dier who fought the battles of the Revolution — 
 who spilt liis blood and wa^sted his sti'ength to 
 ewrablifih the independence of his cotmtr.y — de- 
 prived of the reward of his services and left to 
 pine in penury and wretchedness. It is along 
 this path that you may see helpless children 
 crying lor bread, and gray hairs sinking in sor- 
 row to the grave 1 It is here that uo innocence, 
 no merit, no truth, no services can save tlie un- 
 hiippy secretary who does not believe in the 
 creed of those in power. 
 
 I have been forced upon this subject, and be- 
 fore I leave it allow mo to remark tliat without 
 inquiring into the right of the President to make 
 vacancies in office, during the recess of the Sen- 
 ate, but admittiug the power to exist, yet that 
 it never was given by the Constitution to en- 
 able the Chief Magistrate to punish the insults, 
 to revenge the wrongs, or to indulge the an- 
 tipatliics of the man. If the discretion exists, 
 I have no hesitation in s-aying that it is abused 
 when exercised from any other motive than the 
 public good. And when I see the wiU of a Pres- 
 ident precipitating from office men of probity, 
 knowledge, and talents, against whom the com- 
 munity has no complaint, I consider It as a 
 wanton and dangerous abuse. And when I see 
 men who have been victims of this abuse of 
 power, I view them as p oper objects of na- 
 tional sympathy and commiseration.— [J6i<i,2>p. 
 611, 612.] 
 
 Here is really the origin of the so- 
 called spoils system — the reward of par- 
 tisan friendsand the punishment of per- 
 sonal and partisan enemies. Mr. Jno. 
 T. S. Sullivan, in his " The Public Men 
 of the Bevolution," says here "is the im- 
 plied invitation given by Mr. Jefferson 
 to all political adversaries to abandon 
 their creeds and adopt his own ; and the 
 clearly implied promise of reward for 
 apostacy. This was a well-known mode 
 of strengthening party long before 
 there were white Americans. Mr. Jef- 
 ferson has the distinction of having in- 
 troducedit into our Republic. He carried 
 it to its full extent, officially and pri- 
 
118 
 
 APPOINTMENTS AND REMOVALS. 
 
 vately. In no nation, no, not even m 
 Rome, in its most corrnpt days, has tUis 
 demoralizing seduction been more elitec- 
 tive than in our own land since Mr. Jet- 
 ferson became President." 
 
 PART III. 
 
 Removals and the Question 
 of Patronage. 
 
 Removals under Washington and John 
 Adams and Jefferson — Washington 
 and Adams make 31 changes- Jeffer- 
 son 63. 
 
 Washington made 10 removals ; John 
 Adams made 8, and refused to reappoint 
 3— making a total of 11 changes. But Jef- 
 ferson removed 58 and refused to reap- 
 point 4— a total of 62, which at that date, 
 when the whole cost of the government, 
 was about $3,000,000, embraced the larg- 
 est proportion of the employees. In a 
 word, Jefferson removed all distinctly or 
 openly opposed to him and his party, re- 
 tained in office only those supposed to be 
 
 favorable to him, and appomted none 
 opposed to him or his parfy. 
 
 ISadison malces 19 changes— Monroe 18 
 changes— John Q. Adams 12 changes- 
 Making 133 changes in all since begin- 
 ning of Crovernment>— In 40 years— of 
 which Jeffei-son made 63. 
 
 Madison, being of the sam? political 
 Bcliool, fouad fewer political enemies in 
 office. Nevertheless he removed 17 and 
 refused to reai^point .2—19 in all; So 
 1vith , Monroe, Being also Of the same 
 political school, Monroe found even few- 
 er partisan enemies in office; but he also 
 removed 17 and declined to reappoint 1 
 :— 18 in all. And, John, Q, '^dams, who 
 -was: elected, in i825,by the House, being 
 also a Republican, had a still niore lim- 
 ited field jfpr removals, Nevertheless, 
 .'..Jolin Q. . Adanis idianjissed 4 and ,re- 
 i.fuged to reappoiait 8 — in all 12, and 
 *Hiakiii'g' 132 changes in all since the 
 'tjeginnm^ of the fe6vern'ment under tjie 
 Constitution, of which number Jefferson 
 •bad rerdoved 62, or nearly -one-half. . 
 
 Monroe iktiahimonsly ve-feletted iin 1920 
 —The f iederalists asit prtrtiji-aisaplpear 
 — All Cariilidates in'Pr<i!9idertti.al' Elec- 
 ' ^lolq '6t 1831 Re^nbUcaiis— ITo -iGK^ctJon 
 by Electoral Colleges- Jiio. flt. Adams 
 Eleot^dbynou^e— Foundation atpltxA- 
 ern Jtftriles— A'dan^s assailc«I— I*'**!'*''" 
 age aVderlt denounced— APPOintiiiient 
 o^ l$i$|e^t Committee to intiul're.into 
 matter of Patro,nage—Xhos. n. Benton 
 at Hctul of Committee. 
 
 ■ At the Presidential election Of 1820-21, 
 Jlr. Monroe rec'eived the "whole vote of 
 the electoral colleges, but one. Which 
 
 was cast for Jno. Q. Adams. Here the 
 Federalists as a party disappear from 
 our political history. At the Presiden- 
 tial election of 1834-25, all the candi- 
 dates were of the same political school: 
 John Q. Adams, of Massachusetts, An- 
 drew Jackson, of Tennessee, Wm. H. 
 Crawford, of Georgia, and Henry Clay, 
 of Kentucky — all were Republi- 
 cans. There was no election by the col- 
 leges, and again the choice of a Presi- 
 dent devolved upon the House of Rep- 
 resentatives. John Q. Adams was'chosen. 
 Jackson liad the largest popular vote, 
 » and his partisans, exaggerating that fact 
 - I into an expression of the people in favor 
 of the General as President, were great- 
 ly disappointed and exasperated at the 
 success of Adams. 
 
 Such a contest was naturally followed 
 by intense and irreconcilable hostilities. 
 Adams's administration was fiercely as- 
 sailed. By John Randolph, of Roanoke, 
 it was described as a "union of the Puri- 
 tan and Blackleg— of BUfll and Black 
 George," and generally by the partisans 
 of Jackson, among many other sins, be- 
 cause of an increase of Government pat- 
 ronage. At the first session of the Nme- 
 teenm Congress, in the United States 
 Senate, a . select committee, with Hon. 
 Thomas Hart Benton, of Missouri, at its 
 head, was appointed to inquire into the 
 expediency of reducing this patronage. 
 
 Mr. Benton had been a partisan of Mr. 
 Clay's and bitterly hostile to Jackson 
 —His warnings as to the result of Jack- 
 son's election- Had not as yet openly 
 declared for Jackson— His Report oa 
 Patronage. 
 
 Mr. Benton liad been a partisan of Mr. 
 Clay's, and, bitterly hostile;,fco- General 
 Jackson. He had even deelaredi that if 
 the General was elected President, the 
 representatives of the peopli^, and States 
 in Congress would have to legislate with 
 pistols m their hands, and had not as yet 
 openly proclaimed his adhesion to Jack- 
 S(yn./ - . 
 
 His l-epirt on Government patronage 
 is dated May -4, 1836. After examining 
 and showing the' large increase in the 
 patronage since the l)eginnijig of the 
 gpverhmejQt,. Mr. Benton urges : 
 
 ', ■Eve?y'wliepe(,itot}ie extreme, i frontier of. tlie 
 fqroqtM^t.$tate or Territory, Federal patronage 
 ■wilLiDe fouDclin (iegr.©e.and.,foEoepiroporti(inate 
 totjip populatipn-ot-itlie place; a,nd foraver ang- 
 niepting with tlio increasing power ol tlie Gov- 
 ernipent. .. , • .i 
 
 ..,1 \- *■/ - , ,*, .,* -11 . fl J '* .* ,. * L 
 
 The Tvliole of tliis great po-wer , -wiU centre In 
 tli^ Pre^idejQt. Tlje King of England is the 
 "fountain .of honor-,." thor, Pj?esident fof the 
 tlhited. States the source of patronage. He 
 presides overthe entire system .of ^Federal ap- 
 poiptmenta, jobaj and contracts. He has 
 " power " over the-*: support " ol the indivltoalB 
 who admjnister the system. Heraalres and un- 
 lualiics them. He ohposesirom the circle of his 
 fiieuds and supporters, and maw.dismiss them, 
 and upon all the principles of huinau action, 
 
APPOINTMENTS AND REMOVALS. 
 
 119 
 
 will dismiss them, as often as tliey disappoint 
 his expectations. His spirit will animate their 
 actions in all tke elections to State and Federal 
 offices. There may be exceptions, but the truth 
 of a general rule is proved by the exception. 
 The intended check and control of the Senate, 
 without new constitutional or statutory pro- 
 visions, will ceaao to operate. Patronage will 
 penetrate this body, subdue its capacity of 
 resistance, chain it to the car of power, and en- 
 able the President to rule as easily, and much 
 more securely, with than without the normal 
 check of the Senate. 
 
 But Mr. Benton concludes witti this 
 practical piece of Tvisdom : 
 
 But tilings must be taken as they are. States- 
 men must act for the country they live in and 
 not for the Island of Utopia. They must act 
 upon the state of facts in that country and not 
 upon the visions of fancy. 
 
 PART IV. 
 
 Betreiiclini«nt and MefO]*in 
 and Kcduction asad Puri- 
 fication of tiie Fati'onage. 
 
 Tlie Slogan of Juckson's, Partisans— 
 Clay denounced for corruption of the 
 Press ttarougli the Government l»tit- 
 ronage — Jaclkson's liCtter to President 
 Konroe, in 181G— Advises a Political 
 nilllenninni .throug^lt the Patronage — 
 Sam nouston's interpretation of 
 that liistter— The Tree should be j udged 
 by its Fruits. 
 
 ■ In the 
 
 cries Of 
 
 House, as in the- iSenato, the 
 Befrertohrnent and Befornh" 
 
 ''Bfidliciionfof frovirnment ^.pabrpnaae," 
 were eij(tliusiastically;trai8edi.iii They 
 soon became the slogan of Jackson's 
 
 f (artisans. The G^liiltou-Hamilton reso- 
 utions in 1838 providing for the ap- 
 pointment of a cOTQmittee to inquire 
 into the condition of the departments 
 under Adatns were^ adopted. Mr. 
 HamiltoB .was appoinied' itacteairmai. 
 In, his repovt l^e, fail* to, .pvAdiiVJe a 
 sing'le'-fact iti fevidfence' Of ccfiffuptibti in 
 .theAdmpisti^ion tiirougl^.the ^ftvern- 
 ment patronage or "thk)ugli,,.any6uier 
 S)gettiB^o»ai*aW.'«»BW»her pai'ti^tiis of 
 iEejjJ,'.IIesfl!,;of It^^i^gs!! ^fiS*.in- 
 creiiBed'^ th(Ji* cliaraes of corruption 
 -a«8iihsea£e^a{lltfte.^n*>«ay. «*(*«? 'Oay, 
 
 'iaSf¥*&tm^htfe^-dfe'n 
 ';tiaclsstHi ua«sait&«4»«es«l6WW#'ttrefe ' »on- 
 
 tWePta^ffi^Mu^s^-^fgllfWrn 
 -amd .hia;)de}»OTtffimfc— ¥te^*«8fest)aites 
 
 «^i»»/oa^-a» 
 
 proscription— as "an enormity^'^* an 
 assault upon the freedom of the press," 
 'anditf'-rtn trtl1irffge'«lpo» the-'BWSrtleft of 
 ti]4eipt>oplW«'''Al*fl tW*tlf Ktm't tftte P*Bs- 
 identialieaito^igri'tt* ISSfr, thifege Vittubiis 
 reformers shouted their slogan of "re- 
 
 trenchinent and reform," — "reduction 
 and paritication of the Government pat- 
 ronage." In those days, as now, all the 
 B artisans of Jackson, these embryo 
 •emocratic Republicans, were refor- 
 mers: all were Pendletons and Ran- 
 dalls and S. S. Coxes. November 13, 
 1816, upon the occasion of Mr. Monroe's 
 iirst election. General Jackson ad- 
 dressed him a letter in which the Gen- 
 eral urges him to proclaim the advent of 
 a party millennium. The General thus 
 phrases it : 
 
 In every situation party and party feelings 
 should be avoided. Now is the time to exter- 
 minate that monster called party 'Spirit. By 
 selcoiing characters most conspicuous tor their 
 probity, virtue, capacity, and flimncss, with- 
 out any regard to party, you will go far to erad- 
 icate those feelings which on former oc'oasions 
 have thrown so many obstacles in the Way of 
 government, and perhaps have the pleasure of 
 uniting a peoi)le heretofore politically divided. 
 The chief magistrate of a great and iiowerful 
 u.ition should never indulge ill party feeling. 
 His oonduot should be liberal and disinterested, 
 always bearing in mind that ho aots- for ,the 
 who e, not for a part of the coihmunity, By 
 this course yon will exalt the national charac- 
 ter and acquire for yourselves a name as Irn- 
 perishahlens monumental marble...* * * These 
 arc the sentiments of a friend. . They are the 
 feelings, if I know my own heart, of an undis- 
 somblcd patriot. 
 
 This letter, in 1834, when Jackson' was 
 a candidate before the peOple for tlie 
 Presidency was producfed and piinted 
 With great pai-ade. Later, in 18S7, in 
 the HouSe of Representatives,- Hon. 
 Sam Houston, at the tinie a Member 
 ifrom Tennessee, tlius interpreted it 
 for the benefit of tlie faithful; 
 
 . , ;i ) -■ I' ■■ 'II' 1. l;v; ,,i'!'ljl'' ,.l ,'/ ■ 
 Lojb patrtotwm, talents,! -a^id.iintegrity ho the 
 
 just 
 
 judged by its fruits, i '■• ■'' i-<i:" ■';': 
 
 .,';,, 'i,! T.; •■ ,fi ■■II ..ijji. -- -'■": 
 
 Ifo^ Pledges oli-Retrenehment^nnd Re- 
 
 iforjmwere Fnlfilled— 'Enec Judged' by 
 
 i|It!^'X'>iuits— .Ta<!l£SO»^:Si>ettch :at -luau- 
 
 {$ui^ation Announces! the Onlllotiii^.^ 
 
 iJachson Makes l,.5a0' Removal^' 'Che 
 
 fifst year— Five 'of his Cabinet fVtiiin 
 
 (Members of Okng'ress — Givtes PuMic 
 
 'Printing to Pariissin Editors kiiid'Ap- 
 
 ■ poilnted' Large Jf umbers' ^f tli^t Clhss 
 
 ;t(ft ]li.uci-ative Posit»0ns^T«se'W*rkii(^8 
 
 ' Mf the tiuillot'ine— Webster IM^n^uii'ces 
 
 the Work— "When Did 'English .Wlril^. 
 
 •ter CJo no-wn to -toW-Waiter StarK ito 
 
 • Make an <>nWting of Tide Waiters ?'*' ' 
 
 •.■i,i{:-,: ..', 'i ..-■ )'-■ ii;;!_ ■ . . '.■!« 
 
 ""Ho^ Ver6 thfesetiledgesbf '"Eetrench- 
 in^ht aird'i'etojffi,"^ these rtledgefe of " re- 
 «ttcHoii''and piififlcation W the^ovkn- 
 rtieMs'tJ&tJ'bfi&e," so: solemnly' uttei^d in 
 eV«ry iJbfe'sible'rbrm in aiicl biit of Coii- 
 ^efe'S oy ' JafclfSbn 'and Hfe partisans — 
 m'^ were'tHeyfulfllled?' Let us "judge 
 
 the tr^e hy i#fi-iuts."' '^ 
 
 ' ''In his-addrciss at his inauguration Gen- 
 eral Jackson declares: 
 
130 
 
 APPOINTMENTS AND KEMOVALS. 
 
 The Veccnt demouatration of public seuti- 
 ment inscribes on tlie list of executive duties, 
 in eliKi'aotcra too legible to be overlooked, tlie 
 ta,8li of reform, wldcu will require piirtioularly 
 tlio corrcctiou of thoae abuses tbat liave brouglit 
 tlio pjitronage of the Federal Oovernment into 
 <'ODilict "With tbe freedom of elections, and tlie 
 eounieraotion of ttiose causes Avbicli bave dis- 
 tiirl)e>l tlie riglitful course of appointment, and 
 have placed or continued power in uni'aitlilul 
 or incompetent bands. 
 
 In this we have the anuouncement of 
 the guillotine. Its work began almost 
 instantly and most vengefully. Under 
 all previous administrations from Wash- 
 ington's to John Q. Adams's, extending 
 through a period of 40 years, only 132 re- 
 movals or changes liad been made by all 
 his predecessors, but within one year 
 from his inauguration Jackson dismissed 
 not less than 1,500 officers of all kinds. 
 He selected, too, to begin with, that 
 very class of ofiiocrs the removal or ap- 
 pointment of which he and his partisans 
 had so denounced. 
 
 Under Adams the appointment of 
 members of Congress to positions under 
 the Executive was sternly reprobated as 
 wrong in principle and tending to the 
 corruption of the legislature. Jackson, 
 too, was solemnly pled.ged to the exclu- 
 sion of members from tlie executive pat- 
 ronage, but his first act as President was 
 to appoint five of the six members o£ his 
 Cabinet fi'om the two liouses and ap- 
 pointed the Speaker of the House as 
 Minister to England. He thus appointed 
 at different times twenty- three members 
 in all, from cabinet ministers down to 
 appraisers of the customs. So, under 
 Adams, the removal by the Secretary of 
 State of six publishers of the laws was 
 "an infringement of the freedom of the 
 press, and dangerous to the liberties of 
 the people." But ^vithin the first year 
 of his administration Jackson removed 
 all the publishers of the laws — every one 
 of them — and distributed this public 
 printing among his own partisan press. 
 
 Nor only that. Jackson and his par- 
 tisans had inveighed heavily against the 
 appointment of partisan editors to gov- 
 ernment positions, as it tended to cor- 
 rupt the press, and pledged reform in 
 the matter. His reform consisted in ap- 
 pointing large numbers of that class, 
 the ablest and most unscrupulous of Ms 
 partisan editors, to lucrative positions. 
 Not less than fifty-five of these men 
 were thus rewarded during the first two 
 years of his administration. Of these 
 one was appointed an auditor; one a 
 comptroller; nine clerks in the depart- 
 ments; one librarian to Congress; one 
 a district attorney; one register of a 
 land office; one a surveyor of the public 
 lituds ; one a receiver of public moneys; 
 Olio secretary of a Territory; one a mar- 
 si lal; one a purser in the navy; two In- 
 dian agents; three naval officers; nine 
 custom-house officers, and twenty-two 
 postmasters. In most cases those ap- 
 
 jjointed to local offices continued to edit 
 their papers, and their zeal in defending 
 the administration from the assaults of 
 the enemy bore an exquisite and harmo- 
 nious proportion to the amount of salary 
 attached to the offices they held. 
 
 Jackson, also, during this first year of 
 his administration dismissed fifty col- 
 lectors of customs, five naval officers, 
 fifteen district-attorneys, thirteen mar- 
 shals, twelve registers of land offices, 
 and fourteen receivers of the public 
 moneys. Between the 4th of March, 
 
 1829, and the 7th of April, 1830, he dis- 
 missed thirty weighers, gaugers, and 
 inetisureis. ( Vide Senate Doc. No. 130, 
 1st session, 31st Congress.) Between the 
 4th of March, 1839, and the 22dof March 
 
 1830, he removed four hundred and 
 ninety-one postmasters, besides numer- 
 ous officers in the departments, and in 
 the diplomatic, consular, and other 
 branches of the public service. In short, 
 it is on record that he dismissed, during 
 the first year of Jiis administration, not 
 less tlian fifteen hundred officers. If one 
 of these was dismissed for any cause, 
 other than that they entertained politi- 
 cal views not in harmony with those of 
 Jackson's history is silent on the subject. 
 
 And so on to the close of his adminis- 
 tration, embracing all classes of em- 
 ployees, from the highest down to the 
 meanest laborer. Daniel Webster, in 
 reviewing tliese facts, exclaimed : 
 
 Tbcre is no civilized country on eartli in 
 wbicb, on a cbange of rulers. tJiere is such an 
 ingiilsliion for spoils as we have witnessed in 
 tbis frCH Eepublic. Whenever did any EngUsli 
 Minister, Whig or Tory, go doton to low water 
 mark to malie an ousting of tide waiters! When 
 did he disturb the post offices, the mail con- 
 tracts, and auytliing else in the remotest de- 
 gree connected with the Government ? 
 
 PART V. 
 
 Executive Patronage " had 
 increa«)ed, was increasing 
 and shonld be dimin- 
 ished" — Reform was neces- 
 »ary — Jackson pledged to 
 cleanse " the Augean Sta^ 
 Mes"-~His popularity in 
 consequence— Number of 
 Officers doubled under 
 Jackson — Consequent in- 
 crease of Expenditures, 
 &c. 
 
 A resolution of the House declared 
 that the " executive patronage had in- 
 creased, was increasing, and should be 
 
APPOINTMENTS AND KEJIOVALS. 
 
 121 
 
 dimiuished." "Reform was necessa- 
 ry." lu tb<( early days oi; tlie canvass 
 a grave and classical Senator declared 
 that tUe "Angeari stables" rectuired 
 cleaning out. Tlie backwoods orators, 
 thinking that the said stables were 
 in some way intimately connected 
 with the White House establisliment, 
 took up the cry, and it soon became 
 understood among Democrats every- 
 where, that one of the first iobs which 
 General Jackson would und,ertake on 
 reaching the White House, would be to 
 " clean out them Augean stables." The 
 idea that he would do the job with his 
 own hands gave him increased popu- 
 larity with the Democratic masses, and 
 probably contributed more votes to his 
 cause than was drawn from the raulcs 
 of those who understood tlio promise 
 in its ligurative sense. 
 
 Jackson, himself, encouraged the idea 
 that he would get along without much 
 help and in his first inaugural address, 
 he said : 
 
 I sliaU depend for tlie advanoeiueut of tlie 
 public sei-Tico more oa the integrity and zeal of 
 tlie public offlcera than on tlicii- numbers. 
 
 He was, however, no sooner seated in 
 the Presidential chair, than it became 
 evident to him that he should require 
 much help, in point of "numbers^' as 
 well as "zeal." For evidence of tliis 
 fact, it is only necessary to examine the 
 blue books of his administration and 
 compare them with those of his pre- 
 decessor. It will then be seen that page 
 after page was added to Jackson's blue 
 book until it more than doubled the size 
 of that of Adams' long before the close 
 of this " reform " administration. A 
 single illustration will suffice, taken 
 from the history of the New York Cus- 
 tom House. 
 
 At the close of Mr. Adams's adminis- 
 tration there were one hundred and 
 eeveuty-iive employees in that estab- 
 lishment. 
 
 In the ten following years the em- 
 ployees of the New York Custom House, 
 were as follows : 
 
 1829 213 
 
 1831 268 
 
 1833 324 
 
 1835 328 
 
 1837 415 
 
 1839 490 
 
 Being an increase of force required 
 to " clean out the "Augean stables " of 
 about three hundred per cent. It may 
 be here remarked, incidentally, that the 
 average amount of revenue collected at 
 New York during the ten years of Dem- 
 ocratic reform was just about the same 
 as it was under the administration of 
 Mr. Adams, to wit : $13,000,000. 
 
 How the pledges of "retrenchment 
 and reform"^ were carried out, will ap- 
 
 pear from a comparison of the cost of 
 collecting this revenue durins; the ad- 
 ministration of Adams with the ten sub- 
 sequent years of the " era of reform." 
 At the close of Mr. Adams' adminis- 
 tration, the expense of collecting the 
 revenue at New York was only $194,- 
 687.70. For the ten succeeding years 
 they are written down in Rep. 069, p. 
 170, 3d session, 27th Congress, as follows : 
 
 1839 $313,531 57 
 
 1830 395,006 06 
 
 1831 376,930 34 
 
 1833 408,701 28 
 
 1833 439,501 29 
 
 1834 365,5fl0 50 
 
 1835 385,131 75 
 
 1836 450,984 31 
 
 1837 468,045 96 
 
 1838 .506,018 10 
 
 1839 594,269 64 
 
 Being an increase of three hundred 
 per cent. 
 
 This is but an instance of the " re- 
 form " under Jackson. It was the same 
 throughout the country. Public ex- 
 pcnditui-es were everywhere frightfully 
 augmented ; numberless frauds and 
 defalcations ensued ; the Treasury was 
 plundered of millions ; the departments 
 were thrown into the utmost confusion 
 and disorder; and the General Post Office 
 was bankrupted, so that at the called 
 session of the 27th Congress, it became 
 necessary to appropriate the sum of 
 $497,657, " to enable the department to 
 meet its engagements and pay its debts." 
 
 PART VI. 
 
 {Specimens of the Appoint- 
 ment liiterature of the 
 Time. 
 
 Swartwont to "My dear Jessica" Hoyt 
 — "UTo d — fl Rascal who made nse of Ills 
 Office or Its Profits for tbe Purpose of 
 Keeping Mr. Adams In and General 
 Jackson out of Power Is entitled to 
 the least Iicnlty or Mercy, save that of 
 Hanging"— Think of "My BTephew" 
 "after remembering Yonr Relatives" 
 —Assistant editors "to ward off Ma. 
 Ugnant shafts" aimed In consequence 
 of the contemplated "General Sweep," 
 
 A few specimens of the applications 
 for place, and of the letters accompany- 
 ing tliem, under Jackson, will illustrate 
 as well the character of the applicants 
 as the wild and unscrupulous scramble 
 for office among these Democratic re- 
 formers. Samuel Swartwout was the 
 
133 
 
 APPOINTMENTS AND REMOVALS. 
 
 Buccessful applicant for the collector- 
 ship of the port of New York, the most 
 responsible oflice under the gift of the 
 President. Swartwout a few years pre- 
 vious had been one of Burr's lieuten- 
 ants in his traitorous plot for the con- 
 quest of Louisiana and portions of 
 Mexico, and was tried with Burr at 
 Eiohmond for treason. Wliile at Wash- 
 ington in March, 1839, in pursuit of spoils, 
 Swartwout wrote to his friend Jesse 
 Hoyt at New York, the following char- 
 acteristic letter : 
 
 "WAaHiNGTON, March 14, 1829. 
 
 My Dbak Jbssica [Hoyt] : Your very lieaa- 
 tiful and entire Interesting lottoi' of tlie 8tli was 
 received in clue coarse of law. I lioUl to yoar 
 doctrine luUy, tliat no d— d rascal wlio made 
 use of Ills offloe or its profits for tlie purpose of 
 keeping Mr. Adams in and General JaclifiotL out 
 of power is entitled to the least lenity or mercy, 
 save that of hanging. So we tliink both alilce 
 on that head. 
 
 Whether or not I shall get anything in the 
 general scramble lor plunder remains to be 
 proven; but I rather guess I shall. What it 
 shall be is not yet sq cer.ain,; perhaps keeper 
 of the Bergen lighthouse. * * * * * 
 SAM. SWAETWOUT. 
 
 In this we have the very genius of 
 Denaocratio reform. 
 
 Here is another document, valuable, 
 alike for its historical and literary in- 
 terest : 
 
 New YOliic, April 29, 1829. 
 , ', To S. . S>VAETWouT, ESQ.: We, the mid er- 
 .Signetl' -«ubs6riliiers,"(tod'recoinmeud Abraliam 
 Merseriole as, (^(ipyisultatolepcrsoti for ofio' of 
 the custom-house inspectors, and would gladly 
 sc him appointed, knowing him (oo allwaiis hav- 
 ing been a warm sUppTO'ter of General Jack- 
 son. 
 
 . - ^JEROMUS JOHNSON, 
 -JEEiEMIAH DODGE, 
 M. M. NOAH, 
 H. ECKFORD, 
 - .-«J>N i.'tf SI 1. ;i A J ■W?)f.LI4{'l'.S,Cf>p.. . ^ 
 
 * i;Bbi &m saHBES^age, and iheet:of ■ paper 
 is the following : . .,. • 
 
 -T.Pjfe^K.Sip; When, von ha.Ye.lojsiira, siuA take 
 'up'tBenilmfttoudaiftilMatlSns ftr i.ttcesin tlio 
 «ri6ttmi-Mus<!'cieparttii«ut5'I-ntaIc&Hiiairlem'oran- 
 •-(lunjj.4opf<!aT Itifqay.csaaHayauv. m&iiioiiy.-tjiat 
 
 'Hl8'UrdttLei'lfer)fardy'thfi'41dorlffau--o'f the toth 
 •*art,"#aSKCa«dIi3aTO«f?ir tHo tflfteeT-Hil; 'siip- 
 por.te«l':by -avstrojig petitsieit of i-aakstm's f -iends 
 •^^F^,K9»1(^ ta^ffiit tu\p, parti culiir-Javor.,, if tlicro 
 IS a VaCailcy after remembering yo'iir relalhvJi. 
 If you WduRl gftt iiiifi'A'eOttiSilMcti. 
 .; ;' r'l-^ ■' ^ Yours truly; i-^ -lu ■; '?■*■ ^. ■- 
 
 ,. ,,.,,.,..;,,„.., . ,. ,...ji;poMxj?i.ffQSJf.s9N. 
 
 A-Dd'4iereisauothei'«pecina>ewof'hnich 
 excellence and interest. It was-'^ad- 
 dressed to Collector Swartwout by Col. 
 Johni Eiecaturt lecoramending' Mr, John 
 BbaMtitor a position iu the custom-house, 
 to wit: : - .. 
 
 ,,, I, :• , , - , , , PoB.TBjuot[Tir, Kaj/ 4„1B29. 
 Dear Sir;, .This ^vi^ be h.auded to you by my 
 particular fi^iend. jjir. Jphn Eliipt, ' * * "* * • 
 For the last wtir yfeAs he 'has actively dnd 
 openly advocated the claims of our present 
 
 worthy chief magistrate. * * * Should it be 
 necessary to have an assistant editor, to aid 
 Mr. Noah in warding off the malignant shafts 
 of the coalition party, which will be made on 
 you, in consequence of the general sweep which 
 Ipresttme you intend to ma1ce in your office, I 
 know 1 no more suitable man than this said 
 Cod of mine, and I therefore rectuest that you 
 wiU add one more obligation I am already un- 
 der by giving Mm an appointment in the 
 custom-house. 
 
 Y'ours, with esteem and aflfeotion, 
 
 DECATUR. 
 
 PART VII. 
 
 " To tlie Victor belomg the 
 Spoils." 
 
 Senator Holmes' (of Me.) Resolution de. 
 nouncin^ Kemovals as Usiconstitn- 
 tional — 9£artin Van Bnren nominated 
 as Minister to Cn^lan4B — Henry Clay 
 leads Opposition to liis Confirn&ation 
 — Mr. day denounces Van Buren astbe 
 autbor of Spoils System under J'ack- 
 son — Government would soon " be- 
 come ' intoieral>le and Unally end in 
 ]l>espotism as Inexorable as that at 
 Constantinople"^<iroveraior Marcy, oi 
 NewYorli, in reply, boldly declares 
 tDiiat " to tine Victor belong tlie Spoils 
 of tSae Enemy." 
 
 01 cotu'se the wildest clamors attend- 
 ed- this vengeful working of the guillo- 
 tine, and the country : was stirred from 
 its centre to its ciioumference. i It as- 
 sailed the- two Houses of Congress. In 
 the Senate, iii > 1830', ; Mr. - Holmes, of 
 Maine, offered the following resolution : 
 
 'itesolvcd. That the PrCsideiit^-tfl' the United 
 States, by the removal of otBcers (frMiihrelhov- 
 al was; nut required Jor.th« faitlifnl execution 
 .of -thei-law) and filling, thcA'acaucies tlins cre- 
 ated in tlie recess of the S.enatQ, acts against 
 tlie'liitercfets of the pe'oi)l6,'tho rights of the 
 States, and the spirit of the Constitution,. 
 
 •>; This fles6>lutioa Qmibodied- the judg- 
 ment of those opposed tO/ Jaeksppi's re- 
 form methods. A little later, iii Janu- 
 -ai'y, 1833, . these . anti-lieformers made 
 their judgment felt.. . Martin VanBuren 
 ■Was nominated as Jlinister.to.Englaffld. 
 Henry. Clay was. now. in ihe Senatej-tad 
 in ejkccutive. session, he excited. and;led 
 the opposition to .Mr..yan.Buren.'s don- 
 flrnnition. Among other reasons which 
 Mr.-'Clay"asfeignted''f<tf'-His htoSMlit^ to 
 Mr. Van Biu'eii's JappOlntrnfelit AVere the 
 
 followiugv" ' ' '■■'■-■,'' - - ■• ' ' 
 "■ ' ■■■• i. -I'-r.-.-n ,i-f:;-';!:.-!-f>' t--.-u j 
 I hare iuiothor;obj0otiSin bi)tlufl-(,aows|i.»t>ioij. 
 I bojievp, uppu circumstanc; s,wliiofi.sati8^JW 
 mmd; tiiat to'tbis gentleiniiiitslirinWpally tol)e 
 ascribettthe'iUtfodm'.tioH-of tMeVidfous'syBVem 
 of ptosoiiptioii'foj-itho'teerciaetttf etee-felectiw 
 franchise , SHI thU'ftoyornment, ofsi^te- United 
 States.,, I understand tljat itls tSe systwi on 
 Tthibll' tjio partv in his tiwii State; it wiach he 
 is the-r6putt!d llKilff, ledntf AtaTly rtbtS.' Se-rfiis- 
 among the first of the secretaries to apply that- 
 
APPOINTMENTS AND EEMOVALS. 
 
 135 
 
 system to the dismission of clerks In Ms depart- 
 ment, known to me to be UgMy meritorious, 
 and among them one who is now a Representa- 
 tive in the other House. It is a detestable sys- 
 tem, drawn from the worst periods of the Ro- 
 man repubUo ; and If it were to be perpetuated. 
 If the omoes, honors, and dignities of the people 
 were to be put up to a scramble, to be decided 
 by the result of every Presidential election, our 
 Government and institutions, becoming intoler- 
 able, would finally end in a despotism as inexor- 
 able as that at Constantinople. [Register of De- 
 bales, 22d Oong., 1st sess., 1831-'32, p. 1324.] 
 
 To which the Hon. Wm. L. Marcy, a 
 Senator from New York, responded : 
 
 It may be, sir, that the politicians of the 
 United States are not so fastidious as some gen- 
 tlemen are as to disclosing the principles on 
 which they act. Tliey 'boldly preach what they 
 
 fractiee. When they, are contending for victory, 
 hey avow theirintention of enjoying the fruits 
 of it. If they arc defeated, they expect to retire 
 from office. If they are successful, they claim, 
 as a matter of right, the advantages of success. 
 They see nothing wrong in the rulethat (oWte 
 victor belongs tlie spoils of tlie enemy.— [Ibid., p. 
 1325.] 
 
 "To the victor belongs the spoils o 
 the enemy!" This formulated into a 
 maxim the principle and whole purpose 
 of Democratic reform. It was at once 
 adopted by the Democracy, and has since 
 become the typical principle of the 
 party and its policy. 
 
 Senator Tbomas E wing's Resolution o - 
 1833 Denouncing Removals for Opin- 
 ion's Sake as Hostile to tbe Spirit of 
 the Constitution and Prejudicial fo 
 the Public Scrvicer7-I»eclares it Inex- 
 pedient for tbe Senate to Advise and 
 Consent to ReniovalS Withont Suffi- 
 cient Cause. 
 
 ' A* 'the' ' sai&e session, ' Hon. ' Thoitas 
 ^Ewiflf,' a Senator frbm' Ohio; offered the 
 ■following resolution i - , , . • 
 
 . tMmhed, Thajt therppaotieo of mSmovJBg' pub- 
 lic gffloers by the Pp3pjd§ftt.^o;;^anyo,tljer. pur- 
 pose thaitthai for securing a faithful execution 
 flf'the-'lftW, tB'hotetiM tO'TOfe^spirfe of the-Con- 
 stitution ; was never contemplatedf bjfiite trara- 
 ere ; i'.an .exteusipnjsf Executive influence; is 
 prejttdielal to the fmblid service, and dangerous 
 wthe liberties' of the peopjei ,_ • ■.': \r -■ r: 
 
 Resolved, Th^'tit«JS'ifle»peaierrt.fer-ti»o Senate 
 to adyise and poBsemt; .to the- appaintmejut of 
 __.__^'^-.-« y-jin-any 
 
 piioT in- 
 „ .,„„, ..,^ , ^ ,. shall ap- 
 pear to have ioeeil, removed, for su^.cient cause. 
 
 Henry Clay's- .Resolution of 1834 De- 
 nonncingr Reaaovals by tbe President 
 Aloue as ITnConstitntional. 
 
 ; .&:(L in,iMarch,48a4yin, the Senate, Hon 
 Henry Clay ofibred the f oUpwlng : • 
 
 E'eHbUed', Thatthe'dpnWintipppf the Unltgd 
 States does.notycst ih the President the power 
 to rbmoVe at Ms , pleasure, offlciers under the 
 Go'v&iiiiienfof the thiited States whose ofllces 
 have been es'tabli«hfed by law. 
 
 PART VIII. 
 
 Van Bupen's AdmiiiiLstra- 
 tion simply an addendum 
 of Jacfkson't^ in tiae matter 
 of Removals and Appoint- 
 ments — Bfevertlaeless Van 
 XBurcn removed 36© Post- 
 masters, etc He appoint" 
 
 ed none but Partisans or 
 democratic Reformers to 
 Office. 
 
 Mr. Van Buren's administration, so- 
 far as it related to the subject of politi- 
 cal proscription, was a mere addendum, 
 or appendix, to that of Jackson. The 
 latter had left little to be done in the 
 way of removals for opinion's sake. But 
 Mr. Van Buren proceeded to do that 
 little with the greatest proraptitade 
 and alacrity. From Senate Document 
 No. 293, 3a session, 25th Confess, it 
 appears that between the 4th of March, 
 1837 to the 37th of February, 1839. Van 
 Buren removed three hundred and 
 sixty postmasters, and a corresponding 
 number of officers were dismissed from 
 other branches of the public service. 
 He appointed none but partisans, none 
 but Democratic reformers, to^. official 
 position in the (government. . . , / 
 
 PART IX. 
 
 Tlie Ouillotine under the 
 
 Wbilgs. . 
 
 £tii>rrison'S{iinau^nitaftioji'-otf Marcb» 4,. 
 IStl^-^'AI-cbange conies o*6r tbe spirit 
 Of, tbe dream". e>f :tbe...lST»l^ leaders 
 respecting; Removals— Expei;ie;HCC tbe 
 
 i impracticability of 'operating a Wbigr 
 ' administration tbroiig^b I>^moCratic 
 Agents—Coerced to resort to tbe Guil- 
 lotine— Tbeir old > Resolutions and 
 Speecbes' quoted aij^ainst fbem— Tbe 
 IDetnttcr^tic R^fojrm^rs 1,11 tb'ei:r oUV 
 rule of Indignants at Partyi Proscrip- 
 tion. 
 
 "In the Prpsideptial campaign of 1840, 
 Maltin Van'Buren was retired from the 
 .Presidency; ■ Gen'l Wm. H. Harrison, of 
 Ohio* was elected President and John 
 Tyler, of .Virginisi, Vice President. 
 .Now, a change came .over the spirit of 
 the dteam of the Whig leaders respect- 
 ing' removals and appointtnents. Henry 
 Clay was in the Seiiafe. Thre^ of their 
 leaders, most pEonpunced against patty 
 prdgcripWoh^socalJed-Tragainstjempvfirs 
 firoth" office" for' partisan opimons — 
 
134 
 
 APPOINTMEXTS AXD KEMOYALS. 
 
 wcse summoned into the Cabinet. 
 Daniel Webster as Secretary of State, 
 Thomas Ewing as Secretary ol t!ie 
 Treasury, and John Bell, of Tennessee, 
 as Secretary of War ; and their acts are 
 singular commentaries upon their pre- 
 Tiously expressed opinions or dogmas 
 respecting appointments and removals. 
 They soon realized the fact that to 
 operate a Whig administration through 
 Democratic agents or agencies was 
 practically impossible, even if tliey 
 "were at liberty to try the experiment. 
 But the pressure of administration ne- 
 cessities, added to the demands of the 
 party, coerced them into the course they 
 had so often and so eloquently denoun- 
 ced as unconstitutional and corrupt. 
 The guillotine no w again began its venge- 
 ful work. Hundreds were dismissed 
 from office, and denunciation and clamor 
 sprea<l tlirough the country. The Demo- 
 ■cratic 1 eformers now again assumed the 
 role of iudignnnts at party proscription, 
 and the Whig leaders and organs had 
 their resolutions and speeches and edi- 
 torials quoted against them. They met 
 the crisis lioldly — even with resignation. 
 Their courage at times rose almost to 
 the heroic, and they evaded the shafts 
 pointed by their own genius with adroit- 
 ness and skill. 
 
 liucleanan's vesolMtion of Jusie, 1841 — 
 The President reqnestetl to cosnmtaaii* 
 catc to Senate all Removals froan of- 
 fice which had been made by himself 
 and his Secretaries and Snborda- 
 uates. 
 
 In the Senate, on June 17, Hon. James 
 Buchanan offered the following resolu- 
 tion: 
 
 Resolved, That the President of the United 
 States lie requestedto cause to lie communicated 
 to the Senate a list of all rert ovals from of- 
 fice or public employment of any Jiind what- 
 -fioever which have been made by himself, or by 
 the Secretaries of State, of the Treasury, of War, 
 of the Navy, respectively, or by the Postmas- 
 ter-General or Attorney-General, or under the 
 authority of either, since the 4th day of March 
 last, stating therein iiartioularly the names of 
 the persons removed, and the names of those 
 appointed ; and that he be further reguested to 
 ■cause to be communicated to the Senate a list 
 of all the removals from offlco or public em- 
 ployment of any Idnd whatsoever which have 
 been made since the 4th day of March last by 
 1ihe different collectors of customs or other of- 
 ficers, whose removals and appointments are 
 submitted to the Secretary of the Treasury for 
 •confirmation, stating therein particularly the 
 names of the persons removed, and the names 
 of those appointed ; and that he he further re- 
 quested to cause to be communicated to the 
 Senate a list of all the removals from oflSoe or 
 public employment of any kind wuatsoever 
 made by the deputy postmasters throughout 
 the United States, whose compensation amounts 
 to 12,000 and upwards, per annum statingtherc- 
 in particularly the names of the persons re- 
 moved and the names of those appointed. 
 
 Bebatc in Senate upon Buchanan's Res- 
 olution — Buchanan flnotes Henry 
 
 Clay's I>enial of Power iu President to 
 inalie Removals — Clay Rises to Ex- 
 plain] — Me Maintalais that under tBae 
 Constitution the Right does Bfot Exist, 
 but that in la^v it Does £xist— Clay 
 tells jSuchaiaan : " We Cannot, Indeed, 
 Sir, Consent to Allow Your Friends to 
 Rcniaiaa iia Oua' Confideaice " — Clay 
 Hates the Principle, but Xoves the 
 Pa'actice. 
 
 In the course of Mr. Buchanan's speech 
 in the Senate, in support of his resolu- 
 tion, the following passage of arms took 
 place : 
 
 Mr. BUCHANAN, Never had the leaders of 
 any party been more solemnly committed on 
 any doctrine than those of the "iVhig party were 
 in their h ostili ty to proscription, ^rom the Sen- 
 ator from Kentucliy [Mr. Clay] clown, thev 
 had all spoken the same language. That Sena- 
 ator had repeatedly on this tloor denied the ex- 
 istence of the power of removal by the Presi- 
 dent under the foustltution. How eloquently 
 had ho declaimed against the maxim that, "to 
 the victors belong the spoils." 
 
 Mr. CLAY. Will the Senator from Pennsylva- 
 nia allow mo a word in explanation 2 I have 
 said that power does not belong to the Presi- 
 dent, though it has grown into use. It has been 
 a subject of legislation, and as such it is not 
 questioned. 
 
 Mr. BUCHANAN. The Senator from Ken- 
 tucky, then, decliires that under the Constitu- 
 tion the right does not exist, but that in law it 
 does; and that now, being in olBce, he woulfl 
 justify his administration for its proscription,! 
 not by Constitutional but by legislative author:, 
 ity. Had ho nut, over and over .'gain, de- 
 unimced the late administration on the ground 
 of proscription ! 
 
 Mr. CL.AY. [ did, sir ; but our practice now 
 gi'ows out of the uecessity of our case. We can- 
 not, indeed, sir, consent to allow your friends to 
 remain in oitr confidiaice. 
 
 Mr. BUCHANAN. The Scimtm; then, aehnmol- 
 edges that whilst he hates the principle, lie loves ■ 
 the jyractice, 
 
 Webster's Manifesto of March 30, 1841— 
 It Forbids Partisaai Interference In 
 Flections, and all Assessments or 
 Contributions to Political Purposes, 
 Ac— It Deceives STo One— Its Purpose 
 Readily Penetrated and Denounced by 
 Democratic Senatorsiin Debate in Sen- 
 ate-Even Elkened to Alien and Sedi- 
 tion Eaws. 
 
 Depaktme.nt of State, 
 _ _ _, „ March 20, isa. 
 
 To Hon. Thomas Ewikg, 
 
 Secretary of the Treasury: 
 
 Sir: The President is of the opinion that it is 
 a great abuse to bring the patronage of the 
 general government into conflict with the free- 
 dom of elections, and that this abuse oughtto be 
 corrected wherever it may have been permitted 
 to exist, and to be jn-evented for the future. 
 
 He therefore directs that information be given 
 to au ofllcers and agents iu your Department of 
 the public service that partisan interference in 
 popuLar elections, whether of State ofBoers, or 
 oraeersof this Government, and for whomao- 
 over or against whomsoever it may be exeroised, 
 or the payment of any contribution or assess- 
 ment on salaries or official compensation for 
 party or election purposes, will bo regarded by 
 him as cause of removal. 
 
 It is not intended that any officer shall be re- 
 strained mthe free and proper expression and 
 maintenance of his opinions respecting pubUc 
 
APP0IKT3IENTS AND KE5I0VALS. 
 
 12 
 
 men or public measures, or in tlio cxei-ciec to 
 tlie fullest degree, of tlie constitutional i-iglit of 
 Biiffrage. But persons emploved under t'le 
 Government, and paid for tlieii- services out of 
 the public Treasuiy. are not expected to talio 
 an active or olfloious part in attempts to Influ- 
 ence the minds or votes of others, sueli con- 
 duct being deemed iuconsisf<nt with the spirit 
 of the C'onstitutiin, and tbe duties of i^ublie 
 agents acting under it; and the President is 
 resolved, so far as depends upon blm, that 
 ■while the exorcise of the elective IrancUise by 
 the people shall be free from undue inHuences 
 of official station and authority, opinions shall 
 also bo free among the oXHcers and agents of 
 the Government. 
 
 Similar letters have been addressed to other 
 heads of departments. 
 
 I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient ser- 
 vant, 
 
 BANIEL WEBSTER. 
 
 Payment of coutributions or assess- 
 ments I'or party purposes? Payments to 
 whom'? To the Whigs or Democrats? 
 And at what election ? Was any pen- 
 ding? Tlie manifesto is dated Marcli 
 20, 1841. Harrison was inaugurated 
 March 4, 1841, and the administration 
 was consequently not three weelss old. 
 Had any election occurred during that 
 time? Had any Whig committee or 
 organization during that time assessed 
 or attempted to assess government em- 
 ployees? Had any Wfiig or adminis- 
 tration eraplovee contributed to any 
 election fund? Were there any Whig 
 or administration men in ofSce ? For 
 whom, then, if not for Whigs, was this 
 manifesto intended 1 Is it not plain ? 
 It was made retroactive, too, to reach 
 the people Webster was gunning for, 
 the Democratic employees, who, at the 
 previous Presidential election, had been 
 assessed by the Democracy and had 
 paid the assessment for the Van Buren 
 campaign fund. The manifesto had 
 been adopted in cabinet meeting and 
 its publication was but a prelude to the 
 guillotine. It deceived no one. Its 
 purpose was readily penetrated. 
 
 In the Senate, in the debate upon Mr. 
 Buchanan's resolutions. Senator Mc- 
 Boberta, of Illinois, seized upon, ex- 
 posed, and denounced it as equal in its 
 tyrannical purpose to the Alien and 
 Sedition law. He notices its retroac- 
 tive intent. He said : 
 
 And to crown all It is declared In ■ the order 
 [Webster's manifesto] that it shall have a retro- 
 active operation. That its penalties shall be in- 
 flicted for any violations that may have been 
 permilled to exist. 
 
 Mr. McRoberts declare- d the Alien and 
 Sedition law. Infamous as he regarded 
 it, as less tyrannical and even more hu- 
 mane than this " Webster edict." He 
 argues : 
 
 Let us compare the mode of executing this 
 edict with the mode of carrying out the sedition 
 law, odious, oppressive, and unconstitutional 
 as that law is aunHHed to be. The sedition act 
 of 1798 required an indictment ; the accused had 
 a right to a copy of the charge ; he had a right to 
 introduce witnesses in his defence; the trial 
 
 was public, and the law applied ouly to viola- 
 tions subsequent to its passage. 
 
 How Is it under this edict from the State De- 
 partment? Why, sir, the accused is dcu-ed all 
 knowledge of the complaint; he snot allowed 
 aeopyot Ihe charge; ho is not permitted to 
 cross-exiimine the witnesses ; the sccrecv of the 
 proceeding protects them f i urn respond bilirr l 
 and the edict declares upon its lace that per- 
 sons shall be proscribed under it for what thev 
 may have done befoi-e it was issued 
 
 These are the striking differenfcs in execu- 
 ting the gag law of 1798 and the gag order of 
 1841. 
 
 Sir, we have aU read of the odious lavs of 
 Draco and Dionysius, and odious as they were,- 
 thoy were not retroactive. The Federal party 
 of '98 oppressed the couutry in every conceiv- 
 able way, but it is reserved to the Whig leiid- 
 ers of 1841 to add retroactive penal edicts to th& 
 catalogue.. 
 
 Senator Bayard and George William 
 Curtis, our Democratic and Civil-Serv- 
 ice reformers, in quoting this manifesto 
 in support of their views, for the sake of 
 Webster's great name, purposely con- 
 ceal its origin, history, meaning, and 
 purpose. Their work is a piece of char- 
 acteristic mountebaukism. 
 
 Senator Franklin Pierce, afterwards. In 
 1853, President of the United States,. 
 <inotes. Against President of the Sen- 
 ate Southard, Senator Sonthard, in 
 1S35, I>enonnclng; Removals as Des- 
 potic and Tyrannical—" Can the Rus- 
 sians <Jo Further,?— Can the Turks?"— 
 <tuestlons the Answers to which Mr. 
 Pierce leaves to Southard's Fricnd» 
 in Power, 
 
 Hon. Franklin Pierce, of New Hamp- 
 shire, afterwards President of the United 
 States, in the debate on Mr. Buchanan's 
 resoliitiou, also expressed his reproba- 
 tion of political proscription. In addres- 
 sing the President of the Senate, Mr. 
 Southard, of New Jersey, (a Whig,) he 
 said: 
 
 In the winter of 1831, in this chamber, you 
 spoke as follows : "Mr. President : If there does 
 now exist in this country a power which can, 
 by its single volition and word, relieve offioers- 
 acting under the Constitution aud law ■ from 
 their respousiblUty, and this with regard to the 
 Treasury Itself, we have already an absolute 
 unlnoumbercd despotism, beyond which no 
 other can advance. What is despotism, but the 
 existence. In the hands of a single Individual, 
 of the power and right to say to all subordinate 
 agents, 'you are to act on my responsibility 
 and opinion?' Can the Eussians go further I' 
 Can the Turks V " 
 
 "Questions," exclaimed Mr. Pierce, 
 "for the answer to which I will refer to 
 your Executive friends, who are filling 
 your table from day to day with " I nom- 
 inate in the place of - — removed." 
 
 Frank Fierce also <tnotes Ag;ainst 
 President Tyler in 1841 Senator Ty- 
 ler In 18S4— Tyler's Reprobation of the 
 "Spoils System" — Its Fatal Conse- 
 quences—" True, a President Cannot. 
 Evict the Judg^e, but, by His Power 
 
126 
 
 APPOINTMENTS AND REMOVALS. 
 
 •"\ver the Marshal, he can l»a«li the 
 • iry." 
 
 President HaiTison was now dead, and 
 Ms successor, President John Tyler, be- 
 ing the wicked one who was thus filling 
 Mr. Southard's table with prescriptive 
 missives, Mr. Pierce quoted from a 
 speech delivered by Mr. Tyler, in 1834, 
 in the Senate, as follows : 
 
 I mean only so far to express an opinion 
 upon it (executive removals) as to say, that if 
 properly exerted to get rid of incompetent or 
 unfairhful agents, it is toeneileial Ir its results. 
 But if used imeroJy to reward favorites and to 
 punlsli opponents— if tlte ofllcos of tiie govern- 
 ment sliall be considered iis spoUs, to be distri- 
 buted among a .victorious party— tben, Indeed, 
 sir, the consetiuences arc most fatal ; all stabil- 
 ity in government is at an end. * * * Nor 
 would there be a secure ref iii^e iu the courts of 
 justiee. True, he (the President) cannot evict 
 the judge, Init by his power over the marshal, 
 he could pack the jury. 
 
 Frank Pierce also Quotes letter from 
 E. Curtis, (a Vrosenltor of Oeo. Wm. ?) 
 Collector of BTew Yorli,who Proscribes 
 a Mere I/tul- The J>emocracy Never In- 
 vaded the " Jf ursery "—It " Proscribed 
 theMeUj'but iifev^r Disturbed the In- 
 fants"— It Worke<l Under JTo False 
 Pretenses— It Preferred Its Friends— it 
 Had the Power and Cliose to Exercise 
 It—" What are you going to do about 
 it?" 
 
 In the course of his speech, Mr. Pierce 
 read a letter- from E; Curtis, (an ances- 
 tor of Geo. Wm. Curtis?) collector of the 
 port of New York, addressed to his chief 
 clerk, to wit: 
 
 My Dkar Sir : I should be glad if you would 
 employ the lad Charles Ilunter in the place of 
 Jefferflon Young. 
 
 I have- reason to believe that the political 
 principles of the lad are all right, aud his ap- 
 pointment would give satisfaction to tlifi dis- 
 trict, the ward, and tlie city in whicli he lives. 
 Very respectiully yours, 
 
 E. CtJKTis. 
 
 June 3d, 18il. 
 
 This lad, wliose " political principles " 
 were "all right," Wais'tl^il-teen years old. 
 After readingthis l0tt()r, Mr, Pieirpe esi, 
 claimed: i,, ■ !•■■ , ■ i,' v ■ ,., ■ 
 
 Now, Mr. President, '!:sp&il3' party," i as wl- 
 were denoimced tonbo fronuunoienjdLof thlsioon-. 
 tinonttofcheiotheD, I'aatciyou;an alliCUKdor, dlid 
 we ever invade thQm«r«e);i^i? i* »' •* IBalsehood,.' 
 with all its tonguesvudvenohargedit'jidetrao- 
 tion, on this point, never assailed' tie. "ire re' 
 moved l/ie (ncii, butwo did not disturb the in- 
 fants. •*/; ;- 1^1 *,,'■'',' "^ - * 
 
 Democratic ajlmmigiriitions have turnedout 
 some— iiuiuy. If you plojiao— political Obpoijents 
 to give place' to pollt'ieal friends;' and on the 
 Binglogrotiud.thattheyihaathei'ight and power 
 to prplcrtiJi^ir friends to tjwjir Oipponents. * * • 
 But whatever was done bv the late adminis- 
 trations was not done upder false pretenses, 
 Wo pnt forth Ao c'aAtlug/'hyiiooritlcal circulars 
 i[uo Webstop manifestoes! ] We stood before the 
 nation .line), the woi'ld, outhe nalred, unqualifled 
 ground that ^ye preferred our ft-ieuds to our op- 
 ponents ; th.-it to confer place was our privilege, 
 vilmhwe'clufse to'cdc'rclse. ' 
 
 -..■(. i .. If ■ ■ ■ 
 
 Secretary Ewing radically changes his 
 Judgement in reference to Removals— 
 The. Treasury an "Augean Stable" 
 which he thoroughly cleanses— Is ac- 
 
 ' cnsed of being the Ctenlas of the Gail- 
 lotine— He and his compeers able men, 
 bnt find it practically impossible to 
 administer a Big Machi'ne like the IT. 
 S. Government through Age'nts hos- 
 tile to its Chiefs, either personally or 
 in Principle. 
 
 Secretary of the Treasury Ewing, 
 who, as Senator, during Jackson's reign, 
 was the mover of a resolution in the 
 Senate, denouncing removals as " hostile 
 to the spirit of the Constitution," as 
 "prejudicial to the public service," and 
 "daugerous to the- liberties of the 
 people," radically clianged his views in 
 such Tuatters when installed in the 
 Treasury. He evidently regarded the 
 Treasury as an "Augean Stable," the 
 thorough cleansing of wliich was an 
 imperative and patriotic duty. He per- 
 formed the work with great energy, 
 iutelligen ce, and impartiality. So thorr 
 oughlyj indeed, that he was accused 
 by tlie Democratic reformers of having 
 a genius for proscription, and the 
 Portsmouth, (N. H.) Gazette, in an 
 article in May, 1841, and headed "In- 
 famous" declares that: 
 
 Thomas Ewing, thirsting for the life-blood ol 
 his victims, actually removed Mr. Marston, the 
 excellent lieeper of the Newcastle lighthouse, on 
 the very day that Fresident Harrison lay a 
 corpse. '. 
 
 If any lucky Democratic reformer, 
 any Pendleton or S. S. Cos, or even a 
 George Wm. Curtis, in the Treasury, 
 escaped himj it was purely accidental. 
 Arbiti'ary removals of government em- 
 ployees, for opinion's sjike, were now, 
 in his judgment, not "hostile to, but 
 consonant with the spirit of the Consti- 
 tution)'', were not "prejudicial to," but 
 promotive of "the public -service," and 
 "not dangerous" but conservative "of 
 the liberties of the people." Ewing 
 'agreed with Jackson, " we-are never too 
 old to learn," and the rough experience 
 of actual contact with tlie administra- 
 tive responsibilities and duties of a big 
 machineilike the Treasury was full of 
 ipraotical' wisdom. Mr. Ewing was an 
 able man. He'VFas on« of the ablest 
 men of his day, but neither he, nor his 
 compeers, anH .ill were able men, 
 could invent -a system by which the 
 Treasury or' a great Government like 
 that of the Unitedj States, could 'be ad- 
 ministered successfully or beneiicially 
 through agents hostile to its cliief, 
 either personally or in principle. It is 
 a practical impossibility!- • • . 
 
 The Conservative ITatlonal Intelligen- 
 cer, the<>rgau of the Wllig^ aiitf, the 
 Ancient En«niy «f Removals for po- 
 
APPOINTMENTS AND REMOVALS. 
 
 137 
 
 litical reasons, Defends Proscrlp- 
 tlon by the Wliig^s— Removals of Per. 
 sonal ana Political Opponents 
 based on Common Sense and ordinary 
 Prudence— No Man in private JLlfe, in 
 possession of a landed Estate or a mer- 
 cantile Honse, or in command of a 
 Stalp, wonld retain nnder him men 
 in whom be bad no conHdence, 
 
 Even that conservative sheet, The 
 \ National Intelliffemer,- the organ- of the 
 WhigSi and "vfnich - during Jackson's 
 reign did sach- manly battle against 
 "party proscription," was, in defense of 
 the Whigs in 1841,iorced to plead : 
 
 * * * We are yet of iue opinion that It is 
 due to coTislstency, as well as to the known 
 wishes o£ the.PQpular majority which brought 
 the present administration into power, that ilie 
 reform of the ' abuses in the aovernment 
 should embrace persons as well us things ; that 
 the required change-of measures shouM be ao 
 eanyocmiedwiih such a change of officers as will 
 proauoo harmony of action in the different de- 
 partments of the government. * * * • This, 
 it appears to us, iff «.o 'more than what common 
 sense and ordinary^ j>rudence require of every 
 •man inprivate life in tlie management of his af- 
 fairs. No man, for example, coming to the 
 head of a landed estate, of a manufactory, of a 
 mercantile house, or the command of a ship 
 wvuld retain in authority under hini an over, 
 seer, a foreman, a cashier, or mate, {and so also 
 of inferior employments,) XD. whom he had no 
 ooniiaence. 
 
 PAE'r X. 
 
 The Guillotine under Pres- 
 ident James K. Polk. 
 
 ' I' .1 • , 'I 
 
 Wholesale Removals of 'Whlss— Ifo 
 TVhl^ need apply— 3fone shall, be ap- 
 potn ted— Spirit of Democratic Reform 
 in a letter of Robert ;!. : Walker, 8ecre« 
 tary of the Treasury. ' ■ 
 
 In the Presidential election of 1844 
 Henry Clay was chosen b.y a- decided 
 majority 'of the popular vote ihon«stly 
 cast. But Janl^es K. Polk, of . Tenoessee* 
 was fraudulently connted-in. Under 
 Polk, tlife'gtiillotine again worked venge- 
 in\\y. ' All Whigs' w<6J?e summarily : ciecf 
 ted from ofBbe, and theirplaees filled 
 by ' DeittAcratlc < Reformers'. Whef ; spirit 
 of Pblk's'^aillotin© -may be Judged- 
 bt the f0ll6Win!g''lc!tte!r of ;Eobert' J; 
 Wfilktet>,i Secretary -'Of » Treaisuryv' *«» 
 Jaftiefe 'li. OhildTieSS, whom he had ap- 
 pointed to a pla«iB'iiEf the Tueasury amder 
 the, Wief. that fee. was a Defliaora); :,,. 
 
 II,.,- •' , ,11 Mayi, 184«i 
 
 ,DkAR $iit: p* Saturday lasli I directed ydllr 
 
 rei)resent^vourk(ilftOliiBiiB a Beillodrat,t«it ;1 
 toffl^it,im,giiartUd,iJiateuch,was.,thfi fact. It is 
 impogHbli/or, me /o , ^natie tlte re/iidtal contem- 
 
 plated for the inirjpose of appointing a Whig. I 
 have felt constrained, therefore, to revoke the 
 order for your appolutmeut. Iregiet this oo- 
 cunrenoe very much. Our short acquaintance 
 had made a strong impression on my mind In 
 your favor ; and I still beUeve that, personally, 
 you are entitled to my respect and esteem ; but 
 under the circumstances, I cannot make the 
 removal and appointment as I intended. 
 
 I take pleasure in saying that your deports 
 ment throughout lias been correct and honor- 
 able. 
 
 Yours, very respectfully, 
 
 K. J. WALKER. 
 JAMES li. ClIILDBBSS, Esq. 
 
 No Whig need apply. None shall liold 
 office under Democratic Reform. How- 
 ever worthy or excellent in character 
 and ability, tliey were not trustworthy 
 agents for the Democracy. Tliat was 
 the spirit whicli animated the fraudu- 
 lent tool of the pro-slavery oligarchy, 
 James K. Polk, and liis cabinet, all of 
 his Democratic subordinates, and Whigs 
 were busily hunted and ejected from 
 place. 
 
 Satanic Spirit of Proscription nnder 
 Polk— Support of Mexican War a test> 
 not merely of party fealty, but of 
 Patriotism— A War Register pro- 
 posed—Enroll the Tories— Perpetu- 
 ate the record of the Traitors in every 
 Town, Tillage or Hamlet—" Moral 
 Treason," Ac 
 
 One of the grand objects of the oli- 
 garchy, or the Pro-slavery Propaganda, 
 as it was called, in fraudulently forcing 
 Polk upon the. nation as 'Ej^sident, was 
 the seizure by conquest of a part of 
 Mexico in aggrandizemerit of their 
 slave tyranny-rras a means of building 
 upi' with the people's blood and treasure, 
 a slave oligarcjiy strong euongh with- 
 in itself, to overthrow a»d de- 
 stroy the government and nation. 
 Hence, the war violently forced in 1846 
 ujpon Mexico and fraudulently upon 
 the American people- Itfo^mE^theds^rk- 
 eet' chapter ■ in our history, prior .tp. the 
 slaveholders' Rebellion.' It iwas' de- 
 no;uuCec[byinanyas."unt\^ise"and •' un- 
 holy''r— asa " damnable 'war';" and' its 
 authors- i and abettors were held ,up to 
 public execration; " But the Domo- 
 dfOfCf' North, apd Spiith' jnade Its 'sup- 
 port a test inot m erely of parts' f eatty b W 
 even' of 'patriotism. , i It i piosoribed , with 
 a ruthless haaid all who'ppposed ■ or 
 were suspected of opposmg the 
 war. The intolerant spirit?, fhe feaUy 
 Satanic spiri*,.-wM«l>taii.thi8 peI;iod^pc)s- 
 sesc^ltheiDemooracyvmay'beappEeciated 
 frlpi u ■ the' f tfllo Wirig' propositioa urged- in 
 tl*e.,(?4.w,i^Wio«; X'^^e^^e^nbei- 18;i848j 
 puiblished at Coluinbus^ai*a dihe,..pf,ili6 
 feadiii'g'OTgans of the.Demoeracy: .i ,: 
 
 A WAR REGISTKE— Timely peopobition.— It 
 has.beeiv8ugge8j;e4.that Jhq cau^e of ^he x!onn- 
 try may be promoted by theopsmngof 9. war 
 register in every city, town; (ft vlllagi; for the 
 
138 
 
 APPOINTMENTS AND REMOVALS. 
 
 purpose of preserving an authentic record of 
 the toryism wliicli may be displayed by indi- 
 viduals during the continuance of the present 
 war. In this regiserit is proposed to record 
 the names of such personages as make tliem- 
 selves zealous in pleading the cause of the 
 enemy, and oppose the war into which the poo- 
 
 Ele and the Government of the United States 
 ave been forced by Mexican aggi-ession. insult, 
 and robbery. Besides the names of the indi- 
 viduals who pronounce against the justness of 
 our cause, such sentiments as are particularly 
 odious should be placed on the register. 
 Where an individual expresses sympathy for 
 the enemy, wishes the death of the President, 
 or the downfall of the national administration, 
 as a punishment lor having engaged in the war, 
 the sent iment of the tory should bo registered in 
 Ids own language as near as possible. All state- 
 ments intended for entry on the record should 
 be verified by the name of the witness or con- 
 tributor. 
 
 The above is a general outline of the plan. 
 Such a record as it proposes will save much 
 doubt and prevarication in a'ter years. Had 
 sucb a I ecord beeen kept in 1812, the denials of 
 those who opposed the war of that era would 
 now avail them nothing. We hope that our 
 friends everywhere in Ohio will move in this 
 matter without delay. 
 
 Was not tills a conception worthy of 
 Beelzebub himself? Nevertheless, the 
 Union, the national organ of the Dem- 
 ocracy at Washington, In its Issue of 
 December 34, 1848, m an editorial titled 
 "Antidote id Moral Tceasore," formally 
 iustlfles this cold-blooded deviltry. 
 It says : 
 
 Those traitorous acts which may be per- 
 formed, and those treasonable sentiments which 
 may be promulgated, without an infringement 
 of the criminallaws of the country, but are yet 
 calculated and intended to give aid and com- 
 fort to the enemy, have been well treated as 
 constituting " moral treason." 
 
 There is no statute law in the United States 
 for the punishment of "moral treason." Trait- 
 ors may stalk abroad at mid-day, promulgating 
 their treachero is sentiments with impunity, so 
 Ion* as thev are guilty of no overt act. They 
 may encourage the enemy through the press — 
 they may denonm-e their own government as 
 meriting the curse of God, and proclaim the 
 hostile country to be deserving of the prayers 
 and sympathies of the world ; and yet this is 
 not legal treason. They may advise and cheer 
 the foe, at a distance ; they niay join the adver- 
 sary in head and heart ; but, nevertheless, they 
 are amenable to no statut-e law so long as they 
 keep their carcasses within the American lines. 
 We now And thousands taking advantage of 
 the leniency of our criminal code ; and it is not 
 Improbable that Santa Anna's army would be 
 some thousands stronger than at present, did 
 not an act of Congress affix the punishment of 
 hanging by the neck until dead to the offence 
 of joining the^nemy inperson. 
 
 The Union adds : 
 
 We bespeak for the proposition of the Ohio 
 editor the consideration of our friends gener- 
 ally. The patriotic portion of the opposition 
 will probably favor the project, as they may 
 thereby escape odium, which, in the absence of 
 evidence, may hereafter ui;)ustly attaoh to their 
 characters from the fact of being members of 
 the Federal party. 
 
 We have not space to give the facts 
 in further detail. 
 
 PART XL 
 
 TIae CriilllotiBse Again Mmtlei* 
 tlie Wliigs. 
 
 General Taylor's Administration— He 
 eiiergetieally ejects democratic Re- 
 formers — The Reformers S^jueal in the 
 Senate-Bradbury's Resolution— IBouff- 
 las's Speecti on Removals — I>emocracy 
 do not object to Removals — Oh, no — In 
 tliemselves tliey are B*roper and Rig^lit 
 — But do object that ttacy should be 
 Miule in a Manner to convey a cbarg^e 
 of a want of "Honesty, Capacity, and 
 Fidelity." 
 
 In the Presidential campaign of 1848 
 General Taylor, of Louisiana, a Whig, 
 defeated General Lewis Cass, of 
 Michigan, for the Presidency. Mil- 
 lard Fillmore, of New York, was cho- 
 sen Vice-President. General Taylor 
 was inaugurated March 4, 1849, aud the 
 whole Whig party, with great unanim- 
 ity, rallied to the support of his admin • 
 istration in the matter of removals, if 
 not in that of appointments. Their 
 wholesale proscription under Polk lired 
 their hearts with enthusiasm for a new 
 deal. 
 
 Hon. John M. Clayton, of Delaware, as 
 Secretary of State, and Hon. Thomas 
 Ewiug, as Secretary of the Interior, 
 both of whom during the reign of Jack- 
 son had eloquently reprobated partisan 
 removals, were summoned into the Cab ■ 
 inet. Actual experience liad taught 
 them the utter impracticability of oper- 
 ating a Whig administratiou through 
 Democratic agents. They therefore did 
 not attempt it ; nor did their compeers 
 iu the Cabinet ; but all, supported by 
 the President, immediately and actively 
 began the restoration of "the former ef- 
 ficient public servants," Whigs ejected 
 by President Polk, to places under the 
 Government. Truly, the guillotine 
 worked vengefully. Few Democratic 
 reformers escaped. Nor had these re 
 formers any ground for disappoiutmeut ; 
 any just expectation to remain in office 
 under General Taylor; for, upon the 
 nomination of the General, they iu a 
 body waited upon Mr. Buchanan, Secre- 
 tary of State, at Washington, and he 
 warned them iu the following language 
 of what tUey might expect in the event 
 of the General's election : 
 
 Let no Democrat lay the flattering unction to 
 M^ soul that General Taylor's administration 
 would not be a proscriptive Whig iidministra- 
 tion. * • * A Whlghimsclf.eleotedbyWhlsB, 
 and surrounded by a Whig Cabinet, lie would 
 be compelled, by the necessities of Uis position, 
 to carry into effect Whig measures aud Whig 
 principles. Indeed he would prove faithless to 
 his party if he were to pursue any other course. 
 
 Nevertheless in the United States Sen- 
 ate, at the session of 1849-'50, Mr. Brad- 
 
APrUIXTJIKXTS AND REMOVALS. 
 
 129 
 
 bury, of Maine, afifecting Rreatiudigna- 
 tion at what he calls the pioscriptive 
 policy of General Taylor's adrainistia- 
 tion, uitroduced the following resolu- 
 tion : 
 
 Resolved, That the President be requested to 
 cause to be laid before the Senate all uliarjjes 
 wMcb liave been preferred or Hied in any of the 
 departments against individuals who have 
 been removed from office since the 4th day of 
 March, 1849, with a specification of the cases, if 
 any, in which the omcers charged have had op- 
 portunity to be heard, and a statement of the 
 namtaf r of removals made under each depart- 
 ment, including subordinates in the custom- 
 houses and other branches of public service. 
 
 In the debate which ensued upon this 
 resoluliou, Mr. Bradbury, manifestly 
 sensible of the false position of a Dem- 
 ocratic Senator reprobating party pro- 
 scription, qualified it by declaring : 
 
 It is not the policy of making removals that I 
 assail or call in question. It is the inconsist- 
 ency between the professions and practice of 
 the party In power— the fraud of faith solemnly 
 pledged to know no party, and to make remov- 
 als only for cause, followed by a general expul- 
 sion of Democrats, witliau imputation of delin- 
 aueiicy thrown upon them. It is this of which 
 I complain, and not of the propriety of an ad- 
 ministration employing those favorable to its 
 priaciples to carry out its measures. 
 
 But Mr. Stephen A. Douglas, the "Lit- 
 tle Giant" of Illinois, formulated the 
 Democratic position on this resolution 
 in his speech in the Senate of June 4, 
 1850. In that he arraigns General Tay- 
 lor's administration for wholesale re- 
 movals of Democrats from office, not 
 because he objects to removals, but only 
 because they violate the previous 
 ledges of General Taylor, during the 
 residential campaign, that there should 
 be under him no merely partisan remov- 
 als, and tiiat all removals should be 
 based on a want of "liouesty, capacity, 
 and lidelity" to the public service. Con- 
 sequently, these removals, under such 
 pledges, amounted "by implication" to 
 a declaration that the officers ejected 
 "were deficient in these requisites to 
 fulfil their trusts." He urged: 
 
 The crime consists in slandering the charac- 
 ters of these men, and not in removing them 
 from (ifflce. Sir, I make no complaint of their 
 removal. I am willing that when Whigs h.ive 
 the administration the.v shall have their own 
 men in the offices, for which they are responsi- 
 ble. 
 
 ******* 
 
 You may take all the offices; you are wel- 
 come to them ; make the best use you can of 
 them while you ai e responsible for the faithful 
 
 Sertormance of their duties; but do not slan- 
 er better men than yourselves. * * * 
 I repeat again that I do not complain that 
 Democrats were removed We expected that 
 they would be removed. * * * We ixpectcd 
 our friends to be rcmovod; we were willing 
 that they should be, and that Whigs should be 
 put in their idaoes. All that we asked w.as, 
 that good Whigs— those who were honest and 
 capable of fllllug the places vacated b.' the 
 Democrats, should be installed into these of- 
 fices. * * * Let this be done, and you -vvill 
 have no difficulty in ha\ing my ^•ote to con- 
 
 &! 
 
 firm the nomin.ationsiw''I:outinqtiiringwhelher 
 they were active im-i.ians or not. I am will- 
 ing that you shoiv a reward your faithful and 
 active men ; but i is not necessary, in order to 
 dojustice to tiiem, that you should do injustice 
 to our friends. 
 
 But that position was simply a clever 
 ruse, an ingenious flank movement, of 
 the Democracy, to enable them to assail 
 General Taylor's removals without in- 
 volving themselves in inconsistency. 
 General Taylor had made no pledge of 
 the kind, and the Democracy had been 
 fully warned by Mr. Buchanan, in the 
 extract quoted above, that General Tay- 
 lor would remove all Democrats from 
 office ; that such a course would be nec- 
 essary "to carry into effect Whig meas- 
 ures and Whig principles," and that 
 if General Taylor pursued any other 
 course "he would prove faithless to his 
 party." 
 
 PART XII. 
 
 The Ouillotiiie Under 
 Pierce and Buctianan. 
 
 Rel^n of Slavery— Corruption Divider 
 the Throne with Slavery— Wm. I.. 
 Marcy, Author of the Maxiin that "To 
 the Victors B^Iongr the Spoils," made 
 Secretary of State— The Guillotine 
 BTow Worlicd by Men who Delighted 
 in Proscription for the Sake of Plun- 
 der — The Fearful Corruption and 
 Abuses of the Appointing Power. 
 
 In the Presidential campaign of 1853 
 General Franklin Pierce, of New Hamp- 
 shire, defeated General Winfield Scott, 
 of Virginia, for President, and the 
 Whigs, as a party, disappeared from our 
 politics. Wm. K. King, of Alabama, 
 was chosen Vice-President. General 
 Pierce was elected by a great majority 
 in the electoral colleges — receiving 251 
 votes, and General Scott only 42. 
 
 In the Presidential campaign of 1856, 
 Hon. James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, 
 through fraud and fraudulei'.t counting, 
 defeated the first Eepublican candidate. 
 General John C. Fremont, for the Pres- 
 idency. Hon. John C. Brecldnridge was 
 chosen Vice-President. 
 
 Pierce's administration soon develop- 
 ed into a tyrannical reign of the slave- 
 holder, and opened the turbulent period 
 which extended through his owu and 
 Buchanan's administration, and culmi- 
 nated in the rebellion. 
 
 In 1841, in the Senate, in the debate 
 upon Mr. Buchanan's resolution, Jlr. 
 Pierce, who was then a United States 
 Senator, as ^vill be seen by reference to 
 our brief sketch of that debate, con- 
 demned partisan removals in the strong- 
 est language. As President, he had a 
 change of heart. Wm. L. Marcy, of 
 
130 
 
 APPOINTMENTS AND REMOVALS. 
 
 New York, who, in 1833, in the Senate, 
 formulated the prescriptive doctrines of 
 Democratic reform, into the maxim that 
 ■"to the victors belong the spoils," was 
 appointed Secretary of State, and the 
 ffuiUotine was now worked by men who 
 delighted in proscription as a source of 
 plunder. All Whigs, all Union men, 
 were removed or excluded from office. 
 Adhesion to slavery, servility to and an 
 active partisanshij) of the pro-slavery; ol- 
 igarchy and its violent and unconstitu- 
 tional measures or decrees for its ag- 
 grandizement, were made the grand 
 tests of party fealtjr, and were the only 
 passports to executive favor. Nor only 
 tliat. United States Senators were for- 
 mally warned by the party organ — the 
 Union — at Washington, that, in the mat- 
 ter of the President's nominations to of- 
 fice, unless a vote of rejection was based 
 on solid, sound, or tenable grounds, of 
 ■which the President and liis cabinet ad- 
 ■visers were to he the judge, recreant 
 Sena,tom " should have reason for per- 
 sonal and political regret forever.^' Ver- 
 ily, Slavery was King! 
 
 Thus, Pierce's and Buchanan's reigns, 
 for they were nothing else, were reigns 
 of slavery; — violent, corrupt, tyrannical 
 and sanguinary. Corruption, indeed, di- 
 "vided the throne with Slavery. The 
 -executive patronage, both in the matter 
 •of removals and appointments, with the 
 plunder of a thousand corrupt jobs, were 
 openly used to debauch the elective fran- 
 chise in the Stat es, to stifle the will of 
 the majority, and bribe Congress in the 
 passage of ■violent and unconstitutional 
 measures, sucli as the Lecompton, for 
 the conquest of Kansas— to ■violently 
 suppress freedom in a Territory against 
 an overwhelming majority of its people. 
 Such a condition of the State was only 
 possible to Democratic reform. For a 
 time it had practically no opponent. The 
 Whig party was dead. Its death had 
 been hurried by its di^vision upon the 
 question of slavery, and the American 
 party, which had but a brief life, was 
 also divided on the question. The re- 
 peal of the Missouri Compromise, how- 
 ever, gave birth to the Republican party 
 uj)on a platform of freedom in the Ter- 
 ritor ies. 
 
 Now, the departments were searched 
 
 for sympathizers with tliis new party 
 arrayed against Democratic reform in 
 support of slavery. A vile system of 
 espionage was instituted throughout all 
 the ramiflcationsof tlie government, and 
 all suspected or tainted with the heresy 
 of Eepublicanism— witli the lieresy of 
 Freedom — were denounced as Blaelc Re- 
 publicans. T]iey were ostracised so- 
 cially, denounced as political lepers, a 
 price was practically placed upon their 
 heads, as upon a wolt^s, and they were 
 systematically hunted from government 
 places. In the preceding piiges, in our 
 chapter on Political Assessments, we 
 
 ex]30se from the original files of the In- 
 terior Department, much of this infa- 
 mous work. Let us now produce some 
 extracts from one of the numerous Con- 
 gressional reports into the shamefol 
 abuses and corruptions of the appoint- 
 ing power under Pierce and Buchanan. 
 We quote from H. E. 184, 35th Con- 
 gress, 1st session. In describing the dis- 
 graceful details of these abuses at the 
 Brooklyn navy yard, it says : 
 
 Corrnptloii at Brooklyn Jfavy-TTarU— 
 Patronagre of Tard Divided Among 
 Members of Congress— The ■Vard Re- 
 duced to a Mere Political Macbine — 
 Its Abuses and Corruptions— Bay Iia- 
 borers at $1.12 1-3 per Bay Assessed to 
 Meet Election Expenses — Taxed to 
 Purchase "Voluntary Gifts" of 
 Watches, Biamond Breast-pins, etc., 
 to Bosses — These Abuses Supported by 
 Arrangements at ■Washington. 
 
 The divlson of patronage among members [of 
 Congress] was ■well known In tile yard. Each 
 master workman understood to whom he and 
 each of his fellows owed their places. Thus the 
 construction engineer, the master plumber, and 
 the master Wockmaker, represented Mr. Sickles; 
 themaster painter represented Mr. Searing; the 
 master epar-maker master blacksmith, and tim- 
 ber inspector represented Mr. Maclay ; themas- 
 ter laborer, under the construction engineer, 
 the master boat-builder, and the master ship- 
 earpenter represented Mr. Taylor ; the master 
 caulker represented Mr. Cochrane; and themas- 
 ter stimc-cutter repreaeuted Mr. Ward. Until 
 May, 1858, the master laborer, under the con- 
 structing engineer, represented Mr. Clark, and 
 the master carpenter represented Mr. Haakin, 
 and so with all the heads of the departments of 
 labor in the yard at Brooklyn. * * * 
 
 Lawrence Cohane was appointed master car- 
 penter, upon the nomination of Mr. Haskin,in 
 the general division of patronage. He was re- 
 moved on the 9th of June, 1858, on account of 
 Mr. Haskin's course upon the Lecompton con- 
 stitution. [He opposed It.] Alexander Ward 
 was appointed in October, 1857, for Mr. Clark; 
 and in May, 1858, after Mr. Clark had taken posi- 
 tion upon the Kansas question, he resigned. He 
 states that he wanted to use his InfTuence for 
 the renomination of Mr. Clark, and he knew 
 that it he did so, and stUl remained In the yard, 
 he woidd subject himself to being removed. 
 Rather than that, he preferred to leave himself. 
 These places were then given to Mr. Taylor. 
 
 Each master workman selected all the work- 
 men under him, and upon his rectnisition the 
 number was increased or diminished, he nam- 
 ing those to be selected or discharged. * * * 
 This system, added to the abuses previously 
 existing, has reduced the navy-yard to a mere 
 political machine, where idleness, theft, insub- 
 ordination, fraud, and gross neglect of duty 
 prevailed to an alarming degree. Members of 
 Congress, offleers of the yard, both naval and 
 civil, master workmen, contractors and labor- 
 ers, have all testified to many abuses. 
 
 The natural result followed : many of them 
 employed were of an Inferior class of men. With 
 rare exceptions good workmen would not hum- 
 ble themselves to seek from a politic^ian a job of 
 work when they could get it elsewhere. Amaster 
 workman testified that the poorest workmen 
 were proesod miou him with the most perti- 
 nacity. Komco Fraganza, one of "the master 
 workmen, writes the department on date of 
 August 6, 1858. "In eight congressional di.itriots 
 who cLiim the patronage of the yard, in nine 
 cases out of ten the men ■n'ho are trenuously rec- 
 ommended are very iudilTereut hands, many of 
 
APPOINTMENTS AND REMOVALS. 
 
 131 
 
 whom cannot ohtain cmployineiit from, private 
 cmployeio." Men from the laborers' gang, who 
 knew nothing ahout painting, were ranked as 
 flrst-chiss painters, others as blacltsraiths, &c. ; 
 and so on in dilFerent departments. Laborers 
 were employed to act as clerks and to work as 
 carpenters. • 
 
 Worthless persons, old men , physically unable 
 to work, **primarles," &c., were sent by mem- 
 bers ot CongrcBS to master workmen, often 
 merely to get rid of theirimportuuities, and they 
 were taken into the several departments, until 
 their unlitness was palpable, and even then in 
 some cases partisan services outweighed public 
 interests. The only department in which the 
 commandant of the yard had a right to appoint 
 the men was the riggers' and the sallmakers' 
 department, usually sailors worldng under war- 
 rant officers of the navy. Commander Eootes 
 was applied to by members of Congress to put 
 certain men even in their places, and in some 
 justanccH he complied. 
 
 A system of appointment so vicious could 
 not but produce disastrous results. Master 
 workmen neglected their duty. The master of 
 laborers testined that some time after his ap- 
 pointment he continued his business as a tin- 
 smith, two miles fi-om the yard, and attended ta 
 the yard .about two hours a day. Many of these 
 maiter workmen transfeiTea to clerks and 
 flual•tcrllll^u duties they should have performed 
 themselves. A general concurrence of many 
 witnesses conclusively proves that the work 
 done by the laborers in the yard did not exceed 
 two-tlurds of that done for private individu- 
 als. 
 
 How far, or whether employment s were sold 
 in the yard, your committee have not been able 
 to ascertain. Masfer workmen testify that of- 
 fers of uioney were frequently made to them for 
 employnjcnt, but they refused, and direct bri- 
 bery ci.uld nardly be practiced witliout ex- 
 posure. The same offence, howeve-, was re- 
 peatedly committedin another way. The master 
 workmen received presents, or "testimonials" 
 as they were called, from the workmen. This 
 practice was common; watches, diamond 
 breastpins, and the like, are the usual gratui- 
 ties. They were paid for by contributions levied 
 upon the men under them, nominally as volun- 
 tary gilts, but really under the fear of removal. 
 The master painter, when appointed, was asked 
 by Captain Rootes if he knew his dutj'. 
 
 "He said it was to set a good example to the 
 men and keep them to their duty, 'furtlier,' 
 said lie, Capt.ain Eootes there are not three men 
 in the yard who do tlio duty of one," alluding, 
 a,8 1 siippose, to the painters. I said to him : 
 That is the oninion of more than yourself, and I 
 am glad to hear you say wi/atyoudo; I hope 
 when you come inhere you will sot tliem a good 
 example, yet, witliin two or three weeks after 
 that, my attention was drawn b.y some person 
 flaying that tliis same niiister workman was re- 
 ceiving a gold watch from the men in his em- 
 ploy." 
 
 This watch cost the laborers $175, all of winch 
 was paid by the worklngmen in the painters' 
 •department. * * * 
 
 A short time afterwards a contribution of 
 ninety dollars was collected from the men to 
 jay Mr. Turner's expenses to Washington, un- 
 der the pretext thut he could get the pay of the 
 men raised. SHU another collection of , fifty-eight 
 or sixty dollars was taken to defray election ex- 
 penses. AH these contributions were collected 
 between April 1, 1858, and the November elec- 
 tion, andfrom common workmen, whose wages 
 were alleged to be inadequate. Master workmen 
 testified before your committee witli their 
 "testimonials" on theirpersons. 
 
 These abuses increased in the .yard as the 
 ■election for members of Congress api)roachcd. 
 Members [of Congress], master workmen, all 
 were interested in packing the yard. It the 
 master workman was reluctant to increase his 
 force, he was urged to do so by the members of 
 Congress, and was compelled to yield to the de- 
 mand. In this way the master blacksmith In- 
 
 creased his force twenty-five men. He testified 
 that the same general increase, for the same 
 reason, occurred throughout the yard in all the 
 diff'erent departments ; and that <<f the force ot 
 alHiiit 2,400 men tlnis employed, one fourth 
 were useless; that it was understood that par- 
 ticular master workmen were to administer 
 their patronage for the benefit of particular 
 members, &o., &c., &c. 
 
 Comment would be superfluous. 
 
 Let us add to these shameful details of 
 corruption and abuses in the navy -yards 
 an extract from a Philadelphia paper— 
 the Sunday Dispatch — in 1860 — showing 
 what was expected of the disciplined 
 employees of all grades under these pro- 
 slavery Democratic reigns, and how they 
 performed tlieir parts. The article is 
 headed " The Voice of the People ! "— 
 
 Intense Excitement among Office- 
 Hunters and Office-Holders ! " 
 
 Office-holders Spontnneonsly Utterlni; 
 the Voice of the People— They Rally to 
 the Support of I.econ>ptoii - All the 
 " Vnterrlflea " In Arms — Slavery to 
 the Front; Freedom to the Rear — A 
 Irlst of their Patriotic JTames— Enthu- 
 siastic in Vindication ot the "Old 
 Pub. Fnnc." 
 
 The Dispatch says : 
 
 The loyal Pennsylvanian and the courtly Ar- 
 gus last week published a call for a mass meet 
 lugof the Democracy at Jayne's Hall, to "en- 
 dorse" President Buchanan's policy of coercing 
 the people of Kansas into submission to the anti- 
 Republican J-ecompton Constitution. This af- 
 fair was offered to the Jacks-in-ollic* , and the 
 Jacks who would like to be there, glorious op- 
 portunities of displaying their laclseyisra to the 
 Administration, and their entire abasement to 
 the powers that be. The list of names published 
 by the Pennsylvanian has three noticeable pe- 
 culiarities : First, that the Custom-House, Post- 
 Oftlce. Mint, and Navy Yard are out in fearful 
 array ; stcoTid, that the eagerness of candidates 
 for future favors is most plainly set forth ; third, 
 that in order to make the list respectable in 
 point of size, the dodge of repeating the same 
 names twice and three times is extensively re- 
 sorted to. Thus, the name of " Jno. F. Stump" 
 appears three times ; " Robert F. Christy "is 
 printed twice; " JohnG.Ringland" votes twice 
 for Buchanan ; and twenty or thirty others are 
 similarly reduplicated. By such means the list 
 is made to stretch out to the length of a column; 
 and the defection of the large number of mem- 
 bers of the Democratic party who would not 
 slsn the call is glossed over. 
 
 The task of getting up this grand demonstra- 
 tion is said to be the work of Mr. District Attor- 
 ne.v Vandyke, whose devotion to the Adminis- 
 tration when it is in the wrong may perhaps in- 
 sure his reappointment to his present snug of- 
 fice. • , •* * 
 
 From the names attached to the call of the 
 meeting, we select the following as the most 
 prominent. There is a Large number of names 
 of the occupants of small-fry otHces under the 
 National, State, and City governments, to whom 
 we have not thought it worth while to mention. 
 It is sufficient to say that, after deducting the 
 names printed twice andthrice, there is scarcely 
 apersonleft who has not held office,who does not 
 hold otHce now, or who has not an earnest desire 
 to hold office hereafter. Behold these disinter- 
 ested advocates of the Kansas wrong wlio as- 
 sume to speak for the free Democracy ot Phila- 
 depliia : 
 
 Joseph B. Baker, Collector of the Port. 
 
133 
 
 APPOINTMENTS AND REMOVALS. 
 
 Gideon G. Westcott, Postmaster, not yet con- 
 flrmed. 
 
 Chambers McKibMn, Naval Officer. 
 
 Jolin Hamilton, Jr., Surveyor of the Port. 
 
 Joseph Severns, Naval Storekeeper. 
 
 James C. Vandyke, United States District At- 
 torney. 
 
 George E. Berrell, United States Appraiser, 
 candidate for Sheriff. 
 
 William S. Winship, Deputy Surveyor United 
 States. 
 
 Willla"! V. McKean. Chief Clerk Post Office. 
 
 .Tohn Miller, ex-Postmastc.candidateforState 
 Treasurer, Director of the Mint, or anythins the 
 President may give that will pay. 
 
 John Robbins. ex-Member Congress, candi- 
 date for State Treasurer, Director of the Mint, 
 or anything the President may give that will 
 pay. 
 
 Arthur Hughes, ex-Mall Agent, candidate for 
 Health Officer under Packer. 
 
 William V. McGrath, ex- Appraiser, City Treas- 
 urer, of the John Miller school. 
 
 Jesse Johnson, Stamp Agent United States, 
 candidate for reappointment. 
 
 Frank Campbell,candidate for Appraiser uDder 
 Judge Ludlow. 
 
 Washmgton Bigler, Day Inspector, candidate 
 lor reappointment. 
 
 T. H. Forsyth, Assistant Weigher. Custom 
 House, contractor on the new Post Office. 
 
 Samuel KinK, Day Inspector. 
 
 S. D. Anderson, ex-Pension Agent. 
 
 Edward Dnnn, ex-Letter-Carfier, new Clerk 
 under J. P. MoFaddeu. 
 
 Robert T. Carter, Alderman. 
 
 Alfred Schofleld, Day Inspector. 
 
 David McVeigh, Night Inspector. 
 
 A. J. Webster, Clerk, SherifiPs office, candidate 
 for Sheriff. 
 
 W. B. Eanken, candidate for District Attor- 
 ney iu jilace of Vandyke. 
 
 Jacob Plucker, in United States Mint. 
 
 John Crawford, cx-bargeman, now Sergeant of 
 Police. 
 
 Samuel R ce, Sub-Post-oflBce driver, brother 
 of John Rice and William Rice. 
 
 Wm. Loughlin, Appraiser's Department, U. S. 
 
 G(o. Pitt, Clerk U. S. Circuit Court, candi- 
 date for Marshal District Lolumbia. 
 
 Robert Tyler, Prothonotary Suprettie Court, 
 wants a foreign mission if he can get it. 
 
 John G. Brenner, Dictator of Custora-House 
 appointments, Contractor for Navy Depart- 
 ment. 
 
 W. H. Witte, wants to be Governor. 
 
 John Po ter, U. S. Mint. 
 
 V. L. Bradford, wanted to be Judge ; wUl take 
 anythm;<. 
 
 J. C. Vandyke, U. S. District Attorney. 
 
 T. McDonougli, boss-blacksmith, Navy-Yard, 
 President "Molly Maguires." 
 
 C. W. Carrigan, Register of Wills, prospective 
 candidate for Congiess. 
 
 A. Briimacker, Day Inspector. 
 
 Wm. Bice, U. S. printing, and all ho can get. 
 
 Peter Eaiiibo, U. S. Postmaster. Kensington. 
 
 Thomas I. Timmins, U. 8. Deputy Marshal. 
 
 Jolm J. Ringland, Day Inspector [see evidence 
 District Attorney case.] 
 
 Chas. Brady, Mail Agent. 
 
 Pat. McDouough, Tipstave, Supreme Court, 
 and City Supervisor. 
 
 Wiu. McDevitt, Clerk, P. O. 
 
 John C. Yeager, candidate for Inspector U. S. 
 coal. 
 
 Horace Martin, Assistaut Clerk of Council. 
 
 N. y. Murphy, Clerk City Treasury. 
 
 B. C. Brodio, P. O. 
 
 The. Ellis, Uustom-House, Day Inspector. 
 
 Jacob Walters, Night Inspector. 
 
 K. P. Lescure, Custom- House. 
 
 John McComb, laborer in U. S. Mint, wants to 
 be Crier in Common Pleas. 
 
 Andrew Miller, ex-Recorder of Deeds, candi- 
 date tor Judge. 
 
 Samuel Pleasant, Appraiser Custom-Hous 
 
 Thomas C. Maybury, Appraiser Custoiu- 
 Housc. 
 
 William K. Wentz, employee Custom-House. 
 
 James McDevitt, Navy Pension Agent. 
 
 Samuel Walters, Legislature. 
 
 William O. Kline, candid te tor Leather In- 
 spector. 
 
 Thouyis H. Town, J ob printer far Government 
 officers. 
 
 C. B. P. O'Neill. Common Cotincil, ex-candi- 
 date Clerk Orphan's Court. 
 
 James Campbell, ex-Postmaster-General. 
 
 E. W. Power, Custom-House. 
 
 Thomas McDonough, Custom-House. 
 
 Jacob Peter?, ex-candidate for Sheriff. 
 
 Isaac Wayne Olwine, applicant for Clerk Dis- 
 trict Court. 
 
 Peter CuUen, President Ectuitable Mutual In- 
 surance Comi^any. 
 
 Theophilus Fiak, editor Evening Argus, ex-leo- 
 turer on psychology. 
 
 John H Bryant, Clerk to Naval Storekeeper. 
 
 Frank Cassidy, boss in the Navy Yard. 
 
 John Campbell, ex-eaudidate for Clerk Or- 
 phans' Court. 
 
 A. E. Fenner, Coroner. 
 
 Chas. Brown, ($190?) 
 
 John A. Morrison, U. S. Inspector of Drugs. 
 
 H. J. Fougeray, Messenger to Councils— ap- 
 plicant for Assistant Doorkeeper Congress, 
 Washington. 
 
 John E. Ziegler, U. S. Mail Agent. 
 
 John F. South, Post Office. 
 
 John Chambers, ("War Horse i") 
 
 Gibbons Marsh, Post Office. 
 
 John Rice, Contractor for Post Office, author 
 of "the Monster Hotel folly," hero of "the Eice 
 Job," etc. 
 
 John K. Loughlin, Custom-House, ex-candl- 
 date Prothonotary District Court. 
 
 John K. Hammitt, applicant for contract to 
 build a 6loop-of-war. 
 
 Samuel C. Thompson, Clerk of the Market, 
 City. . 
 
 Geo. M. Wharton, President Select Council. 
 
 Thos. B. Town, member of the Board of 
 Health. 
 
 Oscar Durang. Post Office. 
 
 Wm. Byerly, Sergeant of Police. 
 
 Terence Monaghan,(seo evidence District At- 
 torney case.) 
 
 And a hundred others, all office-holders in the 
 custom-house, postoffice, &c. 
 
 Tbe Kotorious Wendell's Immensa 
 Plunder tbrougU the Public Printings 
 — He Sbares tbe " Swas " wltb tbe 
 Democratic Reformers — His Uberal 
 Contributions Disbursed under tbe 
 Advice of President Bucbanan— Tbe 
 Sabbatb devoted by Bucbanan and 
 Wendell to Discussions as to Best Dis- 
 position of " Swag "—Disbursed in De- 
 baucblng elections, afec. 
 
 Cornelius Wendell, from 1857 to 1861, 
 in one form or another, either as Public 
 Printer, or as contractor with the Public 
 Printer vfho was elected by the two 
 Houses of Congress, had possession of 
 the Government printing, the great 
 plunder job of Pierce's and Buchanan's 
 administrations. His bills for printing 
 were enormous. Many charged tbat 
 thty were fraudulent, ami by his own 
 confession uuder oath his profits or 
 plunder was immense. This 'swag" he 
 generously shared with the party. His 
 contributions were many and liberal, 
 both for the corruption of Congress and 
 electors in the States, and these he dis- 
 bursed mainly under the advice of Pres- 
 ident Buchanan. In his testimony iu 
 
APPOINTMENTS AND EEMOVALS. 
 
 133 
 
 1860, before the Covode Committee, (see 
 H. R. 648, 36th Cong., 1st sess.,) Wen- 
 dell swears : 
 
 Q. I wish to ask you a few further questions 
 coneemlngthe elections in Pennsylvania. When 
 you had interviews with Mr. Buchanan previous 
 to the elections in Fennaylvatda in 18i)8, did you 
 not fteely tallc with him in regard to the use of 
 money to carry certain districts ? 
 
 A. I tallied mllh him freely as to the use of money 
 in elections ; I do not remember as to any spe- 
 cific districts ; I talltod about the expenses of 
 elections generally, the large amounts used ; yes, 
 sir. 
 
 Q. Did you not tell him you were compelled to 
 use large amounts ofm.oney 9 
 
 A. I cannot say that I to d him I was com- 
 pelled. 
 
 Q. That you were using large amounts of 
 money ! 
 
 A. Me was connizant of t?i,e fact that I eon- 
 tributed largely for elections. 
 
 Q. You had conversations with him upon that 
 suDject t 
 
 A. It was the subject of conversation at differ- 
 ent times, the amounts that I contributed. 
 
 Q. What was the ejiaracier of the several letters 
 from Pennsylvania that he read you portions of 
 during one of the interviews you had with him 
 about carrying certain districts? How was it 
 to be done 1 
 
 A. I think the most of them wanted material 
 aid ! they made suggestions as to aid required 
 in diflfe ent districts generally, and the political 
 affairs of their several districts. 
 
 Q. Why did he call your attention to those letters 
 calling for that kind of aid! Was it because he 
 expected you to attend to it ? 
 
 A. Well, I do not know, indeed, what the mo- 
 tive was; our conversations were generally 
 about politics and the contest going on, and the 
 letters might have been shown In conversations, 
 which in those days were generally political ; 
 almost always, I might say; my conversations 
 with him were always of a political character. 
 
 Q. On what oocasiou was it that you had 
 these long interviews with him ; was it not im- 
 mediately before the election, and relative to the 
 means to be made use of to carry the electi ons 1 
 
 A. Well, I could not say : I had them at differ- 
 ent times. I presume mat during the time of 
 elections I had some long interviews, and again at 
 other times. I do not call to mind any particu- 
 lar date when these interviews were held. Tliey 
 were held at different times during all my inti- 
 macy with him. 
 
 Q. On what days of tlie week did you have long 
 Interviews with him 1 Can you recollect 1 
 
 A. Pretty much every day, I should presume. 
 I do not remember any particular day of the 
 week. 
 
 Mr. Olin, (to the Chairman.) Do you suppose 
 he took Sundays for that purpose 1 
 
 The Witness. I have had interviews with him 
 on Sundays. 
 
 By the Chaikman : 
 
 Q. Was it not your habit previous to the elec- 
 tion to spen d the Sabbath day with Mr.Btvchanan, 
 conversing freely upon political matters, and 
 particularly with reganl to the use of money to 
 carry elections ? 
 
 A. I cannot say it was a usual habit. I saw 
 him on Sundays; I could not say how many. 
 
 Q. I am referring to immediately preceding 
 the elections. 
 
 A. Tes. sir; I may have seen him on one or two 
 Sabbatlw immediately preceding the fall election 
 0/1868. 
 
 C}. On those occasions had you conversations 
 with him on that subject 1 
 
 A. Conversations on politics 1 
 
 Q. In connection with money matters. 
 
 A. The cxpeuses of the elections would usual- 
 ly come up during the conversation. 
 
 Q. Did Mr. Buchanan object to carrying elec- 
 tions or helpingto carry them in that way? 
 
 A. Never tome. 
 
 PART XIIL 
 
 Removals and Appoint- 
 ments under Pre.«)idents 
 Oarfield and Arthur. 
 
 Relative Ratio of Removals or Changes 
 by Presidents Oarfield and Arthur, 
 
 General Garfield occupied the Presidential 
 chair something less than four months. 
 
 During the special session of the Senate, com- 
 mencing March 4. 1881, and ending May 20. 1881, 
 President Garfield made two hundred and sixty- 
 six reappointments and fifty-one removals. 
 During the recess of the Senate he made thirty- 
 five reappointments and thirty-eight removals ; 
 in all three hundred and one reappointments 
 and eighty-nine removals. Of the changes in 
 ofii ce m ade by President Garfield over 22 per eint. 
 •were removals from office. During the ten 
 months of his administration President Arthur 
 has made eight hundred and seventy -four ap- 
 pointmin. s to olB'-e, »f which the number of re- 
 movals is forty nine: or 6 porerat. of removals 
 as against 22 pap tout, of removals made by his 
 worthy predecessor. 
 
 Only live Removals, two for Befalca- 
 tlon, by President Arthur In Penn- 
 sylvania. 
 
 There are in the State of Pennsylvania ot 
 Presidential offices one hundred and eighty- 
 six ; of Federal offices, appointments, &c., 8,847. 
 Nowof the onchundred and eighty-six Presiden- 
 tial appointments, how many changes— remov- 
 als— do you suppose President Arthur has 
 made? One hundred 1 No. Seventy five? No. 
 Pity? No. Twenty? No. Ten? No. He has 
 made five out of the one hundred and eighty- 
 six, and two of the five were for violations of 
 tlie statutes. Of the five mentioned, three 
 were postmasters, two of them removed be- 
 cause the i were defaulters. 
 
 Only Ave Removals, tiro for Cause, by 
 President Arthur In HrewiTorlx- Only 
 one In Ohio. 
 
 In the State of New York there are two hun- 
 dred and Boventy-six Presidential appoint- 
 ments. Of the two hundred and seventy-six 
 Presidential offices in the State of New York 
 (there being 3,098 Federal appointments alto- 
 
 fether) President Arthur has made five changes, 
 wo of them removals for cause. Thus, he has 
 made only three removals out of the two hundred 
 and sevent.y-8ix Presidential appointments In 
 the State of New York. 
 
 In Ohio, of the one hundred and forty-five 
 Presidential offices one removal has been made. 
 
 Xo Administration from Oeor^e Wash- 
 ington down to this hour more con- 
 siderate for the Public Service. 
 
 In the history of no administration from 
 George Washington down to this hour has there 
 ever been more considerate regard for the pub- 
 lic service as disclosed by the public records. 
 
 Tables showing the Removals, Ap- 
 pointments, &e., respectively , by 
 Presidents Oarfield and Arthur. 
 
 The following tables exhibit the re- 
 movals or changes which have been 
 made from March 4, 1881, to this time : 
 
184 APPOINTMENTS AND REMOVALS. 
 
 Appointments by President Garfield. J Appointments under President Artbnr 
 
 Maine 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Maesaclmsetts 
 
 Ehode Island 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 New York 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 Maryland 
 
 District of Columbia 
 
 Virginia 
 
 West Viiginia 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Florida 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Texas 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Tenneseee 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Missouri , 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 Kansas , 
 
 Nehraska 
 
 California , 
 
 Oregon 
 
 Colorado 
 
 Dakota , 
 
 Montana 
 
 Idaho 
 
 Washington 
 
 Wyoming 
 
 Utah 
 
 Arizona 
 
 New Mexico 
 
 Indian Territory 
 
 Diplomatic and misoelli 
 neous 
 
 Total . 
 
 «0 
 
 Maine 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 New York 
 
 Now Jersey 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Maryland 
 
 District of Columbia- 
 Virginia 
 
 West Virginia 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Florida 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Miesiseippi 
 
 Liouisiana 
 
 Texas 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Missouri 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 Kansas 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 California 
 
 Oregon 
 
 Nevada 
 
 Colorado 
 
 Dakota 
 
 Montana 
 
 Idaho 
 
 Washington 
 
 Wyoming 
 
 Utah 
 
 Arizona 
 
 New Mexico 
 
 Indian Territory 
 
 Alaska 
 
 Miscellaneous 
 
 Total. 
 
 16 
 
 36 
 
 16 
 
 29 
 
 2 
 
 S 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 12 
 
 26 
 
 21 
 
 39 
 
 4 
 
 i 
 
 22 
 
 22 
 
 9 
 
 17 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 i 
 
 i, 
 
 3 
 
 Recapitulation. 
 
 Nommatione by President Garfield during special session of Sennte com- 
 mencing March i, 1881 ending May 20, 1881 .. 
 Appointments by Presid™t Garfield during recess 
 
 Percentage of removals by President Garfield, 22 
 
 Nominations by President Arthur during special and regular sessions 
 Percentage of removals by President Arthur, .05 
 
 Pennsylvania Presidential offices icr 
 
 New York Presidential offices iii 
 
 Ohioriesidiuiinl ofiicfs \ .\ .V.V.W'.'.'.'.W.'.'.'.V.'.W " 146 
 
 Reappoint- 
 ments and 
 
 to fill 
 vacancies. 
 
 36 
 
 301 
 
 874 
 
 Remov- 
 als. 
 
 et 
 38 
 
 49 
 
APPOINTMENTS AND REMOVALS. 
 
 135 
 
 President Arthur Renomtiiatcs Presf- 
 dent Oarlield's Nominees — JTo Re- 
 movals in over Two-ttalrds of tlie 
 States. 
 
 It further appears by; the records that 
 of eigjity-flve nominations made by the 
 late President Garfield, President Ar- 
 thtir sent in every name but thirteen, 
 thus following in the footsteps of his 
 predecessor as nearly as possible, while 
 allowing himself some independence of 
 judgment, being responsible to the peo- 
 ple for the proper administration of his 
 office. 
 
 PART XIV. 
 
 Brief Bevievr of tlie Fore- 
 goings Nlcetcli of Appoint- 
 ments and Removals. 
 
 utter Impracticability of Admin ster- 
 ins the Government hy one Party 
 Througrh Ag^ents Appointed by or 
 from Another and Hostile Party- 
 Practical Experience Coerces Wash- 
 luijrton to Adopt the Rule of Appolnt- 
 infj: None bat those in Sympathy ivltli 
 the Plan and Purposes of his Admin- 
 istration— All Parties forced to follow 
 Washlngfton's Example — To Rely for 
 their Administrations Only Upon the 
 Supporters of their Measures and 
 Principles. 
 
 In the foregoing skeleton sketch of 
 appointments and removals, or of the 
 exercise of the appointing power, under 
 all parties from the beginning of the 
 government, we have, while exposing 
 their corrupt character in some instan- 
 ces, as under Jackson and Pierce and 
 Buchanan, tried to bring out the facts 
 or principles upon which they were 
 based. One thing we think is clearly 
 proved, and that is, the utter impracti- 
 cability of the agents of one party oper- 
 ating a government through the agents 
 of an opposite party. George Wash- 
 ington, our first President, experienced 
 its impracticability. His cabinet at first 
 was divided. Hamilton and Knox were 
 Federalists, and Jefferson and Randolph 
 were Republicans. They agreed in noth- 
 ing, .lefferson and Randolph notori- 
 ously abused their trusts, labored to 
 thwart the policy of Washington's ad- 
 ministration and to injure it in the esti- 
 mation of the people. Jefferson actually 
 appointed and retained in office, in de- 
 spite of Washington, some of the libelers 
 01 the President. Jefferson finally found 
 it expedient to resign. Randolph was 
 forced to retire in disgrace, and Wash- 
 ington was compelled to adopt the rule 
 of never appointing to office "any man 
 not in sympathy with the plan and pur- 
 
 poses and the objects" of hi« adminis- 
 tration. Experience had taught liim 
 that the opposite course was " political 
 suicide." 
 
 All subsequent experience verifies 
 that of Washington's. There can be no 
 confidence between theseopposite setsof 
 agents — no sympathy or harmony of ac- 
 tion and purpose, but a state of conflict 
 between them must always more or 
 less exist, and the worst results follow. 
 As a matter of fact the Democracy, and 
 always under the slogan of reform, in- 
 troduced removals from office for merely 
 partisan purposes. " To the victors be- 
 long the spoils." With them corruption 
 and proscription were twins, and the odi- 
 um of their corrupt administrations were 
 reflected upon their exercise of the ap- 
 pointing power. Their sin was tliat 
 they selected corrupt instead of honest 
 agents. Hence, the Whigs found the 
 exercise of the power absolutely neces- 
 sary to a successful administration of 
 the government. When out of power, 
 and without actual experience in control 
 of the machinery of the government, 
 some of their ablest men, like Clay and 
 Webster and Ewing, speculating theo- 
 retically upon a practice wholly novet 
 afc the time in our liistory, eloquently- 
 condemned the practice as opposed to- 
 good policy and the best interests of the- 
 government. But in actual contact and. 
 control of the machinery of the govern- 
 ment, and oppressed with the weighty 
 responsibility of its administration, the- 
 stern necessities of their position coercedl 
 them to adopt the rules they had con- 
 demned. They realized the utter im- 
 practicability of operating a Whig gov- 
 ernment through Democratic agents. 
 They found that they must have agents. 
 in whom thej had confidence, person- 
 ally and politically. They could not", 
 trust, nor would they be responsible for, 
 tlie agents they found in office. They 
 therefore summarily ejected them from, 
 place, and substituted agents in whom 
 they did have trust, forw'hom they were 
 willing to be responsible before the 
 country, and the public service was im- 
 measurably benefited. 
 
 Bnrke's Description of Earl Chatham's 
 Attempt at Civil Service Reform— The 
 Checkered and Speckled Character o 
 his Administration- Places his Ene- 
 mies in Power Under Him— The Fatal 
 Consequences to His Own Plans and 
 Measures and to Eng^land. 
 
 Let US draw an illustration fi-om Eng- 
 lish history. Earl Chatham was the 
 greatest or English Cabinet Ministers. 
 [e had his own notions or methods of 
 administration, very similar to that of 
 our would be civil-service reformers, 
 and attempted to carry them into effect 
 during his regime as Prime Minister. 
 What was the result 1 We hei( quote 
 
jirx-vjii^ ± jiE-i^ xo yvin-f Ah£ji(. 
 
 Edmund Burke's celebrated description 
 oL' it< chiirjicter and results : 
 
 For a wise man )ic [Earl Chatliam] seemed 
 to mc at that time to be Koverned too much hy 
 "encral maxims. I speak with tlie freedom of 
 Sistory and I liope witliout offense. One or two 
 •of tbese maxims, flowin!< from an opinion not 
 tlie most indulgent to our unhappy species, and 
 surely a little too general, led him iuto measures 
 that were greatly mischievous to himsell'; and for 
 that reason, among others, fatal to his country- 
 measures the effects of which I fear are forever 
 incurable. He madean administration so check- 
 ered and speckled— he put together a piece of 
 joinery so crossly indented and whimsically 
 dovetailed— a cabinet so variously inlaid— such 
 a piece of diversified mosaic— such a tessa- 
 lated pavement without cement— here a bit of 
 black stone and there a bit of white— «a/rto<« 
 and covrUers, King's friends and Eepvhlieans, 
 Whigs and Tories, treacherous friends and open 
 ememies— thatindeed it was avery curious show, 
 but utterly unsafe to touch and unsure to stand 
 on. The colleagues whom he had assorted at 
 the same boards, stared »t each other, and were 
 obliged to ask, "Sir, your name 1" "Sir, you have 
 the advantage of me— Mr. Such a one— I beg a 
 thousand pardons." I venture to say it did so 
 happen that persons had a single office divided 
 between them who had never spoke to each 
 other in their lives, until they found themselves 
 they knew not how, pigging together, heads 
 and points in the same truckle bed." 
 
 Sir, in consequence of this arrangement, 
 having put so much the larger portion of his 
 enemies and o^osers in power, the eonfusion 
 was such that his own principles could not pos- 
 sibly have any effect or influence in the conduct 
 of affairs. If ever he fell into a fit of the gout, 
 or if any other cause withdrew him from public 
 cares, principles directly the contrary were sure 
 to predominate. When he had executed his plan 
 he had not an iscli of ground to stand upon. 
 Wlien he had accomplished his scheme of ad- 
 ministration lie was no longer a minister. 
 When his face was hid but for a moment, his 
 whole system was on a wide sea, without chart 
 or compass. The gentlemen, his particular 
 friends, who, with the names of various depart- 
 ments of ministry, were admitted to seem as 
 if they acted under him, with a modesty that 
 becomes aU men, and with a confidence in him 
 which was justified, even in its extravagance, 
 liy his superior abilities, had never in any in- 
 stance 1 n-sumed ujion any opinion of their 
 own. Deprived of his guiding influence, they 
 were whirled about, the sport of every gust, 
 and easily driven into any port ; and as those 
 who joined with them In manning the vessel 
 Tvere the most directly opposite to his opinions, 
 measures, and character,- and far the most art- 
 ful and powerful of the set, they easily prevail- 
 ed, so as to seize upon the vacant, unoccupied, 
 ■and derelict minds of his friends ; and instantly 
 they tui-ncd the vessel wholly out of the 
 course of his policy. As if it were to insult 
 as well as to betray him, even long before 
 the close of the first session of his adminis- 
 tration, when everything was publicly trans- 
 acted and with gi'eat parade in his name, 
 they made an act declaring it highly just and 
 expedient to raise a revenue in America.— 
 Speech of Udmund Burke in the English House 
 of Oommons on Atnerican Taxation, April 19, 
 1774. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 Wm. Jj. IWarcy cbarges the State 50 
 cents for the mending of his panta- 
 
 loons — Orlgrln of the matter — The 
 Charge against him and his Sensitive- 
 ness over the matter. 
 
 The following letter from Hon. Wm. 
 L. Marcy, the author of the maxim "to 
 the victors belong the spoils," to his 
 friend, Mr. Jesse Hoyt, at New York, in 
 relation to a charge, which in its day 
 tilled a conspicuous part in our politics, 
 will form a fitting appendix to this 
 chapter: 
 
 [Private.] Albany, 16th Oct., 1832. 
 
 My Dear Sir :— Your letter of Monday even- 
 ing I received tills morning, and with it a breeze 
 fi'om the South, that gives some of our folks a 
 chill. 
 
 The opposition pretend to have certain infor- 
 mation that Ritner is elected. 
 
 Though we do not yet yield to this belief, still 
 we are less confident than we were yesterday 
 of Wolfe's election. 
 
 As to the pantaloons affair, perhaps I am not 
 the person best qualified to advise. 
 
 Though the charge was right in itself yet it 
 must be regarded as an unfortunate one, because 
 so easily turned into ridicule. 
 
 I showed your production to Magg— he thought 
 it very well, but seemed to think it was a little 
 too formal. The enemy will have their laugh, 
 Imt I hope it will not do much mischief. 
 
 The true explanation is simply this : 
 
 When Comptroller, I had always made war on 
 lumping charges, because I was satisfied many 
 frauds against the State had been perpetrated by 
 them. 
 
 The law provided the payment of the Judge's 
 expenses in holding the Special Circuit. I kept 
 a particular account of them which was handed 
 to the Comptroller. 
 
 AVhile on this business some work was done 
 on Pantaloons, for which the Tailor charged 
 Fifty cents ; it was entered on the account, and 
 went into the Comptroller's hands without a par- 
 ticular reflection how it would appear in print. 
 
 I feared no danger for I knew no sin. 
 
 I can not advise you h/>w it is best to treat the 
 subject. 
 
 The article in tlie Argus, headed, "A Very 
 Grave Affair," is perhaps as full an explanation 
 as the transaction will admit of. But it will 
 be well to connect it, if much must be said on it, 
 with the great frauds and peculations of Holley, 
 Van Tuyl, John V. N. Yates— (who I believe for 
 love of nie writes many of the scurrilous arti- 
 ticles In our papers,) in appropriating about $800 
 of Peddlers' License Fees, &c., &u. 
 
 Now as to my War Services, (a more agreeable 
 subject,) I was out two campaigns— in 1812 on the 
 northern frontier— belonged to the p.irty which 
 took from the enemy at St. Regis the first stand 
 of colors taken in the late war, on land, and the 
 first prisoners (about 40 in number.) 
 
 These prisoners were in a house built of square 
 timber. I personally headed the party that took 
 them— myself broke open the house, entered it, 
 and took from the hands of the soldiers their 
 arms, &c. 
 
 I care not how much this matter is handled, 
 but rather they would let my pantaloons ahne. 
 I return your remarks. Yours, &o., 
 
 W. L. MAECY. 
 
CORRUPTION OF THK DEMOCRATIC PAETr. 
 
 137 
 
 OHAPTEE TI. 
 
 Maladministration and Corruption of the Democratic 
 Party in Control of National Government. 
 
 "Wepledge ourselves aneie to the c^nslUulionai doelrines and tradiiions of the Democratic party, 
 as illustrated by the teachings and examples of a long line of Democratic statesmen and patriots." 
 
 * * * — Declaration 1, NationalDemocratlc Platfonn, 1880.— "PuJiJc 7jMm«y***/or.jm6J«; 
 purposes solely." * * * — Declaration 12, JWd. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 Ratios of Democratic defalcations compared with Republican honesty. 
 
 Adminlstra- 
 
 4J 
 
 > 
 
 TOTAL. 
 
 TOTAI, 
 
 KKCAPITULATIONS. • 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 tion. 
 
 
 
 •E 
 
 4) 
 
 Receipts. 
 
 Losjies. 
 
 Loss 
 
 on 
 
 81,000 
 
 Disburae- 
 menis. 
 
 Losses. 
 
 Loss 
 
 on 
 
 $1,'000 
 
 Amount 
 involved. 
 
 Total 
 Losses. 
 
 Loss 
 on 
 
 $1,000 
 
 Washington 
 
 Yr». 
 
 $56,448,721 
 
 $210,551 
 
 83 72 
 
 $55,426,822 
 
 $38,497 
 
 $0 69 
 
 $112,560,503 
 
 $250,970 
 
 82 22 
 
 Adams 
 
 4 
 
 46,085,418 
 
 42,240 
 
 91 
 
 43.811,926 
 
 190,950 
 
 435 
 
 90,733,611 
 
 235,411 
 
 2 59 
 
 Jefferson.... 
 
 « 
 
 108,238,977 
 
 287,260 
 
 2 6b 
 
 ,107,686,311 
 
 303,834 
 
 2 82 
 
 219,072,736 
 
 603,467 
 
 2 75 
 
 Madison.... 
 
 R 
 
 266,246,511 
 
 294,975 
 
 , 1 10 
 
 255,105,106 
 
 1,855,446 
 
 7 27 
 
 526,764,049 
 
 2,191,660 
 
 4 16 
 
 Monroe 
 
 « 
 
 178,649,964 
 
 629,946 
 
 3 it's 
 
 188,437,779 
 
 2,492,535 
 
 13 22 
 
 378.328,274 
 
 3,229,787 
 
 858 
 
 Adams- 
 
 
 97,818,054 
 
 332,953 
 
 3 4(J 
 
 97,264.000 
 
 513,829 
 
 6 28 
 
 201,488,077 
 
 885,374 
 
 4 39 
 
 Jackboii .... 
 
 
 255,182,775 
 
 1,412 387 
 
 5 53 
 
 223,546,048 
 
 2,306,236 
 
 10 31 
 
 500,081,747 
 
 3,761,111 
 
 7 62 
 
 Van Bureii. 
 
 
 129,948,548 
 
 892,328 
 
 3 01 
 
 137,094,438 
 
 2,899,653 
 
 21 15 
 
 285,.337,949 
 
 3,343,792 
 
 11 71 
 
 Harrison . . . 
 
 Tyler 
 
 Polk 
 
 
 116,736,004 
 
 429,981 
 
 3 68 
 
 109,187,401 
 
 1,133,242 
 
 10 37 
 
 244,590,156 
 
 1,565,903 
 
 6 40 
 
 201,857,508 
 
 18,109 
 
 08 
 
 205,194,700 
 
 1,712,169 
 
 834 
 
 423,913,687 
 
 1.732,851 
 
 408 
 
 Taylor 
 
 Fillmore. . . 
 
 (: 
 
 211,908.612 
 
 276.270 
 
 1 30 
 
 194,370,493 
 
 1,485,192 
 
 764 
 
 432,861,676 
 
 1,814,409 
 
 4 19 
 
 Pierce 
 
 282,179,829 
 
 213,001 
 
 75 
 
 285,638,875 
 
 1,674,852 
 
 5 86 
 
 608,257,815 
 
 2,167,982 
 
 3 56 
 
 Buchnnan. 
 
 
 312,359,679 
 
 194.00S 
 
 62 
 
 328,183,268 
 
 2.292,825 
 
 6 98 
 
 697,500,870 
 
 2,659,107 
 
 3 81 
 
 Lincoln 
 
 
 4,670,46W37 
 
 508,593 
 
 70 
 
 4,667,457,921 
 
 6,599,0.12 
 
 1 41 
 
 9,386,637,144' 
 
 7,200,984 
 
 76 
 
 Jolinhon 
 
 
 4.042,316,438 
 
 2,562,721 
 
 63 
 
 3,891,576,259 
 
 1.889,641 
 
 48 
 
 8,014,908,984 
 
 4,619,599 
 
 57 
 
 Grant 
 
 R 
 
 5,318,698.324 
 
 1,189,139 
 
 22 
 
 5,287,604,645 
 
 1,138,541 
 
 21 
 
 10,842,922,583 
 
 2,622,478 
 
 24 
 
 Hayes 
 
 2 
 
 1,728,979,907 
 
 None... 
 
 None 
 
 1,557,034,964 
 
 1,383 
 
 00 
 
 3,353,629,865 
 
 2,676 
 
 8 
 
 
 18,024,115,418 
 
 8,994,375 
 
 49 
 
 17,634,620,%3 
 
 28,527,857 
 
 1 61 
 
 36,317,639,726 
 
 38,887,563 
 
 1 07 
 
 Prior to Jun. 
 
 2,263,660,610 
 
 4,734,020 
 
 2 09 
 
 2,230,947,173 
 
 18,899,268 
 
 8 47 
 
 4,719,481,157 
 
 24,441,829 
 
 6 17 
 
 J'ly I'Mto Jun. 3079. 
 
 15,760,454,807 
 
 4.260,356 
 
 27 
 
 15,403,673,790 
 
 9,628,589 
 
 62 
 
 31,598,158,567 
 
 14,445,739 
 
 46 
 
 Mnciuding all otiier amounts collected or disbursed, and tiie losses thereon. 
 
 1. In the cases where the accounts of ofacers emljraeed more than one period, the losses, un- 
 less known to have occurred in other periods, have been charged to the periods in which the ac- 
 counts were opened in this Department. In cases of defaulting banJis, however, tor want of other 
 information, the losses have been charged to the periods in which they are reported on the books, 
 though, doubtless, in several instances, they actually occurred in previous periods. 
 
 2. No deductions have been made for amounts which may be collected hereafter, though a large 
 percentage of the recent losses will doubtless be yet recovered. 
 
 3. In preparing this statement, the receipts and disbursements since June 80, 1843, have been 
 classtflcd by fiscal years as in the published ofiicial reports ; the losses have In all cases been classi- 
 fied by calendar years, it not being practicable to separate the losses occurring in the fractional 
 years of each period; but the periods compared being of the same length, the result is substantially 
 correct. 
 
 4. In making this revision no credits have been allowed for moneys collected on balances due 
 previous to 1869, being small in amount, and the period of credit ascertainable only with much 
 labor. 
 
138 
 
 CORRUPTION OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 8748,831,071.01 the Aggregate Amount 
 Collectcrt In Six Years from Internal 
 Revenue— Cost of Collection only 3 6-10 
 per cent.— The Whole Collected With- 
 out the lioss of One Dollar to the Gov- 
 ernment — A Success Unparallele«l in 
 the History of Civil eovcrninent. 
 
 In his official report, dated July 26, 1883, 
 and addressed to the Secretary of the 
 Treasury, Hon. Green B. llaum, Com- 
 missioner of Internal Revenue, states : 
 
 Sir: Iliavetlie honor to report tliat tlie an- 
 nual examination of the offlceB of the 126 collec- 
 tors of internal revenue throughout the United 
 States has hoeu completed, and that it has been 
 found that the entire collections of Internal rev- 
 enue taxes for the past fiscal vear, amounting 
 to S146,520,273,71, have heen accounted for 
 and turned into the Treasury. It is, further, my 
 pleasant duty to report that, during the past 
 six fiscal years, the sum of $748,831,071.01 has 
 been co lectedlrom internal revenue taxation, 
 and paid into the Treasury without any loss 
 by defalcation. 
 
 The expenses of collection for the last fiscal 
 year (including the expenses of this otHce) will 
 be found, on final adjustment, not to exceed 
 $5,108,300, or less than 31-3 percent, on the 
 amount collected. The expenses of collection 
 for the six years have been about l|27,087,- 
 300, or 3 6-10 per cent, on the amount collected. 
 This sum has been disbursed without 
 loss to the Ooverment. 
 
 PAET II. 
 
 " Retrenchment, Economy, 
 and Reform" of the 
 Pecksniffian Democracy 
 —From 1838. 
 
 " Retrenchment, Economy, and Re- 
 form," as a slogan, were early patented 
 by the Pecksniffian Democracy. In 
 1828, in the House of Representatives, 
 the partisans of Andi'ew Jackson, the 
 founder of modern Democracy, raised 
 the cry of "extravagance and fraud" 
 against the existing national adminis- 
 tration — that of the younger Adams. 
 After a protracted and acrimonious de- 
 bate, an investigation was ordered by 
 the House, but Mr. Hamilton, its cliair- 
 man, in his report to the House ut- 
 terly fails to convict the younger Adams 
 or his administration of either extrava- 
 gance or corrujjtion, or even to raise a 
 presumption of either ; and in history 
 that administration stands unsurpassed 
 by any which preceded it, or has fol- 
 lowed, for practical statesmanship of 
 the highest order, for incorruptible in- 
 tegrity, for its success in the manage- 
 ment of tlie affairs of the nation, and 
 for exalted patriotism. Nevertheless, 
 the Democracy clamored agaiust it, as 
 they now clamor against the Republi- 
 cans. They denounced it for extrava 
 gance and fraud. They fabricated the 
 infamous "bargain and corruption" li 
 
 bel against Adams and the chivalrous 
 Henry Clay, charging that the Democra- 
 cy, by Adams and Clay in the House of 
 1824-"25,had been cheated out of the Presi- 
 dency—charges which their authors sub- 
 sequently confessed were not "only 
 false " in themselves, but were " impos- 
 sible to be true," but which they clam- 
 orously urged in every vile form, and 
 literally lied Adams down. Thus it was 
 tliat the Democracy originally succeeded 
 to power and place— 6?/ lying and hypoc- 
 risy. 
 
 PART IIL 
 
 Inauguration of Andrew 
 Jackson, the founder of 
 Modern Democracy — "To 
 the Victors belong the 
 Spoils." 
 
 i)n March 4, 1839, Andrew Jackson, 
 pledged to retrenchment, economy, and 
 reform, was inaugurated President of 
 the United States. Proclaiming the 
 maxim that " to the victors belong the 
 spoils," Jackson let slip the '' Furies of 
 the Gruillotine" in a wholesale proscrip- 
 tion of the old and tried officials of for- 
 mer administrations. John Q. Adams, 
 in the preceding four years, had made 
 but 12 changes — all for cause. In the 
 preceding 40 years, all his predecessors 
 together liad made only 132 changes — of 
 these JeffersoH had removed; 62 but 
 Jackson, in the genuine spirit of a Dem- 
 ocratic reformer, in one year removed, it 
 was estimated, 1,500 officials — ^in one 
 year nearly 12 times as many as by all 
 his predecessors from the beginning of 
 the Government. The officials removed 
 were experienced, capable, and trusty. 
 The character of ^hose who filled their 
 places — " Slamm, Bang & Co." — is at- 
 tested by the " reform '' which followed. 
 
 PART IV. 
 
 Humiliation and Disgrace 
 and Great Pecuniary loss 
 the Total of Jackson's 
 Reforms — Confession in 
 1839 of Democratic Mi- 
 nority of Harlan Commit, 
 tee. 
 
 After many failures to obtain an in- 
 vestigation into the corruptions or mal- 
 practices of Jackson's rule, all investi- 
 gations into which had been systemati- 
 
CORRUPTION or THE DEMOCRATIC PARTT. 
 
 IS* 
 
 cally defeated in both Houses by Jack- 
 son's partisan friends, and the packing 
 of committees by Speaker Jas. K. Polk, 
 the House, in 1839, when Jackson had re- 
 tired to the shades of the Hermitage, and 
 ■when its awe of the President was not 
 so great as under pugnacious Old 
 Hickory, took the matter into its own 
 hands, and elected a committee for the 
 
 Surpose, with Hon. James Harlan, of 
 Kentucky, as its chairman. The de- 
 velopments were astounding — the 
 corruption and malpractices without a 
 parallel in our history. Thus was de- 
 veloped Swartwout's defalcation at 
 New York, as colleptor of the port, of 
 $1,235|705 69 a vast sum in that day ; of 
 Price, United States district- attorney at 
 New York, of $72,224.06, and those of 
 fifty of the sixty-odd receivers of pub- 
 lic moneys from the sales of public lands 
 in an agggregate sum of $325i678,25. 
 Col. Gratiot, chief engineer. United 
 States Army, about this time also de- 
 faulted in the sum of $60,000. 
 
 Mr. Owen, in his report from the 
 Democratic minority of the Harlan com- 
 mittee, thus confesses the facts proved: 
 
 That the country has xuBtamed great pecuni- 
 ary loss, no man can doubt ; that the national 
 character has suffered deep humiliations and 
 disgriice, no man can hesitate to admit. But 
 losses lllie these are incident to all govern- 
 ments ; no one Is free from tliem. The annals 
 of our own afford numerous instances of pecu- 
 lation, committed at every period of its short 
 existence under all and every administration. 
 and all and every liscal system which has been 
 adopted and carried into practice: no matter 
 who has been the fiscal agent, the Government 
 has sustained loss ; it must be so until man be- 
 comes honest.— [/Jeporte of Committees, 2Uh 
 Cong., 3d sees.. Vol. 2. 1838-1839, iiaj^e 284.] 
 
 And so on throughout all the depart- 
 ments —in the War and Navy as in the 
 Treasury, and the Post Office Depart- 
 ment was bankrupt through system- 
 atic plunder. 
 
 PART V. 
 
 «« Feculent, reeking Corrup 
 tion "—A long array of De- 
 faulters in the Mexican 
 War— Its prodigious Ex- 
 penditures and Plunder. 
 
 In 1840 these Democratic reformers 
 were swept from oflttce by the election 
 of General Wm. H. Harrison as Presi- 
 dent. In 1845 they were restored to 
 power and plunder through the election 
 
 of Polk- „ , . , . 
 
 The Mexican War, one of the darkest 
 scenes in our liistory— a war forced upon 
 our and the Mexican people by the high- 
 handed usurpations of President Folk 
 in pursuit of territorial aggrandizement 
 
 of the slave oligarchy — exacted an ex- 
 penditure of hundreds of millions aud 
 the lives of 35,000 of our citizens. Cor- 
 ruption in the government stalked unre- 
 strained. The Eli Moores, the Purdys, 
 the Morrises, the Patrick Collinses, the 
 Beards, the Scotts, the Kennerlies, the 
 Denbys, and the Wetmores — a host of 
 pillagers, Indian agentii, sub-Indian 
 agents, contractors, disbursing officers 
 of the army and navy, navy agents, pen- 
 sion agents, marshals, receivers of pub- 
 lic moneys, commercial agents, survey- 
 ors, inspectors, and collectors of the 
 customs — plundered their millions. 
 
 A Democratic Senator Indignantly De- 
 nounces the Malpractices and Cor- 
 ruption of Polk's Administration. 
 
 In the Senate of the United States, 
 February 11, 1847, Mr. Westcott, a Dem- 
 ocratic Senator from Florida, indig- 
 nantly declared : 
 
 I warn the Democracy of this country, tbe 
 people of this country, that they do not know- 
 one-twentieth part of the corruption, the fecu- 
 lent, reeking corruption, in this respect, in the 
 Government for years past. I teU the people 
 of this country that the Government and insti- 
 tutions of this country have been and will be 
 used as a machine to plunder them for office 
 begsars, and to perpetuate the possession of po- 
 litical power. I solemnly believe, if the people of 
 the United States knew the mannerln whl ch their 
 Government was conducted, if they could all 
 be assembled at the city of Washington,, 
 they would be excited to kick up a revolution 
 in twenty-four hours, which would tumble the 
 President, heads of departments, both houses 
 of Congress, Democrats and Whigs, head over 
 head into the Potomac; and I believe they 
 would act right in doing so. 
 
 PART VI. 
 
 mammoth Frauds of Wash- 
 ington "Kings" under 
 Presidents Pierce and Bu- 
 chanan — Pi e r c e's " Out- 
 laws of the Treasury" — 
 The actual and proposed 
 plunder under Pierce esti- 
 mated at $300,000,000 !— 
 Buchanan's Administra^ 
 tion sinsply a continua- 
 tion of Pierce's Beign of 
 Plun<ler and Tyranny in 
 Support of Slavery. 
 
 These reformers, in 1849, were again 
 ousted from pow.r by the election of 
 General Zachary Taylor as President, 
 but were again restored in 1853 through 
 the success of the Democracy in the 
 election of General Franklin Pierce as 
 Chief Magistrate. 
 
140 
 
 CORRUPTION OF THE DEJIOCRATIC PABTr. 
 
 Under Pierce, Washington "rings" 
 rejoiced in mammoth fraud in the build- 
 ing of the Capitol wings and in the ex- 
 tension of the Treasury building, and 
 ■were encouraged in their pillage by 
 Pierce's "outlaws of the Treasury." 
 The actual and proposed plunder was 
 immense. The aggregate amount of 
 spoils proposed in the first Congress un- 
 der Pierce was estimated at $300,000,000! 
 —$120,000,000 in obedience to the decree 
 of the Ostend conference for the pur- 
 chase of Cuba ; $30,000,000 for the Gads- 
 den purchase, and so on in like acts — all 
 for tne aggrandizement of slavery. The 
 malndministration of the Post Office De- 
 partment under Campbell, Pierce's Post- 
 master- (ileneral, rivaled that under 
 Barry and Kendall. Even "the sale of 
 letteis and papers was made an item of 
 revenue." . "Bank-bills, checks, and in- 
 surance policies were sold in piles," and 
 a Connecticut mill, buying two thou- 
 sand of these, exposed the crime. 
 
 Buchanan's administration, in its vile 
 malpractices and plunder, and its ty- 
 ranny in support of slavery, was but a 
 continuation of Pierce's. Even Hon. 
 Eoger A. Pryor, a stalwart pro-slavery 
 Democratic member from Virginia in the 
 House , was forced in very shame to cry 
 •out: 
 
 From tlie by-ways aid liigliways of the gov- 
 ■ernmeut the rottenness of con'uptiou sends 
 forth an insi-ifferatole stench. Why are the peo- 
 ple so patient 1 Why slumber the indignation 
 ■of the Democracy? 
 
 And Mr. Winslow, who makes the 
 report of the Democratic minority of 
 
 the Covode Committee in 1860, while in 
 •eft'ect admitting the corruptions and 
 ■crimes- of Buclianau's administration, 
 
 pleadingly urges in extenuation : 
 
 No goyemmenthas ever yet existed In which 
 rthe executive branch has been able to secure 
 everywhere faithful and trustworthy agents. In 
 a country as extensive as is ours, it is hardly to 
 be expected that we could be mi re successful 
 than other people We must expect occasional 
 breaches of duty, occasional betrayal of trusts, 
 so long as our present imperfect nature exists. 
 
 PAET VII. 
 
 Immensely Inereased Dem- 
 ocratic Expenditures — In- 
 creased Taxation of the 
 People to ISupport this 
 System of Tl^holesale Cor. 
 ruption. Plunder, and 
 Fraud. 
 
 Under the administration of John Q. 
 Adams, denounced by the Democracy 
 -for "extravagance and fraud," the 
 lieaviest net annual expenditure was 
 
 $13,296,041.45. Under Jackson, under 
 the solemn Democratic pledges of " re- 
 trencliment and reform,'' the not annual 
 expenditures suddenly doubled, even 
 trebled those of Jackson's last year 
 (1836), being $37,243,214.24! Under Polk 
 they increased to $53,801,569.37 ; under 
 Pierce to $65,033,339.76, and under Bu- 
 chanan, in 1861, to $72,391,119.70! 
 
 The aggregate net ordinary expen- 
 ditures of the younger Adams' 
 
 administration was $51,671,943 99 
 
 Of Jackson's last four years 104,051,745 81 
 
 Of Van Buren's four years 116,683,428 21 
 
 Of Polk's four years 116,381,026 34 
 
 Of Pierce's four years 232,820,632 35 
 
 Of Buchanan's four years 261,155,809 62 
 
 The average annual net ordinary ex- 
 penditures were : 
 
 Under J. Q. Adams $12,917,985 99 
 
 Under Jackson (Democratic ecou"- 
 
 omy) 26,012,936 45 
 
 Under Van Buren (Democratio 
 economy) 27,670,857 05 
 
 Under Polk (Democratic economy) 25,096,256 68 
 
 Under Pierce {Democratic econ- 
 omy) 68,205,168 09 
 
 Under Buchanan (Democratic econ- 
 omy) 65,288,952 41 
 
 A constantly increasing scale, doub- 
 ling under the wholesale plunder and 
 corruption of Jackson and Van Buren, 
 and closing under those of Pierce and 
 Buchanan at live times the figures which, 
 under the younger Adams, they de- 
 nounced as evidences of extravagance 
 aird fraud. 
 
 Analysis of tlie a§^g:re^ates and ratios of 
 losses unilor Democratic and Repub- 
 lican administrations. 
 
 During the seventy-two years of oux 
 Government, priorto 1861, aperiodmain- 
 ly controlled by the Democracy, the ag- 
 gregate collections and disbursements 
 were $4,719,481,157.63. During the pe- 
 riod from 1861 to 1875, under Republican 
 rule, the ag^egate collections and dis- 
 bursements,in consequence of the war ex- 
 penses incurred through the Democracy 
 in rebellion, reached the prodigious sum 
 of $35,576,202,805.53, or over live times 
 greater under the Republicans than un- 
 der the Democracy. The aggregate 
 losses under the Democracy in the period 
 priorto 1861 were $24,441,829.32, or$5 17 
 in every $1,000 ; under Republicans the 
 aggregate losses were only $14,666.- 
 776.07, or only 45 cents in every $1,000- 
 In other words, although the aggregate 
 collections and disbursements under the 
 Republicans were over 11 times greater 
 than under Democratic rule, yet the ag- 
 gregate losses imder Democratic reform 
 were nearly $10,000,000 greater than un- 
 der the Republicans, and in the ratio of 
 losses to every $1,000 were nearly 10 
 times greater. 
 
 Under the administration of Andrew 
 Jackson, that model of Democratic re- 
 form, the aggregate collections and dis- 
 
BOUNTIES FOR TUEASON. 
 
 141 
 
 bursements were only $500,081,747.75; 
 but under that of General Gi ant (iu con- 
 sequence of the war expenses incurred 
 through the Democratic rebellion,) they 
 reached the immense sum of $10,842,- 
 922,583, nearly 22 times greater under 
 Grantthan under Jackson. Under Jack- 
 son the aggregate losses were $3,761,- 
 111.87, or $7.52 in every $1,000. Under 
 Grant only $2,846,192 12— or 24 cents in 
 every $1,000. In other words, although 
 the aggregate collections and disburse- 
 ments under Grant were nearly 22 
 times greater than under Jackson, yet 
 
 the aggregate losses under Jackson were 
 nearly $1,000,000 greater than under 
 Grant and in theratioof losses in $1,000 
 were over 22 times greater than under 
 Grant. Under VanBuren the ratio of 
 losses iu every $1,000 was nearly 49 times, 
 greater than under Grant, and in like 
 ratio tiuder all the administrations of 
 Democratic reform. Under the latest, 
 that of Buchanan, the ratio of losses in 
 every $1 000 was $3 81—16 times greater 
 than under Grant.— Sec table at luead of 
 chapter . 
 
 CHAPTER YII. 
 
 Bounties for Treason through Unlawful Claims to 
 Ex-Confederates. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 ETorthern iStump Argument 
 Proving that ]¥o Danger 
 Exists from Rebel Claims. 
 
 Whenever the subject of "rebel 
 claims" is introduced by a Republican 
 in the North, the following provision of 
 the Constitution is triumphantly quoted 
 by his Democratic opponent : 
 
 Neitlior tlie United States nor any State sliall 
 assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred 
 in aid of insurrection or rebellion against tbe 
 United States, or any claim for the loss or 
 emancipation of any slave ; but all such debts, 
 obligations, iind claims sball be beld illegal and 
 iroia. 
 
 Tliis, the people are informed, covers 
 every class of claims for los.ses incurred 
 by citizens of the Southern States dur- 
 ing the war, and prohibits the payment 
 of any claims whatever to those who 
 were disloyal to the Government during 
 that period. 
 
 The Fulslty of the Assumption— Red- 
 Handed Rebels Invited to u Feast of 
 Spoils. 
 
 That the first of these propositions is 
 untrue, according to Democratic inter- 
 pretation of tlie above clause of the 
 Constitution, will abundantly appear 
 from the millions upon millions of dol- 
 lars claimed, under various pretexts, 
 without reference to the loyalty of the 
 claimant. 
 
 That the second proposition is untrue 
 
 is shown by the fa<;t that the Democratic 
 leaders in Congress hold that all tests of 
 loyalty, so far as Southern claimants are 
 concerned, have been abolished by the 
 Supreme Court of the United States; 
 and that when a Southern rebel claim- 
 ant lias been specially pardoned, or 
 comes within pardon or amnesty, under 
 general proclamation or otherwise, the 
 said pardon or amnesty is retroactive, 
 and is "equivalent to affirmative proof 
 that the party never gave aid and comfort 
 to the rebellion,'''' and therefore never was 
 disloyal. See the following extract from 
 tlie report of Mr. Cabell — Democrat, and 
 ex-rebel from Virginia — from the Com- 
 mittee on War Claims, June 30, 1876, to 
 the Democratic House of Representa- 
 tives, on the Pickerell & Brooks claim : 
 
 The Supreme Court of the United States, in 
 Padelford's case, 9 Wallace, p. 531, &c., holds 
 that pardon blots out not only the offense, but 
 all the conseijueuces thereof, and that the re- 
 cijiient of the pardon stands as if he had never 
 committed an ofiense ; in other "words, that Uie 
 proof of pardon and amnesty is the equivalent to 
 affirmative proof under the statute of captured 
 and abandoned property that the party never 
 gave aid and comfort to the rebellion. 
 
 If this interpretation of the Supreme 
 Court decision in Padelford's case is 
 correct, it will be readily seen tnat all 
 tests of loyalty are practically abol- 
 ished, and it only remains for the Dem- 
 Dcracy to get possession of the Govern- 
 ment, wlien the doors of the Treasury 
 will be thrown open, and every red- 
 handed rebel wlio may choose to de- 
 mand compensation tor losses during 
 the war will be invited to step iu and 
 help himself. 
 
142 
 
 BOUNTIES FOE TREASON. 
 
 Tllden's Iietter and the Cabell Report— 
 The Two to toe Interpreted Together. 
 
 It was in the light of the Cabell report 
 that the following clause of Tilden's 
 letter on rebel claims was read by the 
 Southern people : 
 
 No claim for any loss or damage Incurred by 
 aisloyal persons, arising from tlie lale war, 
 wlietlier covered by the Fourteenth Amendment 
 or not, TVill be recognized or paid. Tlie cotton 
 tax will not be refunded. I shall deem it my 
 duty to veto every bill providing for the as- 
 sumption or payment of any such debts, losses, 
 damages, claims, or for the refunding of any 
 such tax. 
 
 Thus did this adroit and cunning word 
 manipulator frame a document which 
 would bear two interpretations— one for 
 the North, where it was believed that he 
 opposed the payment of all these claims; 
 and one for the South, where, it was 
 known that he could, without inconsis- 
 tency, favor the payment of any claim 
 whatever, except, perhaps, for the loss 
 of slaves. 
 
 Tilden's I.egal Opinion— Every North- 
 ern Soldier a Trespasser on Southern 
 Soil— And Uable to a Suit for Trespass. 
 
 That he could be depended upon to in- 
 terpret his own words for the benefit of 
 his Southern friends was further made 
 evident to tliem by the following extract 
 from a letter of ex-Governor Under- 
 wood, of Vermont, written about the 
 same time : 
 
 I have known Mr. Tilden for twenty years ; I 
 Tiave heard him declare. In conversation with 
 myseU, near the close of the war, that every 
 man of the United States army that marched 
 across Southern soil was a trespasser, and liable 
 to suit for trespass ! I asked Mm if he under- 
 took to talk such treason as that, and If it was 
 Ids opinion as a lawyer, that this Government 
 could enlis men, put arms in their hands, and 
 send them to the protection of the Government 
 against rebels, and then furnish tribunals to try 
 its own soldiers as trespassers — and he said that 
 it was.— Sept., 1876. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 $3,493,899,926 Exacted by 
 the Solid South as Com- 
 pensation for Treason — A 
 Snni Oreater tlian the Ma^ 
 tional Debt Demanded by 
 Those who Created it — 
 ]Vorthcm Tax-payers In- 
 vited to Foot the Bill. 
 
 Some idea of the magnitude of the 
 proposed raid on the Treasury may be 
 formed by examining a few oi' the pro- 
 posed " measures of relief " introduced 
 lu the House. The first in order is a bill 
 
 presented by Mr. Scales, of North Car- 
 olina, (H. E. 3145,) entitled "A bill to 
 refund certain direct taxes on land col- 
 lected from citizens in the late insurrec- 
 tionary States under the act of August 
 5, 1861." 
 
 A Demand for the Return of Taxes Paid 
 by the Retoel States. 
 
 The law of 1861 levied a direct tax of 
 $30,000,000, and apportioned the same 
 among the several States for payment. 
 All the States except those in insurrec- 
 tion assumed their quotas and paid 
 them, except a small balance still due. 
 The aggregate amount apportioned to 
 the rebel States was $5,153,886. Of this 
 amount, $3,661,776 was still uncollected 
 when Mr. Scales introduced the bill to 
 refund the $3,493,100 which had been 
 collected. The reason given for this 
 impudent demand was that said taxes 
 "were taken from a people greatly im- 
 poverished by the war." It never seems 
 to have occurred to these claimants that 
 the people of the North had not only 
 paid the bulk of the assessment of $30,- 
 000,000, but had mortgaged their prop- 
 erty and pledged their sacred lionor for 
 two thousand six hundredmillions more, 
 and gave the priceless lives of half a 
 million of their bravest sons to save the 
 Union from destruction by those who 
 are now clamoring for this relief. 
 
 A job to put Sixty-eigrht Millions of 
 Dollars into the poehets of liObbyists* 
 
 The next "measure of relief" in order 
 is the cotton-tax job — a sclieme to re- 
 fund the tax collected on raw cotton in 
 tlie Gulf States during the years 1865- 
 '66-'67. The aggregate amount of this 
 tax is $68,073,088. 
 
 Ostensibly the bill (H. R. 333) pro- 
 poses to "refund the tax to the parties 
 who actually produced the cotton," but 
 in fact it is a gigantic job of lobbyists 
 and speculators who have got the great 
 bulk of the claims into their own hands 
 by agreeing to pay a trifling per cent, 
 on their face value if they succeed. 
 Tlieir success depends upon their ability 
 to place Congress in the hands of the 
 Democracy. 
 
 The Southern Claims Commission— Loy- 
 alty the Test— Perjury the Practice. 
 
 But there is another class of demands 
 compared with which the foregoing may 
 be considered in the light of luxuries. 
 Tliese comprise the rebel losses during 
 the war. 
 
 Under an act of Congress, approved 
 March 3, 1871, the "Southern Claims Com- 
 mission" was created and empowered 
 to "receive, examine, and consider the 
 justice and validity of such claims as 
 should be brought to them of those 
 citizens who remained loyal adherents 
 
BOUNTIES FOR TREASON. 
 
 143 
 
 to the cause and the Govei-nment of 
 the United States in States proclaimed 
 as in iiisuiiection against the United 
 States during the rebellion." 
 
 It will be observed that this law con- 
 fines claims exclusively to "loyal ad- 
 herents," &c., signifying that the Gov- 
 ernment holds itself responsible to no 
 others for losses sustained by the war. 
 But, judging from the number of claims 
 presented before this tribunal, and the 
 hard swearing by which they were 
 sought to be sustained, the bulk of the 
 property-owners in the South must have 
 been intensely loyal during the whole 
 war. 
 
 In the two years allowed in which to 
 present these demands, 83,398 claims 
 were filed, representing an aggregate of 
 $60,358,150. The gross amount of per- 
 jury committed in order to prove the 
 "loyalty" of many of the claimants is 
 something appalling. 
 
 When Perjury Is unsafe a Democratic 
 Congress called int4» requisition — A 
 Tribunal where Disloyalty commands 
 a Premium. 
 
 But what becomes of the hundreds of 
 thousands of other claimants who have 
 not ventured to appear before an "iron- 
 clad" commission and swear to their loy- 
 alty? Before what "commission" are they 
 to obtain redress ? Their own practical 
 answer to this is to elect a tribunal of 
 their own, consisting of a Democratic 
 Congress — a tribunal where disloyalty 
 is sure to command a premium. 
 
 The files of the House show how 
 promptly they have availed themselves 
 of this tribunal. Scores and scores of 
 claims are presented without a sugges- 
 tion of "loyalty" as an excuse for the 
 demands. 
 
 The aggregate of these claims pre- 
 sented to the 44th Congress was $1,583,- 
 369. 
 
 The aggregate of similar claims pre- 
 sented to the 45th Congress was $6,757,- 
 793. 
 
 It has been estimated that in addi- 
 tion to the above it will require for 
 "blanks"— that is bills calling for sums 
 not ascertained at the date of their 
 presentation— at least $3,500,000. 
 
 The aggregate of the foregoing claims, 
 however monstrous they may appear, 
 is a mere bagatelle when compared to 
 the sums provided for by two bills intro- 
 duced in the House— one by Mr. Wilt- 
 shire, of Arkansas, and the other by 
 Mr. Riddle, of Tennessee. 
 
 The first named is as follows : 
 
 A Bill to -Abolish all Tests of loyalty- 
 All Rebels Invited to Help Themselves 
 at the Treasury Vaults, and Call In 
 their HTcighbors — Southern Courts 
 
 and Juries to Assess Damages for Reb- 
 el liOsses, and Uncle Sam to Foot the 
 BUI. 
 
 A BUI to facilitate tlie adjustment and settle- 
 ment of clalmn of citizens of tlie United States 
 for stores and supplien taken orfumislied dur- 
 ing the rebellion for tlie use of the Army of 
 the United Statew, and for other purposes. 
 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Repre- 
 sentatives of the tlHltetl States 0/ America in Con- 
 gress assembled. That all cifijens of the United 
 tates having claims against the United States 
 for stores or supplies takeu or furnished during 
 the rebellion for the use of the Army of the 
 United States, including the use and loss of ves- 
 sels or boats while employed in the militaiy 
 service of the Uniti-d Scates. may institute suit 
 against the Un-ted States for the adjustment 
 and recovery of s?ieh claims in the district 
 court, of the United States for the district in 
 which such sto'cs or suppdes may have been 
 ta.'ie:i or furnished, or such vessels or boats 
 may haye been used or lost. And the dii-tric 
 courts of the United States foi the several judi- 
 cial districts within which eucli stores or' sup- 
 plies may liave been taken, as aforesaid, and 
 vessels or boats may have been used or lost, as 
 afoiesaid, sliall take and exercise.) urisdiction In 
 aU cases tor claims brought in said courts under 
 the provisions of this act, without regard to the 
 amount claimed. 
 
 This bill would refer each batch of 
 claims to the citizens of the neighbor- 
 hood that was despoiled, abolish the 
 Southern Claims Commission and all 
 tests of loyalty, and jjay damages as- 
 sessed by juries out of a general appro- 
 priation. In estimating the amount 
 required to pay claimants under this 
 bill, the spirit of economy and reform 
 which actuates the average Southern 
 jury must not be overlooked. 
 
 Another Bill to Abolish Tests of I.oyalty 
 —A Bill to Enable one Rebel to Swear 
 Another Rebel's Claim Throu^rh — A 
 Oeneral Interchange of Perjury 
 amongr STelg^hbors weald Secure Pay 
 for Everythln§r. 
 
 Mr. Riddle's bill is as follows : 
 
 A Bill directing compensation to be allowed for 
 the use and occupation of property by the 
 United States Army during the late war. 
 Jleit enacted by ih^ Senate and Souseof Repre- 
 sentatives of the Uni/£d States of Amei-iea in Con- 
 gress assetnbled. That the Secretary of War be, 
 and he is hereby, authorized to allow reasona- 
 ble compensation to all ci'izens of the United 
 States lor the use and occupation of their prop- 
 erty by the United States Army, or any part 
 thereof, during the late civil war, in the same 
 manner and under the same i egulations as 
 compensatlonis now allowed for quartermaster 
 stores used by said Army; Provided, however, 
 That the affidavit of the claimant, supported by 
 the competent ' estimony of any reputable citi- 
 zen, sliallbe sufficient proof to establisli the fact 
 of the use aid occupation of such property by 
 said Army. But it is not the intention of this 
 act to limit the parties to the amount of proof 
 herein epccWicd ; but other and additional tes- 
 timony may be takeu to establish the tact of the 
 use and occupation, and the rental value of the 
 property occupied. 
 
 This bill not only discards the idea 
 that loyalty has anything to do with 
 war claims, but makes one oath by a 
 
144 
 
 BOUNTIES I'OK TREASON. 
 
 rebel sufficient to effectually establish a 
 claim. Nor is there any limit to the 
 "stores and supplies taken or furnished" 
 short of the entire amount, whatever 
 that may be. It means in effect that 
 the Government shall pay for every 
 head of cattle, every bushel of corn or 
 other grain, every pound of meat, flour, 
 meal, and commissary stores and quar- 
 termaster's supplies of every kind what- 
 ever, foraged, used, or destroyed by 
 our soldiers during the war ! 
 
 The Orand A$rgregate enong;Ii to Baiik- 
 I'upt tlie Oovernnient. 
 
 And what would be the grand aggre- 
 gate of claims accruing under these 
 wholesale raids upon the Treasury 1 
 A reasonable estimate may probably 
 be reached by taking the 22,298 sworn 
 loyal claim,ant8 as a basis. The 
 total amount claimed by this class, 
 as appears in the preceding pages, 
 is $60,258,150, making the average value 
 of each claim $2,703.40. It will not be 
 regarded as extravagant to say that the 
 number of disloyal . claimants South 
 stand as forty to one loyal, and using 
 the same average value of $3,702.40 per 
 claim, as above, the total to be appropri- 
 ated on account of these two l)ills alone 
 would swell to the sum of $2,410,326,000. 
 
 Kecapitalation. 
 
 Direct tax $2,661,776 
 
 Cotton tax 68,073,088 
 
 Special relief bills 8,340,062 
 
 Lowest estimate for 
 
 blanks 3,500,000 
 
 Use and occupation of 
 
 property, (see Kiddle's 
 
 bill) 1,305,168,000 
 
 Supplies used or destroyed 
 
 (see Wiltshire's bill) .... 1,305,163,000 
 
 Grand total of Southern 
 claims 3,493,899,936 
 
 In round numbers, an amount equal to 
 the national debt at the close of the war. 
 
 PAET III. 
 
 "Justice and Right" ilie 
 basis of Rebel Demands- 
 Rebel Claims a *'Part of 
 the war debt of the Jura- 
 tion" and must be paid, 
 or 
 
 In a speech on Southern claims, de- 
 livered in the House, May 1, 1878, Mr. 
 Hayes, of Wisconsin, said: 
 
 Having shown tlie magnitude of these claims, 
 I wish to eay tiiat the general sentiment throu gh- 
 
 out the South is that those cLaims ought to he 
 paid. * * » 
 
 Why, sir, the idea that the Government owes 
 and ought to pay all damages occasioned by the 
 war throughout the South is so firmly imbedded 
 in the Southern mind that it will take several 
 generations to root it out. No man, I care not 
 how great his ability, can be a leader among the 
 Southern people unless he opanly indorses this 
 idea There is not a Southern gentleman on 
 this Hoor who would not be overwhelmingly de- 
 feated at the coming election if he should dare 
 to stand up here and declare that these claims 
 ought not to be paid. * * * No man can 
 be elected to any ottieein that section who dares 
 to proclaim himself opposed to paying these 
 Southern claims. Men who expect to succeed 
 politically must he in hainioiiy witli their peo- 
 ple in this respect. * * • They hold to the 
 idea that the Government is under obligation to 
 pay them. They go so far as to declare that the 
 claims lor captured and abandoned property, 
 and 'for private property takea by the Union 
 army in the way of supplies, constitute a pari 
 of the war debt of the aation. 
 
 Jndgre Bartley 's le^al demands In betaalt 
 of Rebels— The obligation t« Pay- 
 rebel claims more sacred than the 
 bonded debt of tlie nation ; and as 
 valid a lien on the Treasnry. 
 
 Indeed, Judge Bartley, whose little pamphlet 
 was distributed so freely among members of 
 this body a few days ago, argues that the prop- 
 erty taken for the subsistence of the Union 
 A-rmy saved the Governiuont from raising 
 money on the sale of its bonds in the sums rep- 
 reseyied by the value of the property seized 
 and used, and that the claims for the payment 
 for this property are as just and as valid "a lien 
 upon the Ti'easmy as the bonded debt itself. 
 In tact, he thinks they should take precedence 
 of the bonded debt in equity, because that debt 
 draws interest, while the claims do not. The 
 Judge presents his case in the strongest light 
 possible, and closes his pamphlet of twenty 
 pages with the following significant para- 
 graph : 
 
 "The foregoing views are expressed onm-ature 
 consideration from a sense of duty to several 
 hundred citizens otMississippi.Louisiana.Arkan- 
 sas, and Texas, represented by the undei'signed 
 as their counsel. The positions assumed can 
 and will be maintained, and cannot be success- 
 fully controverted in or out of Congress. If 
 the plain language used is expressive of some 
 feeling, it arines simply from a deep sense of 
 the wrong and injustice done to injured parties, 
 and is not intended to be discourteous, but in 
 all due deference and respectful regard for the 
 pubUe authorities." 
 
 Foard's Pamplilet^Wo way to heal Rebel 
 wounds like paying Rebel Claims— A 
 never failing cure— Try a sample. 
 
 Only a few days ago I received a pamphlet 
 written fey Dr. J. F. Foard, of Nori h Carolina, 
 in which the writer discusses this subject at 
 some length, declaring that the Government 
 should pay these claims as a matter of justice 
 and right. After devoting several pages to set- 
 ting forth the losses sustain, d by the Southern 
 people, he use stliese words : "The e.isiest and 
 best way to heal them"— the wounds made by 
 the war— "is to compensate those who lost so 
 much in the conflict." In asubsenueut chapter 
 he says ; 
 
 "Let us go at this work promptly, earnestly, 
 and honestly, that it may be as a monument of 
 trutli and Justice, erected in the hearts of our 
 children to remind them of the importance of 
 national honor, peace and good will." 
 
U'>UNTIES I'Oll TREASON. 
 
 145 
 
 A demand for pay for all Iosncm on both 
 sides— I.ost time, lost limbs, and lost 
 lives to be paid for— Foard is generous 
 to a Fault. 
 
 The last page of Foard's book con- 
 taiDS a form of a memorial to Congress 
 petitiouiiig that body for the passage of 
 a law granting pay for all property des- 
 troyed by the '•governments and armies 
 of both sides during the late war between 
 the States ;" and also for pay for "lost 
 time, limbs, and lives," ot all soldiers 
 of "botli armies and every section." 
 All inicrested are invited to "co-oper- 
 ate" "in the great woik" by signing the 
 memorial, procuring signatures, and 
 forwarding them to Congress. 
 
 It may be added that this particular 
 "great work" is temporarily suspended, 
 awaiting the election of a Democratic 
 Congress. 
 
 More abont Judge Bartley— Amnesty 
 restores all Rlg^hts— Remits all sins. 
 
 Judge Bartley, in his little pamphlet 
 above alluded to, further says : 
 
 "The pardon and amnesty which was 
 granted contained an express pledge 
 for the restoration of all rights of prop- 
 erty, except as to slaves. * * * The 
 pardon was a remission of all punish- 
 ment, and also a pledge of the public 
 faith for the restoration of all rights." 
 
 Judge Hartley's Relations with Han- 
 cock—The Significance of his opin- 
 lons— Hancock's right bower. 
 
 The significance of Judge Hartley's 
 sweeping utterances in favor of the 
 payment of all Southern claims without 
 reference to the loyalty of the claimant 
 can be better appreciated when it is 
 known *hat he was the great original 
 Hancock man ; that he advocated Han- 
 cock's nomination long before he was 
 seriously thouglit of by the party gen- 
 erally ; that months before the conven- 
 tion met, the N. Y. Herald and other 
 papers were lilled with Judge Hartley's 
 communications urging the nomination 
 of Hanc6ck ; that he was the head and 
 front of tlie Washington coterie of Han- 
 cock's confidential friends ; that Han- 
 cock owes his nomination more to the 
 secret management and shrewd wire- 
 pulling of Judge Bartley tlian to all 
 other causes combined ; and finally that, 
 if Hancock had been elected. Judge 
 Bartley would have had a seat in the 
 Cabinet. The effect of sucli a state ot 
 affairs on the Southern claims question 
 can readily be imagined. 
 
 PART IV. 
 
 How Rebel Claims Orow— 
 Fecunditv of Rebel mules 
 
 — JEsthetie Fence Ralls 
 and expansive Pork. 
 
 It will be seen by the foregoing, tliat 
 Judge Bartley liolds that the Southern 
 claims slioiild take precedence of the 
 bonded drt)t of the United States, in 
 equity, for the reason tliat tliat debt 
 draws interest, while the claims do not. 
 
 It may be true that the claims do not 
 draw interest, but it is a well known 
 fact that they have a way of growing 
 in magnitude, wliich beats the most 
 usurious interest known to history. 
 They are cancerous, and of ceaseless 
 malignity in growth. Here is a speci- 
 men. 
 
 Claim No. 3,107.— (Before tlio Claims Commls- 
 elonerB and disallowed.)— Jan. 18, 1875 —Refer- 
 red to the Committee on War Claims, aud 
 ordered to be printed. Marie P. Erans, of Or- 
 leans Parieli, Louisiana. Total amount claimed 
 in oris^inal petition, $272,500 ; in amended peti- 
 tion, $195,355. 
 
 Here are spociflcations, as follows : 
 No. 1. 825 lilids. centrifugal sugar, of 
 
 average weight of 1 30O Ibi. net par 
 
 hhd., being 1,072,500 lb. at 25o, . 
 
 per lb $268,125 
 
 No. 2 400 bbls. golden syrup (molasses), 
 
 at 40 gallons per bbl., making 16,000 
 
 gallons at $1 60 per gallon 24,000 
 
 500 bbls. sugar-house molasses, at 40 
 
 gallons per bbl., niakint; 20,000 at $1. . . 20,000 
 
 No. 3. 1,000 em I >ty bbls. at $2 2,000 
 
 No. 4. 3,000 coid« of dry wood at S3 15,000 
 
 No. 5. 62 mules at $200 12,400 
 
 No. 6. 15 wagons at $150 2,260 
 
 No. 1. 3 carts .at $75 225 
 
 No. 8. 3dray8atS75 225 
 
 No. 9. 3 gas tanks (iron) at $100 300 
 
 No. 10. 26,600 bushels corn (in ear) at $1- 26,600 
 No. 11. 374 touH fodder (corn blades) 
 
 and hay at $25 9,350 
 
 No. 12. 5 horses at $200 1,000 
 
 No 13. 6 bbls brandy at $400 2,000 
 
 The number of the items is thirty- 
 two ; of these, No. 31 is for 145,000 fence 
 rails, made of the most beautiful and 
 expensive timber in the world, no 
 doubt. The only tiling that should sur- 
 prise us in the bill of particulars is that 
 tlie sixty-two mules were not put at 
 $1,000 each. The moderation of the 
 claimant has not, however, been ap- 
 preciated, for the claim is in tlie list of 
 the disallowed. The first time it was 
 presented the sum total was but $273,590. 
 The amended petition is for $495,355. 
 The effect of not paying iu the first 
 place is seen in the growth of 500 hogs- 
 heads of sugar in tlie first claim to 1,109 
 hogsheads in tlie second, while the price 
 of the sugar expanded from $300 per 
 hogshead to $325 per liogshead. The 
 800 cords of wood alleged, iu the bill 
 of particulars of 1871, to have been 
 taken, grew to 3,000 cords iu 1873. Forty 
 mules, at $150 each, had multiplied to 
 62 mules at $300 each. Five thousand 
 bushels of corn were developed into 
 26,600 bushels ; 500 pounds of bulk pork 
 in 1871 grew to 5,000 pounds in 1873. 
 
140 
 
 Ii(_)UNTIES Full TREASON. 
 
 Wbat 30 Acres can prodncu wlien fer- 
 tilized by parjury, with a sab-soil of 
 Fraud— A Democratic House Commit- 
 tee reeommeiid the payment of a 
 Claim rejectpa by the fSonthern 
 Claims Commission for Fraud. 
 
 Another specimen of a similar cliarac- 
 ter is tlie claim of Mrs. Eliza Heber, 
 presented in 1873 before the Southern 
 Claims Commission, for losses and dam- 
 ages to her plantation at or near Indian 
 Village, Louisiana, while occupied by 
 the troops of General Payne. Here is 
 the bill : 
 
 e,000 bblB. com, $1,60 per bW $12,000 
 
 100 cWckens, at$l eaoli 100 
 
 200 turkeys, at$2eacli 400 
 
 30 hogs, at$lo eaoli 300 
 
 8 oxen, at $50 each 400 
 
 6 horses, at $100 each 800 
 
 4 mules, at $125 each 600 
 
 Unknown quantity of lumber, consisting 
 
 of hogshead staves, pickets and posts. 5,000 
 
 500 cords of wood, at $6 per cord 3,000 
 
 Making a total of 22,600 
 
 The Commission sent an agent to the 
 spot to investigate. He reported that 
 the claim was fraudulent, and the 
 claimant took no further steps to pros- 
 ecute the matter before the commis- 
 sion. But when the Democracy ob- 
 tained possession of the House Mrs. 
 Heber came up smiling and presented 
 to that body the following list : 
 
 8,000 tobls. corn, at $2.50 per barrel $20,000 
 
 1,500 cords of wood, at $4 66f per cord 7,000 
 
 1 lot of lumbe.', staves, pickets, &o.. 10,000 
 
 1 pair carriage horses, at S500 each. . 1,000 
 
 3 riding horses, at $300 each 900 
 
 4 mules, at $300 each 1,209 
 
 ■SO hogs, at $30 each 900 
 
 5 choice milch cows 375 
 
 20 head of cattle 500 
 
 1 lot of poultry 100 
 
 Fencing and plantation destroyed 6,000 
 
 was encamped only two weeks in the 
 vicinity of the claimant. He said that 
 it would have been an utter impossibil- 
 ity for his men in the warm climate of 
 Louisiana to have burned 1,500 cords of 
 wood, or to have consumed 20,000 
 bushels of corn. 
 
 The bill awaits the election of an- 
 other Democratic House. 
 
 Total 47,975 
 
 That she had struck the right place 
 this time was proved by the fact that 
 during the second session of the 45th 
 Congress, John W. Caldwell, from the 
 Committee on War Claims, in the House, 
 to which committee this claim has been 
 referred, submitted a report to accom- 
 pany House bill 3393, saying " that Mrs. 
 Eliza Heber sliould be paid as full com- 
 pensation for all her claims for the 
 property and supplies taken and ueed 
 as aforesaid the sum of $38,150," and 
 the committee reported a bill for that 
 purpose, and recommended its passage. 
 
 However, the fictitious character of 
 the bill became known to Secretary 
 Sherman and he dispatched an agent to 
 investigate. The report showed that 
 Mrs. Heber never had more than 40 
 acres of land, one half of which was 
 not subsceptiblo of cultivation, and 
 that the claim was utterly fraudulent. 
 General Payne said that he was in com- 
 mand of less than 3,000 infantry, and 
 
 PART V. 
 
 A Brief Review of some of 
 tlie Rebel Claims — Direct 
 Tax — Cotton Tax — ISpecial 
 Relief — Destruction of 
 Property — Compensation 
 for Slaves— Rebel Mail 
 Contractors, &c. — They 
 Already Reach Three 
 Thousand Millions of 
 Dollars — " IVhere will it 
 end?" 
 
 In a letter as late as October 31, 1873, 
 but published, we believe, in 1876, R. 
 M. T. Hunter, of Virginia, a United 
 State Senator from that State prior to 
 the rebellion, elaborates a plan by 
 whicli the old slaveholders may evade 
 the prohibitory clause of the Four- 
 teenth Amendment respecting indem- 
 nity for slaves liberated by the war. 
 
 How Hunter proposes to Oet Around 
 the Fourteenth Amendment and Re- 
 imburse the old Slaveholder!) for the 
 liOss of their Slaves— $400,000,000. 
 
 Hunter's sagacity is only equaled by 
 his loyalty. The fourteenth amend- 
 ment abolishes iiu " institution " of the 
 Confederacy. It expels the last vestige 
 of slavery from its soil and prohibits 
 all compensation for slaves freM by the 
 war. But the astute Hunter discovers 
 that the prohibitory clause is uncon- 
 stitutional, and therefore nugatory ; 
 that the slaves were private propertj; ; 
 that their forcible emancipation was iu 
 the nature of seizing that property for 
 public use without compensation, that 
 the claim is in the individual owner; 
 that the States, in the ratification of the 
 fourteenth amendment, had no power 
 or right to divert it ; and that conse- 
 quently the owners of that property 
 under the Constitution have valid or 
 bona fide claims for reasonable compen- 
 sation—to wit, $400,000,000. 
 
 Maryland formally asserts taer claim 
 for such compensation— Other slave 
 
BOUNTIES FOR TKEASON. 
 
 147 
 
 States taave offldal lists of slaves, 
 only awaiting^ Democratic ascen- 
 dency. 
 
 But a discovery so sagacious was not 
 orifrinal with Hunter. As early as 1867, 
 in the Maryland constitutional couven- 
 tion, he was anticipated by the equally 
 sapient conventionists. They formally 
 asserted the claim under the constitu- 
 tion. They authorized the Legislature 
 of Maryland to receive and dispose of 
 the amounts due to their old slavehold- 
 in« citizens when paid by the United 
 States, and notoriously, in that as in 
 other of the old slaveholding States, lists 
 ol' the slaves emancipated have been 
 pj opared, and the claims covering their 
 value only await for their payment the 
 harvest of wholesale plunder when the 
 Democracy shaU pass into power. 
 
 TUc "Missouri Climax of rapacity"— 
 Claimauts famished official certili- 
 cates of losses by rebel raids— Democ- 
 racy, irlicn in power, ivill pay them. 
 
 But in Missouri the climax of rapacitv 
 ill proposed plunder has been reached. 
 It IS, however, ouly preliminary — only a 
 piecedent— for furtner wholesale or 
 general spoliatiou. In Missouri, a State 
 coiiiinissiou has investigated and official 
 certilicates have been awarded to all 
 cliiimants for compensation for losses 
 iuciivred or supplies taken by the rebel 
 forces which overran its territory ; and 
 these certificates, as the claims for 
 indemnity for slaves, only await the suc- 
 ccs.s of the Democracy to be promptly 
 honored by the government. 
 
 Bills already introduced in Congress 
 as precedents for these Monstrous 
 claims. 
 
 Indeed, as precedents for their pay- 
 ment, two bills, in the Forty-fourth 
 Congress, were introduced by Messrs. 
 Knott, of Kentcky, and House, of Ten- 
 nessee, appropriating small amounts for 
 property and supplies seized by the 
 rebel forces, and if tliey are hereafter 
 passed or recognized liy Congress, and 
 should the nation be again inflicted 
 witli a Democratic administration, Mis- 
 souri and every State South will realize 
 the prodigious amounts these claims 
 will involve. 
 
 PART VI. 
 
 The ISoutliern Mail Contrac- 
 tors' Fraud — A.n attempt 
 at Wholesale Robbery by 
 (Southern ^tatesinen, by 
 means of barefaced False- 
 
 hood — How Congressman 
 lifillits stopped the Steal. 
 
 Up to 1877, the people of the North 
 felt a sense of security from the machi- 
 nations of Southern claimants, defended 
 as they were by the following section 
 of the Revised Statutes : 
 
 Skction 3480. It sliall be unlawf ta for any offi- 
 cer to pay any account, claim, or (lemand 
 against tlie United States wlileli aceraed or ex- 
 isted prior to the 13tli day of April, 1861, in favor 
 of any person who promoted, enconiaged, or 
 in any manner sustained tlie late rebellion, or 
 in favor of any person wUo, during such rebel- 
 lion, was not known to be opposed thereto, and 
 distinctly in favor of its suppression ; and no 
 pardon lieretoiore granted, or hereafter to be 
 granted, shall authorize the payment of such 
 account, claim, or demand, until this section la 
 modified or repealed But this section slmll not 
 be so construed to prohibit the payment of 
 claims founded upon contracts made by any of 
 the Departments, where wuch claims were as- 
 signed or contracted to bo assigned prior to the 
 1st day of April. 1861, to the creditors of such 
 contractors, loyal citizens of loyal States, in 
 payment of debts incurred prior to the Ist day 
 of March, 1861. 
 
 An Amendment Knshed Througfh. 
 
 On the last day of the Forty-fourth 
 Congress, however, in a moment of Re- 
 publican triumph over the fraudulent 
 attempt to seat Tihieu iii the Presiden- 
 tial chair, and in a spirit of magna- 
 nimity, the following amendment to the 
 above act was allowed to go through 
 under a suspension of the rules : 
 
 That the sum of $375,000, or so much thereof 
 as may be necessary, be appropriated to pay 
 the amount due to mail contractors for maU 
 service performed in the States of Alabama, 
 Arliausas, Florida, Georgia, Kentnclsy. Louis- 
 iana. Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina. 
 South Carolina. Texas, Tennessee. Virginia, and 
 West Virginia, in the years 18.59, 1800, and 1861, 
 and before the said Slates respectively engaged in 
 war against Ih-e United Slates ; and the provis- 
 ion o( section 3480 of the Re .ised Statutes of the 
 United States shall pot be applicable to the pay- 
 ments therein authorized. I'rovided. That any 
 such claims which liavc heenvaid by the Confed 
 erate Slates Govermnent sliall not be again paid- 
 
 A Hunjjry Horde of Perjurers rush 
 upon the Treasury— Sherman's adroit 
 move to circumvent the Thieves. 
 
 Instantly upon the passage of this act 
 a horde of hungry claimants rushed to 
 the Treasury and demanded a settle- 
 ment of their accounts. Secretary 
 Sherman, however, suspected fraud, and 
 with characteristic caution decided that 
 "no money be paid out of this appro- 
 priation until the whole of the claims 
 are received and adjusted, aud if the 
 appropriation is insufficient they should 
 thfii be paid pro rata.'''' 
 
 Reagan's Rag^e — He overreaches him- 
 self. 
 
 This amounted to a proMbition of 
 any payment at all, for the reason that 
 
148 
 
 BOUNTIES FOR TREASON. 
 
 many of the claimants had died in the 
 service of the rebellion, and their fami- 
 lies, if they had any, were scattered. 
 Time for investigation was thus gained, 
 but the exasperation of the ex-rebels 
 knew no bounds. They did not pro- 
 pose to submit, and accordingly Mr. 
 Keagan, of Texas, ex-confederate Post- 
 master-General, introduced a, ioint reso- 
 lution, and on the 16th of November, 
 1877, it was reported back, in the fol- 
 lowing words : 
 
 Resolved, etc.. That the Secretary of the Treas- 
 ury shall begin at once to pay In full to the 
 late mail contractors of the States of Alabama, 
 Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louis- 
 iana, ' Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, 
 South Carolina, Texas, Tennessee, Virginia, and 
 West Virginia, their heirs or legal representa- 
 tives, the amounts due under th'eir respcotiv'e 
 contracts for the years eighteen huudi ed and 
 fifty-nine, eighreon hundred and sixty, and 
 eighteen hundred and sixty-one. .-uid the ap- 
 propriation of three hundred and seventy-five 
 thousand dollars, made by act approved March 
 third, eighteen hundred and seventy-seven, 
 shall be immediately aVi liable for said pay- 
 ments; Provided. That payments shall be made 
 for services rendered up to May thirty-first, 
 eighteen hundred and fixty-one, when discon- 
 tinuance was ordered by the Fostmaster Gen- 
 eral, and not thereafter ; and the provisions of 
 section thirty-four hundred and eighty of the 
 Revised Statutes of the United States shall not 
 be applicable to the payments herein authorized. 
 All acts and parts of acts inconsistent herewith 
 are hereby repealed. 
 
 Tbe Fraud Exposed. 
 
 A comparison of this resolution with 
 the act of March 3, 1877, above quoted, 
 develops two important facts, viz : 
 
 1. Tbat it was sought, by this resolu- 
 tion, to change the law in regard to 
 time, by substituting " for services ren- 
 dered up to May 31, 1861," in place of 
 " before said States respectively en- 
 gaged in war against the United States." 
 
 This, as was subsequently sliown by 
 the celebrated speech of Hon. Edwin 
 Willits, of Michigan, delivered in the 
 House March 8, 1878, greatly extended 
 tlietimeand vastly increased the amount 
 of theclaims which the law was intended 
 to recognize. For instiince, the South 
 Carolina contractors, that State having 
 seceded December 30, 1860, would re- 
 ceive, by the terms of Reagan's resohi- 
 lutiou, pay for five months and ten days 
 more of service than was provided for 
 by the law of March 3, 1877— five months 
 and ten days of service rendered to the 
 rebel government. 
 
 3. The second important fact is that 
 in the resoltuion the proviso contained 
 in the law was omitted entirely. And 
 thereby hangs a tale. 
 
 Reagan roniniits himself at lar^e. 
 
 During the debate on tlie resolution 
 on February 15, 1878. Mr. Reagan said : 
 
 The gentleman from Indiaua [Mr. Hanna) 
 aslts mo it the bill now before the Committee of 
 the Whole is the same as theone that waspassed 
 
 at the last session of Congress. As T remem- 
 ber, it is the same with one exception, to whicti I 
 may as well refer. That bill contained a clause 
 providing that these claims should be paid ex- 
 cept in cases where they had been paid by the 
 Confederate government. I do not remember 
 the exact language, but that is the purport of 
 the exceiition. In the preparation of this Joint 
 resolution those words were oniitted because / 
 hnew tUercwas no necessity for them. 
 
 This in the face of the patent fact that 
 two very important changes had been 
 made, as above noted. Again, in the 
 same debate, in response to questions as 
 to whether the Confederate government 
 had paid any of these claims, Mr. Rea- 
 gan said : 
 
 At the same time by proclamation these post- 
 masters and contractors were directed to-sottle 
 their accounts with the Government of the 
 United St.ates up to the Ist day or .lune. 1861, 
 and to pay over to the United States the monat 
 ill their possession and to return to the United 
 States the postage stamps of whicli they were 
 possessed up to the date when the Confederate 
 government took charge of the service. * » 
 
 Now, upon the point that the Confederate 
 government hasnot paid these claims I will state 
 thflit the Confederate government only under' 
 took to pay for th-e sereicc from the iim^ it took 
 chctrge of it, on the 1st day of June. 1861, audit 
 ha<l,pothing whatever to do with the payment 
 for'services rendered previous to that date. 
 
 Again lie said : 
 
 I stated that under that same proclamation 
 the postmasters of the Confederacy were all re- 
 quired to settle up their accounts with the Fed- 
 C' al Goverment to the 1st day of June. 1861, and 
 pay over the money due to the Government and 
 return all postage-stamps due to the Govern- 
 ment. * * A * 
 
 How fully these settlement-, were made I do 
 not know. There was time to make them, and 
 many were made. The Confederate govern- 
 ment never received or collected one dollar due 
 fiom the roceipis of the Post-OtBce Department 
 or postage stamps, and they never paid a dMar 
 to a contractor which had become due before the 
 Ist day of Juno, 18C1; but th.y required all 
 postmasters to turn over the entire amount of 
 money received by them up to that date, and the 
 contractor who claimed that money was due for 
 postal service up to tbat date, over to the 
 United States Government. 
 
 Thus Mr. Reagan, in his capacity of 
 ex-Postmaster-General of the Southern 
 Confederacy, fully committed himself. 
 He did not know that his own reports 
 on this subject were among tlie rebel ar- 
 cMves stored in Washington. Messrs. 
 Conger and Willits did know that fact. 
 
 The debate for the day ended, and 
 was not resumed till March 8, 1878. 
 Meantime the rebel arcliives were 
 searched, and Air. Willits prepared him- 
 self for tlie speech wliich defeated the 
 resolution, showed Mr. Reagan in his 
 true light, and did more to open tlie eyes 
 of the North to the fraudulent character 
 of Southern claims generally than any- 
 thing that had occurred for years before. 
 
 WlUits piinctnresi Uie Urcat ex-Rebel 
 Cabinet Jlinistter, Shakes hU own re- 
 ports In his face, and proves bta state- 
 
BOUNTIES FOR TREASON. 
 
 149 
 
 ments to be Cntrae tn every essential 
 particular. 
 
 Tlio facts discovered in Reagan's own 
 reports were, in brief, as follows: 
 
 In proclamations, dated respeotivelv Mont- 
 comi ry, Ala., May 13 and 20, 1861, and signed by 
 "^Jolin H. Reagan, Postmaster General." ail 
 postmasters, route and special agents, all mall 
 contractors, mail messengers, and special con- 
 tractors are required to retain in tlieir iJosses- 
 sion, and turn over to tlie Confederate Postmas- 
 ter General, the said John S, Reagan, for the 
 benefit of the Confederate Stales, all revenue or 
 •moneys which shall have accrued from the pos- 
 tal service of the United States prior to the 
 1st of June, 1801— all mall-bags, locks, and keys, 
 marking and other stamps, hlauks for quarterly 
 returns of postmasters, and a'l other propertj 
 belonging to or connected -with the postal serv- 
 ice. 
 
 In a statement of Auditor Baker, of the Con- 
 federate Post Office Department, of October 1, 
 1862, the aggregate of these claims of contrac- 
 tors for mail services prior to May 31, 1801, Is 
 given as 8773,444.17. By Confederate laws, ap- 
 proved repectively August 30, 1801, January 23, 
 1862, and September 27, 1802, these claims are 
 assumed by the Confederate Government, $800.- 
 
 000 are appropriated for their payment, and 
 contractors were required, in receiving their 
 payments, to agree that if the United States 
 should ever pay them anything for these serv- 
 ices they should refund it to the Confederate 
 government. 
 
 All these facte, so violently in conflict with 
 Mr. Beagan's statements in the House, are fully 
 verifledby his own several reportu as Conted- 
 ■erate Postmaster General up to that of May 2, 
 1864— the last which could be found— with the 
 further' fact that at that d,ate, of the claims 
 for which he Is now urging an appropriation of 
 $375,000 by the United States, he had himself 
 paid $564,544.22, and the presumption that dur- 
 ing the remaining eleven months of the Conted- 
 ■eraoy every dollar of them had been paid. 
 
 Mr. Willits concluded his speech as 
 follows : 
 
 It is proved beyond question that the Confed 
 erate government did undertake to pay these 
 <!laims, did appropriat > 8800,000 for that purpose, 
 and that they were audited and largely if not 
 entirely paid by or under the supervision of 
 the gentleman from Texas himself. It is clear 
 that the striking out of the proviso to the act 
 «f March 3, 1877, would very mftterially change 
 the terms and scope of it. I have no comments 
 to make on how it came to be stricken out. I 
 make no charges. I impugn no man's motives, 
 much less those of the gm lemau from Texas ; 
 
 1 simply state the f.icts as I find them, and 
 leave thus tlie whole subject to tlie considerate 
 Judgment of this House and the country. 
 
 Thus it was proved that the resolution 
 ■was conceived in fraud, and brouglit 
 forth by the very man, of all others, 
 whose business it was to know the true 
 character and effect of the measure. 
 
 It is charity to suppose that Mr. Eea- 
 gan did not know that his statements 
 made on the 15th of February were 
 false; but whoever indulges m that 
 •charity must do so at the risk of his rep- 
 utation for common intelligence. 
 
 XUc Bill Nqnelclied. 
 
 On the 16th of March, 1878, the reso- 
 lution was rejiorted back to the 1 1 ouse , 
 from the Committee of theWhcMi- with 
 
 the enacting clause stricken out. The 
 previous question was demanded and 
 seconded and the main question or- 
 dered—the 4iestion being upon agree- 
 ing to the report. A motion was made 
 to reconsider the vote by which the 
 main question was ordered, which mo- 
 tion was disagreed to by the following 
 vote: 
 
 Yeas— Me-isre. Aiken, Atkins. H. P. BiW, Black- 
 burn. B'.iss. Bane, Bridges, Bro,'den, /. W. CatdweU, 
 W. P. Caldwea, Chalmers, J. B. Clarke, Cook, S. S. 
 Cox, Cravens, Crittenden, Culberson, Dibrelt, Durham, 
 Eden, Elam, Ellis, Ewmg, Ftiton. Forney, Franklin, 
 Garth, Gause, Gibson, Gtddings, Glover, Goode, Gun- 
 ter, JI. R. HarrUs. J. T. Harris, Hanison, Hartridge, 
 Hmkle, Henry. G. W. Hewitt, Hrrbert, Hooker, House, 
 J. T. Jones, Kimmetl, Knott, Lizon. Martin, MeKen- 
 zie. Money, Morgan, Morrison, Muldrow, Quinn, Rae, 
 Reagan. Riddle, W. M. Robbins, Roberts, Scales, 
 Schleicher, Sli£lly, W. E. Smibh, Springer, Steele, 
 Thonibui-Kli, Throckmorton, Tucker, N. B. Vance, 
 Waddell, G. C. Walker, Walsh, Whltlhome, J. N. Wil- 
 liams, A. S. W.Uis, B. Wilson. Yeates, Young— n. 
 
 Nays- MeBsr.^. A'drieh, B icon, G. A. Btt'jley, J. 
 H. Bak T, W. H. Baker, Ballou, B.iyne, Benedict, 
 BlckneU, Bisbee, Bouck, Boyd, Rragg, Brentano, 
 Brewer, Brisg^. T. M. Browne, Bundy. H. C. 
 Burchard, Burdick, Cain, Camp, J. M. Campbell, 
 Ca'mon, Caswell, Claflin, R. Clark, Cobb, Cole, 
 Collins, Conger, J. D. Cox, Cummiu'^s. Cutler, Dan- 
 ford, H. Davis, DeerinR, D.;nison, Dunnell, Dwight, 
 Eam's, Enett, J. L. Evans, E. B. Flnleu, Fort, 
 P,jster, Frye, Fuller, Gardner. Garfield, A. H. Hamil- 
 ton, Hnrdr:iburgh, B. W. Harris, Hart, Hartsell, 
 Haskell, P. 0. Hayes, Haz!lton, Henderson, A. S. 
 Hr.mtt, Hubbell, H, L. Humphrey, Hungerford, 
 Itiieer, James, J. S. Jones, Joyce, Keifer, Keight- 
 ley, Kclley, O. M. Landers, Lapham, Lathrop, 
 Lindsey, Loring, Maish, Marsh, Mavham, CcCook, 
 McKlnloy, McMahon, Mi chell, itonroe, H. S. 
 Nenle, Norcross, Oliver, O'Neill, Paije, G. W. Pat- 
 terson, T. M. PaUerson, Plielps, W. A. Phillips, 
 P,.llari3, C. N. Potter, Pound, Price, Randolph, 
 Reed, J. B. ReUly, W. W. Rictf, G. D. Robinson, M. 
 S. Robinson, Ryan, Sampson, Sapp, Shallenbersrer, 
 Sinuiokson. Smalls, A. H. Smith, Starlii, Stenger, 
 Stewart, J. W. SlOiic, J. C. Stone, J. M. Thorn p3.)n, 
 Tipiou, R- W. Townsmd, Van Vorbes, Veeder, 
 Wait, Warner, Watson. Weleii, M. D. White, A. A, 
 S. WiUiams, C. G. Williams, J. WilUamn, R. Will- 
 iam*, Willitts, Wren, Wright— 131. 
 
 Whereupon the report was agreed to 
 without a division, and the bill was 
 dead. 
 
 The above vote shows two Republi- 
 cans (fi'om Southern and border States) 
 voting yea, and 103 Republicans voting 
 nay, while 70 Democratos voted yea, and 
 only 39 Democrats voted nay. 
 
 'I*hu8, by the admission of one flash of 
 the sunlight of truth, was defeated a 
 bill which was but the entering wedge 
 for thousands of similar claims, involving 
 millions of money — claims which, like 
 nine-tenths of all Southern demands 
 upon the National Treasury, were found- 
 ed upon fraud and supported by delib- 
 erate falsehood and perjury. 
 
 Tbe Senate Tries Its Hand. 
 
 A subsequent attempt was made in 
 the Senate to force this hill through by 
 tacking it to the Sundry Civil BUI. 
 With some modifications it passed that 
 body, but was dropped in the Commit- 
 tee of Conference. The Democrats vot- 
 
150 
 
 BOUNTIES FOK TREASON. 
 
 ed solidly for the bill, and the Republi- 
 cans voted solidly against it, with the 
 exception of Bruce, Christianey, Con- 
 over, and Kellogg. 
 
 PART VII. 
 
 Another Entering Wedge — 
 The William and Mary 
 College (Steal. 
 
 Another "entering wedge" consisted 
 of the following bill, introduced in the 
 House by Mr. Goode (Democrat), of 
 Virginia, on the 29tb of October, 1877 : 
 
 Be it enacted, dc. That the Secretary of the 
 Treasury be, and he Is hereby, authorized and 
 directed to pay to the college of WiUiam and 
 Mary, In Virginia, the sum or $65,600 out of any 
 moneys In the Treasury not otherwise appro- 
 priated, to reimburse said college for the de- 
 struction of its buildings and other property 
 destroyed without authority by disorderly sol- 
 diers of the United States during the late war ; 
 Provided, That no moneys be so paid except 
 upon accounts of such destruction, and the 
 damage caused thereby, duly verified and pro- 
 ven. 
 
 The bill was referred to the Commit- 
 tee on Education and Labor, the object 
 being, as was afterwards developed, to 
 conceal, as far as possible, its true char- 
 acter of a Southern "war claim." 
 
 On December 5, 1877, it was committed 
 
 to the Committee of the Whole, accom- 
 panied by a report setting forth a state- 
 ment to the effect that the building of 
 the College of William and Mary was 
 burned by "drunken and disorderly sol- 
 diers of the United States." 
 
 The bUl was debated at considerable 
 length and it became evident that the 
 ex-Confederates were determined to 
 force it through. 
 
 Alarm of the Northern Democrats. 
 
 The Northern Democrats, in view of 
 the approaching Congressional elections, 
 became alarmed and made frantic ap- 
 peals to their " Southern brethren" not 
 to press the bUl " at this time." They 
 were reminded that the Democracy had 
 " not yet obtained possession of the Sen- 
 ate," etc., etc., but all to no purpose. 
 The ex-Confederates had selected this 
 particular case, because it was the least 
 vulnerable of all in the numerous class 
 it represented ; they were assured of the 
 support of a few sentimental Republi- 
 cans who remembered only that the Col- 
 lege was an ancient institution of learn- 
 ing and the alma muter of many whose 
 names were revered by all Americans ; 
 and they hoped to establish by the aid 
 of such Republicans a precedent that 
 would be all the more binding because 
 the Senate was still Republican. 
 
 Something mnst be done, p. d. q. 
 
 In this condition of things something 
 had to be done, and quickly done, to 
 frighten the Southern members into rea- 
 son and save the elections in the North. 
 And then it was that Bragg, a Wiscon- 
 sin Democrat, was put forward to give 
 voice to Northern Democratic ante-elec- 
 tion sentiment, and in a speech delivered 
 May 1, 1878, he entreated his Southern 
 friends as follows : 
 
 Bragg's Frantic Appeal. 
 
 I appeal to my Southern friends on this side 
 of the House, will you deliberately rake the 
 ashes off the slumbering embers, and fan them 
 into a blaze again ? I believe in my heart yon 
 win not. But I am bound to tell yen, and I do 
 it in kindness ; * * * the people of the North 
 will ne\ er submit to be taxed to reimburse your 
 people or your States out of the National Treas- 
 ury tor any losses that they sustained, directly 
 or indirectly, from therebellion. * * * There 
 may be men in the North— their voice has been 
 heard on this floor speaking words of ei.cour- 
 agement to you in presenting claims lite this 
 one for reimbursement ; but it is no true ex- 
 pression of Northern sentiment ; they are the 
 words of a siren that lures to death. You heard 
 them and trusted them in 1860 and 1861 ; wiU 
 you trust them again now? 
 
 This was very well done, and it had 
 its effect, as will be presently seen ; but 
 in interpreting Democratic sentiment 
 in the North he rather overdid the busi- 
 ness, as will be seen by the following 
 from the same speech : 
 
 The loss of houses and other sufferings by the 
 general ravages of war h *ve never been com- 
 pensated by this or any other government. 
 —{American Stale Papers, Ciaims.p. 199.] * * * 
 
 The College of William and Mary forfeited 
 any right which she may have had as an edu- 
 cational institution sacred from the touch of 
 war, by b comiiii^ herself an engine of war, an 
 active participant in the rebellion. She nut 
 only sent her pupils to the red field of battle 
 with words ol encouragement and blessing, but 
 she banished the muses from her groves, threw 
 wide open her gaites, and made her venerable 
 hails barracks lor soldiery to destroy the Gov- 
 ernment from which now in all humility she 
 asks recompense, I do not state this too 
 strongly; the report shows that before the 
 foot.^teps of a Northern soldier darkened her 
 halls they had been converted into barracks 
 and a hospital in aid of the rebellion. The 
 learned faculty cannot plead ignorance of oon- 
 seciueucea in case of failure, but they never 
 counted failure among the possibilities. 
 * >, * * * 
 
 It matters not if I am called a bigot or fanatic, 
 I maintain that this bill la a crafty device to 
 foist upon us Southern war claims as skillfully 
 planned and as certain In results as the wooden 
 horse that carried woe and ruin within the 
 walla of far-famed Troy. 
 
 The amount proposed to be given la not large, 
 but the shadow It casts before it la largo enough 
 to darken the land. 
 
 The Rebels Frlghtened'aiul Retreat till 
 arter the Storm'is over. 
 
 The speech had the desired effect, and 
 on the 10th of May, 1878, Mr. Goode 
 moved that the bill be passed over. 
 The elections were held, Bragg was re- 
 elected, and the Senate was to become 
 
BOUNTIES FOK THEASON. 
 
 151 
 
 Democratic on March 4, 1879. The 
 bill meantime was not pressed to a final 
 vote till January 10, 1879. The North- 
 em sentimentalists were true to tlieir 
 promises, and when opxsortunity offered 
 gushed with the lofty sentiments of a 
 college valedictory, and filled the House 
 with sophomorical eloquence and com- 
 mencement platitudes. Indeed, it seemed 
 for a time that the bill was destined to 
 pass ; and it remained for Mr. Conger, 
 of Michigan, to give it the final coup de 
 grace, which not only killed that partic- 
 ular measure, but saved millions of dol- 
 lars which would otherwise have been 
 demanded for similar losses during the 
 war. In the course of his speech on that 
 occasion Mr. Conger said : 
 
 Conger'8 Expose of the Fraud— The 
 Rebels Destroyed tlie College Them- 
 selves — The Aathor of the Bill was 
 There and Knew the Facts. 
 
 These gentlemen would have you believe that 
 on that day (when the Union eoldiera entered 
 Williamsburgh) this utiiversity, sacred to educa- 
 tion, was the abode of peace, the home of men 
 pursuing their studies uuder the light of the 
 midnight lamp, and that on the morning after 
 they heard the resounding cannon and lif^d 
 their worn and weary heads from the toil and 
 study of the old books that were gathered in 
 this sacred Institution of learning, that they 
 threw off their cowls and their caps, and they 
 laid aside their robes and looked out of their 
 windows and down into the court of this college, 
 awakening from that philosopliical dream of 
 years, and inquired, "What means all this cou- 
 fusion; [laughter;] what cause i this disturb- 
 ance within the sacred precincts of learning'!" 
 as if they had never heard of war ; as if for 
 
 Sears they had not been teachingwar and rebol- 
 on from the dome to the foundation of that old 
 university ; as if for months it had not been a 
 deserted building, because its president and its 
 professors and its students, aye, down to those 
 of fifteen years of age, had donned the armor of 
 the Southern vepubUc and gone to do the bat- 
 tles of the South ! 
 
 What was the condition of this college when 
 ourtroopsmarohedini o Williamsbunih and occu- 
 pied that city 1 What was the repose, the peace- 
 fulness of this venerable institution / Its pres- 
 ident was even thentlushed with theexcitement 
 of the preceding confllot; its professors, some of 
 them wounded and luidlow; some of tliem in- 
 mates of the same building then used as a hos- 
 pital. 
 
 What else was this building used for on that 
 day 1 It was a prison-house. Yes, Mr. Chair- 
 mah, WiUiam and Mary College on the 8th day 
 of May, 1862, when General McClellan rode with 
 his staff of officers into Williamsburgh aud re- 
 paired directly to the college building, at that 
 moment it was the prison-house of Union offi- 
 cers and Union soldiers confined there — 
 wounded, bleeding, dying, prisoners of the Union 
 Army gathered into that college, this sacred in- 
 stitution of learning ; gathered there to be kept; 
 gathered there to die. 
 
 More than that, it was then a hospital, and 
 had been for a long timeprevioua. It was filled 
 with the wounded, with the dying, with the 
 dead from those armies. What was its condi- 
 tion ! Outside the fences hadbeen broken down, 
 the grass-plats destioyed, even the beautiful 
 monument which had been placed in the front of 
 that building had been destroyed by Southern 
 troops who had occupied It asajirison, as a hos- 
 pital, as a garrison. The walls of the building 
 were defaced, ou'side and in; the fences, the 
 stone columns were broken; the trees were cut 
 
 down; the monument of a distinguished Vir- 
 ginian was defaced when our troops first came 
 in sight of and up to this building. * * * • 
 .Such, then, was the condition of this univer- 
 sity when it came into the hands of Union men. 
 It was cleansed; it was purified; the Confeder- 
 ates were driven from it ; the wounded soldiers 
 were removed to a better hospital as eoon as 
 possible. It is true it tras occupied, peacefully 
 occupied, by Union troops from that time until 
 the next September, tt was cleauly in its occu- 
 pation; riodam.agewasdonetoit. Thereisnota 
 pfirticle of proof anywhere that after our troops 
 took possession of that building there was the 
 least damage done to it. On the other hand, it-* 
 condition was vastly improved until about the 
 8th or 9th of the Keptomljer following; Iwillnot 
 be exact about the date. Then the Confeder- 
 ates, under Colonel Sliinnles, seeing how we pre- 
 served that college, attacked w illiamsburgh. 
 and by surprise captured Colonel Campbell and 
 several of his officers. What they did", why they 
 did it, is unexplained by these gentlemen. 
 
 On the lower fioor^ of the buildina; there was 
 a largf amount of medical stores for the wounded 
 and the sick of both armies and I'll armies, de- 
 posited there for use. Whether it was burned 
 in that attack, whether the fire was set there by 
 rebel soldiers ; whether it was burned by Union 
 soldiers, or wttether it caught fire accidentally, 
 I have examined with great care to find some 
 proof and have been alile to find none. 
 
 When Colonel Shingles was killed and 
 several of his officers taken prisoners, and his 
 troops driven from the city of Williamsburgh, in 
 the very midst of the conflict, about long enough 
 for a fire which had been kindled in that build- 
 ing by Confederate troops while they were in its 
 occupancy to make itself visible, a fire broke 
 out, and there was no time in the midst of deafl ly 
 confiict to maintain our possession in that city, 
 to extinguish 1 he fire. A surprise far within 
 our lines had taken place ; the college had been 
 seized by the Confederates; a fight was going 
 on. In some way the combustibles within that 
 building, whatever t ley may have been, took 
 fire. In the very heat of the conflict, while our 
 troops were driving the enemy outside of the 
 city, the building was bnrnel. That is the his- 
 tory of it ; brief, short, correct. 
 
 Mr. Conger also showed that the au- 
 thor of the bill was present at the time 
 of the burning, and consequently knew 
 the facts— knew that the bill was found- 
 ed on fraud, and that the report accom- 
 panying it was false in every essential 
 particular. 
 
 A lame and impotent effort was made 
 to break tlie force of Mr. Conger's 
 speech, After whicli a vote was taken 
 and tlie bill was defeated by a vote of 
 87 yeas to 127 nays— 75 not voting. Of 
 the Republican votes there were 98 nays 
 to 9 yeas ; of the Democratic, 77 yeas to 
 39 nays. In other words, nearly 3 to 1 
 of the Democrats favored the bill, while 
 more than ten to one of f lie Republicans 
 opposed and killed the bill for the time 
 being. 
 
 still anotlier wedge — Claim of the Prot- 
 estant Episcopal Seminary of Vlr- 
 g^inia. 
 
 Within ten days of the defeat of the 
 William and Mary College bill, anotlier 
 bill came up in the House for the " use 
 and occupation " of the Protestant Epis- 
 copal Theological Seminary near Alex- 
 andria, Va., as a hospital for Union sol- 
 diers—in the words following: 
 
1.13 
 
 BOUNTIES FOR THEASOX. 
 
 Be il enacted.ele , Thattberebe, andis Uereby, 
 appropriated, out of any moueyin the Treasury 
 not otberwise appropriated, tlie sum of $20,000 
 In full payment of rent due to the Trustees of 
 the Protestant Episcopal Theoloftioal Semi- 
 nary and High School in Virginia, for the use 
 and occupation of their buildings and other 
 property (located near Alexandria) for hospital 
 purposes. ^ ^ 
 
 Sec. 2. That this act be in force from and after 
 the passat'c thereof. 
 
 On the 31st January, 1879, a motion to 
 strike out the enacting clause carried by 
 133 yeas to 89 nays— 77 not voting. Of 
 the Republican votes there were 97 yeas 
 to 8 nays ; of the Democratic, 81 nays to 
 25 yeas. Thus the vote showed a pro- 
 portion of more than 3 to 1 Democrats in 
 favor of the bill, while 13 to 1 of the Re- 
 publicans opposed and defeated it. 
 
 other Steals In the Ifame of Religrlon 
 aiifl Education. 
 
 A host of other bills awaited actiou on 
 the William and Mary fraud, from which 
 the following are selected as samples : 
 
 By Mr. Haralson, Ala. A bill to par the Med- 
 ical College of Aliiban; a $50,000 for loss sustained 
 by military occupancy. 
 
 By Mr. Clark, Mo. A bill to pay the Univer- 
 sity of Missouri $17,475 for damages done by sol- 
 diers of the Union army. 
 
 By Mr. Young, Tenn. A bill to p.ay LaGrange 
 Synodical College, Tennessee, $34,300 for rent 
 and destruction of building by United States 
 troops. 
 
 Bv Mr. House, Tenn. A bill to pay Shelby 
 Medical College, at Nashville $20,604.90 for rent 
 and tor prcierty taken from said building dur- 
 ing the war. 
 
 By Mr Tucker, Va. A bill to pay Washington 
 and Leo University, (formerly Washington Uni- 
 versity) S17,484 for injury oone to said Uuiver- 
 «itv in June, 1864. 
 
 By Mr. Riddle. Tenn. A bill to pay Cumbor- 
 lanil University, Tennessee, $10.000 for property 
 appropriated by Union soldiers. 
 
 By Mr. l<urham, Ky. A bill to pay Madison 
 Female Academy $10,325 for damage done said 
 institution by Union troops. 
 
 By Mr. Bright, Tenn. A bill to i>ay the Pres- 
 byterian Church of Murfreesborough, Tennes- 
 see, $10,000, said church having been .used as a 
 Jiospital for sick and wounded Union soldiers. 
 
 PART VIII. 
 
 Conger's Proposed Consti- 
 tntional Auiendment Pro- 
 htbitingPayment of Rebel 
 Claims — Tlie Vole Thereon 
 — St is Oppo.sjed to IJeano- 
 eraticPoliey to mi j;Ii€ loy- 
 alty a Test for Rebel 
 Claimants. 
 
 On the 19th of June, 1878, Mr. Conger 
 (Republican) moved the House to sus- 
 pend the rules and pass the following : 
 
 Joint resolution proposing an amendment to 
 the Constitution prohibiting the payment of 
 claims of disloyal persons for property in- 
 jured or destroyed in the late war of the re- 
 bellion. 
 
 Ahticle XVI. 
 
 No claims shall ever hereafter be allowed or 
 paid by the United States, whether as damages 
 or otherwise, for any propertv, real or personal, 
 taken, used, injured, or destroyed by United 
 States troops, or by or through any officer, civil 
 or military, acting under or by authority of the 
 United States, or from an . other cause whatever, 
 during the suppression of the late rebellion in 
 any of the States that were in rebellion against 
 the Government of the United States, or for 
 any property taken, used, injured, or destroyed 
 outside of the said States so in rebellion, and 
 which behmged to persons residing in such re- 
 bellious States, unless tlie person or persons 
 owning the iiropcrty so taken, used, injured, or 
 destroyed were, during all the time of such re- 
 bellion, loyal to the (;6vernment of the United 
 States, and gave neither aid or encouragement 
 to the enemy. 
 
 After si^me delay and confusion, the 
 rules were suspended, and the resolu- 
 tion passed by 145 yeas to 61 nays. The 
 fact that only 43 Democrats voted for, 
 and 61 Democrats voted against it (103 
 Republicans voted for, and none against 
 it), shows plainly enough what theDem- 
 ocrats would do in the matter of rebel 
 claims had they the power. 
 
 The Solid South "in" for rebel claims— 
 A warnine to the STorth. 
 
 It will be observed that of the 84 "not 
 voting" 34 were (i&se»< Republicans, and 
 that 50 Democrats failed to vote whetlier 
 present or not. The further fact that 
 of the 61 Democrat s who voted nay, 53 
 are Southern Democrats, shows how 
 solid the Southern States would stand 
 against any such contemplared constitu- 
 tional amendment, and how little chance 
 it would have of getting the needed as- 
 sent of three-fourtbs of the States. 
 
 The reason, and the only reason, why 
 the South objects to Mr. Conger's \)vo- 
 posed amendment is that it requires 
 proof of loyalty during the rebellion, thus 
 doing .away with the retroactive effect 
 of pardons and amnesty. 
 
 As the Constitution now stands they 
 hold that proof of a pardon <u- a proc- 
 lamation of general amnesty is ei"iuiva- 
 lent to "proof that the party never gave 
 aid and comfort to the rebellion." Un- 
 der Conger's proposed amendment, re- 
 quiring proof that the claimant was loy- 
 al during the rebellion, all hope of relief 
 by the action of even a Democratic Con- 
 gress would be cut ott'; and mauy a 
 boutlieru gentlcmau, who isuowmouru- 
 fully loafinjj around the grass-grown 
 streets of his native village, bewailing 
 the " lost cause," the delay in securing 
 Democratic control of the Government, 
 and the consequent ijostponemeut of his 
 little bill for tfamages, would be obliged 
 to go to work and earn an honest liv- 
 ing. 
 
BOUNTIES rOR TIJKASOX. 
 
 IRS. 
 
 PART IX. 
 
 The great danger from 
 Democratic Ascendency — 
 The BTeal Dow Case — How 
 a reteel conrt aided by a 
 Democratic Judge of the 
 Supreme Court proposed 
 to steal from a Union Col> 
 onel. 
 
 Another ever-present clanger which 
 menaces the country througli a possible 
 Democratic ascendency in Congress, 
 consists in the power whicli lies in 
 tliat body to change the character ot 
 the Supreme Court. One of the most 
 striking illustrations of this danger is 
 the celebrated case against General 
 Neal Dow, of Maine. 
 
 During the war, when General Dow, 
 then a colonel iu the Union army, was 
 actively engaged in the field, a suit was 
 commenced, against him in a New Or- 
 leans court for daniiiges sustained by 
 the plaintiff, a foraging squad of the 
 Colonel's regiment having seized and 
 appropriated some property belonging to 
 said plaintiii'. Col. Dow was duly 
 served with .1 summons, but being ac- 
 tively engaged in the field it was utterly 
 impossible tor him to respond, and did 
 not dream that it was possible that a 
 civil suit could be bi ought in the 
 country of the iusurgen's against offi- 
 cers of the invading army of the Union. 
 Theiesult was that judgment was taken 
 by default. 
 
 At the close of the war an execution 
 was issued on the judgment and sent to 
 Maine where it was siied in tlio United 
 States court. Judge Clifford, of the Su- 
 preme Court, presiding. It so happened 
 that Judge Clifford sat alone in the first 
 instance, and took the case under ad- 
 visement and field it there for eight 
 years. At the end of that time and just 
 about the time wlien Mr. Tilden's opin- 
 ion became known that "every soldier 
 who marched across Southern soil was a 
 trespasser, and liable to suit for dam- 
 ages in an action for trespass," Judge 
 Clitt'ord decided the case, afhrming the 
 judgment of the Loui- iana court. At 
 that time, liowcvcr. Judge Clark sat 
 with him and dissented, so that the case 
 was sent to the Supreme Court. 
 
 i ClifTord's Ogtlnlon and Tilden's views 
 I coiiieidc — How the Democracy pro- 
 I pose to pay all claims— A simple and 
 , comprebensive Pro^vam. 
 
 I These two opinions— those of Judge 
 Clitt'ord and Samuel J. Tilden— show 
 clearly, and officially, what the judg- 
 ment of a Democratic court would be in 
 case the rebels should adopt a similar 
 course to collect damages for losses 
 sustained during the war. 
 
 The wliole matter of collecting rebel 
 claims would be vastly simplified under 
 a Democratic Congress like the 44th, a 
 Democratic President like Mr. Tilden, 
 and a Democratic court composed of 
 judges like the late Judge Clifford. To 
 obtain all these it is only necessary to elect 
 a Democratic Congress. That body 
 would count in the President, and then 
 proceed to increase the number of 
 
 i'udges on the supreme bench until a 
 )emocratic majority was secured. The 
 rest would be easy. 
 
 A small I.aw with ^reat Results. 
 
 The passage of one short law, cover- 
 ing only three points, would bankrupt 
 the Treasury and destroy our public 
 credit. These points are : 
 
 1. That no proof of loyalty shall be 
 required before the Southern Claims 
 Commission, or before any department 
 of the Government other than that re- 
 quired by the United States Supreine 
 Court in suits at law ; i. e., no proof 
 whatever. 
 
 2. That the statute of limitations shall 
 not apply in case of any war claims 
 otherwise allowable against any in- 
 dividual, or against the United States. 
 If there be any question of law about 
 the power to revive a claim against an 
 individual, once barred by the statute 
 of limitations, there is certainly none 
 as to the power of the Government to 
 revive it against itself. 
 
 3. That " reasonable compensation 
 may be recovered by all citizens of the 
 United States for the use and occupa- 
 tion of their property by the United 
 States army, or any part thereof, dur- 
 the late civil war." — See' Biddleh hill, 
 H. 11, 2364, 44i7i Congress. 
 
 That such a law would be promptly 
 passed by a Democratic Congress, ap- 
 proved and enforced by a Democratic 
 President, and sustained by a Demo- 
 cratic Supreme Court, no oue can doubt 
 who has read the history of that party. 
 
154 
 
 EIVER AND HARBOR APPROPRIATION. 
 
 CHAPTEE VIII. 
 
 The River and Harbor Appropriation. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 Report of the Coniniittee oil 
 Commerce. 
 
 On June 6, 1883, Mr. Page, from tlie 
 Committee on Commerce, presented to 
 the House a bill "making appropriations 
 for the construction, completion, repair, 
 and preservation of certain works on 
 rivers and harbors, and for other pur- 
 poses," with the recommendation that it 
 do pass, without amendment, and sub- 
 mitted the following report : 
 
 Painstaking care of the Committee— 
 The reports based on the recommen- 
 dations of Boards of Traxle, Cham- 
 bers of Commerce, Army Engineers, 
 State Officials, etc. 
 
 In making this recommendation tlie commit- 
 tee teg to state tliat they liave been constantly 
 engaged I'or tlie past four moutlis in examining 
 witli painstaliin>^ labor and care and tliorongn- 
 ness, all the estimates of tbe Engineer Depart- 
 ment, snpplemeutal and otlierwise, and have 
 been guided In tb^ir concIusiouR by Ibe recom- 
 mendations therein contained; tbat intbeir de- 
 sire to do equal and exact justice to all parts 
 of tbe country tbey bave accorded liearings to 
 all Senators, Eepresenratives. and Delegates 
 expressing a desire to be beard on any item or 
 items appearing in tbe regular estimates, or in 
 tbe Engineer's reports BUTiplemontal thereto : 
 that tbey bave also, for like reasons, granted 
 bearings to tbe Mis issippi Kiver Commission, to 
 delegations representing conventions, boards of 
 trade and transportation, andoliambers of com- 
 merce, and also, in certain cases, to Army engi- 
 neers and State and city otficials, and others, 
 from all sections of tbe land: and that the re- 
 sulting bill bas been prepared "witb a vieAy sole- 
 ly to the imiirovement of navigation inournavi- 
 gablo streams and harbors and tbe benefit of 
 commerce. 
 
 Iiiberality towards works of vast 
 National Importance. 
 
 The bill reported appropriates in the aggre- 
 gate Sl7,342,87i3, including 8025,000 for the Mis- 
 souri Elver, $4,023,000 for improving tbe Missis- 
 sippi Elver, and S780.000 tor other works on tbose 
 two streams ; tbe amount appropriated by tbe 
 bill outside of the amounts appropriated for 
 the M Ississippi and Missouri Elvers being 510,714,- 
 87P. For tlie improvement of the Mississippi 
 Eivcr, from the bend of the Passes up to Cairo, 
 the bill appropriates all tbat tbe commission ask 
 for, the committee bolitving tbat this is a work 
 of such vast national importance and of such a 
 peculiar and intricate character tbat the com- 
 mission should not only bo left entirely unhamp- 
 ered by conditions of any character whatsoever, 
 but that it should also have abundant means 
 for the completion of this great work at tbe 
 earliest possible period. 
 
 The People's Unanimoas Demand for 
 protection against nndne exactions 
 of Ksiilroad Companies. 
 
 The bill deals libcraUy with all such works as 
 will largely and generally facilitate the com- 
 merce of the matioH. by opening up the great 
 waterways of tbe country to free navigation. 
 Tbe committee believe tbat at no time it the 
 history of our government have the people so 
 unanimouslv demanded of Congress liberal ap- 
 propriations for rivers and harbors ; that at no 
 time in its history has the United States Treas- 
 ur s' been in such a condition as to w.arrant large 
 expenditures in this direotion for the public 
 good ; and that It is of Intinite Importan 'e, for 
 the protection of the public from the undue ex- 
 actions of railroad companies, that the great 
 natural highways of commerce, the rivers of the 
 country, shall be placed in the best condition to 
 compete with them. 
 
 The Tax on I^nxnrles slionid be Retained 
 and the IHoney Expended for bnilding 
 np Neglected Industries. 
 
 The committee believe that it is the desire of 
 the people rather than reduce the taxes upon 
 the luxuries of life, as has been contemplated 
 l)y 1 his House, that relief be given to thorn by 
 large appropriations tor internal improvements; 
 tliatthe surplus revenues should be expended 
 tor the benefit of such sections as are mo t in 
 need of such improvem*'nts, so that the long- 
 neglected industries and commerce of the South 
 may be properly stimulated, and those of nU 
 other portions of the United States may have 
 needed relief. 
 
 Some ;>f the so-called "Creeks" fonnd 
 npon examination to be Important 
 Harbors. 
 
 While pursuing this general policy as to the 
 larger water-ways of the country, tlie commit- 
 tee have not placed in this bill appropriations 
 for small streams of no importance to com- 
 merce. In the eases of many tidal streams, 
 which are termed "creeks," the committee 
 found, after examination, taat they were larger 
 and more important to commerce and naviga- 
 tion than many of the rivers of the country. 
 Many works have been commenced for which 
 large appropriations have already been made. 
 In such cases the rule has generally been fol- 
 lowed of aiving from one-third to one-half of 
 the amount recommended by theEngineers, and 
 which they say can be profitably expended 
 during the fiscal year. 
 
 Reckless system of New Surveys dis- 
 countenanced — Caution as to New 
 Works. 
 
 The committee, believing that it la better 
 for the government to complete the work al- 
 ready commenced, have been ver}' careful as to 
 makmg appropri.itions for new works, however 
 meritorious. The system hitherto prevailing, 
 of making appropriations for the surveys with- 
 out reference to ther merits has opened the 
 door to an avalanche of surveys and vmustial 
 pressure to make appropriations for the com- 
 mencement of the work. A provision has 
 
RIVER AND HA.RBOK APPROPRIATION. 
 
 therefore bepn insoi ted intlie bill that before 
 any such survey can be made, the local engi- 
 neer, when directed by the Cliief En;?inecr, 
 must make an examination as to whether the 
 ■work is worthy of improvement and a public 
 necessity, and repof t upon the same to the En- 
 gineer's Department. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 The President's iSpeclal 
 
 message. 
 
 Liberal appropriations had been pre- 
 viously recommended by President Ar- 
 thur in the following: message : 
 
 The Creation of tlie Dllsslsslppi River 
 Commission. 
 
 To the Senate and House of Itepreeentatives : 
 
 I transmit herewith a letter dated the 29th 
 ultimo, from the Secretaiy of War, Inclosing 
 copy of a communication from the Mississippi 
 River Commission, In which the commission 
 lecommends that an appropriation may be 
 made of S1,000,000 for "closing existing gaps In 
 levees," in addition to the liliesnm lor which an 
 estimate has already been submitted. 
 
 The subject is one of such importance that I 
 deem it proper to recommend early and favor- 
 able consideration of the recommendations of 
 the commis'^lon. Having possession of and Juris- 
 diction over the river. Congress, with a view of 
 Improving its navigation and protecting the 
 people of the valley from floods, has tor years 
 caused surveys of the river to be made, for the 
 purpose of acquii'ing knowledge of the laws 
 that control it, and of Its phenomena. By act 
 approved June 28, 1879, the Mississippi Elver 
 Commission was created, composed of able en- 
 gineers. Section 4 of the act provides that "it 
 shall be the duty of said commission to take 
 Into consideration and mature sucli p'an or 
 plans and estimates as will correct, permanent- 
 ly locate, and deepen the channel, and protect 
 the banks of the Mississippi Elver ; improve 
 and give safety and ease to the navigation 
 thereof ; prevent destructive floods ; promote 
 and facilitate commerce, trade, and the postal 
 service." 
 
 Constitutionality of tbe Appropria- 
 tion. 
 
 The constitutionality of a law making appro- 
 priations in aid of these objects cannot be 
 questioned. While the report of the commis- 
 sion submitted and the plans proposed for the 
 river's' improvement seem justified as well on 
 sclentlflc principles as by experience and the 
 approval of the people most Interested, I desire 
 to leave it to the judgment of Congi-ess to de- 
 cide upon the best plan tor the permanent and 
 complete improvement of the navigation of the 
 river and for the protection of the valley. 
 
 The Widespread Safferlngr to be relieved 
 by the Improvements. 
 
 The Immense losses and widespread suffering 
 of the people dwelling near the river Induce me 
 to urge upon Congress the propriety of not only 
 making an appropriation to close the gaps in 
 the levees occasioned by the recent floods, as 
 recommended by the commission, but that 
 Congress should inaugurate measures for the 
 permanent improvement ef the navigation of 
 the river and security of the Valley. It may be 
 that such a system of improvement would as it 
 
 projjre.ssed require the appropriation of twenty 
 or thirty millions of dollars. Even such an ex- 
 penditure, extending as it must over several 
 years, cannot be regarded as extravagant in 
 view of the immense interests Involved. 
 
 The Vainc of the Improvement to th« 
 Great Northwest, and as a Means of 
 Keeping the Balance of Trade In Our 
 Favor. 
 
 The safe and convenient navigation of the 
 Mississippi is a matter of concern to all section.^ 
 of the country, but to the Northwest, with its im- 
 mense harvests, needing cheap transportation 
 to the sea, and to the inhabitants of the river vnl- 
 ley, whose lives and property depend upou t Jo 
 proper construction of the safeguards which pro- 
 tect them from the floods, it is of vital unporti; uce 
 that a weU-matured and comprehensive plan for 
 Improvement should be put Into opBrationwitli 
 as little delay as possible. The cotton product 
 of the region subject to the devastating flood.) in 
 a source of wealth to the nation and of great im- 
 portance to keeping the balances of trade in our 
 favor. 
 
 An Indirect Method of Refunding; the 
 Cotton Tax. 
 
 It may not be inopportune to mention that this 
 Government has imposed and collected some 
 seventy millions of dollars by a tax on cotton, 
 in the production of which the population ot the 
 Lower Mississippi is largely engaged, and it does 
 not seem ineqmfable to return a portion of this 
 tax to those who contributed it, particularly im 
 such an action will also result in an important 
 gain to the country at lar,^■e, and especially so to 
 the great and rich States of the Northwest and the 
 Mlssissiijpl VaUey. 
 
 CHESTEE A. AETHUE. 
 
 PAET III. 
 I>ebate in the Mouse. 
 
 K^ational Support of Harbor and River 
 Improvements. 
 
 Mr. Page, in the House, in presenting 
 the bill, said : 
 
 Congress has for the last eighty years made 
 annual appropriations for the improvement of 
 rivers and harbors. In 1802 Congress for the flrst 
 time passed a river and harbor appropriation 
 bill, which appropriated S30,000 for the improve- 
 ment of the Delaware Elver. Since that time 
 annual appropriations for these purposes have 
 been made by Congress, varying m amount up 
 from 830,000 In 1802 to 812,000,000 in 1881. In 1879 
 Congress passed a law authorizing the President 
 of tlie United States to select seven commission- 
 ers, Icnown as the Mississippi Elver Commission. 
 These commissioners were to be selected, three 
 from the Army Engineer Corps, one from the 
 Coast and Geodetic Survey, and three from civil 
 life. It was their duty, imder this law, to make 
 an examination of the Mississippi Elver, and re- 
 port a plan for its improvement to the Congress 
 ot the United States. In the last Congress their 
 report was adopted by this House and an appro- 
 priation was made of some two million and odd 
 thousand dollars for the whole river ; one mil- 
 lion for the liver below Cairo to the head of the 
 passes. This was deemed insuffloient by the 
 Mississippi Elver Commission, and consequently 
 they made no headway in the improvement of 
 this great river, but deterred it till now^ when 
 they expect Cons^ress to make appropriations 
 more commensurate with this great improve- 
 ment; an improvement that has attracted the 
 attention not only of the people directly inter- 
 
156 
 
 RIVElt AND IT/VlUSOIl APPKOPRIATION. 
 
 ■ested, living along tbe banks of the Mississippi 
 Elver, but of tbe people of tbe wbole country. 
 
 misslssippl Improveincuts Demanded 
 by tlie Needs of Comnierec. 
 
 I know of no enterprise tliat has been imder- 
 taken -n-itbiu the last quarter of a century that 
 has attracted more attention than the improve- 
 ment of this great water-way. Conventions liave 
 met at Saint Louis and Saint Joseph, and all 
 o per the country ; conventions, not of politicians, 
 but of the representatives of the people, liave 
 met and have resolved that it was the duty of 
 Congress to make these large appropriations in 
 order that this great improvement might be cai'- 
 ried on. Our committee was in session in consid- 
 ering this bill for over four months. They lis- 
 tened to all the delegations that were sent here, 
 xepresentative men from different localities, and 
 all Interested in tliis great Improvement. We 
 beard arguments adduced by tbe representatives 
 ■of the conventions that assembled in Saint Louis 
 in October last. We listened to represent.ations 
 and arguments made by boards of trade and 
 chambers of commerce, and by representatives 
 from all over this country. The Mississippi River 
 <!onimi8sion was heard at great length before our 
 Committee, and it was unanimously resolved by 
 the Committee on Commerce that liberal appro- 
 priations should be made this year to carry out 
 this improvement. We do not give, it is true, all 
 that was asked for, but we give all that the com- 
 mission ask for below Cairo to the head of the 
 passes, to wit, $4,123,000. 
 
 First Appropriation Com mens urate 
 witb tbe Importance of the Improve- 
 ment. 
 
 I have made this statement to show that while 
 "this bill is large, It is the first river and li arbor 
 bill that has contained any appropriation com- 
 mensurate witli the importance of this great im- 
 provement, or for caiTylngon this great improve- 
 ment as contemplated by the Mississippi Elver 
 Commission. In this connection I desii'e to say 
 "that this improvement has not only attracted the 
 attention of the people of almost the entire coun- 
 try but it was regarded as of i^o much importance 
 that the President of tbe United States thought 
 it incumbent upon him to send a special message 
 to Congress calling attention to this great and 
 needed Improvement. 
 
 Comparison with Harlmr and River 
 Appropriations of rrevioms Years. 
 
 This bill appropriates $17,842,875 on an estimate 
 In round numbers of $37,000,000. The river and 
 harbor bill of 1881 appropriated Sll,.547,800, upon 
 an estimate of $25,851,921. I take that as a com- 
 parison, because it was discussed in this House 
 and passed by a very large majority by this body 
 and by the Senate. I therefore propoved to in- 
 stitute a comparison between the bill now under 
 consideration and the river and harbor bill of 
 last year, which, as has been suggested, was not 
 put through the House under tiie gag rule, but 
 was discu sed thoroughly on the floor of the 
 House. As I have said, this bid on an estimate 
 of $37,000,000, appropriated $17,342,000, and the 
 river and harbor bill of last year on an estimate 
 of $25,861,921 appropriated $11,547,800. 
 
 The river and harbor bill of 1881 coutaiued an 
 appropriation of $2,772,000 only for tlie Mississippi 
 and Missouri Elvers. The bill now under con- 
 sideration contains an appropriation of $6,063,000 
 for these two great rivers of the country, making 
 an excess of appropriation tor tliose two rivers 
 by tills bill over that of 1881 of nearly $4,000,000. 
 
 This bUl appropriates $6,796,075 in excess of tbe 
 bill of last yo.ir ; but from that amomit should be 
 deducted $3,8C4,no(l given to the Mississippi and 
 Missom-i Elvers in excess of what was given last 
 year, which leaves for the other works in the 
 country $1,931,000 more appropriated by this bill 
 than by the bUl of last year. * * * 
 
 l*rcseiit House Deals I<iberally with 
 SoutSiern Section. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, this bill deals very liberally wltli 
 the Southern section of the country. We believe 
 this liberality is called for Ijy the Improved con- 
 dition of affairs in that section. During the war 
 the Southern States received, of cotirse, no ap- 
 propriations ; since the war they have not re- 
 ceived their fair share of the appropriations for 
 rivers and harbors ; they have not received the 
 proportion to wliich the commerce of tliose local- 
 ities is justly entitled. We have sought in this 
 bill to deal absolutely fairly in the distribution of 
 this money, giving a proper amount to the vari- 
 ous rivers and harbors that needed it. We have 
 given this year about 45 per cent, of the estimate ; 
 that Is all. 
 
 $S,705,000 Appropriated for the Im- 
 provement of tlie Mississippi and Its 
 Tributaries. 
 
 Mr. Horr, of Michigan, in a speech in 
 the House on June 15, said: 
 
 I wish to say now that in order to arrive at a 
 fair understanding of this bill I have divided it 
 into five sections. I only regret that I have not 
 a map here so that Icould Illustrate to the House 
 the exact manner in which this money is dis- 
 tiibuted over the country. 
 
 Before I give you theflve divisions, let me state 
 that this bill appropriates $.1,078,000 for the main 
 trunk of the Mississippi Elver, for the principal 
 stream ; and $990,000 tor the main stream of the 
 Missouri River. 
 
 I have taken the entire Miesisslppi Valley as 
 one division. You understand what I mean. The 
 Mississippi Eiver and every stream that runs 
 into it, or that runs into a stream whicli runs 
 into It, constitutes tbe great water shed of what 
 is called the Mississippi Valley. This bill con- i 
 tains $8,705,000 for the Mississippi Eiver and its .' 
 tributaries, the Mississippi Valley propei^over 
 one-half of the amount appropriated by the hiU. 
 And if my strength permits, before I get through 
 I desire to defend that appropriation of $8,705,000 
 as best I can against the complaints of the press 
 and of people who, in my judgment, have never 
 given the subject careful study. * * * 
 
 Appropriation Determined by Amount 
 of Tonnage of River. 
 
 Your committee finally came to the conclusion, 
 in view of all these facts, that the only rule to 
 determine the amoimt of an appropriation was 
 the tonnage that floats through the harbor m 
 and out and over the river that you Improve. We 
 believe that to be the fairest test as to the im- 
 portance of an improvement, and I cannot for 
 my life now see why it is not. Of course the 
 amount to be appropriated wiU depend largely 
 upon tlie character of the work. The amount of 
 commerce should settle the question as to begm- 
 nlng the improvement, and the amount to be 
 given should be determined by the cost of the im- 
 provement. 
 
 Inow come to the feature in this bill which 
 gives the most trouble, and occasions the most 
 comment throughout the coimtiy, and that Is the 
 great question of improving the Mississippi 
 Elver and its tributaries. 
 
 Vast Tonnage of the Mississippi River 
 —Cheap Transportation. 
 
 Again, what is this valley which we propos® 
 to improve and help out of its trouble ! Until I 
 prepared this biU I had no conception of the 
 commerce of this country. I know you will 
 bear with me a moment while I illustrate a few 
 things pertaining to this euormouE valley. In 
 the first place it contains 14,000 nilli* of ri 'er- 
 navigable rivers— which are noTi l«l\. Im- 
 proved by the government. Thej ^i t. ri ■!> *. cr 
 
1;1VEU AND HAUBOR APPROPRIATION. 
 
 15T 
 
 liorder upon eighteen States and two Territo- 
 ries. 
 
 Tlie population of tbls valley to-day is 80,000,- 
 000. As yon look into tlie future you can see 
 that it will be able to rupport 600,000,000 of in- 
 liabltants. Now. is not the experiment worth 
 
 Sing 1 I admit that it is au experiment ; T ad- 
 t tbat we may fail ; but is it not worth trying 1 
 I tod that there wciodug and handled in the 
 ■United States last year 06,000,000 tons of coal. 
 Can you tblnk of how much that is 1 If you 
 were to run a railroad twice around the world 
 this coal loaded upon cars would till every ear 
 and make a solid train, on a double track, ch-ar 
 around the globe, vv e had in the United States 
 last year 250,000,000 tons of commerce. If you 
 take the 102,000 miles of railroads in the United 
 States, double track them all, load upon ears 
 the commerce which we moved last year in this 
 country, there would be a solid train over every 
 Une and every branch and side-track, going and 
 coming, fllliug both tracks. You eould not 
 cross these tracks on a dirt road in the whole 
 Ilnlted States. These statemi'nts seem fabulous, 
 hut the Immense tonnage of this laud is more 
 than fabulous. To provide for the transporta- 
 tion, tlie cheap transportation, of such a com- 
 merce requires that men should rise above tbe 
 level of common bumdrum thought, and if pos- 
 sible reach the heights of true philosophy, of 
 real statesmanship. 
 
 It is to prepare for moving products of this 
 kind that this bill is drawn . Inud that the coal- 
 fields of Pounsylrania are ouly 13,000 square 
 miles ; yet Pennsylvania alone furnished last 
 
 Sear out of those 06,000,000 1 ons of coal 42,000,000. 
 ow take the State of liluiois, which border< 
 upon tills great national liighway. What could 
 lUinoisdo? Illinois has 30,000 square miles of 
 coal-Holds; nnd In many places her coal is piled 
 up so that it aggregates 100 feet in fhlckncKS. 
 Now, take for a moment the other products of 
 Illinois. She raised lastyear 32.5,000,000 bushels of 
 corn, 51,000,000 bushels of wheat, 63,000,000 bu-h- 
 cLs of oats, 1,2.00,000 of bwrley, 3.000,000 Imshcis of 
 ryi', 13,000,000 bushels of p tatoes. IlUuois had 
 1,000,000 car-loads of pi odnct« from those six of 
 seven items alone lusl year. nurl she Is only one 
 Statu out of eigliteen that border oti this gieat 
 national highway tbat goes to make up this 
 great valley of tUe Mis^>issippi. 
 
 Then take the iron of Alabama and Tennessee 
 and Miesoui-i and Kentucky, and the coal of 
 every one of those States. Why, sir, the coal- 
 fields of this valley alone aggregate 170,000 
 square miles. Take the timber from Kentucky. 
 Mississippi, and that entire valley; the zinc of 
 Tennessee and Missouri ; the cotton and sugar 
 from all these States; take all the vaiied pro- 
 ducts; and what we seek to do by tbls bill is 
 simply to improve this great water-way, so as 
 to secure cheap transportatiou for the working 
 millions now in this great valley and for the 
 Increasing millions that arc to come after ue, 
 cheap transportation for tbe food and the fail 
 which Uod has spread with such profusion aU 
 over this continent. • * * * » 
 
 A Grand Enterprise, A Mammotli un- 
 dertaking, characteristic of the An- 
 glo-Saxon race— Sfo such word as Fail. 
 A few more words, Mr. Chairman, and I am 
 done. In attempting to rule such a vast and 
 changing siream, our committee well under- 
 stood that we entered upon no light task — that 
 the work before us is no child's play. Some of 
 our members curertaiu sirong fears that tbe 
 task is beyond the powei'S of man — that we eut er 
 upon a work that mortal skill and ingenuity can- 
 not perform. Still we were unanimous in our 
 decision that we would make the attempt. lu- 
 doii;;; this we took counsel of our hopes instead 
 of our fears. And now I would ask the uicmbers 
 ofthlsCongresft* concuriu our conclusion Let 
 usnotsliiink from this work because of its magni- 
 tude. Weehould not forgctthat welive in an age 
 of great achievements. Grand enterprises, mam- 
 moth undertakings, are exactly fitted to the 
 mental peculiarities of our Anglo-Saxon race. 
 
 Courage to grapple with the Immense is one of 
 the distinguishing features of the Inhabitants of 
 this Republic. Feebleness, timidity, f.ilnt- 
 heartedness, do not become our day and gen- 
 eration. To dare and to do a'-e the crowning 
 glories of our American civilization. The ne- 
 cessities of the hour call for men who have 
 brains to plan, who have faith in themselves, 
 who have Iiaiidsto execute. Fear of f:illure has 
 no place in the great achievements of to-day. 
 Like Cardinal Eichclieu, we should know no 
 such word as fail. 
 
 Statistics in relation to onr I>ahe and 
 Mississippi and Olilo River systems. 
 
 Hon. Amos Townsend, of Ohio, in a 
 speech on the same subject said : 
 
 Few gentlemen on this floor whose attention 
 has not been particularly diricted to this sub- 
 ject can understand or properly appreciate the 
 magnitude of the tonnage moved and the water 
 craft employed upon ouriulaud lakes and rivers, 
 and for the information of the House I will re- 
 fer to some valuable statistics which I have 
 procured from ollieial sources, and for which I 
 am greatly indebted to Him. Charles W. Scaton, 
 the Superintendent of the Census Bureau. 
 They refer to the northwestern lakes and the 
 Ohio nnd Mississippi Elver systems, and ex- 
 hibit in comparison the number of vessels em- 
 ployed,tounage, value, capital in vested, andpaa- 
 senger and freight traffic of the lakes and 
 
 2 
 
 -S- 
 
 1-3 
 
 ■3 
 
 
 s 
 
 ^ >^ --■ 
 
 o 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 •^^ S 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 S" 
 
 5 
 
 ^' ~-^. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^^1 
 
 ^. 
 
 sf 
 
 
 i 
 
 p- 
 
 r z -3 
 
 3 
 
 - 
 
 
 «^ 
 
 ?. 
 
 35 £ : 
 
 s- 
 
 ^ 
 
 CI 
 o 
 
 ■?. 
 
 
 2-^ ■ 
 
 § 
 
 4 
 
 s 
 
 r 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 X 
 
 at 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 
 53 
 
 a 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 r 
 
 T. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 % 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^f 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 •i? 
 
 s 
 
 11 
 
 s 
 
 !2! 
 
 o 
 
 ciiott^ 
 
 •^ II 
 
 p 
 
 .* rt 
 
 m 
 
 0^-3-3 
 
 «0 11 
 
 
 
 ^a 
 
 7^ 
 
 Cl-^ CO 
 
 a i| 
 
 C9 
 
 
 O 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 -II 
 
 g 
 
 H 
 
 1! 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 » 
 
 o 
 
 ^ 
 
 sss 
 
 lO 1 
 
 ^ 
 
 1 
 
 § 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 !ra 
 
 bC kSOO 
 
 E|j 
 
 o 
 
 
 ^ '^ 
 
 s 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 !'§■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 "i ci 
 
 - 
 
 
 ►-li 
 
 2 
 
 < 
 
 «s 
 
 
 pes CI 
 
 »- II 
 
 " II 
 
 o 
 
 .s 
 
 
 c-.o-J 
 
 
 fe 
 
 
 
 _cC'*- W 
 
 -^ II 
 
 -* 
 
 1^ 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 ■^ II 
 
 !" 
 
 
 
 lEcS 
 
 o II 
 
 °ll 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 M " 
 
 ss 
 
 <1^ 
 
 I'l 
 
 
 C'pCi 
 
 » II 
 
 
 
 
 W CO '■~f 
 
 =^ 
 
 
 S-3" 
 
 °l 
 
 
 
 i^ II 
 
 >3 
 
 
 
 
 h3^ OI 
 
 Ct jl 
 
 
 1— 1_. 
 
 8. 
 
 
 too to 
 
 o: II 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 oots 
 
 tJ 11 
 
 CO 
 
 ' 
 
 "^ 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 Ijj 
 
 ?. 
 
 
 l-l l-J li 
 
 oil 
 
 M 
 
 •-J j£ 
 
 ?. 
 
 
 "z^c^'-c 
 
 Ci II 
 
 
 " T 
 
 
 
 -^ w k-" 
 
 ."II 
 
 » 
 
 S8 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 "rx.'hs'-J 
 
 en 
 
 b 
 
 C15 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 00 II 
 
 
 Q 
 
 
 zicioo 
 
 ^11 
 
 => 
 
 ■^ 
 
 % 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 ct 
 
 
 1-' c; w 
 
 r"'! 
 
 
 ^1 
 
 •?. 
 
 
 -IMrf- 
 
 ^ 1 
 
 
 p 3. 
 
 
 
 l-i 1^ c< 
 
 ." It 
 ^11 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 Ci C-. ti 
 
 ^L 
 
 HI 
 
 
 
158 
 
 KIYER AND HAKBOK APPKOPKIATION. 
 
 It Is a somewhat singular coincidence that 
 the Talue of steamers plying on the lakes is very 
 nearly equal to the whole river interests, Again: 
 the Ohio Elver and the Lower Mississippi fiiver 
 interests approximate nearly the same, while 
 the capital invested is also nearly equal in hoth 
 cases. The capital invested in steam crafts on 
 the Ui)per Mississippi, Lower Mississippi, and 
 the Ohio Eiver Is in each instance close to $6,- 
 000,000. Mr. Seaton has also furnished me with 
 a statement of the approximate numl)er, ton- 
 nage, and value of the craft, s^il-barges, and 
 flats on the northern lakes and western rivers. 
 
 Statement of the approximate number, tonnage 
 and value of Ike craft on th* Northern LaKe* 
 and Western rivers. 
 
 Eeglon. 
 
 No. of 
 craft. 
 
 Tonnage 
 
 Value. 
 
 Total Northern 
 Laises 
 
 2,683 
 6,709 
 
 553,362.46 
 1,581,742.71 
 
 $21,855,808 
 
 Total river inter- 
 
 16,909,268 
 
 
 
 Mr. Van Horn, of Wisconsin, in ad- 
 vocating the bill in the House, said : 
 
 Vast Importance of the Improvement 
 to tUe Agricultural and Otlber Inter- 
 ests of the West. 
 
 It is not my i lurpose to burden the House with 
 statistics, hut as there should he weU-grounded 
 reasons of policy in all expenditures of public 
 money, it maybe proper to state that the valley 
 draiued by the Missouri is In extent and fertility 
 the most important of the continent, and al- 
 though new in development it now comprises 
 nearly five millions of people, and increasing 
 faster than ever in its brief history. Yom- cen- 
 sus returns show that it grows nearly one-third 
 of the grain product of the United States, its ag- 
 gregate crop being over 600,000,000 bushels. It 
 had 12,365,800 farm animals, and contributed to 
 theluternal revenues $10,000,000. Figures such 
 as these ai-e eloquent in argument for the policy 
 of this expenditure, and the nearest portion of 
 this vast productive area is a thousand miles 
 f j'om present seaboard markets hy. raU. This 
 crop last year paid an average of 35 cents a 
 bushel by rail to the seaboard. An experi- 
 mental season of shixjments by an average river 
 sent it to sea at 16 cents, a difference iu favor of 
 the river transport of 116 per cent. If the Gov- 
 ernment can find justlflcatlou in giving away 
 In lands and bonds more than $500,000,000 to build 
 railroads to carry these products to market at 
 36 to 60 cents, and return the products of indus- 
 try to the farms at corresponding rates, how can 
 It refuse to aid by the expenditure $50,000,000 in 
 all to insm'c the iiermanence of the 15 cent rate 1 
 And the western rivers can bo permanently im- 
 proved, all of them, for loss than that sum, and 
 in this I include the three great rivers and their 
 important tributaiies. 
 
 TUc House Passes the Bill— Veas and 
 Nays. 
 
 Yeas— Me-sre. Atkins, Bayne, Blnnchard, Btand> 
 BiiaSt Blount, Bowman, Buck, Julius C. Burrows, 
 Ciilkins, Candler, Curpeuter, Caswell, (.'biice, 
 Clardy, J. B, Clarice, Cook, Crjipo. Cravens, Culberson, 
 CuUen. Ourtin, Darrall, Davidson, Geo. R. Davis, 
 IjLiwndus H. Diivis, Dawes, DeMotte, Dszeud irf, 
 JJihrell, Sunn, Dunnell, Ellis, Sewell S. Farwell, 
 Forney, Fulkerson, Geoi'L'e, Gibson, Guenther, 
 Qwiitcr, Harmer, B. W. Harris, H. IS. Harris, 
 Hazeltine, Hatch, Irlawk, Haz Itnn. Heuburn, 
 J?e bert, Herndon, O. ir. Hewitt, Hill, Uiscock, 
 Hoge, Iforr, Houek, House, H. L. Humiihrey, 
 G&o. W. Jones. J. K. Jones. Jurgenscu, Kelley, 
 Kennn, King, Lov\is, Lord, Lyncb. Miicicey, Mon- 
 n.ng, ^lartin, ilcClure, McCoid, MoLfine, Money, 
 
 Moore, Norcross. Oates, O'Neill, Orth, Paoheco, 
 Page, Parker, Paul, Payso ■ Pierce, Pettibone 
 Pound, Reanan, Theron M. JU<e,yV.W. Rice, Rich,' 
 D. P. Richardson, Rlivhi', Mobert.->on, Moss, Shellm 
 D. C. Smith, Spauldiiig, iSpeer, Spooner, Stone! 
 Strait, Tillman, Towu-eud, Amos, Upson, Valen. 
 tine, Vance, Wait, Washburn, We )■ e.-. Wellborn, 
 Wept, White, C. G. WiUiams, Thomas Williams. 
 G. D. Wise, ir. Wise.—iZO. ' 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Aldrich, An<lerson, Brigus, Bnoli- 
 auan, ./: W. Caldwell. J. M. Cimi.bell, Cobb, Obn- 
 verse, Wm. R. Cox, Deering, Deuster, Dingley, 
 Dwight, Godslialk, Ha'l, Ifnrdmlmrgli, liasKeU, 
 A. S.HewiU. Holman, Hutchins, Jadwin, Joyce, 
 Kassun, Ketcham, McKemle, Miles, Morrium, 
 Morse, Moulion, Mutchler, I^eal*, Peele, ¥rescoit. 
 Ryan, Scales. Skinner, A.H.Smith. Steeie.H. G, 
 Turner, Oscar Turner, Tyler. T. UndezrafT, 
 Wadsworth, Walker, Wai-ner, Whitthorne, WUsun, 
 —47. 
 
 So the bill was passed by the House. 
 
 PAET IV. 
 Tlie Bill in the iSenate. 
 
 Mr. 9IorriIl'8 Amendment providing; 
 only one half of the aggrregrate ankount 
 Appropriated should be expended 
 during fiscal year at the discretion of 
 the President. 
 
 The bill was amended in the Senate 
 Committee of Commerce and the Senate 
 so as to reach the sum of $20,347,575. 
 Pending — 
 
 Mr. Morrill, July 13, moved to add 
 to it the following : 
 
 Provided, That only one-half of the 
 aggregate amount appropriated iu this 
 act shall be expended during the year 
 ending June 30, 1883, and the whole orauy 
 part of the different items herein men- 
 tioned may be expended at the discrea- 
 tion of the President, but not exceeding 
 one-half of the aforesaid aggregate 
 amount. 
 
 Which was disagreed to — yeas 16, 
 nays 45 : 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Blair, Cameron of Pennsylva. 
 nia, Chilcott, Davis of Illinois, Frye, Hale, Haw 
 lev, HUl of Colorado, Lapham, Mitchell, Mor 
 rill, Piatt, Plumb, Rollins, Saunders, Van Wyok— 
 16. • 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Aldrich, ADison. Anthon,y, 
 Bayard, Beck, Brown, Butler, Call, Camden, 
 Cameron of Wisconsin, Cockrell. Coke, Conger, 
 Davis of West Virginia, Dnwes, Farley, Ferry, 
 George, Grover, Hampton, Harris. Ingails, Ja..!i- 
 son, Johnson, Jonas, Jones of Florida. Jones of 
 Nevada. Lamar, MoDUl. McMillan, Xaxeii, MU- 
 ler of California, Miller of New York, Pendleton, 
 PugKItansom, Saulsbury,Sab'wyeT Sheruiau, Sto- 
 ker, Vance, Test, Walker, Williams, Wlndom— 45, 
 
 The bin was then passed— yeas 88, 
 nays 33 : 
 
 Yeas- Messrs. Aldrich, Allison, Anthony, 
 Brown, Camden, Cameron ef Wisconsin, Cock- 
 rell, Coke, Conger, Davis of West Vireinia, 
 Dawes, Farley, Ferry, George, Orover, Hamp- 
 ton, Hoar, Johnston, Jonas, Jones of Florida, 
 Jones of Nevada, Lamar, McDill. MoMJUan, 
 Maxey, Miller of California, MUler of New York, 
 Pugh. Jttanso^n, Saunders. Sawyer, Sherman, Sla- 
 ter, Vance, Vest, Walker, Williams, Wlndom— 38. 
 
 Nays- Messrs. Bayard. Beck, Blair, Call, Cam- 
 eron ol Pennsylvania, Davis of nUnols, Frye, 
 Hale, Harris, Harrison, Hawley, Hill of Colo- 
 
KIVER AND HARBOR APPROPRIATION. 
 
 159 
 
 lado, Jaekaon, Lapliam, Logan. Mltfhcll. Mor- 
 rill. PemdleUm, Piatt, Plumb.KolUns, Saulebuni, 
 Van *¥yok— 23. 
 
 PART V. 
 
 The two Houses pa«ks the 
 
 Sill. 
 
 Report of tbe Committee of Conference 
 —Proceeding's In ttae two Houses. 
 
 On July 15, in the House, the Senate 
 amendments were non-concurred in, 
 and the bill went to a committee of 
 conference. 
 
 On Julj; 25, in both Houses, the com- 
 mittee of conference submitted its re- 
 port. 
 
 The report reduces the appropriation 
 for the survey of the Chesapeake and 
 Delaware Canal from $20,000 to $10,000, 
 and adds a new item, being a provision 
 for a survey between City Island and 
 New Rochelle Harbor, N. Y. Tlie ap- 
 propriation to the Potomac River at 
 Washington is reduced from $500,000 tO 
 $400,000, that for the survey of the Hen- 
 nupiu Canal from $100,000 to $30,000, 
 and a proviso added "that nothing 
 hurein contained shall be construed to 
 commit the Government to proceed 
 with the said improvement," and that 
 for tlie Mississppi River below Cairo 
 from$ 5,000,000 to $4,123,000, as fixed in 
 the Ilousebill. Tlie cliaoges made redu 
 
 ce» the aggregate of tlie bill to $18,743,- 
 375. The bill us passed by the House ap- 
 propriated $17,307,875. As passed by the 
 
 Senate, it appropriated $20,147,575. 
 Under the report, the Mississippi River 
 has appropriated for its improvement 
 from ( :airo to the passes $4,133,000. It 
 has $600,000 additional from Cairo to 
 Illinois River, including Alton Harbor; 
 $300,000 additional from the Illinois 
 River to the Des Moines Rapids ; $250,- 
 000 additional from the Des Moines 
 Rapids to the Palls of St. Anthony; 
 $10,000 above the Falls ol; St. Anthony, 
 and $300,000 for the reservoirs. 
 
 In the Senate the report was adopted 
 without a division. 
 
 Ill the [iouse, on July 25, the report 
 of I he committee was rejected ; yeas 
 82, nays, 97; not voting? 
 
 Whereupon Mr. Strait moved to re- 
 consider this vote, and Mr. Cox, of New 
 York, moved to lay that motion on the 
 table. 
 
 Pending which the House adjourned. 
 
 On July 26, in the House ; to recon- 
 sider was agi-eed to— yeas, 116 ; nays, 77. 
 
 The report of the conference commit- 
 tee was then agreed to— yeas, 112; 
 nays, 82. 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. W. Aldricli, Barbour, Bayne, 
 Blshee, Blanchard, Bliss, J. H. Brewer, Buck, 
 Buckner, Butterwortli, CalWns, Candler, Car- 
 
 penter, Caswell, Chaee, Chapman, OmingUm, 
 Oramns,Culberson, CnUen, Dairall, G. B. Davis, 
 Deering, De Mott, Dowd, Dunn, EUis. Errett, 
 Evins, B. a. ParweU, Ford, Fornej/, Fulkerson, 
 OarHaon. (leorge, Gibson, Chanter, Harmer, 
 B. W. Harrison, I. 8. Haseltine, G. C. Hazelton, 
 Henderson, Hepburn, Herndon, 3. Hill. Hdb- 
 litzell, Soge, Horn, Hubbell, G. W. Jones, P. 
 K. Jones, Kelley. Kenna, King, Latham, liewls. 
 Lord, Lynch, E. L. Martin, McClure, McCoid, 
 MeLane, Moore. Muldrow, Neal, Oatcs, O'Neill, 
 Pacheco, Page, Parker, Payson, Pelrce, PetH- 
 bone, Pound. Iteagan, W. W. Rice, Elcb, 
 D. P. Richardson, E. W. Robertson, G. M. 
 Robeson, Bosea-ans, Boss, W. A. Russell, Shal- 
 lenberger, Sherwln, O. R. Singleton, Smalls, 
 
 D. C. Sm th, J. H. Smith, Speer, Spooner, 
 Stephens, E. W. Stone, Strait, Talbott, A. Town- 
 send, Upson, Umer, Valentine, Vance, Van 
 Aemam, Van Horn, Wait, Ward, Washburn, 
 Webber, Welbor7i, J. D. White, C. G. WUllams, 
 I. Williams, WlUlts, 0. D, Wise— 112 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Anderson, Armfleld, Atlier- 
 ton, Belmont, Berry. Blout, Briggs, Browne, 
 Buehatian J. C. Bm-rows, J. W. Caldwell, 
 Campbell, Carlisle, Cassidy, J. C. Clements, 
 Oolerick, S. S. Cox, Cutt«, Dawes, Dingley, 
 Dwight, Ermentrout, Oodshalk, N. J. Sam- 
 mond, Bardenbergh, Hardy, HaskeU, Hatch, 
 A. S. Hewitt, Hiscock, Holman, House, 
 Hutchins, Jacobs, Jadwin, Kassou, Knott. Lee- 
 dom. Lc fi'evre, Matson, McEcnzie, McKinley, 
 MeMilUn, S. H. Miller, Mills, Morey, Morrison, 
 Morse, Moulton, Murch, Mutchler, Noroross, 
 Peelle, Prescott, Bay, iJeed, J. B. Rice, Ritchie, 
 G. D. Robinson, J. S. Robinson, W. B. Bob- 
 iiison. A. H. Smith, G. W. Steele, Stoeleslager, 
 
 E. B. Tayloi-, H. O. Turner, O. Turner. Tyler, 
 J. T. Updegraff, T. Updegraff, Von Voorhis, 
 Wadsworth, Walker, B. Warner, West, Whiii' 
 horne, Willis— B2, 
 
 PAET VI. 
 
 President Arthur Tetoes 
 the Bill. 
 
 Tbc President returns tbe Bill to tbe 
 House with liis Objections to its pas- 
 sage. 
 
 Mr. McMillan. Now I move to 
 take up the river and harbor bill, which 
 ha^been returned, with the message of 
 the President. 
 
 The motion was agreed to. 
 
 The PRESIDENT _pro tempore. The 
 bill is before the Senate, and the mes- 
 sage of the President will be read. 
 
 The message was read as follows. 
 
 To tlie House of Representatives : 
 
 Having watched with much interest the pro- 
 gress of House bill No. 6242, entitled "An act 
 making appropriation for the construction, re- 
 pair, and preservation of ci-itain works on rivers 
 and harbors, and for other purposes," and hav- 
 ing since it was received carefully examined it, 
 after mature consideration I am constrained to 
 return It herewith to the House of Representa- 
 tives, in which it originated, wltliout my signa- 
 ture, and with my objections to its passage. 
 
 Many of the appropriations in fhe bill are 
 clearly for the general welfare and mdSt benefi- 
 cent in their chiir.acter. iwo of the objects (or 
 which provision is made were by me considered 
 so important that I felt it my duty to direct to 
 them the attention of Congress. In my aimual 
 message in December last I nr:.'ed the vital im- 
 portance of legislation for the reclamation of 
 
ICO 
 
 KIVER AND HARBOR APPROPUIATIOX. 
 
 the marshes and for the estahliehment of the 
 harbor lines along the Potomac front. In April 
 last by special message I recommended an ap- 
 propriation for the improvement of the Missi '- 
 6ippi river. It is not necessary that I say that 
 when my signature would make the bill appro- 
 priating for these and other valuable national 
 objects a law, it is with great reluctance and 
 only under a sense of duty that I withhold It. 
 
 My priiicipal objection to the bill is that it con- 
 tains appropriations for purposes' not for the 
 common defense or general welfare, and which 
 do not promote commerce among the States. 
 These provisions, on the contr ry, are entirely 
 for the benefit of the particular localities in 
 which it is proposed to mate the improvements. 
 Iregardsuch appropriation of the public money 
 as beyond the powers given by the Constitution 
 to Congress and the President. 
 
 I feel the more bound to withhold my signa- 
 ture from the bill because of the peculiar evils 
 which manifestly result from this infraction of 
 the Constitution. Appropriations of thisnature, 
 to be devoted purely to local objects, tend to an 
 increase in number and amount. As the citi- 
 zens of one State find that money, to raise 
 which they in common with the whole country 
 are taxed, is to be expended for local improve- 
 ments in another State, ihey demand similar 
 benefits for themselves, and it is not unnatural 
 that they should seek to indemnify themselves 
 for such use of the public funds by securing ap- 
 propriations for similar improvements in their 
 own neighborhood. Thus as the bill becomes 
 more objectionable, it secures more support. 
 This result is invariable and necessarily follows 
 a neglect to observe the constitutional limita- 
 tions imposed upon the law-mating power. 
 
 The appropriations for river and harbor im- 
 jjrovementshave, under the influences to which 
 I have alluded, increased year by year out of iiro- 
 portion to the progress of the country, great as 
 that has been. In 1870 the aggregate appropri- 
 ation was 43,975,900; in 1875, $6,648,517.50; in 1880, 
 $8,976,600; and in 1881, $11,461,000, whUe by the 
 present act there is appropriated $18,713,875. 
 
 While feeling every disposition to leave to the 
 Legislature the responsibility of determining 
 what amount should be appropriated for the 
 purposes of the bill, so long as the appropria- 
 tions are confined to objects indicated by the 
 grant of power. I cannot escape the conclusion 
 that, as a part of the law-making power of the 
 Government, the duty devolves upon me to 
 withhold my signature from a bill containing 
 appropriations which in my opinion greatly ex- 
 ceed in amount the needs of the country for the 
 present fiscal year. It being the usage to pro- 
 vide money for these purposes by annual ap- 
 propriation bills, the President is in effect di- 
 rected to expend so large an amount of motiey 
 within so brief a period that the expenditure can- 
 not be made economically and advantageously. 
 
 The extravagant expenditure of public money 
 is an evil not to bo measured by the value of 
 that money to the people who are taxed for it. 
 They suetaln a gi'eater injury in the demoraliz- 
 ing effect produced upon those who are in- 
 trusted with ofHoial duty through all the ram- 
 ifications of Government. 
 
 These objections could be removed and every 
 constitutional purpose readily attained, should 
 Congress enact that one-half only of the aggre- 
 gate amount provided for in the bill be appro- 
 priated for expenditure during the fiscal year, 
 and that the sum so appropriated be expended 
 only for such objects named in the bill as the 
 Secretary of War, under the direo ion of the 
 President, shall determine; provided that in 
 no case shall the expenditure for any one pur- 
 pose exceed the sum now designated by the bill 
 for that pm-pose. 
 
 I feel authorized to mate this suggestion be- 
 cause of the dut,y Imposed upon the President 
 by the Constitution " to recommend to the con- 
 sideration of Congress such measures as he 
 shalljudge necessary and expedient;" and be- 
 cause it is my earnest desire that the public 
 
 works wliioh are in progress shall suffer no in- 
 ^ury, Congress will also convene again in four 
 months, when this whole subject will be open 
 for their consideration. 
 
 CHESTER A. AETHUE. 
 ExECHTiVB Mansion. August 1, 1882. 
 
 The House Passes the Bill over the 
 President's Objections. 
 
 Mr. PAGE. I am unanimously instruct- 
 ed by the Committee on Commerce to 
 move to take up the river and harbor ap- 
 propriation bill, with the President's veto 
 message relating thereto, and to move 
 tiiat tne bill "do pass notwithstanding 
 the President's objections. 
 
 ***** 
 
 The SPEAKER. The question is. 
 Will the House on reconsideration agree 
 to pass the bill notwithstanding the ob- 
 jections of the President '? By para- 
 graph 3, section 7, article 1 of the Con- 
 stitution of the United States this vote 
 must be taken by yeas and nays. 
 
 The question was taken, and there 
 were — yeas 133, nays 59, not voting 108 ; 
 as follows : 
 
 YEAS V12.—AtUrus, Barbour, Bayne, Bingham, 
 Btacklncrn, Blanchard^ Btiss, Bowman, Brewer, 
 Buck, Buekner, Burrow.s, Julius C. ; Butterworth, 
 Cabelt, Calkins, Candler, Cannon, Giirpenter, Cliap- 
 man. Cements, Crapo, Cravens, Cutberson, CuUen, 
 Davi'*, George R. ; Dawes, DeMotte, Deufter, Bib- 
 relt, Dunn, Dunnell, Ellis, Errett, Evins. Farwell, 
 Sewell S., Ford, Forney, Fulkerson, Garrison, 
 George, Gibson, Guenther, Gan'e^, Hammond, 
 John; Harmer, iiarris, B-jnjamin VV. ; Harriff, Henry 
 S.; lIaseltine,HaicA, Hazelton, Henderson, Hepburn, 
 Herndon, Hottlitzeil, Hoge, Horr, Houfe, Hnbbell, 
 Jones, George W.; Jones, James IC; Kenva, King, • 
 Latham, Lewis. Lord, Lynch, Mackey, Manning, 
 McClure, McCuid, XcLan^, McMiUin, MiUa, Gates, 
 O'Neill, Page, Parker, Payson, Peirce, Phelps, 
 Pound, Reagan, Rice, John B. Rice, Theron M.; 
 Rice, William W.; Rieii, Richardson, D. P. ; Ritchie, 
 Robei-tson, Robeson, Roseerans, Ross, Sballenberger, 
 Stierwin, SimonUm, Singleton, Otho R.; Smalls, 
 Sp.iulding, Speer; Spooner, Stephens, Stone, Strait, 
 Talboil, Taylor, Townsenrt, Amos, Tucker, Upson, 
 Urner, Vance Van Aernim, Van H iru. Wait, Ward, 
 Wasliburn, Webber, Weltbom, White, Williams, 
 Ciiarles G.; Williams, Thomas; Wiison, Wise, 
 George D. 
 
 NAYS 59.— Anderson, Belmont, Blount, Brig|!S, 
 Browne, Brumin, Buchanan, Caldwell, Campbell, 
 Colerick, Converse, Cox, Samu£t S.; Deering, Diugley, 
 Ermentrout. Fisher, Godshalk, Hammond, N. J.; 
 Hardy, Haskell, Hewitt, Al>ram S.; Hill, Hiscock, 
 Holman, Hutchins, Jacobs, Jadwin, KassoD, Ketch- 
 am, A7ote,ie«dom,ieJ^eDre, McKinley, Miller, afirfoft- 
 ler, Norcros-s, Peelle, Randall, Ray, Reed, Robinson, 
 George D.; Robinson, James S. ; Robinson, William 
 £.,'Ryan, Scaira, Smith, A. Herr; Springer, Stocksla- 
 ger, Tnwushend, R. W.; Turner, Henry (?.; Turtur, 
 Oscar; Tyler, Updegraff, J. T.: Updegraff, Thomas; 
 Warner, WhiUhome, WtUis, Willits, Young. 
 
 NOT VOTING ias.—^«:e«, Aldrich, Armfleld, Ath- 
 erton, Barr, Beach, Belford, Beltzhnover, Berry, Bis- 
 bee, Black,Bland, Bragg, Burrows, Joseph H.: Camp, 
 Carlisle, C£K»i;dj/,Caswell, Chaoe, Cardy, Clark, Cobb, 
 Cook, Cornell, Covington, Oox, William R.; Crowley, 
 Curtin, Cutts, DarrelT, Davidson, Davis, Lowndes H.; 
 Dezendorf, Dowd, Dugro, Dwiglit, Farwell, 
 Charles B.; Flower, Frost, Geddes, Grout, Hall, Har- 
 denbergh. Heilman, Herbert. Hewitt, G. W.; Hooker, 
 Houk, Hubbs, Humphrey, Jones, Phineas; Jor- 
 gensen, Joyce, Kelley. Knoll, Laeey, Ladd, Lind- 
 sey, Lowe, Marsh, Martin, Ma^ou, Matson, MeCnok, 
 UcKenzie, Miles, Money, Moore, Morey, Morrison, 
 Morse, Mosgrove, Moulion, Muldroiv, March, Neal. No- 
 lan, Orlh, Paolieco, Paul, Pettibouo, Phistei; Pres- 
 cott, Ranney, Richardson, John S.; Russell, ScoviOe, 
 
CHINESE QUESTION. 
 
 161 
 
 Sluuikeiford,' ShtUtz, Slng'don, James W.; Skinner, 
 Scranton, Smith. Dietricti C; Smiih, J. Hyatt; 
 Spark/, Steele. Thomas, Tliompson, P. B.; Thompson, 
 William G.: Valentine, Van Voorhls, Wadsworth , 
 Walker, Watson, West. Wise, Morgan R.; Wood, 
 Benjamin, Wood, Walter A. 
 
 So (two-thirds voting in favor tliere- 
 of ) the bill was passed. 
 
 Tbe Senate passes tlie Bill orer tlie 
 President's Objections. 
 
 Mr. HALE. I call for the yeas and 
 nays. 
 
 The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Nec- 
 essarily the question will have to be by 
 yeas and nays. The question is, Shall 
 the bill pass, the objection ol: the Presi- 
 dent to the contrary notwiilistanding? 
 Each Senator as his name if. called if lie 
 is in favor of the passage of the bill not- 
 wi' hstanding the objection of the Pres- 
 ident will vote "yea." 
 
 The Principal Legislative Clerk pro- 
 ceeded to call the roll. 
 
 The roll-call having been concluded, 
 
 the result was announced— yeas 41, nays 
 16 ; as follows : 
 
 Yeas— Aldrich, Allison, Anthony. Brown, 
 Buller, Call, Camden, Oamerou of Wisconsin, 
 Coclcrell, Colce, Conger, Bams of Weel rirmnia, 
 Dawes, Parley, FeiTy, Oeorge. Gm-man, Orover, 
 Mamplmi, Hoai-, Jaclcaon, Jonas, Joties afFlm-i- 
 da, Jones of Nevada,KelIogK, McDill, McMillan, 
 Maxey, Miller of California Miller of New York 
 Pw/h. Il/iiiaom, Saunders, Sawyer, Sherman, 
 Slater, Vest, VoorJiees, Walker, WiMiams, Win- 
 dom — tl. 
 
 Nays— Bayard, Blair. Camcroa of Pennsyl- 
 vaui*, Davis of Illinois, Frj'e, Hale, Harrison, 
 Hawley, Ingalls, Logan, MoiTill, PendUton, 
 Piatt, Eollins, Saalsburi/, Van Wyck— 16. 
 
 Absent— UccA-, Chilcott. Edmunds, Fair, Oar- 
 land., Groomc. Harris, H 11 of Colorado, Hill of 
 Georgia, Johuslon, Lamar, I-apham. McPherson 
 Mahone, Mitchell, Morgan.Pliimb, Sewell, Vance 
 
 The PRESIDENT pro tempore. On 
 the question whether the bill shall pass, 
 the President's oWections to the con- 
 trary notwithstanding, the question is 
 determined in the affirmative; forty-one 
 Senators voting in the affirmative and 
 sixteen in the negative. So the bill is 
 passed. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The Chinese Question. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 Chinese Question in Cali» 
 fornia. 
 
 Democrats in California liCgisIature 
 Proposed in 1833 to legalize Contracts 
 for Chinese liaftor— The Peachy bill— 
 They vote against Taxing: Chiiian>cn— 
 In 1836 30,000 Chinamen in California 
 —Report in favor of Chinanten — I>eni- 
 ocrats defeat efforts in 1S5G to exclude 
 Chinamen— l^irst Republican Govern- 
 or ofCaliforiila proposes to prohibit 
 Chinese Imntisration— Bemocratic Su- 
 preme Court decide in favor of Chi- 
 nese — Democrats voted agrainst re- 
 strlctinj; the employment of China- 
 men. 
 
 In March, 1853, Mr. Peachy, a Demo- 
 cratic member of the California Legisla- 
 ture (also Democratic) introduced a bill 
 to les;alize contracts for labor made iu 
 China, which provided that such con- 
 tracts should be good for five years. 
 
 and might be made assignable. Any 
 laborer brought under contract, who 
 should attempt to leave liis master, 
 could be arrested and then compelled to 
 work out his term of service. This 
 measure, known as the Peachy bill, 
 passed the Lower House. It was sup- 
 ported by the author, Mr. Peachv, and 
 by Mr. Soach and Mr. Hagar— all dis- 
 tinguished Democrats. 
 
 Shortly after this a bill was intro- 
 duced into the California Legislature 
 taxing Chinamen. This the Democratic 
 majority refused to pass. 
 
 Mr. Hagar also introduced the follow- 
 ing resolution: 
 
 Wlicreas. California is nearer China than any 
 other State, and a valuable commerce has heen 
 opened up : 
 
 Kcsolveu, That a Commission be appointed to 
 go to China. 
 
 An amendmeat to substitute South 
 America was defeated, and the Hagar 
 resolution passed by 16 to 3. 
 
 In 1853 a Whig member of the Cali- 
 fornia Legislature offered a bill known 
 as the Miner's tax, imposing a head-tax 
 on all aliens working mining claims. It 
 
163 
 
 CHINESE QUESTION. 
 
 •was incontinently laid on the table by 
 t,h.e Democratic maiority. At that time 
 there were 35,000 Chinese in the State. 
 
 In 1856 there were 80,000 Chinese in 
 California. Labor demanded their ex- 
 clusion. The Democratic Legislature 
 appointed a Democratic Committee of 
 Inquiry which reported as follows: 
 
 We say the tendency is not towards corrup- 
 tion. We think they have done us no harm. 
 
 In 1859, Mr. Weller, a Democratic 
 ■Governor of California, declared that; 
 
 Wo have cause to rejoice that tliis sreat na- 
 tion (China) has heen subjected to the law of 
 nations. 
 
 The cause of this rejoicing was the 
 treaty with China, concluded a year 
 previous by Mr. Eeed, a Democratic 
 Minister to China, ratified by a Demo- 
 cratic Senate, and proclaimed by Bu- 
 chanan, a Democratic President. 
 
 In 1863, the first Republican Governor 
 of CaUf ornia, in his first annual message, 
 said: 
 
 Asia, with her imnaense population, is send- 
 ing her people here, and I will bo glad to co- 
 operate with any movement having for its ob- 
 ject the prohibition ol Chinese immigration. 
 
 Mr. W. H. Sears, a leading Republi- 
 can, offered a bill to protect white labor. 
 A bill was substituted to levy a miner's 
 tax. This measure a Democratic Su- 
 preme Court subsequently declared un- 
 constitutional. 
 A bill to levy a tax on all Chinese in 
 ko State was also defeated by Demo- 
 rbtio votes. 
 
 The Burlingame treaty was nego- 
 kited during Andrew Jolmson's term, 
 pd a Democratic Governor of Califor- 
 Ja (Haight) welcomed the Embassy to 
 ur shores and poured over it the unc- 
 tions ointment of extravagant eulogy. 
 
 In 1869, when labor in California was 
 distressed, there was pending before the 
 Democratic Legislature of the State a 
 bill granting a large body of tide lauds 
 to a railroad corporation. To this an 
 amendment was offered prohibiting the 
 employment of Chinese by the benefi- 
 ciary. Of the 42 votes recorded against 
 that amendment 33 were cast by Demo- 
 crats. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 Republican Record Against 
 Cliinese Immigration, &c. 
 
 Action in Cong^ress «n Chinese Ques- 
 tion—Republicans Pass Act Prohibit- 
 ing Importation of Coolies — Sumner's 
 Resolution to Suppress the Coolie 
 Trafflc —Resolutions by Republicans 
 In and Action of Congrress Against 
 
 Chinese Immigration — President 
 Grant Opposes Chinese Immigration. 
 
 On the 4th of December, 1861, Thomas 
 D. Elliott, of Massachusetts, a Republi- 
 can Representative in Coagress, offered 
 a biU prohibiting the imii.'>rtation of 
 coolies. It passed both Houses and was 
 approved by Abraham Lincoln, Febru- 
 ary 15, 1863. Mr. Aaron A. Sargent, 
 then a Representative from California, 
 spoke at length against Chinese immi- 
 gration. 
 
 On January 16, 1867, Mr. Charles Sum- 
 ner secured the passage of a resolution 
 asking other nations to join us in at- 
 tempts to suppress the coolie traffic, and 
 in May, 1868, he secured the passage of a 
 bill extending the provisions of the El- 
 liott act to all Oriental nations. 
 
 In July, 1870, Senator Stewart, of Ne- 
 vada, a Republican, secured the passage 
 of a resolution calling for further infor- 
 mation on the coolie traffic. 
 
 In the House, the same year, Mr. Sar- 
 geant offered a bUl aimed at contracts 
 for servile labor. 
 
 In 1871, Mr. Cojflan, of California, of- 
 fered a bill prohibiting the migration 
 and employmeot of coolies, which was 
 defeatea by the action of Mr. Beck, of 
 Kentucky, then a Democratic member 
 of the House. 
 
 In December, 1873, Mr. Page, of Cali- 
 fornia, offered a bill prohibiting the im- 
 portation of Chinese coolies and pros- 
 titutes, which bill passed in 1875. 
 
 In 1874, Mr. Page offered a resolution 
 of inquiry, following the President's 
 message on the subject. In that paper, 
 delivered December 7, 1874, President 
 Grant urged the passage of measures to 
 suppress the importation of coolies. 
 He said : 
 
 I call the attention of Congress to a generally 
 conceded fact, that the greater proportion of 
 Chinese immigrants * * * do not come volun- 
 tarily, • * * but come under contracts with 
 liead-inen who own them almost absolutely. 
 In a worse form does this apply to Chinese 
 women. * * • if this evil practice can be 
 legislated against, It will be my pleasure as well 
 as duty to enforce any regulations to secure so 
 desii'able an end. 
 
 In the following year President Grant 
 again referred to the subject. 
 
 On January 16, 1874, Mr. Page, of Cal- 
 ifornia, offered a joint resolution abro- 
 gating the Bui'linganie treaty. 
 
 January 13, 1875, Senator Sargent of- 
 fered a bill excluding the Chinese from 
 naturalization ; and in April, 1876, of- 
 fered a resolution providing for a modi- 
 iieation of the treaty with China. In 
 1878, through the exertions of Senator 
 Sargent, aided by others of the Pacific 
 coast delegations in Congress, a resolu- 
 tion was passed calling upon the Exec- 
 utive to open negotiations at once for 
 such modification of the Burlingame 
 treaty as would exclude Chinese immi- 
 grants. 
 
CUINESE QUESTION. 
 
 103 
 
 Mr. Sargent offered bills in 1876 to 
 •check the immijjration ; Mr. Page also 
 iu 1874, to protect persons botli against 
 "forcible restraint and involuntary sei-- 
 -vitude. He also offered bills in 1878 for- 
 bidding the carrying of Chinese pas- 
 sengers on vessels paid for carrying the 
 United States mails ; also levying a per 
 •capita tax on each passenger of an 
 .amount sufficient to be prohibitory. 
 
 Eepresentative Davis, of California, 
 in 1878, ottered a bill restricting the 
 Chinese immigrant traffic, by not allow- 
 ing more than ten persons on any one 
 
 On julj 7, 1876, Mr. Sargeant offered 
 a resolution calling for the opening of 
 negotiations for the modification of the 
 Burlingame treaty, and Mr. Morton of- 
 fered a substitute providing for sending 
 ;a committee of inquiry to the Pacific 
 coast. This was accepted by Mr. Sar- 
 ,geant and adopted. 
 
 PART III. 
 
 further Record of the two 
 Parties on the Chinese 
 Question. 
 
 I'lrst Memorial of Callforuians tabled 
 In Democratic Honse— Action of Cin- 
 cinnati Convention of 1876 on Cblnese 
 <tnestion— Chinese Bill vetoed by Pres- 
 ident Hayes— Cbinese Commission un- 
 der President Hayes— Treaties with 
 China nnder President Hayes giving' 
 power to United States to regrnlate and 
 limit Chinese Immigration, etc. 
 
 The first memorial to Congress from 
 'California was a resolution of its Legls- 
 ■lature sent in May, 1874, asking that the 
 iState be granted the right to tax Chi- 
 nese immigrants. Congress was strong- 
 ly Democratic and paid no attention to 
 it whatever. 
 
 Other resolutions were offered from 
 time to time by Mr. Johnson of Cal., 
 Mr. Munger of Ohio, Mr. Piper, and Mr. 
 Liynde ot Wisconsin. 
 
 The Eepublican National Convention 
 wliich met in 1876 at Cincinnati, adopted 
 ;a resolution, ottered by Senator Jones 
 •of Nevada, as follows : 
 
 It is the Immediate duty of Congress fully to 
 investigate tlio effect of the immlgi'ation and 
 Impoi-tatien of Mongolians on the moral and 
 material interests of the country. 
 
 In 1879 Congress passed a bill prohib- 
 iting the owner or master of any vessel 
 from landing in the United States more 
 than fifteen Chinese passengers on 6ne 
 •voyage. This bill was vetoed by Pres- 
 ident Hayes on the ground that Con- 
 fess had no autkprity to abrogate at 
 
 will a treaty entered into with a foreign 
 nation; that the proposed law would 
 contravene the sixth article of the Bur- 
 lingame treaty, "by whose reciprocal 
 engagements the citizens and subjects 
 of the two governments, respectively 
 visiting or residing in the country of 
 the other, are secured the same privi- 
 leges, immunities, or exemptions there 
 enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of 
 the most favored nations ; "that the de- 
 nunciation of one part of the treaty 
 necessarily liberates the other party 
 from the whole treaty, and that, conse- 
 quently, the immediate withdrawal of 
 our treaty protection of the Chinese al- 
 ready in this country would expose our 
 citizens in China, merchants, mission- 
 aries, and visitors, to the tendermercies 
 of the people of China, with no treaty 
 obligations to afford them any protec- 
 tion whatever to person or property. 
 
 In 1880 President Hayes appointed a 
 commission, consisting of James B. An- 
 gell of Michigan, John P. Swift of Cali- 
 fornia, and Wm. H. Trescott of South 
 Carolina, with full powers to negotiate 
 a treaty with China in modification of 
 the Burlingame treaty. On the 5th of 
 November of that year the following 
 treaty was agreed upon : 
 
 AnxicLE I. Whenever in the opinion of the 
 Government of the United States the coming of 
 Chinese laborers to the United States, or their 
 residence therein, affects or threatens to affect 
 the interests of that country, or to endanger the 
 good order of the said country, orot any locality 
 within the territory thereof, the government of 
 China agrees that the Government of the United 
 States may regulate, limit, or suspend such 
 coming or residence, hut may not absolutely 
 prohibit It. The limitation or suspension shall 
 be reasonable and shall apply only to Chinese 
 who may go to the United States as laborers, 
 other classes not being Included in the limita- 
 tions. Legislation taken in regard to Chinese 
 laborers will he of such a character only ae is 
 necessary to enforce the regulation, limitation, 
 or suspension of Immigration, and immigrants 
 shall not be subjected to personal mallreatment 
 or abuse. 
 
 Akt. II. Chinese subjects, whether proceeding 
 to the United States as teachers, students, mer- 
 chants, or from curiosity, together with their 
 body and household servants, and Chinese la- 
 borers who axe now in the United States, shall 
 be allowed to go and come ot their own free 
 will and accord, and shall be accorded all the 
 rights, privileges, immunities, and exemptions 
 whioh are accorded to the citizens and subjects 
 of the most favored nation. 
 
 Aet. III. If Chinese laborers or, Chinese of 
 any other class, now either permanently or 
 temporarily residing in the territory of the 
 United States, meet with Ill-treatment at the 
 bands of any other persons, the GoTernment of 
 the United States will exert all its powers to 
 devise measures for their protection and to se- 
 cure to them the game rights, privileges, immu- 
 nities, and exemptions as may be enjoyed by 
 the citizens or subjects of the most favored na- 
 tion, and to which they are entitled by treaty. 
 
 Art. IV. The high contracting Powers having 
 agreed upon the foregoing articles, whenever 
 the Government of the United States shall 
 adopt legislative measure In accordance there- 
 with, such measures will be communicated to 
 the Government of China. If the measiires aa 
 enacted are found to work hardship upon the 
 subjects of China, the Chinese Ministeivat Wash- 
 
1C4 
 
 CHINESE QlfESTION. 
 
 ington may biing the matter to the notice of 
 the Secretary of State of the United States, who 
 ■will consider the subject with him, iind the Clii- 
 neee Foreign OfSce may also briujthema ter 
 to the notice of the United States Minister at 
 Peking and consider the subject with him, 
 to the end tlmt mutual and unqualitled benefit 
 may result. 
 
 In faith whereof the respective Plenipoten- 
 tiaries have signed and scaled the foregoing, at 
 Peking, in English and Chinese, being three 
 originals of each text of even tenor and date, 
 the modifications of which shall be exchanged 
 at Peldug within one year from date of its exe- 
 cution. 
 
 Another treaty was agreed upon at 
 the same time which prohibited the 
 opium traffic between the two countries, 
 regulated the tonnage dues and duties 
 for imports on the basis of similar dues 
 or duties imposed on the vessels and 
 goods of other nations, and providing 
 that controversies arising iu China be- 
 tween citizens of the United States and 
 Chinese subjects should bo tried hy tlie 
 proper official of the uationalitj' of the 
 defendant. 
 
 These treaties were subsequently rat- 
 ified by the two powers. 
 
 PART IV. 
 
 The Claiiaese Bill of 1882. 
 
 On January 26, 1883, Mr. Miller of 
 California, introduced into the Senate a 
 bill from the Committee on Foreign Re- 
 lations, entitled "A bill to execute cer- 
 tain treaty stipulations relating to Chi- 
 nese," whicli on March 9, after being 
 amended, passed the Senate. Yeas 39, 
 nays 15. 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Bayard. Seek. Call, Cameron 
 of Wisconsin, Cockrell, Coke, Fair. Farlei/, Oar- 
 land; Gearge. German. Hale, Harris, Hill of Col- 
 orado, Jaclcson. .Jonas, Jones of Nevada. Miller 
 of California, Miller of New York. Morr/an. 
 Pugh, liansom, S.iwycr. ,iialer. Teller, Vance, 
 Vest, Voorhees. WaJkei^—W. 
 
 Nats— Messrs. Aldrich. Allison, Blair. Brown, 
 Conger, Davis of Illinois. Dawea, Edmunds, 
 Prye, Hoar, Ingalls, Laph.im, McDill,McMillan, 
 MorriU— 15. 
 
 In the House, on Jlarch 33, this bill 
 was passed— yeas 167, nays 6<3. 
 
 YEAS.— Messrs. Aikev. Aldricli, \V Armfie'd, At- 
 kiiu, Biiyne, Belford, Bdiamil, Berry, Biiishnm, 
 BlacMntrn. Blandiard, BUes, Dlounl, B ewer. Bi-umm, 
 Buef:ner, Burrows (Julius C). Buuerwortli, Cabell, 
 Caldwell. Ciilkin«, Campbell, Cannon, Cassidy, Cas- 
 well, Chalmers, ClMpnutn, Clarl:, Cements'. CcU), 
 Converse, Cook, Ci)rnell, Cox {Samuel S.), Cox ( WiUmm 
 £.), Covingion. Craven?, C'nJberson, Ctiili", Ijarrelll, 
 Bavidsov, Davis (Gcoi-ge R.I. Dnvis {Loinidai 11.). 
 DeMotte, Detister, Dezendorf, Dibble, Dibbrdl, Dmcd, 
 Dugrow, BrmentroiU.'EncM, Furweli (Charles B ), 
 Firdeii, Flower, I'brd. Forneij, FiUk'-rstii, Oanisim, 
 GedcJes, George, G/lftson, Giientbfr, Gunicr, Ham- 
 mo^ul (A'. J.), Ha>d<j, Uarmer, Harris. (Henry S.), 
 Hnselline,IIatdi, Hiizlcton, Heilmnu, IIerndoi>,Hcu;ilt 
 (Abram S.), HU),Hisoock, IlahUtzcll. Huge, Ilolman, 
 Horr, Houk, House, Hubbell, Hubbs, huhJuns, 
 
 Jones, (George IT'.), Janes (Jos. K.), Jorgensen, 
 Kemui.KiTm, Kloiz, Knott, Ladd, Leedortif. 
 Le%^i=, Marsh, Mariin, Jifofeon, McOlure, McCook, 
 lIcKenzie, McKinley, McLane, McMiUin, Miller,. 
 Mi'ls, Money, Jlorey, MovXtnn, Murch, MvleW-er^ 
 O'Neill, P.ifheoo, Pasre, Paul, Pay.son. Peelle, 
 Pneips. Phifiier, Pound. Pandall, Reagan, Rice Rlch- 
 ardsnn (John 5.). Pohertsnn, Robinson ( IP'm. E.), Rose- 
 crnns, Scranton, .?hi^llenber:;er, Slierwin, Stmontoji, 
 f-'inplf-Um (Ollio R.), Smith (A. Herr), Smith (Dietrich 
 C), Smith (J. Hy;Ut), Sparks. Spauldini, Speer, 
 .Springer, Stoel.ilager, StTdit. Ta'bott, Thomits, Tliomp- 
 son(t'.B.). r^/wmn. Townsend, (Amos,) Townshend' 
 (R. W.). TiicftT, Turner (Hairy (?.), Turner (O.), 
 Up;legraff(J. T.j.Ppson, Valentine. Vnnce.Yan Horn,. 
 Warner, Wnshbnrn, Weber, Wellborn, Wliilthorne, 
 Williams (Thomeis), Willis, Wi'son, Wise (Geo. D.). 
 Wise (Morgan B.), Wood (Waller A.)— 167. 
 
 NAYS.— Mo'-sr':. Anderson, Barr, Bragg, Brig^g,. 
 Browne. Bnel:, C imp, Candler, Carpenter, Chace, 
 Craoo, Cnllen, Dawes, Deering, Dinglev. Dunnell,. 
 Dwic:ht,Farwel!(SewellS.), Grout. Htdl, Hammond,. 
 (J.),Hardenbnrgh,lln.Tvis(Beni.W.), Ha^-ikell, Hnwk, 
 Hendcon, Hi pburn, iT^ier, Hjimphfcy, Jacobs,. 
 Jnres (Phinea'-). Jovce.A'tMsoTi, Ketoham Lord, Mc- 
 Coid, Mprse. Norcross. Orth, Parker, Rann»y, Reed,. 
 Rice (John B.), Rice (WiUJnm W.), Rich, Richard- 
 son (D. P.). Ritohi", Robinson (George D.), Russell. 
 Ryan, ShuPz. Skinnc-. Spooner. Stone. Taylor,. 
 Thompson (U'm.G.). Tyler, Updegraff (Thoraoii),. 
 Uriier, Wndsworth, Wait, Walker, Ward, Watson, 
 White, Williams-(>6. 
 
 Provisions of Bill as Passed— Suspends- 
 af tor ninety days' Cbinese Emigration 
 for 30 years— Prohibits State Conrts- 
 from Adcnitting Chinese to Citizen- 
 ship-Words "Chinese laborers" to- 
 mean both Shilled and Unskilled I^a- 
 borers, «fcc. 
 
 The first section of the bill as passed 
 was as follows : 
 
 Whereas in the opinion of the Government of 
 the United States the coming of Chinese labor- 
 ers to this country endangers the good order- 
 of certain localities within the territory 
 thereof: Therefore, 
 
 Be it enacted, by the Senate and. House o^ Rep- 
 resentatives of the United Slates of America m 
 Congress assembled. That from and after the 
 expiration of ninety days next after the pas- 
 sago of this act. and until the expiration of 
 Iwrnty years next after the passage of this act. 
 the coming of Chinese laborers to the United 
 States bo. and the same is hereby,- suspended; 
 .and during such supension it shall not be law- 
 ful for any Ctinese laborer to come, or, having: 
 so come after the expiration of said ninety 
 days, to remain within, the United States. 
 
 Sections 10 and 17 were as follows : 
 
 Sec. 16. That hereafter no State court or court 
 of the Unit<-d St.ates shall admit Chinese to citi- 
 zenship ; and all laws in conflict wUh this act 
 arc hereby repealed - 
 
 Sec. 17- That the words "("hinese laborers," 
 wherever used in this act, shall be construed to- 
 mean both skilled and unskilled laborers and 
 Chmese emploj-ed in mining. 
 
 The other sections relate to the proper 
 execution of the provisions of the iirst 
 section, and tlie imposition of penalties- 
 for its violation, one section providing" 
 for the regisi ration of such Chinese as- 
 sue entitled to enter, or remain in the- 
 United States, by the terms of the bill> 
 
CH1SE1E QUE STION. 
 
 165 
 
 PART V. 
 
 President Arthur Vetoes tbc 
 Bill. 
 
 The President Objects to the Twenty 
 Tears Lilniit as a Breach of our ITa- 
 tional Faith— Objects to the Require- 
 ments of Registration and Passports 
 as Undemocratic and Hostile to the 
 Spirit ofour Institutions— Objects that 
 the Bill makes Ko Provision for Chi- 
 nese Transit across United States. 
 
 President Arthur vetoed the bill. In 
 his message to Congress his principal 
 objections to the bill wore stated as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 Tlie examination wMcli I liavo made of tlio 
 treaty, and of the declarations which Its nego- 
 tiators have left on record of the meaning of Its 
 language, leaves no doubt in my mlud that 
 neither contracting party in concluding tho 
 treaty of 1880 contemplated tho jiassageof an 
 act prohlhlting immigration for twenty years, 
 which is nearly a generation, or thought that 
 sucli a period would bo a reasonable suspension 
 «r limitation, or Intended to change tho provi- 
 sions of tho BurUngame treaty to that extent. 
 I regard this provision of tho act as a breach of 
 our national faith; and being unable to bring 
 myself m harmony with the views of Cougress 
 en this vital point, tho honor of tho country 
 eonstralns me to return tho act with this objec- 
 tion to its passage. 
 
 I think it may be doubted whether provi- 
 sions requiring personal registration and the 
 tailing out of passports which are not imi)Osed 
 ui)on natives can be required of Cliinesc. With- 
 out expressing nn opinion on that point, I may 
 invitp tho attention of Congress to tho fact that 
 the syttteliiM personal registration and pass- 
 ports is undemocratic and hostile to tho spirit 
 of our institutions. I doubt tho wisdom of put- 
 ting an entering wedge of this kind into our 
 laws. A nation like tiio United Spates, jealous 
 of the liberties of it« citlzcn.s, may well liesitate 
 before it incorporates into its polity a system 
 which is fast disappearing in Europe before tho 
 progress of ilboral insiitutions. 
 
 * * * fr 
 
 My attention has ben caUed by the Chinese 
 minister to the fact that tho bill tut it stands 
 makis no provision for the transit across tho 
 United States of ('hinese subjects now residing 
 in foreign countries. I think that this poiul 
 may well claim the attention of Congress iu leg- 
 islating on this subject. 
 
 A New Bill Embrncins the President's 
 Views Introduced and Passed. 
 
 A new bill was immediately prepared 
 and passed to meet the views of tlie 
 President. It passed tJie House April 
 17, 1882— yeas 303, nays 37. 
 
 YEAS.— Messrs. Aiken, Aldrich, Andarson, Arm- 
 field, Atkins, Bayne, Leach, Belford, Berry, Bing- 
 ham, Blackburn, Slanclmrd, Bland, Blount, Buchan- 
 an, Buckner, Burrows, Julius 0.; Burrows, Joseph 
 H.; Butterworth, Cabell, Caldwell, Calkins, Cump, 
 rami>bell, Cannon, {7an!wte,C(w«-i''i/, Caswell, Chace, 
 CJtaHrera, Cliapnan, C:ardv,''Clafkj Clements^ Cobb, 
 Colehck, Converse, Cook, Cox,' Sammtt S.; Comttglon, 
 Cravens,Calberson, CuUen.Ouitm, Darrcll. Davidson, 
 Davis, George E. ; Davis, I/rwndes H.; DeMotte, 
 Deuster, Dezeudoif, DU/rell. Dibble, Dvwd, Bunnell, 
 Ermentrout, Errett, Evinn, Farwell, Charles B.; Pin- 
 ley, Fisher, Flower, Ford, Forney, Fulkersou, Gcd- 
 
 fto, George, GOiaon, Guen(her,Ga»'e», Bammond,N 
 J.; Harili/,UaTmer,Harri9,BenryS.; Haseltine, Haa- 
 liell, Hatch, Hawii, Hazelton, Hetiman, Herbert 
 Hemdon, Beunlt, Abram S.; Hewitt, G. W. ■ Hill 
 HlBCock, HoUHiteU. Hoge, Hotman, Horr, Houk' 
 House, Hubbs, Hulehine, Jacobs, Jadwin, Jonas' 
 George W.; JoiKt, James K.; Jorgensen, Kusson' 
 Korey. Kcmia, Keich«,m,Klolz,KnoH,Ijttcey, Ladld, 
 Lalliam, Leedom, I^ Jtore.Lewls, Lord, ilanninn 
 Marsh, Mason, Jlfa/»on, McClure, McC<>ok,ifci:en;fe 
 McKlnley. ilcLane, Miles, Miller, 3{mey, Morey 
 Morrison, Mosgrme, MouUon, Maldrow. Mureh, Neal 
 Nolan, Oaks, O'Neill, Paoheco, Page, Paul, Payson 
 Peelle, Peirce, Phelps. Pound, Prescott, Randall, 
 Seaga7i,Ueei, Rice, Theron M.; Rich, liobcrlson, 
 Robeson, Ribinson, George D.; Robinson, James 
 S. : Robinson, WiUinm E.; Rosreran-s, Rnss, Russell, 
 Rran, Sera Um,8liaclcelfora, Shalleiibursfcr, Sh^,- 
 ley, Sherwin, Himonlun, Singleton, OUio R.; Smith, 
 A. Herr; Smith, D. C; Smiih, J. H.;4parft»,Spaul. 
 c«ng, Spetr; Ppooner, Springer, Steele, Strait, Tal- 
 bolt, 2V(Jma«, Townscnl, Amos, T(Twiiihe)\d,R. TV.; 
 Tucker, Tui'ner, Henry G.; Turner: Oicar; Tyler, 
 Uprie.Tiair, J. T.l tjieon, Urner, Valentine, Vance, 
 Van n irn. Wait, Warner, Webtier, Welibom, West, 
 Wheeler, Wliite, WUlhome, Williams, T.\ WiUia. 
 WiilitB, Wise, George D.; Wise, M. iS.— 202. 
 
 NAYS.- Messrs. Bowman Bragg, Briggs, Buck, 
 Carpenter. Cr.ipo, Dawts, Lwering. Diiisley, 
 Dwiglit, Farweil, Sewell S., Grout, Hall, Ham- 
 Haraenbergh, Humphrey Joyce, WcCuid, Moore, 
 ilforaj, Noreross Orih, Parker, Ranney, Ray, Rice, 
 John B.; Rice, William W.; Ritchie Sbultz, Skin- 
 ner, Stone, Thompson, Van Aernam Van Vooihis, 
 Wadsworth, Ward, WiUiams, C. G.-37. 
 
 And on April 35, the bUI, after being 
 amended, was passed in the Senate — 
 yeas 33, nays 15. 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Beeh, Butler. Call, Cameron of 
 Wisconsin. Chilcott, Col;e, Davis of Illinois, 
 Fair, Farley, Garland, George, Grmier, Haie. 
 Hampton, Harrln, Hill of Colorado, Johnston, 
 Jonas. Jones of Nevada, Maxey, Miller of Cali- 
 fornia, Miller of New York, Morgan, Pendleton, 
 Fugh, Saunders, Slater, Vance, Van Wyck, Vest, 
 Walker, WlUlam»~Z2. 
 
 Nats— Messrs. Allison. Blaii-, Conger, Dawes, 
 Edmunds, Fryc, Harrison, Hawley, Hoar, In- 
 galls, Lapham, McMillan, Morrill, Piatt, Sher- 
 man— 15. 
 
 The Senate amendments were con- 
 curred in by the House, and tlie bill be- 
 came a law by the signature of the Pres- 
 ident. 
 
 Principal Sections of Bill as Passed and 
 Approved by President Arthur. 
 
 The following principal sections ol 
 the law as passed under the recommen- 
 dation of President Arthur : 
 
 An Act to execute certain treaty stipulations 
 relating to Chinese. 
 
 Whereas, iu the opinion of the Government of 
 the United States the coming of Chinese labor- 
 ers to this country endangers the good order 
 of certain localities within the territory thereof. 
 Therefore, 
 
 Be it enacted butJie Senateand Houseof Repre- 
 sentatives of tli^- United States of America in Von- 
 ffress assembled. That from and after the expir- 
 ation ot ninety days next after the passage of 
 this act, and uutU the expiration of ten yeas 
 next after tho passage of this act, the coming of 
 Chinese lab urers to the United States be, and 
 the sameis hereby, suspended : and during such 
 suspension it shall not be lawful for any Chi 
 neie laborer to come, or, having so come after 
 the expiration of said ninety days, to remain 
 within the United States. 
 
166 
 
 CHINESE QUESTION. 
 
 Sec. 4. That for ths porpoij of properly iden- 
 tifying CliiQese laborers wlio were in the United 
 States on tlic eeventeentli day of November, 
 eighteen hundred and eighty, or who shall have 
 come into the same hefore the expnatiou of 
 ninety days next after the passage of this act, 
 and in order to furnish them with th^^ proper 
 evidenco of their right to go from and eomo to the 
 United States of their tree will and accord, as 
 provided hy the treaty between the United 
 States and China dated November seventeenth, 
 eighteen hundred and eighty, the collector of 
 customs of the districts from which any ench 
 Chinese laborer shall depart from the United 
 States shall, in x>er8on or by deputy, go onboard 
 each vessel having on board any such Chinese 
 laborer and cleared or about to sail from his 
 district for a foreign port, and on such vessel 
 make a list of all such Chinese laborers, which 
 shall be entered in registry-books to bo kept for 
 that purpose, in which shall be stated the name, 
 age, occupation, last place of residence, physi- 
 cal marks or peculiarities, and all facts neces- 
 sary for the identiflcation of each of such Chi- 
 nese laborers, which books shall be safely kept 
 in the custom-house ; and every such Chinese 
 laborer so departing from the United States 
 shall bo entitled to, and shall receive, free of 
 any charge or cost upon application therefor, 
 from the collector or his Jleputy, at the time 
 such list is talren, a certificate, signed by the 
 collector or his deputy and attested by his seal 
 of olllce in siioh form as the Secretary of the 
 Treasury shall prescribe, which certificate shaU 
 contain a statement of the name, age, occupa- 
 tion, last place of residence, personal descrip- 
 tion, and facts of identitieation of the Chinese 
 laborer to whom the certificate is issued, cor- 
 responding with the said list and registry in all 
 particulars. In case any Chinese laborer after 
 having received such certificate shall leave such 
 vessel before her departure, he shall deliver his 
 certificate to the master of the vessel, and if 
 such Chinese laborer shall fail to return to such 
 vessel before he ■ departure from port the certi- 
 ficate shall bo delivered by i he master to the 
 collector of customs for cancellation. The cer- 
 tificate herein provided for shall entitle the Chi • 
 nese laborer to whom the same is issued to re- 
 turn to and re-enter the United States upon pro- 
 ducing and delivering the same to tho collector 
 of customs of the district at which such Chinese 
 laborer shall seek tore-enter; and upon deliv- 
 ery of such certificate by such Chinese laborer 
 to the collector of customs at the time of re- 
 
 entry in the United States, said collector shalB 
 cause the same to be filed in the custom-house 
 and duly canceled. 
 
 .■SEC. 6. That any Chinese laborer mentioned im 
 section tour of this act beingin the United States, 
 and desiring to depart from tho United States 
 by Land, shall have the right to demand and re- 
 ceive, free of charge or cost, a certilicate of 
 identiflcation similar to that provided lor in. 
 section four of this act ( o bo issued to such Chi- 
 nese laborers as may desire to leave tho United 
 States by water ; and it is hereby made the duty 
 of the collector of customs of tho district next, 
 adjoining the foreign country to which said- 
 Chinese laborer desires to go to issue such cer- 
 tificate, free of charge or cost, upon application! 
 by such Chinese laborer, and to enter the same- 
 upon registry-books t» be kept by him for the 
 purpose, as provided for in section four of this 
 act. 
 
 Sec. 6. That in order to the faithful execution! 
 of articles one and two of the treaty in this act 
 before mentioned, every Chinese person other 
 than a laborer, who may be entitled by said' 
 treaty and this act to come Trithin the United 
 States, and who shall be about to come to th& 
 United States, shall be identified aa so entitled 
 by the Chinese government in each case, such 
 identy to be cvictenced by a certificate issuel 
 under the authority of said govarument, which 
 certificate shall be in the English language or 
 (if not in the English language) accoHipanicd by 
 a translation into English, stating such right tO' 
 come, and which certificate shall state the name, 
 title, or otBcial rank, if anj , tho age, height, and. 
 aU physical peculiarities, former and present 
 occupation or profession, and place of residence 
 in China of theperson to whom the certificate is- 
 issued and that such person is entitled conform- 
 ably to the treaty in this act mentioned to como 
 within the United States. Such oertiiicate shall 
 be prima fade evidence of the facts set forth 
 therein, and shall be produced to the collector 
 of cuetoms, or his deputy, of the port in the dis- 
 trict in the United States at which the person^ 
 named therein shall arrive. 
 
 Sec. u. That hereafter no State court or court 
 of the United States ghall admit Chinese to citi- 
 zenship ; and all laws in conflict with this act 
 are hereby repealed. 
 
 Sec. 13. That the v.'ords " Chinese laborers," 
 wherever used in this act, shall be construed to- 
 mean both skilled and unsinlicd laborers auiS 
 Chinese employed in mining. 
 
 Approved Maij 6, ISSa. 
 
CONFEDERATE AND U'NION SOLDIERS. 
 
 CHAPTEH X. 
 
 167 
 
 Confederate Soldiers under Democratic Congress- 
 Union Soldiers in the Departments. 
 
 " Resolved, That the soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and the widows and orphans of those who 
 have fallen in battle, have a Just claijn upon the care, protection and gratitude of their fellow-citizens " 
 —Democratic National Platform of 1876. 
 
 '.' * f * Experience Proves that efficient, economical conduct of the governmental business is not 
 possible^ if its civil service be subject to change at every election, be a prize fought for at the ballot-box 
 be a bri^ reward of party zeal, instead of posts of honor assigned for proved competency, and held for 
 fidelity in the public employ." * * * —Democratic National Platfonn of 1876. 
 
 ** We pledge ourselves anew to the constitutional doctrines and traditions of the Democratic Party 
 flj * * * embodied in the Platform of the last National Convention of the Party." Democratic Na- 
 tional Platform of 1S80. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 Democratic Civil Service 
 Beform in tlie Mouse — 
 Wounded and Crippled 
 Union Soldiers Kicked 
 Out to Oive Place to Rebel 
 Soldiers — "]I>inna ye hear 
 the Slogan "— 'Tis Jefi'l>a^ 
 vis and Mis Men. 
 
 On the 14th day of December, 1875, ;\Ir. 
 Fort, Republican, made an effort to pri-- 
 vent woMJidcfZ UnioH soldiers fr»m being- 
 set aside by the then Democratic House', 
 and, to that end introduced the follow- 
 ing 
 
 Besolntion Favoring Wonndetl tJnian 
 Soldiers: 
 
 Unsolved, That in all eubordiateappoiiitmente, 
 under any of tlie officers of tills House, it is tlie 
 Judsfment of this House that wouiidcd Uulon sol- 
 diers, who are not disabled from perJormance of 
 duty, should be preferred. 
 
 Upon this he demanded tlie previous 
 question ; but the Confedcinte element 
 was too stronfc for him and tlie House re- 
 fused to second it ! 
 
 Sitizen Sainco:K to the Rescue — He 
 Voices Confederate Kentiment on that 
 ^nestion, and all the Democrats, bnt 
 two, Cry " Amen !" 
 
 Thereupon S. S. Cox offered the fol- 
 lowing substitute and moved its refer- 
 ence to the Committee on Accounts: 
 
 Resolved, That Inasuinuh as the Union of the 
 Staties has been rcKtored, all the citizens thereof 
 are entitled tx) omiKideration in all apjrolntments 
 to otflces under this Government. 
 
 The vote on the motion wag yeas, 168' 
 nays, 102. Of tliose voting in the affir- 
 
 mative IfiO were Democrats and two 
 were Kopiiblicans. Of those voting in 
 the ne.uiitive 100 were Republicans and 
 two were Democrats. This resolution, 
 having virtually declared in favor of 
 placiiiff rebels on an equality with 
 wouiicled Union soldiers, was in strict 
 acroi dance with Democratic usage, and 
 hence commanded its undivided sup- 
 port. 
 
 A Patriotic, but carefully worded, Res- 
 olution which Commanded the Sup- 
 port of Both Parties. 
 
 On the 5th of January, 1876, the holi- 
 day recesshaving intervened, Mr. Cason, 
 Republican, offered the foUowdng reso- 
 lution : 
 
 Be it resolved, etc.. That we recognize the brave 
 and gallant services rendered by the loyal sol- 
 dier to Ills country m the time of its greatest need 
 and peril, and that we do earnestly recommend 
 to the people of our common country the utmost 
 care and watchfulness over the rights and inter- 
 ests of these brave men, seeming to each one in 
 need of employment and to such and their fami- 
 lies the necessaries and comforts of Ufc ; and in 
 all cases of public employment and in the bcslow- 
 meniof tlic emoluments of office, that, all other 
 thlEgs being equal, the soldier shall have Ihepref- 
 erence over llie eicilian-; .and, as one branch of 
 the legislative department of this Government, 
 we are in favor oflatvs being enacted by Congress 
 giving liberal pensions to the d^cea^sed and crip- 
 pled soldiiTS, and to iJie xoidoxes and' children and 
 dejiendent fatliers and mothers oftlwse who have 
 died from wounds or disease contracted while in 
 llie serciccoftlic TJnionarmy, and to each living 
 soldier, and to the widows and heirs of those 
 dead, such bounties and homesteads as a gener- 
 ous Government can aflord to those who have 
 won and preserved to the nation its Uberty and 
 Constitution. 
 
 The previous question being demanded 
 was seconded by 143 yeas to 9 nays, and 
 the resolution was agreed to bv Repub- 
 licans and Democrats alike, the latter 
 interpreting the words:— "the soldier 
 shall have the preference" — to mean 
 either the C»nf ederate or the Union sol- 
 dier. 
 
168 
 
 C05JPK1>ERATE AND UNION SOLDIERS. 
 
 Democratic Interpretation of the Oason 
 Resolution - Pecksnlffian Hypocrisy 
 Exploded. 
 
 That the Democrats did so interpret 
 the foreproine resolution is shown by the 
 vote on the following resolution, intro- 
 duced on the same day, by Mr. Fort : 
 
 Sesolved, That the doctrine just announced by 
 the House In the resolution of the gentlemen from 
 Indiana (Mr. Caaon) is so wise and Just that, in 
 the judgment of this House, ii should be followed 
 by officer's of the House in flllvng subordinate 
 places under tlieir authority; and thai in ail 
 such cases tJiay are Ittreby instructed to give to 
 well-qualified Union soMiers preference over sol- 
 diers of tlie late Confederate army. 
 
 On this, he demanded the previous 
 question, but the Democratic House re- 
 fused to second it, by 93 yeas to 103 nays. 
 Thereupon Fernando Wood, by way of 
 adding insult to injury, sneeringly 
 moved to refer the resolution to the 
 Committee on Centennial Celebration — 
 which motion was agreed to by 133 yeas 
 to 93 nays— «11 the yeas being Demo- 
 crats. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 «« Civil (Service Reform " in 
 a Democratic (Senate — A 
 Bale, adopted in 1834 for 
 " (Spoils," is Abrogated in 
 1879 for " (Spoils " — Con- 
 federate (Soldiers to the 
 Fore, and Union (Soldiers 
 Bounced. 
 
 When it became evident to the Demo- 
 cratic Senate, in 1854, that the term of 
 Democratic ascendency in that body was 
 about to expire, it appointed a select 
 committee to devise a plan to keep tlie 
 Democratic officers of that body in their 
 places, and accordingly the followiug 
 resolution was concocted, and on Janu- 
 ary 17, 1854, it passed the Senate by a 
 decisive vote, and became a standing 
 rule of the Senate : 
 
 Resolved, That the several officers and others 
 lu the departments of the Secrefciry of the Sen- 
 ate and of the Serjeant-at-Arms shall be ap- 
 pointed and removed from otBce by those officers 
 respectively as heretofore ; but ■when made diu'- 
 ing the session of the Senate any such removal 
 to be first approved by the President of the Sen- 
 ate on reasons to be assigned therefor in ^\TltLQg 
 by the officer making the removal, and when in 
 the recess, such reasons in writing to be l>Md be- 
 fore the President of the Senate on the first day 
 of the succeeding session, and to be approved or 
 disappi-oved by him. 
 
 The Repnbllcans Adhered to the Itnle, 
 and Allowed the Democratic Ofllcers 
 to I.lve and Die In their Places— 
 But the Democrats Kill Their Own 
 
 Offsprings in order to Feed Hungry 
 Rebels. 
 
 When the EepubUcans came into 
 power they made no effort to disturb that 
 rule, nor to disturb the old officers, who, 
 in the course of years died out or re- 
 signed, one by one, as age or other call- 
 ings beckoned them. Thus it remained 
 — this Democratic rule — through all the 
 years of the Republican majority in the 
 Senate. But early in 1879, the Demo- 
 crats having a majority at the extra ses- 
 sion of that year, and being importuned 
 by a ravenous multitude of Southern 
 and other Democratic place-Tiunters, 
 determined — as they coidd not get the 
 President of the Senate to consent to the 
 removal of the experienced and eflicient 
 Republicans in the offices of the Secre- 
 tary and Sergeant-at-Arms — ^to annul 
 the rule that their own party had made 
 — to go back on their own offspring, as 
 it were — in order to get the few "loaves 
 and fishes" pertaining to the Senate or- 
 ganization. This was decided on in 
 caucus, and Senator Wallace, the chair- 
 man of that Democratic Senatorial cau- 
 cus, undertook to engineer the thing 
 through, and on the 17th of April, 1879, 
 offered, the following 
 
 Democratic Caucus Resolution : 
 
 Hesolved, That the several officers and others 
 In the departments of the Secretary of the Sen- 
 ate and of the Sergeant-at-Arms shall be ap- 
 pointed and removed from office by those officers 
 respectively. 
 
 Senator Edmunds' Effort to Protect 
 Union Soldiers. 
 
 Mr. Edmunds thereupon moved to 
 amend by adding the following : 
 
 But no officer or employee of the Senate who 
 served in the forces of the United States in sup- 
 pressing the late rebellion shall be removed ex- 
 cept for cause statefd in wilting to the President 
 of the Senate and approved by nim in writing. 
 
 Mr. Wallace assured Senator Edmunds 
 that " there need be no apprehension ott 
 this apparently tender subject," and that 
 the Democratic majority had no inten- 
 tion of removing Union Soldiers who 
 held offices under the Senate. 
 Senator Conkling Exposes Wallace's 
 Duplicity. 
 
 Mr. Conkling then rose and expressed 
 his " surprise" at the statement, and con- 
 tinued as follows: 
 
 I asseil} that they [the Democratic majority] 
 have already acted in violation of wliat the Sen- 
 ator says. I assert that they have already re- 
 moved a Union Soldier — a man wlioservedin the 
 armies of the Union and was discharged because 
 of the in juries lie received, aa&jat the honorable 
 Senator says it is not worth while to guard this 
 because the majority may be trusted to abstain, 
 much as the overseer may be trusted to abstaia 
 from the lash 1***1 refer to Mr. Pitz 
 who has been removed from a position in the 
 office of the Seoretaiy of the Senate, a position 
 whose duties he never neglected or came short 
 in. 
 
CONFEDERATE AND UNION SOLDIIUIS. 
 
 1G9 
 
 Democratic Vnanlmlty In favor of tbe 
 Confederate !>ioIdler and ag^alust tbe 
 Union Soldier. 
 
 Of course the adoption of such an 
 amendment as that of Mr. Edmunds, 
 •would defeat one of the very obiects 
 of the repeal of the old rule, union 
 Soldiers were the very fellows the old hrig- 
 Mdierswere " gunning for." Hence, when, 
 ■on April 25, 1679, the amendment came 
 to a vote, while every Eepuhlican voted 
 for the amendment, every l)emocrat voted 
 against it ! 
 
 Senator Carpenter 9Iake!) One IHore 
 Effort In Favor of liOyalty as Against 
 Treason— Bnt is I>ereated by a Strict 
 Party Vote. 
 
 Senator Carpenter then moved to add 
 the following : 
 
 But no offloe or employment made vacant by 
 the removal or dlsmlsaal ol a person who served 
 in tlie forces of the Union, during the late war 
 shall be lUled or supplied by the appointment or 
 •employment of any person who served in the 
 Confederate army at any time during said war. 
 
 Of course that also was voted down — 
 .^eas 26, nays 34, — all Republicans voting 
 for the amendment anu all Democrats 
 against it. 
 
 To the Victors Belong: the Spoils— Tbe 
 Resolution Adopted and tbe Worb of 
 "Civil Service Reform " Bcgrun. 
 
 Mr. Wallace's rule was then adopted 
 by a strict party vote. Having thus re- 
 moved. the only, legal impediment to the 
 expulsion of the old employees, the Sec- 
 retary of the Senate and Sergeant-at- 
 Arms at once began the work of pro- 
 scription. " To tlie victors belong the 
 spoils." Loyal employes, maimed sol- 
 fliers, and efficient and experienced offi- 
 cials were indiscriminately swept from 
 the offices of the Senate — many of their 
 places supplied by Confederates, and 
 all by raw and inexperienced persons. 
 
 Wholesale Slangbter of Union Soldiers 
 to Make Vacancies for Rebel Soldiers 
 —The Wounded, Maimed and I>isabled 
 Alike Fall tbe Victims of Democratic 
 JHate of Union Soldiers— Tbelr Places 
 Filled by Rebel Brigadiers, Colonels 
 and Captains. 
 
 As soon as the Democrats obtained 
 full possession of the Capitol the work 
 ■of proscribing all who had a taint of 
 loyalty wns begun. Seventy-six Union 
 soldiers at once fell victims to Demo- 
 cratic hatred of these representatives of 
 the force which saved the Union from 
 destruction. Of these about one-half 
 were soldiers who bore upon their bodies 
 the evidence of their political princi- 
 ples in the shape of wounds. 
 
 Their places were tilled by eighty- 
 eight soldiers from the army of treason. 
 
 PART III. 
 
 The Washington Police— 
 "Put ]¥one but Confede- 
 rates on Guard," will foe 
 the Watchword when 
 Democrats ofotain full 
 Power — The preliminary 
 Steps already taken. 
 
 Section 354 of the Revised Statutes 
 provides that no person shall serve on 
 the Washington police force wlio has 
 not served in, and been honorably dis- 
 charged from either tlie Aimy or the 
 Navy of the United States. 
 
 June 9, 1880, in the Senate, pending 
 the bill (S. 1394) to increase the police 
 force of the Distrietof Columbia, the fol- 
 lowing amendment was reported from 
 the Committee on the District of Co- 
 lumbia : 
 
 Sec. 2. That so much of section 354 of the Re- 
 vised Statutes of the United States, relating to 
 the District of Columbia, as requires that " no 
 person shall be apuointed as policeman or 
 watchman who has not served in the Army or 
 Navy of the United States and received an hon- 
 orable discharge," be and the same is hereby 
 repealed. 
 
 The clause was agreed to by a vote of 
 yeas 25, nays 15 — all the yeas being 
 Democrats and all the nays Republicans. 
 
 The proposition had originally passed 
 the House. In the debate which ensued 
 in the Senate, the Republic.ans resisted 
 the repeal on the ground that the time 
 has not yet come when the Union sol- 
 dier should be set aside for the Confed- 
 erate soldier. But Mr. Beoh insisted on 
 the repeal, and announced the existing 
 law excluding Confederates as the mean- 
 est vengeance towards a political op- 
 ponent (meaning an ex-Confederate), 
 or the lowest demagogry, and it was 
 practically announced as the future pol- 
 icy of the Democracy, in all mattes of 
 appointments, that the Confederates 
 were to have at least an " equal chance." 
 
 PART IV. 
 
 Senator Harrison's Report 
 on Voorhees' Kesolution 
 —The Ulan IVho De- 
 nounced Union Soldiers 
 as "liincoln's Dogs" in 
 1864, is Solicitous for 
 their W^elfare in 1883. 
 
 On the 16th of March, 1883, Senator 
 Voorhees, of Indiana, the gentleman 
 
170 
 
 CONFEDERATE AND UNION SOLDIERS. 
 
 ■who, in 1864, denounced Union soldiers 
 as " Lincoln hirelings," " Lincoln dogs, 
 ■with collars around tlieii- necks, labeled 
 ' A. Lincoln,' " etc., etc., introduced in 
 the Senate the following resolution : 
 
 Wiereas, the following pro"nelon ol law, en- 
 acted in 1865, is contained iu section 1754 of tlie 
 Eevieed Statutes of tlic "United States, to -wit : 
 
 " Persons honorably discliarged from the mil- 
 itary and na-val service by reason of disability, 
 resulting from -wounds or eictness incurred in 
 the line of duty, shall be prefeiTed for appoint- 
 ments to civil ofBces, provided they are found 
 to possess the business capacity necessary for 
 the proper discharge of the duties of such ot- 
 iloes :" 
 
 Therefore, be It 
 
 Resolved, That the Committee on Military Af- 
 fairs be, and they are hereby, instructed to in- 
 quire into, and report to this body — 
 
 1st. 'Whether said section is in full force and 
 effect, or whether it has been in manner re- 
 pealed,modlfled, or rendered nugatory and void. 
 
 2d. "Whether said section has been faithfully 
 executed in appointments to civU ofBces un- 
 der the government, or whether it has been 
 openly and habitually disregarded and violated. 
 
 3. "Whetner the terms and meaning of said 
 section apply to provost and deputy provost 
 marshals, quartermasters.and sutlers who were 
 not disabled in the military or naval service of 
 the United States, or whether they apply solely 
 to persons who have been honorably discharged 
 from such service by rt asou of disability aiis- 
 ing from wounds or sickness incurred in the 
 line of duty; and, 
 
 4th. "Whether any additional legislation is 
 necessary to cause the provisions of this law 
 to be carried out and enforced by the various 
 departments of this government. 
 
 Toorliees ivants to hnoiv, Xou fenoiv — He 
 fears that Union solrtlers are not prop- 
 erly cared for by Republicans. 
 
 The object -which the Senator had in 
 "vie^w is patent on the face of the reso- 
 lution. He was fearful lest the govern- 
 ment was neglecting these " Lincoln 
 dogs," in not providing proper kennels 
 for their accomodation, or proper col- 
 lars for their identification. The only 
 explanation ■which he vouchsafed is con- 
 tained in the following words : 
 
 Considering the practices of this srovernment 
 and the various departments, I thought perhaps 
 the law was one that had crept in and was dis- 
 regarded because it was not binding. Iihoughf 
 it was possible, because it has been openly and 
 habitually disregarded, as everybody knows. 
 
 The resolution was promptly passed 
 and referred to the Committee on Mili- 
 tary Affairs ; and on July 3, 1883, Sena- 
 tor Harrison, from that C()m mi ttee, made 
 a report, the substance of which is as 
 follows : 
 
 The Senate Contmittee Finds that the 
 liaiv Is In Force, In lietter and Spirit. 
 
 To the first inquiry embraced in the 
 resolution, the committee reported that 
 the law is in full force, and also ex- 
 pressed the opinion that while section 
 1754 relates in terms only to disabled 
 soldiers, the spirit of the law has 
 a much wider scope. Section 1755 
 
 enacted at the same time, is as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 In grateful recognition of the services, sa«ri- 
 flces, and suffering of persons honorably dis- 
 charged from the military and naval service of 
 the country, by reasoa of wounds, disease, or- 
 the expiration of terms of enUstment, it is re- 
 spectfully recommendedto bankers, merchants,. 
 manufactm'ers, mechanics, farmers, and per- 
 sons engaged inmdustrlal pursuit8,to give themi 
 preference for appointments to remunerative- 
 situations and employments. 
 
 This section, it will be observed, ex- 
 tends to all soldiers honorably dis- 
 charged, whether for disability or ex- 
 piration of their terms of enlistment,, 
 and it cannot be supposed that Con- 
 gress intended to suggest to business- 
 men in their private employments a 
 more liberal policy towards the sol- 
 diers than it was willing to adopt in the- 
 civil service of the country. 
 
 Fifty-two Per cent, of "(Tnion Soldiers, 
 in the Treasury Department. 
 
 Regarding the second inquiry the- 
 Committee reported that they had ad- 
 dressed to the heads of all the Execu- 
 tive Departments inquiries touching the- 
 matters under investigation, in response 
 to which they received the following 
 statements : 
 
 The Secretary of the Treasury re- 
 ported that>— 
 
 The records show that out of 1,648 appoint- 
 ments and reappointments from March, 1877, t» 
 March, 1882, 803 were persons who either served, 
 in the military or naval ser-vice, and were hon- 
 orably discharged therefrom, or were "widows- 
 or orphans of soldiers and sailors. 
 
 It xAW be seen that in the Treasury- 
 Department nearly 52 per cent, of all 
 the appointments made since 1877 have 
 involved a recognition of service ren- 
 dered in the war by the appointee, or by 
 a dead father or husband. 
 
 Sixty-three Per Cent, of Union Sol- 
 diers In the TFar Department. 
 
 The Secretary of War reported that 
 the records of the War Department- 
 show that ; 
 
 "Of the present number of ci-vUlan employees- 
 in the "War Department 1,038 have been ap- 
 IJointed .-iince March 3, 1865, of which number 
 there lu-e 68 female and 15 boys, leaving as male 
 adult appointees 995. Of this niunber 602 (or 
 mo'.-e than 63 per cent.) have served iu the Army 
 or Nav-y , and 137 (or more than 82 per cent, of 
 those who served in the Army or Navy) were 
 discharged for disability resulting from wounds 
 or sickness incurred iu the line of duty." 
 
 This letter from the Secretary of War 
 is more directly responsive to the in- 
 quiry than others received, as it gives- 
 tlie per cent, of disabled soldiers. The- 
 committee have also learned by inqairy 
 that of the 08 females reported as em- 
 ployed in the War Department, 23 are 
 widows or orphans of soldiers. 
 
CONFEDERATE AND UNION SOLDIEES. 
 
 171 
 
 Tbirty-fonr per cent, of Uni<Mi Sol- 
 diers in the Interior n«ipart<ncat. 
 
 The following is the response of the 
 Secretary of the Interior : 
 
 8iK : * * * * I lies leave to state that the 
 said provleioii of law has been reeogni2icd and 
 executed In the appolntmonte made in this IJc- 
 partment, so far as praeticaMc, and that the 
 records show that of the whole force, 457 per- 
 sons, orraore than a4 per c«iitacin served cither 
 in the Ai-my or Navy, and that of the female 
 force of the Department, 128 persons, or more 
 than 36 per cent, are either widows, orphans, 
 ■wives, or daughters of Union soldiers and sail- 
 ors in the late rebellion. 
 
 Thlrty.Six Per Cent, of Union Soldiers 
 in tJie Post Office Department. 
 
 The Postmaster General responded to 
 iho coAimittee that — 
 
 The total number of employees in the Post 
 OfBco Department is 496. Of these 108 are fe- 
 males. Of the remaining 388, 138 were either 
 soldiers or sailors during the late war. 
 
 Considering the preportion of ex-soldiers and 
 snllors now living to the total male adult popu- 
 lation of the country, it seems to me the above 
 statement shows that the section referred to is 
 reasonably well executed in this Department. 
 
 It will be seen from this letter that 
 nearly 36 p3r cent, of the male em- 
 ployees of the Post Office Department 
 served iu the Army or Navy during the 
 late war. 
 
 Twenty-Five Per Cent, in the Depart- 
 ment of Justice. 
 
 The Attorney General responded as 
 follows : 
 
 Slnoel have held the offlco of Attorney-Gen- 
 eral there has been no instance wherein the 
 provisions of section 17S4 of the Revised Statutes 
 nave been disregarded or violated. 
 
 The .ipplicatioiis of persons bearing the de- 
 scription given in that section will be considered 
 by me, and v. hen vacancies are to bo filled they 
 will be preferred, if they are found upon exam- 
 ination to have the capacity required by the 
 law. 
 
 The letter of the Attorney -General 
 does not give the per cent, of ex-soldiers 
 employed in his department, but from a 
 report made to the Senate in October, 
 1881, it appears little more than 
 25 per cent, were of that class. 
 
 Thlrty-Fonr Per Cent, of Union So!- 
 diers in the Wavy Department. 
 
 The Secretary of the Navy replied 
 that— 
 
 The statute has been duly obeyed, and, so far 
 as I can Icani in full accordance with both its 
 letter and spirit. * * * 
 
 I have only to add th»t this statute, giving 
 uoaorably-dlBcharged soldiers and sailors the 
 preference in civil appointments, commends 
 itself to my heart and judgment, and will be 
 faithfully and fairly observed in this Depart- 
 ment, while under my control. 
 
 This letter does not give the figures 
 which were desired, but by reference to 
 
 a report of the Navy Department, made 
 to the Senate in December last, it was- 
 ascertained by the committee that 
 there were then 208 male employees in 
 that department, of which number 72,^ 
 or a little more than 34i per cent., had 
 served in the Army or Navy. 
 
 Twenty-Five Per Cent, of Union Sol- 
 diers in the State Department— Forty 
 Per Cent, in the Diplomatic and 
 Consular Service. 
 
 The Secretary of the State respon- 
 ded: 
 
 let. That since the passage of the resolution 
 of the 3d of March, 1865, this Department has di- 
 rected its efforts to a careful and faithful ob- 
 servance of the letter and spirit of that resolu- 
 tion. 
 
 The clerks and emplovees of this Department 
 comprise less than 80, and most of them require 
 special training, which can only be gained by 
 long experience ; but even of these, 35 per cent. 
 of tue niunber of male clerks are disclmrged sol- 
 diers. 
 
 2d. In the diplomatic and coasularservloenot 
 less than 40 psr c:at. of the whole number are 
 honorably-discharged Union soldiers, and of 
 them at least one-half are diflcha,rged for dis- 
 ability. 
 
 The Senate not in Crood Condition tO' 
 Read Iicctnres to others on love for 
 tile Union Soldier — But its IjOve for 
 the Confederate Sol<licr passeth the 
 liOve of a 'Woman- Fourteen per cent, 
 of Union Soldiers and twenty-two per 
 cent, of Confederate Soldiers in the 
 employ of the Secretary of Senate. 
 
 The committee then proceed ta 
 say: 
 
 Your committee feel that the Senate, having 
 as a part of the na ional legislature helped to 
 place section 1764 on the statute boolf, is as a. 
 body under peculiar obligations to enforce this 
 law in selecting its own otScors and employees. 
 An inquiri of the Acting Secretary of tbe Senate 
 upon this subject was answered by him as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 Then follows a table furnished by the 
 Acting Secretary, on which the com- 
 mittee remarks : 
 
 It will be seen that a little over 14 par cent, of 
 the employees of the Secretary's OtHce served 
 in the Union Army or Navy, while something 
 over 22 par oant. served in the Confederate Army. 
 
 Sixteen Per Cent, of Union Soldiers in 
 the Employ of the Sergeant-at-Arn»s 
 of the Senate ; and Fifteen Per Cent, of 
 Confederate Soldiers. 
 
 The Sergeant-at-Arms of the Senate 
 furnished a roll of employees, with 
 marks indicating "so far as known, "^ 
 the service rendered in either the Union 
 or Confederate service, from which the 
 committee makes the following deduc- 
 tions : 
 
 The number of male employees under the Ser- 
 geant-at-Arms, not including the Senate pase^^ 
 IS 107 ; of these, 9 are ri'-s«nngers nominated by 
 
172 
 
 CONFEDEKATE AND UNION SOLDIERS. 
 
 the committee wblcli tlicy serve, and appointed 
 by the Sergeant-at-Arms. Of these, Mr. Bright 
 has marked 17 persons, or a little less than 16 pop 
 <e9nt. of his force, as having served In the Union 
 Army, and 16 persons, er a little less than 15 jior 
 c9Bt. as having served In the Confederate Army. 
 He has also Indicated, upon the roll furnished, 
 those persons who were employed before he 
 was elected Sergeant-at-Arms. From thesn 
 marks it appears tnat 30 of the 107 persons who 
 were reported as now employed were appointed 
 by Mr. Bright's predecessor. Of these 30 per- 
 isons retained, 8 are marked as Union soldiers 
 or sailors. It follows, then, that of the 77 new 
 appointments made by Mr. Bright, Including 
 the 9 made upon the suggestion of the commit- 
 tees, onlT 9, or lees than 12 per cost, weere ap- 
 pointed from that class which the statute says 
 shall be preferred. 
 
 It appears also from the roll that of the IS Con- 
 foierito solUort now employed only 2 were on the 
 rolls when Mr. Bright took the office. In other 
 words, 9 Union soldiers and 11 Ooifoderatss have 
 been appointed. 
 
 The Capitol police force, which is ap- 
 pointed by a board coDsistiDg of the Ser- 
 geant-at-Arms of the Senate, the Ser- 
 seant-at-Arms of the House, and the 
 Architect of the Capitol, as reported by 
 the Captain, is as follows : 
 
 Number of officers and men, 33; in Union 
 -AiTuy, 17, (of this number lour were wounded) ; 
 in Confederate Army, 4 ; not in either army, 
 12. 
 
 The I>epartineiits average Forty per 
 cent, of llBion Soldiers — ^Ttae Senate 
 aver.iges Fifteen Per Cent. 
 
 The Committee concludes its report 
 -on this branch of the subject as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 It will be seen that the average per cent, of 
 .■soldier.s and sailors employed in the different 
 esecutive deparimeuts (taking in the State De- 
 partmout the mesn between 23 and 40) is 10 pet 
 esnt., while the average in the Senate offices Is 
 '15 percent. WlhiU this condition of things exists 
 the Senate does not occupy a favorabte ground 
 from which to ttclure the oilier departments of 
 the Government. 
 
 Tbe Honse Clerk employs 47 per cent, 
 of Union Soldiers— The Sergeant-at- 
 Arms 71iper cent.— The Doorheeper 53 
 per cent. 
 
 Of the appointees under the House 
 "the committee says : 
 
 We have received from the Clerk of the House 
 •of Eeprcseutatlvcs a letter, from which the fol- 
 lowing facts are taken : There are 36 clerks and 
 .assistants employed in his office, of whom 17, 
 or a little more than 17 per cent, served in the 
 Union Army, and one in the OosfeSerite Army. 
 
 Wo are also informed by a letter from the Ser- 
 geaut-at-Arms of the House that of the 7 em- 
 ployees in Ills office, 5, or a little more than 71 
 -per coat, served in the Union Army. 
 
 The Doorkeeper of the House informs us that 
 of 90 employees on the permanent roll 47 served 
 in the Union Army and 3 In the Confederate 
 Army. He also adds that among the total 
 number of employees given one is a page and 
 one a woman. Deducting these from the total 
 number of employees, we have over 63 pep eeat. 
 of Union soldiers on his force. He also adds 
 that among the pages there are 14 who are sons 
 of Union soldiers. 
 
 It will bo seen that of the total number of em- 
 ployees in the offices of the Clerk, Sergeant-at- 
 Arms, and Doorkeeper of the House oi llepre- 
 seutatives, nearly 63 p«p cast, were Union sol- 
 diers. 
 
 Recapitulation. 
 
 The per cent, of Union soldiers in the 
 Departments and in the House of Rep- 
 resentatives, as shown by the foregoing: 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 Treasury Department 53 
 
 War Department 63 
 
 Interior Department 34 
 
 Post Office Department 36 
 
 Justice Department 35 
 
 Navy Department 34 
 
 State Department (mean) 38 
 
 Office of Clerk of the House 47 
 
 Sergeant-at-Arms, House 71 
 
 Doorkeeper of House 53 
 
 Average 45 
 
 Per cent, of Union soldiers in the em- 
 ployment of the Senate : 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 Secretary's Office 14 
 
 Sergeant-at-Arms' Office 16 
 
 Average . 
 
 15 
 
 Per cent, of Confederate soldiers 
 in the employment of the Senate : 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 Secretary's Office 33 
 
 Sergeant-at-Arms' Office 15 
 
 Average 181 
 
 Thus it will be seen that the average 
 of Union soldiers employed in the de- 
 partments and the House of Representa- 
 tives (iill Republican) is 45 per cent. ; 
 while in the Senate— the employees be- 
 ing under the control of the Democrats 
 —there is the beggarly showing of 15 
 per cent, of Union soldfiers, which is off- 
 set by 18 l-2percent.of Confederate sol- 
 diers. Is Senator Voorhees content? 
 
PENSIONS ANU BOCNTII'.S. 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 12* 
 
 Pensions and Bounties. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 Bill for E^qnatizaiaon of 
 Bounties in 43<1 Cougi'ess 
 only failed to become a 
 law by beingpas<$ed too late 
 to receive President's sig- 
 n a t n r e — Rei>i''escntati ve 
 Democrats in Mouse Tote 
 against it — Only one Dem- 
 ocrat in Senate voted for 
 it. 
 
 The43d Congress, (Republican) passed 
 a bill for the equalization of boun- 
 ties wkich failed to become a law, 
 owiug to the fact that it passed too late 
 to receive the President's signature. 
 
 Such representative Democrats iu the 
 House as Clarkson N. Potter, Thomas 
 Swan, Eppa Hunton, et al., voted 
 against it, and in the Senate only one 
 Democrat voted for it. 
 
 The Democrats In House of 41tli Con- 
 gress revive Republican measure for 
 Equalization of Bounties — Rebel 
 Brig^atliers oppose its passage — A 
 Trick of the Democracy to place Re- 
 publicans In false Position — Tliey 
 failed— It would have again passed if 
 it could bave been reached in time 
 by Senate. 
 
 The 44th Congress (the House being 
 Democratic) revived the measure 
 passed in the 43d. Tlie Democrats 
 made a movement in its favor — not be- 
 cause they wished it to become a law — 
 but because they knew that to equalize 
 the bounties under it would cost at 
 least $100,000,000, and there being no 
 money in the Treasury available for 
 the purpose, the national debt would 
 have to be increased that amoant in 
 order to meet it— a measure which they 
 knew would meet with widespread de- 
 nunciation. The Kcbol Brigadiers, 
 however, such as Blackburn, Buckner, 
 Torney, Goode, Hooker, Hereford, 
 Hunton, Mills, Reagan, Schleicher, 
 Throckmorton, et al., violently opposed 
 it, while only two Republicans voted 
 against it. It was originally a Repub- 
 lican measure and passed both Houses 
 
 when they were Republican, and would' 
 have passed again in 1876, if the Sen- 
 ate could have reached it in time, and 
 there had been money in the Treasury 
 to meet the expense without increasing- 
 the national debt. 
 
 Republicans pass Additional Bounty 
 Acj of 18S«, under which was paid 
 
 »71,154,a39.81. 
 
 In 1866 the Republicans passed what 
 was known as the "additional county 
 act," under which the soldiers have 
 been paid $71,154, 539.81. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 Pensions— Tbe Fundament* 
 al Pension Act of July 
 14, 1862, etc. 
 
 The many Acts passetl by Republicaus- 
 for the benefit of the Soldier — jHore 
 than 1,300,000 .Settlements made 
 under them In Pension Office— Slore 
 titan $404,000,000 paid to Pensioners, 
 4&C. — All evincing^ the substantial 
 Gratitude of Republican Party to- 
 Union Soldiers. 
 
 The fundamental law under which 
 pensions are granted was passed by the 
 Republicans July 14, 1862, when the ma- 
 jority of Democratic leaders were either 
 in arms against tlie Government or 
 plotting treason at the Capitol. 
 
 It bestowed with a lavisli hand pen- 
 sions upon all those who should become- 
 disabled, in whole or iu part, in the ser- 
 vice of their country, and to the depen- 
 dent relatives of those who should die 
 from causes originating in such service,, 
 including widows, children, mothers, 
 and sisters. 
 
 It was the first comprehensive pro- 
 vision in that behalf, and laid the foun- 
 dation for the generous allowances now 
 made by law. 
 
 The a*ts of April 9, 1864, July 4,, 
 1864, March 3, 1865, June 6, 1866, 
 July 35, 1868, July 37, 1868, July 7, 
 
 1870, July 8, 1870, Februaij 14,. 
 
 1871, June 8, 1872, March 3, 1873, June 6,. 
 1874, June 18, 1874 (3,) as will be ob- 
 served, rapidly ioUowed, under the Re- 
 publican control of Congress. 
 
174 
 
 PENSIONS AifD BOUNTIES. 
 
 They all liberalize the provisions of 
 "the fundamental law, either by enlarg- 
 ing the classes benefited, or by increas- 
 ipg the amounts payable to classes 
 theretofore established. 
 
 Among other important provisions 
 the following are most prominent : 
 
 I. The extension of the limitation 
 within which claims should be filed — 
 to commence the pension from the date 
 ■of discharge in the case of a soldier, and 
 from his death in the case of a widow 
 or dependent relative. 
 
 The fundamental law made the limit 
 one year. TJie act of June 6, 1866, ex- 
 tended it to three years, and the act of 
 July 27, 1868, to five years, and under 
 both these laws arrears of pensions 
 were allowed and paid in thousands of 
 ■cases. 
 
 II. The act of July 4, 1864, increased 
 pensions for loss of both feet from $8 
 to $80 per month, and for loss of both 
 liands or both eyes, from $8 to $25 per 
 month. It also included non-enlisted 
 men disabled while serving as pension- 
 ■able, and granted the accrued pension 
 •due a pensioner to his relatives. 
 
 The act of March 3, 1865, increased 
 pensions for loss of foot and hand from 
 $8 to $20 per month. The act of June 
 '6, 1866, increased invalid pensions as 
 follows : 
 
 Loss of both hands or both feet to 
 $25 per month. 
 
 Loss of both feet or hand and foot to 
 •$20 per month. 
 
 Loss of one hand or one foot, or 
 -equivalent disability, $15 per month. 
 
 These provisions benefitted 19,000 
 pensioners. 
 
 That act also enlarged the provisions of 
 the act of July 4, 1864, by giving to the 
 relatives of a claimant all he (thesoldier) 
 would have received had he lived to 
 complete his claim, and was the first 
 provision of law granting pensions to 
 •dependent fathers and orphan brothers. 
 
 The act of July 25, 1866, granted in- 
 crease to widow pensioners of $2 a 
 month for each child, by the soldier, 
 under sixteen years of age, and if there 
 was no widow, increased the pensions 
 ■of minor children to an amouiit equal to 
 that the widow would have received. 
 Under this provision 18,000 pensions 
 were at once increased, and a large 
 number annually since. 
 
 The act of July 27, 1868, gave the $2 
 per month increase for children of the 
 soldier by a former wife, increased the 
 pensions of those soldiers who, having 
 -only one eye, lost the same because of 
 their service, from $8 to $25 per month, 
 ■&c., &c. 
 
 The act of July 8, 1870, provided a new 
 ..system— substantially that now in use— 
 tfor paying pensions, making the pay- 
 
 ments quarterly instead of semi-an- 
 nually, requiring all checks to be drawn 
 to the order of the pensioner, and other- 
 wise throwing around them safeguards 
 to protect the pensioners from being 
 defrauded by those they employed to 
 collect their pension. 
 
 The act of February 14, 1871, was the 
 first provision granting pensions for 
 service in the war of 1812. 
 
 The act of June 8, 1872, entitled all 
 who had received $15, $18, and $34, for 
 specific disabilities, to $20, $25, and 
 $31.25 respectively. 
 
 The act of Marcli 3, 1873, brought into 
 harmoniou s relations th e laws previously 
 passed relating to pensions, and largely 
 increased those for certain disabilities, 
 &c., to wit : for loss of leg above the 
 knee, under certain conditions, from 
 $18 to $35. 
 
 For disabilities not permanent it 
 granted, during their continuance, a 
 like pension as if permanent, the latter 
 only having been provided for under 
 previous laws. It also increased the 
 pensions for disabilities entitling to 
 more than $8 and less than $18 per 
 mouth, to a rate intermediate to those 
 grades, viz : $12, $14, $16, &c. 
 
 Tlie act of June 18, 1874, increased 
 the rates of those pensioners entitled to 
 $31.25 per month, and whose disabili- 
 ties were permanent, to $50 per month. 
 Another act of the same date increased 
 from $18 to $34 per month the pensions 
 of all who had lost an arm above the 
 elbow or a leg above the knee. 
 
 Under these various provisions of 
 law, and the few minor provisions of 
 law enacted since the Democrats have 
 obtained control of the House of Rep- 
 resentatives, exclusive of the Arrears 
 Acts of January and March, 1879, more 
 than 1,500,000 settlements have been 
 made in the Pension OflSce, and more 
 than the sum of $404,000,000 has 
 been paid thereon. 
 
 It will be observed that under Repub- 
 lican auspices the classes of pensioners 
 were made to embrace all now provided 
 for by law, and the rates of pensions 
 were liberalized to a scale largely in ex- 
 cess of that ever before adopted by any 
 government, and they were macle to 
 conform to the degrees of disability 
 actually existing, viewed in relation to 
 the incapacity of the pensioner for 
 earning a livelihood, and the classes 
 benefited by increased rates are num- 
 bered by tens of thousands; while 
 under Democratic control the provisions 
 of law enacted benefited but a few, 
 and their pensions had already been 
 increased to the higher grades. 
 
 Such, in brief, is the Republican 
 record of justice and of gratitude to the 
 soldier. 
 
PENSIONS AND BOUNTIES. 
 
 175 
 
 PAET III. 
 
 Arrears of Pcni^ions a Re- 
 publican Measure. 
 
 The Arrears of Pensions Act^Tliat 
 Great Measure of Justice to the Union 
 Soldier A Republican Measure— The 
 Bice Bill— Its Fraud— Attempts to Se- 
 cure Arrears for Rebel Mexican War 
 Pensioners— The Cummings-IIaskell 
 Bill Granting Arrears of Pensions to 
 Union Soldiers substituted for It and 
 Passed— Yeas and Nays npon its Pas- 
 sage, Ac. 
 
 On Februarv 13, 1878, A. V. Eice, the 
 Democratic chairman of the House 
 Committee on Pensions, reported a bill 
 granting arrears of pensions: "also to 
 ■authorize the Secretary of the Interior to 
 restore to the roll the names of invalid 
 pensioners stricken therefrom on account 
 ■of disloyalty," &c.; this latter provis- 
 ion being the sop thrown to the rebel 
 brigadiers to secure their support of or 
 acquiescence in the measure. This bill 
 was made a special order for February 
 •27, 1878, but Mr. Rice failing to secure its 
 consideration on that day, Mr. Cum- 
 mings, a Kepublicanmemljcr from Kan- 
 sas, on April 3, 1878, introduced the bill 
 <H. R. No. 4334) which was subsequently 
 ipassed. It was referred to the Commit- 
 tee on Pensions, from which it was not 
 reported back; and on June 19, 1878, 
 Mr. Haskell, a Eepubliean member from 
 TCansas, moved a suspension of the 
 Tules, in order that the Committee on 
 Pengioas may be discharged from the 
 further consideration of bill H. R. No. 
 4234, and that it be passed with an 
 amendment. Thereupon the following 
 •coUoquy ensued : 
 
 Mr. Bakning. I understand that tliis is the 
 bill reported by the Committee on Pensions and 
 xeconunended by them. 
 
 Mr. Riddle. No, sir ; it is not the bill. 
 
 Tbe Spbakeh jwo tempore. Debate Is not in or- 
 der. 
 
 Mr. Banning. I ask for the reading ol that 
 Bectionwhich was not contained in the bill re- 
 ported from the Committee ou Invalid Pensions. 
 
 Mr. Rice, of Ohio. This biU was not reported 
 from the committeo at all. 
 
 Mr. Eden. That is in the natm:eof the debate, 
 and is not in order on a motion to suspend the 
 Tales. 
 
 Mr. Cttmmings. I call for the yeas and nays 
 upon the motion to suspend the rules. * * * 
 I withdraw the demand for the yeas and nays 
 *r the present. 
 
 The question was put on the motion to sus- 
 J)end the rules — ayes 90, noes 20; no quorum 
 voting. 
 
 Mr. HASKELL, I call for tellers. 
 
 Mr. BBOWTfE. I call for yeas and uaps. 
 
 Mr. White. Cannot we understand whether 
 this is the bill that was reported from the Com- 
 ■mittee on Invalid Pensions or not J 
 
 Mr. EiCB, of Olilo. I wiU state that it is not 
 the bill. I have been trying to get the bill, re- 
 ])orted unanimously from tha committee, acted 
 tipon, but have failed to do so. 
 
 Mr. Conger. I demand the yeas and nays. 
 
 Opdered, and the biU was passed. 
 
 The bill, the passage of which was se- 
 cured under Mr. Haskell's motion, grant- 
 ed arrears to the date of discharge or 
 death of the soldier without restriction 
 or limitation, and gave to the pensioners, 
 as estimated by the Commi.'.sioner of 
 Pensions, the sum of $34,000,000inclaun8 
 settled before the date of the act, while 
 the bill, which Mr. Eice had reported to 
 the House four months before, and 
 which he had " been trying to get acted 
 upon," hilt had "failed to do so," was a 
 quabfled bill in the following respects: 
 
 In the first place, it was limited by its 
 fourth section to the pensioners on the 
 roll. A pensioner having deceased, his 
 widow or child, or other relatives, could 
 not get a doUar under its provisions ; a 
 widow having remarried, or a minor child 
 havingbecome sixteen yearsof age could 
 not get a dollar. 
 
 Secondly, it divided the pensioners on 
 the roll into three classes, and bestowed 
 arrears upon them unequally. To only 
 widows, minors, mothers, fathers, broth- 
 ers, and sisters, receiving pensions, did 
 it give the benefit which they derive 
 from the present law. To the soldiers 
 themselves it was not so liberal. Those 
 disabled by wounds and injuries were to 
 be paid from date of discharge, pro- 
 vided they filed their original claims 
 within five years ; " otherwise the pen- 
 sion shall commence from the time of 
 the development of thedisabUity result- 
 ing from such wounds or injuries," &c. 
 
 To those soldiers who are pensioned 
 for the effect of diseases — the sick, the 
 bed-ridden — who, while equally incapa- 
 citated with the w.oanded, are, as a 
 class, the greatest sufferers, their pen- 
 sions were to be made to commence, not 
 from the date of the discharge, but "from 
 the date of the application." In other 
 words, they were to get no an-ears ex- 
 cept for the period between the filing of 
 their claims in the Pension Office and 
 the date of their allowance — an average 
 time of about three years. 
 
 Compare the Rice iill, which was not 
 passed, with the Cummings - Haskell 
 bill, which was passed, in the amount of 
 money it bestowed and the numbers 
 benefited. According to the estimate of 
 the Commissioner of Pensions the Rice 
 bill granted arrears as follows : 
 
 To the widows, minors, moth- 
 ers,&c 6645 $1,841,152.00 
 
 To wounded and injured sol- 
 diers 16.659 10,313,586.90 
 
 To the deeeaeed soldiers.... 3,034 606,800.00 
 
 Total 25,338 15,761,538.90 
 
 The Cummings-Haskell bill granted 
 aiTears on claims allowed before Jan- 
 uary 1,1879: 
 
 To widows, minors, mothers, 
 
 &C 9.049 $8,758,066.80 
 
 To tlie'soidiers 36,106 25.114,434.40 
 
 Total *5,15 335,.872,50220 
 
176 
 
 PENSION'S AND BOUNTIES. 
 
 A difference in favor of the soldiers in 
 the Cummin {?s-Haskell bill over the Rice 
 bill of 10,413 soldiers and $14,194,047.50, 
 and of 3,404 widows, dependent parents, 
 and orphans, and $3,916,914.80. More- 
 over, as the title above quoted shows, 
 the seventh section of the Rice bill pro- 
 prosed the repeal of section 4716 of the 
 Revised Statutes, which provides that 
 no "money on account of pension shall he 
 paid to any person or to the ividoiv, chil- 
 dren, orheirsof any deceased person, who, 
 in any manner, voluntarily engaged in 
 or aided or abetted the late rehellion 
 against ths authority of the United States," 
 and to pay all invalid pensioners, mostly 
 of former wars, and who in many in- 
 stances had served in the rebel array, 
 and in consequence had been stricken 
 from the rolls for disloyalty, arrears 
 of pensions back to December 35, 1858 — 
 in nearly every instance for a longer 
 period than the sams hill granted to de- 
 ceased loyal soldiers of the war of the re- 
 hellion. While the amount estimated 
 to be payable under the Cummings-Has- 
 kell bill, as above stated, was upwards 
 of $33,000,000, it was modiiied by the 
 act of March 3, 1879, which reduced the 
 estimate of the Pension Office to $25,- 
 000,000, and $24,728,155 have actually 
 been paid thereunder. 
 
 Indeed Rice's bill was simply a cover 
 under which dropped disloyal pension- 
 ers might be restored to the rolls and 
 collect their arrears. It was justly de- 
 feated. But the Cunimings - Haskell 
 bill, a Republican measure which actu- 
 ally passed, and for which this Demo- 
 cratic party; with, characteristic as- 
 surance, claims all the credit for the 
 Demociacy, embraces only the loyal 
 soldier. 
 
 The Democratic fraud in claiming any 
 credit for the passage of this bill (H. R. 
 4234) is readily exposed by an analysis 
 of the votes by which it was passed. 
 In the House the vote was — 
 
 RepuMlcaii ayes , ns 
 
 Republican nays oo 
 
 ^ .. 116 
 
 Democratic ayes 48 
 
 Democratic nays lil 
 
 109 
 
 Showing a Republican majority of 7 over 
 the combined vote of the Democrats. 
 Of the 48 Democratic ayes 44 were from 
 the North— only 4 were from the South. 
 In the Senate the vote was — 
 
 Republican ayes 26 
 
 Republican nays 00 
 
 ^ 26 
 
 Demecratio ayes 18 
 
 Democratic nays 4 
 
 22 
 
 A Republican majority of 4 over the com- 
 bined vote of the Democrats. Not a 
 single Republican vote was cast against 
 it, but the Arrears Act, that great meas- 
 ure of justice to the loyal soldier, is in 
 
 every sense purely a Republican meas- 
 ure. It was introduced into the House 
 by a Republican, (Mr. Cummings,) was 
 supported in debate by the Republicans, 
 and Anally passed in both Houses in 
 spite of the opposition of the Southern 
 Democracy by Republican votes. In the 
 House the 61 Democratic votes against it 
 were, with tliree exceptions, all nromthe 
 South, to wit : 
 
 Nays— Jfcssrs. Aclden, Aiken, S.P. Bell, Black- 
 burn, Blount, Boone, Bright, Cabell, J. 1\\ Cald- 
 well, W. P. Caldwell, Candler, Carlisle, J. B. 
 Clarl:e.Cooh. Cravens, Crittenden, BavidBon, J.J. 
 Bavis, Bibi'ell, Durham, Etckhojff'.Bla7n,J.H.JBll-is, 
 BvinSfFenton, Forney, Garth, Gause, Gibson.Gid- 
 dinffs, Goode, H. 2i. Harris, J.T, Harris, Herbert, 
 G W. Hewitt, Hooker, House, Hunton, J. G.Jones, 
 Knott, Ligon, Mai/lium, McKenzie, Mills, MuC- 
 drow, Fhelps, Pridemore, Reagan, Riddle, Rob- 
 bins, Scales, Schleicher, O. R. Singleton, W. E. 
 Smith. Steele, Throckmorton, Vance, Whitihorne, 
 J. Williams, A, S. Willis, and TateB—ei. 
 
 PART IV. 
 
 The Democratic Record — 
 iSo Called. 
 
 A Beggarly Acconnt of Small Donations 
 — Iinpndent Claims set np to Republi- 
 can Measures. 
 
 The acts upon which the Democracy 
 base their claim to the title of the " sol- 
 diers' friend" are the following : 
 
 On May 24, 1878, the House passed a 
 bill to increase tlio pensions of pen- 
 sioned soldiers and sailors, who had 
 lost either both hau ds or both feet, or the 
 sight of both eyes, in the service of the 
 country. It provided tliat the pensions 
 of such soldiers and sailors should be 
 increased to $73 per month. 
 
 This bill which became an act June 
 17, 1878, and its supplement of March 3, 
 1873, affected only those who were pre- 
 viously entitled to $50 per month under 
 the act of June 18. 1874, and probably 
 embraced less than 200 pensioners. 
 
 Another bill passed on May 24, 1878, 
 increased the pensions of all soldiers 
 who had suffered amputation of their 
 leg at the hip joint to $37.50 per month. 
 
 This bill whicli became an act March 
 3, 1879, increased less than 20 pensions, 
 and they were before in receipt of $34 
 per month. 
 
 On May 33, 1878, Mr. Riddle, of Ten- 
 nessee, reported a bill which amended the 
 pension act of 1874 so as to extend it* 
 provisions to all persons who had 
 lost an arm below the elbow, or so 
 near the elbow, or a leg below the knee, 
 or so near the knee as to destroy the 
 use of the elbow or the knee-joint, and 
 rated such persons in the second class 
 and to receive a pension of $24 per 
 month. 
 
PEK8IONS AND BOUNTIES. 
 
 177 
 
 This bin, if it had become a law, 
 would have affected but a few, probably 
 not more than one hundred. Those 
 who lost the arm above the elbow or the 
 leg ahove the knee were already entitled 
 to $34 per month, and the law was in- 
 tended to benefit only those who liad suf- 
 fered amputation just at the elbow or 
 knee, or so near as to destroy its use. 
 As a matter of fact it was not rejected 
 by the Senate, but was referred to its 
 Committee on Pensions, which failed to 
 report it to the Senate. 
 
 The only provision which passed the 
 House under Democratic control, ex- 
 cept the Arrears Act, that would have 
 affected any very large number of 
 soldiers, was the bill to increase the 
 pensions of those who had lost one 
 limb. The increase proposed was 
 twelve dollars per month, and it would 
 have benefited about 4,000 pensioners. 
 
 The only additional Democratic 
 measure was that of February 28, 1877, 
 " to allow a pension of $36 a month to 
 soldiers wholiave lost both an arm and 
 a leg." -This benefited a number not 
 exceeding two hundred pensioners. 
 
 Democrats Re-enact an Existing Pen- 
 gloin I.aw Passed by tbe RepnbUcans— 
 Qeltztaoover and Ryon, Democratic 
 members of Hoase, Explain to ttaeir 
 Constituents tbat Rebel Brigadiers 
 are against Pensioning Union Sol- 
 diers. 
 
 Another measure for which the Dempc- 
 racy claim credit was a bill reported in 
 June, 1876, to regulate the issue of arti- 
 ficial limbs. 
 
 The first section _provided that every 
 peirson who in the line of his duty in the 
 military or naval service of the United 
 States shall have lost a limb, or sus- 
 tained bodily injuries, depriving him of 
 the use of any of his limbs, shall receive 
 once every five years an artificial limb 
 or appliance, under such regulations as 
 the surgeon-general of the army may 
 prescribe; and the period of five years 
 shall be held to commence with the fil- 
 ing of the application after the 17th day 
 of January, in the year 1870. 
 
 Now, the facts are that the practice of 
 granting artificial limbs to soldiers and 
 Bailors who lost their natural limbs in 
 the service has existed since the passage 
 of the act of July 16, 1863; and on July 
 28, 1866, Congress passed an act "to au- 
 thorize the Secretary of War to furnish 
 transportation to discharged soldiers to 
 whpui artificial limbs are furnished by 
 the Government." 
 
 On July 87, 1868, an act was passed 
 placing officers upon the same footing 
 with privates as to artificial limbs. On 
 July 17, 1870, another act was passed au- 
 thorizing the War Department to furn- 
 ish a new limb or apparatus to all those 
 previously supplied, and at the expira- 
 
 tion of every five years thereafter an- 
 other. Or if the soldier so elected he 
 could receive money commutation there- 
 for of fi'om fifty to seventy-five dollars ; 
 and the act of June 30, 1870, extended 
 the provision to all classes, including 
 transportation. Under these laws ad- 
 vantageous arrangements were made 
 with manufacturers through whom limbs 
 were procured at rates largely reduced 
 from market prices. 
 
 It will be observed that the a(t of Au- 
 gust 15, 1876, was simply a re-enactment, 
 with slight and unimportant changes, of 
 previous enactments. 
 
 The hostility, the implacable enmity 
 of the Democracy to the Union soldier 
 is not open to doubt. Nor can their as- 
 surance or their impudent claims alter 
 the fact. It is even demonstrated by 
 the highest of Democratic testimony. 
 Hon. F. E. Beltzhoover, the Democratic 
 member of the House from thenineteenth 
 district of Pepnsvlvania, in a letter to a 
 constituent dated April 33, 1880, declines 
 to introduce a pension bill, because " witft 
 the present Democratic Housepension bills 
 do not Jmve much favor, * * * and the 
 rebel general who is at the head of the Pen- 
 sion Committee in the Senate is still m^re 
 averse to alloteing any 8\ich bills to pass." 
 Hon. J. W. Ryon, another Democratic 
 member from Pennsylvania, bears like 
 testimony. He declares, in aletter (dated 
 September, 1880), to a constituent, that 
 " the present House is averse to allowing 
 claims for services rendered Ht support 
 of the United States during the late war." 
 
 PART V. 
 
 The Clerical Force in the 
 Pension Office. 
 
 The number of pension claims of aU 
 classes on the files of the Pension Office 
 which had not received favorable action 
 at the close of the fiscal years of 1880, 
 1881, and 1883 were 346,833, 850,337, and 
 360,331, respectively. - 
 
 The number oi clerks employed m the 
 Pension Office in 1881 was 454, and 573 
 in 1883. The appropriation for these 
 two years having been made by the 
 Forty-sixth Congress, (Democratic.) 
 
 It will be observed that the number 
 of claims on tile continued to increase 
 rather than dimiinsh, as the number of 
 new cases coming in exceeded those 
 which could be settled. , . „ „ 
 
 With the force employed in the Pen- 
 sion office it usually required from two 
 and one-half years to three years to 
 reach a case in its order of filing befpre 
 the first step was taken for its consid- 
 eration, and then, owing to the many 
 thousands on file, it would be from- one 
 
178 
 
 THE TAKirK. 
 
 to three years before final action would 
 be had upon it. 
 
 To remedy this the last Congress, (Re- 
 publican,) on the 5th day of August, 
 1883, passed an act providing for 1,559 
 clerks in the Pension Office, so that the 
 work of settling tlie claims for pensions 
 mieit be expedited. 
 
 With the slight increase of force for 
 the year 1883 tlie allowance of original 
 pension claims was about 30 per cent, 
 greater than the average per year since 
 1861. 
 
 The total number of cases of all classes 
 
 disposed of during the past year was 
 59,190. 
 
 Besides the large increased facilities 
 referred to for reaching an early settle- 
 ment of cases, the act of August 5, 1883, 
 provided the means for the Commis- 
 sioner of Pensions to detail special ex- 
 aminers iu the field, so that in the pro- 
 curement of testimony very many cases 
 will be susceptible of allowance which 
 otherwise would be denied, owing 'to 
 the inability of the claimants to obtain 
 information of the whereabouts of wit- 
 nesses. 
 
 OHAPTEE XII. 
 
 The Tariff. 
 
 FART I. 
 
 ** £nconragemeiit and pro- 
 tection " to American in- 
 dustry the "True Amer- 
 ican System" — Its Advo- 
 cates Illustrious States- 
 men of Practical Genius — 
 TVashington, Franklin, 
 Mamilton, Calhoun, Clay^ 
 Andrew Jackson, 9Iadi- 
 sen, Jno. Q. Adams, H^eb- 
 «iter, Garfield, liincoln, 
 and Grant. 
 
 ■George Washington in his first mes- 
 sage to Congress declared that : 
 
 The safety and interest of the people require 
 that they should promote such manufnctures as 
 tend to render them Independent of others for es- 
 sential, particularly for military, supplies. 
 
 The preamble of the Second act of the 
 First Congress, read: 
 
 Whereas it is necessary for the support of the 
 eovemment, for the discharge of the debt of the 
 United Statea, and the encourogemenl and protection 
 af manmfaduTcrs, that duties be levied on goods 
 ■wares, and merchandise imported. 
 
 In his second message to Congress, 
 George Washington saia : 
 
 Congress has repeatedly, and not -without suc- 
 cess, directed their attention to the encourage- 
 ment of mnnufactures. The object is of tiio much 
 consequence not to insure a continuance of their 
 eiiorta in every way VFhich shall appear eligible. 
 
 Benjamin Franklin, in 1771, said : 
 
 It seems the interestof all our farmersand own- 
 ers of land to encourage our young manufactures 
 in preference to foreign ones imported among us 
 jrom -distiuit <!ouutries. 
 
 Alexander Hamilton, in 1790, in his 
 celebrated Eeport on Manufactures, 
 urged : 
 
 Not only the wealth but the independence and 
 securhy of a country sppear to be mHterially con- 
 nected with the prosperity of manufactures. 
 Every nation, with a view to these great objects, 
 ought to endeavor to possess within itself all the 
 easentlak of national supply. These comprise the 
 menns of subsisttnce, habitation, clothing, and 
 defense. The possession of these is necessary to 
 the perfection of the body-politio, to the safety as 
 well as the welfare of society. The want of either 
 is the want of an important organ of political life 
 and motion ; an<l in the various crises which 
 await a State it must severely foel the effects of any 
 such deficiency. The extreme embarrassments of 
 the Uniied States during the late [Revolutionary] 
 war, from nn Incapacity of supplying themselves, 
 are still matters of keen recollection. A future 
 war might be expected again to exemplify the 
 mischief! and dangers of a situation to which that 
 incapacity is still in too great a degree applicable, 
 unleas changed by timely and vigorous exertion. 
 To effect this change as fast as shall be prudent 
 merits all the attention and all the zeal of our 
 public councils. It is the next great work to be 
 accomplished. 
 
 Juo. C. Calhoun, in 1816, urged: 
 
 It [the encouragement of manufactures] pro- 
 duced a system strictly American, as much so as 
 agriculture, in which it had the decided advan- 
 tage of commerce and navigation. The country 
 will from this derive much advantage. Again, it 
 is calculated to bind together more closely our 
 widespread republic. It will greatly increase our 
 mutual dependence and intercourse, and will as a 
 nece.i8ary consequence excite an Increased atten- 
 tion to internal improvements— a subject every 
 way so intimately connected with the ultimate 
 attainment of national strength and the perfection 
 of our political institutions. He regarded the fact 
 that it would make the parts adhere more closely: 
 that it would form a new and most powerfni 
 cement, far outweighing any political objections 
 that might be urged agalntt the system. In his 
 opinion the liberty and the union of the country 
 were inseparably united; that as the destruotioB 
 of the latter would most certainly involve the 
 former, so its maintenance will with equal cer- 
 tainty preserve it. 
 
 Henry Clay, in 1834, in the course of 
 one of Jiis great speeches, said : 
 
 It is most desirable that there should be both a 
 home and a foreign market. But with respect to 
 
THE TARIFF. 
 
 179> 
 
 their relative superiority I cannot entertain a 
 doabt. The borne market isfirat in order and par- 
 amount In Importance. • • • But this home 
 market, desirable as It is, can only be created and 
 cberished by tbe protection of onr own legislation 
 against tbe iucTitable prostration of our industry, 
 wblch must ensue from tbe action of forelg;n pellcy 
 and legislation. * * * If I am asked wby un- 
 protected industry sbould not succeed in a strug- 
 gle witb protected industry, I answer: The fact 
 has ever been se, and that is suf^cient ; I reply, the 
 uniform experience evinces tbat U cannot succeed 
 in such a struggle, and tbatis sufficient. If wespje- 
 ulate on the causes of tbl.^ univcisil truth, we may 
 differ about them. Still tbe indisputable fact re- 
 mains. » * * The cause is the cause of the 
 country, and it must and will prevail. It is 
 founded on tbe interests and affections of the peo- 
 ple. It Is as native as the granite deeply embos- 
 omed in our mountains. 
 
 General Andrew Jackson, in 1824, 
 wrote : 
 
 It it time that we should become a little more 
 Americanized, and. Instead of feeding the pau- 
 pers and laborers of En^^laud, feed our own. 
 
 James Madison, in 1828, said : 
 
 A further evidence In support of tbe cOBStitu- 
 tlonal power to protect ana foster manufactures 
 by regulations or trade— an evidence that ought 
 In itself to settle the question — is the uniform and 
 practical sanction given in that i^wer, for nearly 
 forty years, with a concurrence or ucquiesence of 
 every State government throughout the same pe- 
 riod, and, it may be added, through all the vlcis- 
 sltudes of party which marked thi.t period. 
 
 Mr. Jno. Q. Adams, in 1832, in a report 
 from the Committee on Manufactures, 
 said: 
 
 And thus the very first act of the organized Con- 
 gress united with the law of self-preservation, by 
 the support of the government just instituted, the 
 two objects combined In the firet grant of power to 
 Congress; the payment of the public debts and 
 Uie provision for the common defense by the pro- 
 tecilon of manufactures. The next act was pre- 
 cisely of the same character — an act of protection 
 to manufactures still more than of taxation for 
 revenue. 
 
 Daniel Webster, in 1833, said : 
 
 The protection of American labor against the 
 injurious competition of forelun labor, jo fa«| at 
 least, as respects general handicraft productions, 
 i» known blatorlcally to have been one end de- 
 signed to be obtained by establishing the Consti- 
 tution ; and this object, and the constitutional 
 Sower to accomplish it. ought never to besurren- 
 ered or compromised in any degree. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln, in 1832, said : 
 
 I am favor of the internal improvement system 
 and a high protective tariff. 
 
 General Garfield, in House of Repre- 
 sentatives, June, 1878, declared : 
 
 So Important, in my view, is the ability of the 
 Nation to manufacture all those articles neces- 
 sary to arm, equip, and clothe our people that if 
 It could not be secured in any other way I would 
 vote to pay mon y out of the Federal Treasury to 
 maintain governmentlron and steel, woolen and 
 cotton mills, at whatever cost. Were we to ne- 
 glect these great interests and depend upon other 
 nations in what a condition of helplessness would 
 we Bad ourselves when we should be again in- 
 volved in war with the vtry nations on whom we 
 were depending to furnish us these supplies? The 
 system adopted by our fathers is wiser, lor it so 
 encourages the great National industries as to 
 
 make it possible at all times for our people to 
 equip themselves for war, and at tbe same time 
 increase ihelr intelligence and skill, so as to make 
 them better fitted for all the duties of citizenship, 
 both in war and in peace. We provide for the 
 common defeni.e by a sy»tem which promotes the 
 general welfare. 
 
 President Grant, in three compact sen- 
 tences, in defining the wants of the 
 country, said : 
 
 A duty upon those articles which we could dis- 
 pense with, known as luxuries, asd those of 
 which we use more than we produce. 
 
 All duty removed from tea, coffee, and other 
 articles of universal use not produced by our- 
 selves. 
 
 Kncourageraent to home products, employment 
 to labor at living wages, and development of 
 home resources. 
 
 PART IL 
 
 Protection f o American In- 
 dustry tlie Cause Under- 
 lying tlie Struggle in 1776 
 for American Independ- 
 ence. 
 
 Resistance of onr Colonial Fathers to 
 Tyranny of Brltlsb Trader— Colonial 
 Mannfactnres declared » Nuisance 
 by Act of ParUament^Tbe Colonists 
 revolt and achieve their Indepen- 
 dence. 
 
 The primary and principal causes un- 
 derlying the American Eevolution of 
 1776 sprung from the conflict between 
 our colonial ancestors, in support of 
 native industry, and the British Trader, 
 backed by all the authority and power 
 oftheCrownandParliament,inhi8effort8 
 to destroy all maniifacturing industry 
 in the colonies, and make the colonists 
 dependent ui)on England for their sup- 
 
 flies. Colonial manufactures, by act of 
 'arliament, were even declared a nuis- 
 ance. Our fathers revolted. Thej con- 
 quered their independence, and in 1783 
 entered the community of nations as a 
 sovereign power. 
 
 PART III. 
 
 Protection under tlie Con- 
 federation. 
 
 The fallnre of Government of Confeder- 
 ation to Enconrage and Protect Man- 
 ufactures the cause of Its Abolition. 
 
 The Confederation failed ia aU the 
 essential particulars of government. It 
 utterly failed to secure to the "infant 
 industries" of America, to the domestic 
 manufactures of the new States, that 
 encouragement and protection to secure 
 
180 
 
 THE TARIFF. 
 
 which, in their recent unequal conflict 
 with the formidable power of Britain, 
 they had staked their "lives and for- 
 tunes and sacred honor." Hence it was 
 soon pronounced an injurious abortion, 
 and the people resolved to abolish it — 
 to create and substitute for it a new and 
 more vigorous government, with ample 
 powers to secure those objects and to 
 execute all its delegated trusts. 
 
 PART IV. 
 
 Protection under the Oov- 
 ernment of the Constitu- 
 tion. 
 
 Oar Worklngment Advocated and Cel- 
 ebrated tbe Adoption of tbe Consti- 
 tution. 
 
 Thus, in 1789, the government of the 
 old Confederation was supplanted by our 
 present National Government through 
 the adoption of our National Constitu- 
 tion. The union or organization of the 
 States as one nation, under a govern- 
 ment with ample powers to protect 
 them in their industrial pursuits, had 
 no more earnest, no more enthusiastic 
 or active supporters, than the mechanics 
 and laboring men. They celebrated its 
 adoption amid the heartiest rejoicing. 
 
 The second act ot our 1st Congress under 
 tbe Constitution an Aet for "tbe En- 
 conragement and Protection of Man- 
 nfactnres. " 
 
 The First Congress under our National 
 Constitution organized April 6, 1789. 
 On April 8, within seventy hours after 
 its organization, James Madison, in the 
 House, introduced a resolution declaring 
 that "duties ought to be levied on 
 goods, wares, and merchandise import- 
 ed mto the United States." The Con- 
 fress agreed with Mr. Madison. This 
 LTst-Congress, in both Houses of which 
 were many who had been members of 
 the convention that framed the Consti- 
 tution, adopted "An act laying a duty 
 on goods, wares, and merchandise im- 
 ported into the United States." It was 
 our first tariff act. It was the first meas- 
 ure of our National Government, the 
 second law enacted by Congress under 
 our present Constitution, and was ap- 
 proved by George Washington as Presi- 
 dent on July 4, 1789. The imposts which 
 It levied were both specific and ad val- 
 orem, aad its preamble distinctly de- 
 clared that those imposts were "neces- 
 sary" among other things "for the en- 
 couragement and protection of manu- 
 factures." 
 
 Domestic enierprises, native interests, 
 exercised all the solicitude and care of 
 
 this Congress. At its second session it 
 enacted the tariff of August 10, 1790, by 
 which the duties of the previous act 
 were on an average increased 3i per 
 cent., and at both sessions, following the 
 example of England and other powers, 
 established a system of navigation laws, 
 through which heavy discriminating 
 tonnage duties were exacted for the en- 
 couragement and protection of our na- 
 tive shipping and trade. 
 
 Protective Tariffs of 1789 and 1790 
 Passed by Soutbern Totes. 
 
 The following in an analysis of the 
 vote in the House upon the tariff of 
 1790, which confirmed, and under the 
 recommendations of Alexander Hamil- 
 ton, as Secretary of the Treasury, in- 
 creased some of the rates of the act of 
 1789: 
 
 Ayes— Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Bloodworth, 
 Brown, Burke, Cadwalader, Carrol I, Clymer, Coles, 
 Center, Fitzsimmons, Floyd, Gilmer, Hartley, 
 Heister, Huntington, Jackson, Livcrmore, Law- 
 rence, Madison, Matthews, Moore, Muhlenberg, 
 Page, Parker, Eensjelaer, Scolt, Seney, Sevrer, 
 Sherman. Sylvester, Sinnickson, Steele, Sturglfl, 
 Sumter, Viiiiug,White,WilIiamson, and Wynkoop— 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Ames, Benson, Foster, Gale, Gerry, 
 Goodhue, Grout, Sedgwick, Smith of Maryland, 
 Smith of South Carolina, Thatcher, Trumbull, and 
 WudswortU— 13. 
 
 In all 52 votes, 31 of which voting "aye" 
 were from Southern or slave-holding 
 States, The following is an analysis by 
 States: 
 
 New England stales : For— New Hampshire, 2 
 Massachusetts, 0; Connecticut, 2 ; total, 6. Against 
 — New Hiimpshire.l; Massachusetts, 6 ; Connecti- 
 cut, 2; total, 9. 
 
 Middle Stales: For— New York, 4; New Jersey, 
 2; Pennsylvania, 7 ; total, 13. Against— New York, 
 1; New Jersey, 0; Pennsylvania, ; tntal. 1 
 
 Slnve States: For— Delaware, 1; Maryland, 3: 
 Virginia, 7; North Carolina, 5; South Carolina 2! 
 Georgia, 3; total. 21. Against- Delaware, 0; Miiry- 
 mnd 2; Virginia, 0: North Carolina, 0; South 
 CV'ilina, 1; Georgia, 0; total, 3. 
 
 Eef apitulation : For— New England States, 5; 
 Middle Slates, 13; Southern Slates, 21; total, 39. 
 Against— New England Stales, 9: Middle States, 1: 
 Southern States, 3 ; total, 13 
 
 PART V. 
 
 American Manufactures 
 from 1795 to Peace of 
 1815. 
 
 Revival of onr Industries (rom the 
 Disastrous Results of our Commercial 
 Craze from 1793 to 1807-Honse In 1809 
 orders the Reprlntlng^ of Ham- 
 ilton's Report on Manufactures- In- 
 structions of Conj^ress to Marshals of 
 Census of 1810 respecting: Manufac- 
 turing; Statistics— Tench Coxe's Esti- 
 mate of value of Manufactures In 1810 
 -Country flooded In 1815 with foreign 
 
THE TABIFF. 
 
 181 
 
 goods— Object of British Trader In 
 grettlng our markets was to destroy 
 American Industry— Oar people pe- 
 titioned Congress for Protection 
 ag:alnst tbe Buin tbus Menaced. 
 
 From 1793 to 1807, the memorable 
 
 Seriod of our commercial craze, very 
 ttle attention was bestowed by our 
 people upon manufactures. But, with 
 the disastrous collapse of our commer- 
 cial ventures, manuiacturing enterprises 
 again occupied our capitalists. In 
 1809 the House ordered the reprinting of 
 Hamilton's celebrated report on manu- 
 factures. It also directed Mr. Gallatin, 
 the Secretary of the Treasury, to collect 
 information respecting the various man- 
 ufactures of the United States, and re- 
 port the same, "together with a plan 
 best calculated to protect and promote 
 them." The marshals and their assist- 
 ants in taking the census of 1810 were 
 also instructed to obtain full and relia- 
 ble information respecting our manu- 
 facturing establishments and manufac- 
 tures. The information or data thus 
 obtained was meager and defective. An 
 analysis or digest of the manufacturing 
 returns and an estimate of the value of 
 manufactures were made under the di- 
 rection of the Treasury by Mr. Tench 
 CoSe, a distinguished statistician of 
 Philadelnhia. It was ascertained that 
 few woolen manufactories existed in the 
 United States, but that the woolen and 
 cotton manufactures consumed in the 
 country^ were principally the products 
 of looms in families, and their estimated 
 value was about $40,000,000. The value 
 of the manufactures of iron was report- 
 ed at $14,364,526; of the products of the 
 tannery at $17,935,477; of those from 
 grain at $16,538,307; of those of wood at 
 $5,554,708; of the manufacture of refin- 
 ed sugar at $1,415,734 ; of paper, etc., at 
 $1,939,385; of glass at $1,047,004; of to- 
 bacco at $1,360,378; of cables and cord- 
 age at $4,343,168, &c. The aggregate 
 value of manufactures of all kinds was 
 returned at $137,694,603. By a previous 
 estimate of Mr. Gallatin the value was 
 fixed at $120,000,000. 
 
 That was not a very flattering exhib- 
 it. But the embargo and non-inter- 
 course acts, the retaliatory measures 
 adopted by our Government in 1807 and 
 1808against the tyrannical restrictive de- 
 crees of England and France, followed 
 as they were bj our war of 1813-15 with 
 Britain, practically excluded from the 
 country all foreign imports, and by 
 throwing our people upon their own re- 
 sources to supply the domestic demand, 
 particularly for manufactures of wool, 
 cotton and hemp, greatly increased and 
 encouraged the home manufacture of 
 those materials. Nevertheless, the close 
 of the war in 1815 found them in swad- 
 dling-clothes. The high price of labor in 
 the United States, and the long experi- 
 
 ence and superior skill of the British es- 
 tablishments, rendered it impracticable 
 for the domestic manufactures to sustain 
 themselves without protection against 
 the foreign article. That the British 
 trader well knew. He accordingly de- 
 termined to crush out the manufactures 
 of the United States in their infant 
 state, even at a heavy sacrifice to himself 
 in profit. Our markets, therefore, were 
 soon glutted with foreim products of 
 all kinds. Thus the val&e of our im- 
 
 Eorts, which from January 1 to Septem- 
 er 30^ 1815, was only $88,080,073, sud- 
 denly increased during the following 
 year, from October, 1815, to October, 
 1816, to the vast sum of $155,803,700. In 
 the House of Commons, Mr. Brougham, 
 with manifest satisfaction and in plain 
 language, announced the policy and the 
 purposes of the British trader. He urg- 
 ed: 
 
 It is well woi'tli while to incur a loss upon the 
 first importation, in order hy the elul to stifle 
 in the cradle those rising manufactures in the 
 United States which the war had forced Into 
 existence contrary to the natural course of 
 things. 
 
 Our citizens throughout the country 
 engaged in manufactures, including the 
 sugar-planters of Louisiana, prayed 
 Congress for protection against the ruin 
 thus menaced, and for encouragement 
 and support to the "growing manufac- 
 tures" of the nation. Congress re- 
 sponded by promptly affording the 
 protection prayed for. 
 
 PART VI. 
 Tariff of 1816. 
 
 Mr. liOwndes, of S. C, reports Tariff 
 of 1816 from tbe Committee of Ways 
 and Means— Debate on Bill— Clay and 
 Calboun and liOwndes, and otbers 
 support the Bill— a Tariff for Protec- 
 tion. 
 
 On March 13, 1816, Hon. William 
 Lowndes, a member of the House from 
 South Carolina, distinguished alike for 
 ability and patriotism, reported from the 
 Committee on Ways and Means the 
 tariff act of 1816— a bill " to regulate the 
 duties on imports and tonnage." Hon. 
 Thomas Newton, of Virginia, onFebru- 
 ary 13 and March 6, from the Committee 
 on Manufactures, had reported in favor 
 of encouraging and protectingthe manu- 
 factures of wool and cotton, and in the 
 debate upon Mr. Lowndes's bUl, Henry 
 Clay, of Kentucky, John C. Calhoun, 
 and Lowndes, of South Carolina, Ing- 
 ham, of Pennsylviana, and otherSj ably 
 contended for a "decided protection to 
 liome manufactures by ample duties." 
 The celebrated John Randolph, of Eo- 
 anoke, opposed the bill. Mr. Randolph 
 
183 
 
 THE TABIFF. 
 
 was a strict constractionist. He be- 
 lieved and urged that a " tariff for pro- 
 tection," the levying of imposts for the 
 encouragement and support of manu- 
 factures, was as unconstitutional as it 
 was unjust — a "levying- of taxes on one 
 portion of the community to put money 
 into the pockets of another." 
 
 In that, Mr. Randolph was antag- 
 onized among others by Mr. Calhoun in 
 an argument in which he in substance 
 reiterates and supports the views of 
 Alexander Hamilton's report of 1791 on 
 Manufactures. 
 
 John C. Caltaoun favors the Encourage - 
 ment and Protection of Manufactur es 
 —He was not personally interested In 
 manufactures— He wasfromSoutb Car- 
 olina—He regarded Protection as of 
 Tital Importance to tbe Prosperity of 
 the If atlon, and its Safety in War — 
 All ?ratious should be Independent for 
 Its Supplies — Protection produced a 
 [System strictly American— Its Ad- 
 vantages over Commerce — It caused 
 Increased attention to Internal Im- 
 provements — It binds together the 
 Sections — liiberty and tbe Union In- 
 separately United— TFarns tbe House 
 and Country of " a new and terrible 
 Danger"— Disunion. 
 
 Mr. Calhoun favors the encourage- 
 ment and protection of our home in- 
 dustries. He regards the subject as one 
 of " vital importance," " touching as it 
 does the security and permanent pros- 
 perity of our country." He was no 
 manufacturer. He was not from that 
 portion of our country supposed to be 
 peculiarly interested. He ''was from 
 the South"— from South Carolina. "Con- 
 sequently no motives could be attribu- 
 ted to him but such as were disinter- 
 ested." 
 
 "The security of a country mainly 
 depends on its spirit and means." 
 Hence " as every people are subject to 
 the vicissitudes of peace and war, it 
 must ever be considered as the plain 
 dictate of wisdom in peace to prepare 
 for war." He then reviews the resour- 
 ces of the country, discusses the rela- 
 tive importance of agriculture, com- 
 merce, and manufactures as a source of 
 national wealth and power, demon- 
 strates the superiority of manufactures, 
 because agriculture and commerce, being 
 dependent on foreign markfets, only 
 flourish in times of peace, but manufac- 
 tures, relying on our home market, is 
 unaffected by war and is always a source 
 of wealth and power. He urges— 
 
 What, then, are the effects of a war with a mar- 
 itime power— with England? Our commerce anni- 
 hilated, spreading individual misery and produc- 
 ing national poverty ; our agriculture cut off from 
 its accustomed marUets, the surplus product of (he 
 farmer perishes upon his hands, and ho ceases to 
 produce because lie caunot sell. His resoiiices are 
 
 dried up, while hlB expenses are greatly increased, 
 as all manufactured articleE, the necessaries as 
 well as the conveniences of life, rise to an extrav- 
 agant price. * * « The failure of the wealth 
 and resources of the nation^necessarily involves the 
 ruin of its finances and its currency. It is admitted 
 by tbe moat strenuous advocates on the other side 
 that no country ought to be dependent on another 
 for its means of defense; that at least our musket 
 and bayonet, our cannon and ball, ought to be of 
 domestic manufacture. But what was more nec- 
 estary to the detense of a cuuntry than its currency 
 and finance ? Circumstanced as our country is, 
 cau these stand tbe skocli: of war ? Behold the 
 effect of the late war upon them I When our man- 
 ufactures are grown to a certain perfection, as 
 they soon will under the fostering care of govern- 
 ment, we will no longer experience these evils. 
 The farmer will find a ready market for his sur- 
 plus produce, and, what is almost of equal conse- 
 quence, a certain and cheap supply of all his 
 wants. His prosperity will difibse itself to every 
 class in the community ; and Instead of that lan- 
 guor of industry and individual distress now in- 
 cident to a state of war and suspended commerce, 
 the wealth and vigor of the community will not 
 be materially impaired. Tlie arm of government 
 will be nerved, and taxes in the hour of danger, 
 when essential to the Independence of the nation, 
 may be greatly increased ; loans, so uncertain and 
 hazardous, may be less relied on. Thus situated, 
 the storm may beat without, but within all will be 
 quiet and safe. To give perfection to this state of 
 things it will be necessary to add, as soon as pos- 
 sible, a svstem of internal improvements, and at 
 least such an extension uf our Navy as will prevent 
 the cutting off of our coasting trade. 
 
 Mr. Calhoun next reviews at some 
 length, apd rebuts, one by one, the argu- 
 ments urt;ed against manufactures as a 
 system ; maintains with great force the 
 policy of finding profitable investment 
 of our capital and remunerative employ- 
 ment for our mechanics by multiplying 
 and protecting manufactures as perma- 
 nent establishments ; and with some in- 
 dignation refutes and repels the charges 
 which, even in that day, were stale and 
 flat, that manufacturing establishments 
 " destroy the moral and physical power 
 of the people;" that they were " the 
 fruitful cause of pauperism," and pro- 
 duced a slavish dependence of the 
 operative upon the manufacturer. He 
 exclaimed : 
 
 It [the encouragement of manufactures] pro- 
 duced a system strictly American, as much so as 
 agriculture, in which it had the decided advan- 
 tage of commerce and navigation. The country 
 will from this derive much advantage. Again, it 
 is calculated to bind together more closely our 
 widespread republic. It will greatly increase our 
 mutual dependence and intercourse, and will as 
 a necessary consequence excite an increased at- 
 tention to Internal improvements— a subject every 
 way so intimatelv connected with the ultimate 
 attainment of national strength and the perfection 
 of our political institutions. He regarded the fact 
 that it would make the parts adhere more closely; 
 tLat it would form a new and most powerful ce- 
 ment iar outweighing any political objcction-i that 
 might be urged against the system. In his opinion 
 the liberty and the union of the country were in- 
 separably united; that, as the destruction of the 
 latur would most certainly involve the former, so 
 its maintenance will with equal certainty pre- 
 serve it. 
 
 Nor did he " speak lightly." Mr. Cal- 
 houn assures the House that "he had 
 often and long revolved it in his mind;" 
 that he " had critically examined into 
 
THE TAEIFF. 
 
 the causes that destroyed the liberties 
 of other countries," and closes with a 
 solemn warning to the nation of a "new 
 and tenible dajiger" which threatened 
 it— "disunion." 
 
 Tariff Act of April 27, 1816, passed by 
 Soutbem Votes. 
 
 This powerful and patriotic argument 
 was delivered in the House on April 4, 
 1816. It had a commanding effect. A 
 few days later, on the 8th, the tarifif act 
 of April, 1816, largely extending and in- 
 creasing the specific duties on foreign 
 goods and adoj)ting the minimum prin- 
 ciple of valuation in estimating imposts, 
 for the encouragement and protection 
 of manufactures, passed the House by a 
 vote of yeas 88, nays 54. It was passed 
 by Southern votes. Among those vot- 
 ing in the aflSrmative are such distin- 
 faished Southern names as Cuthbertand 
 imnpkins of Georgia, Desha and Rich- 
 ard M. Johnson of Kentucky, Philin p 
 Barbour, Thomas Newton, and Henrv 
 St. George Tucker of Virginia, Mayrant, 
 Woodward, Lowndes, and Calhoun of 
 South Carolina. 
 
 Vote on Its Passaic. 
 
 YEifl— Messrs. Adg«te. Alexaader Archer Ather. 
 ton, Baker, BavTmir, BasseU. Bfteman, iayiill 
 Bennett, Belts, Birdsall, Boas, Brooks Brown' 
 
 dennln, Comstock, Crawford, Cieigbt&n Cro- 
 Cheron, auhbert. DarUngton. Davenport, Zle^ta 
 Glas^iovf. Gold, Grosvenlr, Sain, Haa.'kamm^nd; 
 Eawee, Henderson, Hopklnson, Ingham, Irvin of 
 Pennsylvania, Jewett, Johnson of Kentucky, Kent 
 langaom, Lowndes, LumpUn, Lyle, Maclay 
 ?'"r''\«f '°''' if'^y^a^, McCoii, McLean of Ken- 
 tDckv,Mllnor, Newton, Noyes.OTMiw, Parris, Piper, 
 Htkin, Pleasants, Powe«,EugKles, Sergeant, Sav- 
 age, Schenck, aiMrpe, Smitti of Pennsylvania, 
 bmthot Maryland, Southard, Strong, tsggart 
 Toui, Throop, Townsend, Z\*oter, Wallace, wifd o^ 
 ?*^J^?r'^' "^^•'<^ of New Jersey, Wendover, Whea- 
 ton, Whiteside, Wilkin, Willoughby, Thomas Wil- 
 son, William Wilson. Woodward, and Yates— 88. 
 Nays, 54— total. 142. 
 
 Of the 88 yeas, 35 in italics are of men 
 from the South. If those twenty-five 
 had voted nay, the result would have 
 been— yeas 63j nays 79— thus defeating 
 protection. As it was, these Southern 
 votes decided the House in favor of 
 protection to manufactures. 
 
 Onr Protective System Practically Es- 
 tabllsbed by the Act of IS16. 
 
 Here in the principles and provisions 
 of this act 01 April, 1816, we have the 
 practical foundation of the American 
 policy of encouragement of home manu- 
 factures, the practical establishment of 
 the great industrial system upon which 
 rests our present national wealth and 
 power and the prosperity and happiness 
 of our whole people! Here, in this act, 
 supported by Henry Clay, by Henry St. 
 George Tucker, and by Lowndes and 
 John C. Calhoun! Here, in this tariff 
 act passed by Southern votes, by the 
 
 183 
 
 votes of men at the time national and 
 patriotic in their purposes and views, by 
 leading spirits of the South against the 
 vigorous protest and the votes of New 
 England ! 
 
 ITiat, in the present attitude of par- 
 ties, IS an important fact. 
 
 PART vn. 
 
 Subsequent Tariffs from 
 1816 to 1843. 
 
 Tariff^ of 1824 and 1828 preserve and 
 Strengthen the Protective Principle 
 —K^alllfiers— Agitation of Sonth Caro- 
 lina and otber Sontbern States alarm 
 friends of protection— Tbey believe 
 Protective Principle in Danger— Mr. 
 Clay Introduces and Passes Compro- 
 mise Tariff of March 2, 1833, with the 
 object of preserving the Protective 
 Principle. 
 
 The great tariff acts of 1834 and 1828 
 only increased and extended and 
 strengthened the provisions of the act 
 of 18iC while preserving its principle in 
 support of its beneficent national pur- 
 poses — the encouragement of a system 
 of home industries under the protection 
 of the nation. 
 
 The tariff act of March 3, 1833, com- 
 monly known as the compromise tariff, 
 Srovided for a biennial reduction of 
 uties on all foreign imports which shall 
 exceed 30 per cent, on the value thereof 
 of one-tenth of such excess up to 31st 
 December, 1843, when the residue of 
 such excess should be deducted. This 
 was the principal stipulation of the act. 
 Among other provisions it contained 
 that or a home valuation in assessiag 
 duties — a provision peculiarly odious 
 to Mr. Calhoun and his nullifying ad- 
 herents. 
 
 The passage of the tariff act of 1838 
 was peculiarly odious to South Carolina 
 and other States South, which kept 
 up an unceasing agitation against it, 
 threatening nuUiflcation and even civil 
 war if it was not repealed. This 
 threatening attitude of South Carolina 
 unduly alarmed some of the friends of 
 protection. It led to the passage of the 
 tariff act of March 3, 1838. Henry Clay, 
 the author of the act, believing the prin- 
 ciple of protection in peril, introduced 
 the compromise act as a means of pre- 
 serving that principle. In the Senate, 
 in the debate upon this bill, Mr. Clay 
 urged: "The main ol)ject of the bill is 
 not revenue, but protection." In reply 
 to Senators who maintained that ihe 
 bill abandoned the protective principle, 
 Mr. Clay declared that "the language 
 of the bill authorized no such construc- 
 tion, and that no one would be justified 
 
184 
 
 THE TARIFF. 
 
 in inferring that there was to be an 
 abandonment of the system of protec- 
 tion.'J Mr. John M. Clayton, of Dela- 
 ware, a staunch protectionist and sup- 
 porter of the bill, said : 
 
 The government cannot be kept together, it 
 the principle of protection were to be discarded 
 in our policy, and declared tliat lie would pause 
 before lie surrendered tbat principle even to 
 save tbe union. 
 
 And Mr. Clay added : 
 
 The bill assumes, as a basis, adec[uate prot- 
 tection for nine years and less beyond that 
 term. The friends of protection say to their op- 
 ponents, "WO are ■willing to take a lease of nine 
 years, with the long chapter of accidents be- 
 yond that period, including the chance of war, 
 the restoration of concord, and along with It a 
 conviction common to all of the utility of pro- 
 tection, and in consideration of it, if, in 1842, 
 none of these contingencies shall have been real- 
 ized, we are wilUng to submit as long as Con- 
 gress may think proper, with the maximum of 
 20 per cent. 
 
 This was the origin and the avowed 
 purpose of the supporters of the act— to 
 preserve the protective principle, be- 
 lieved at the moment to be in danger. 
 
 PART vin. 
 
 Tariff of 1843. 
 
 Dlsastrons Dffects of Compromise Tarifi 
 of 1S33— All Industries Bnined— Starv 
 in;; Worbin^men and their Families- 
 Farmers Wjtbont aiarkets— Their 
 liands, Teeming^ with Rich Harvests, 
 Sold by the Sheriff for Debts and 
 Taxes— The Figures and Facts— Tarifl 
 of 1842 Restores Prosperity. 
 
 The effects of the compromise tariff of 
 1833, combined with those of President 
 Jackson's war upon the established tin- 
 aDcial system of the Government, were 
 very disastrous. In 1840 all prices had 
 ruinously fallen ; production had greatly 
 diminished, and m many departments 
 of industry had practically ceased; 
 thousands of workingmen were idle, 
 with no hope of employment, and their 
 families suffering from want. Our farm- 
 ers were without markets. Tht'ir pro- 
 ducts rotted iu their barns, and tnerr 
 lands, teeming with rich harvests, were 
 sold by the sheriff for debts and taxes. 
 The tariff which robbed our industiies 
 of protection failed to supply GrOV€rn- 
 mcut with its necessary revenues. The 
 national treasury in consequence was 
 bankrupt, and the credit of the nation 
 had sunk very low. 
 
 Mr. Calvin Colton, in his "Life of 
 Henry Clay," describes, from the news- 
 papers of the times, the ruinous condi- 
 tion of all our industries, in 1840, re- 
 sulting from the combined influences 
 
 of the compromise tariff and Jackson's 
 and Van Buren's financial measures. 
 Mr. Colton says: 
 
 Mr. Clay states that the average depression in 
 in the value of property under that state of 
 things which existed before the tariff of 1824 
 came to the rescue of the country, at fifty per 
 cent. The revulsion of 1837 produced a far 
 greater havoc than was experienced in the 
 period above mentioned. The ruin came ciuick 
 and fearful. There were few that could save 
 themselves. Property of every description was 
 parted with at sacrifices that were astounding, 
 and as for the currency, there was scarcely any 
 at aU. In some parts of the interior of Pennsyl- 
 vania, the people were obliged to divide bank 
 notes into halves, quarters, eights, and so on, 
 and agree from necessity to use them as money. 
 
 In Ohio, with all her abundance, it was hard 
 to get money to pay taxes. 
 
 The sheriff of Muskinguxa County, as stated 
 by the Guernsey Times, in the summer of 1842, 
 sold at auction one four-horse wagon, at $5.60; 10 
 hogs at 6i cents each ; 2 horses (said to be worth 
 from $50 to $76 each) at $2 each ; two cows at $1 
 each ; a barrel of sugar for $1.60,- and a "store of 
 goods" at that rate. 
 
 In PUie County, Mo., as stated by the Hanni- 
 bal Journal, the sheriff sold 3 horses at $i.50 
 each ; one large ox at 12i cents ; 6 cows, 2 steers, 
 and 1 calf, the lot at $3.26 ; 20 sheep at I3i cents 
 each ; 24 hogs, the lot at 25 cents ; 1 eight-day 
 clock, at $2.60; lot of tobacco, 7 or 8 hogsheads, 
 at $5 ; 3 stacks of hay, each, at 26 cents ; and 1 
 stack of fodder, at 26 cents.— [ FoZ. I,pp. 65, 66.] 
 
 The United States Almanac estimated 
 the losses, in four years from 1887, on 
 five descriptions of capital alone, at 
 $783,000,000. In a series of letters to the 
 people of the United States by Concivis, 
 published in New York in 1840, it was 
 estimated that the losses from the same 
 causes on wool, ($30,000,000;) cotton, 
 ($130,000,000,) and grain, ($150,000,000,) 
 was $300,000,000! and shows that manu- 
 factures, lands, and every species of 
 property and labor were affected to a like 
 ruinous extent. 
 
 In the Presidential campaign of 1840 
 the Whigs, therefore, made the tarifif a 
 principal issue. One of their rallying 
 cries was: "Two dollars a day ana 
 roast beef." The Democracy was badly 
 beaten, and the Whigs, on August 30, 
 1843, passed a tariff which yielded pro- 
 tection to our nearly ruined industries, 
 and rapidly worked a restoration of the 
 prosperity of the nation through a re- 
 vival of its industries and trade. 
 
 PART IX. 
 Tariff of 1846. 
 
 Democratic Tariff Fraud in Pennsyl- 
 vania in Presidential Election of 
 1S44— James K. Polk, a Free Trader, 
 Proclaimed as » Retter Tariff Man 
 than Henry Clay— Clay Denonnced as 
 having' Abandoned Pi-otection in the 
 Compromise Tariff of 1S33— I.etters of 
 James K. Polk and Judge McCand- 
 less, of Pennsylvania— Success of the 
 
THE TARIFF. 
 
 185 
 
 Fraad In the Election of Polk— Kob- 
 ert J. TValUer Secretary of the Trea- 
 Bory— Passagrc of Tariff of 1S46. 
 
 In the Presidential campaign of 1844 
 Henry Clay, of Kentucky, the great 
 champion of Protection, was the Whig 
 candidate for President: James K. Polk, 
 of Tennessee, was the Democratic can- 
 didate. The electoral vote of the great 
 tariff State of Pennsylvania was neces- 
 sary to Polk's success, but he was on 
 record against protection . In the public 
 mind he was believed to be a free trader. 
 The Whigs so charged, and with great 
 force, as Polk was supported by the free- 
 trstde South, and by every free-trader in 
 the country. The situation was a diffi- 
 cult one for any but Democratic reform. 
 In Pennsylvania Mr. Polk, by the Dem- 
 ocratic orators and press, was boldly 
 urged as a better tariff man tfian Mr. 
 Clay. He was a protectionist, and Clay 
 was denounced as having: betrayed pro- 
 tection by the compromise act of 1833. 
 The following letter from Mr. Polk was 
 circulated : 
 
 Columbia. Tens., June 19, 1844. 
 
 Deab Sir : I hive recently received several let- 
 ters tn reference to my opinions on thesuWectofthe 
 tariff, and, among others, yours of the SOth ultimo. 
 My opinions on tlila subject have been often given 
 to the public. They are to be found in my public 
 acts, a^d i;j ,the public, discussions in wBich I 
 have participated. I am in favor of a tariff for 
 revenue— such a one as will yield a sufficient 
 amount to' the Treasury to defray the expanses of 
 the government, e'Onomically administered. In 
 adjusting the ^.tails of a revenue tariff, I have 
 be^'etofore sauctioued such moderate discrimi- 
 nating duties as woul'1 produce the amount of 
 revenue needed, and at the same time afford 
 reasonable incidental protection to our home in- 
 dustry. I am opposed t) a tariff fir protection 
 MERELY, and not i .r revenue. Acting upon these 
 general principles, it is well known that I gave 
 my support to tiie policy of General Jackson's ad- 
 ministration on this subject. I voted iigain^ttlie 
 tariff act of 1828. I voted f jr the act of 1832, which 
 contained modifications of some of the objection- 
 able provisioQsof the act of 1828. 
 
 As a member of the Committee of Ways and 
 Means of the House of Representatives, I gave 
 my assent to a bill reported by that committee in 
 December, 1832, njakins; further modiiications of 
 thb act of 1828, and makiiiK also discriminations 
 Id the imposition of the duties which it proposed. 
 
 That bill did not piss, but was superceded by a 
 Mil commonly called the compromise bill, for 
 which I voted. In my judgment it is the duty of 
 the government to extend, as far as it may be 
 practicable to do so, by its revenue laws and all 
 other means within its power, fair and just pro- 
 tection to all thegreat interests of the whole Uulon, 
 Biubracing agriculture, manufactures, the me- 
 (Jhanicarts, commerce, and navigation, I heartily 
 approve the resolutions upon this subject passed 
 by the Democratic National Conveniion lately as- 
 sembled at E.iltimore. 
 
 I am, with great respect, dear sir, your obedient 
 servant, 
 
 JAMB3 K. POLK. 
 
 J. K. Kane, Esq., Philadelphia. 
 
 And a little later Polk's letter was re- 
 enfdrced by the following from Judge 
 McCandless, an important and influen- 
 tial Democratic leader of the State : 
 
 Pittsburg, August 8, 1844. 
 Gentlemen: Your cordial invitation of thoSOth 
 Oltimo to be present with you at yuur mass-meet- 
 
 ing on the 31 of September came to hand during 
 my absence in the northwestern counties of Penn- 
 sylvanid. 
 
 I assiire you that I never wrote an apology for 
 my inability t ) attend any public a-isemblage in 
 tlie wliole course of my political career with more 
 reluctance than I do this. Clarion has not only 
 been firm and steadf ist in her adherence to Dem- 
 ocratic principles, but she has been inflexible In 
 her love and supp.jrt of the tariff— Ihat public 
 measure which (aside fr im the b ink question), 
 like the rod of the Prophet, Is destined to swallow 
 un all other topics of political contruversy. You 
 have properly appreciated the importance of the 
 protedive principle to the success of the manufac- 
 turing and a,-ricultural Interests of Penn-ylvanla, 
 and in the abandonment of that principle by Mr. 
 Clay, in the compromise bill, you have the best 
 guaranty that, 11 elected to the Presidency, he will 
 carry out the principles of that bill, and afford 
 you a horiz mtai duiy, to enable you to contend 
 with the pauper labjr of Sweden and Russia In 
 doing so, he would give you and the tatiff the 
 same support that the rope does the hanglnrj man- 
 instant death, and without "benefit of clergy." 
 Support him, if you can ; for my own part, I shall 
 go for Polk and Dallas, who have at heart the true 
 interests of Pennsylvania. 
 
 My engagements, gentlemen, in the supreme 
 court, w.U prevent me from attending your mass- 
 meeting. With the brightest prospect of Demo- 
 cratic success— 20,000 majority— I have the honor 
 to be, truly yours, 
 
 WILSON McCANDLESS. 
 Messrs. Adam Mooney, Seth Cloves, and others, 
 
 Committee. 
 
 This fraud succeeded. James K. Polk 
 was elected. Hon. Robert J. Walker, of 
 Miss., a pronounced Free Trader, was 
 made Secretary of the Treasury, the 
 tariff of 1843, under wnich the country 
 had so rapidly advanced to prosperity- 
 was repealed, and the Free Trade tariff 
 of 1846 enacted. 
 
 Disastrous effects of Tariff of IS46, upon 
 all Industrial Interests— Testimony of 
 Henry C Carey. 
 
 And now let some of the ablest men 
 of the period through which this Free- 
 Trade tariff extended. Democrats and 
 Whigs, in a few brief extracts, tell the 
 story of disaster and suffering which it 
 worked. 
 
 Mr. Henry C. Carey, an able writer on 
 Political Ecomony, in his " The Pros- 
 pect, Agricultural, Manufacturing, Com- 
 mercial and Financial, at the opening 
 of the year 1851," and printed in 1851, 
 during the operation of this Free-Trade 
 tariff, thus describes its disastrous effects 
 upon every industrial interest : 
 
 At close of this brief period of real "prosperity" 
 [in 1846]. how great was the change. Labor was 
 everywhere in demand. Planters had large crops, 
 and the domestic market was growing with a rap- 
 idity that promised better prices. The produce of 
 the farm was in demand, and prices haarisen. The 
 consumption of coal, iron, wool, and cotton, and 
 woolen cliith, was immense and rapidly increasing, 
 while prices were falling, because of the rapidly 
 improving character of V-ie machinery of produc- 
 tion. Production of every kind was immense, and 
 commerce, internal and external, was growing 
 with unexampled rapidity. Shipping was in de- 
 mand, and its quantity was being augmented at a 
 rate never before known. Riads and canals were 
 productive. Corporations had been resuscitated, 
 and States had recommenced payment, and the 
 credit of the Union was so high that the same per- 
 sons who had villified the people and the govern- 
 
186 
 
 THE TARIFF. 
 
 mentofthe Union in 1842, were now anxious to 
 secure their custom on almost any terms— having 
 become as fawning now as before they had been 
 Insolent.— P. 35. 
 
 And again in a letter to Hon. Robert 
 F. Walker, Secretary of the Treasury, 
 he says : 
 
 The tarlfif of 1846 has caused the total ruin of 
 thoa-ands and tensof thousands of the most useful 
 men in the country. It tends to the utter de- 
 struction of the coal and the iron, the cotton and 
 the woolen interests; and unless its progress be 
 stayed, at that goal we must soon arrive, as must 
 be admitted even by yourself. For all this wo 
 should elsewbero find some compensation. If we 
 produce less coal and iron, we should have more 
 wheat to sell. If we make less colton cloth, we 
 should export more cotton. If wemakeless woolen 
 cloth, we should raise more wool. If we build 
 fewer factories, we should export more tob.jcco. 
 If we build fewer furnaces, we should export more 
 corn and pork ; and all these things we must do 
 or largely diminish our consumpLion of cloth and 
 iron, because if we do notmake wemu^tbuy them, 
 vrhich can be done only by producing commodities 
 which their producers are willine; to receive in ex- 
 change for them. If these things have happened 
 there may le fonnd therein some compensation for 
 diminished production of cloth andiron; but if 
 they have not happened then there is no compen- 
 sation for the vast destruction we have witnessed 
 and are daily witnessing. 
 
 Have they happened? Have we more wheat to 
 export. On the contrary, we have less from year 
 to year. Have we more cotton, rice, tobacco, corn, 
 and pork to sell ? The answer is found in the fact 
 that the quantity for export diminishes from year 
 to year. The demand for ships diminishes and 
 the demand for labor diminishes, and instead of 
 this country beconiing from year to year more and 
 more an asylum for the down-trodden people of 
 Europe, it becomes from year to year less so ; and 
 with the diminution of immigration there is a 
 diminution of the number of persons with whom 
 we maintain perfect freedom of trade, untrdm- 
 meled t-y the interference of custom-house offi- 
 cers. Under the tarlffof 1842 Immigration trebled, 
 and with each immigrant we established pertect 
 freedom of trade. Under the tariff of 1846 immi- 
 gration has become stationary, with a tendency to 
 decline, and the number ot arrivals in the last 
 fiscal year is little greater than it wi s three years 
 before. Perfect free trade has ceased to extend 
 Itself. We trade now with a million ot Europeans, 
 still resld eut in Europe, who, but for the enact- 
 ment of the tariff of 1846, would now be Ameri- 
 cans.— P. 5. 
 
 Abram S. Hewitt, Free Trade I>emo. 
 cratlc Iieader in House, denounced, 
 In 1849, theTarl£roflS46 as ruinous to 
 all our Industrial Interests — His 
 Speecb at Trenton, IT. J. 
 
 Mr. Abram S. Hewitt, of New York, 
 is one of the ablest of the leading Demo- 
 crats of the present House. He is now 
 an advocate of Free Trade. He was 
 also a Democrat in 1848, but under the 
 runious operation of the Free Trade 
 tariff of 1846, he was compelled to de- 
 mand protection as the only means of a 
 restoration of prosperity. At a public 
 meeting in Trenton, N. J., in September, 
 1848, Mr. Hewitt, urged : 
 
 Labor in Europe was worth twenty-five or thirty 
 cents a day; in this country three or four times 
 thatmuon. The average wages in their millisa 
 little more than a dollar a day, (now S'2.) Why 
 was there this difference between English wages 
 nndAmericnn wages? Betaise some eight hun- 
 dred years ago Britain was invaded by a foreign 
 conqueror who seized all tl.e land and wealth of 
 the island and devoted it to sustain a royal family 
 
 and a landed aristocracy, and oompelled the peo- 
 ple, the serfs, whom they made worse than slaves, 
 to toil for them for the merest pittance thiit would 
 keep them alive. That sy.-tem continues to this 
 day, the people still toil on for the most niggardly 
 wages, and tne great part of their earnings ffoes to 
 sustiiin the Queen in ner pomp and the nobles in 
 their spendthrift idleness. In this conntry it was 
 not so. Our forefathers settled here as men, all of 
 whom were eqaal to each other, and all of whom 
 were entitled to t.'ie products of their labor. What- 
 ever any man earned was his, all his, and no part 
 of it was lobe taken to sustain a monarch's snlen- 
 dor or an idle arUtocracy. Under this system the 
 colonies grew and flourished until they attracted 
 the attention of the government at home, and that 
 government attemptea by taxing them to talce 
 from them a portion of their earnings just as they 
 took from the workmen at home the chief part of 
 theirs. That attempt our fathers resisted by arms, 
 and successfully. But in these days the attempt 
 is renewed, and by our own government ; they are 
 endeavoring to break down the difference of En- 
 glish wages aBd American wages, to reduce the 
 American workman from his dollar a day to an 
 equality with the English workman, who receives 
 as the fruits of his labor only a paltry share, while 
 the remainder is taken to support a king and no- 
 bility « » • « » 
 
 " The value of any manufacture is made up en- 
 tirely of the wages paid to produce it. Coal and 
 iron in the mines cost nothing. They are the free 
 gift of God. But they are excavated by the pick 
 and shovel of the workman; by him they are 
 wheeled, carted, boated to market ; by the work- 
 man they are carried to the mill; by the workman 
 the furnace is heated and charged ; by him the 
 iron is puddled, rolled, put up for market, carried 
 thither and sold. It is labor, labor, labor that con- 
 stitutes every addition to the value of the article, 
 and it is the man who bestows that labor who 
 should enjov all the fruits of it. 
 
 "I have lately been in New England for the 
 purpose of securing a contract for rails, in order to 
 keep the milU running after our present contract 
 runs out. I offered to make the rails at the very 
 lowest price at which they could be made at the 
 present rate of wages. An English agent came 
 there and underbid me and got the contract. 
 Thus, forwantof a protective system, is the money 
 sent to England to employ English workmen that 
 ought to have come here to employ you." 
 
 Mr. Hewitt said he was not a Whig, but a Demo- 
 crat. Still he went fnr protection now, as he did, 
 and as his party did, in 1844, and he went for Gen- 
 eral Taylor because he would sign a bill to pr tect 
 American labor. He did not ask for any unrea- 
 sonable duty. He only asked for a duty equal to 
 the difference between American labor and Eng- 
 lish labor, &c. 
 
 Mr. Hewitt closed by proposing a 
 series of resolutions embodying the gen- 
 eral principles he had advanced: 
 
 Resolved; Thit this meeting, composed of men 
 who depend for their livelihood upon the labor of 
 their own hands, hold the f.llowing facts and 
 principles to be undeniaHly true, viz: 
 
 That natural v,realth is the fruit of individual 
 labor. 
 
 That, therefore, is the best government and the 
 best policy which secures to the hand that earns it 
 the largest possible return for its labor. 
 
 That the superiority of free institutions and 
 economical government is proved by the fact that 
 in the United States thcaverase wages of labor are 
 from three to four times as large as under the 
 monarchical governments of Europe. 
 
 That while foreign labor is paid at this price, it 
 would be worse than insanity to ndopt any policy 
 by which the wages ot our own labor should be 
 reduced to the same level, because it would he 
 throwing away all the advantages secured tons 
 by a free and economical government. 
 
 That if the whole productive industry of the 
 country were employed in producing the articles 
 which we sell abroad, which are mainly bread- 
 stuffs and provisions, cotton, rice, and tobacco, we 
 should produce a much larger quantity than we 
 
THE TAKIFF. 
 
 187 
 
 oonld sell ; foreign markets would soon be plutted 
 with these »rticles; the price of them would fell j 
 the laborer that produced them would, as a mat- 
 ter of course, receive less remuneration that it 
 now does; the only stonplriK point in the decline 
 of wflites would be the starving point, and the In- 
 evitable result would be th; t we Bhould be forced 
 to give equal labor for equal labor, Instead of 
 one day's labor for four, as we haye been doing 
 for many years. 
 
 That, therefore, if we would keep up the price 
 of labor, we cannot employ the whole productive 
 labor of the country in raising such articles as we 
 export; and the farmers, of all men in the com- 
 munity, are most Interested In employinir in some 
 other way that amount of labor, which, if devoted 
 to agilculture, would priduce a glut, and a con- 
 sequent fall of prices in the foreign markets; and 
 that the only way In which such surplus labor 
 can be employed is in producing certain manu- 
 factured nrlicl.-s, which can be bought cheaper in 
 foreign countries, not because it takes leas labor 
 there to p-oducetliem, but because that labor is 
 paid for at a less price. 
 
 That hence arises the necessity for a tariff, 
 which, properly devised, is merely a system 
 whereby the price of labor, which naturally re- 
 sults under a free and econimical government. Is 
 prevented from tielng reduced to tho pauper level 
 of labor which just as naturally results under 
 governments where the first fruits of labor. In- 
 stead of being secured to the band that earns 
 them, are filched away in order to maintain the 
 costly splendor of thrones and the idle extrava- 
 gance of an enervated aristocracy. 
 
 A little later, in December, 1849, Mr 
 Hewitt repeats the story of ruin : 
 
 And first, what is the real condition of the do- 
 mestic iron trade? Is it actually depressed and 
 threatened with ruin, or does all the outcry pro- 
 ceed from men who, having realized "princely 
 fortunes" annually, are now clamorous because 
 their profits are reduced to reasonable limits, or 
 from another clflsa who, having erected works in 
 improper locations, desire not so muchtomalie 
 Iron cheaply as to build up villages and speculate 
 in real estate ? Undoubtedly to some extent there 
 are snch cases, * « • but as to the great fact 
 that the great majority of establishments judi- 
 ciously located and managed with proper skill and 
 economy have been compelled to suspend work 
 throughout the land for want of remunerating 
 work there cannot be a shadow of a doubt. 
 
 Again, of fifteen rail mills only two are in opsra- 
 lion, doing partial work, and that only because 
 their inlnnd oosition securfd them against foreign 
 competition, for the limited orders of neighboring 
 railroads, and when these are executed not a 
 single rail mill will be at work In the laud. 
 
 Hon. Josepb Casey of Pa., Relates tbe 
 Rnln to the Iron-Trade. 
 
 In the House of Representatives, on 
 the 13th of August, 1850, Hon. Joseph 
 Casey, of Pa., declared : 
 
 The whole history of the manufacture of iron in 
 Pennsylvania shows that in a period of seventy- 
 fivo yeiirs there have been erected 500 furnaces, 
 and out of them 177 failures or where they have 
 been closed out by the sheiiff. Out of this 17^ 
 failures 124 of them have occurred lince the pass- 
 age of the tanff of 1846. And out of 300 blast fur- 
 naces i n full operation when the tariff of 1846 was 
 enacted into a law, or fully one-half, had stopped 
 several months ago, and tuliyM more are prepar- 
 ing to go out of blast. 
 
 President Fillmore, In Ills Message, 
 tells the Story of Disaster and Ruin to 
 all of onr Industries— Asks for a res- 
 toration of Protection as a means to 
 
 a revival of National and Industrial 
 Prosperity. 
 
 President Fillmore, in his Annual 
 Message, dated December 2,1851, says: 
 
 The values of our d mestic exports fsr the laat 
 fiscal year, as compared with those of tbe previous 
 year, exhibit an increase of $43,646,322. At first 
 view this condition of our trade with foreign na- 
 tions would seem to present the most flattering 
 hope of its future prosperity. An examination of 
 the details of our exports, however, will show that 
 the increased value of our exports for the last 
 fiscal year is to be found In the high price of cot- 
 ton which prevailed during the lust half of that 
 year, which price has since declined about one- 
 half. The value of our exports of breadstuffa and 
 provisions, which it was supposed the Incentive 
 of a low tariff and large importations from abroad 
 would have greatly augmented, has iallen from 
 $68,701,921 in 1847 to »26,051.373 in 1850 and 
 to $21,848,653 in 1831, with a strong probability, 
 amounting almost to a certainty, of a still lur- 
 ther reduction in the current year. The ag- 
 gregate values of rice exported during the last 
 fiscal year as compared with the previous year 
 also exhibit a decrease amounting to $460,917, 
 which, with a decline in the values of the exports 
 of tobacco for the same period, make an aggregate 
 decrease in these two articles of $1,156,751, 
 
 The policy which dictated a low rate of duties 
 on foreign merchandise, it was thought by those 
 who promoted and established it, would tend to 
 benefit the farming population of this country, by 
 increasing the demand and raising the price of 
 agricultural oroducta in foreign markets. 
 
 The foregoing facts, however, seem to show in- 
 conteslably that no such result has followed the 
 adoption of this policy. 
 
 In a subsequent Message President 
 FiUinore, urges : 
 
 In my first annual message to Congress I called 
 your attention to what seemed to me some defects 
 in the present tariff and recommended such modl- 
 fica;.ons as in my judgment were best adapted to 
 remedy Its evils and promote the prosperity of the 
 country. Nothing has since occurred to change 
 my views on this important question. 
 
 Without repeating the arguments contained in 
 my former message in favor of discriminating pro- 
 tective duties. I deem It my duty to call your at- 
 tention to one or two other considerations affect- 
 ing this subject.. The first is the effect of largo Im- 
 Sortatlons of foreign goods upon our currency. 
 lost ot tbe gold of California, as fast as it is coined, 
 finds its way directly to Europe in payment for 
 goods purchased. In the second place, as our 
 manufaciucing establishments are broken down 
 by competition with foreigners, the capital in- 
 vested in them is lost, thousands of honest and in- 
 dustrious citizens are thrown out of employment, 
 and the farmer, to that extent, is deprived of a 
 home marl:et for the sale of his burpluspro- 
 duce lu the third place, the destruction of our 
 manufactures leaves the foreigner without com- 
 petition in our market, and he consequently raises 
 the price of the ariicle sent hero for sale, as is now 
 seen in the increased cost of iron imported from 
 Eneland. The prosperity and wealth of every 
 nation mu.-t depend upon its productive industry.. 
 The farmer is stimulated to exertion by flndrng a 
 ready market for his surplus produc;s, and bene- 
 fited by being able to exchange them, without loss 
 of time or expense of transportation, for the manu- 
 factuies which his comfort or convenience re- 
 Quires This is always done to the best advantage 
 where a portion of the community in which he 
 lives is engaged in other pursuits. But most 
 manufactures require an amount of capital ana a 
 nracticJl skill which cannot be commanded unless 
 they be protected for a time from ruinous compe- 
 tition from abroad. 
 
 President Bnchanan, in his Messages, 
 alBrms the Story of Rnin-In the 
 midst of Unsurpassed National Wealth 
 
188 
 
 THE TARIFF. 
 
 1 
 
 Slannfactar es Suspended— Public 
 Works Retarded— All Kinds of Pri- 
 vate Enterprises Abandoned— Thou- 
 sands of Worklnsmen Idle and re- 
 duced to Want— Government Reve- 
 nues Reduced and u National liOan 
 Required. 
 
 President Buchanan, at tlie close of 
 this disastrous period, in his annual 
 message, also appealed for protection as 
 a means of rebuilding our dilapidated 
 industries and trade. In his annual mes- 
 sage, dated December 8, 1857, he urges : 
 
 Since the adjournment of the last Congress our 
 constituents have enjoyeil an unusual degree of 
 health. The earth has yielded her fruics abund- 
 antly and has bountifully rewarded the toil of the 
 husbandman. Our greatsiaples have commanded 
 high prices, and, up till within a brief period, our 
 maaufacturins, mineral, and mechanical occupa- 
 tions have largely partaken of tlie general pros- 
 perity. We have possessed all the elements of 
 material wealth in rich abundance, and yet, 
 notwithstanding all these advantages, our country, 
 in its monetary interests, is at the present moment 
 in a deplorable condition. In the midst of un- 
 surpassed plenty in all the productions and in all 
 the elements Of national wealth we iitid our 
 manufictures suspended, our public worki re- 
 tarded, our private enterprises of different 
 kinds abandoned, and thousands of useful labor- 
 ers thrown out of employment and reduced to 
 want. The revenue of the government, which is 
 chiefly derived from duties on imports from 
 abroad, has been greatly reduced, while the ap- 
 propriations made by Congress at its last session 
 for the current fiscal year are very large in 
 amount. 
 
 Under these circumslances a loan may be re- 
 quired before the close of your present session : 
 but this, although deeply t) be regrettL'd, would 
 prove to be only a sliijht misfortune when com- 
 pared with the suffering: and distress prevailing 
 among the people. "With this the government 
 cannot fail deeply to sympaihize, though it may 
 be witliout the power to extend relief. 
 
 Tbe Free Tariff wblcta Struck Down 
 our Industries also Failed to Supply 
 tbe Necessary Revenues for Govern- 
 ment— Tbe National Treasury Bank- 
 rupt— Tbe National Credit Fallen to 
 its liOwest Ebb— Treasury Notes sold 
 at 13 per cent. Discount — Tbe Inevit- 
 able Result of Free Trade. 
 
 As in 1840, under the destructive ope- 
 ration of the compromise tariff of 1833, 
 so in 1860, under the free-trade tariff of 
 1846, the act which struck down our in- 
 dustries, necessarily destroyed our trade, 
 and failed to supply the government 
 with its necessary revenues. In 1860 the 
 national treasury was bankrupt, and the 
 credit of the nation had fallen to its low- 
 est ebb in our financial history. A Trea- 
 sury statement thus gives the figures at 
 which in I860 our Treasury notes were 
 sold : 
 
 At 6 per cent $70,200 
 
 At 7 per cent 5,000 
 
 At 8 per cent 24,500 
 
 At 81 per cent 33,000 
 
 At 8j per cent 10,000 
 
 At 9 per cent 65,000 
 
 At 9i per cent 10,000 
 
 At 9i per cent 160,000 
 
 At 9f percent 77,000 
 
 At 10 per cent 1,037,600 
 
 At lOi per cent 366,000 
 
 At lOi per cent 633,000 
 
 At 101 per cent 1,867,000 
 
 At 11 per cent 1,433,700 
 
 At 13 per cent 4,840,000 
 
 Tolal 10,010,900 
 
 And this is the inevitable result of free 
 trade. The destruction of our industries, 
 reducing our laboring classes, manufac- 
 turing and agricultural, to want and 
 misery, the ruin of commerce and trade, 
 and that of the people and nation. 
 
 PART X. 
 
 Free Trade — Its History Un- 
 der ©iir Crovernment — 
 The Maiidmaid of Slavery 
 and iSecession. 
 
 Wm. B. Giles, of Vlrg-lnla, tbe liCader of 
 tbe Opposition Under Wasblngton's 
 Administration, a Free-Trader— Free 
 Tradie as Advocated by tbe Cbamplons 
 of Slavery and Minority Rule— Sup- 
 ported by tbe "Educated Classes"— 
 Jno. Taj^lor of Caroline and his Works 
 —Denounces Manufactures as Injuri- 
 ous to Morals— Denounces Protective 
 Duties as Bounties to Manufacturers — 
 As ITnconstitutlonal and Ruinous to 
 Agriculture and Commerce, while De- 
 claring tbe Government a Iieagae,<&c. 
 —These Free Trade and Pro-Slavery 
 Dogmas Culminate in 1833 In Nulli- 
 fication and Treason. 
 
 The leader of the opposition in the 
 House to Washington's administration 
 was Mr. Wm. B. Giles, of Virginia. In 
 1797, upon the retirement of Washing- 
 ton, Giles rejoiced in the fact, as he be- 
 lieved it would result in the public good. 
 He had no admiration or respect for 
 Washington's administration or its 
 measures. Mr. Giles was^ a free trader. 
 Jolin Taylor, of Caroline, a noted man 
 of his time, and probably the ablest of 
 the free trade or States' rights scliool, 
 was also a member of this opposition. 
 In Congress and in his published works, 
 siich as " Oonstniction Construed and the 
 OonstituUons Vindicated," (1820) " 2^- 
 ranny Unmasked," (1833) ho denounces 
 protection as unconstitutional and ty- 
 rannical, and even barbarous. He de- 
 scribes protective duties asbounties. He 
 deu ounces manufactures as injurious to 
 morals, and as producing pauperism- 
 protective duties as a tax on the many 
 tor a bounty to the few— as ruinous to 
 
THE TARIFF. 
 
 189 
 
 a^culture and commerce and destruc- 
 tive of revenue. Some notion of kis 
 abilities and principles may be given by 
 a few extracts from liis works. In 
 " Construction, Construed," (pp. 383, 338,) 
 he argues : 
 
 The policy of fostering comljinations liy fed- 
 eral laws, lias undoubtedly tranef erred, and con- 
 tinues to transfer, a considerable portion of the 
 profits of labour, from one f ortion of the Union 
 to another ; not to eni-lchthi people generally of 
 the receivlne States, but to mass great capitals 
 for a f BW individuals residing in them j towards 
 •which all the States contrlUut e, and by which is 
 artificially reared a monied In^rest at the ex- 
 pense of the whole community, which is gradu- 
 ally obtaining an influence over the federal 
 government, of the same kind with that posses- 
 jBed by a similar sect «ver the British parUa- 
 ineut. The operations of this sect, being already 
 sorely felt, have already produced awful calcu- 
 lations in reference to a dissolution of the Union. 
 These arise from its new eftorts to gratify an in- 
 satiable avarice, and Its fears of the resent- 
 ment it excites. It therefore craftily works 
 upon the passion of the States it has been able 
 to delude, by computations of their physical 
 strength and their naval superiority; aid by 
 boasttng of an ability to use the weakenliig cir- 
 cumstance of negro , slavery, to coerce tie de- 
 frauded and discontented States into submis- 
 gion. 
 
 The Indignation excited by these threats 
 has suggested on the other hand, estimates of 
 resources and means of defence. * * • 
 
 If the maxim advanced by the advocates of 
 the protecting duty system will justify Con- 
 gress in assuming, or rather in empoweiing a 
 few capitalists to assume the direction of man- 
 ufacturing labour, it also invests that body with 
 a power of legislating for tlie direct ion of every 
 other species of labour and assigning all occu- 
 pations whatsoever to the care of the intelligence 
 of mercenary combinations. This is the very 
 power which constitutes the nature of the 
 Chinese and British governments, enables them 
 to place laljor under the intelligent direction 
 of mercenaiy combinations, and causes the mis- 
 eries of labourers in those countries. (Ibid., p. 
 351.) 
 
 The fundamental axiom upon which 
 his theories or reasoning are based is — 
 
 The federal is not a national government ; it 
 Is a league between nations. By this league, 
 a limited power only over persons and property 
 was given to the representatives of the united 
 nations. This power cannot be further extended, 
 under the pretext of national good, because the 
 league does not create a national government. 
 (Ibid.,p, 234.) 
 
 Under Washington and the elder Ad- 
 ams, and even under Jefferson, these 
 principles made but little headway even 
 at the South. As late as 1816 we find 
 Calhoun advocating protection, and 
 warning the House of a " new and ter- 
 rible danger" — "disunion." He advo- 
 cated protection because its tendency 
 was to bind the sections more closely 
 together by harmonizing their industrial 
 interests, and thus defeating disunion 
 by removing the grand and primary 
 gi'ound upon which it was advocated. 
 As yet these sentiments and this treason- 
 able policy— fi-ee trade and secession — 
 were confined to a few of the "educated 
 classes," like John Taylor and William 
 B. Giles, but by incessant iteration they 
 
 gradually spread in the South. They, 
 however made no very formidable head- 
 way until the passage of the tariff act 
 of 1834. Now, in the States of South 
 Carolina and Georgia, great excitement 
 prevailed, and it continued to increase 
 under the action of the majority in Con- 
 gress until, in 1882-'38, it culminated in 
 Nullification, in preparations for open 
 revolt, in consequence of the passage of 
 the tariff law of 1838. 
 
 Dr. Thomas Cooper, President of Sontta 
 Carolina CoIleg:e, at Columbia, In 
 July, 1827— Tlie I^eader of the Sontb- 
 em " Educated Classes "- Of Soutbern 
 Thong;ht and Action— Denounces Man- 
 ufactures as a Hydra — Denounces the 
 Rale of the Majority— His Seditions 
 and Treasonable Utterances — His call 
 to Resistance- Time to " Calculate the 
 Value of our tTnlon." 
 
 On July 3, 1837, at a meeting in Colum- 
 bia, S. C, of its "etjucated classes," of 
 " the elite of its wealth' and intelligence," 
 its slave owners, callM'inhostilityto pro- 
 tectingduties, the celebrated Dr. Thomas 
 Cooper, President of South Carolina Col- 
 lege, a man of genius and learning, and 
 of great influence in his section, boldly 
 preached sedition and treason. H6 in- 
 veighed heavily against the rule of the 
 majority. He exdaijned: "Manufac- 
 ture is a Hydra." Heiirged; 
 
 No wonder, if a drilled and managed majority 
 occupies the hall of the House of Representar 
 tlvcs, and wielding the power of the nation, de- 
 termines at all hazards to support the claims of 
 northern ir anuf acturers, and to offer up the 
 planting Interest on the altar of monopoly. * * 
 
 That equality of rights, equality of duties, 
 equality of burthens, cq^uality of protection, 
 equality of laws, constituted the prevailing 
 features of our happy institutions; but lam 
 now, sir, to learn for the first time, that in the 
 canting, cheating, cajoling slang of the monop- 
 olists, the American system is a system, by 
 which the earnings of the south are to be trans- 
 ferred to the north— by which the many are 
 sacrificed to the few— under which powers are 
 usurped that were never conceded — ^by which 
 Inequality of rights, inequality of burthens, la- 
 equality of protection, unequal laws, and une- 
 qual taxes are to be enacted and rendered per- 
 manent—that the planter and the farmer under 
 this system are to be considered as inferior be- 
 ings to the spinner, the bleacher, and the dyer — 
 that we of the south hold our plantations under 
 this system, as the serfs and operatives of the 
 north, subject to the orders and labouring 
 for the benefit of the master minds or 
 Massachusetts, the lords of the spinning 
 
 enny, and peers of the power loom, who 
 have a right to tax our earnings for their 
 emolument, and to burthen our poverty and to 
 swell their riches. This is the American system 
 tliese gentlemen are pleased to hold up as the 
 idol of the day; as the golden Image, which 
 they Indeed may be well content to worship. 
 To call this system of fraud, robbery, and usur- 
 pation the American system will sound to your 
 ears, as it does to mine, a base libel on Ameri- 
 c- n character. * * * 
 
 I have said that we shall ere longbe compelled 
 focalculate the vahteof ourunion; andto GnqnivQ 
 of what use to us is this most unequal alliance, by 
 which the south Las always been the loser, and 
 the north always the gamer 1 Is it worth our 
 
190 
 
 THE TARIFF. 
 
 wliUe to continue tills union of states, where the 
 north demands to be our masters and we are 
 nqulred to he their tributaries? Who with the 
 most insulting mocltery call the yoke they put 
 upon our necks the "American system!" The 
 question, however. Is fast approaching to the al- 
 ternative of submission or separation. * * 
 [Kites' Register, Vol. xxxiii,pp. 28-32.] 
 
 On July 4, 1827, at a banciuet at Ricli- 
 moiid, Virginia, distinguished for its 
 seditious utterances, and at -which " the 
 elit6 of its educated classes," its slave- 
 holding chivalrj^, were assembled, Mr. ' 
 Giles proposed his famous toast : 
 
 The Taeift Schemer: The silly hoy who 
 ripped up his goose that laid the golden eggs — 
 The Southerns wUl not long pay tribute. [Nites' 
 Begisier, Vol. xxxii, p. 371.] 
 
 The 'Walterborongta, (S. G.) Antl-TarUr 
 Meeting of June, 1828— Its Seditions 
 and Treasonable Utterances— Tbe "Ed- 
 ucated Classes " Pnbllsli tbe ITotori- 
 ons Colleton Address in Support of 
 Free Trade and Minority Rule. 
 
 On June 12, 1828, at a meeting held at 
 Walterborongli Court House, S. C, a 
 gathering of the "educated classes" of 
 the district, its slave-holding thanes, is- 
 sued the treasonable Colleton Address 
 so notorious in its day. A few brief ex- 
 tracts will expose its character and pur- 
 pose: 
 
 Durinp the last summer, we coUeoted together 
 In our dist let capacities, and from every section 
 of the State, declared to the Congress of the 
 United States, that a tariff framed with a view 
 to encourage domestic manufactures was con- 
 trary to our free and chartei'ed rights. Our leg- 
 islature took the subject int« consideration. 
 They condescended to repeat, what they had 
 already said In 1821 ; and in an able and dispas- 
 sionate memorial, solemDly laid their protest 
 before the Congress of this union against suoli 
 partial and unconstitutional legislation. As a 
 sovereign state, we have declared that such a 
 tariff would he a vlolatio'n of our sovereign 
 rights. As freemen, we have proclaimed to the 
 world that such a tariff would be an Infring- 
 ment of our privileges as men ; and in terms as 
 moderate as they were respectful, we have im- 
 plored our brethren not to dilve us to the stem 
 alternative of submitting in shame, or resist- 
 ance In sorrow. Your remonstrances and your 
 Implorations have been in vain ; and a tariff bill 
 has passed, not, indeed, such as you appre- 
 hended, but tenfold worse in all ita oppressive 
 features. » ,» « » 
 
 From the rapid step of usurpation, whether 
 we now act or not, the day of open opposition to 
 the pretended powers of the constitution, can- 
 not be far off, and it is that it may not go down 
 in blood that we now call upon you to resist. 
 We feel ourselves standing imdemeath its 
 mighty protection, and declaring forth its free 
 and recorded spiiit, when we say we must resist. 
 By aU the p'eat principles of liberty— by the 
 glorious achievement of our fathers in defend- 
 ing them— by their noble blood poiu-ed forth 
 Ulfc water in maintHtning them — by their lives 
 In suffering.and their death in honor and In glory; 
 —our countrymen ! we must resist. Not secret- 
 ly, as timid thieves or sliulljing smugglers- not 
 m companies and associations, like money- 
 chaffcrors or stock-jobbers — not separately and 
 Individually, as if this was ours and not oxii 
 country's cause,— but openly, fairly, fearless!}', 
 and unitedly, as becomes a free, sovereign, and 
 independent piioplc. Does timidity ask " when?" 
 We ausw<'r now. * * * 
 
 But if you are doubtful of yourselves— if. you 
 are not prepared to follow up your principles 
 wherever they may lead, to their very last con- 
 sequence—if you love life better than honor- 
 prefer ease to perilous liberty and glory, awake 
 not, stir not 1 Imjiotent resistance will add ven- 
 geance to your rum. Live in smiling peace with 
 your insatiable oppressors, and die with the no- 
 ble consolation, that your submissive patience 
 wUl gm-vive triumphant your beggary and de- 
 spair. (Kites' Begister, Yot. xxxlv, pp. 288-290.) 
 
 Tbe Seditious and Treasonable Utter- 
 ances of tbese " Educated Classes" 
 Fire tbe Southern Heart — Nullifica- 
 tion-" Tbe Bloody Old Tyrant" Jack- 
 son Causes them to Revise Their Re- 
 solves " To Die In tbe Xiast Ditch" 
 — Tbe Disastrous Compromise Tariff 
 of 1833 the work of tbese Classes- 
 Free Trade, Slavery, and Secession 
 March Arm in Arm— Tbe TarilTof 1846 
 their Ruinons Work— Their Joint 
 Reign Culminates in the Rebellion. 
 
 " To calculate the value of our 
 Union"— "Southerns will not long pay 
 tribute ! " These inflammable and se- 
 ditious utterances of the educated 
 leaders of the slave-owning gentry, 
 were soon adopted as maxims, as a slo- 
 gan, by the pro slavery thanes and 
 tlieir retainers, and the Southern heart 
 was flred. Under their guide, under the 
 tyranny of these educated classes, 
 these seditious liaters of freedom and 
 the masses and supporters of minority 
 rule based upon slavery. South Caro- 
 lina, on November 24, 1833, passed its 
 Ordinance of Nullification. It declared 
 that the tariff acts of May 19, 1828, and 
 of July 14, 1832, were " unauthorized by 
 the Constitution," and " null, void, and 
 no law, nor binding " upon South Caro- 
 lina, " its officers or citizens." It in- 
 structed its people to resist the national 
 authority — to -Nrioleutly resist the exe- 
 cution of laws constitutionally enacted 
 in Congress by a lawful majority with 
 the approval of the President ! It sum- 
 monea them to arms in support of trea- 
 son to the constitution — treason to lib- 
 erty and free government. 
 
 But "the bloody old tyrant" Presi- 
 dent Jackson toek the field, and these 
 intr<rt)id educated leaders speedily re- 
 vised their unyielding resolves " to die 
 in the last ditch." The result of this 
 traitorous escapade was nevertheless 
 disastrous to the whole people and na- 
 tion. A principle of chivalry in Henry 
 Clay's nature, a wish to rescue these 
 educated pro-slavery gentry in arms 
 against the majority from the halter 
 designed for them by Jackson, with a 
 sincere alarm for the safety of the pro- 
 tective principle, caused Clay to intro- 
 duce and pasn the compromise tariff of 
 1833, with its train of disastrous results. 
 It was a great error. Clay's heart over- 
 ruled his judgment. Jackson, supported 
 by Webster, had determined to test the 
 powers of the government in the sum- 
 
THE TABIFP. 
 
 191 
 
 mary punishment of these traitorous 
 pro-slavery educated leaders; and 
 when they were thus wrested from 
 his vengeance, he predicted that the 
 pretended acquiescence of South Caro- 
 lina in the execution of the laws was 
 not genuine — that its "educated clas- 
 hes," its pro-slavery thanes, liad not 
 surrendered their purposes of disunion, 
 but that they would next attempt to 
 accomplish it through the slavery is- 
 sue. Jackson was right. From that 
 moment. Free Trade, Slavery, and Se- 
 cession marched arm in arm. They 
 wore inseparable. They wrought the 
 industrial ruin of 1840. They inflicted 
 upon the nation the losses and disasters 
 under the tariff of 1846, during the 
 •period extending from 1849 to 1861, 
 when these educated classes, in support 
 of free trade and slavery, threw up 
 the banner of rebellion — causing a loss 
 to the nation of 500,000 lives and nearly 
 7,000,000,000 of treasure. 
 
 PART XI. 
 
 The South under the Rule of 
 its Free Trade Dogmas. 
 
 Slavery tlie Parent of Free Trade— Tbe 
 Condition of the K.aborlng Masses at 
 the Sontb nnder Slavery and Free 
 Trade— Their Degraded Condition de- 
 scribed by Sontbern Men— Crovernor 
 Hammond's (of Sonth Carolina) fStory 
 of their Wretchedness. 
 
 The " educated " or leading classes of 
 the South, its planting or slave-owning 
 classes prior to the rebeUion, were radi- 
 cally opposed to what was called 
 "free labor." They were consequently 
 opposed to free laborers. In the lan- 
 guage of Dr. Cooper "manufacture 
 was a hydra." Hence they were 
 opposed to all manufacturing es- 
 tablishments. All mechanical crafts or 
 labor were regarded as degrading, and 
 hence its "educated" or ruling classes 
 were all free traders. 
 
 What was the situation of the South 
 under this state of affairs? What the 
 condition and character of its masses or 
 the majority ? We will let Southern men 
 tell the pitilul story. Some of them were 
 humane, public spirited, and possessed 
 of an ambition to serve the masses. Gov- 
 ernor Hammond, of South Carolina, af- 
 terwards Senator of the United States, 
 before the South Carolina Institute in 
 1860, described "the poor whites" as ig- 
 norant, degraded, and immoral, reduced 
 to the frigiitful necessity of obtaining 
 " a precarious subsistence by occasional 
 jobs, by hunting, by fishing, by plunder- 
 mg fields or folds, and too often by what 
 is far worse, by trading with slaves and 
 seducing them to plunder for their ben- 
 efit." 
 
 Mr. Tarver's (of Missouri) Testimony in 
 his " The Non-Slaveholders "-Their 
 liand ITniversally so Poor and Sterile 
 as only to furnish » Scanty Snbslst> 
 ence— The Aristocratic Educated 
 Class^ Monopolize all Wealth— The 
 Poor White Declines tbe Hopeless 
 Pursuit of a Respectable Position in 
 tbe Scale of W^ealth— Their Condition 
 Becoming Worse with Every Crenere* 
 tion. 
 
 In a work by Mr. Tarver, of Missouri, 
 printed in 1847, and titled "The Non- 
 Slaveholders," even the better classes, 
 those owning some little land, are de- 
 scribed as possessing "generally but 
 very small means." Mr. Tarver says : 
 
 The land wMcli they poseesa Is almost univer- 
 sally veiy poor, and so sterile tbat a scanty sub- 
 sistence IS all that can be derived from its culti- 
 vation J and tbe more fertile soil, being In pos- 
 session of the slaveholder, must ever remain out 
 of tbe power of those who have none. • * 
 Tbe slaveholder— the aristocratic oppressor- 
 possessed almott all the wealth of the country. 
 This state of things is a, great drawback, and 
 bears heavily upon and depresses the moral en- 
 ergies of the poorer claaees. * ♦ • 
 The acquisition of a respectable position In the 
 scale of wealth appears so difficult that they de- 
 cline tbe hopeless pursuit, and many of them set- 
 tle down in o habits of 'dlcncBS, and become tbe 
 almost passive subjects of its consequences. And 
 I lament to eay that I have observed of late 
 ycr-'s that an evident deterioration is taking 
 plBcointbls part of the population, the younger 
 portion of it being less edvcated, less industri- 
 ous, and in every point of view Uss respectable 
 than their ancestors. 
 
 Mr. J. H. Taylor's (of Charleston, S. C, 
 Testimony— The White Non -Slave- 
 holding Freeman but One Step in 
 Advance of tbe Indian— An Evil of 
 Tast Magnitude — M r. Oregg's (of 
 Charleston, S. C.) Testimony — T b e 
 Poor Whites Deplorably Ignorant 
 and Debased -Efforts to Christianize 
 Them by the Introduction of Manu- 
 facturing Establishments- I<lve In 
 Comparative Kakedness and Starva- 
 tion—Many a proud South CaroUna- 
 an Stinted for Meat— A Wretched 
 Condition Without a Parallel Within 
 the Pale of CivUization. 
 
 A similar picture of the almost hope- 
 less degradation of the white non-slave- 
 holder, is also drawn by Mr. J. H. 
 Taylor of Charleston, S. C., and others. 
 Mr. Wm. Gregg, of Charleston, in 1850, 
 in an address before the South Carolina 
 Institute, urges : 
 
 Any man who is an obf^rver of things could 
 hardly pass through our country without being 
 struck with the fact that all the capital, enter- 
 prise, and intelligence is employed in directing 
 slave labor ; and the consequence is that a large 
 portion of our poor white people are wholly 
 neglected, and are suffered to while away an ea- 
 istence in a state but one stq^ in advance of the 
 Indian of the forest. It is an evil of vast mag- 
 nitude, and nothing but a change in public senti- 
 ment will effect its cure. These people must be 
 brought into daily contact with the rich and in- 
 
192 
 
 THE TARIFF. 
 
 telligent. They must be stimulated to mental ac- 
 tion, and taught to appreciate education and tlic 
 com^forts of civilized life. 
 
 Mr. Gregg and others establislied a 
 manufacturing village at Graxitsville, 
 S. C. He tlins describes the result : 
 
 We liave collected at that place ahout eight 
 hundred ijeople, and as liliely looMng a set of 
 country girls as may be found— industrious and 
 orderly people, but deplorably ignorant, three- 
 fourths of tUe adults not being able to read or to 
 write their names. * * * With the aid 
 of ministers of the gospel on the spot, to preach 
 to them and lecture them on the subject, we have 
 obtained but about sixty children for our school 
 of about a hvmdred which are in the place. We 
 are satisfied that nothing but time and patience 
 will enable us to bring them all out. * * * 
 It is very clear to me that the only means of 
 educating and Christianising our poor whites 
 will be to bring them into such villages, where 
 they will not only become intelligent, hut a 
 thrifty and useful class in our community. 
 
 Mr. Gregg, in another work, his Es- 
 says on Domestic Industry, &c., asks : 
 
 Sh all we pass unnoticed the thousands of poor, 
 ignorant, degraded white people amOng us, who, 
 in tills land of plen'iV, live In comparative na^ 
 feedness and starvouon 1 Many a one is reared 
 in proud South Carolina, from birth to manhood, 
 who has never passed a month in which he has 
 not some part of the time been stinted for meat. 
 T 'any a mother is there who will tell you that 
 her children are but scantily supplied with 
 bread, and much more scantily with meat ; and 
 it they be clad with comfortable raiment it is at 
 the expense of their scanty allowance of food. 
 
 "These are startling statements," 
 urges Mr. Gregg, "but they are never- 
 theless true," and he appeals in support 
 of their truth to members of the South 
 Carolina legislature, "who have tra- 
 versed the State in electioneering cam- 
 paigns." 
 
 All efforts to ameliorate the Tf^retched 
 condition of ttae Poor Wbltes Frus- 
 trated by Selfish Pride, the Insatiable 
 Avarice of the Educated, or Planting 
 classes — Slavery and Free Trade 
 cheaply snpply all their wants— Maun- 
 facturing establishments Immoral 
 and irreligious — Poor TThltes de- 
 graded, half clad, half fed, and igno- 
 rant—Testimony of Mr. Tracy and Mr. 
 liUmphln (of Georgia), in his "Indus- 
 trial Regeneration of the South"— Sad 
 Pictures of Degredation. 
 
 But the selfish pride, the insatiate 
 averice, of the "educated classes," the 
 iron tyranny of caste, was not to be in- 
 fluenced by appeals to their humanity. 
 Their natures were insensible to the 
 degradation and misery daily before 
 their eyes. Slavery and free trade sup- 
 plied cheaply all their own physical 
 wants. Why should they trouble them- 
 selves about the poor whites ? Besides, 
 free labor, the introduction of mechan- 
 ics or manufactures, would demoralize 
 their communities. The establishment 
 of manufacturers in the North and 
 
 East, as in all countries where mechani- 
 cal industries had thrived, had been a 
 "Pandora box that had filled the land 
 with all sorts of moral plagues "—had 
 destroyed the morals and the religion of 
 the people, had introduced "skepticism, 
 atheism, and debauchery," and the in- 
 troduction of manufactures, the nat- 
 uralization of mechanics, in the South, 
 would be attended with like evils and 
 untold horrors. In vain did the friends 
 of manufactures oppose to this a dif- 
 ferent and more truthful picture. Mr. 
 E. W. Roper of South Carolina, in an 
 address in 1844 before the State Agri- 
 cultural Society, urged : 
 
 The effect of this diversity of labor has been 
 to extend competence among the neipfhborlng 
 people, to improve their morals, intelligence, 
 and educatieu, and establish a more respectable 
 order of society. These results have been dem- 
 onstrated in Spartansburg and around many flf 
 our large manufacturing establishments. 
 
 Said Mr. Tracey : 
 
 The manufacturing business * ♦ * * grows 
 up a healthy population, is favorable to early 
 schooling and good education and early habits 
 of industry ; stimulates to enterprise, economy, 
 and frugality in living and saving. The prod- 
 ucts of their labor, ana at the same time the or- 
 ganizations of their establishments in villages, 
 being necessary for success they are placed in a 
 more favorable situation for the cultivation of 
 moral and religious character, without which 
 civilized man is stiU a savage, and a very limited 
 degree of human happiness attained. 
 
 Mr. Wm. Gregg, in his "Essays on In- 
 dustry,^'' urged: 
 
 It is only necessary to build a manufacturing 
 village of shanties in a healthy location in any 
 part of the State to have crowds of these poor 
 people around you seeking employment atJudf 
 the compensation given to operatives at the 
 North. It is indeed painful to be brought in 
 contact with such ignorance and degradation; 
 but on the other hand it is pleasant to witness 
 the change which soon takes place iu'the condi- 
 tion of those who obtain employment. The 
 emaciated, pale-f,aced children soon assume the 
 appearance of robust health, and their tattered 
 garments are exchanged for those suited to a 
 better coiiditiou ; if you visit their dwellings 
 you will And their tables supp ied with whole- 
 some food ; and on the Sabbath, when the fe- 
 males turn out in their gay colored gowns, you 
 will Imagine yourself surrounded by groups of 
 city beUes. 
 
 And Hon. J. H. Lumpkin, of Georgia, 
 m 1852, in a paper on the "Industrial 
 Begeneraiion of (lie South,'''' ai'gued : 
 
 It is objected that these manufacturing es 
 tablishments will become the hotbeds of came. 
 J 1, ^ * ■^'^* I O'™ '^y »o means ready to 
 ?^? J *^5* our poor, degraded, half-fed, half- 
 cloth.ed,and %gnorant population, without Sab- 
 bath schools or any other kind of instruction, 
 mental or moral, or without any 'just apin-ecia- 
 Iwn of character, will be injured bv giving tliem 
 employment which wiU bring them under the 
 oversight of employers, who will inspire them 
 with self-respect by taking an interest tu their 
 
 TV 6U HiI'd 
 
THE TARIFF. 
 
 193 
 
 The "EclncBted" op Planting Clatses 
 wonid have have no Education of 
 the Classes — Sfo ManufactnreN or Free 
 I^abop — Slaver y the Only Cure 
 for the Debased Condition of the Poor 
 White— They Propose to Reduce the 
 Poor White to Slavery— White Slavery 
 JUHlKied by I>ivine Writ— L,iberty for 
 tb« I'ew, Slavery In Every Form for the 
 HaNHCH— WretchedncNS and Ruin the 
 Inevitable Resultft of Slavery and 
 Free Trade. 
 
 But these and other intelligent and 
 humane spirits labored in vain. The 
 " educated classes" refused to be con- 
 vinced. In their opinion tlie non-slave 
 owniiij; masses, the poor white freeman, 
 like flic negro, possessed naturallj^, but 
 tew, veiy few, of the higliest attributes 
 of humanity — very few of its rights, and 
 none where they conflicted with those 
 of the "educated," or slave owning 
 classes. Heuce they would have no 
 education of the masses — no introduc- 
 tion or naturalization of manufactures 
 or free labor in the South. But this dis- 
 cussion und the advancing opinion of the 
 age — the pre^ssure of freedom and free 
 institutions upon all sides of tlieir 
 oligarchy — warned the "educated" 
 leaders of Southern thought and action 
 tjiat they must adopt some measure to 
 alter tlie condition of the non -slave 
 owning freeman. What was it? They 
 had established free-trade through 
 the tin iff of 1846. They had struck the 
 industries of the North a crushing blow, 
 had ruined its capitalists and reduced 
 thousands of its industrial masses to 
 idleness and want, and now they en- 
 tered the debate with a counter prop- 
 osition for the relief or reform of the 
 noil - slaveholding white freeman's 
 condition . They insultingly proposed to 
 degrade Jiim into a slave. They urged 
 that " slavery would elevate him 
 moially, socially, and physically," 
 and i)()ssibly it would in the South; 
 for, under the combined malign in- 
 fluences of Slavery and Free Trade, 
 he was wretchedly debased. They 
 even maintained that "slavery was 
 tlje natural and norjnal condition of 
 the laborer!" They had previously 
 only attempted the justification of 
 negro slavery upon the strength of 
 Noah's curse of Canaan. They now 
 wholly changed the defense of the in- 
 stitution. Mr. Pitzhugh, of Virginia, 
 that "conservative" leader of the pro- 
 slavciv "educated classes," that bril- 
 liant leader of Southern thought and 
 action, boldly announced : 
 
 ^\'l' rto uot adopt the theory that Ham was 
 the iiuccKtor of the negro race. The Jewish 
 slaves were not negroes iind to confine the justi- 
 tlcafion of Bla\ei7 to that race, would lie to 
 -weaken its scriptural authority and to lose the 
 whole wc-ight of profane authority, for we rend 
 ol no negro slavery in ancient times. " * 
 
 " Slavery, black or white, is right and neces- 
 sary." 
 
 Pitzhugh declared : " Our negroes are 
 not only better olTas to physical comfort 
 than free laborers, but their moral con- 
 dition is better." " Two hundred years 
 of hberty have made white laborers a 
 pauper banditta. Free society, has 
 failed, and that which is not free Inust 
 be substituted." 
 
 _ Hon. L. M. Keitt, of South Carolina, 
 m tlie House of Representatives, grave- 
 ly stated: 
 
 "Slavery is a great primordial fact, rooted in 
 the origin of things !''»*•* -As a corol- 
 lary to this, It may be safely deduced that the 
 existence of [white] laborers and mechanics in 
 organized societies wns the result of the partial 
 and progressive emancipation of slaves." * * 
 * * "Historytellsusalsothatwhentherwhltel 
 working classes stepped out of bondage they 
 branched into four rccniTUig subdivisions- the 
 HIRELING, the BEGGAR, the THIEF, and the 
 PROSTITUTE, which have no general existence 
 in slave countries unless there have been a com- 
 mencement of eTnaneipation. 
 
 And these, the' Richmond Enquirer 
 declared, in 1860, were the doctrines 
 of the whole Southern Democratic 
 press. Hence, in their opinion, the 
 ouly possible reform was that of re- 
 ducing the workingman to slavery. 
 Accordingly Mr. Ruffln (in his " Fo- 
 Utical Economy of Slavery,") and 
 Mr. Fitzhugh (in "Cannibals All, or 
 Who shall be Masters?") elaborated 
 what to tliem appeared very practical 
 plans for the accomplishment of this 
 philanthropic object. Mr. Pitzhugh 
 says that a negro slave is worth about 
 $800, but a white slave, by reason of his 
 harder working nature, would be worth 
 $1,000. Give, therefore, the capitalist 
 owning $1,000 one white slave, the 
 capitalist owning $10,000 ten wliite 
 slaves, and the millionaire a thousand. 
 He exclaims : 
 
 LIBERTY/ortAePEW; SLAVERY m 
 
 every form for the MASSES. 
 
 PAET XTI. 
 
 The So-called MorrisoiiTar- 
 iff of 1876— Prepared by 
 the English Cobdeu Club 
 for the Rui ii of Aiuerioau 
 Industry — Supported in 
 House by the Democrats, 
 but Beaten by the Repub- 
 licans. 
 
 « 
 
 Mr. Morrison, of Illinois, Democratic 
 Chiiirmnn of Committee of Ways and 
 Means, moved in the House in 1876, a 
 
194 
 
 THE TARIFF. 
 
 tariff bill -which in the effect of its pro- 
 visions, if it had passed, would have ru- 
 ined our leading industries, have de- 
 stroyed our business prosperity and 
 caused widespread suffering and want 
 among all ranks and classes of our peo- 
 ple. A few extracts from the speech of 
 Hon. Jay A. Hubbell, upon this bill, 
 will show its origin and provisions and 
 expose its purpose : 
 
 The so-called Morrison tariff, manufactured in 
 New York city, by order of the Free Trade 
 Lea^e, under the inspiration of the American 
 memliers of the English Cobdeu Cluh, strikes 
 directly at the policy of proteetion, and aims a 
 death blow at many of our important industries, 
 whUe none of them are allowed to escape its 
 crippling influences. 
 
 Rates of Reduction of Duties. 
 
 On cotton, unbleached, from 5 cents to 2J cents 
 
 per square yard. 
 On cotton, bleached, from 6J cents to Si cents 
 
 per square yard of the ordinary sizes and forms. 
 On iron, rolled, one-half, bar iron being placed 
 
 at one-half cent per yound. 
 Pig iron reduced from $7 to $5 per ton, or about 
 
 30 per cent. ; or in other word--, on iron and 
 
 steel fi'om 30 to 50 per cent. 
 On lead and manufactures of lead from 30 to 50 
 
 per c-nt. 
 On copper in plates, bars, ingots and pigs the 
 
 duties are reduced from 6 cents per pound to 2 
 
 cents. Copper ore transferred to the free list. 
 On silk and silk goods — 
 
 On goods paying 35 per cent, reduced to 25 
 " ■' 40 " " 30 
 
 " " 60 and 60 " 40 
 
 -Wools, first and second class reduced about 60 
 
 per cent. 
 Marble, In blocks and slabs, reduced from 50 to 
 
 so cents per cubic foot. 
 Pencils and pens, &c., &c., &a. 
 
 Analysis of the Slorrison Bill. 
 
 The analysis of the Morrison tariff, under a 
 oomp.arison -with the rates of duty in 1876, gives 
 the folio-wing results : 
 Decrease of duty from the actual 
 
 receipts of the fiscal year 1875 S18, 464,081.72 
 
 Add amount of duties not collected 
 
 dm-ing eight months and three 
 
 days under the provisions "less 
 
 10 per cent."— 
 
 Cotton goods $ 700,907.04 
 
 Iron and B teel 3,691,465.69 
 
 Copper 3,190.16 
 
 Lead 546,887.23 
 
 Wool 2,863,651.40 
 
 7,705,001.62 
 
 26,169.083.24 
 Increase of duty 20,038,580.85 
 
 Decrease of duty 6,120 502.39 
 
 Taxing the Poor Man's Breakfttst Ta- 
 ble. 
 
 It will be observed that the iucren so of duty is 
 not upon goods notr pat/bitj dulii'.s,bnt mainly 
 upon tea and coffee, whio'li are now admitted free 
 of duty, and ever ought to be, so Long as they 
 do not come into competition with home pro- 
 ducts of the same articles. The amount of duty 
 proposed to be collected fi-om those two items is 
 $10,216,701.14. So in future, if the proposed [Mor- 
 rison] tariff goes into operation, the poor man's 
 family will be taxed heavily for these two im- 
 portant articles of daily consumption. 
 
 Outside Tea auci Coffee, Increased I>a> 
 ties Only $831,879, while Decrease for 
 the year Over $36,000,000. 
 
 Aside from the tax proposed to be levicl on 
 tea and coffee the increased duties .amount to 
 only $821,879.71, while the decrease for the year 
 is over $26,000,000. Practically, however, tven 
 if tea and coffee should not be taxed, there will 
 be little or no deci-ease in the aggregate reci'ipts. 
 The duties from the increase of importations, 
 now unusually large, wiH overcome the reduc- 
 tions proposed in the tariff, and in a verv few 
 years retui-n a larger custom revenue than that 
 now collected. The Morrison tariff is an invi- 
 tatinn to foreign manufacturers to surfi it our 
 markets with imported wares, and the oppor- 
 tunity will be promptly embraced. The exten- 
 of its evil tendencies can scarcely be mea.snred 
 and the country now appeals to the -wisdom of 
 this Congress to save the people from a piactic- 
 al realization of its fearful consequence.-. 
 
 PART XIII. 
 
 Hnrd's Resolutionis in I8MO 
 for the Restoration of the 
 Free Trade Tariff of 1846. 
 
 Tarlfrnnties a Tax npon the Consumer 
 —Protection d»es BTot Protect— It does 
 Wot Increase the ^Vages of I,abor— It 
 Builds up One Citizen at the Expense 
 of Another— It Violates the Principles 
 of Free Tra«le— It has Destroyed our 
 Carrying Trade on the High Seas— It 
 Promotes Smuggling— It Shuts Out 
 the American Manufacturer from the 
 Markets of the World — Down with 
 all Protection to American Industry 
 -Up with the Proslavery Free Trade 
 Tariff of 1846. 
 
 On December 6, 1880, in the House of 
 Representatives, Mr. Hurd, of Ohio, from 
 the Committee ou Ways and Means, in- 
 troduced the following joint resolution : 
 
 Itesolved by the Senate and Ho\tse of Represen- 
 tatioes of tlie United Stales of America in Con- 
 gress assembled. That any tariff levied by the 
 Congress should be regulated by the foUowluR 
 pniicaples : 
 
 First. A tariff' is a tax upon imported goods, 
 which IS ultimately paid by the consumer, ae 
 the importer always adds to the selling iirice 
 the amount of duty paid ; being a tax paid by 
 the citizen, it ought, therefore, not to be im- 
 posed except to provide revenue for the Gov- 
 ernment, and only that tariff ought to be levied 
 which will with the least burden to the people 
 provide the necessary revenue. 
 
 Second. A tariff for protection, so called, does 
 not In most ea^ee protect the interest it pre- 
 tends to foster; while at first it may bring large 
 profits to those engaged in the inanufaetuilng 
 which is assumed to be protected, it soon, by 
 those -very profits, invites many persons Into 
 the business, fi-om which result overproduction, 
 overstocking of the market, low prices, reduc- 
 tion of the hours of labor, shutt-ing down, at 
 least temporarily, of the workshops, embarrass- 
 ment to the proprietor, and, in many instances, 
 tliial banlcruptey, in which the large profits 
 made at first are swallowed up, .and the large 
 -wages at first paid worklngiuen, if saved up at 
 all, are consumed In waiting lor a busin ss re- 
 vival, winch, if it does come, will inevitably be 
 attended by the same consequences. 
 
THE TARIFF, 
 
 195 
 
 Third. A protective tariff does not Increase tlie 
 wages of workingmen, as demonstrated by the 
 following facts: First, in England since the 
 policy of free trade has been adopted the wages 
 of laborers have been higher than when the sys- 
 tem of protection prevailed; second, in Ger- 
 many, where there is a protective tariff, the 
 wages arelowerthau in countries without tarlflf, 
 or with a tariff for revenue only ; and, third, the 
 average wages of the American laborer since 
 the adoption of the i)re8cut tariff have for tlie 
 ten years last past been less (allowing for the 
 difference In the currency) tlian under a reve- 
 nue tariff' for the teu years jirecedlng eighteen 
 hundred and sixty. 
 
 Fourth. A protective tariff builds up one cit- 
 izen at the expense of another, for every dollar 
 of additional price the protection enables the 
 manufacturer to charge niustbepaldbv another 
 citizen. Such a discrimination against one and 
 in favor of another a government ought not to 
 make. A protective tariff which profeetB une- 
 qually works injustice. A protective tariff 
 which protects all equally is supci-fluoua, for 
 if all are equally protected they are in precisely 
 the same situation as though tliey had received 
 no protection at all. 
 
 Fifth. A protective tariff disturbs the opera- 
 tion of the primal law of trade which governs 
 all exchanges by the supply and demand of the 
 articles to be exchanged, and openly and shame- 
 lessly violates the principle that every man has 
 a right, subject only to governmental necessi- 
 ties, to buy where he can buy tlie cheapest and 
 sell where he can get the best i rice. 
 
 Sixth. Thi' present protective tariff has driven 
 the American carrying trade from the high seas, 
 by enhancing the price of the materials which 
 enter into the construction of vessels so that 
 American ship-builders cannot compete with 
 foreigners engaged in the same business. 
 
 Seventh. A protective tariff increases the pos- 
 sibilities of the crime of smuggling, which, with 
 our extensive water frontier and weak Navy, it 
 is Impossible to prevent, and by the commission 
 of which dishonest men are made ilch by vio- 
 lating the law, and honest men are made poor 
 by obeying it. 
 
 Eighth. A protective tariff shuts out the Amer- 
 ican manufacturer from the markets of the 
 world. Mexico and South America are suiiplied 
 with their manufactured goods by England. 
 Our best interests demand that the protective 
 barrier ovu- legislatiouhas erected shall be broken 
 down, that American Pkill and enterprise may 
 have an opportunity to compete with foreign 
 manufactures everywhere. Our manufactures 
 need more an Increase of market, by which for- 
 eign capital can be brought into this country, 
 than protective legislation, which takes money 
 from one American pocket to put it into another. 
 
 Ninth. To the end that the present tariff shall 
 become one for revenue only, the following 
 changes should be made : First, on all dutiable 
 articles producing little or no revenue to the 
 government, the duty should be returned to a 
 revenue basis, or they should be placed upon 
 the free list ; second, the duty upon tea and cot- 
 fee should be restored, and to the extent that 
 this duty produces revenue to the Government 
 the duty should be removed from salt and cloth- 
 ing, and other articles indispensably necessary 
 in domestic Ufe. 
 
 The ReHolutlon a Stnmp iSpeecta in fa- 
 vor of the Ralnous Free Trade Tarlfi 
 of 18 16— The cinty on imported articles 
 not a Tax 'on the Consumer— Protec- 
 tion by excluding: the Foreign article 
 and Htiinulatlng: Home Competition 
 retluces price of I>on«estic Article- 
 Figures and Facts in illnstration of 
 that— L.lke the wood Tarltf Bill this 
 Hurd Resolution proposed the Ruin 
 of all our Domestic Industries in the 
 
 Interest of the British Trader and 
 Southern Brigadiers. 
 
 This resolution, in its language and 
 propositions, wasmanit'estly intended as 
 a stump speecli in favor of the ruinous 
 free trade tariff of 1846. But Mr. Huid 
 misstates the facts. His fundamental 
 proposition is grossly false. The duty 
 upon the imported article is not a tax 
 upon tlie consumer. As a rule tlie duty 
 is not added to the cost of manufacture, 
 but by practically excluding the foreijrn 
 article, and stimulating home comjjeti- 
 tion, which is one of the effects of pro- 
 tection, the cost to the consumer of tlie 
 domestic article has been greatly re- 
 duced. Again and again has that fiut 
 been demonstrated in tlie House, in 
 Mr. Kurd's presence. 
 
 Indeed, Mr. Kurd's series of proposi- 
 tions is simply a revamping of the old 
 and exploded pro-slavery free trade 
 theories of the notorious Colleton .Ad- 
 dress. Tliey consequently embrace no- 
 thing new. They simply restate a few 
 of the many wretched fallacies in which 
 the pro-slavery free traders, those old 
 seditious and traitorous enemies of la- 
 bor and the nation, deliglited in discuss- 
 ing the tariff— lilie the one invented by 
 the famous Kayne, that "a tariff on im- 
 
 Eorts was a tax on exports," &c. They 
 ave no foumiation upon which they 
 can be maintained, but are opposed by 
 our own experience and that of all na- 
 tions — by the stern logic of facts which 
 proclaim tliat tlieir adoption every- 
 where has been uniformly attended by 
 ruin alike of people and nation. 
 
 We will give a few illustrations from 
 the speech of Mr. Duell, of New York, 
 in the House, of April 13, 1872. .Mr. 
 Duell says : 
 
 Before the manufacture of window-glass wns 
 protected it cost the consumer $12 a box. A 
 heavy duty was laid upon it by the tariff of 
 ia42, (which, according to the free-trade tlieorr, 
 ought largely to have mcreased its price,) when, 
 behold, the price feU to $3. Wliose theory did 
 this establish 1 According to the theory of fi-ce 
 trade here was a result perfectly mysterioue 
 and unaccountable. On the principles of pro- 
 tection the thing was perfectly plain. As soon 
 as the duty imposed secured a market to the 
 American manufacturers of glass, they went to 
 work with all their force, each seeking his own 
 profit, and all free to make and sell it a« they 
 could, when the astonishing power of competi- 
 tion soon effected the great reduction in price. 
 
 In 1844 the duty on English common bar-iron 
 was $26 per ton or 68 per cent., and its price was 
 then$61.83 perton. The price lessthedutywoiild 
 leave $36.63 as the cost of producing a ton of 
 iron. In 1846 the duty was lowered to 30 per 
 cent, and In 1857 to 24 per cent. According lo 
 the free-trade theory the result of tbis reduc- 
 tion of the tariff should have been to reduce the 
 price of iron just to the extent of the decrease in 
 duty. But the fact Is quite different, as the fol- 
 lowing comparison will prove: in 1844, as we 
 have seen, the duty on English bar-iron was S25 
 a ton and the prime cost was $36.83. In 1846 the 
 duty was reduced to 30 per cent., or more than 
 one-half, which was equal to a duty of $10.42 per 
 ton instead of $25. The piicc of iron ought 
 therefore to have gone down to $26.41, or lo 
 
^2.96 
 
 THE TAUIFF. 
 
 $36.83 less the $10 42 (liity, if the free-traders are 
 iTigbt in their theories. Bat instead of this the 
 
 cost of produciion actiwUy Increased to $54.80 
 . per ton, an advance of $17.97 per ton. 
 
 Ad(1 so on in many other illustrations 
 ■of tliese, f Acts.— {8ee Mr. DtielVs speech in 
 '■•Gonp. Record, do.) 
 
 Like tlie Wood free trade tariff bill of 
 1878, tliis Hurd joint resolution was iu- 
 ■troduced at the command of the En- 
 glish Cobden club and the Southern 
 Brigadiers, and tlieir purposes -were 
 very plain — to strike down the indus- 
 tries of the nation, and to impoverish 
 all ranks and classes of our loyal peo- 
 ple — all to open a market to the British 
 trader, and to secure cheap products to 
 their allies in war and peace, the South- 
 ern Brigadiers. 
 
 PART XIV. 
 
 Knit Ooods — Duty on TVool- 
 en Ooods. 
 
 i-l^^inendinent to Correct , Error in Stat- 
 ute — All Ready - Made Glothlngr, of 
 Whatever Material Composed, except 
 Wool, Silk, and liinen, to be subject 
 to a Duty of 35 Per Centum Ad Va- 
 lorem—Statute and Report of Com- 
 anittee. 
 
 On July 3, 1883, Mr. Kelley, of Penn- 
 sylvania, moved to suspend the rules 
 and pass the following bill : 
 
 A Mil to correct an error in section 2604 of the 
 Eevised Statutes of the United States. 
 
 Be it enacted, (tc, That the paragraph begin- 
 ning with the words "clothing, ready-made, and 
 wearing-apparel," under Schedule M of section 
 25 of the Revised St-atutea of the United States, 
 he, and the same is liereliy, amended by the in- 
 sertion of the word "wool" before the word 
 "silk" in two places where it wan omitted in the 
 revision of tlie said statutes ; so that the same 
 ihall read as follows : 
 
 "Clothing, ready-made, and wearnig-apparel 
 of every descriptiim, of whatever material com- 
 posed, except wool, silk, and linen, made up or 
 manufactured wholly or in part by tlie tailor, 
 se.imatresn, or manufacturer, not otherwise pro- 
 'Vided for, caps, glo\es, leggins, mitrs, socks, 
 stocliiugs, wove shirts and drawers, and all sim- 
 ilar articles made on fi'imies, of whatever mate- 
 Tial composed, except wool, silk, andlinen, worn 
 by men, women, or children, and not otherwise 
 provided for, articles worn by men, women, or 
 children, of whatever material composed, ex- 
 cept wool, i-ilk, anil linen, made irp, or made 
 wholly or in part by hand, not otherwise pro- 
 \ ided for, 35 per cent, ad valorem." 
 
 The Committee of Way.< and Means, 
 tliiough its cliiiirman, Mr. Kelley, in re- 
 porting this bill to the House, on the 6th 
 of J une, used the following language : 
 
 Tlie purpose of the tirat socticiii of this bill is 
 to correct an error made in r<'-\'iHing the Stat- 
 ute , which ciror is found iu a paragraph near 
 tlie iiottora of page -174 of the Eevised Statutes, 
 cdi ion of 1878. This pariigrapli is tomid iu 
 .Sclii duleM, called suudrios. of the taiiff law. 
 
 Schedule L provides for all duties on wool and 
 woolen goods, and is a re-enactment and embodi- 
 ment of the statuteof March 2, 1867, which re- 
 pealed all former duties on wools and woolen 
 goods, and imposed potrnd duties on woo's, and 
 corresponding pound duties on woolen goods ; 
 the object being to set otC one pound duty 
 against the other, and, in addition, 35 per cent, 
 on the manufactured article. The revision on 
 page 471 is the act of March 2, 1867. word for 
 word, whith imposed duties in lieu of all former 
 duties on wools and woolen goods. This stat- 
 ute provides as follows : 
 
 " Flannels, blankets, hats of wool, knit goods, 
 balmorals, woolen and worsted yams, and all 
 manufactures of every description composed 
 wholly or in part of worsted, the hair of the al- 
 paca, goat, or other like animals, except such 
 as are composed in part of wool, not otherwise 
 provided for, valued at not exceeding 40 cents 
 per pound, 20 cents per pound ; valued at above 
 40 cents per pound, and not exceeding 60 cents 
 per pound, 30 cents per pound ; valued at above 
 60 cents per pound, and not exceeding 80 cents 
 per pound, 40 cents per pound ; valued at above 
 80 cents per pound, 60 cents per pound; and, in 
 addition thereto, upon all the above named arti- 
 cles, 35 per cent, ad valorem." 
 
 The duties above prescribed were made to 
 correspond with the value of the goods, and the 
 higher-priced woolen goods were made to pay a 
 duty of 50 cents per pound. These rates were 
 collected prior to and since the revision of the 
 statutes down to the decision of the United 
 States Supreme Court in the case of Victor and 
 others against C. A. Arthur, collector of the port 
 of New York, rendered aliout flfteen months 
 ago. 
 
 The paragraph in which the error occurs Is 
 found in Schediile L of the tarilf laws, and re ids 
 as follows : 
 
 " Clothing, ready made, and wearing apparel 
 of every description, of whatever material com- 
 posed, except wool, silk, and linen, made up or 
 manufactured wholly or in part by the tailor, 
 seamstress, or manufacturer, not otherwise pro- 
 vided ror, caps, gloves, leggins, mitts, socks, 
 stockings, wove shirts and drawers, and aU sim- 
 ilar articles made on fi'ames, of whatever mate- 
 rial composed, except sillc and liueu, worn by 
 men, women, or children, and not otherwise pro- 
 vided for, articles worn by men. women, or 
 children, of whatever material composed, ex- 
 cept silk and linen, made uji or ma^ie whoDy or 
 in part by hand, not otherwise pi ovided for, 35 
 per cent, ad valorem." 
 
 It will be noticed that the word "wool" is 
 found in the first exception of the above para- 
 griph, but is omitted from the other two excep- 
 tions included iu the same paragraph, and it is 
 pholn that the three exceptions were intended 
 to exclude all .articles of weariug apparel made 
 of wool, silk, or linen from the rate of duty 
 levied lii- the paragraph. The clause which 
 causes the hardship on American manufactures 
 of knit goods is foimd in the paragi-aph of 
 Schedule M, above quoted, and reads as follows : 
 
 " Caps, gloves, leggins, mitts, socks, stockings, 
 wove shirts and drawer-, and all similar arti- 
 cles made on frames, of whatever material com- 
 posed," &c. 
 
 Tliere was no exception of wool, silk, or linen 
 in the original paragi-aph, because the law had 
 not yet been passed that excepted them ; but 
 by the act of June 30. 1864, a special provision 
 was made for these articles on pages 208, 209, 
 210, volume 13, Statues at Large. By the act of 
 June 30, 1804, wool, silk, and linen goods were 
 excepted, and this paragraph applied to cotton 
 goods alone, and should have been placed in the 
 revision in the cotton Schedule A. The revisers 
 recognized the fact as to silk and linen, and 
 begun right with wool in the first exception, 
 but neglected it in the second and third excep- 
 tions. The act of March 2, 1867, page 561, vol- 
 ume 14, S atute at Large, provides for all man- 
 ufactures of woolen goods. 
 
 The Democracy resisted tli" nassage 
 
THE TARIFF. 
 
 i9r 
 
 of the bill by every means within their 
 power— by debate m hostility to its piir- 
 1)086, by nullifying amendments, and 
 finally by their votes. 
 
 Tlie House pasNes the Bill— Yens 134, 
 Nays 48. 
 
 YEAS.— Messrs. AMrich, Ander-on, Aih'rton, 
 Barr, Bayne, Bcllord, Binglinm, Bisbee. Bliss, 
 Bnvvmaii, J, H. Brewei-, B-i^ii^, Browne, Brumm, 
 Buck, Burrows, Julius C. ; Butterworih, CainpLii'ii, 
 Candler, Cannon, C.irpenier, Caswell, (;hace. 
 Convene, cr.ipo, Curiin, Dawc-s, Dei-ring. DeMotie, 
 Dezenfloif, Diiiuluy, Dwight, Ennentrout, Errett, 
 Farwell, Sewell S.; Fislicr, Furd, Frost. FulkerBon, 
 Qeddes, George, Gihson, Hull, 1-lummoiid, J, ; 
 Harmei", Hai-ri-^, Benjaniln W.; Hfirri--', Heniy s.; 
 Haskell, HazeUnn, Hund^T-^on, Hepburn, Hill, 
 Hiscoek, HoiilitzeU, Horr, HuUbell, Hotibs, Hum- 
 phrey, Jaco'ts, Joruen-^t-n, Kassoii, Kelley, Ke;C!i- 
 ani, Klotz, Liicey, Lidd, Lewis, Lonl, Lynch, 
 Mason, M<!Ct>ol<, McKitilev. ilcLane, Miles, Moore, 
 Morey, Mosgrove, Mutc'der, Neal, O'Neill. Onh, 
 Page, Parker, Paul, Pc-elle, Peirce, Pettibwue, 
 Phelps, Prescntt, Ranney, Rny, K'ce, Jolin B.; 
 Riteliie, Rolies.m, R ibinsDii, George D.; Robinson, 
 James S. ; Robinsov, WiUiam K.; Ross, Rnssell, 
 Rvan, Sera ton, ShalleiibtTger. Shelley^ Shultz, 
 Smith, A. Herr; Siiilh, D. C; Smith, J. H.; Spnul- 
 ding, s^pooner. Sieule, Stone, 'folboll, Taylor, 
 Thompson, Tillman, Townseni, Amos; Tyler, 
 Upriegraff, J. T.; Upilegraff, T.; Unier, Valentine, 
 Van Horn, Wadswr.rth, Wait. Walker, West, White, 
 Williams, H'.Wfe, Wilson, Fiise, J/. iJ./Young.- 131. 
 
 NAYS.— Messrs. Allans, Berry, BloirMnirn, Blount, 
 Buchanan, Buckuer, (Jartisle, f 'as>*i'ty. Cements, Cobb, 
 Colerick, Cook, Cox, Samuel S,; Cravens, Culberson, 
 Davidson, Davis, Lowndes. B.; Dibrett, Dunnell, 
 Forney, Ounter, Hewitt, Q. W. ; Holman, Bnu><e, 
 Jones, George W.; Jtme/^, James K.; Knoll, Lc Fevre, 
 Mannino, Martin, Malson,McMiUin, Mills, Morrison, 
 Oates, Phister, Rengan, Ronerraus, Springer, Stock- 
 8lager,titvtiil,Thompson,P.B,}r.; Tnwnsliend,R, W.: 
 'J'udcer, Tame}-, Henry G.; Turtier. Oscar; Warner, 
 Wellborn, WilUs.-iS. 
 
 The Senate passes tlie Bill— Yens 36, 
 If ays 15. 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Aldrlcli, Allison, Antbony, 
 Bayard, Blair, Brown, Camenm of Penii8,vlva- 
 nla, Cameron of Wisconsin, Cbilcott, Oonger, 
 Davis of Illinois, Davis of West Virginia, 
 Dawes, FeiTy, (Jorman, Hale, Harrison, Hawley, 
 Hoar, Ingalls, Jonas, Jones ofNevada. Logan. 
 McDiil, McMillan, Mahonk, Miller of California, 
 Morrill, Pendleton, Piatt, Rollins, Saunders, 
 Sawyer Sewell, Sherman, Windom — 36. 
 
 Nays- Messrs. Butler, Call, Ooekrell, Coke, 
 Farley, George, Hampton, Harris, Maxey, 
 Morgan, Pugh, Saulsbury, Vest, Walker, Wilt- 
 iams.—lS. 
 
 PART XV. 
 Tarift' Comiuifitsion. 
 
 Commission to consist of 9 Members to 
 be Appoiiitetl hy President— Dnty to 
 lnvestlg;atc all tiucstions relatinj^ to 
 the Agricultural, Commercial, Mer. 
 cantile. Manufacturing, Mlnlnji;, and 
 Industrial Interests of the United 
 States, in connection with a Jutllcions 
 Tarlflr, or a Itevlsion of the Present 
 Tarlir, and Report to Congress on First 
 Monday of 1883. 
 
 AN ACT to provide for tlie appointment of a 
 cemmission to investigate tlie question of tbe 
 tariff. 
 
 Beit enacted by the Senate and House of Ren- 
 resentallces of tlie United Slates of Ainericn tn. 
 Congress assembled. That a coiumlssinn is 
 hereby created to be called the "Tariff Commis- 
 sion," to consist of nine members. 
 
 Sec. 2. That the President of the United States 
 shall, by and with the advice and consent of the- 
 Seiiatc, aopoint nine enmrnissioners from civil 
 life, one of whom, the first n.med, shall be the- 
 presideut of the commission. The commission- 
 ers sh.ill receive as compensation for their ser 
 vices each at the rate of ten dollars per day 
 when engaged in active duty, and actual travel- 
 ing and other necessary expenses. The com- 
 mission slinll have power to employ a stenog- 
 rapher and a messenger; and the foregoing- 
 compensation and expenses to be audited ana 
 paid by the Secretary of the Treasury out of 
 any moneys in the Treasury uot otherwise ap- 
 propriated. 
 
 Sue. 3. Thatit shall be the duty of said cora- 
 mission to take into consideration and to* 
 thoroughly Investigate all the various questiims. 
 relating to the agricultural, commercial, mer- 
 eantilH, manufacturing, mining, and industrial 
 interests of the United States, so far as the same 
 ma.v be necessary to the establishment of a Ju- 
 dicious tariff, or a revisiou of the existing tarilT, 
 upon a scale of justice to all interests; and for 
 the purpose of fully examining the matters 
 wliich may come before it, said commission, in 
 in the prosecution of its inquiries, is empowered 
 to vi^ir such different portions and sections of 
 the country as it nniy deem advisable. 
 
 Sec. 4 Tliat the commiK.-*iou shall make to 
 Cougress flnal report of the results of its inves- 
 tigation, and the testinion.y talfen in the course 
 of the same, not later than the first Monday of 
 December, eighteen hundred and eighty-two; 
 and it shall cause the testimony taken to be 
 printed from time to time and distributed to 
 members of Congress by the Public Printer, 
 and shall also cause to be printed fiir the use of 
 Congress iwo thousand copies of its flnal re- 
 port, together with the testimony. 
 
 The passage of this bill was resisted at 
 every step by the Democracy, by multi- 
 plying amendments, by debate in which 
 they denounced the principle aud prac- 
 tice of protection, and by their votes at 
 every stage of its progress. 
 
 The House Passes the Bill May 6, 1883— 
 Yeas 151, Nays 83. 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Aidrich. Anderson, Alherton, Bar~ 
 bour, Barr, Bayiie, Bingham. Bliss, Bowman, Brew- 
 er, Briggs, Browne, Brumm, Buck, Burrows, J.C.; 
 Burrows, Jos. H; Butterworih, Calkins, Clump,. 
 Campbell, C.iudler, C.iuuon, Curoeilter, Chace, 
 Ohapman, Olard/, Crapo. G4illen, Cartin, uarrall, 
 iMwcs, Deering. DeMotie, Dezendorf, DIngley, 
 Dwight,A;«is..E?rmen<roM(,Errelt,Farviell,C.B.;Pord, 
 George, Oibson, Goiishalk, Grout, Guegther. Hal],. 
 Harmer. Harrix, H. S.; Hascltine, Haskell, Hawk, 
 Hazletun, Heilman, Henderson, Hepburn, Hewitt, 
 a. W.; Hill, Hiscoek, Jro62i(0e« ,IIoge,Horr, Hub- 
 bell, Hubbs, Humphrey, Ja ubs, Jones, P.; Jorgen^ 
 sen, Jovce, Ka.saoit, Kelly, Kenna^ Keteham, ATTo/z, 
 Lacey ,' Lewis. Lord, Lyncn, Marsh, McC)ure,McKiu- 
 ley, Afciane, MI11.T, S K. ; Moore, Morse, Morey, 
 Mosgrove, Murcli, StTulchler^ Neal, Norcros-, O'Neill, 
 Paeheco, Page, Paysoii, Peele, Pierce, Pound, 
 Prescott, Randall, Ranney, Rav, Reed, Rice, 
 T. M.; Bice, W. W.; Rich, Ritchie, Robin- 
 sou, G. D.; Robiii.-on, J. S.; Boss, Ryan^ 
 Russell, ScoviUe, Scrant'in, i>hallenberser, 
 Uliellry, Sherwin, Shultz, Skinner, Smith, A. Herr; 
 Smith, J. tt.-.Speer, Sjooner, Steele, Stone, E. F.; 
 Strait, Talbott,, Taylor. Thomas, Thomns .u,W. G.; 
 TownseiKl, A.; Tyler, UiJdegratr, J. T.; JTpson, Val- 
 entine, Van Horn, Van Vorhis, Wadswortb, Wait, 
 Walker, Ward, Watson, Wi'bber, White, J. D. 
 Williams, C. G.; Williits, Wilson, Wise. O. D-;.. 
 Wise, M.R:; Wood, W.; Young, T. L.— 151. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Atken, Atkins, Armfleld, Beach, 
 Belford, Belmont, Bellzhoover, Berry, Bland, Blount,. 
 
198 
 
 THE TARIFF. 
 
 ^"ffi. Hw!inii,ui..Buckner,Caldwdl,Caiiute, Clark. 
 Clements J.C-.Cobb.Cnlerick, Cook,Cnx,S.S.: Cox.W. 
 E.; Cravens Culberson, Cutis, Davidson, Davis. L. 
 S.; DeaMei-, Dabble, I>tmd,Dimn, Duniiell. £oths. Par- 
 well, S. S.; Miilei/, Forney, Oarrism.Gunter. H m 
 ■mond,N.J., Ilardenhergh. llntcli, Herbert, Herndrm, 
 Heuntt, Ai.rum S. ; Hmse, Jones, J. K.; KInp, Knoll, 
 Lalfuxin, Leedom, LeFevre, Manniiitj, Malson Mc- 
 Coid, MrKeiizie, McMillin, Mills, iiimey, Morrison, 
 MouUon, Muldrow, Oates, Orth, Phisler, Rmgan, 
 Scales, ShacWefard, Sinqletan. Olhn R.: SfiHvger, 
 Stocks/ager, Thompson, P, B. jr.; Tillman, Town- 
 soul, B. W.; Tucker, Turner {Oscar): UpdeKraff, T.; 
 Vance, Warner, S.; Washburn, Wellborn, Whii- 
 tuymc, ll'iUiains, T,; WiUis—So. 
 
 The Senate Passes the Bill May 9, 1882— 
 Yeas 35, Nays 19. 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Aldrich, Allieon. Anthony. 
 Blair, Cameron of WlscouFin, Conger, Davis of 
 W. St Virginia, Dawes. Fi-ye, Gorman. Oroome, 
 Hale, Hampton, Hawley, Hill of Colorado, 
 Hoar, Jo/wistoij, .Jones of Nevada, KellosTg, Lai>- 
 liam, McDlU, McMillan, ilcPherson. Mahone, 
 Miller of California, Miller of New York, Mitcli- 
 ell, Morrill, Piatt, Rollins, Sawyer, Sewell, Slier- 
 man, Windom — 35. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Call, Cockrell, Coke, Davis of 
 Illinois, Farley, George, Grover. Harris, Ingalls, 
 Jackson, Jonas. Uaxey, Morgan, Pugh, Slater, 
 Vance, Van Wyek, Test, Walker— V). 
 
 PART XVI. 
 
 Mr. Millfs' (Of lia.,) Free 
 Trade Amendment t o 
 Tariff Commission Bill- 
 Attempts to Tack Free 
 Trade Tariff of 1846 to 
 Bill. 
 
 On May 6, while the Tariff Commission 
 Bill was pending in the House, Mr. 
 .Vlills of Louisiana moved the following 
 amendment to the bill : 
 
 1. That no more money shmild be collected 
 than is uecessary for the wants of the Govern- 
 ment economically administered. 
 
 2. That no duty be Imposed on any article 
 above the lowest rate that will yield the largest 
 amount of revenue. 
 
 3. That below such rate discrimination may 
 be made descending in the scale of duties, or 
 for imperative reasons the article may beplaced 
 on the list of those five from all duty. 
 
 4. That the maximum revenue duty should be 
 imposed on luxuries. 
 
 6. That all specific duties should be abolished 
 and ad valorem duties substituted in their 
 place,_ care being taken to guard against fraud- 
 ulent invoices and uudervaluation, and to assess 
 the duty upon the actual market value. 
 
 6. That the dnty should be so imposed as to 
 operate as eijually as possible throughout the 
 Union, discriminating neither for nor against 
 any cIhss or section. 
 
 Tliis amendment embraces practically 
 the principles and provisions of the 
 PreeTradeTariffof 1846, and for that 
 75 Democrats voted as follows : 
 
 House refuses to aflopt Ainendnicnt— 
 Yeas TiS, Sfays 1152. 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Aiken, Armfleld, Atkins, Bench, Bet- 
 Kont, Beiiij, Bland, Blount, Bragg, Buchanan, 
 
 Buckner, Caldwell, Cirlislf, ChAipnvm, ./. B. 
 Clark, J. C. Clements, Cobb, Colerick, Cook, S. S. Cox, 
 W. H. Cox, Covington, Cravens, Culberson, Davidson, 
 L. H. Davis, Deuster, Dibble, Dowd, Dunn, Evins, 
 Finletj, Forney, Garrison, Gunler, N. J. Hammond, 
 Halch, Herbert, Hemdon, Hoblitzell, House, J. K. 
 Jones, KniM. Latham, Leedom, LeFevre, Manning, 
 Matron, McKemle, McKane, MeMUlin. Mills, Money, 
 Morrison, MouUon, Muldrow, Mubch, Oates, Phister, 
 Reagan, Scales. Shackelford, 0. li. Singleton, Stocks- 
 lager, Talbolt, TiUmnn, R. W. Toumsend, Tucker, 0. 
 Turner, Vance, E. Warner, Wellborn, WhUihome, T. 
 Williams, WiUis—75. 
 
 Nays— Messr.<. VV. .Wirich, Barbour, Barr, Bayne, 
 Belfsrd, Bingham, Bliss, Bowman. J. H. Brewer, 
 Briggs, Browne, Brumm, Buck, J. H. Burrows. J. 
 C. Burrow.s Buit-.-rwurtii, Cnlkins, Caini>, Gamp- 
 bell, Candler, Cannon, Carpenter, Clardy, Crapo, 
 CuUen, Cnrtin, Cults, Darrail, Dawes, Jieeriug, 
 DeMoti, Dezendorf, Dingley, Dunnell. Dwigbt, 
 EUis, Erinentrou', Errett, C. B. Farwell, S. S. Far- 
 well, Ford. George, Gibson, Godshalk, Grotit, 
 Guenther, Hull, Hardenbergh, Harmer, H. S, Harris, 
 I. S. Haseltine, Haskell, Hawk, G. C. Hazelton, 
 Heilraan, Henderson, Hepburn. J. Hill, H;scock, 
 Soge, Horr, Hnbbell, Hnbbs, Humphrey, Jacobs, 
 P. Jones, Jorgenson, Joyce, Kasson, Kelley, Kenna, 
 Ketcbara, Klotz, L;icey, Lewis, Lindaey, Lord, 
 Lynch, Marsh, McClure, McCoid, McKinley, S. H 
 Miller, Moore, .Morey. Morse, Mosgrove, Mutchler, 
 Neal, Norcrnss. O'Neill, Ortii, Pachpeo, Page, Pay- 
 son, Peele, Pierce, Pound. Pre.'Cott, Randall, Ran- 
 ney, Ray, Reed, T. M. Rice, W. W. Elce, Rich, 
 Eiichie, G. D. Kobinson, J. S. Robinson, Ross, W. 
 A. Russell, T. liyan, ScoviUc, Scranton, Shallenber- 
 ger, Shelley, Sherwin, Shultz, Skinner, A. H. Smith, 
 J. H. Smith, Speer, Spooner, G. W. Steele, E. F. 
 Stone, Strait, Tayloi', Thomas \V. G. Thompson, A. 
 Town-end, J. T. Undearaff, T. Updegraff, Upson, 
 Urner, Valentine, Van Aeriiam, Van Hum, Van 
 Voorhis, Wadsworlh, Wait, Wulker, Ward, Wash- 
 burn, Watson, Webber, C. G. Williams. Willits, 
 Wilson, a. D. Wise, M. R. Wise, W. A. Wood, T. L. 
 Young— 152. 
 
 PAET XVII. 
 
 Protection Increases the 
 Sales and Profits of Ag- 
 riculture.- 
 
 When Manufaetnres flourish. Agricul- 
 ture is Prosperous — ^lont^redlen's 
 Fallacies— Products of the FarmjPro- 
 tectcd toy present Tariff— How Agri- 
 culture is Benefltcd by Protection— 
 The Increaseil Ability of the Con- 
 sumer to Buy works a Harvest of 
 profits for the Farmers, *c. 
 
 Hon. J. T. Updegratf, of Ohio, in the 
 House of Representatives, in his Speecli 
 ot April 13 and 13, ably shows the bene- 
 nts to the farmer ot protection. He 
 says: 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I have been a farmer all my life 
 ,and every year for thirty years have sold the 
 products of the farm. When manufacturers 
 were fully protected and flourishing I have 
 never seen the time that judicious agriculture 
 •was not x>i-osperoU8 ; and when manufacturing 
 under "revenue" tarllf was crippled or broken 
 down I never saw agriculture flourishing. Is 
 there any gentleman in this House who has ? 
 Sometimes a certain product may bo in demand 
 temporarily, but the uniform rule is as I have 
 stated It. If any member has seen it otherwise, 
 let him declare it. [Applause.] No; the real 
 and permanent industries of a. people are al- 
 
THE TARIFF. 
 
 im 
 
 waysln harmony and interdependence with cacli 
 other. Each member of a community profits 
 oy an IncreaBe in the productive power of the 
 whole body. That advantage is increased and 
 multiplied by every increase in the diversity of 
 employments. The farming interest above 
 every other is benefitted by this diversity which 
 save the necessity of carrying bulky products 
 tea distant market; for every intelligent far- 
 mer knows that the man who is compelled to go 
 to market must, in some way, pay the cost of 
 going, and that the very first of all the charges 
 paid, by labor or by land, is that for transpW 
 tation. 
 
 But Mr. Montgredlcn says, in his Cobden Club 
 pamphlet, "tJie farmer neither receives nor seeks 
 leffislatiue protection." False again. He does 
 both. The farmer has ca-efuUy and intcUi- 
 
 f;ently studied this question, not merely by 
 lieorles of bookmen, but In the school of pr.oc- 
 tical affairs. He asks, and has received (iiir 
 protection for his Industries. It is .1 ust that he 
 should, for many agricultural products are pro- 
 duced in other oouutiios by pauper labor, 
 against which it would be a monstrous outrage 
 ' that the American fanner should be forced to 
 compete. Surely tliis English teacher could not 
 be ignorant of tli ■ fact that protective duties 
 arc imposed on all th(i Iea<ling agricultural pro- 
 ducts where protection is practicable. Ameri- 
 can farmers know that these duties were laid to 
 protect these articles in the home market, wliieli 
 consumes nearly 92 per cent, of .all the products 
 of the farm. 
 
 It is not necessary to give a full catalogue of 
 all these products and the du y on each, but I 
 mention enougli. taken from our tariff list, to 
 show how carefully the interests of the farmer 
 have been considered. The duty on Indian corn 
 is 10 cents a bushel ; on wheat, 20 cents a bushel ; 
 oafs, 10 cents a bushel; barley, 15 cents a 
 bushel; rye, 15 cents a bushel; peas and beans, 
 10 to 20 per cent.; potatoes, 15 cents a bushel; 
 butter, 4 cents a pound ; cheese, 4 cents a pound ; 
 poultry, 10 per cent. ; sugar, 2 to 5 cents per 
 pound; leaMobacco, 35 cents a pound: manu- 
 factured tobacco, 50 cents a pound ; beef and 
 pork, 1 cent a pound ; mutton, 10 cents a pound ; 
 ha.7, 20 i)er cent. ; on all domestic animals ex- 
 cept for breeding purposes, 20 per cent., but 
 those for breeding purposes admitted free in 
 the interest of fartuiug and stock-raising : wool, 
 from 10 to 12 cents a pound, with from 10 to 12 
 per cent, added. 
 
 Not only Is his Intei'est thus protected but the 
 farmer knows well that the protection to the 
 manufacturer benefits him »till more. He knows 
 that when the great manufacturing industries 
 of various kinds are active and flourishing that 
 there is always a demand for all the variety of 
 his products m the home market. He under- 
 stands that the product or price of the great 
 staples of wheat and corn a part of which may 
 be exported, are no measure of the bcTic- 
 flt to him of a home market nhich 
 consumes at ready prices the still more 
 abundant and profitable products of the farm 
 which cannot reach a distant or foreign market 
 ■without great loss and many of them not at all. 
 The vicinity of a manufacturing town or of a 
 manufacturing establishment, whether it be a 
 rolling-miU, furnace, or factory, not only at 
 once r.i'Ises the price of every foot of his land, 
 Ibut gives him a daily market for the perishable 
 .and sniaU products of the farm, such as f ruit, 
 dairy products, vegetables, eggs, poultry, veal, 
 mutton, hay, straw, fodder, berries, eoid-wood, 
 and a multitude of minor articles, thousands 
 andmillionsof dollars' worth of wlilch no ab- 
 solute record can ever find its place In a na- 
 •tioual balance-sheet, and these are the most 
 profitable of the produot>i of the farm. 
 
 JBenry C. Care.r, In hlM Harmony of In- 
 terests, on the BcneBt of Protection 
 to Agrlculinre— The Home Marfcet, 
 ■Ac. 
 
 Mr. Henry C. Caicj^ an able writer on 
 
 political economy, in his "Harmonyof In- 
 terests, Agricultural, Manufacturing, and 
 Commercial," (1872), thus ably proves the 
 immense advantages and profits of pro- 
 tection to the farmer : 
 
 Who, now, were the losers by the greatly in- 
 creased difficulty of obtaining this gi-e.at instru- 
 ment [iron] of civilization 'i To answer this 
 question, we must first inquire who are the great 
 consumers of Iron 1 The. farmers and planters 
 constitute three-fourths of the popnlation of the 
 nation, and If the loss were equally dl.stributed, 
 that portion of the loss would fall npon them ; 
 butwe shall find, upon Inquiry that it Is upon 
 them, the producers of all we consume, that the 
 whole of it must fall. 
 
 The fanuer needs iron for his spades and 
 ploughs, his shovels and his dung-forks,hls trace- 
 ehalns and his horse-shoes.and his wagon-wheels; 
 for his house, his bam, and his stable. He needs 
 them, too, tor his timber. If iron be abundant, 
 saws are readily obtained, jind the saw-miller 
 takes his place by his side, and he has lils timber 
 converted into plank at the cost of less labour 
 than was before required to haul the logs to the 
 distant saw-mlU. He obtains the use of mlU- 
 saws cheap. If iron be abundant the grist-mill 
 comes to his neighborhood, and now he has his 
 grain converted into flour, giving for the work 
 less gi-ain than was before consumed b}^ the 
 horses and men employed in eariying it to the 
 distant mill. If Iron be abundant, sjiades and 
 picks are readily obtained, and the roads are 
 mended and he passes more readily to the dis- 
 tant market. It iron increase in iibundanee, 
 the lailioad enables him to pass with mereased 
 facility, hlmHcU, his timiips and potatoes, to 
 market from which before he was entirely shut 
 out by cost of transportation, except as regards 
 articles of small built and mneli value — wheat 
 and cotton. If iron be abundant, the wooUen- 
 mlU comes, and his wool Is converted on the 
 spot by men who eat on the gi'ound his cabbage 
 and his veal, and dilnk his milk, and perform the 
 work of conversion in return for seiwlces and 
 things that would have been lost had they not 
 been thus consumed. At each step he gets the 
 use of iron cheaper — that is, at less cost of laboui*. 
 If iron be abundant the cotton-mill now comes, 
 and the Iron road now brings the cotton, and his 
 sons and his daughters oljtain^the use of iron 
 spindles and Iron looms by which they are ena- 
 bled to clothe themselves at one-twentieth of 
 the cost of labour that had been necessary but 
 twenty years before. Instead of a yard of cotton 
 reeei vcd in return for two bushels of com, one 
 bushel of com pays for six yards of cloth — and 
 now it Is that the farmer grows rich. 
 
 A careful examination of society will satisfy 
 the enquirer that all tlie people engaged in the 
 work of transportation, conversion, and ex- 
 change, are but the agents of the producers, and 
 live out of the commodities they produce, and 
 that the producers grow rich or remain poor 
 precisely as they are required to employ less or 
 more per.sons in the making of their exchanges. 
 The farmer who is compelled to resort to the 
 distant mill employs many persons, horses and 
 wagons, in the work of converting his gi'aln Into 
 flour, and his land is of small value. Bring the 
 mill close to him, and a single horse and cart, 
 occasionally employed, will do the work. 
 
 The farmer who employs the people of Eng- 
 land to produce his iron, is obliged to have the 
 services of nmnerous persons, of ships and wag- 
 ons, and horses, to aid in the work . Bring the 
 furnace to his side, and let his neighbour get 
 out his Iron, and he and his sons do much of the 
 work themselves, fiu'nlshlng timber, ore, and the 
 use of horses, wagons, &c., when not needed 
 on the farm. 
 
 The man of Tennessee sends to market 300 bush- 
 el s of corn, for which he receives In. retiUTi one 
 ton of iron, the money-cost of which Is S60, but 
 the labor-eost of which i- the cultivation of ten 
 a<Tes of laud. If he could follow his com, he 
 would find that the men who get out his Iron, re- 
 
300 
 
 THE TAKIFF. 
 
 ceive tat 30 or 40 bushels, and tliat the remain- 
 ing 260 or 270 are s-wallowed up by the numerous 
 transiiorters and exchangers that stand between 
 himself and the men whom lie tlius employs. It, 
 now, he could bring tliose men to his side, giving 
 them double wages, say sixty bushels o( corn, 
 he -would be a gainer to the extent ot 240 bushels. 
 Wliile he has to give 300 bushels, his iron is dear, 
 and he can use little. When he obtains it for 60 
 bushels it is cheap, and he uses much. His 
 production increases, and his ability to use iron 
 increases -with it, and the demand for workers in 
 iron increases, and all obtain food more readily, 
 the consequence ot which is that they have more 
 to spare for clothing, and for other comforts or 
 the liLxuries of life. {pp. 80-81.] 
 
 PART XVIII. 
 
 Protection O r e a 1 1 y In- 
 creases the Wages of li a - 
 bor. 
 
 European and X ative Authorities Allow- 
 ing tliat the the Waees unrter Protec- 
 tion are Higher in the X'nitefl States 
 than in Europe in all Branches of In- 
 dustry—The Figures and Facts— Refu- 
 tation of Kurd's and the British Free- 
 Traders' Silly Dojcina that Protection 
 does Bfot Increase the. ■Wages of l.ia- 
 bor, iS:c. 
 
 Hon. Wm. P. Frye, of Maine, in liis 
 speech in the United States Senate, of 
 February 10, 1882, in reply to Southern 
 Senators who reiterated the silly old pro- 
 slavery dogma that protection does not 
 increase the wages of labor, disposes of 
 it in the following figures and facts: 
 
 But the Senator from Texas denies that a tariff 
 for protection secures foi' the laborer higher 
 wages than does " a pm-ely revenue tariff." A 
 most amaaing declaration. In my hand is a 
 book entitled *' The State of Labor in Europe," 
 carefully prepared and printed under the au- 
 thority of "C'-ngrees, fi'om "reports of U. y. Con- 
 suls," and a. work entitled " Labor in Europe 
 and America," by Dr. Young, late chief of the 
 United States Statistical Bureau, and I aver 
 that In the cotton and wooUeu mills ol England 
 the average wages is on. -halt below the wages 
 in the cotton and woollen mills of America 
 
 But I do not rely upon these authorities alone. 
 H. Coiiant, treasurer or the Conaut Thread 
 Company of Pawtucket. R. I., and also the owin r 
 of thread mills in Great Brit.ain, writes me under 
 date 01 January 19, 1882, that the " cost ot buiding 
 and equipping a cotton factory in New Eng- 
 land as compared with the cost of a similar 
 structure in Lancashire or Scotlandis jjts/ about 
 double." Mr. Wyokott', secretar- o" the Silk Ah- 
 soeitttion of America, declare < ,. at " a silk fac- 
 tory built in Coventry or Maeelesfleld of the 
 same size and tlo<ir i apaolty as one hei e would 
 cost about 60 to 65 per cent, as much." William 
 Clark, superintendent Clark Thread Company 
 of Newark, N. J., a company' owuiug mills both 
 here and in Great Britnin, declares that a fac- 
 tory, inclndingbuiUlings andmaoliinery, eret^ted 
 in Newark " will cost 80 to 85 per cent, more 
 than in Paisley." James Coats, of J. iiitP.i'oats, 
 the largest thread manufacturers in the world, 
 and owning and rimning mills here and abroad, 
 declares that a factory would cost " fully twice 
 as much to build here as in Scotland." 
 
 I have here the Deutsche Industrie Zeitung, 
 of June, 1881, the organ ot the Chamber of < om- 
 merce and Industry for Chemistry in Dresden, 
 
 and regardi d, I believe, as the highest authority 
 in Jiurope. It shows that the cost per spindle 
 of constructing mills In England is S6.79 to ¥7.78; 
 in France, S8.69 to *9.65; in Germany, S8.69 to 
 «9.6.5; wliile in the United States the cost is from 
 $l2to.n8. ^.„ 
 
 Mr. President, what makes this difference in 
 cost t It is because 90 per cent, ol the cost is la- 
 bor, and labor in Great Britain is paid only one- 
 half as much as labor here. 
 
 But, Mr. President, as to the wages of these 
 operatives. The Clark Thread Mills of Newark, 
 N. J., under date of January 25, 1882, furnish 
 from their pay-rolls in Scotland and here the 
 following comparative table ot wages: 
 
 Employes. 
 
 r- 
 
 0. 
 
 1 — 
 
 
 >-5 
 
 1 , 
 
 Girls . 
 
 Per Week. 
 
 13 50 to S3 75 
 3 60 to 3 75 
 3 50 to 3 75 
 2 25 to 2 50 
 1 50 to 1 75 
 1 25 to — 
 
 7 00 to 7 50 
 7 00 to 7 60 
 7 00 to 7 00 
 6 60 to 6 50 
 6 00 to 6 00 
 
 Per Week. 
 S7 00 to S9 00 
 
 Reelei'.' 
 
 7 50 to 8 00 
 
 
 7 50 to 8 60 
 
 
 6 00 to 6 00 
 
 
 
 Bobbin-cleaners 
 
 Men : 
 Capenters 
 
 2 50 to 2 60 
 
 16 60 to 18 OO 
 16 60 to 18 00 
 
 
 
 Bleachers 
 
 13 .50 to 13 50 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mr. Coats, uuder date of Pawtucket, R. I, 
 February 2, 1882, furnislies me tlie following 
 comparative rates of wa^es paid in tlieir facto- 
 ries liere and in Scotland: 
 
 Operatives. 
 
 i =^ 
 
 Spoolers $6 59 
 
 T wieter-tendt-rti i 5 69 
 
 Doffers j 4 37 
 
 Cleaners ' o ug 
 
 ReelevH i 7 gs 
 
 Windere 7 25 
 
 Wrappers and Bovt-vs 7 96 
 
 Dyei-s 9 84 
 
 Bleachers, n»eii n gi 
 
 BleaeheiK, ■\vuuien 5 25 
 
 Mochanictf 13 13 
 
 Firemen 10 66 
 
 ii 
 
 ^ 
 
 'C £: 
 
 
 
 
 
 ? it 
 
 
 ^- 5 
 
 
 
 .?3 40 
 
 2 5.- 
 
 1 9> 
 
 1 5-2 
 
 3 5-; 
 
 2 80 
 
 3 01 
 
 6 32 
 
 B 10 
 
 2 43 
 
 7 94 
 
 5 88 
 
 Differ- 
 ence. 
 
 !8 19 
 
 3 14 
 
 2 43: 
 1 U 
 
 1 36 
 
 4 45 
 4 92 
 
 3 62 
 6 71 
 
 2 82 
 6 19; 
 
 4 831 
 
 94 
 123 
 126 
 
 73 
 124 
 169 
 162 
 
 66 
 132 
 116 
 
 66 
 
 Mr. Coats adds : 
 
 "Our manufacture is a sjiecialtv, re,|uiriug 
 the eiu|ihiyment of good, steiKlv hands, it being 
 impossible for us to maiutaiu the iiualitv ot our 
 goods with a floating class of help. The'general 
 iiverasc of female help in Scotland, you will ob- 
 serve. In uuder S3 a week, whereas here it aver- 
 ages «7.50 per week. (Remember the difference 
 in the time run between the two countries is de- 
 ducted from the rates paid here t« make the 
 comparison more correct.) The difference in 
 male help is not so great, but the great bulk of 
 
THE TARIFF. 
 
 201 
 
 those we enii)loy are feirmles. We arc obliged 
 to jiay higher wages, aH we have to eniiiloy help 
 correHpdndiiig to the best class engaged In 
 weaving and other highly paid depariinents (it 
 labor. Unless we do so we hnd our help nuwil- 
 liug to remain with us steadily, subject to the 
 stiict discipline necessary to produce our quality 
 ot goods. These conditions apply to Scotland a- 
 weTl as here, where our experience pr(tves the 
 help to be quite as etiicient and able to attend to 
 as many machines or spindles. 
 
 I deduct from the wnges paid here an amount 
 corresponding to the dilfereucc of time run dur- 
 
 ing the week in the two countries." 
 
 These statements arc from business men, 
 owners of mills here and in Europe, who know 
 where of they affirm. They are the indisputable 
 practical facts of their business record They 
 show conehisively that in I mope the working- 
 men and workingwomeu do not receive half as 
 much pay an do ours. 
 
 The following statement, showing tlie weekly 
 rates in the several countries, computed fi-om 
 the consular reports, and compared witli rates 
 prevailing in the United States, show as gicat a 
 difference in all other branches of indnsi ry : 
 
 Oceupiitious. 
 
 Brickhiyers 
 
 Carpenti rs tiud joinei-s. . 
 
 Gas-titters 
 
 Masi>ns 
 
 Pain 1 ers -* 
 
 Plasterers 
 
 jlundiers 
 
 Slaters 
 
 General Trades : 
 
 Bakers 
 
 Blaciismiths 
 
 BooU-binderf. 
 
 Brass-founders 
 
 Butchers :. 
 
 Cabinel-makers 
 
 Coopers 
 
 Coppersmiths 
 
 Cutlers 
 
 Engiavers 
 
 Horsesboers 
 
 Millwri.Llits 
 
 .woo 
 6 42 
 
 5 00 
 4 so 
 
 5 6.5 
 5 45 
 4 85 
 
 6 42 
 600 
 
 7 00 
 
 Germany. 
 
 $3 60 
 4 00 
 
 3 65 
 
 4 30 
 3 92 
 3 80 
 3 60 
 400 
 
 3 50 
 3 55 
 3 82 
 3 20 
 3 85 
 3 97 
 3 30 
 3 30 
 400 
 400 
 3 25 
 3 30 
 
 .>3 46 
 4 18 
 
 3 96 
 
 4 00 
 4 60 
 4 35 
 3 90 
 S90 
 
 3 90 
 3 94 
 
 3 90 
 6 49 
 
 4 20 
 4 95 
 4 36 
 390 
 
 3 90 
 400 
 S.W 
 
 4 95 
 
 Eiigliind, 
 
 S'8 12 
 8 26 
 7 26 
 816 
 
 7 25 
 
 8 10 
 7 76 
 
 7 90 
 
 6 60 
 
 8 12 
 
 7 83 
 7 40 
 7 23 
 7 70 
 7 30 
 7 40 
 800 
 
 9 72 
 7 20 
 7 .50 
 
 United States. 
 
 $12 00 
 900 
 10 00 
 12 00 
 10 00 
 10 00 
 12 00 
 10 00 
 
 6 00 
 10 00 
 12 00 
 10 00 
 
 8 00 
 
 9 00 
 12 00 
 12 00 
 10 00 
 15 00 
 12 00 
 10 00 
 
 to ¥15 OO 
 
 to 12 00 
 
 to 14 00 
 
 to 18 00 
 
 to 16 OO 
 
 to 15 00 
 
 to 18 00 
 
 to 16 OO' 
 
 to 8 00 
 
 to 14 OO 
 
 to 18 OO 
 
 to 14 OO 
 
 to 12 09 
 
 to 13 00 
 
 to 16 OO 
 
 to 16 OO 
 
 to 13 OO 
 
 to 25 0(! 
 
 to 18 00- 
 
 to 15 00 
 
 While the cost ot the neeessaries of lite is, mi | .\iid yet tlieSciiatoi- from Texas declflros they 
 the average, from twenty to forty per cent, are paid alike, 
 higher in Europe than in America. | 
 
 Average Weekly Wais^e lu MassacliuMetts— 1860, 1873. 1878, 1881, from the Report 
 on the KtntiNticN of Ijabor for MasftaehaNettn for 1882. 
 
 Occupations. 
 
 ArrictiUnre: 
 Lt bor;rs. per month, witli board. 
 
 Bliicksmilliiii!;; 
 Blueksinii hii 
 
 Boots inid sluie.-: 
 Cutters. 
 
 Bottomei .- 
 
 Crimper> 
 
 Finisher.-. 
 
 8hoeiuakei> 
 
 Machine.- iimi uiueiiiiier.v: 
 
 Pattern maker.'* 
 
 Iton molders 
 
 Brass-niol';er- 
 
 Blacksmith- 
 
 Blacksiiulh'.-i helpers 
 
 Machini.-t.- 
 
 Cleaner.^snilehippers 
 
 Chuckoi s 
 
 Fitters. 
 
 Setljers-up — 
 Kivet-heater.- 
 
 boy» 
 
 Riveter^ 
 
 Wood- workers 
 
 Painters 
 
 Laborers 
 
 Watch men 
 
 Teamsters • • 
 
 Metals and .Metalic goods-: 
 
 Hammersinen 
 
 Heaters 
 
 Rollers 
 
 Puddlers.. 
 fihinglers. 
 Finishers. 
 
 Avera^^e weekly Wiigc; 
 stiiiHlard, ^uld. 
 
 S13 03 
 
 9 30 
 
 12 00 
 10 50 
 10 60 
 14 60 
 
 10 33 
 
 11 M 
 9 oO 
 
 10 O*! 
 9 15 
 (i :M 
 9 HI 
 6 00 
 6 75 
 
 8 83 
 10 01 
 
 -1 00 
 
 9 -50 
 9 10 
 li 00 
 
 6 01 
 
 7 00 
 
 7 :,» 
 
 1872. 
 
 14 81 
 16 00 
 
 16 00 
 14 66 
 
 17 60 
 14 67 
 14 67 
 16 oO 
 10 20 
 14 40 
 
 14 40 
 12 80 
 
 21 33 
 10 67 
 24 00 
 24 (10 
 
 Jl-j r. 
 
 13 75 
 
 11 05 
 10 71 
 
 10 00 
 
 11 76 
 
 8 00 
 
 15 24 
 
 12 BO 
 
 13 25 
 
 12 16 
 7 70 
 
 13 05 
 
 7 50 
 
 9 75 
 10 66 
 12 00 
 
 6 on 
 
 12 00 
 10 39 
 
 8 0' 
 
 7 27 
 
 9 00 
 10 00 
 
 12 00 
 23 40 
 
 13 SO 
 
 18 on 
 
 19 .0 
 27 CO 
 
 SIS 00 
 16 38 
 
 14 91 
 11 71 
 
 11 88 
 
 12 18 
 12 21 
 
 18 10 
 
 16 4' I 
 
 15 75 
 
 15 7-) 
 
 10 --'9 
 
 17 09 
 
 8 64 
 
 11 :;3 
 
 12 82 
 
 13 38 
 5 64 
 
 13 05 
 
 14 60 
 12 -.3 
 
 9 15 
 12 21 
 11 811 
 
 18 00 
 ■-■7 77 
 
 16 40 
 20 91 
 22 94 
 28 87 
 
 H-$2 28. 
 
 +2 63. 
 
 -1-3 86- 
 -hi 00 
 -1-1 88- 
 -f- 4S 
 -1-4 21 
 
 -t-2 86 
 -H lOi 
 +2 50 
 -1-3 60 
 -t-2 59 
 -1-4 04 
 -HI 14 
 + \ 58 
 -1-2 16- 
 -1-1 38- 
 + 64 
 H-1 05. 
 •ft 21 
 -f 4 23- 
 -1-1 8S 
 -t-3 21 
 -1-1 80 
 
 •f 6 OO 
 -1-4 37 
 +2 60 
 -1-2 91 
 +Z 44 
 +1 87 
 
 *AS compared WUh 1878. 
 
.303 
 
 THE TARIFF. 
 
 =0 
 
 ggSS8g88 gSSS8g88S-S888-S8g88S 
 
 X5 cfl ■* 00 «o in 00 w 00 ■* 00 "* c* CO eo «a 03 w CO w 00 « 00 00 CO -* OS 
 
 gggggggg ggggggggggggggggggg 
 
 cio;oir»oocio oocioocos(N«o>o«ooodciciocw 
 
 CO(MOQO':OCOCOO C-^OO'DOOOOlOlOOCO^lOCOi^^OO 0!001NC;-*C- 
 !lOiH-^iMr-lr1.-ICO CSOOCJC--*i-li-IC^t-0>5»Oi~ICOC050lO t-Cl^Wi-liH-^tN 
 
 OOOOOXQOOC-QO «t-«eO**00eaC-1300t-t-t-«<Ot-C-5O^ OO^T 
 
 tr; lo T*i -* 
 
 ■-W1 
 V 
 
 ■*« 
 
 '•N 
 
 s 
 •■s 
 
 .a 
 fa 
 
 ■s 
 
 ■a 
 
 s 
 
 5 to S c: 5 c o 
 C: ■*■«»( »0 O --H tH 
 
 - cs »o t 
 
 - C- 00 OS t- t- t 
 
 3S ;s 
 
 ft- 
 
 
 % 
 
 
 uo -*- ?^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ggsg 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i2g8 
 
 
 coc- 
 
 c 
 
 cr. c; cs "* 
 
 CO coco IT 
 
 s 
 
 -* 
 
 CO -^H Cf 
 
 
 '^ 
 
 CO 
 
 c^ 
 "* 
 
 0- 
 
 C O O C; c: C 
 31 CI CO CO i; :;; 
 
 CO CO -* -JH CO ir^ 
 
 CS -* 
 
 ■ ■* "* CO r 
 
 
 j" CO « eo -* 
 
 coMcocococococO"*-#coco-*cococoeo?;e^ 
 
 ift lo 
 
 --": ifS CD T« Ifl ;0 
 
 -* CO CO -* -^ 
 
 ^ i i -S c= ^ "III J 
 
 lO o c 
 
 "* lO -*< 
 
 ooo^'3d:c:oi-iS 
 co-*-*rr-*"TO-*co 
 
 00 M CO rs CO Of CO 
 
 ?; m C ir: c: O W 
 
 * 1= CO o lo lo eo 
 
 Si 
 
 CSS 
 
 mhitu^^ 
 
 r^ ^ -> ,r "t? 
 
 
 ^WKWO 
 
 JoCw 
 
 £«'- 5'S5 «■£'? '--'-- ~ ^ . 
 W f^ A^ a; cc — ' ■ ' 
 
 
THK TAR3FK. 
 
 203 
 
 * s 
 
 S .; 
 
 B i 
 
 e = 
 
 V ; 
 
 S £ 
 
 « - 
 
 C £ 
 
 n 
 
 i' 
 
 e -^ 
 
 fa -■ 
 
 5 * 
 
 
 ;^<c^co ^^= *^;i: °=^=^=^^^£-;ri^5 
 
 xt-x'«')'C3XC--i3:: 
 
 ^ :o « c 
 
 ti X cc 5i I- t- ?i 1^ -^ I- -J :t c-i -K X X X 1^ 5 X ^. ::: ; 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i^ 
 
 
 02 
 
 
 
 ~n> 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 OJ 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ni 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 . X O ^ C I— Tl 
 
 
 
 -i c; oi -^ X = -* :5 S ^", ^ i£ ?i 
 
 .-I Cl d --1 »-> '71 r-i iH Cl CI ^ ■-• C-t 
 
 
 ; i 
 
 o -; - o 
 
 C^ 
 
 
 5 5 ■ g 
 
 ;;Sm > ^ !» 
 
 ItM^m 
 
 
 --5 5"? I ?a |f"S ?5 *e ; 3 : 
 
204 
 
 THE TARIFF. 
 
 Testimony of Enerllsb Free-Trailers. 
 
 The London Mining Journal of June 
 36, 1880, contained a communication 
 from one of its Englisli readers, over 
 the signature of " Free Trade," in which 
 the writer showed why the United 
 States could not become a serious com- 
 petitor with England in supplying tlie 
 world's markets with manufactures of 
 iron and steel. He said : 
 
 The reason of thli is that it i' practically im- 
 possible to regulate wages except upou tlie basis 
 of the bigliest prices obtainable for tlie article 
 manufactured, so tliat if the tariff permits tlio 
 American ironmaster to sell to local consumers 
 atSloperton higher than before, Uie full pro- 
 portion of that $10 must be paid to the loorkmen, 
 and the British ironmaster in all markets except 
 the American is benefitted to the extent of the ex- 
 tra waqcs paid in America. It is obviously ab- 
 surd for the British producer to complain of a 
 foreign producing country levying an import 
 duty on the produce -which he h as to sell, because 
 that duty extends his market elsewhere and with- 
 draws one competitor. Two countries equally 
 well circumstanced for raw material and labor 
 can only compete with each other when both 
 have Protection or both Free Trade, and when 
 one only has Free Trade, that one invariably has 
 the best of it, because the sale price at the works 
 is of course cheaper. For this reason I think we 
 should be well contented that the Americans re- 
 tain their tariff, and be content to i-etain our 
 confidence in Free Trade. 
 
 It is an English Tree Trader who 
 pays this tribute to the effect of Pro- 
 tection on wages in this country. 
 
 Mr. Casson, the general manager of 
 the Earl of Dudley's Statt'ordshire iron 
 works, in his recent visit to Pitts- 
 burgh, in answer to a question by a re- 
 porter of the Pittsburgh Comtnercial 
 Qasette, said: 
 
 I find that in many respects you have the ad- 
 vantage of U8 as regards mechanical appliances, 
 while in others we are greatly ahead of your 
 manufacturers. We can manufacture xron at 
 just one-half th^ cost as far as tliepri^e of labor 
 is concerned, I find that ;your rate of wages is 
 about exactly double what we Jiuve tox^ay. 
 
 Now let us ask a question or two. 
 Who is the greedy and who is the libe- 
 ral employer ? Under which policy — 
 Protection or Free Trade— does the 
 ■workingman fare the best ? 
 
 ^ PART XIX. 
 Orand Results of Protection 
 ill Increased ]^ational 
 Po^ver and l¥ealtli. 
 
 Growth of the Nation Under Protec- 
 tion Since 1S60 in Poi>iilation,>Vealth, 
 Indnstries, and Commerce. 
 
 In the following table from official 
 sources we liave an exhibit, daring the 
 period from 1860 to 1880_, of the growth 
 of the nation in population, wealth, in- 
 dustries, and commerce : 
 
 «Di-'COOOOQO'X>COl:-iHir»i~(OrHC100iOSD 
 
 t^ m_ 00 Oi_'i:J_ CO O (M Ci -*0 3J_10_"* QO-^P-uJoSScs 
 m r-i Ci Ci ;^ O OOT 00 TO ^Tco'cs" 11^ r-To-^ 00 O'-fv"-^ 
 
 O t- 00 rt t 
 
 >0 0= Ci lO r 
 rt -* iH t 
 
 " — SO CO ir- w Ca 
 
 O 00 ^d&^ 
 
 ^ClC^kO-rHOiHCOOOCr-C^COOt-rCCN,^ 
 
 -(OOc^ODOir-30 
 
 jOtocDOeSOO 
 
 1 CO CO eo eooo 
 « w ■* o a& 
 
 ^ ■ " ~ s d o o os+i-t^ 
 55 afvsgg 
 
 PXlP^ Pi 
 
 a >i 
 
 
 o e 
 
 
NATIONAL TAXES. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 205 
 
 Who Pays the National Taxes. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 Sources of PnblicRevenue — 
 Customs, Internal Reve- 
 nue, and Public liands — 
 The masses Pay 'Xo Taxes 
 — Only Those who Indulge 
 in Foreign Broadcloths, 
 Brussels and Turkey Car- 
 pets, Diamonds, «&c., in 
 Whiskey, Wines, and To- 
 bacco — Real £state and 
 Necessaries of Iiife Un- 
 taxed by National liaws. 
 
 All examination will show that only 
 those persons pay taxes to the national 
 Government who indulge in luxuries, 
 &c. The following table gives the ag- 
 eregate receipts of the Groverimieut 
 from iill sources during the fiscal year 
 ending June 30, 1883 : 
 
 Receipts. 
 
 From customs $330,410,730 25 
 
 " internal revenue.. 146,497,595 45 
 
 " direct tax 160,141 69 
 
 " Sales of public 
 
 lands.. 4,753,140 37 
 
 " miscellaneous 
 
 sources 31,703,643 53 
 
 403,525,250 38 
 
 ^ First. Customs. Those persons pay 
 customs duties, and consequently con- 
 tribute to this part of the income, who 
 wear French broadcloth ; who use 
 foreign-made cotton fabrics, hemp, jute, 
 and iiax goods; who pass by the 
 American manufacturer of earthenwares 
 and buy foreign articles ; who drmk 
 French brandy and imported liquors of 
 all kinds; vs^ho go to the mines of Russia 
 and England for iron, bar, pig, or rolled; 
 who buy English jack-knives ; who eat 
 imported provisions and sugars ; who 
 dres 8 their wives and daiigh ters in foreign 
 and silken goods, using velvet vestings, 
 shawls from the Orient, bonnets from 
 Paris, watch-cliains from Geneva, and 
 laces made by the poorly-paid laborers 
 of Europe ; who smoke Havana cigars, 
 cherootsfrom Spain, and cigarettes from 
 
 Turkey ; who wear wool from the sheep 
 of South America, and woolen goodl 
 from manufacturers without interest in 
 this country except to crush its rising 
 industries ; who walk on Brussels car- 
 pets, and shade their eyes with damask 
 curtains ; and who trip lightly in French 
 calf boots and gaiters. All of these peo- 
 ple help pay this customs-tax. The 
 articles on the free list, such as tea and 
 coffee and many important medicines, 
 all escape this tax. Those who tind it 
 irksome to pay the tax on these luxuries 
 may take consolation in the fact that 
 they can dispense with the goods and 
 thus avoid the burden. 
 
 Second. Internal Revenue. Those 
 persons pay internal revenue duties and 
 thus contribute to tlie funds, who drink 
 and use distilled spirits, beer, ale, and 
 malt liquors, winesandcliampagne; who 
 chew tobaccoi smoke cigars and cigaret- 
 tes; who draw bank cliecks and manage 
 banks ; who become involved in legal 
 difficulties with the officers of justice, 
 and pay penalties for moonsliining and 
 other schemes tor evading the tax ; who 
 use patent medicines, pills, hair-dye, 
 tooth w;ash, pomades, domestic perfum- 
 eries, and the varied luxuries that enter 
 so largely into the whims of society. All 
 thefee people pay internal revenue tax. 
 
 Third. Sales of Public Lands: This 
 item of income is self-explanatory and 
 means just wliat it says. When asettler 
 buys land of the United States he pays 
 for it, usually $1.25 per acre. The money 
 from this source is part of the National 
 income; so also are the fees of the 
 officers in public land offices; but it is 
 not tax. 
 
 Fourth. Miscellaneous : This item 
 includes many minor sources of income 
 as the profits from the mints and assay 
 offices, or the excess of the receipts over 
 the expenditures of those establisli- 
 ments; from the excess of receipts over 
 expenses in the steamboat inspection 
 service ; from the semi-annual tax on 
 the circulation and deposits of National 
 banks, less the expense of National cur- 
 rency ; from fees on letters-patent over 
 the exjiense of the Patent Office; from 
 reimbuising the Treasury for expense 
 in redeeming the National bank cur- 
 rency; from the sales of Indian Innds 
 over the cost of fulfilling treaties ; from 
 premiunis on the sale of coin and on 
 funded loans of the United States ; from 
 tax on seal-skins and rent of the Alaska 
 
306 
 
 NATIONAL TAXES. 
 
 Islands ; and from other like sources, 
 not tax, and not oppressive to the peo- 
 ple. 
 
 Fifth. Direct Tax. During the last 
 fiscal year the actual receipts from this 
 source were $160,141.69. This was part of 
 an old tax, levied during the war.by act of 
 Congress approved August 5, 1861. The 
 eighth section imposed a direct tax of 
 twenty millions of dollars, which was 
 apportioned among the States in pro- 
 portion to their representation in Con- 
 gress ; as for example, Indiana's share 
 of that tax was .$904,875,331, which was 
 paid. There has been no direct tax 
 since ; and none before, except in times 
 of war, and of the $30,000,000 the quota 
 of the States in insurrection stands un- 
 paid. 
 
 It will thus be seen that the real- 
 estate and general business of the coun- 
 try are not assessed for the support of 
 the Girovernment of the United States ; 
 that the tax bears lightly on all ; that 
 the necessaries of life escape it alto- 
 gether ; and that all can escape it by 
 simply limiting their economies to the 
 
 lines of articles produced at home, and 
 to articles not considered luxuries. 
 
 Free-traders Claim that the TariSf jls a 
 burden upon the People Xot true — 
 Revenue from Customs largely de- 
 rived from articles of Iiuxnry, &e.~ 
 Onicial Figures. 
 
 The fi-ee-traders claim that th e tarifl 
 is a burden, and that it bears more 
 heavily upon those least able to 1-ear it. 
 This is not true. With the exception of 
 the duty on sugar, and some of tlie raw 
 materials for manufacture, our rcxenue 
 is largely derived from articles of 
 luxury, and articles to meet the deninnds 
 of taste and fashion among the wealthy 
 or " well-to-do" classes, which are not 
 articles of necessity. Our own col ton 
 and woolen manufacturers supply- sub- 
 stantially all the fabrics of these chisses 
 consumed by the great mass of our peo- 
 ple. We insert a table showing the 
 value of and duties paid upon articles of 
 luxury and fine dress goods imported 
 last year : 
 
 Value. 
 
 Beer, ale and porter 
 
 Diamonds, elc 
 
 Fancy article?, (ainbaster, etc.) 
 
 Fancy feathursand artificial flowery 
 
 Musical instruments 
 
 Paintings and statuary 
 
 Silks, piece goods and manuiacturud... 
 
 Spirits and wines 
 
 Champagne and wiiies 
 
 Other spirits, etc., and still wines 
 
 Tobacco and cigar.- 
 
 Braids, lacrs, etc.. for omauienting hats 
 
 Laces, cords, braids, gimps 
 
 Chinaware decnrated 
 
 Cotton embroideries 
 
 Meerschauiu pipes 
 
 Fire-cracl^ers 
 
 FruitA and nuts 
 
 Fine cut glassware 
 
 Fire-arms 
 
 Cotton velvets and tine cotton goods 
 
 Total 
 
 $848,958 SO 
 8,330,071 45 
 1,626,734 38 
 2,835,282 90 
 1,386,892 02 
 2.183,865 47 
 
 32,377,226 48 
 2,031,679 34 
 2,883,668 08 
 3,6.50,990 41 
 6,474,938 67 
 2,3-10,384 00 
 5,124,102 76 
 1,621,112 35 
 3,13:j,5f!0 00 
 64,364 00 
 238,026 20 
 
 12,511,806 39 
 
 802,807 20 
 
 1,137,514 35 
 
 8,690,297 49 
 
 100,093,211 74 
 
 Duty. 
 
 $341,185 62 
 
 835,052 19 
 
 763,367 19 
 
 957,826 95 
 
 415,767 60 
 
 218,386 65 
 
 19,038,665 81 
 
 2,962,889 67 
 
 1,369,763 60 
 
 2,011,269 32 
 
 4,655,591 67 
 
 702,116 20 
 
 1,793,435 96 
 
 810,566 18 
 
 1,096,756 60 
 
 53,679 79 
 
 227,800 05 
 
 3,341,848 66 
 
 328,322 88 
 
 398,130 01 
 
 3,006,604 12 
 
 46,330,015 52 
 »!3 
 
 This sum is greater than the revenue year up to 1851, and nearly equal to that 
 of the Government from customs in any | received in 1858, 1859, or 1860. 
 
TUB IIOMKSTKAI) QUESTION'. 
 
 CHAPTER Xiy. 
 
 gor 
 
 The Homestead Question. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 Republican Attempts prior 
 to I860 to Oive Home- 
 steads to Actual Settlers — 
 Persistent Democratic 
 Opposition — H omestead 
 Bills Denounced as Per- 
 nicious by the Slave Oli- 
 garchy. 
 
 Many and persistent were the attempts 
 made by the Republican party, while the 
 Democracy were yet in power, to reserve 
 our immense public domain to actual 
 settlers at a nominal price, or without 
 price. But until the scepter of power 
 Ml from the hands of the slave oligarchy 
 in 1860, these attempts were invariably 
 defeated by Democratic votes cast in 
 the interest of those who sought to open 
 the public domain to monopoly by spec- 
 ulators — to use it to build up a landed 
 aristoci'acy. 
 
 Homestead bills were denounced by 
 the Democracy as "unconstitutional," 
 "pernicious," "corrupting," "fraught 
 with mischief, and mischief of the most 
 demoralizing kind," and the solid South, 
 aided by its faithful allies of the Nortli, 
 succeeded in preventing these beneficent 
 measures from becoming laws until the 
 Republican party wrested the reins of 
 power from the grasp of the Democracy 
 in 1860. 
 
 Ctrow's Bill to give Actual ISettlers Ten 
 Years Start of Monopolists Defeated 
 by Democrats. 
 
 At the first session of the Thirty-fifth 
 Congress Mr. Grow, of Pennsylvania, 
 introduced a bill providing that after 
 the Ist of September, 1858, "no public 
 lands shall be exposed to sale by procla- 
 mation of the President until the same 
 shall have been surveyed, and the return 
 thereof in the land offlce for at least ten 
 years." 
 
 This would give to the actual settler 
 ten years' precedence over the specula- 
 tor, but it was defeated by the slave- 
 holding Democracy by a vote of 73 to 78. 
 
 The same measure was offered as an 
 ameudmont to a bill relating to pre- 
 emptions the following year. It was 
 
 opposed by the Southern landed Democ- 
 racy solidly, but finally carried by a vote 
 of 97 to 81. The bill as amended, liow- 
 ever, was defeated, the Eepublicanw vot- 
 ing solidly lor it, and every Southern 
 Democrat but two voting against it.. 
 Only eight Northern Democrats voted 
 for It. 
 
 Democratic Filllbnsterlng to Prevent 
 Dlscnssion of Homestead Bill— It 
 Passes the Honse. 
 
 On the 1st of February, 1859, H. 11. 73, 
 "to secure homesteads to actual set- 
 tlers," came up for action. The Democ- 
 racy attempted by parliamentary strat- 
 egy to defeat it, and even to prohibit 
 discussion on its merits, but it passed 
 the House— -120 to 76— tlie Republicans, 
 with one exception, voting for the bill,, 
 and 60 out of 98 of the Democracy vot- 
 ing against it. The South was solid, as- 
 usual, against donating " land to the- 
 landless." 
 
 Defeated In the Senate. 
 
 The Senate defeated the bill, after an 
 attempt to postpone it, by taking up tlie- 
 bill for the purchase of duba. The vote 
 was 38 to 38, and the casting vote of Vice 
 President Breckinridge secured its de- 
 feat. 
 
 The Bill to give Slaves to Slaveholders 
 takes precedence of the Bill to give 
 I.ands to the lianflless. 
 
 Two days later Senator Wade at- 
 tempted to have the homestead bill con- 
 sidered, but his motion was defeated — 
 yeas (all Republicans but seven) 24, nays 
 (all Democrats) 31. On the 25th of Feb- 
 ruary another attempt was made, but 
 it was again antagonized by the Cuba 
 bill. Of course a bill to give slaves to 
 slaveholders would take precedence in 
 a Democratic bod.y of a bill to give homes- 
 to the landless. The yeas were 35, all 
 Democrats; nays 34. After a lengthy 
 debate on the Cuba bill a motion to take 
 up the homestead bill was again de- 
 feated. Yeas, all Republicans but two ; 
 nays, all Democrats. 
 
 Homestead Bill Passes Both Houses f 
 bnt is Vetoed by a Democratic Pres- 
 ident. 
 
 Atthenext session, on the 6th of March, 
 1860, the Grow bill, "to secure home- 
 steads to actual settlers on the public 
 domain," was taken up and passed by 
 
308 
 
 THE HOMESTEAD QUESTION. 
 
 the House, tlie Republicans voting for 
 it uniiniiuously, and all voting against 
 it bt-ing Democrats. 
 
 The Senate passed a substitute for the 
 Grow bill, which, with some modifica- 
 tions, was accepted by the House on the 
 principle that "half a loaf is better than 
 no bread." The substitute gave to ac- 
 tual settlers homesteads at twenty-five 
 cents per acre, but did not include pre- 
 emptors then occupying public lands. 
 
 This bill was vetoed by President 
 Buchanan June 32, 1860, and the Senate, 
 in which the bill originated, voted to 
 sustain the veto. 
 
 PART- II. 
 Tlie Republicans Succeed — 
 And the Slave Oligarchy 
 Secede— Industrious Free- 
 men Triumph in Republi- 
 can Success — I<and for the 
 liandless and Homes for 
 All. 
 
 On the4th of March, 1861, President Lin- 
 coln was inaugurated. The Democratic 
 slave-holdinglandedaristooracy seceded, 
 and theRepublicau8,now in possession of 
 both Houses of Congress and the execu- 
 tive, hastened to redeem its pledges; 
 and early ill 1863 it passed the homestead 
 act, granting 160 acres to every actual 
 settler 31 years or more of age, or to 
 every head of a family who is or has de- 
 clared his intention to become a citizen 
 of the United States. This is its main 
 feature, independent of the grant of 160 
 acres to every person, whether of age or 
 not, and whethernaturalizedornot, who 
 enlisted in the army to put down tlie 
 rebellion. 
 
 The vote by which it passed tlie House, 
 February 28,' 1862, was 114yeas to 18 nays, 
 all but tliree voting against the bill be- 
 ing Democrats, and all but 33 voting for 
 it being Republicans. 
 
 Tlie Senate vote on the bill was — ayes, 
 33 ; nays, 7. Of the yeas, 30 were Repub- 
 licans; oi the nays, 1 was a Republican. 
 
 Extending the Homestead Act^Rebei 
 Opposition. 
 
 In the House, February 8, 1866, a bill 
 was passed extending the provisions of 
 tlie lioniestead act to the States of Ala- 
 bama Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, 
 and Florida. The, vote by which it 
 passed was 113 yeas to 39 uays; all the 
 nays being Democrats but two. 
 The Homestead Law a I'urely Repub- 
 lican iVleasuro. 
 
 Tlius it is demonstrated that the Iiome- 
 stead principle is a distinguisliiug Re- 
 publican measure, and no fraudulent 
 attempt to claim the credit of it by the 
 
 Democracy can rob the Republicans of 
 its authorship or tlie credit of the 
 beneficent results which have accrued 
 through it to the nation and the people. 
 
 Demoeracy Still Hostile to the Home- 
 stead liBW. 
 
 On the other liand, the Democracy 
 have not only opposed the principle from 
 the first, but still labor to rob the people 
 of its benefits by persistent attempts to 
 destroy the efficiency of the Land Office, 
 by refusing appropriations to secure an 
 increase in the clerical force of that bu- 
 reau, an increase absolutely demanded 
 for the prompt and efficient execution of 
 its increasing business. 
 
 The Beneficent Efforts of the Homestead 
 liaw Demonstrated by Facts and Fig. 
 nres— Immense Increase in Wealth, 
 Power and Population. 
 
 The beneficent results of the home- 
 stead acts to the nation and the people 
 may be seen by the following tab&s: 
 Number of homestead entries 
 made under the act up to 
 
 date 547,447 
 
 Number livinguponsuch home- 
 steads (at the low average of 
 
 4.35 per family) 3,381,394 
 
 Number of acres entered under 
 the act up to date 65,808,987 
 
 This increase of 3,381,394 thus added to 
 the population of the Union equals the 
 population of the following six States, 
 
 J}\\^ . Population. 
 
 California 864,694 
 
 Minnesota 780773 
 
 Oregon :;;"/. i74'768 
 
 Nevada 63,266 
 
 Colorado 194337 
 
 Florida 369,493 
 
 3,346,321 
 Plus 35,073 
 
 2,381,394 
 
 The area added to the Union tJirough 
 the homestead locations made up to 
 June 30, 1882, equals the areas of the 
 following great States, viz : Acres. 
 
 New Hampshire 5,939,200 
 
 Massachusetts 4,992,000 
 
 Rhode Island 835340 
 
 Connecticut 3,O40,000 
 
 New York 30,080000 
 
 New Jersey 5,334,800 
 
 Delaware 1,356,800 
 
 Maryland 7,814,400 
 
 Venuont 6,131,600 
 
 Di ,,,.., 65,504,640 
 
 Plus nearly half tlie area of 
 the State of Rhode Island.. 304,347 
 
 65,808,987 
 
NATIOXAL BANKS. 
 
 SO* 
 
 Thus it is demonstrated tliat this mea- 
 sure, instead of Vjeiu^, as the Democracy 
 claimed, "fiauffht with miscliief of the 
 most demoralizing kind," has added a 
 hardy, intelligent, industrious, and pa- 
 tiiotio population to the States in which 
 these homesteads are locjited, greatly 
 
 enhanciug the value of their lands, en- 
 larging their productive industries, and 
 thus increasing the wealth and power 
 of the nation to a degree immeasurably 
 greater than the value of the lands to- 
 the goveinmeut when thus donated. 
 
 CHAPTER XY. 
 
 The National Banks. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 Bill to extend their Chart- 
 ers twenty years. 
 
 Be U macled, etc.. That any national bunking 
 BSSOOiatioiL organized under the acts of February 
 25 1S63, June 3, 1864, and February 14, 1880, or 
 under sections 6133, 5134, 5135, 5136, and 5164 of the 
 Kevised Statutes of the United States, may, at any 
 time within the two years next previous to tlie 
 date of the expiration of its corpuiate existence 
 under tlie present law, and with the approval of 
 the Comptroller of the Currtnt'y, to be grajited us 
 hereinafter provided, extend its period of succes- 
 sion by amending its articles of association for a 
 term of not more than twenty years from the ex- 
 piration of tlie period of succession named in sfiid 
 articles of association, and shall have succession 
 for such extended period, unless S0'>uer dissolved 
 by the act of shareholders owning two-thirds of 
 iiis stocl!, or unless its franchise becomes forfeited 
 by some violation of law, or unless hereafter mud - 
 Ifled or repealed. , x. j »• i * 
 
 : Sec 2 That such amendment of said articles of 
 association shall be authorized by tlie consent in 
 writing of shareholders owning not less than two- 
 thirds of the capital stock of the association ; and 
 tlie board of directors shall cause such consent to 
 be certified under the seal of the association, by 
 Its president or cashier, to the Comptroller of the 
 Currency accompanied by an application made 
 bv the president or casiiier for the approval of the 
 amended articles of a>80ciatiun by the Comptrol- 
 ler- and such amended anicles of aasuciation 
 shall not be valid until the Comptroller shall give 
 to such association a certificate under his hand 
 and seal that the asscciation has complied with 
 all the provisions required to be complied with, 
 and la authorized to have succession for the ex- 
 tended period named in the amended articles of 
 
 "^Sec ^s'^That upon the receipt of the application 
 and certificate of the association provided for in 
 the preceding section, the Comptroller of the 
 Currency sftoii cause a special examination to be 
 made, at the expense of the association, to de 
 termine its condition ; and if after such examina- 
 tion or otherwise, it appears to him that s«,id asso- 
 ciation is in a satis/actory condition, he shall 
 grant his certificate of approval provided for in 
 the preceding section, or if it appears that the con- 
 dition of said association is not satisfactory he 
 shall withhold such certificate of approval. 
 
 sV 4 That any association so extending the 
 nerli.d of its succession shall continue to enjoy all 
 ihi riiihrs and nrivileges and immunities granted, 
 inrt ban c?nti^iue to\e subjectto all the duties 
 liabili to and restrictions imposed by the Re- 
 Xd Statutes of the United States and other acts 
 having reference \o national banking associa tons, 
 and it shall continue to be in all respects the iden- 
 
 tical association it was before the extension of its 
 peril. d of succession: iYovwted, /wweyer. That the 
 jurisdiction for suits hereafter brought by or 
 against any association established under any law 
 providing for national banking associations, ex- 
 cept suits beiween them and tne United States, or 
 it£ ofiicers and agenis, shall be the same as, and 
 not other than, the jurisdiction for suits by or 
 against banks not organized under any law of the 
 United Stales which do or might do bunking busi- 
 ness where such national banking associations 
 may he doing business when such suits may be 
 be^un. And all laws and parts of laws of the- 
 Unite>l States inconsistentwiLh this proviso be, and 
 the same are hereby, repealed. 
 
 Sec. 5. That when any national banking asso- 
 ctation has amended its articles of association as 
 provided in this act, and the Comptroller has 
 granted his certificate of approval, any share- 
 holder not assenting to such amendment may 
 give notice in writing to the directors, within 
 thirty days from the date of the certificate of ap- 
 proval, of bis desire to withdraw from said asso- 
 ciation, in which case he shall be entitled to- 
 receive from said banking association the value 
 of the shares so held by him, to be ascertained 
 by an appraisal made by a t-ommittee of three 
 persons, one to be selected by such shareholder,, 
 one by the directors, and the third by the first 
 two; and in case the value so fixed shall not be 
 satisfactory to any such shareholder he may appeal 
 to the Comptrwller of the Currency, who shall 
 cause a reappraisal to be made, wnich shall be 
 final and binding; and if saiU reappraisal shall 
 exceed the value fixed by said committee the 
 bank shall pay the expenses of said reappraisal,, 
 and otherwise the appellant shall pay said ex- 
 penses ; and the value so ascertained and deter- 
 mined shall be deemed to be a debt due, and be 
 forthwith paid to said shareholder from said 
 bank, and the shares so surrendered and appraised 
 shall, alter due notice, be sold at pubi''c sale 
 within thirty days alter the final appraisal pro- 
 vided in this section: Fi'ovided, That in the 
 organization of any banking association intended 
 to replace any existing banking association, and 
 retaining the name' thereof, the holders of stock 
 in the expiring association shall be entitled to 
 preference in the allotment of the shares of the 
 new association in proportion to the number of 
 shares held by them respectively in the expiring 
 associations. 
 
 Sec. 6. That the circulating notes of any associa- 
 tion so extending the period of its succession, 
 which shall have been issued to it prior to such 
 extension shall be redeemed at the Treasury of 
 the United States, as provided in section 3 of the 
 act of June 20, 1874, entitled "An act fixing the 
 amount of United States notes, providing for a re- 
 distribution of national bank currency, and for 
 other purposes," and such notes when redeemed 
 shall be forwarded to the Comptroller of the Cur- 
 rency, and destroyed, as now provided by law„ 
 and at the end of three years from the date of t'le 
 
210 
 
 NATIONAL BANKS. 
 
 extension of the corporate existence of each bank 
 the association so cxlended shall deposit lavvlul 
 money with the Treasurer of the United States 
 sufdcient to redeem the remainder oi the circula- 
 tion which was ou;standiug at the date of its ex- 
 tension, as provided in sections 5222, 5224, and 5225 
 uf tlie Revised Statutes, and any gain that may 
 arise Jroni the failure to present such circulating 
 notes for redemption shiiil inure to the benefit 
 of the United States, and from time to time 
 as such notes are redeemed or lawful money de- 
 posited therefore, as provided herein, new circu- 
 lating notes shall be issued as provit ed by this 
 act, bearing such devices, to be approved by the 
 Secretary of the Treasury, as shall malce them 
 readily distingul-hable from the circulatiug notes 
 heretofore issued : Provided, hoitever, 1 hat each 
 bantling association which shall obtain ti.e bene- 
 fit of this act stiall reimburse to the Treasury the 
 (ost of iirepaiiujj the jilate or plates for such new 
 circulating notes as shall be issued to it. 
 
 Sec. 7. That national tanking associations 
 whose corporate existence has expired or shall 
 hereafter expire, and which do not avail them- 
 selves of the provisions of this act, shall be re- 
 quired to comi'lv wiih the provisions of sections 
 5221 and 5222 of the Revised Statutes in the same 
 manner as if the shareholders had voted to go into 
 liquidation, as provided in section 5220 of the Re- 
 vised Statutes ; and the provisions of sections 5224 
 and 5225 uf the Revised Statutes shall also be appli- 
 cable to such as.sociations, except as modified by 
 this act; and the franctiise of such ^association i's 
 hereby extended for the sole purpose of liquidat- 
 ing their affairs until such ait'airs are finally 
 closed 
 
 Sec. 8. That national banks now organized or 
 herealter organized, having a capital of $150,000 or 
 less, shall be required to keep on deposit or deposit 
 with the Treasurer of the United States, United 
 States bonds in excess of one-fourth ot their cap- 
 ital stock as security for their circulating notes; 
 but such banks shall keep on depositor deposit 
 with the Treasurer of the United States the amount 
 if t'Onds as herein required; and such of those 
 banks having on depo.sit bonds in excess of that 
 amount are authorized to reduce their circulation 
 by the deposit of lawful money as provided bylaw: 
 jTomded, That the amount of such circulating 
 no es shall not in any case exceed 90 per cent, of 
 the par value of the bonds dei osited as herein pro- 
 vided : ; rovided further, That all national i auks 
 which shall herealter make deposits of lawtul 
 money for the retirement in full of their circula- 
 tion shall, at the time of their deposit, be asse>sed, 
 for the cost of tran.^poriing and redeeming their 
 notes then outstanding, a sum equal to the average 
 cost of the redemption of national bank notesdur- 
 ing the preceding year, and shall thereupon pay 
 such assessment; and all national banks which 
 have heretofore made or shall hereafter make de- 
 posits of lawful money for the reduction (.f their 
 circulation shall be assessed and shall pay an as- 
 sessment in the manner S! ecified in section 3 of 
 the act approved June 20, 1874. for the cost of trans- 
 porting and redeeming their notes redeemed from 
 such depi sits subsequently to June 30, 1881. 
 
 Sec. 9. That any national banking association 
 now organized, nr hereafter organized, desiring to 
 withdraw itm ciiculating notes, upon a deposit of 
 lawful money with the Treasurer of the United 
 Statts, as provide'i in feciion 4 ol the act of June 
 20, 1874, eniitled "An act fixing the amount of 
 United States ntites, providing f.ir a redistribution 
 of national bank currency, and for other pur- 
 pose"," or as provided in this act, is authorized to 
 deposit lawful money and withdraw a propor- 
 tionate amount uf the tends held as security for 
 its circulating notes in the order of such deposits ; 
 and no national bank which iiiakes any deposit of 
 lawful money in order to withdraw its circulating 
 notes shall be entitled to receive any increase ol 
 its ciri ulation lor the period of six months from 
 the time it made such depo it of lawful money for 
 the purjiose aforesaid: Provided. That not more 
 than three millions of dollars of lawful moni'y 
 shall b» depo>ittd (luring any calendar month for 
 this purpose : And provided further, That the provis- 
 ions of this section shall not apply to bond^ called 
 for redemption I'y the Secretary of the Treasury, 
 
 nor to the withdrawal of circulating note^ in con- 
 sequence thereof. 
 
 Sec. 10. That upon a deposit of bonds as de- 
 scribed by sections 5159 and 5160, except as modi- 
 fied by section 4 of an act entitled "An act fixing 
 the amount of United States notes, providing for a 
 redistribution of the national bank currency, and 
 for other purposes," aiiproved June 20, 1874, and as 
 modified hy section 8 of this act, the association 
 making the same shall be entitled to receive from 
 the Comptroller of the Currency circulating notes 
 of different denominations, in blank, rejiistered 
 and countersigned as provided by law, equal in 
 amount to 90 per cent, of the current market value, 
 not exceeding part of the United States bonds so 
 transferred and delivered, and at no time shall 
 the total amount of such notes issued to any such 
 association ex( eed 90 per cent, of the amount at 
 such time act;ually paid in nf its capital stock; and 
 the provisions of section.s 5171 and 5176 of the Re- 
 vised Statutes are hereby repealed. 
 
 Sec. 11. That the Scoietary of the Treasury is 
 hereby authorized to receive at the Treasury any 
 bonds of the United States bearing 3)4 per cent, 
 interest, and to issue in exchange therefor an 
 equal amount of registered bonds of the United 
 States of the denominations of fifty, one hundred, 
 five hundred, one thousand, and ten thousand 
 dollars, of such form as he may prescribe, beariug 
 interest at the rate of 3 per cent, per annum, paya- 
 ble quarterly at the Treasury of the United States. 
 Such bonds shall be exempt from all taxation by 
 or under State authoritv, and be payable at the 
 pleasure of the United States : Provided, That the 
 bonds herein authorized shall not be called in 
 and paid so long as any bonds of ihe United States 
 heretofore issued, bearing a higher rate of in- 
 terest than 3 percent., and which shall be redeem- 
 able at the pleasure of the United States, shall be 
 outstanding and uncalled. The last of the said 
 bonds originally issued under this act, and their 
 substitutes, shall be first ealh d in, and this order 
 of payment shall be followed until all shall have 
 been paid. 
 
 Sec. 12. That the Secretary of the Treasury is 
 authorized anddirected to receive deposits of gold 
 coin with the Treasurer or assistant trea.surers of 
 the United States, in sums not less than $20, and 
 to issue certificates therefor in denominations of 
 not less than *20 each, corresponding with the de- 
 ni>miuations of Unit d States notes. The coin de- 
 posited tor i r representing the certificates of de- 
 posit shall be retained in the Treasury lor the pay- 
 ment of the same on demand. Said certificates 
 shall be receivable lor customs, taxes, and all pub- 
 lic dues, and when so received may be reissued; 
 and such certificates, as aNo silver certificates, 
 when held by any national banking association, 
 shall be counted as part of its lawful reserve; and 
 no national banking association shall be a mem- 
 ber of any clearing-house in which such certifi- 
 cates shall not be receivable in the settlement of 
 clearing-house balances: Provided, That the Sec- 
 retary of the Treasury shall suspend the issue ot 
 such gold certificates whenever the amount ot 
 gold com and gold bullion in the Treasury re- 
 served fur the redemption of United States liotes 
 falls below S100,000,000;and the provisions of sec- 
 tion 5207 of the Revised Statutes shall be applica- 
 ble to the certificates herein authorized anddi- 
 rected to be issued. 
 
 Sec. 13. That any officer, clerk, or agent of any 
 national banking association who shall willfully 
 violate the provisions of an act entitled, "An act 
 in reference to certifying checks by national 
 
 wno ,! ,K''P,?''°r'i S'"'''''^ ^' 1869, being section 
 5208 ot the Revised Statutes of the United States, 
 or who shall resort to any device, or receive any 
 flclitions obligation, direct or coUateral, in order 
 evade the provisions (hereof, or who shall cer- 
 tily checks before the amount thereof shall have 
 been regularly entered to the credit of the dea er 
 upon the books of the banking association, shall 
 be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall, on 
 convict;, n thereof in any circuit or district c urt 
 1 1 the Unit. dbtMte-, lie Hoed 11 tm re than $5,000, 
 or snail I... inipnsunc.l not mure than five vears, or 
 both, in the discrcfon ..i the court. 
 
 SEC. 14. That C.iiiKre.-s may at any time amend, 
 alter, or repeal this aci and the acts of which this 
 IS amendatory. 
 
NATIONAL BANKS. 
 
 311 
 
 The act waa approved July 12, 1882. 
 
 The act was passed by the following 
 vote — Senate : 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Aldrioh, Allison, Blair, CaU, Chil- 
 ciit, Conger, DavU of West Virginia, Dawes, Ferry, 
 Frye. Gorman, Groome, Hamplon, Harrison, Haw- 
 ley. Hill of Colorado, Hoar, Jonas, Lapham, Logiin, 
 McMillan, MAHO.^'E, Miller of Caliioriiia, Miller 
 New York, Morgan, Morrill, Raneom, Rollins, 
 Sannders, Sawyer, Sewell, Sherman, Van Wyck, 
 Windom— 34. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Brown, Cockrell, Cooke, Farley, 
 George, Grover, Jones of Nevada, Maxey, Pugh, 
 Vance, Voorheen, Walker, WlUiamt—\Z. 
 
 House : 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Aiken, W. Aldrich, Barr, Bayne, 
 Bisbee, J. H. Brewer, Briggs, Browne, Buck, Buck- 
 ner, J. C. Burrows, Butterworth. Campbell, Cand- 
 ler, Cannon, Curpenter, Caswell, Chace, Crapo, 
 Cutis, Darrall, Dawes, Deering, De Motte, Ding- 
 ley. Dunnell, Dwight, Ermentrout, Errett, S. S. 
 Fatwell, George, Gibson, Godshalk, J. Hammond, 
 Hardentrurgh, B. ,W. Harris, Haskell, G. C. Haz- 
 elton, Hepburn, Hiscock, HoblUzeU, Horr, Houek, 
 Hubbell, Jadwin, Kasson, Kelley, Ketcham, La- 
 
 cey. Lord, Lynch, Mackey, McCook, McKinlev, 
 MoLane, Miles, Moore, Morev Morse, Mutchle'r 
 Neale, Norcross, Oates, O'Neill, OMh, Pacheoo 
 Parker.Payson, Peele, Pierce, Pound, Prescott.Raa- 
 ney.Ray, Reed, J. B. Rice,W.W. Rice, Rich, Ritchie, 
 G. D. Robinson, J. S. Robinson, Scranton, Bhallen- 
 berger, Slielley, Sliultz, A. H. Smith, D. C. Smith, 
 Spaulding, Spooner, E. F. Stone, Strait, T.ilboU, E. 
 B. Taylor, W. G. Thompson, A. Townsend, Tyler, 
 J. T. Updegratr, T. Updegraflf, Drner, Valentine, 
 Van Aernam, Wadsworth, Wait, Walker, Ward, 
 Washburn, Webter, J. D. White, C. G. Williams, 
 Willits— 110. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Anderson, Ai-m/ield, AlUns, Be!- 
 ford. Bdlzhoover, Berry, Blount, Bkumm, Buchanan, 
 J. W. Caldwell, Cassidy. Chapman, Clardy, Cobb, 
 Converse, Cook, S. S. Cox, W. B. Cox, Coving- 
 ton, Cravens, Culberson, Davidson, Dibrell, Dowd, 
 Dugro, Dunn, Evans, Foed, Frost, Fdlkeeson, Ocd- 
 des, N. J. Hammond, Hardu, I. S. Hazeltine, Hatch, 
 O. W. Hewitt, Hoge, Holman, Hooker, House, 
 G. W. Jones, Kenny, Klotz, Knott, Ladd, Latham, 
 Lowe, Matson, McKemzie, McMiUin, Mills, Morrison, 
 Moulton, Page, Paul, Phelps, Phister, Randall, Rea- 
 gan, Rosecrans, Scales, SinumUm, 0. R. Singleton, 
 Specr, Springer. P. B. Thompson, jr., Tillman, R. 
 W. Towshend, Tucker, H. G. Turner, 0. Turner, 
 Upson, Vance, R. Warner, Welbom, T. Williamt, 
 WUaon, G. D. Wise, M. R. Wise— 19. 
 
 Statement of the Comptroller of the Curren- 
 cy on September 1, 1882, showing the amounts 
 of National Bank Notes and of Legal Tender 
 Notes outstanfbng at the dates of the passage 
 of the Acts of June 20, 1874, January 14, 1875, 
 aiid Mav 31, 1878, together with the amounts 
 outstanding at date, and the increase or de- 
 crease : 
 
 NATIONAL BANK NOTES. 
 
 Amount outstanding June 20, 1874... 8349,894,182 
 Amount outstanding Januaryl4, 1875, 351,861,450 
 Amount outstanding May 31, 1878. . . . 322,556,965 
 
 Amount outstanding at date* 359,691,573 
 
 Increase during tbe last month 1,716,490 
 
 Increase since September 1,1881 2,778,562 
 
 LEGAL TENDEK NOTES. 
 
 Amount outstanding June 20, 1874. ...$382,000,000 
 
 Amount outstanding January 14, 1876, 382,000,000 
 
 Amount retired under Act of Janua- 
 ry 14, 1875, to May 31, 1878 35,318,984 
 
 Amount outstanding on and since 
 May 31, 1878 346,681,016 
 
 Amount on deposit with the Treasur- 
 er U. S. to redeem notes of insol- 
 vent and ItCLUidated banks, and 
 banks retiring circulation under 
 Act of June 20, 1874 39,887,790 
 
 Increase in deposit during the last 
 month 737,313 
 
 Increase in deposit since September 
 1, 1881 7,119,545 
 
 *Clrculation of National Gold Banks not in- 
 cluded in tlie above, $823,329. 
 
313 
 
 N.^TIOXAL BANKS. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 {Statistics Relating; to the Banks. 
 
 DlTldends and Earnings of the IVatlonal Baiilis— Taxes Paid by the National Banks 
 and by other Banbs— Ratio of Tax to Capital— Banks as Holders of Govern- 
 meut Bonds— Aggregate Capital and Depositis of ^rational and OtherBanks 
 Ac— Amounts. of National Bank Notes and I^egal Tender Notes Outstand- 
 ing at Certain dates up to Sept. 1, 1882. 
 
 [From the Eeport of tlie Comptroller of the Currency, 18S1.] 
 Dividends and Sarnlngrs of National Banks. 
 
 The following table shows the capital, surplus, dividends, and total earnings of 
 aUthe nationalbanks, for each half year, from March 1, 1869, to September 1, 1881 
 with the ratios, as before specified : ' ' 
 
 Period of 
 
 six months, 
 
 ending- 
 
 Sept. 1, 
 
 Mar. 1, 
 
 Sept. 1, 
 
 Mar. 1, 
 
 Sept. 1, 
 
 Mar. 1, 
 
 Sept. 1, 
 
 Mar. 1, 
 
 Sept. 1, 
 
 Mar. 1, 
 
 Sept. 1, 
 
 Mar. 1, 
 
 Sept. 1, 
 
 Mar. 1, 
 
 Sept. 1, 
 
 Mar. 1, 
 
 Sept. 1, 
 
 Mar. 1, 
 
 Sept. 1, 
 
 Mar. 1 
 
 Sept. 1, 
 
 Mar. 1 
 
 Sept. 1, 
 
 *Mar. 1, 
 *Sept. 1, 
 
 Mar. 1, 
 
 1869 
 1870 
 1870 
 1871 
 1871 
 1872 
 1872 
 1873 
 1873 
 1874 
 1874 
 1876 
 1876 
 1876 
 1876 
 1877 
 1877 
 1878 
 1878 
 1879 
 1879 
 I88O1 
 1880 
 1881 
 1881 
 1882 
 
 Capital. 
 
 Surplus. 
 
 Total divi- 
 dends. 
 
 1 
 
 1,481 
 1,571 
 1,601 
 1,605 
 1,693 
 1,750 
 1,852 
 1.912 
 1,965 
 1,967 
 1,971 
 2.007 
 2,047 
 2,076 
 2,081 
 2,080 
 2,072 
 2,074 
 2,047 
 2,043 
 2,045 
 2,046 
 2,072 
 2,087 
 2,100 
 2,136 
 
 8401,650,802 
 416,366.991 
 426,317,104 
 428,699,165 
 446,999,264 
 450,693,706 
 466,676,023 
 476,918,683 
 488,100,961 
 489,610,323 
 489,938,284 
 493,668,831 
 497,864,833 
 604,209,491 
 600.482,271 
 496,651,680 
 486,324,860 
 476,609,751 
 470,231,890 
 464,413,99J 
 455,132,056 
 454,080,090 
 454,215,0«2 
 456,844,865 
 468.934.486 
 460.264,485 
 
 S 82.106,843 
 86,118,210 
 91,630,620 
 94.672,401 
 9J,286,.591 
 99.431,243 
 105,181,942 
 114,357,288 
 118,113,848 
 123,469,869 
 128,364.039 
 131,560,637 
 134,123,649 
 134,467,595 
 132,261,078 
 130,872,166 
 124,349,264 
 122.373,661 
 118.687,134 
 116,744,136 
 115,149,351 
 117,226,.601 
 120,145,649 
 122,481,788 
 127,238,394 
 131,241,585 
 
 $31,767,831 
 21,479,095 
 21,080,343 
 22,205,160 
 22,125,279 
 22,869,826 
 23,827,289 
 24,836,061 
 34,833,029 
 23,.629,993 
 24,929,307 
 24,760,816 
 24,317,785 
 24,811,581 
 22,563,829 
 31,803.969 
 22,117,116 
 18,982.390 
 17,959.223 
 17,.541,0.54 
 17,401,.867 
 18,121,273 
 18,390,200 
 18,877,517 
 19,499,694 
 19,910,875 
 
 *n6 hanks failed to make dividends in 1881; and an 
 during 1877, 1878, 1879, 1880, and 1881. 
 
 Total net 
 earnings. 
 
 
 RATIOS. 
 
 
 Divi- 
 dends 
 to cap- 
 
 Divi- 
 dends to 
 capital 
 
 Earnings 
 to capital 
 
 
 and sur 
 
 aud sur- 
 
 
 
 plus. 
 
 plus. 
 
 _ 
 
 per ct. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 Per cent 
 
 $39,321(184 
 
 5.42 
 
 4.60 
 
 6.04 
 
 28,996,934 
 
 5.16 
 
 4.27 
 
 6.77 
 
 26,-813,886 
 
 4.96 
 
 4.08 
 
 6.19 
 
 27,243,162 
 
 6.18 
 
 4.34 
 
 4.21 
 
 27,315,311 
 
 4.96 
 
 4.07 
 
 6.02 
 
 37,603,539 
 
 6.07 
 
 4.16 
 
 
 30,573,891 
 
 5.12 
 
 4.17 
 
 6.36 
 
 31,926,478 
 
 6.22 
 
 4.21 
 
 5.41 
 
 33il22,000 
 
 6.09 
 
 4.09 
 
 6.46 
 
 29,644,120 
 
 4.81 
 
 3.84 
 
 4.82 
 
 30,036,811 
 
 5.09 
 
 4.03 
 
 4.86 
 
 29,136,007 
 
 6.01 
 
 3.96 
 
 4.66 
 
 28,800,217 
 
 4.88 
 
 3.85 
 
 4.66 
 
 33,097,921 
 
 4.92 
 
 3.88 
 
 3.62 
 
 20,640,231 
 
 4.60 
 
 3.57 
 
 3.26 
 
 19,693,963 
 
 4.39 
 
 3.47 
 
 3.12 
 
 15,274,028 
 
 4.54 
 
 3.62 
 
 2.60 
 
 16,946,696 
 
 3.99 
 
 3.17 
 
 2.83 
 
 13,658,893 
 
 3.81 
 
 3.04 
 
 2.31 
 
 14,678,660 
 
 3.78 
 
 3.03 
 
 2.68 
 
 16,873,200 
 
 3.82 
 
 3.05 
 
 2.96 
 
 31,152,784 
 
 3.99 
 
 3.17 
 
 3.70 
 
 24,033,250 
 
 4.03 
 
 3.18 
 
 4.18 
 
 24,462,021 
 
 4.13 
 
 3.26 
 
 4.22 
 
 29,170,816 
 
 4.35 
 
 3.33 
 
 4.93 
 
 27,038,808 
 
 4.33 
 
 S.37 
 
 4.57 
 
 erage of 357 failed to make dividends 
 
 The percentage to capital of dividends paid, aud of dividends and earnings to combined panital 
 aud sui'plua, is given by similar divisions for the years 1879, 188O, and I881, in the following table : 
 
 Geographical 
 divisions. 
 
 Divi- 
 dends to 
 capital. 
 
 Divi- 
 dends to 
 capital 
 find siu'- 
 plus. 
 
 Earnings 
 
 to capital 
 
 and Biu'- 
 
 plus. 
 
 Divi- 
 dends to 
 capltjl. 
 
 Divi- 
 dends to 
 capitnl 
 and sur- 
 plus. 
 
 Earnings 
 to capital 
 aud sur- 
 plus. 
 
 Divi- 
 dends to 
 capital. 
 
 Divi- 
 dends to 
 capital 
 and sm-- 
 plus. 
 
 Earnings 
 
 to capital 
 
 aud sm?- 
 
 plus. 
 
 New England 
 States 
 
 Middle States.. 
 
 BouthernStatoa 
 
 Western States 
 and Territo- 
 ries 
 
 I'ci- cent. 
 
 6.4 
 7.9 
 7.0 
 
 9.4 
 
 Percent. 
 
 6.2 
 6.1 
 6.0 
 
 7.6 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 4.2 
 6,8 
 6.4 
 
 7.1 
 
 I'er cent. 
 
 6.8 
 
 8.4 
 7.8 
 
 9,5 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 5.5 
 6.6 
 6.7 
 
 7.6 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 6,4 
 8.0 
 7.6 
 
 9,3 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 7.2 
 8.5 
 8.3 
 
 10.4 
 
 Percent. 
 
 5.8 
 6.4 
 6.9 
 
 8.1 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 7.3 
 9.4 
 11.3 
 
 11.6 
 
 United States.. 
 
 7.0 
 
 6.1 
 
 5 6 
 
 8.0 
 
 6.4 
 
 7.9 
 
 8.4 
 
 6.6 
 
 9.2 
 
NATIONAL BANKS 
 Taxes paid by the Natloual Banks. 
 
 313 
 
 The national banks, under present law, pay to the United States a tax of one 
 ler cent, upon tlie amount ot their notes in circulation, one-half of one per cent, 
 ipon the amount of their deposits, and the same rate upon the average amount 
 if capital invested in Unitett States bonds. 
 
 The following table shows the amount annually paid under this law, from the 
 ioramencement of the national banking system to July 1, 1881, showing an aggre- 
 ;ate of taxes paid to the United States, by national banks, $108,855,021.90: 
 
 Year. 
 
 Oil circulaiion. 
 
 On deposits. 
 
 1 
 
 On ciipital. 
 
 Tdtiil. 
 
 
 $53,193 82 
 733,247 59 
 2,106,785 30 
 2,868,636 78 
 2,946,343 07 
 2,957,416 73 
 2,949,74413 
 2,987,021 00 
 3,198,570 03 
 3,358,186 13 
 3,404,483 11 
 3,283,450 89 
 3,091,795 76 
 2,900,957 53 
 2,948,047 OH 
 8,009,647 16 
 3,153,636 63 
 3,121,374 33 
 
 $95,911 87 1 
 1,087,630 86 
 2,638,102 77' 
 2,660,180 091 
 2,664,148 441 
 2,614,553 58 
 2,614,767 61, 
 2,802,840 85' 
 3,120,984 371 
 3,196,669 29! 
 3,209,967 72: 
 3,614,265 391 
 3,505.129 64' 
 3,451,965 38i 
 8,273,111 741 
 3,309,668 90: 
 4,058,710 61 
 4,940,946 I2I 
 
 $18,432 07 
 133.251 15 
 406,947 74 
 321,881 36 
 306,781 67 
 312,918 68 
 375,962 26 
 385 292 13 
 389,356 27 
 454; 891 61 
 469,048 02 
 607,417 76 
 632,296 16 
 660.784 90 
 560,296 83 
 401,920 61 
 379,424 19 
 431,233 10 
 
 $167,537 26 
 1,954,029 60 
 5,846.835 81 
 5,840.698 23 
 5,817,26818 
 5,884.888 90 
 5,940;474 00 
 6,175,154 67 
 6,708,910 67 
 7,004,646 93 
 7,083,498 85 
 7,305,134 04 
 7,229,221 56 
 
 
 
 
 
 L869" 
 
 
 
 t872 
 
 
 
 
 
 1877 
 
 7 013 707 81 
 
 
 6,781,455 66 
 
 
 6,721,236 67 
 7,591.770 43 
 8,493.652 65 
 
 IggQ 
 
 
 
 
 
 $49,062,536 26 
 
 $62,644,345 231 
 
 $7,148,136 41 
 
 $108.8.55,021 90 
 
 
 Tlic ainonnt of tax paid upon circulation aloniie 18 $49,002,436. The whole cost to the govern- 
 ment of the national system, since its establlsment in 1863, has been $5,148,649.01- 
 
 Taxes Paid by other tban National Banks. 
 
 The banks, other than national, i)ay taxes to the United States on account of 
 their circulation, deposits, and capital, at the same rates as are paid by the na- 
 tional banks. 
 
 The table below exliibits the taxes which have been paid by these banks for 
 the years from 1864 to 1881, inclusive. The amounts given under the head of tax 
 on circulation have, for a number of years, been principally derived from the tax 
 of ten per cent, upon State bank circulation paid out. The whole amount of tax 
 paid by these banks is $61,540,474.63 : 
 
 Year. 
 
 On cir-nliiiiiiii. 
 
 On de|i()-its. 
 
 On ciipila 
 
 Total. 
 
 
 $2,066,996 30 
 
 1,998.661 84 
 
 990,278 11 
 
 214,296 76 
 
 28,669 88 
 
 16,565 05 
 
 16,419 94 
 
 22,781 92 
 
 8,919 82 
 
 24,778 62 
 
 16.738 26 
 
 22,746 27 
 
 17,947 67 
 
 5,430 16- 
 
 1.118 72 
 
 13,903 29 
 
 28,773 37 
 
 4,295 08 
 
 $780,723 52 
 2,043,841 08 
 2,099,635 83 
 1,366,»95 98 
 1,438,612 7- 
 1.734,417 63 
 2,177,576 46 
 2,902,196 .4 
 3,953,251 71 
 3,009,302 79 
 2,438,544 2t. 
 2,772,260 27 
 2,999,530 75 
 2,896,637 93 
 2,598.687 29 
 2.854,911 74 
 2,610,775 43 
 2.946,906 64 
 
 
 $2,837,719 82 
 
 1866 
 
 $908,367 98 
 374,074 11 
 476,867 73 
 399,662 90 
 446,071 49 
 827,887 21 
 9J9,262 77 
 976,057 61 
 786,950 08 
 916,878 17 
 
 1,102,241 68 
 989.219 61 
 927,661 24 
 897,226 84 
 830,068 66 
 811,486 48 
 811,006 86 
 
 4,940,870 90 
 
 1866 * 
 
 8,463,988 05 
 
 1867. 
 
 2,016,562 46 
 
 1868 
 
 1,866,745 65 
 
 1869 
 
 2,196,054 17 
 
 1870 
 
 3,020,083 61 
 
 1871 
 
 3,644,241 58 
 
 1872 
 
 1873. 
 
 4,628,229 44 
 3,771,031 46 
 
 1874. 
 
 3,387,160 67 
 
 1875 — 
 
 4,097,248 t2 
 
 1876. .'. 
 
 4,006,698 03 
 
 1«T7 
 
 1878 
 
 3,829,729 3S 
 3,492,031 85 
 
 1879 
 
 3,198,883 59 
 
 1880. 
 
 3,860,985 28 
 
 1881 
 
 8,762,208 07 
 
 
 $5,483,323 05 
 
 $42,718,108 92 
 
 $13,344,039 66 
 
 $61,640,471 63 
 
 
 
314 
 
 NATIONAL BANKS. 
 
 Tlie following condensed table shows the taxes, both National and State, paid 
 by tlie national banks during each year from 1866 to 1880, inclnsive, and their 
 
 
 Cnpital stock. 
 
 Amount of taxes. 
 
 Eatio of lax to 
 Capital. 
 
 Yeurs. 
 
 United 
 States. 
 
 State. 
 
 Total. 
 
 United 
 States. 
 
 State. 
 
 a 
 
 1866 
 
 $410,593,435 
 422,804,666 
 420,143,891 
 419,619.860 
 429.414,041 
 451.994,133 
 472,956,968 
 488,778,418 
 493.751,679 
 603,687.911 
 501,788,079 
 .«85,250,664 
 471,064,23.S 
 466,968,.504 
 457,266,545 
 
 $7,949,451 
 9,526 607 
 9,466;652 
 10.081,244 
 10,190,682 
 10.649.895 
 6,703,910 
 7,004,640 
 7,256.083 
 7,317.531 
 7,076,087 
 6,902,573 
 6,7-J7,232 
 7,016,131 
 8,118,103 
 
 98,069,938 
 8,813,127 
 8,7.57,650 
 7,297,09f 
 7,465,775 
 7,860,078 
 8,343,77: 
 8,499,743 
 9.620,321- 
 
 10,0.58,12? 
 9,701,732 
 8.829,304 
 8,056,533 
 7,603,232 
 8,876,822 
 
 ¥16,019,389 
 18,338,734 
 18,223,308 
 17,378,340 
 17,656,357 
 18,.500.973 
 15.047,682 
 16,504,394 
 16.876,409 
 17,375,653 
 16,777,819 
 15,731,877 
 14,783.765 
 14,618,363 
 15,994,925 
 
 rerct.:Peict. 
 1.9, 2.0 
 2,2 2.1 
 2.2 2.1 
 2.4 1.7 
 2.4: 1.7 
 2.41 1.7 
 1.4; 1.8 
 
 1.4 1.8 
 1.6l 6.0 
 
 1.5 2.0 
 2 4' 2.0 
 i.2 1.9 
 1.4 1.7 
 1.6, 1.7 
 1.8 1.8 
 
 Perct. 
 3.9 
 
 1807 - 
 
 43 
 
 
 4.3 
 
 1869 ... 
 
 4.1 
 
 
 4.1 
 
 
 4.1 
 
 1872 
 
 3.2 
 
 1873 
 
 S.2 
 
 
 3.6 
 
 
 3.6 
 
 1876 
 
 1877 
 
 3.4 
 3.3 
 3.1 
 
 1879 . 
 
 3.2 
 
 1880 
 
 3.5 
 
 
 
 These statistics show that during tlie tifteen years covered by the table the 
 average amount annuall.y paid by the national banks to the States and to the 
 United States was $16,589,199, or more than 3iper cent, upon their capital stock ; 
 during the last year given, the total amount paid was $15,994,925, or more than 4 
 per cent, upon the amount of the average circulation of the banks tlien in oper- 
 ation. 
 
 Banks as Holders of Ooverninent Bonds. 
 
 The amount of United States bonds held by the national banks on October], 
 1881, including those pledged as security for circulation and public deposits, was 
 $436,120,950, and the average amount held by the other banks and bankers of the 
 country, during the six months ending May 31 last, was $353,201,340. The total 
 amount held by all the banks and bankers during the last two years is consider- 
 ably more than one-third of the whole interest-bearing funded debt bj^ the United 
 States, as folU>ws : 
 
 1880. 
 
 1881. 
 
 National banks 
 
 Saviuff banks 
 
 State banks and trust companies 
 Private bankers 
 
 Total 
 
 ¥403,369.350 
 
 189,187.846 
 
 24,498,604 
 
 14,366-684 
 
 8426,120,950* 
 
 214,880,178 
 
 31,650,668 
 
 16,670,494 
 
 5631,422,464 
 
 8679,822,290 
 
 *0f this amount, S 
 
 S,500 were held as security for circulation, and 856,512,450 for other purposes. 
 
 Aggregate Capital and Deposits of National and other Banks, at Dates Nearest 
 to May 31, in each of the last six years. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Savings 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 State banks, private 
 
 Sa^ 
 
 ines 
 
 >anks 
 
 banks 
 
 
 
 National banks. 
 
 banks, etc. 
 
 with capital. 
 
 without 
 
 Total. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 capital. 
 
 
 Years 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■a 
 
 
 5 
 
 m 
 
 
 « 
 
 'm 
 
 
 
 0] 
 
 "m 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 P, 
 
 
 
 p. 
 
 a 
 
 P. 
 
 
 
 
 
 & 
 
 6 
 
 a 
 
 5? 
 
 X 
 
 s 
 
 o 
 S5 
 
 5 
 
 
 •^ R 
 
 c 
 
 O 
 
 
 1876... 
 
 2,991 
 
 500.4 
 
 713.5 
 
 3,803 
 
 214.0 
 
 480.0 
 
 26 
 
 5.0 
 
 37.2 
 
 691 
 
 844.6 
 
 6,611 
 
 719.4 
 
 2,076. S 
 
 1877... 
 
 2.078 
 
 481.0 
 
 76S.2 
 
 3,799 
 
 218.6 
 
 470.5 
 
 26 
 
 4.9 
 
 88.2 
 
 676 
 
 843.2 
 
 6,579 
 
 704.5 
 
 2,120.1 
 
 1878... 
 
 2,056 
 
 470.4 
 
 677.2 
 
 3,709 
 
 202.2 
 
 413.! 
 
 •2?. 
 
 3.2 
 
 26.2 
 
 668 
 
 803.3 
 
 6,456 
 
 675.8 
 
 1,920.0 
 
 1879... 
 
 2,048 
 
 465.3 
 
 713.4 
 
 3,639 
 
 197.0 
 
 397.( 
 
 'X. 
 
 4.2 
 
 39.1 
 
 644 
 
 T47.1 
 
 6,360 
 6,682 
 
 656.5 
 
 1,893.5 
 2,219.9 
 
 1880... 
 
 2,076 
 
 455.9 
 
 900.8 
 
 3.798 
 
 190.1 
 
 501.5 
 
 2s: 
 
 4.0 
 
 34.6 
 
 629 783.0 
 
 650.0 
 
 1881... 
 
 2,116 
 
 460.2 
 
 1,139,9 
 
 4,016 
 
 206.5 
 
 627.5 
 
 36 
 
 4,2 
 
 37.0 
 
 629| 862.3 
 
 ( 
 
 6,796 
 
 670.9 
 
 2,667.S 
 
KKDUCTION OF TAXES. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 215 
 
 Reduction of Internal Revenue Taxation and of 
 Customs Duties. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 Bill ill the House of Rep re 
 scntatives. 
 
 Repeal of Ktanip Tax on Bank Checks. 
 Drafts, Orders, and Vouchers— Of the 
 Tax on the Capital and Deposits of 
 Banks— On Matches, Medicinal Prep- 
 arations, and I/iccnse of certain Ped- 
 dlers— Itcdnction of Tax on Cig^ars, 
 Cigarettes, etc. 
 
 On Jnne 37, 1882, the followiug bill 
 for tlie reduction of certain internal 
 revenue taxes, a matter in which the 
 people were deeply interested, was 
 passed by the Republican House of Rep- 
 resentatives. 
 
 Be it enacted, etc., Tbat on and after tlie passnse 
 of this act, except as hBiehiiiftur provided, the 
 taxes herein specified Impo^iect by the internal 
 revenue laws nnw in Ibrce be, and tlie s^ame are 
 hereby, repealed, namely : The stamp tax on 
 bank checl^s, drafts, orders, and vouchers: the 
 tax on the capital and deposits of ban Its and 
 bankers under section 3408 of the Revised Siatutes 
 of the United S.ates, as amended; the tax on the 
 capital and deposits of national brinks nnd t .sec- 
 tion 5214 of said Revised Statutes, no' inclndinjj 
 the taxes on the capital and depositS(jf said banks, 
 bankers, and national banks for the six months' 
 period ending in the case of national bank> on 
 the 30th day of June, 1882, and in the c.se of other 
 banks arid bankers on the Slst day cif .May, 1882; 
 the tax on maiclies, perfumery, nie iciniil pre- 
 pa'rtVtlons, and other articles imposed by Schedule 
 A following section 3437 of said Revised Scatuti s. 
 
 Sec. 2. That from and after the Ist day of May, 
 eighteen hundred and eighty-three, dealers in leaf 
 tobacco shall pay $12; dealers in manufactured 
 tobacco shall pay ^2.40; all manuf icturers of to- 
 bacco shall pay $6; manufacturers of cigai*S shall 
 pay $6. Peddlers of tobacco, snuff, and Ciaars shall 
 pay special taxes as follows: Peddlers of the fir^it- 
 cla8..i, as' now defined bylaw, s'»all pay $30; ped- 
 dlers of the second class shall pay $15; peddlers 
 of the third class shall pay $7.20; and peddlers of 
 the fourth class shall pay $3.60. Retail dealers in 
 leaf tubaccii shall pay 8250, and 30 centa for each 
 dollar on the amount of their monthly sales in 
 excess of the rate of five hundred dollars. 
 
 Sec. 3. That on cigars which shall be manu- 
 factured and sold, or removed for consumption or 
 use, there shall be assessed and collected the fol- 
 lowing taxes, to be paid by the manufacturer 
 thereof: On clears of all descri; tions, made of 
 tobacco or auy substitute therefor, J4 per thou- 
 saud; on cigarettes weighing not more than three 
 pounds per thousand, 75 cents per thousand; on 
 cigarettes weighing more than three pounds per 
 thousand, H per thousand; Provided, That on 
 all , original unbroken packages of checks, 
 matches, cigars, sheroots, and cigarettes held by 
 manufacturers or dealers on the passage of this 
 act, upon which the tax has been paid, there shall 
 be allowed a rebate 'or drawback of the full 
 umounc of the reduction. It shall -be -the duty of 
 
 the HomniHsiotier of Internal Revenue, with the 
 apiiroval of the Se relary of the Treasury, to 
 ad.ip such , nles and ngnhrioiis and tn prescribe 
 and furnish such blanks and forms as maybe nec- 
 essary to carry this act into effect. 
 
 The Honse passes tlie Bill- yeas 127, 
 nays 80. 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. W. Aid rich, Barr, Bayne, Bel' 
 ford. Bingham, Bisbee, Btanchard, Bliss, Bowman' 
 J. iH. Brewer, Brisga, Browne, Buck, J. C. Burrowsi 
 Buttervvorth, Calkins, Campbell, Candler, Cannon, 
 Carpenter, Caswe'.l, Cliace, Coviiiatm, (Jrapo, Cul- 
 len, DarruU, G. R. Davis, Deering, De Nfotte, Ketw- 
 ter, Dezendorf, J)owd, Ellis, Errott, S. S. Farwell, 
 Fisher, Flower, Frnst, Geddes, George, Gibsm, God- 
 shttlk, Guenilier, J. Hammond, Harmer, B. W. 
 Harri.i, H. S. Harris, Heilman, A. S. Hewit, J. Hill, 
 Hi.-c ick, IlobliiseU, Horr, Hubbell, Hubbs, Hum- 
 iihrey. Jacobs, Judwi i, P. Jones, Jovce, Kasson, 
 Kelley, Ketcham, Lewis, Ijord, Mack'ey, McClure, 
 McCook, McLane, Miles, S. H. Miller, Moore, Morey, 
 Horse, Nea . Norcross, O'N.ill, Or.h, Parker, Peelle, 
 Peirce. Pettlbone, PAis(er, Pnund, Prescott, Ran- 
 ney, Ray, Reed, Rich, D. P. Richardson, G. D. 
 Robinson, J. S. Robinson, Moss, W. A. Rus-sell, 
 Scoville, Scranton, Shackelford, Shallenberger, 
 Shultz, A. H. Smith, D. c. Smith, J. H. Smith, 
 Spaulding, .Sjjeer, Sp loner, E. F.Stone. Strait, W. 
 G. Tiicimpson, IWman, A. Townsend, Tyier, J. T. 
 Updegraff, Urner, Valentine, Van Aeriiam, Van 
 Horn, Van Vnorhis, Wad-worth, Wait, Walker, 
 Washburn, Webber, West, Willis, Williis, Wilson, 
 T.L. Youni;— 127. 
 
 N AYS^MtiSfiT:^. Anderson, Armfield, Atkins, Betmont, 
 Berry, Bland, Blount, Bkttmm, Buclmnan, Buckner. 
 Cabell, Caldwell, Carlisle, F. C. Clements, Cobb, Cole- 
 rick, Conk, s. A'. Cox, W. R. Cox, Cravens. Culberson, 
 Cutts, Davidson, L. H. Davis, Dibrell, Dingley, Du- 
 grn, bunnetl, Forney, Fulkersun, Gun'er, N. J. 
 Hammond, I. S. Hazeltine, Hatch, G. C. Hazelton, 
 Hepburn. Herbert, G. W. Hwdi, Hoge, Holman 
 Hooker, Hume, G. W. Jones, J. K. Jones, Jorgensen. 
 Kenna, Kino, Knott, Latham, Manning, Matson, Mc- 
 Kenzie, McMillin. Mills, M'rrrison, Monlton, Mol- 
 drew, Payson, Plielfjs, Reagan, J. B. Rice, T. M. 
 Rice, Ritchie, Rosecrans, Scales, Sh'lley, Sfparks, 
 Springer, Siockslaper, P. Jl. Ihompson, jr„ H. W. 
 Tovmshend, Tucker, 0. Turner, Upson, Vance, R. 
 Warner. Welborii, J. U. White, Witthome. T. Wil- 
 liamsSO. 
 
 PART II. 
 The Bill in the Senate. 
 
 Repeal of Stamp Tax on Bank Checks, 
 Drafts, Orders, and Vouchers- Of 
 Taxes on Bank Capital and Deposits- 
 Reduction of Taxes on certain ped- 
 dlers' licenses— On Matches, Patent 
 Medicines, Ac,- On Cigars and Cigar- 
 ettes, Ac— Of the Customs Duties on 
 Molasses, Sugar-cane Juice, and Su- 
 gars, «fcc.— On Steel Railway Bars and 
 Railway Bars made in part of Steely 
 
.•216 
 
 REDUCTION OF TAXES. 
 
 a&c— On Hoop, Baud, and Scroll Iron, 
 •S:c. 
 
 On July 6, 1882, this bill was reported by 
 Mr. Morrill, from the Seuate Committee 
 •on Irinance. It was considered, in the 
 committee of the whole, recommitted, 
 -^nd on the 12th was again reported to 
 the Senate with important modifica- 
 -tions of its provisions as follows : 
 
 Be it enacted, etc.. That the taxe> herein specified 
 impused by the lavvs now iu force be, and the 
 
 ■ same are hereby, repealed a.s hereiualler pruvi- 
 ■ded, namely : The taxes on capital and deposits of 
 banks and bankers, except such taxes as are now 
 due and payable; and on and alier the fiist day of 
 October, eiguteen hundred and eigtity-two, the 
 stamp-tax ou bank-cheeky, draits, orderji, and 
 vouchers, and the tax on mmciics, purluuiery, 
 medicinal preparations, andoiherartiClesimuL^ed 
 
 -^y Schedule A loUowing section thiriy-four hun- 
 dred and tliirty-seven of the Kevised Statute^: 
 
 -PrO-vided, That no drawback shall be allowed upon 
 a&ticles embraced in said schedule that shall be 
 exported on and after the first day of October 
 
 ■^eighteen hundred and eighiy-two: Provided fur- 
 ther. That on and after August fifteenth, eighteen 
 
 -hundred and eighty-two, matches may be re- 
 
 . moved by manufacturers thereof from the place 
 ot manufacture to warehouses within the United 
 States without attaching thereto the stamps re- 
 
 • quired hy law, under such regulations as may be 
 prescribed by the Commissioner of Internal Kev- 
 «nue. 
 
 Sec. 2. That from and after the first day of May, 
 eighteen hundred and eighty- three, dealers in 
 leaf-tobaeco shall annually pay twelve dollars; 
 dealeiB in manufactured tobacco shall pay two 
 dollars and forty cents; h11 m.anufauturers of to- 
 bacco shall j)ay six dollars; manuiaciurers of ci- 
 gars shall pay six dollars; peudlers uf tobacco, 
 SQU^ and cigars shall pay special taxes, as fol- 
 lows: Peddlers of the first class, as now defined by 
 law, shall pay thirty dollars ; peddlers uf the sec- 
 ond class shall pay fifteen dollar* ; peddlers of the 
 third, class «hall pay seven dollars and twenty 
 cents; -and peddlers of Che fourth class shall pay 
 three dollars and sixty cents. Retail dealers in 
 leaf-tobaoco shall pay two hundred and fifty dol- 
 lars, and thirty cents for each dollar on the 
 amount of their muuihly sales in excess of the 
 rate of five hundred dollars per annum. 
 
 Sec 3. That on cigars which shall be manu- 
 factured and sold, or removed fur consumption or 
 sale on and after the first day of October, eighteen 
 hundred and eighty-two, there shall be assessed 
 and collected the following taxes, to be paid by 
 the manuiacturer thereoi : On cigars of all de- 
 scription^i, made ol tubacco or any substitute 
 therefor, lour dollars per thousand; on cigarettes 
 weighing not more than three pounds per thou- 
 sanu, seventy-five cents per thousand; on cigar- 
 ettes weighing more ihan three pounds per thou- 
 sand, four dollais per tuun^and. 
 
 Sec. 4. That on and after the first May of October, 
 eighteen huudred and eighty- two, so much ol 
 section three of an act approved March third, 
 (eighteen hundred and seventy-five, entitled "An 
 iact'tu further prottct the sinking lund and pro- 
 ■vide fur the exigencies of the government," as 
 imposes an auditiunaldnty oi tweny-five per cen- 
 tum on all molasses, tank-bottoms, sirup uf sugir- 
 'caue .juice, melada, and on sugars, according to 
 4he I>utch standaru in culor, imported from fureigii 
 countries, is hereby repealed ; and the duties un 
 such articles shail be anJ remain the same as 
 before the pa^sa^e of said act. And the Secretary 
 ■of the TreahUry is hereby authorized and directed 
 
 • to cau^e proper Dutch standards of sugar to be fur- 
 nished fur use Iti the collection ol duties on sugar, 
 and to declare by regmatiun the true saccharine 
 strength which shall be equivalent to each number 
 
 ■-of such Ktandard. And iu any case where the 
 strength uf the imported sugar Is, in proportion to 
 its color, above the pruper strength fur that color 
 
 t-^y the Dutch standaru, dut ea shall be chared ac- 
 
 cording to the strength, and not according to the 
 culor. 
 
 SEC. 5. That section twenty-five hundred arid 
 four, title thirty-three, of the Revised Statutes of 
 tlie United States, be amended by adding to 
 Schedule E of ^aid litle the fullowina;: . 
 
 " That on and after the fir.st day of October, 
 eighteen hundred and eiiihty-two, the duty on 
 steel railway bars, and railway bars made in part 
 oi steel, shall be twenty dollars per ton ; and 
 that on all manufactures, article;*, vessels, jind 
 wares made from hoop, band, or scroll iron, or 
 of which hoop, band, or scroll iron shall be the 
 component material of chief value, there shall 
 be levied, collected, and paid the same duty, or 
 rate of duty, as that imposed on the hoop, t^and, 
 or scroll iron from which they are made, or 
 which Khali be the component uiaierial of chief 
 value.'' 
 
 Sec. 6. That the reduction of duties provided for 
 by this act shall also apply to all goods, waies, 
 and merchandise on deposit in warehouses or 
 public stores on the fiist day of October, eightc;eii 
 hundred and eiglity-two. 
 
 When the bill reached the Senate, it 
 was amended in Committee so as to en- 
 large its provisions, adding to the re- 
 peal and reductions of internal revenue 
 taxfs important modifications and re- 
 ductions of our customs duties — all for 
 the relief of business and of the great 
 body of the people. But the Democ- 
 racy assailed it in every way. In the 
 Senate, they attempted to overload it 
 with amendments which, if adopted, 
 would in effect have swept away all 
 customs duties, have practically abol- 
 ished our present tariff, and the largest 
 gortion of our internal revenue taxes. 
 J these and prolonged debate in the& 
 discussion the Democracy succeeded in 
 defeating this important measure for 
 the relief of the people. 
 
 PART in. 
 Tlie Carlisle BiU of 1881. 
 
 Repeal of all Taxes on Bank Cliecks, 
 l>raft$, and Orders— On Bank Depos- 
 its — On Matches, Patent Medicines, 
 Cosmetics, Cologrnes, Ac— Prayed for 
 by HKany thousands of Memorialists 
 in all occupations of life. 
 
 The following is the bill introduced 
 in the House at the previous session by 
 Mr. Carlisle, of Kentucky, from the 
 Democratic Committee of Ways and 
 Means : 
 
 Be it enacted by the Senate a-nd House qf Reprcsenta • 
 tivesoftfie United States of America in Congress as- 
 sembled. That all laws and parts of lawn imposing 
 taxes ou bank checks, drafts, and orders, deposits 
 in banks, or with persons, associations, comr»anie8. 
 or corporations engaged in the busi;.essof ^dtik- . 
 ing, and all laws imposing taxes o;i iriction 
 matches and on modictnesor preparatinns. per- 
 fumery, cosmetics, and other articles mentioned 
 in Schedule A, seciion thirty-four hundre-t and 
 thirty -seven of the-Revised-Statutes of the United 
 States, except wax tapers, cigar-liRhts. and play- 
 ing cards, be, and the samearo hereby, repealed: 
 Provided, Tiiat all cordials, bitters, and other like 
 preparations containing distilled spirits, and 
 which are capable of being used as a beverage. 
 
PUBLIC LANDS. 
 
 317 
 
 and which shall onntain more than twenty per 
 centum of proof-spirits, by whatsoever name 
 they may be called, ^hall continue to be s ibject 
 to the btamp-tax prescribed in said Schedule A, 
 section thirty-four hundred and tliirly-seven of 
 the ReTlsed Statutes of ihe United Slates: And 
 moulded further. That tliis repeal siiall not take ef- 
 fect, except as to bank deponits, until the expira- 
 tion of tljree months after the pa-sase of this act. 
 
 Mr. Carlisle'8 Rpport from the House 
 Democratic Committee of Ways and 
 Means In support of Bill. 
 
 This bill was accompanied by a re- 
 port (H. K. 307, 46th Cong., Sd Sess.) 
 made by Mr. Carlisle in support of the 
 repeal of these taxes. He urges : 
 
 The repeal of these taxes and some others also 
 was recommended by the Secretary of the Treas- 
 ury and by the Commissioner nf Internal Revenue 
 In their last annual reports, and has been urged 
 upon Congress during the pnsent session by many 
 thousand memorialists residing in all parts of the 
 country and engaged in all the various occupa- 
 tions of lite. 
 
 The taxes which it is propo-^ed to repeal, and 
 the amounts realized from Ihem In 1880, are as lol- 
 lows: 
 
 Bank checks, drafts, and orders ¥2,270,421 00 
 
 Bank deposits, other than national 
 
 undsavings banks.". 2,347,568 07 
 
 Friction matches 3,561.300 00 
 
 Medicines, perfumery, cosmetics, &c. 1,836,673 22 
 
 National ban k deposits 4,058,710 61 
 
 Savings banks deposit.-^ 163,207 36 
 
 Total 14,237,800 26 
 
 In conclusion Mr. Carlisle urges: 
 
 It mny be stated generally, however, that if the 
 reducti.m of taxation Ht the present time is to be 
 confined entirely to the articles embraced in the 
 internal-revenue laws, there would seem to 
 be more propriety in selecting at first those small 
 Items which alTect the business and consumption 
 ptagreat number of penile than there would be 
 ill attempting merely to reduce the rate upon dis- 
 tilled spirits, fermented I'qnors, manufactured to- 
 bacco, snufif, and cigars, frc m which the great bulk 
 ol the Internal reveime is derived. 
 
 No one who understands the real necessities of 
 the Kovernmeni would be willing to advocate the 
 immediate repeal of the entire internal revenue 
 system, nor wcmid it be wise In the judgment of 
 your committee to disturb busi ness aud derange 
 existing values by agitating at this time the qiies- 
 tioii of either reducing or iiicreiising taxes upon 
 the principal articles just meniionerl. These and 
 other Considerations have induced the committee 
 to asjree upon the bill herewith reported. The re- 
 peal of the taxes upon bank checks, drafts, and or- 
 ders, hank deposits,friction matches,mediclnes,and 
 medirinal preparations, perfumery, and cosmetics 
 will nut disturb any of the business interests of the 
 country. It will not be a mere experiment upon 
 the revenues t.f the government, because the ex - 
 tent to which it will affect the receipts can be cal- 
 culated in advance with almost absolute certainty; 
 nor can it be said with justice that the relief af- 
 forded by the proposed repeal will not be equitably 
 distributed according to the character and mag- 
 nitude of the interests involved. 
 
 Yet, when a repeal of these taxes was 
 seriously proposed, with important 
 modifications of our customs duties, ex- 
 tending real relief to business and a 
 large body of our people, the Democ- 
 racy united in defeating them. 
 
 OHAPTEE XYII. 
 
 The Public LandP. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 Policy of Oranting Public 
 liands for Internal Im- 
 provement Purpo»es. 
 
 Tbat Policy beg;un in 185»-Aggrregate 
 of Iiand appropriated between 1830 
 and 1861— Agrgri'eKate between 1861 and 
 1870, the date of liast Orant— largest 
 Appropriations prior to 1861— Both 
 parties pledged to Bnild PadilcRoads 
 — Bnilt by the Republicans— Sources 
 of Vast Wealth and Power to the STa- 
 tion— The targest Aggregate of tlrants 
 made prior to 1861 by the Democracy. 
 
 It was not until 1850 that the policy of 
 appropriating alternate portions of the 
 public lands for internal improvement 
 purposes was adopted by Congress. 
 
 There were thus granted of the public 
 lands from 1850 to 1861 : 
 
 Acres. 
 To States for railroads pur- 
 poses 39,971,236 
 
 To States for canals - - - 3,705,986 
 
 Total for railroads and 
 canals 38,677,213 
 
 From 1861 to 1870, the date of the last 
 grant: 
 
 To States for railroads 38,933,553 
 
 To States for canals 700,000 
 
 To States for wagon roads.. - 3,235,413 
 
 Total for railroads, canals, 
 and wagon roads 33,857,966 
 
 The building of the great continental 
 lines of railroads, the Papific roads, was 
 advocated by both parties prior to 1861. 
 It was urged by Presidents Pierce and 
 
218 
 
 FINANCIAL EKCOUD. 
 
 Buchanan in their official comiuuniea- 1 
 tioiis with Congress. Their construe- 1 
 tiou was everywhere urged as a dis- 
 tinctive Democratic measure, and was 
 advocated by both parties in their plat- j 
 forms of 1856 and 1860. Under Pierce's 
 and Bachanan's administrations the ex- 
 pensive surveys for those roads were 
 made, the reports of which Congress 
 printed in thirteen large quarto vol- 
 umes, and when the Republican party 
 assumed the reins of government in 
 1861, it was, like the Democracy, 
 pledged to their construction. They 
 therefore built them. In doing so they 
 have conferred upon the nation vast 
 and permanent sources of wealth and 
 power. 
 
 In the construction of these continen- 
 tal lines of road, that is, the Atlantic 
 and Pacific, the Central and Union, and 
 the Northern Pacific lines, Congress 
 granted an area of laud estimated at 
 135,000,000 acres. There. have also been 
 granted at different times about 60,000,- 
 
 000 acres of swamp lands to the States 
 on condition that the proceeds thereof 
 should be devoted to their reclamation. 
 Thus we have as the aggregate grants 
 by Congress to corporations and States 
 for internal improvements : 
 
 Acres. 
 
 Grants to States for rail- 
 roads 58,903,779 
 
 Grants to States for wagon 
 roads 3,312,453 
 
 Grants to States for canals.. 4,405,986 
 
 Grants to States for swamp 
 lands , 60,000,000 
 
 Grants to Continental rail 
 roads 185,000,000 
 
 Total for improvement and 
 reclamation 261,545,173 
 
 iSAnd it will be noticed that, outside of 
 the grants to the Continental lines, the 
 largest aggregate of grants was made 
 prior to 1861 by the Democracy. 
 
 CHAPTEE XVIII. 
 
 Financial Record of the Republican Party. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 Republican Party in I860 
 fbuiKl a Banltrupt Treas- 
 ury ivitli Bonds bearing 
 12 per cent, interest — 
 Democratic Mal-Adniin- 
 istration had brought Fi- 
 nancial Ruin upon the 
 Country — And ended in 
 attempting to destroy tine 
 Oovernnient. 
 
 The financial record of Democratic 
 mal-administratiou of this government 
 practically closed in 1860. The Treas- 
 ury was bankrupt, and to raise money 
 to pay the ordinary expenses of the 
 government the Democratic adminis- 
 tration was compelled to issue Treasury 
 notes to the amount of $10,010,900, at a 
 rate of interest as high as 13 per cent. — 
 a rate almost unprecedented — a rate 
 which has never since been equalled, 
 even in the darkest hour of the civil 
 war. Capitalists even demanded 16 to 
 36 per cent. 
 
 Under a subsequent act — that of Feb- 
 ruary, 1861, — an attempt was made to 
 effect a loan of twenty-five millions, at 
 six per cent., but it was abandoned after 
 a portion of it had been sold at a little 
 over eightv-nine cents on the dollar. So 
 low, indeed, had the credit of the govern- 
 ment fallen that the Secretary of the 
 Treasury in January 1861, appealed to 
 Congress, to ask the States to pledge the 
 deposits received by them under the dis- 
 tribution act of 1836, as security for any 
 money the government might find it 
 necessary to borrow. 
 
 The Republleaiis iSnccessfiil— But And 
 Flnaiicinl Rifiii aii<1 a ]>isiiieiiiberefl 
 Union. 
 
 On the 4th of March, 1861, the Repub- 
 lican party came into possession of this 
 bankrupt Treasury, and found seven 
 States in rebellion, a confederate gov- 
 ernment organized find in possession of 
 forts, arsenals, navy yards, soldiers, 
 mints and custom houses. It found the 
 army dismembered and inef&cient, its 
 navy scattered to the four corners of the 
 earth, and its arms in the hands of the 
 enemy. 
 
 But it did not falter. On the ruin it 
 found, it organized, armed, equipped 
 and supplied a mighty army, and built 
 
FINANCIAL KECOKD. 
 
 219 
 
 and manned tlie greatest navy the world 
 had ever seen. It kept these iniffhty 
 forces in the tield for four years, at an 
 expense of more than six thousand mil- 
 lions of dollars. 
 
 I^egal-TenUer Notes IssiiedJ— Wisdom 
 and Forbearance amidst Temptation. 
 Tbe ; Issue lilmited and ttae Public 
 Credit saved. 
 
 The lirst great measure of financial 
 relief was enacted in 1863 for the issue 
 of legal tender notes. Then followed 
 the acts of February and July, 1863 and 
 March, 1863, providing for tlie issue of 
 $450,000,000 of greenbacks. Of course 
 rapid depreciation followed, and the 
 greater the depreciation the greater the 
 necessity for more. 
 
 Up to this time the government had 
 followed a beaten path. To continue in 
 that patli would be easy, and the temp- 
 tation to follow it was fearful. The 
 money was needed, and nothing was so 
 easy as to set the printing presses to 
 work again and make it. But the Re- 
 publican party, with a courage never 
 equaled, and a sagacity never before 
 seen and in the midst of distress, neces- 
 sity and a temptation almost overwhelm- 
 ing, it enacted into a law this solemn 
 declaration : — 
 
 Nor shall the total amount of United 
 States notes issued or to be issued ever 
 exceed $400,000,000, and such additional 
 sum, not exceeding $50,000,000, as may 
 be temporarily required for the redemp- 
 tion of the temporaiy loan. 
 
 The Citadel of Public Credit — Demo- 
 cratic Assaults upon it. 
 
 This declaration was then, and' has 
 since been, the citadel of the financial 
 integrity of the Republic, against whicli 
 the foes of the Republic have dashed in 
 vain. 
 
 T)ie Democracy denounced the issue 
 of these notes when they were neces- 
 sary to save the life of the nation ; but 
 in times of peace, when an unlimited 
 issue of such notes would destroy the 
 national credit, they demanded an un- 
 limited issue. They denounced the sus- 
 pension of specie payments wheu specie 
 payments were impossible; but when 
 resumption became possible they strug- 
 gled to prevent it. 
 
 Provision for Payment of the Public 
 Debt in the midst of War. 
 
 Even in the midst of war, surrounded 
 and beset by traitors in tlie field and in 
 the halls of Congress, the Republican 
 party found time to consider and take 
 measures for the payment of the public 
 debt which was so rapidly growing, and 
 as early as February 33, 1863, tliey enac- 
 ted what is now section 3694 of the Re- 
 vised Statutes: 
 
 Gold Interest Pledged. 
 
 Sec. 3694. Tlie coin paid for duties on 
 imported goods shall be set apart as a 
 special fund and shall be applied as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 First. To the payment in coin of the 
 interest on the bonds and notes of the 
 United States. 
 
 Second. To the purchase or payment 
 of 1 per cent, of the entire debt of the 
 United States, to be m;i(lH within each 
 fiscal year, which is to be set apart as a 
 sinking f nnd, and the interest of which 
 shall in like manner bo applied to the 
 purchase or payment of the public debt, 
 as the Secretary of tlie Treasury shall 
 from time to time direct. 
 
 Third. The residue to be paid into the 
 Treasury. 
 
 This was a promise to pay interest on 
 our bonds in coin, and to provide for the 
 gradual payment of the principal. 
 
 Democratic Assaults on 
 Public Credit. 
 
 the 
 
 This law has also been reviled and 
 execrated by the Democracy, and legis- 
 lative attempts to destroy its validity 
 have been frequent, simply because a 
 disregard of itsprovisions wouldamount 
 to repudiation. 
 
 Its re]3eal during the war would have 
 destroyed our credit and given success 
 to the traitors in arms against us; hence 
 the Democracy demanded its repeal 
 during the war. Its repeal since the 
 war would have dishonored us in tlie 
 eyes of the whole world. Hence the 
 l)emooracy demanded its repeal since 
 the war. 
 
 The War Ended— leaving an enormous 
 Indebtedness— The ]>ark Days of Debt 
 and Doubt. 
 
 Thanks to the valor of our soldiers, 
 tlie patriotism of our people and the sa- 
 gacity of our statesmen, the war was 
 brought to a successful termination. 
 Our public debt at that time was as fol- 
 lows. 
 
 Four percents 8618,127 98 
 
 Five perceuts 268,176,727, 65 
 Six percents 1,281,736,439, 33 
 Seven and tlircc- 
 tentlis per- 
 cent 830,000,000 00 
 
 $2,381,530,294 96 
 
 Debt not bearing interest 463,119,331 60 
 
 Total 2,844,649,626, 66 
 
 Less casii in the Treasiuy 88,218,065, IS 
 
 Net debt 
 
 Annual interest oliarge.. 
 
 2,766,431,671 43 
 260,877,697 87 
 
 This was the highest point of indebt- 
 edness reached, and it was promptly 
 determined to begin its reduction at 
 once, and thus inspire our people with 
 courage, and our creditors with confi- 
 dence. 
 
330 
 
 FIXANCIAL KECOHD. 
 
 Measures ol Itellef— Kestoriitiou ol 
 Credit and Confldence. 
 
 To that end the surplus revenues were 
 applied to the reduction of the debt, 
 and up to June 30, 1883, the aggregate re- 
 duction of interest bearing debt, was 
 $937,719,894, and in annual interest of 
 $96,199,893. About $56,000,000 of this 
 saving of interest has been in conse- 
 quence of the reduction of the princi- 
 pal of the debt, and about $40,000,000 
 has been in consequence of the improved 
 credit of the government. The aver- 
 age interest on the debt at the close of 
 the war was 6.6 per cent. ; the average 
 interest to-day is 3.8 per cent. The 
 debt per capita at the close of the war 
 was $78.25; the debt per capita to-day 
 is about $30. The annual interest per 
 capita was $4.39 at the close of the war; 
 to-day it is about $1. 
 
 The result has been that year by year 
 the people have giown stronger and 
 more hopeful, and the holders of our 
 securities more confident. The legal- 
 tender notes gradually appreciated from 
 38 cents on the dollar in 1864 to 66 cents 
 in 1866, 71 cents in 1867, 73 cents in 1869, 
 and 85 cents in 1870. 
 
 3Iore l>einocratic Assaults on the Pub- 
 lic Credit. 
 
 But the enemy was all this time at 
 work to undermine the public credit. 
 In the early days of the war the Demo- 
 cratic party began to appeal to ignor- 
 ance and prejudice and arouse hostility 
 to United States securities because they 
 were not taxed ; and again and again 
 did they attempt to impose a tax upon 
 them. The Constitution, as expounded 
 by Chief Justice Marshall in 1819, "left 
 no power to the States, by taxation, or 
 otherwise, to retard, impede, burden, or 
 in any manner control the operations of 
 the constitutional laws enacted by Con- 
 gress to carry into effect the powers 
 vested in the national Government," 
 and there had been since an unbroken 
 line of decisions to the same end. But 
 to save tlie public credit harmless 
 against tliese attacks tlie Republican 
 Congress was obliged to reaffirm in 
 statutes this constitutional exemption. 
 It did so twice in 1863, again in 1868, 
 twice in 1864, twice in 1865, again in 
 1870. And section 8701 of tlie Revised 
 Statutes— "all stocks, bonds. Treasury 
 notes, and otlier obligations of the 
 United States shall be exempt from tax- 
 ation by or under State or municipal or 
 local authority"— is a monument to the 
 folly of the opposition and to the deter- 
 mined purpose of tlie Republican party 
 to strengthen the credit of their country. 
 
 From 1867 onward there was a vigor- 
 ous warfare waged against the coin 
 character of the bonds, principal and 
 interest. Again a Republican Congress 
 came to the rescue of our imperiled 
 
 credit, and in March, 1869, to strengtlien 
 and establish it, enacted into law these 
 provisions, now contained in section 
 3693 of the Revised Statutes : 
 
 Tlio faith of the United States is solemnly 
 pledged to tlie payment in coin orits equivalent 
 of aU the obligations of the United States not 
 bearing interest, known as United States notes, 
 and of all the interest-bearing obligations of the 
 United States, except in cases where the law 
 authorizing the issue of an> such obligations 
 has expressly provided that the same may be 
 paid in lawful money or other currency than 
 gold or silver. * * * The faith of the 
 United States is also solemnly pledged to make 
 provision at the earliest practicable period for 
 the redemption of the United States notes in 
 coin. 
 
 Instantly upon the passage of this law 
 the Democracy, in and out of Congress, 
 aided by greenbackers, nationalists, 
 communists, etc., etc., assailed it, and 
 the assault has since been constant ; but 
 the law still stands as a monument to 
 Republican fidelity to principle. 
 
 Then followed the re-funding acts of 
 July, 1870, and January, 1871, by which 
 the 5 per cent, bonds were refunded at 
 ii and .4 per cent interest. 
 
 Tlie Resumption Act. 
 
 From this time to 1875 the legal tender 
 notes were fluctuating between-83 and 
 93, and a Republican Congress deter- 
 mined that good faith required their 
 payment, and on January 14, 1875, they 
 passed "an act to provide for the re- 
 sumption of specie payments." 
 
 SBC. 3 * * * And on and after the 
 1st day of January, A. D. 1879, the Secretary of 
 the Treasury shall redeem. In coin, the United 
 States legal-tender notes then outstanding on 
 their presentation for redemption at the office 
 of the assistant treasurer of the United States 
 In the city of New York, In sums of not less than 
 $10. 
 
 Ueniocratic determination to defeat 
 the Dept-payers — Resumption Ridi- 
 culed anfl Ruin Predicted. 
 
 From that day to the day set for re- 
 sumption every possible combination 
 was formed by the enemies of the gov- 
 ernment—the foes of public credit— 
 against that law. The Democracy 
 rushed into the embraces of the green- 
 backers, and gathered the communists 
 into their arms. All sorts of dire ca- 
 lamities were predicted as a result of 
 resumption, the total ruin of the govern- 
 ment and the people being among the 
 smallest. Scores of bills were intro- 
 duced to repeal the act, and every cam- 
 paign. State and National, was fought 
 upon the issue. 
 
 Resumption Aeeomplished. 
 
 But the Republican party stood by its 
 guns, and on January 1, 187^, the re- 
 sixmption provided for by law became 
 resumption in fact, and not a ripple dis- 
 turbed the calm serenity of the fihdn- 
 
FINANCIAL RECORD. 
 
 321 
 
 cial waters. Greenbacks «eio as good 
 as gold, and our bonds comuianded a 
 premium in all the money mavkets of 
 the world. 
 
 UnbouiKlcd Prosperliy nnd iiii limited 
 Public Credit foIIow'Resnmption. 
 
 The "widespread ruin" predicted by 
 the Democracy did not come. The 
 "sharks of Wall Street" did not make 
 their predicted raid on the gold iu the 
 Treasury. 
 
 On the contrary, with resumption was 
 opened a season of prosperity such 
 as this country never before witnessed ; 
 and there are millions of dollars more 
 of gold in the Treasury now than there 
 were on the day of resumption. 
 
 That our credit abroad is greater than 
 that of any other nation on earth is 
 evinced by the fact that our four per 
 
 cents, command a heavy premium, 
 whereas a bond bearing a lower rate of 
 interest than four per cent, has never 
 been sold at par in any country. 
 
 An Vnparalled Acliievement. 
 
 In a word when the Republican party 
 took possession of the government it 
 found a bankrupt Treasury, whose 
 bonds bore 12 per cent, interest, and 
 sold at a discount ; it carried the country 
 through a long and bloody war at a cost 
 of more than six thousand millions of 
 dollars!; and it has since restored the 
 public credit so that its bonds, bearing 
 4 per cent interest, command a heavy 
 premium, its 3 per cents, sell at par, and 
 its legal tender notes are receivable at 
 par with gold in every great comraer-. 
 cial centre of the world. 
 
832 FINANCIAL UECOKIJ. 
 
 PART 11. 
 
 Analysis of the Principal of the Public Debt of tbe IJnitea States from July 
 
 1, ISSti, to July 1, 1883. 
 
 Gents otniited. 
 
 Prepared at the Treasury Department, Warrant Division, Washington, D. C. July 1, 1882. 
 
 Year. 
 
 1866-Julyl. 
 1857. 
 
 1858 
 
 1859 
 
 1860 
 
 1861 
 
 1862 
 
 1863 
 
 1864 
 
 1S65 
 
 1865— AUL'uslSl. 
 
 1866— Jmvl 
 
 1867 
 
 1868 
 
 1869 
 
 1870 
 
 1871 
 
 1872 
 
 1873 
 
 1874 
 
 1875 
 
 1876 
 
 1877 
 
 1878 
 
 1879 
 
 1880 
 
 1881 
 
 1882 
 
 3 per ctF. 
 A. 
 
 4 per cts 
 
 lil64.000,l;0 I 
 66,125,01)0 
 59,5-J0,00O 
 45,88o,00( 
 24,665,01 
 14,000,000 
 14.000,000 
 14,000.000 
 14,000,000 
 1 4,000,000 
 14,000,000 
 14,000,000 
 14,000,000 
 14.000,000 
 14,O0O,0iKI 
 
 4.57,92,6116 
 
 105,629,385 
 
 77,547,696 
 
 90,496,980 
 
 618,127 
 
 121341,871! 
 
 17,737,02.) 
 
 ^01.361 
 
 4><2PerOts. 
 
 5 per cts 
 
 6 per CIS. ^ ^jj» -- 
 
 Total in- 
 terest bear- 
 ing debt. 
 
 678,000 
 678,01 
 678.000 
 678.001 ■ 
 678,00 
 
 98,830,000 
 574).522,OCO 
 739.347,800 
 739,347,.SOO 
 739,319,3-)0 
 
 tU'l.OOO.OOO 
 24' 1,000,' 
 250,000 0011 
 2o",000,000 
 250,0' 0,00 ' 
 250,100,000 
 
 ^,632, 
 
 3,489. 
 
 23,538, 
 
 37 127, 
 
 43.476, 
 
 33.022, 
 
 30,483. 
 
 30,483, 
 
 300,213, 
 
 215,709, 
 
 269,17.5, 
 
 01,982, 
 
 198,533, 
 
 221,586, 
 
 221, 5»<, 
 
 221,588, 
 
 274.236, 
 
 414,567, 
 
 414.567, 
 
 510,628, 
 
 607.132, 
 
 711,685, 
 
 703,266, 
 
 703,266, 
 
 5' '8,410, 
 
 484,864, 
 
 439,841, 
 
 1,000 
 ,000 
 ,800 
 ,8' 10 
 ,3011 
 20": 
 ,000, 
 
 ,00111 
 ,48o; 
 
 ,4-,i0 
 ,7'27 
 ,065 
 ,435 
 ,185 
 ,300 
 ,3(.0 
 ,450 
 ,300 
 ,300 
 ,050 
 ,750 
 ,800 
 ,(nO 
 ,6311 
 .3.50 
 ,9(0 
 ,3.50 
 
 S28,13n,76i 
 
 24.971. 9. ^ 
 
 2i, 162,838! 
 
 21,162,938i 
 
 21,164,538 
 
 57,358,673, 
 
 154,;n3,225 
 
 431,444,8I3i 
 
 842,882,632 
 
 1.213,495.169 
 
 1,281,736,439 
 
 1,19,5, -.46,041 
 
 1,513,452,080 
 
 1,878,303,984 
 
 1,874,347,222: 
 
 1,765,317,422 
 
 1.613,897,301' 
 
 l,374,S8:J,8lKll 
 
 1,281, ■2:i8,6.50 
 
 I, '213,624,700; 
 
 1,100,865,350 
 
 984,999,6511 
 
 854,621.850 
 
 738,619,0(0 
 
 §283,681,350 
 
 235,780,10',, 
 
 196,375,600 
 
 $122,582,485 
 139,974,4a. 
 139,286,93 
 671,610.397 
 8:M,000,0(Xi 
 813,460,621 
 488,344,840, 
 37,397, 19f 
 
 $31,762,761 
 28,460,958 
 
 44,700,838 
 58,290,738 
 64,640,835 
 90,380,873 
 365,304,826 
 707,531,634 
 1,&5'J.930,763 
 2,22l,.31l,918 
 -',381, .500,294 
 -',332,331 ,207 
 -',248,067,387 
 '2,202,08S,7'27 
 2,16'2,060,522 
 2 046,4.56,722 
 1,9.34.696,730 
 1,814,794,100 
 1,710,483-950 
 '1.738-930,750 
 1,722.676,.'500 
 1.710,685,460 
 1,711,888,500 
 1,794,735,650 
 1.797,643,700 
 1.723,993,100 
 1, 639,667, 7,50 
 l,463.810,llHl 
 
 A. Tlie amount of 3i per cents, in 1882 was 8460,461,0.50. 
 
 PUHLIC DEBT ANALYSIS— Continue'l. 
 
 Annual 
 interest 
 charge, t 
 
 Debt on 
 which in- 
 terest ha,' 
 
 ceased. 
 
 ing no 
 interest. 
 
 Oulttand- 
 
 ing princi' 
 
 pal. 
 
 Cash in 
 the Treas- 
 ury Jtilv 
 1. 
 
 Total debt 
 less cash 
 
 Treasury. 
 
 Popula- 
 tion of 
 United 
 States, t 
 
 Debt 
 per 
 
 cap-' 
 ita 
 
 .J =3 
 
 1856— Jnly l.-- 
 
 1857 
 
 18-58 
 
 1869 
 
 1860 
 
 1868 
 
 1862 
 
 1863 
 
 1864 
 
 1463 
 
 1865 Aoglisl 31 
 
 1866 July 1.... 
 
 1867 
 
 1868 
 
 1869 
 
 1870 
 
 1871 
 
 1872 
 
 1873 
 
 1874 
 
 1875 
 
 1876 
 
 1877 
 
 1878 
 
 1879 
 
 1880 
 
 1881 
 
 1882 
 
 81,869,443 
 
 1,672,767 
 
 2,446,670 
 
 3,126.166 
 
 3,443,687 
 
 5,092.630 
 
 22,048,509 
 
 41,854,148 
 
 78,853,48' 
 
 137,742,617 
 
 150,977,697 
 
 146,068,196 
 
 138,892,451 
 
 128,459,598 
 
 125,523,938 
 
 118,784,960 
 
 111,949,330 
 
 103,988,463 
 
 98,049,801 
 
 98,796,004 
 
 90,«55,690 
 
 95,104,269 
 
 93.160.643 
 
 94,654,472 
 
 §83,773,778 
 
 79,633,981 
 
 75,018.69.' 
 
 1157,360,110 
 
 $209,776 
 
 238,872 
 
 211,042 
 
 •206,1 99 
 
 201 449 
 
 199,999 
 
 280, "■ 
 
 473.048 
 
 416,335 
 
 1,215,771 
 
 1,503,0'20 
 
 935,092 
 
 1,840,616 
 
 1,197,340 
 
 5.260,181 
 
 3.708,641 
 
 1.918,9112 
 
 7,926,797 
 
 51,9'29,710 
 
 3,216,590 
 
 1 1,4'25,820 
 
 3,902,4'20 
 
 16,648,860 
 
 5,594,560 
 
 37,015,6311 
 
 7,621,455 
 
 9,723,865 
 
 16,260,803 
 
 $158,591,390 
 411,767,456 
 455,437,271 
 458,090,180 
 461,616,311 
 4'29,969,871 
 428,218,101 
 408,101,78 
 421,131,510 
 430,508,064 
 416,565,680 
 430,530,431 
 472,069.332 
 609,.543,12.s 
 498,182,411 
 463,807,19l- 
 476,764,031 
 455,875,682 
 410,835,741 
 388,8' 0,815 
 4'22,721,9,>4 
 438,241,78> 
 
 5:51,972,33' 
 
 28,699,831 
 
 44,911,881 
 
 68,496,837 
 
 6-1,8,2,287 
 
 90,380,873 
 
 .524,176,41 
 
 1,119,772,138 
 
 1,815,784.370 
 
 2.680,647,869 
 
 2,844,649,6'26 
 
 2,773,230,173 
 
 2'678,126,103 
 
 2,611,687,851 
 
 2,588,452,213 
 
 ,480,672.427 
 
 2,353,211,332 
 
 - 253,251,328 
 
 2,234,482,993 
 
 2,261,690,468 
 
 2,232,284,531 
 
 2,180,395,067 
 
 ■-^205,301,392 
 
 2,256,'205.892 
 
 2.246,493,07 
 
 2,120,415,370 
 
 2,069,013,569 
 
 1,918,312,994 
 
 821,006, 
 18,701 
 
 7,ou: 
 
 5,091, 
 
 4,877, 
 
 2,862, 
 
 18,863 
 
 8,421, 
 
 106,332, 
 
 5,832, 
 
 88,218, 
 
 137,-200; 
 
 169,974, 
 
 130,834 
 
 155,680, 
 
 149,302, 
 
 106,217. 
 
 103.470, 
 
 1'29,020, 
 
 147,541 
 
 14'2,243;: 
 
 119,169, 
 
 186,025, 
 
 256,823, 
 
 249,080, 
 
 201,088, 
 
 249,363, 
 
 243,289,, 
 
 $10,965,953 
 
 9,998,621 
 
 37,900,191 
 
 53,405,'2.34 
 
 59,964,402 
 
 87,718,660 
 
 505,31V, 732 
 
 ,.„- 1,111,350,737 
 
 ,09311,709,432,277 
 
 ,012 2,674,815,856 
 
 ,756,431,571 
 
 2,636,036,1631 
 
 2,508,151 ,'211 
 
 ■2,480 853,113 
 
 2,43'2,771,873 
 
 2,331,169,956 
 
 ,- '-','246,99-1, 068 
 
 ,79S'2,1 19,780,330 
 
 ,932'2,105,462,060 
 
 31-1 l'-MI)4, 149,153 
 
 361 12,090,041,170 
 
 , f26!.',000,925,340 
 
 ,960i2,019,275,431 
 
 ,612!l,l'99,38'2,-280 
 
 167:1,996,414,905 
 
 62211,919,3-26,747 
 
 ,41511,819,6511,1,54 
 
 ,519:l,675,0-23,47-! 
 
 28,083,000 
 
 28,916,001' 
 
 29,753,000 
 
 30,596,000 
 
 31,443,321 
 
 32,064,000 
 
 32,704,000 
 
 33,.365,000 
 
 34,046,000 
 
 34,74i«,00< 
 
 35,'228,000 
 
 35,469,000 
 
 36,-211 ,000-. 
 
 36,973,000167 
 
 37,756.000164 
 
 3S,.558,37ll60 
 
 39,553,0(0 56 
 
 40,593.000 52 
 
 41,676,000 50 
 
 SO 
 
 42,76-'i,000 
 43,949,000 
 4.S136,000 
 46,331,000 
 47.59.5,000 
 48,863,00(1 
 50,153,000 
 61,462,000 
 52,799,000 
 
 50 07 
 06 
 07 
 10 
 11 
 16 
 67 
 
 1 23 
 
 2 32 
 
 3 97 
 
 4 29 
 
 4 12 
 
 5 84 
 3 48 
 3 32 
 3 08 
 2 83 
 2 66 
 2 35 
 2 31 
 2 20 
 2 11 
 2 01 
 1 99 
 1 71 
 1 59 
 1 46 
 1 99 
 
FINANCIAL KKCORD. 
 
 333 
 
 (Notce to preceding Table.) 
 
 * Five and six per cent, bonds Issued under act of July 17 and Augmt 5, 1861; March 3, 1863, July 14, 
 1870, and January 20, 1871, continued at tliree an i a halt per cent. 
 
 T The annual Interest-charge is computed upon the amount of outstanding principal at the close of the 
 fiscal year, and is exclusive ofinterest-eharge on Pacific Railwiiy bonds. 
 
 J The statement of ponniation fir 1860, 1870, and 1880 is by enumeration, and for other ymirs from 
 estimates prepared by Professnr E. B. Elliot, Government Actuary. 
 
 § The figures for July 1, 1879, were made up, assnini n^ pending fundinj; operations to be completed. 
 
 ** The Temporary Loan, per act of Jul' 11. 1802. is included in the 4 per cents, from 1862 to 186«, in- 
 clusive, witli the exception of the amount outstanding for August 81. 186-5, this being the date at which 
 the public debt reached its hit;hest point. Tills loan bore interest from 4 per cent, to 6 per cent , and was 
 redeemable on ten-davs' notice after 30 days ; bnt being constantly changing, it has been considered more 
 equitable to Include the whole amount outstanding as bearing 4 per cent, interest on an average for the 
 year. 
 
 IIThe monthly interest charge ha* therefore been reduced from 812,581,474, in 1866, to 84,780,009 in 1882. 
 
 PART III. 
 
 Analysis of Foregoing Ta^ 
 ble. 
 
 Character of the Debt bearing Interest 
 —The Fandlngr of the 5 and B per cent. 
 Bonds by Secretary Wlndoin— An An- 
 nual Savlni; to the Nation of $10,473,- 
 952.35 1 
 
 The debt bearing 3 per cent, interest 
 is that known as the Navy Pension 
 Fund, the interest on whicli is payable 
 in lawful monej^, and its use confined to 
 the payment ot naval pensions exclu- 
 sively. . „ ^ 
 
 When the administration or General 
 Grarfleld came into power there were 
 out8tandin^$469,830,650 in United States 
 bonds bearing 5 per cent, interest, and 
 $303,366,550, bearing interest at 6 per 
 cent. These bonds were redeemable at 
 the pleasure of the Government after 
 June 30, 1881, and Congress having: ad- 
 journed without providing for their re- 
 tirement, Secretary Windom imme- 
 diately upon his accession to office, took 
 steps to reduce the annual rate of inter- 
 est with such success that within the 
 next few months the holders of the 
 greater portion of the bonds mentioned 
 above, requested their continuance dur- 
 ing the pleasure of the Government at 
 3i per cent, interest per annum. 
 
 The amount of 6 per cent, bonds con- 
 tinued under tiiis arrangement was 
 $178,055,150, and of 5 per cent, bonds 
 $401,504,900, thus effecting an annual 
 saving of interest amounting to $10,473,- 
 953.35 by this single operation, while at 
 the same time the surplusrevenues ot the 
 Government have been devoted to the 
 redemption of the remaining 5 and 6 
 per cent, bonds outstanding. 
 
 It will be seen that tliere artj no bonds 
 outstanding at the present time, on 
 which the Government is paying a 
 higher rate of interest than 4i per cent. 
 
 Uednction of Debt and Saving of In- 
 terest—Debt Rednced since 1865 $943,- 
 986,544.96— Annual Interest charge 
 Reduced $94,534,809.37-Grand Total 
 
 of Savings to Government by the Re- 
 publicans $1,673,798,471.34. 
 
 The total interest bearing debt on the 
 3l8t of August, 1865 — that is, at the close 
 of the rebellion and the date on whicli 
 the national debt reached its highest 
 point— was $2,381,530,394.96 ; the annual 
 interest charge upon which was $150,- 
 977,697.87. Immediately, upon the close 
 of the war, the work of reducing the 
 debt, both principal and interest, was 
 begun by the Republicans, and the re - 
 funding operations, which began in 1871, 
 have reduced the annual interest charge 
 year by year, so that the total amount 
 of interest saved during the seventeen 
 years amounts to $729,871,936.38. 
 
 Prom August 31, 1865, to August 31, 
 1883, the interest-bearing principal of 
 the debt has been reduced $948,936,- 
 544.96, and the annual interest charge 
 has been reduced during the same pe- 
 riod $94,534,809.37, with every prospect 
 at this present writing of a still furtlier 
 reduction of at least $1,500,000 per an- 
 num, by the refunding operations now 
 in progress under the recent law author- 
 izing the issue of 3 per cents. 
 
 The reduction of the interest-bearing 
 debt, amounting to $943,936,544.96, added 
 to the amount of interest saved by sucJi 
 reduction and by the refunding oper- 
 ations, make a grand total of $1,673,- 
 798,471.34 saved by the Republicans in 
 control of the Government in the seven- 
 teen years since 1865. 
 
 Resumption. 
 
 Principalof Debt reduced since Janu- 
 ary 1, 1879, $.^73,309,100, and Annual, 
 Interest Charge 837,809,316— Avail- 
 able cash In Treasury August 31, 1883 
 $343,960,518.46 — Reduction of Debt 
 iinder President Arthur $136,701,450. 
 
 The resumption act of January 14, 
 1875, went into operation January 1, 
 1879. 
 
 The interest-bearing debt of the 
 United States at that time amounted to 
 $1,833,813,850, at an annual interest 
 charge ot $94,353,104.50, and available 
 
'324 
 
 FINANCIAL RECOUD. 
 
 cash in the treasury amounting to $373,- 
 896,037.75. 
 
 From January 1, 1879, to August 31, 
 1883, the interest-bearing principal of 
 the debt Las been reduced $872,209,- 
 100— the annual interest charge reduced 
 ^37,809,316.00 ; and the availal)le cash in 
 the. treasury at the latter date was $243,- 
 960,518.46. 
 
 The reduction in the interest-bearing 
 principal from March 1, 1881, to August 
 31, 1882, was $337,331,250, with a reduc- 
 tion of tlie annual interest charge dur- 
 ing tlie same period of $20,403,049.00. 
 
 Under President Hayes the interest- 
 bearing principal of the debt was re- 
 duced $38,836,450. To this should be 
 added $95,500,000— being coin received 
 for an equivalent in bonds sold for re- 
 sumption purposes, and the reduction 
 amounts to $134,336,450. 
 
 Under President Garfield, during the 
 administration of the finances by Secre- 
 tary Windom, from March 31, to No- 
 vember 30, 1881, the reduction of tlie in- 
 terest-bearing principal was $99,013,050. 
 
 Under President Arthur, during the 9 
 months from November 80, 1881, to Au- 
 
 fust 31, 1883, Secretary Folger has re- 
 uced the interest-bearing princinal 
 $126,701,450. 
 
 Di^planatioii of Annual Interest Cbarge 
 Column of above Table. 
 
 The figures opposite the several years 
 in the column headed "Annual Interest 
 Charge" embrace only the actual inter- 
 est accruing on the outstanding princi- 
 pal bearing interest during tlie year. 
 Take the year 1870 for illustration. As 
 shown in the table, the total interest- 
 
 bearing debt on the 1st of July, 1870, 
 was $2,046,455,733.39; the interest upon 
 which, accruing during the following 
 fiscal year, was as follows: 
 
 $69,550,000, at 3 per cent. Int 81,786,600 00 
 
 221,688,300, at 5 per cent, int 11,079,415 00 
 
 1,765,317,422, at 6 per cent. Int 105,919,045 34 
 
 2,046,455,722 118,784,960 84 
 
 As stated in the column of "Annual 
 Interest Charge" as the current interest 
 of the year. 
 
 Tlic Debt Per Capita— In 1860 tlie In- 
 terest Per Capita only 11 cents — In 
 186.5, as the Result of Democratic Re- 
 bellion, the Interest Per Capita $4k.S9 
 —In 188S, as the Resnlt of Republican 
 Honesty and Tlirift tlie Interest Per 
 Capita only Sl.09. 
 
 In 1860 the total interest-bearing debt 
 of the nation was less than $65,000,000, 
 and the annual tax on each individual 
 for the payment of that interest was 
 only 11 cents. Here, the Democracy 
 precipitated the rebellion. As a conse- 
 quence the debt of the nation increased 
 rapidly until in August, 1865, at the 
 close of hostilities, it amounted to $3,- 
 381,530,294,96, and the annual cost to 
 each individual for the payment of in- 
 terest on this enormous burden was 
 $4.39 ! But the Republicans in author- 
 ity, in Congress and the executive 
 branch of the Grovernment, by the re- 
 daction of the interest-bearing debt and 
 interest, as explained above, have also 
 reduced the cost per capita to meet the 
 interest on public debt, since 1865, from 
 $4.39 to $1.09 ! 
 
 The Bonds are Held by the People. 
 
 The following statement shows the amountof registe^-ed bonds outstanding attlie time of payment 
 of the last qmirterly dividend of interest, by whom the bonds were held, the amount of interest paid 
 quarterly, and the number of interest checks diawn for the payment of such interest each quarter. 
 From this it will be seen that out of $1,144,810,350 registered bonds outstanding at the date named, les£ 
 than ^80,000,000 are held by foreign investers. '!'he coupon bond of the 4 J^ per cent, and 4 per cent. 
 loans are believed to be yet more widely distributed. 
 
 Bv whom held. 
 
 Funded loan 
 of Vj pi-r 
 cent. 1891. 
 
 Funded 
 
 loan of 4 
 
 per cent. 
 
 1907. 
 
 Funded 
 loan of o\^ 
 per cent. ~ 
 1881 contin- 
 ued. 
 
 Totals. 
 
 ForeiRn holders 
 
 National banks 
 
 Domestic holders 
 
 Total 
 
 Amount of interest paid quarterly. 
 Number of checks drawn quarterly 
 
 A. 
 4,821,0-50 
 82,286,900 
 18.'),S23,900 
 
 B. 
 
 8,029,400 
 104,402,800 
 446,048,300 
 
 0. 
 17,046,250 
 211,021.200 
 173,486,450 
 
 29,896,700 
 848.709,900 
 765,793,750 
 
 183,4a),sri0 
 
 559,37,^,600 
 
 401, .-103,900 
 
 1 ,144,310,350 
 
 S2,n6S,597 06 
 
 5,593,756 
 
 $3,518,159 12 Jll.170,512 IS 
 
 11,961 
 
 51,448 
 
 11,607 
 
 75,ull 
 
FINANCIAL RECORD. 
 
 PART IV. 
 August [Statement of the Public Debt. 
 
 335 
 
 Statement of the Public Debt of the United States for August 31, 1883. 
 
 INTEREST-BEARING DEBT. 
 
 Title of Loan. 
 
 Xoan ofl863, ('Si's).... 
 funded Loan of 1881 . . 
 Juiided Loan of] 891.. 
 ' jfunded Loan of 1907. . 
 tiefunding Certificates. 
 JJavy- Pension Fund .. . 
 
 Rate. 
 
 > per ct.. cont'd at 3^ per cl, 
 
 'iperct....do do 
 
 tu per ct 
 
 1 per ct 
 
 I per ct 
 
 iptjr ct 
 
 Aggregate of Interest-bearing Debl. 
 
 Wtieu Re- 
 deemable. 
 
 rune 30. 1881. 
 May 1, 1881. 
 -ept. 1, 1891. 
 fuiy 1,1907. 
 
 Tr)tal amount 
 outstanding. 
 
 ?32,755,400 00 
 401,496,900 00 
 230,000.000 OO 
 738.909.350 0(J 
 442.100 00 
 14,000,000 00 
 
 1.437,603,750 00 
 
 Interest 
 due and 
 Unpaid. 
 
 821.014 63 
 
 562,19.5 3.1 
 
 209,418 40 
 
 1,077,776 63 
 
 55,675 00 
 
 1,926,080 ('7 
 
 Accrued 
 Interest. 
 
 SI 9 1.073 17 
 1.171,032 62 
 2,812.600 00 
 4.irj6.062 33 
 2,947 33 
 70,000 00 
 
 9,173.615 45 
 
 RECAPITULATION. 
 
 Interest-bearing debt— Bonds at 6 per cent. 
 
 cont'd at SJ^per ct. 
 Bonds at 5 per cent. 
 
 cont'd at s]4 per ct. 
 Bonds at 4^ per cent. 
 Bonds at 4 per cent. . 
 RefundingCertificales 
 Navy-Pension Fund. 
 
 Debt on which interest has ceased since ma- 
 turity 
 
 Debt bearing no in t,— Old Demand and Legal 
 tender Notes 
 
 Certificates of Deposit. . 
 
 Gold and Silver Certifi- 
 cates 
 
 Fractional Currency.. . 
 
 Unclaimed Pacific 
 Railroad In terest 
 
 Total Debt 
 
 Total Cash in the Treasury.- . 
 
 Debt, less Cash in the Treasury, Sept. 1 , 1882 . 
 Debt, less Cash in the Treasury, Aug. 1, 1S82. 
 
 Decrease of Debt during the mouth 
 
 Decrease of Debt since June 30, 1882 
 
 $32,755,460 00 
 
 401,496.900 00 
 
 250,000,000 00 
 
 738,909,350 00 
 
 442,100 00 
 
 14,000,000 00 
 
 346,740,611 0() 
 12,000,000 00 
 
 74,432,250 00 
 V,032.060 T" 
 
 Principal. 
 
 81,437.603,750 00 
 
 12.472,725 26 
 
 1,890,281,403 03 
 
 Interest. 
 
 811,099,695 52 
 
 500.2S1 91 
 
 11,605,287 39 
 
 Totals. 
 
 tl, 901,886,690 42 
 242.960,518 46 
 
 1.658,926,171 96 
 1.675,0H,433 20 
 
 16,128,261 21 
 
 $29,988,288 76 
 
 Interest accrued bnt unpaid at close 
 of eacto .Fiscal Tear. 
 
 The following table shows the inter- 
 est due and accrued but unpaid at the 
 close of each fiscal year since 1870 : 
 
 Julyl, IS-rO $50,607,536 
 
 July 1 1871 45,036,766 
 
 July 1 1873 41,705,813 
 
 July 1 1873 43,356,652 
 
 July 1 1874... 38,939,087 
 
 July 1 1875 38,647,556 
 
 July 1, 1876 38,514,004 
 
 July 1, 1877 40,883,791 
 
 July 1,1778 36,404,551 
 
 July 1,1879.. 30,793,351 
 
 July 1,1880 33,845,547 
 
 July 1, 1881 20,948,657 
 
 July 1,1883 13,890,986 
 
 Showing a decrease, since 1870, of the 
 accrued and unpaid interest at the close 
 of the fiscal year of $36,715,570. 
 
320 
 
 FINANCIAL HKCORt). 
 
 PART V-The Currenoyi 
 
 Stotement l»howin!f the Amouii-t of STotes ami Fractirtiial Silver Coin Oatstanding 
 at the Close of Eaoli Fiscal Year from I860 to 1882 inclusive. 
 
 Prepared at the Treasury Department, Warrant Divisior, August 31, 1882. 
 
 Year. 
 
 )8C0 
 1861 
 1862 
 1863 
 1864 
 1865 
 1866 
 1S67 
 1868, 
 1869 
 WIO. 
 1871, 
 1872. 
 1873. 
 18'; 4, 
 1875, 
 1876, 
 1877, 
 1878, 
 187a. 
 18t0. 
 1881. 
 1882. 
 
 Elate- Bank 
 Circulation. 
 
 (a.) 
 
 $207,102,177 01 
 
 202,an,'i,767 00 
 
 183, 92,079 00 
 
 238,677,218 01, 
 
 179,157,717 00 
 
 142,919,638 00 
 
 19,996,163 00 
 
 4,484,112 00 
 
 3,163,771 00 
 
 2,558,874 00 
 
 2,222,793 00 
 
 1,968,058 On 
 
 1,700,936 00 
 
 1,294,470 00 
 
 l,0,)9,0il 00 
 
 786,844 00 
 
 658.938 00 
 
 621,61110 
 
 426,604 00 
 
 362,452 0(1 
 
 299,790 Oil 
 
 242,967 1 
 
 236,173 00 
 
 National 
 
 Bank Circn- 
 
 lation. 
 
 Demand 
 
 Notes. 
 
 131,235,270 Oj 
 146,137,860 00 
 281,479,908 00 
 298,625,379 00 
 299,762,866 0(J 
 299,929,624 00 
 299,766,984 00 
 318,261,24) 00 
 337,664,795 00 
 347,267,061 00 
 351,981,032 00 
 354,408,008 OtI 
 332,998,836 00 
 317,048,872 00 
 324,514,284 Oi 
 329,691,097 01 
 314,5116,427 0, 
 355,012,076 00 
 358,712,034 01' 
 
 Legal-tender 
 Notes. 
 
 S53,04(l lO l;9 
 3,:«1,019 7.'., 
 780,999 25' 
 472,603 00 
 272 162 00 
 208,432 00 
 141,723 01 
 123,739 25 
 106,256 00 
 96,505 60 
 
 88.296 25 
 79,967 50 
 76,732 60 
 70,107 50 
 66,917 50 
 6,-i.962 50 
 
 62.297 50 
 61,470 00 
 60,976 00 
 6u,635 00 
 59,695 00 
 
 S96,62ii,flO0 
 297,767,114 00 
 431,17,8,670 8-1 
 432.687,966 00 
 400,619,206 00 
 371,783,597 0(1] 
 356.0011,000 00 
 356,00'l,000 OO 
 356,000,00000 
 356,030,fi00 00 
 357,.500.000 00 
 356,000,000 00 
 382.0 10.000 00 
 375.771,580 00 
 369,772,281 00 
 359,764,332 00 
 316 681,016(0 
 346,6^1,016 00 
 546,681,016 00 
 346,681,016 CO 
 346,681,016 00 
 
 One and Two 
 Year Notes Compound- 
 of 1863, Interest 
 
 Notes- 
 (b.) 
 
 S89,879, 
 
 153 471,, 
 
 42,338, 
 
 3,454. 
 
 1,123. 
 
 555, 
 
 347, 
 
 248, 
 
 198, 
 
 167, 
 
 142, 
 
 127, 
 
 US, 
 
 104, 
 
 95, 
 
 90, 
 
 86, 
 
 82, 
 
 79 
 
 74, 
 
 ,475 00 
 ,450 00 
 ,710 00 
 230 00 
 6.30 00 
 462 00 
 772 00 
 ,272 OC 
 ,572 00 
 ,522 00 
 ,105 00 
 ,625 00 
 ,375 00 
 705 00 
 725 00 
 ,485(0 
 185 00 
 ,485 00 
 985 00 
 ,965 00 
 
 ■W.5,000,0l,0 00. 
 
 93,7.36,08)00 
 
 169,012,140 00' 
 
 122,391,180 00 
 
 28,161,810 CO* 
 
 2,871,410 00 
 
 2,152,910 00 
 
 768,500 («• 
 
 593,520 00 
 
 479,400 00' 
 
 41.5,210 00 
 
 367,390 00' 
 
 328,760 00 
 
 296,630 01 
 
 274,920 O* 
 
 269,010 00. 
 
 242,590 03 
 
 2S0,2f.0 00 
 
 2lO,960 0(h 
 
 TABLK CONTINUKD. 
 
 Year. 
 
 Silver Cer- 
 tificated. 
 
 Fractional 
 
 Currency, 
 
 Paper." 
 
 Fractional 
 
 Currency, 
 
 Silver.* 
 
 (c.) 
 
 Total amount 
 
 in 
 
 Curr, ncy. 
 
 Value of 
 Currency 
 in Gold. 
 
 18C0. 
 1861. 
 J 862. 
 1863 
 
 1864.... 
 
 1865.... 
 1866.... 
 1867.... 
 1808.... 
 
 I sen.... 
 
 1870.... 
 1871 . . . . 
 1872.... 
 1873.... 
 1874.... 
 1875.... 
 1870.... 
 1877.... 
 187,'i.... 
 1879.... 
 
 1880 
 
 1881.... 
 1882.... 
 
 Sl,46'2,600 00 
 2,40G,9,L.0 00 
 12,374,'270 00 
 61 lCi6,530 00 
 66,096,710 OJ 
 
 22,M14 ,n77 
 2.'',ill),'i,,SJ8 
 27,070,870 
 28,307,823 
 32,626,961 
 3'2,1H,637 
 39,878,681 
 40,582,871 
 40.So.''\8;-i6 
 44,799,365 
 45,881,295 
 42,129,424 
 34,446,595 
 211,403,137 
 16,547,768 
 15,842,606 
 ♦7,214,954 
 •7,105,9.53 
 •7,017,'247 
 
 S10,926,9:-IS 00 
 33,185,273 00 
 39,155.633 Oil 
 39,360,529 00 
 24,061,449 00 
 19,974,897 11 
 10,130,639 36 
 
 ?207,102,477 
 202,005,767 
 3a-l,45'..!,U79 
 049 S,;7,282 
 N-:3,718 981 
 98.;, 318,685 
 891,9114,085 
 826,927, 153 
 7211,412,602 
 693,'.l4(;,(l56 
 7110,375,899 
 717,,S7.5,751 
 738,5711,9(13 
 750.062,368 
 781,190,916 
 773.646,728 
 719,303,473 
 731, 379,-542 
 729,215,508 
 734,801,994 
 736,522,956 
 780,581,808 
 798,288,440 
 
 SO 8i;.(; 
 
 7fi.(i 
 38.7 
 70.41 
 66.0 1 
 71.7 
 70.1 
 73..-.I 
 8.5 6 
 89.1 f' 
 87.5, 
 86.1' 
 OLO*, 
 87.2: 
 89.5: 
 94 
 
 99.41 
 
 1 OO.ol 
 1 OO.ol 
 1 OO.ol 
 1 00.0 
 
 S288,769,.!00 41 
 497,798,338 59- 
 322,649,246 94 
 69'2,'256,364 77 
 588.667,092 73. 
 592,906,769 07 
 605,009,234 52, 
 510,050,351 61 
 599.521,769 95 
 638,909,418 44 
 046,249,540 58- 
 648,063,886 76- 
 711.16(i,733 71 
 674,619,947 42 
 671,773.937 62 
 694,375.248 54 
 725,083,9-24 62; 
 731,801,994 78, 
 735,522,956 37 
 780,584,808 73 
 798,288,140 IS 
 
 (a-./ — The amuuiu ul ^uii^ ana iLiUonai-uank cu'cuiaLiuu u-, cutupuua iroiu tiie reports ol the Comp- 
 •-roller of the (.Currency at the nearest dates obtainable to the end of each fiscal year; the other amounts are 
 taken from the oflicial printed reports of the .Secretary of the Treasury. 
 
 *Exolusive or8'8,375,931, amoujit estimaleJ as lost or destroyed, act June 21, 1879. 
 
 (!».)— The one and two-year notes of 1863, and the compound-interest notes, though havinc a leeal- 
 tender quality for their face-values, were in fact interest-bearing securities, payable at ceriain times as- 
 stated on the notes. They entered into circulation fur but a few davs, if nt all, and, since maturitv those 
 presented have been converted into other interest-bearing bond^, or paid fur in cash', interest included 
 
 (c.)— The amouEit of fractional silver in circulation in 1860, 1861, and 1862 cannot be stuted Thfc 
 amounts stated for 1876, and .subsequent years, are the amtnints coined and issued since Junuary 1876 TO' 
 these amounts sliould be added the amount of silver previously coined which has come Into oirdulation 
 
FIJfANCIAL RECORD. 
 
 237 
 
 The following statement shows the average rate of interest payable annually on the interest- 
 bearing debt of the United States for tne years nami.d. 
 
 July 1,1856 05H8 
 
 " 1857 n,i87 
 
 1858 Oa-47 
 
 " 1859 (l&:6 
 
 " 1860 11532 
 
 " 1861 nr.HS 
 
 1862 0C03 
 
 186S n.'iill 
 
 1864 "579 
 
 1865 OfiJO 
 
 Aug.3!.1865 0j34 
 
 July 1, 1866 Ilii26 
 
 1867 11617 
 
 1868 il,:s:i 
 
 July l,l>-63 0580 
 
 )«70 0680 
 
 ' 1871 0578 
 
 1^72 0373 
 
 IWM 0573 
 
 1874 0568 
 
 1875 0562 
 
 " 1876 0556 
 
 rS77 0544 
 
 1878 0327 
 
 1879 0466 
 
 I8SU 0462 
 
 1881 0437 
 
 '■ 1882 0390 
 
 Amount ol'Currcnc.v t« Kacli Siidi vidnal 
 —In 1860 only $6.58 to eucli Individual 
 -In 1883 $15.12 to Each Individual. 
 
 In 1860 the population of tlie country- 
 was 31,443,331, and the amount of cur- 
 rency was $207,103,477.00 or $6.58 for 
 each individual. In 1883 the population 
 is estimated to be 53,799,000, and the 
 amount of currency is $798,388,440.18; 
 or $15.13 for each individual. 
 
 Interest-Bearing ^Totes were In Circu- 
 lation— Agsregate Currency in 1865 
 $51,065,544 less than the Ag-gregate 
 of Circulation in 1882— ?ro Scarcity of 
 Money. 
 
 The one and two year notes of 1863 
 and the compound interest notes were 
 never iu circulation to any extent, be- 
 
 cause they bore interest, but they are 
 considered in the foregoing statement 
 as being part of the currency of the 
 country. If they be taken from the 
 amount of the currency— say of 1865— it 
 will be seen that the circulating medium 
 for that year, instead of being $983,- 
 318,685.76, was only $747,333,895.76; or 
 $51,064,544.37 less than it is now. But 
 the reftl value of the actual circulation 
 of 1865, less the amount of the interest- 
 bearing note.s, at the gold standard, was 
 only about $536,045,633.61, while the 
 actual value of the present circulation is 
 $798,388,440.13; and these facts demon- 
 strate that, if there is any scarcity or 
 monev among the people at the present 
 time, it is due to commercial reasons and 
 not to the policy of the Government. 
 
FINANCIAL RECORD. 
 
 OH 
 OS 
 
 19 
 IS 
 
 at 
 p4 
 
 « 
 
 e 
 
 e 
 
 ■5? 
 
 S 
 
 H 
 
 •8 
 
 a 
 e 
 
 S 
 
 mi 
 
 «? -^ «t <ii -^ i-^ !>• ^S< Ci --^ 
 
 SKSooi^oo- 
 
 ^^mS* 
 
 CO rH r^co rH eo 00 « -* o c^ocTsTcooTc 
 ciOOO^DT-i.wmco CO o CO t-^ao CO o " 
 t^eo odco iH rH 'lo'cif «co cTo o «s ko o"u 
 
 ■anuoAO.1 :j3K 
 
 
 a"'- a aj 
 
 « OS -* O (M C 
 OO t- -00 -i-H -Oi n 
 in 00 rH O !N C 
 
 o ei,!M.co c 
 
 rHOOCO^WliHrtCOLOC 
 
 00 CO ■ — ^ 
 
 oo 
 
 Hcqc^icoffscoCTCc 
 
 ^asCOiH<MCiOOr 
 
 d-*OOCQinrHi-(r 
 
 H»O»n»O00CSiH"*C0"i 
 
 Hcqco^OOOit-cOT 
 
 5 QOCOi-H 
 Sco.-*-^ 
 H CO rtlO 
 
 ?t-^cTco 
 - Ci O Q 
 
 ?Ci»Oc-eOC^(Miac-t 
 
 t-co-iS 
 
 a CO fc- m o c 
 m d OS ci »a T 
 
 O t- O *0 CO v 
 
 ..'i-H 00 t--io C 
 O ,!C i;? ,o tH t 
 
 t-oaiO-*C5000comiHt-ci<ooo<M«ot!On3cosoo 
 
 t-aOOOlOrHeD»00<3i>HCfl<»t-01ftC50eD«l:-& 
 tOQCOO-^O-^l^COfMO-^COCQCOOt-QOC-O'^rH 
 30OC0-<flC0rH-*Oe0W"*«3Q0eDK5s0C^C<It-^ Q r-l 
 rfo«codr'^cocoir-^coi-oifsc^c^crt~crc:rLot-^»5 
 
 OlHCQWOC-COCCCCOOC=CSrHacOt-C^OrHO 
 tT « iH » © t-CI t^C^OO^^TtJ^O O CI O "# CO "= 
 
 H iH QO" t^ cT p5 lO OtTcT i-T I 
 '4rHCO(Me^F7Hr-t ^ 
 
 
 * t-O r-l -* C 
 O 00 CO t- «o t 
 
 -OOCO t 
 
 :iOOCQc-»ocot-ooc-Er 
 
 MCOOSrlCSWCOOtO'-IOS 
 
 rtCO^HlOlO-^r-(!0'*(*lQOO«0(NCO^HtSCOO 
 5lfjCOt-iH«*CO"*i-(i-H(N^«Om'*QOO<3-* 
 ra to O U5 t^CO "■J<ifflt-CO'*«OTH(Ml:- t~ O CO 1-1 
 
 » so JO CO CO cT o CO ITS « cT CO cT eo oT -hT CO -Too 
 
 fiCi0fl0a0O^t-0iLt6iiu3(raaw^^QDiraC^C^COC^«DOS-»*50'— ICO 
 qf-l,10t-t-'5»°OCS»SO-*'MiOCOt-COLOi-l(Mt-t-C^i-(OlO 
 0^13 t- t- OD iH i-( lO OS 5D rH eo O C0C0i--5 0000,-*i-IO©O)O«t- 
 
 *9nn9 
 -A9J iun.t8ini 
 
 SOTCgOmiHCOt- 
 
 »o^t-oo^coco 
 
 ocO"^co»o>5^o 
 *<t-ioco^oooio 
 
 3 in t- C^ iH «5_rH CO 
 
 i"© -dH"o oolSS^ 
 
 JfC^CJCJC-t-tMlO 
 
 (24 
 
 lO t 
 
 g 
 
 
 
 ■* ■ 
 
 
 
 
 lO . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 -Oi O 50 CO c 
 
 SOOiSlOlOt ., .., 
 
 ^O-^t-^rHC0t^H;t--i#;3OC0e0"0 
 
 SOCOXOSCt-TjHOc-OiOIOOtM-* 
 
 
 CO lO o - 
 
 CO O C-) c 
 00 0-' o o 
 
 -( O t- (M CI O 
 H CJ Ci "* O CD 
 
 :; 1-1 CO ^--t 'M 
 - c4"o oTo 00 
 
 00 O lO i-l CI 
 -I O O O CO Oi 
 
 mO"ft(CO?0«COCJ-:tlC50t-'*00 
 UO^CO-dHtNmCCt-OSTjiSDOO'^C- 
 
 ;* 2 3S ? ^' ^' S5 "^ '-^" » o" o" cT cT o 
 
 O^^COL-t-COOOt-IOt-OCJ'-'S^ 
 -^OlOC^COO'-liHOCS.-ICILO'-'-* 
 
 "^S^^^^ooo^'t^odoct-ryjao©" 
 2^^0i-'ac«'o-*coco«QoCsc^ 
 
 H <M 
 
 2S222222s2222'"°°°°^°°°^^^=ooooo5«coQo 
 
HNANCIAL RECORI). 
 
 229 
 
 
 t- (5 CO L- » So C- T-H Cr- 'S' C» r^ X X L' Cl -O K rH ac =0 C-. CC ^•; L- lO »fi 
 .•L-W CS K3 O CCL'-CDC^-ttitCCJ'DlOr-IOC'lOOOTL-OCC «_0 00 ■«* 
 
 •^qapon 
 
 -icooo-^t-t— iri©c4^iso 
 
 tocouscimcooiot-M 
 
 cc6ob-cot-o-©cimL-t-i-i-*-«io(Dt-ocscoeC'*ict-t-a)t- 
 taL-toc5t-Qcic»o:'0^ooc^ocQi--oioT-(c»-^(MOMWOt- 
 
 Ci^eOiS «DiH©i-tC-«5C0Ol— r««£iiM»OCOD-^H005rHOCOt-lOO 
 
 rH r^,H cico ^co -i^eo c-^w TO © ocTint^-^t 3? '^c^cs '-'^''^?^'-^" 
 
 «:fr rH C» »Q t- CQ ■* ■* CO CT C^ IH © O © ©as O © p» 00 t- 
 
 
 ■■3 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 C-. ©"+cji-i©-*tc-*i-ieoE-t-t-i-(eot-oocc(MWiM©CT^cocs 
 comaco«0'*io^'*'-< c^'*-* «5 f^ « ■* « 
 
 ©■*Q0L-«tOC?OiiMr-(IOlDCO(M©Ci<: 
 
 ^©^■^eac! o o_c^cv 00 CO la (X © c» co ■■ 
 
 CO cTe^o'c^o'eo CO CO 00 ocTcJo © co co cTodeot^co t-^i-Tc^cTis 
 
 CiiHrHC^©CO.i2tr°0^®^''0l::--»tl'<«CO»DCOW3lft©C0e»l:-lft^ 
 
 cs_coSc^iHOoo©mco©ffi^i7;_'*rt -^jj^ioco©-^ c-t_© in 3 t;.© co 
 
 THfH r-Ir4"rH i-h" rt-* © lO O CO 00 OD ■« CO OS eTcTcd t^l~"lC r-TcT-J 
 * ' rH »H CI CS CT CT CO CT (N C^ W CT Dl C«» CO kO lO O 
 
 Ifi t— ^ ■!*<-* CO 1ft fH t- aO»t-«©lO-^<MCOOCqt-eJOOOOCJ 
 
 III — 
 
 ©"* 
 
 5 iM tn o CO ©CO iH CI © © 
 
 SOrHOreOcTt^COOiinift^DOC^" 
 ?coco-*(Neoo>©L':-©c<cooDco 
 
 St--^0»lOC-"*C>©CCr-ltS©© 
 
 II 
 
 Or- . 
 
 ^ '=^ fl 
 
 Si Vj t3 
 
 - = §•« 
 
 g c; t: fl 
 e; o = o 
 
 ,(fl iiUcO.iN C-©e--5i?'O'-"'50p®ir5i-<C-00t-lO00int-O©©^ 
 
 oat-ooc3©in©©-*©oiH-*oit-onoco(M"«t<coeQ"d<oi-i©3; 
 '^■r;^°°.^"^'^"* *^o^^'^'^^oi©os_w rH os_©oo t-iH 3 © ■* ^ 
 
 ■*©00rH©00©©©<N'«*(P1'*Oira©L— C]r-(a«lL-00O«T-1tS2 
 CS^CS ■*^C^'^0> CQ C^t^CO^"* <N C» >ri_© t^COCOeO r1©©iH'^rH'««g 
 
 © esTin CO © CT"* cT© i-7-<« to co^QOt^uTin© e^Modt^of© oo© ^ 
 
 i-Jr-l(NC^rHcq©©O)COQ0©C<lt-lOeOCO'*'*'«HCOOTeC-*1CO'*2 
 *W COUSOCClr^' .'^1 
 
 t-C-L--*O©©©©T-<^(?)t-C0©C0d©CflC000©t-©©rH00 
 © © U5 iH W* iH CO ■* © U3 t-© lO lO<N "* O O © C-© l« "* t- t- CJ ' 
 
 "«HdOiW5'*©rHlO©00f-iC0t-iHiH©t-©rtl«re©«llO©'*© 
 
 iHeo©©coi-ios©©us©cN©©©^-(iniHCi©t-3©miMCTro 
 c^ to "^ c^ -^ (Z> -^ Oi ti^ <:d^c^ a ao "^ ^ a t~ r-i in t.-~ n c^ t:~ la *^ CO b- 
 
 ■ '^ -tf 1^ a 1^ l-^ 1^ iS la t~ ^ <^ cS -^ t^ r^ •■tl'cO i-i ^ 1:0 C^ tr^ r^ <n t£ C^ 
 Ol©iM©,L-©OlO©'2<lOi-(©t-C000C001"*l~miAC-tHiHrH.-< 
 ^r^rH -* t- © CJ -* (N in © © rH © ■*H Cfl tJH_ci CO © C5_© Ol iH t- t- -^ C> 
 
 c^ co^Dcot^cpiH mc^ec^iH:o©co©©cocrF-i(D'©eou5^^t^ 
 eoc>»cqpic^ci'r'W«"*'^'o»oio»o©©t-©t-©»oio©'Q©ic 
 
 t- L- •* ' 
 
 CO LO, -# ' 
 
 ss;j ; 
 
 CO CO o . 
 
 I ' ■■ ;" ', I 
 
 o ■^ u 
 0©C 
 
 S©©iH©IA-^©fl»» 
 t-'e<oooin©©rHt- 
 Oi ■* w f-^o >o t^Cfl © © 
 D^ CO CO ^ -"if © © CO uf in 
 
 .rHl'5iH©t-©iHlO©© 
 L- C0©©©©©rHCO 
 
 ph © t>iH in© © »Oi-T 
 
 ©00 
 
 ggliiisMiiisisssgggggggglgg 
 
 ©eiao 
 
 ©«& d 
 
 00 -H 
 
 £ •-00 
 
 SpS2 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 *a 
 
 "C t- .. 
 
 000 „ 
 
 ®ooco 
 
 S -.9 
 
 i, do 
 
 S. X t— 
 P ■* CO 
 
 c«* ^ 
 
 ^>n 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 ■aj 
 
 •« 
 
 ot: 
 
 
 
 
 
 d 
 
 
 
 e« 
 
 Cfl 
 
 
 
 
 
 *H 
 
 
 ' ' 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S6 
 
 'N 
 
 4L 
 
 
 1^ 
 
 © 
 
 I 06S • 
 
330 
 
 FINANCIAL EECOr.D. 
 
 PART VI. 
 
 Aggregate and Annual Re- 
 duction of Expenses. 
 
 Aggregate Reduction in 13 years nnder 
 the Republicans 018250,491,279,38, or 
 an average Annual Reduction for 12 
 years of $30,957,606.60 ! 
 
 Witli results so great and beneficial in 
 behalf of Government and people— up- 
 holdingtbe national integrrity and main- 
 taining and sustaining the public credit 
 at home and abroad; the reduction of 
 the interest-bearing debt an d of in terest, 
 aggregating a savingin seventeen years 
 of $1,678,798,471.34, or an annual aver- 
 age reduction and saving for seventeen 
 years of $98,458,733.61; the resumption 
 of specie payments, the restoration of 
 the paper dollar of our currency to the 
 gold standard, securing at the same time 
 a robust revival of nearly all branclies 
 of our previously languishingindustries, 
 opening out and securing new markets 
 at home and abroad for their products, 
 and commanding an immense prepond- 
 erance in our favor, hundreds of mil- 
 lions annually, in our foreign trade — 
 Avith financial triumphs so grand and 
 beneficial, the product of Kepublican 
 patriotism and ability, of the good faith 
 of the Republicans in authority, and ac- 
 complished in despiteof all the craftand 
 and determined hostility of the Demo- 
 cratic and other enemies of the Eepub- 
 lic, the expenditures orexpensesof Gov- 
 ernment havealso been steadily reduced. 
 
 The following table, prepared from 
 the Finance Reports,sho ws the aggregate 
 and average annual saving to the peo- 
 ple from a reduction of expenses from 
 1865 to 1883. 
 
 Net ordinary expe7ises of the Government, exclu- 
 sive of the 2)uolie debt, premium and interest, 
 with the reduction of the same from 1865 to 
 1882. 
 
 1865. 
 
 $1,217,704,199 28. 
 
 Maximum. 
 
 
 1866. 
 
 . 385,954,731 43. 
 
 .Keduction. 
 
 .8831,749,467 85 
 
 1867. 
 
 . 202,947,733 87. 
 
 Keduction. 
 
 183,006,997 56 
 
 1868. 
 
 229,915,088 11. 
 
 .Increase... 
 
 . 26,967,354 24 
 
 1869. 
 
 . 190,496,354 95. 
 
 .Kediiction. 
 
 . 39,418,733 16 
 
 1870. 
 
 . 164,421,607 15. 
 
 .Rediictiou- 
 
 . 26,074,847 SO 
 
 1871. 
 
 . 157,583,827 68. 
 
 .Eeductiom. 
 
 . 6,837,679 57 
 
 1872. 
 
 . 153,201,866 19. 
 
 .Reduction. 
 
 . 4,381.971 39 
 
 1873. 
 
 . 180,488.636 90. 
 
 .Increase... 
 
 . 27.286,780 71 
 
 1874. 
 
 . 194,118,985 00. 
 
 .Increase. .. 
 
 . 13,630,348 10 
 
 1876. 
 
 . 171.629,848 27. 
 
 .Eeduction. 
 
 . 22,.589,136 73 
 
 1876. 
 
 . 164,867,813 36. 
 
 .Reduction. 
 
 . 6,672.034 91 
 
 1877. 
 
 . 144,209,963 28. 
 
 .Reduction 
 
 . 20,647,850 08 
 
 1878. 
 
 . 134,463,462 15. 
 
 .Reduction. 
 
 . 9,746,611 13 
 
 1879. 
 
 . 161,619,934 53. 
 
 .Increase... 
 
 . 27,156.482 3S 
 
 1880. 
 
 . 169,090,062 25 
 
 .IniTcasc. .. 
 
 . 7,470,127 72 
 
 1881. 
 
 . 177,142,897 63 
 
 .lucrease... 
 
 8.062,836 38 
 
 1882. 
 
 . 186,904,232 78 
 
 . Increase.. - 
 
 . 9,761,335 16 
 
 Aggregate reduction from 1866 to 
 
 1882 of $030,799,966 60 
 
 Aggi'egate reduction from 1866 to 
 
 1882 of 199,050,493 66 
 
 Average annual reduction and 
 
 savings from 1866 to 1882 of 12,440 666 16 
 
 An aggregate reduction in 17 years, 
 
 from 1865 to 1883, of $1,030,799,966.50- 
 an aggregate reduction inl6years, from 
 1866, the year following themaximumof 
 annual expenditures, to 1883, of $199,- 
 050,498.56, or an annual average reduc- 
 tion and saving' of $12,440,656.16, 
 
 But if we strike from the above table, 
 as we justly should, the aggregate of 
 four years' increase (1879, 1880, 1881, and 
 1883) under the Democracy, we Jiave an 
 actual aggregate savingin twelve years 
 under the Republicans of $251,491,279.- 
 28, or an average annual saving for 
 twelve years of $20,957,606.50. 
 
 Receipts andExpendituresprior to 1861 
 only 13.08 per cent, of the Amounts 
 collected and disbursed from July 1, 
 1861, to June 30, 1883. 
 
 The whole amount of money received 
 by the Government as shown by the 
 official records to have been covered in- 
 to the National Treasury from March 4, 
 1789, to June 3<^, 1861, amounted to $3,- 
 363,660,610.08, and from July 1, 1861, to 
 June 80, 1883, to $17,304,799,333.76, 
 
 These figures show that the total re- 
 ceipts from tlie organization of the Gov- 
 ernment to the commencement of the 
 administration of the Republican party 
 (a period of 78i years) were only 13.08 
 per cent, of the amount received during 
 the present party administration of 31 
 years. 
 
 The gross expenditures from the Na- 
 tional Treasuiy for all purposes from 
 March 4, 1789, to June 30, 1861, amounted 
 to $3,330,947,173.31, and from July 1, 
 1861, to June 30, 1883, to. 517,0.59,899,990.17, 
 or a total expenditure for the first 
 period of 78J years of only 13.08 per cent, 
 of the latter period. 
 
 In other words, the amount of money 
 received and disbursed by the Govern- 
 ment for the first 78i years of its exist- 
 ence wasbut 18.08 percent, of the amount 
 which has been received and disbursed 
 by the Republican party during the 31 
 years ending June 30, 1883. 
 
 Losses in Collections and Disburse* 
 inents— Average loss per 1,000 from 
 1661 to 1882, only 40 4-10 cents— ITnder 
 President Artlinr not the loss of $1 
 from any Source whatever. 
 
 From March 4, 1789, to June 30, 1861, 
 the losses on receii>ts amounted to $4,- 
 734,030.34, or in a ratio of $3.09 for each 
 $1,000 received. From July 1, 1861, to 
 June 30, 1883, the Icsses on receipts 
 amounted to ■'?4,300,3.5.5.04, orina ratio of 
 34i cents for each $1,000 received. 
 
 From March 4, 1789, to June 30, 1861, 
 the losseson disbursements amounted to 
 $18,899,368.33, or in a ratio of $8.47 for 
 each $1,000 disbursed. 
 
 Prom July 1, 1861, to June 30, 1883, the 
 losses on disbuiscnients amounted to 
 «>9,638,."t9 :o, or in a ratioof 56 4-10ceut8 
 tor each $1,000 disl)ursed. 
 
riKANCIAL KECOKIi. 
 
 231 
 
 In other words, the amount of money 
 involved from March 4, 1789, ro June 30, 
 1861, was $4,494,607,783.80, on which the 
 losses amounting to $23,633,288.99 aver- 
 age $5.26 per $1,000; and from July 1, 
 1861, to June 30, 1882, with an aggregate 
 of $84,364,199,312.93, the los.se8 have 
 amounted to $13,888,944.26, or an aver- 
 age of 40 4-10 cents per $1,000. 
 
 Such is the record of the administra- 
 
 tion of tlie Republican party. It speaks 
 for itself. Under its present leaders we 
 Iiave every assurance there will be no 
 backward step taken. Comment is un- 
 necessary. In this connection, it is 
 worthy of note, that since President 
 Arthur assumed his office there has not 
 occurred a loss to the Government from 
 any source wliatever of even a single 
 dollar. 
 
 Actnal Reduction of Internal Revenue Taxation 
 
 Annual Reduction. 
 
 Actof July 18, 1806 
 
 Act of March 2, 1867 
 
 Act of February ?,, 1868 
 
 ActofMarchM, 1868 1 
 
 Actof July 20, 1868 I 
 
 Act of July !■), 1870 
 
 ancome-Tax Expired December 31, K'D 
 
 Act of June 6, 1872 
 
 Act of Marcn 1, 1879 
 
 Total 
 
 S65, 
 40, 
 23, 
 
 ,000,000 
 ,000.000 
 
 ,ooo,aoij 
 
 ,000,000 
 
 .000,000 
 ,5jO 000 
 
 ,r>.:,i,ooo 
 
 ,000,000 
 
 271,151,00^ 
 
 Reduction of Customs Tuxes. 
 
 Actual reduction-1873 $28,308,774.07 
 
 Actual reduction— 1874 34,985,689.01 
 
 Actual reduction— 1875 6,370,286.76 
 
 $59,564,749.81 
 
EEPUBLICAN ECONOMY. 
 
 
 £*-' 
 
 ' Kit 
 •S fa'*' 
 
 _ © * 
 
 «!'{:■ 
 
 &» s 
 
 SIS 
 
 Si 
 
 .W t 
 
 pi 
 a 
 
 a, 
 I 
 
 M 
 
 ^ O V 
 
 fa & IT 
 
 pS << - 
 
 2 « 
 
 
 
 Q 
 
 S*''^ 
 
 ;►. |W 
 
 ,£%„ 
 
 
 ill 
 
 as I"** 
 
 a.» 
 
 kei 
 
 ?££ 
 
 Sa* 
 
 S*:: 
 
 »^s 
 
 
 m 
 
 5 4 V 
 
 e,QS 
 
 
 ^li,, 
 
 O (0 p-.a 
 , <« C w 
 
 CO s W 
 
 o W 2 M *^ 
 
 W 2> HJ g; K 
 
 O) tJJCU bX) >, 
 
 « C '- c „ 
 
 CO to' 
 
 00. »_ 
 
 O cf 
 
 rH CO 
 
 i2°q 
 
 Sic£P 
 
 ) 00 O 00 CO O -<J^(M CO -! 
 
 5cotef«id-c^in£Oo 
 ■ oii^m'^iocOT— ic^i- 
 
 OtOOQO'NQOOQOOOfH 
 
 coirpccii7'id-~eDo*cico-^oC' 
 I— (i>C^TrTji(Dcriiccoco(i.->o 
 
 OCCmO3ii0CCOC0.-<OOI> 
 ^ o 00 o oo' CO Tj* o i-^ lyD o o CO 
 
 CI CO (C O to 1-- Ci O -* 1^ O CO CI 
 OO cgoO CO "* tH Tf O' 1-C CO C^l-~ ,-1 
 
 CO to TiTi-^asco'i^ in'o"- c--t CO i-"^.!-" 
 CO CO CO CD iM r^ i>- 1> rr ?; C^ "■' >J 
 
 so rH^.i>^l-, O i^ in <M CO CC r^^C o 
 W i-( rl C~l "-l "O 
 
 ;i litO; l-'V/M -C 
 
 ui'Siiiit 
 
 
 C0.2 (D 
 
 s^^ 
 
 co.^i„- 
 
 c 
 o ff-:*^ 
 
 ?- "- 41 
 
 M 5 °3 
 
 "^[=^00 
 
 .2 ^ ^ 
 J; 2? o 
 
 CO ^ w 
 
 cOCiClOOOOOOOOOCS 
 
 co-^ocoiOiqoc:_o — om 
 
 c4 CTJ CO O (D r~- 1> o o" iG C3 id -^ 
 t--01tOCOoCSiHO-fC>0000 
 
 eo_«5oocqeo50 mo t- cso Oi co 
 
 C5;cO^COOC^TfllOCOl--Ot-.Q 
 
 co_c:j^-^_ci^o"^.«; oScocoocooo 
 
 eWr-((M (N M CO 
 
 oiooooor-ooco 
 
 oiooooor-oo 
 CO lO 00_ O I-_ 00 o o 
 C-i lO «; CD '^D T)i o 
 t-' <0 -Ti- O •* h- O 
 00 C^_ I"- i-O C3 C-l o 
 CO ^ rj^ CO CO 00 00 ^f 
 
 oo c ooo 
 ilf c4 o -»* o 
 
 _CO lA O CO o 
 I £5 Id O-^cO 
 CO c^cooo 
 
 ffirHOicoeqSooSoSoS 
 S ^* "i ^ <>■ "^ CD Q I> "M' O CI l-^ 
 cj rf<_oj 5_i> M CI o CO S o cv5 3 
 
 '-L'-i'-L'-'^^,'^.'^ CO rt Tj- i^ CO ^ 
 m E2 S3 ::£il''^ '■^'"'-<" to^o'T-Tco' 
 
 1-1 CO -^ -4 
 
 t^c5 ■* i^c^co 
 
 ^,-1 ,-1 oa O •-< 
 
 so « C^ lO t-^t^ 
 
 -jTbooT lowco 
 
 o i-i 00 tn lo a< 
 
 ■<tl iH 00 00 ^'^ 
 
 c5"^t-^ COt-Ci 
 
 (D IS t — — . — . 
 
 »0 CO IM 
 
 5F3 : : 
 
 ?z=^- 
 
 c u " >, • . ; ■£ "< 1 S 3 
 i 3 -J? .i ■:; - -c ,5 c i .S 
 
 ■^a; 
 
 
 c_c;;coocoooo 
 
 a ? 
 
 p. E 
 
 
 
 : '-5 : b- 
 
 := :3 
 
 
 : ^'P: 
 
 
 i 
 
 is 
 
REPUBLICAN ECONOMY. 
 
 333 
 
 PART II. 
 
 statement of the ApproprlntionN Made by lonjapress for the Fiscal Years ISS* 
 anil ISS.t, by Ap|>ropriatlon Acts. 
 
 3d seepioji ' let seRsion 
 
 46th C'on^esp| 47tli Coii^eR& 
 
 Fiscal Year Fisciil ^ ear 
 
 1882. 18.S3. 
 
 To supply deflciencics for the services of the various branches of the 
 
 Government 
 
 For Legislative, Executive, and Judicial expenses of the Government. 
 
 For Sundry Civil Expenses of the Government 
 
 For Support of the Army ^ 
 
 For the Naval Service 
 
 For the Indian Service 
 
 For BiviTs and Harbors 
 
 For Forts and Fortifloations 
 
 For Support of Military Academy 
 
 For Service of Post^Ofnoe Department (dellcieney in revenue) 
 
 For Invalid and other Pensions (including deficiencies) 
 
 For Consular and Diplomatic Service ; 
 
 For Service of Agricultural Department 
 
 Fpr Expenses of District of Columbia 
 
 For Miscellaneous 
 
 I 
 
 85,110, 
 17,797, 
 22,nil, 
 20,687, 
 14,.566, 
 
 4,587, 
 
 11,451, 
 
 675, 
 
 322, 
 
 2,152, 
 68,282, 
 
 1,191, 
 885, 
 
 3,379, 
 
 1,128,1 
 
 ,802.39 
 ,397.61 
 222.87 
 
 800.no 
 
 037,65 
 ,866.80 
 ,300.00 
 ,000.00 
 435.37 
 ,268,00 
 .306.68 
 ,435.00 
 ,600.00 
 671.44 
 ,006.15 
 
 Total Annual Appropriations 179,578,999.86 250,500,985.23 
 
 «$9,800, 
 
 *20,(K», 
 
 *25,000, 
 
 27,2.58, 
 
 14,879, 
 
 5,215, 
 
 18,988, 
 
 375, 
 
 .33.?, 
 
 1,9J2, 
 
 116,000, 
 
 1,256, 
 
 427, 
 
 3,496, 
 
 *6,.566, 
 
 ,000.00 
 ,000.00 
 ,000.00 
 ,000.00 
 ,789.80 
 ,603.01 
 ,875.00- 
 ,000.00 
 ,557.04 
 ,177.90 
 ,000.00 
 ,655.00 
 ,280.00 
 ,046.58 
 ,000.00 
 
 * Approximated. 
 
 Annual A jipropriations for 1883 (approximated) $250,600,000.00 
 
 Appropriations out of the Postal Revenues, for Ppet-Offlce De- 
 partment, 1883 44,643,900.00 
 
 Total for 1883.. 
 
 Annual Appropriations for 1882. ...: 179,-578,999.86 
 
 Appropriations out of the Postal Revenues, for PostrOfflce De- 
 partment, 1882 40,972,432.00 
 
 S295,143,900.00< 
 
 Total for 1882. 
 
 Increased Appropriations 1883 over 1882.. 
 Or, say 
 
 220,651,431.86 
 
 *74,592,468.14 
 *76,0O0,O00.0O 
 
 Which Is exclusive of the appropriation of the balance of the Geneva Award, amounting to- 
 about $9,500,000.00. , , .,■ ... ,, ii, „. i. . i «^ , „, .„ 
 
 Note —The table for 1882 is readjusted to show the papropriations for the District of Columbia, 
 andthe Agricultural Departmeit, separately, as these appropriations are now provided for im 
 separate brills, and it differs, on this account, from the t.ible in the Finance Report for 1881. The 
 appropriations for 1882 are also increased in the sum of $1,689,785.72 over the amount shown m the 
 table in the Finance Report, which sum is .50 per cent, of the appropriations for th e Dis^tnct of 
 Columbia payable out ot the District revenues, but as the entire revenues of the District cntei- 
 into the general receipts of tlie United States Government the whole amount appropnated tor- 
 the District should be added in the total of appropriations. ;^ .;.,„„ + 
 
 Tlie table tor 1883 shows an aggregate appropriation of ,$25O,.5OO.O00, approximated. The exart 
 totals of several of the apuropriation acts caunnt'now be given owmg to the increased woric re- 
 qu^ed to Id^uti the appropriations for the year in eonseqiueuce of the passage of the Joint Reso- 
 lutions of the last session 5f Congress continuing appropriations on the basis of last year until 
 the regular hills became laws. 
 
 The above table was prepared at the 
 United States Treasury Department. 
 Mr. Allison, of Iowa, chairman ot the 
 Senate Finance Committee, in his re- 
 view, in the Senate, of the appropria- 
 tions of 1883, thus states the increase : 
 
 Total Increase $77,532,62134 
 
 Enumerated Items of increase : 
 
 For pensions $47,717,693 00 
 
 Rivers and harbors 7,196,075 00 
 
 Deficiencies of last year 
 
 appropriated this year 13,205,951 00 
 Post-Ofllce (paid out of 
 
 postal revenues) 3,686,468 00 
 
 Additional clerks for ,„,„„^ 
 
 PensionOfflce 1,742,48000 
 
 ■Water supply, city of _„„„„ 
 
 Washington 1,485,279 00 
 
 Tenth census deficiency 640,000 00 ^^ ^^^^^ ^ 
 
 Leaving specifically unaccounted for 
 anmcreaseof 1,9.58,725 34 
 
 Mr. Allison thus makes the aggregate 
 increase $77,532,631.34, as against tlic- 
 Treasurv estimate above of $7o,000,000>. 
 Mr. Allison shows that every item of 
 increase is not only made necessary by 
 the large and rapid growth of the coun- 
 try, but by obligations created by pre- 
 vious Congresses. The present Con- 
 gress had either to honorably appropri- 
 priate the necessary sums to meet tliem 
 or to openly repudiate them. He shows 
 seriatim the character and amount of 
 each item. Of the increase of $23,066,- 
 938 in miscellaneous appropriations, 
 $19,516,574 were to siipply deficiencies in 
 the appropriations of last year, as fol- 
 lows: 
 
■234 
 
 REPUBLICAN ECONOMV. 
 
 Pension defloiencies for 
 
 1882 $16,000,000 00 
 
 Ursient deflcienccs, mie- 
 i-6llaneoas 1,952,074 06 
 
 Tenth con8ue,deflcienc}' . 540,000 00 
 
 Public printing and bind- 
 ing. deUciency 465,000 00 
 
 Dies, paper, and stamps, 
 deficiency, 1882 345,000 00 
 
 Fees of "Witness in United 
 States courts, 1882 70,000 00 
 
 Fuel, lights. &c., for pub- 
 lic buildings under 
 Treasurj^ Department, 
 deflciency, 1882 64,500 00 
 
 Sui>plie8 for Arrapahoe, 
 Chevenne,&c., Indians, 
 
 deficiency, 1882 80,000 00 
 
 $19,516,574 06 
 
 The remainder was for public build- 
 ings. 
 
 The largest item of increase was for 
 pensions : $47,717,693, over 61 per cent, 
 of the aggregate increase, and including 
 a deflciency of $16,000,000 in the pension 
 appropriation of last year. Tliis in- 
 crease was made necessary by the ar- 
 rears of pensions act. What was Con- 
 gress to do ? Ajjpropriate the necessary 
 sum, or repudiate its obligation under 
 the act ? What say the Democracy ? 
 
 The next increase of appropriations 
 is for livers and harbors, and almost 
 wholly tor the improvement of the Mis- 
 sissippi and Missouri rivers. That is an 
 improvement rendered necessary by the 
 vast and increasing tonnage and traffic 
 of the rivers, and the demand of the 
 country for cheap transportation of the 
 immense grain and other products of 
 tlie great west. It is thus an improve- 
 ment and appropriation in the interest 
 of the wliole people. It is one long 
 needed, and one which could no longer 
 be ignored. Besides, it was, as Mr. Alli- 
 son shows, a non-partisan appropria- 
 tian, being voted for by both Demo- 
 crats and Republicas. 
 
 The increase for tlie Post Office De- 
 partment is merely a nominal increase; 
 jt is not a real increase. Every dollar 
 of it will be met by the postal revenues, 
 while through tlie savings from the fa- 
 vorable contracts this year for the trans- 
 portation of the mails, there will be a 
 substantial reduction of over $2,000,000. 
 
 The increase caused by the addition 
 to tlie pension clerical force was ren- 
 dered necessary by the condition of the 
 work in the Pension Office, and the 
 loud demand of the invalid soldier, and 
 the widows and orphans of soldiers, for 
 the payment of their pensions. The 
 work is year -I behind, and the appro- 
 priation could not in justice be with- 
 held. Nor could the appropriation for 
 the Mississippi sufferers. It was one 
 demanded by every Cliristian principle. 
 
 The increase for the General Land 
 Office will, as Senator Beck showed, be 
 made up by the more rapid sales of pub- 
 lic lands, while the increase for the 
 Patent Office will be paid for, not by the 
 people, but by inventors. An import- 
 ant fact in connection with this increase 
 is that these appropriations cover all 
 the probable wants of the Government. 
 No deflciencies are expected. And Mr. 
 Allison shows that it we exclude the 
 above increase for extraordinary expen- 
 ditures and deficits and "the increase 
 of this year for public buildings, amount- 
 ing in all to $2,829,500," the appropri- 
 ations for the ordinary expenses of the 
 Government "are less than for last 
 year." Mr. Allison said : 
 
 I think I can say to the Senate that under the 
 circumstances this is a most satisfactory con- 
 clusion of the appropriations of this year, when 
 "\ve take into account the circumstances that 
 "were pressing upon the Committee on Appropri- 
 aiions arlsirjg from the legislation of the lust 
 tn-o or three years. 
 
POLITICAL PLATFOKMS. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 National Political Platforms, 1S80. 
 
 PART I. 
 Republieaii, 1880. 
 
 Tlie Republican party, in National 
 •Convention assembled, at the end of 
 'twenty years since the Federal Govern- 
 ment was first cominitted to its cliarge, 
 submits to the people of the United 
 Ststes this brief report of its adminis- 
 " tration : 
 
 It suppressed a rebellion which had 
 Armed neraly a million men to subvert 
 the national authoiitv [applause;] it 
 reconstructed the Union of the States 
 •vvitli freedom instead of si ivery as its 
 ■cornerstone [applause;] it transformed 
 -4,000,000 human beings from the likeness 
 of "things" to the rank of citizens [ap- 
 plause ;] it relieved Congress from the 
 anfamous work of hunting human slaves, 
 -and charged it to see that slavery does 
 not exist [applause;] it has raised tlie 
 value of our paper currency from 38 per 
 -cent, to tliB par of gold [applause;] it 
 has restored upon a solid basis payment 
 in coin of all national obligations, and 
 lias given us a currency absolttely good 
 -and equal in every part of our extended 
 "Country [applause;] it has lifted the 
 •credit of the nation from the point of 
 where per cent, bonds sold at 86, to 
 that where 4 per cent, bonds are eagerly 
 ■sought at a premium. [Applause.] 
 
 Underits administration railways have 
 increased from 31,000 miles in I860 to 
 more than 83,000 miles in 1879. [Ap- 
 plause.] Our foreign trade has increased 
 from $700,000,000 to $1,150,000,000 in the 
 «ame time, and our exports, which were 
 :f 30000,000 less than our imports in 1860, 
 were $365,000,000 more than our imports 
 "in 1879. [Applause, and cries of "Good !" 
 " Good ! "] Without resorting to loans, 
 it has, since the war closed, defrayed 
 the ordinary expenses of the gove? nnient 
 besides the accruing interest on the 
 -public debt, and has disbursed annually 
 more than $30,000,000 for soldiers' and 
 ..sailors' pensions. It has paid $800,000,000 
 •of the public debt, and, by refunding 
 the balance at lower rates, has reduced 
 the annual interest charge from nearly 
 :$150,000,000 to less than $89,000,000. All 
 the industries of the country have re- 
 vived, labor is in demand, wages have 
 increased, and throughout the entire 
 country there is evidenoe of a coming 
 prosperity greater than we liave ever 
 
 [ enjoyed. Upon this record tlie Kepnb- 
 lican party asks for the continued cim- 
 lidence and support of the people, and 
 
 j this convention submits for their ap- 
 proval the following statement of the 
 principles and jiurposes which will con- 
 tinue to guide and inspire its ettbrls: 
 
 I 1. We afUrm that the work of the Re- 
 publican party for the last twenty years 
 has been such as to commend it to the 
 
 I favorof the nation ; that the fruits of the 
 costly victories which we liave achieved 
 through immense difficulties should be 
 preserved; that the peace regained 
 should be cherished; that th(! Union 
 
 ' should be perpetuated, and that the 
 
 I liberty secured to this generation should 
 be transmitted undimini.shed to other 
 generations ; that the order established 
 and tlie credit acquired should never be 
 impaired; that the pensions promised 
 should be paid; that the debt so much 
 reduced should be extinnuished by the 
 full payment of every dollar thereof; 
 
 I that the reviving industries should be 
 
 ] further promoted, and that the com- 
 merce already increasing should be en- 
 couraged. 
 
 I 3. The Constitution of the United 
 States is a supreme law, and not a mere 
 contract. [Applause.] Out of confed- 
 erated States it made a sovereign nation. 
 Some powers are denied to the nation, 
 while others are denied to the States, 
 but the boundary between the powers 
 delegated and those reserved is to be 
 detei mined by the national, and not by 
 the State tribunal. [Cheers.] 
 
 3. The work of popular education is 
 one left to the care of the several States, 
 but it is the duty of the national Gov- 
 ernment to aid that work to tlie extent 
 of its constitutional ability. The intel- 
 ligence of the nation is but the aggregate 
 in the several States, and the destiny of 
 the nation must be guided, not by the 
 genius of one State, but by the average 
 genius of all. [Applause.] 
 
 4. The constitution wisely forbids 
 Congress touiakeany law respecting the 
 establishment of religion, but it is idle 
 to hope that tlie nation can be protected 
 against the influence of secret sectarian- 
 ism, wliile each State is exposed to its 
 d(miination. We, therefore, recoinmeud 
 that the Constitution be so amended as 
 to lay the same prohibition upon the 
 legislature of each State, and to forbid 
 tlie appropriation of public funds to the 
 
236 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 support of sectarian schools. [Clieers.] 
 
 5. We reaffirm the belief avowed in 
 1876 that the duties levied for the pur- 
 pose of revenue sliould so discriminate 
 as to favor American labor [cheers] ; 
 that no further giants of the public do- 
 main should be made to any railway or 
 other corporation ; that slavery having 
 perished in the States, its twin bar- 
 Darity, polygamy must die in the Terri- 
 toi ies ; that everywhere the protection 
 accorded to a citizen of American Ijirth 
 ttiust be secured to citizens by American 
 adoption. Tliat we deem it the duty of 
 Congress to develop and improve our 
 seacoast and harbors, butinsist that fur- 
 ther subsidies to private persons or cor- 
 porations must cease [cheers] ; that the 
 obligations of the Eepublic to the men 
 who preserved its integrity in the day of 
 battle are undiminished by the lapse of 
 fifteen years since their final victory. 
 To do them honor is and shall forever 
 be the grateful privilege and sacred 
 duty of the American people. 
 
 6. Since the authority to regulate im- 
 migration and intercourse between the 
 United States and foreign nations rests 
 with the Congress of the United States 
 and the treaty-making power, the Re- 
 publican party, regarding the unre- 
 stricted immigration of Chinese as a 
 matter of grave concernment under the 
 exercise of both these powers, would 
 limit and restrict that immigration by 
 the enactment of such just, humane, and 
 reasonable laws and treaties as will pro- 
 duce that result. 
 
 7. That the purity and patriotism 
 which characterized the earlier career of 
 Rutherford B. Hayes in peace and war, 
 and whi6h guided the thoughts of our 
 immediate predecessors to him for a 
 Presidential candidate, have continued 
 to inspire him in his career as Chief Ex- 
 ecutive ; and that liistory will accord to 
 his Administration the honors whicli are 
 due to an efflcieiit, just, aiid courteous 
 discharge of tlie public business, and 
 will honor his vetoes interposed be- 
 tween the people and attemptedpartisan 
 laws. [Cheers.] 
 
 8. We chaige upon the Democratic 
 party the habitual sacrifice of patriot- 
 ism and justice to a supreme and insati- 
 able lust for office and patronage ; that 
 to obtain possession Of the Natiorlal 
 Government and C(>ntrol of the place, 
 they have obstrncted all efforts to pro- 
 mote the purity and conserve the free- 
 dom of the suffrage, and have devised 
 frauduleut liallots, and invented fraud- 
 ulent certiticatiou of returns; have la- 
 bored to unseat lawfully elected mem- 
 bers of Congress, to secure at all haz- 
 ards the vote of a majority of States in 
 the House of Representatives ; have en- 
 deavored to occupy hy force and fraud 
 the places of trust given to others by 
 the people of Maine, rescued by tlie 
 
 courage and action of Maine's patriotic 
 sons; have, by methods vicious in prin- 
 ciple and tyrannical in practice, at- 
 tached partisan legislation to appropiia- 
 tion bills upon whose passage the very 
 movement of Government depended ; 
 have crushed the rights of the individ- 
 ual ; have advocated the principles and 
 songhtthe favor of the Rebellion against 
 the nation, and have endeavored to ob 
 literate the sacred memories and to over- 
 come the inestimably valuable results- 
 of nationality, personal freedom, andl 
 individual equality. 
 
 The equal, and steady, and complete 
 enforcement of the laws, and the pro- 
 tection of all our citizens in the enjoy- 
 ment of all privileges and, immunity 
 guaranteed by the Constitution, are the 
 first duties of the nation. [Applause.] 
 
 The dangers of a "solid South" can 
 only be averted by a faithful perform- 
 ance of every promise which the nation 
 has made to the citizen. [Applause.] 
 The execution of the laws, and tne pun- 
 ishment of all those who violate them, 
 are the only safe methods by which an 
 enduring peace can be secured and gen- 
 uine prosperity established throughout 
 the South. [Applause.] Whatever 
 promises the nation makes the natioa 
 must perform. A nation cannot with 
 safety relegate this duty to the States. 
 The " solid South " must be divided by 
 the peaceful agencies of the ballot and 
 all honest opinions must there find free 
 expression. To this end tlie honest 
 voter must be protected against terror- 
 ism, violence, or fraud. [Applause.] 
 
 And we affirm it to be the duty and 
 the purpose of tlie Republican party to- 
 Use all legitimate means to restore all 
 the States of this Union to the most per- 
 fect liarmony which may be possible, 
 and we submit to the practical, sensible 
 people of these United States to say 
 whether it would not he dangerous to- 
 the dearest interests of our country at 
 this time to surrender the administra- 
 tion of the National Government to a 
 party which seeks to overthrow the ex- 
 isting policy under which we are so- 
 prosperous, and thus bring distrust and 
 aud coufusiou where there is now order, 
 confidence, and hope. [Applause.] 
 
 The Republican party, adhering' to 
 the principles atfirined by its last Na- 
 tional Convention of respect for the con- 
 stitutional rules governing appoint- 
 ments to office, adopts the declaration 
 of President Hayes that the reform of 
 the civil service should be thorouglu 
 radical, and complete. To this end it 
 demands the co-operation of the legis- 
 lative with the executive departments 
 of the Government, and that Congress 
 shall so legislate that fitness, ascer- 
 tained by proper practical tests, shalL 
 admit to the public service. 
 
POLItiCAt I'LATfOHMS. 
 
 237 
 
 i'ART 11. 
 
 ]DemoC'ratic—1880. 
 
 Tli^ Deinocnits of the United States, 
 in Convention assembled, declared — 
 
 1. We pledge ourselves anew to tlie 
 constitutional doctrines and traditions 
 oi the Democratic party, as illustrated 
 by the teachings and example of a long 
 line of Democratic statesmen and pa- 
 triots and embodied in tlie platform of 
 the last National Convention of tlie 
 party. 
 
 2. Opposition to centralizationism, and 
 to that dangerous spirit of encroach- 
 unent which tends to cnnsolidate the 
 powers of (all the departments in one; 
 ^nd thus to create, whatever be the form 
 •oi : government, a real despotism. No 
 .sumptuary laws ; separation of Church 
 and State, for the good of each ; com- 
 mon schools fostered and protected. 
 
 3. Home 'rule; honest money — the 
 strict maintenance of thepubllc faith — i 
 consisting of gold and silver, and paper I 
 convertible into coin on demand ; the 
 strict maintenance of the public faitli 
 -State and National, and a, tariff for 
 revenue only. 
 
 4. The subordination of the military 
 ito the civil power, and a genera,l and 
 Tthrough reform of the liivil service. 
 
 5. The right to a free ballot is the 
 light preservative of all rights, and must 
 and shall be maintained in every part of 
 the United States. 
 
 '6. The existing Administration is the 
 Tepresentative of conspiracy only, and 
 its claim of right to surround tlie bal- 
 lot-toxes witli troops and, deputy mar- 
 .shals, to ititinjidate and obstruct tlie 
 .electors, and the unprecedented use of 
 the veto to maintain its corrupt and 
 •dfespotic poTver, insult t|ie pepple and 
 imperii their institutions, 
 
 7. The great fraud of 1876-77, by which , 
 mpofi a false count of the electoral votes 
 ■of twpiStates, the candidate defeated at 
 tlie polls was declared to be President, 
 and, for the first time in American his- 
 tory, the will of the people was set aside, 
 glider a threat of military' violence, 
 struck a deadly blow at our system of 
 representative government ; the Demo- 
 cratic patty, to preserve tlie country 
 from a civil war, submitted for a time 
 in firm and patriotic faith that tlie peo- 
 ple would punish this crime in 1880 ; this 
 issue preceded and dwarfs every other ; 
 it imposes a more sacred duty upon tlie 
 people of the Union tlien ever addressed 
 the conscience of a nation of a tree 
 
 Dien. , J! iT,- A J 
 
 8. We execrate the course of this Ad- 
 ministrstion in making places in the 
 civil service a reward forpoliticalcnme, 
 and demand a reform by statute which 
 will make it forever impossible tor the 
 defeated candidate to bribe his way to 
 
 the seat of a usurper Ijy billeting vil- 
 lians upon tlie people. 
 
 9. Tlie resolution of SaniuelJ. Tilden, 
 not again to be a candidate for the 
 exalted place towhich hewas electedby 
 a maiority of his countrymen, and from 
 which he was execluded by the leaders 
 of the Republican party, is received by 
 the Democrats of the United States 
 with sensibility, and they declare their 
 confidence in his T^asdom, patriotism and 
 integrity, unshaken by the assaults of a 
 common enemy, and they further assure 
 him that he is followed into the retire- 
 ment he has chosen for himself by the sym- 
 pathy andrespect of his fellow-citizens, 
 who regard him as one who, by elevat- 
 ing the standards of public morality, 
 merits the lasting gratitude of his coun- 
 try and his party. 
 
 10. Free snips and a living chance for 
 American commerce on seas and on the 
 land. No discrimination in favor of 
 transportation lines, corporations of 
 monopolies. 
 
 11. Amendment of the Biirlingame 
 Treaty. No more Chinese immigration, 
 except for travel, education, and foreign 
 commerce, and therein carefully guard- 
 ed. 
 
 13. Publicmoney and public credit for 
 public purposes solely, and public land 
 for actual settlers. 
 
 13. The Democraticparty is thefriend 
 of labor and the laboring man, and 
 pledges itself to protect him alike 
 against the cormorant and the com- 
 mune. 
 
 14. We congratulate the country upon 
 the honesty and thrift of a Democratic 
 Congress which has reduced the public 
 expenditure $40,000,000 a year; upon 
 the continuation of prosperity at home 
 and the National honor abroad, and, 
 above all, upon the promise of such a 
 change in the administration of the 
 Government as shall insure us genuine 
 and lasting reform in every department 
 of the public service. 
 
 PART III. 
 
 Ore enback— 1880. 
 
 1. That the right to make and issue 
 money is a sovereign power to be main- 
 tained by the people for the common 
 benefit. The delegation of this right to 
 corporations is a surrender of the cen- 
 tral attribute of sovereignty, void of the 
 constitutional sanction ; conferring upon 
 a subordinate iiTespon si ble power, abso- 
 lute dominion over industry and com- 
 merce. Ail money, whether metalic or 
 paper, should be issued and its volume 
 controlled by the Government, and not 
 by or through banking corporations, 
 and when so issued should be a iHill le- 
 gal tender for all debts, public and 
 private. 
 
233 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFOEMS. 
 
 3. That the 1)011118 of the United States 
 should not be lefanded, but paid as 
 rapidly as is practicable, according to 
 contract. To enable the government to 
 meet tliese obligations, legal-tender 
 currency should be substituted for the 
 notes of the National banks, the Na- 
 tional banking system abolished, and the 
 unlimited coinage of silver, as well as 
 gold, established by law. 
 
 3. That labor should be so protected 
 by National and State authority as to 
 equalize its burdens and insure a just 
 distribution of its results ; the eight- 
 hour law of Congress should be en- 
 forced ; the sanitary condition of in 
 dustrial establishments placed under 
 rigid control ; tlie competition of con- 
 tract convict labor abolished ; a bureau 
 of labor statistics established : factories, 
 mines, and workshops inspected ; the 
 employment of cliildren under fourteen 
 years of age forbidden, and wages paid 
 m cash. 
 
 4. Slavery being simple cheap labor, 
 and cheap labor being simply slavery, 
 the importation and presence of Chi- 
 nese serfs necessarily tends to brutal- 
 lize and degrade American labor; there- 
 fore, immediate steps should be taken 
 to abrogate the Burlingame Treaty. 
 
 5. Railroad land grants forfeited by 
 reason of non-fultillment of contract 
 should be immediately reclaimed by the 
 government ; and henceforth the publo 
 domain reserved exclusively as homes 
 fur actual settlers. 
 
 6. It is the duty of Congress to regu- 
 late inter-State Commerce. All lines of 
 communication and transportation 
 should be brought under such legisla- 
 tive control as shall secure moderate, 
 fair and uniform rates for passenger 
 and freight traiific. 
 
 7. We denounce as destructive to 
 prosperity, and dangerous to liberty, 
 the action of the old parties in foster- 
 ing and sustaining gigantic land, rail- 
 road and money corporations and mon- 
 opolies, invested with, and exercising 
 jwwers belonging to the government, 
 and yet not responsible to it for the 
 manner of their exercise. 
 
 8. That the Constitution, in giving 
 Congress the power to borrow money, 
 to declare war, to raise and support 
 unnies, to provide and maintain a navy, 
 
 never intended that the men who» 
 loaned their money for an interest con- 
 sideration should be preferred to the 
 soldier and sailor who peril their lives- 
 and shed blood on land and sea in de-- 
 fense of their country ; and we condemn^ 
 the cruel class legislation of the Bepiib- 
 lican party which, while professing - 
 great gratitude to the soldier, has- 
 most unjustly discriminated against 
 him and in favor of the bondholder. 
 
 9. All property should bear its just 
 proportion of taxation, but we demand. 
 a graduated income tax. 
 
 10. We denounce as most dangerous 
 the ettbrts everywhere manifest to re- 
 strict the right of suffrage. 
 
 11. We are opposed to an increase of 
 the standing army in time of peace,, 
 and tlie insidious scheme to establish 
 ad enormous military power under the 
 guise of militia laws. 
 
 12. We demand absolute Democratic 
 rules for the government of Congress, 
 placing all representatives of the people- 
 upon an equal footing, and taking - 
 away from committees a veto power 
 greater than that of the President. 
 
 13. We demand a government of the 
 people, by the people, and for the peo- 
 
 Ele, instead of a government of the 
 ondliolders, by the bondholders, and. 
 for the bondholders ; and we denounce 
 every attempt to stir up sectional strife, 
 as an effort to conceal monstrous crimes - 
 against the people. 
 
 14. In the furtherance of these ends 
 we ask the co-operation of all fair- 
 minded people. We have no quarrel' 
 with individuals, wage no war upou 
 classes, but only against vicious insti- 
 tutions. We are not content to endure 
 further discipline from our present 
 actual rulers, who, having dominion 
 over money, over transportation, over 
 land and labor, and largely over the 
 press and the machinery of govern- 
 ment, wield unwarrantable power over 
 our institutions, and over our life and 
 property. 
 
 15. That every citizen of due age,, 
 sound niiud, and not a felon, be fu'lly 
 enfranchised, and that this resolution-, 
 be referrd to the States, with recom- 
 mendation for tlieir favorable consid- 
 eration. 
 
STATISTICAL TABLKS 
 
 SHD 
 
 statistical Tables. 
 
 Popular Vote for President from 1864 to 1880, Inclusive. 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 States. 
 
 = . 
 
 3i^ 
 
 -j^ 
 
 ^ • 
 
 
 I& 
 
 -a 
 
 c =, 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 %5 
 
 *Q3 
 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 California 
 
 Colorado 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Florida 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Kanisas 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Maine 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Ma.ssacbusetts 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Missouri 
 
 l^ebraska 
 
 Nevada 
 
 '1^, Hampabire. 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 New York 
 
 N. Carolina.... 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Oregon 
 
 Pennsylvania.. 
 Khode Island.. 
 South Carolina 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Texa.s 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Virgini.i 
 
 West Virginia. 
 "Wisconsin 
 
 62,134 
 
 ii.mi 
 
 0,165 
 
 18i),490 
 1.50,422 
 89,075 
 16,441 
 27,786 
 
 61.803 
 40, l.'iS 
 1. '6,742 
 91,521 
 25,000 
 
 42,2*3 
 8,767 
 
 158,730 
 13),2:a 
 
 49,.W6 
 3,6»1 
 
 64.^01 
 
 44,211 
 32,7:» 
 48.74.1 
 74,604 
 17,375 
 
 72,750 
 
 I 
 
 31,67! 
 
 9,826 
 36,400 
 6«,7J3 
 368,735 
 
 265,154 
 
 296.301 
 
 6,51m 
 32,871 
 68,024 
 361,986 
 
 20),56i 
 8.4.57 
 
 276,316 
 S,170 
 
 Total 2,216,067 I 
 
 Majority 407,3 
 
 2;),I52 
 83.4.58 i 
 
 10,438 
 Co,SS4 
 
 76.366 72,088 
 22.112 19,078 
 54,583 54,077 
 
 60,99.5 
 7,623 
 By Legis 
 .57.134 
 2511,303 
 l;6,.548 
 120,390 
 .31,048 
 39.56S 
 33,263 
 70,493 
 30,438 
 136,477 
 128,.5.50 
 43,.54o 
 
 9,729 
 6,480 
 38,191 
 80,131 
 
 4J9,S(*3 
 96,769 
 
 280,22:1 
 10.901 
 
 342,2i I 
 
 12.993 
 62,301 
 66,628 
 
 44,167 
 
 29,175 
 108.857 
 
 47,9)2 
 10,980 
 lature. 
 102,722 
 li)!],143 
 166,980 
 74,040 
 13,990 
 115,89 ■ 
 8J,215 
 42,460 
 62,357 
 59,408 
 97,069 
 28,076 
 
 65,628 
 
 5,439 
 
 6.218 
 
 31,224 
 
 83.201 
 
 429,88:i 
 
 84,(01 
 
 2.38,606 
 
 11,10.-. 
 
 313,382 
 
 6,548 
 
 45,237 
 
 26,129 
 
 12,045 
 
 20,306 
 84,707 
 
 
 
 pa 
 
 90,282 1 
 41,373 I 
 64,020 
 
 79,444 
 «7,927 
 40,718 
 
 50,638 
 
 11,115 
 
 17,703 
 
 02,.5.50 
 
 241,9-14 
 
 186,147 
 
 131,566 
 
 67,048 
 
 88,766 
 
 71,663 
 
 61,422 
 
 66.760 
 
 133,472 
 
 138,4.56 
 
 56.117 
 
 82,175 
 
 111I,1!I6 
 
 18,320 
 
 8,413 
 
 37,J6S 
 
 91,656 
 
 440,7.36 
 
 94,769 
 
 281,852 
 
 11,819 
 
 349, ,589 
 
 13.666 
 
 72,290 
 
 85,6.56 
 
 47,406 
 
 41,481 
 
 93,468 
 
 32,:!-, 
 
 104,997 
 
 3,016.071 2,709,613 I 3,597,070 
 305,458 762,991 
 
 45,880 
 10,.:06 
 15,427 
 76,3-56 
 
 184,938 
 
 103,632 
 71,196 
 32.970 
 99,995 
 57,029 
 29.087 
 67,687 
 59.260 
 78,3.56 
 34,423 
 47,288 
 
 151.43) 
 7,812 
 6,2.M 
 
 31,424 
 76,466 
 
 3*7,281 
 70,094 
 
 244,321 
 7,730 
 
 212,M1 
 5,329 
 22,703 
 94,391 
 66.600 
 1P,927 
 91,654 
 20.451 
 86,477 
 
 68,230 
 
 38,669 
 
 78,614 
 
 By Legis 
 
 59,0:i4 
 
 10,762 
 
 23,849 
 
 50,446 
 
 278,232 
 
 208,011 
 
 171,327 
 
 78,322 
 
 97,156 
 
 76,135 
 
 66,300 
 
 71,981 
 
 160,063 
 
 166,534 
 
 72,962 
 
 52,605 
 
 145,029 
 
 31.916 
 
 10,383 
 
 41,539 
 
 103,.517 
 
 489,207 
 
 108,417 
 
 333,698 
 
 16,206 
 
 384,122 
 
 16.787 
 
 91,870 
 
 89,.566 
 
 44.800 
 
 44,092 
 
 96,.558 
 
 42,698 
 
 130,668 
 
 102,002 
 
 58.071 
 
 75.845 
 
 lature. 
 
 61,934 
 
 13,381 
 
 22,923 
 
 130,088 
 
 268,601 
 
 213.52<i 
 
 112,099 
 
 37,902 
 
 169,690 
 
 70,636 
 
 49,82.1 
 
 91.780 
 
 108,777 
 
 141,095 
 
 48,799 
 
 112,173 
 
 203,077 
 
 17,.564 
 
 9,308 
 
 3S,.509 
 
 115,9(iJ 
 
 521,94S 
 
 126,427 
 
 323,182 
 
 14,149 
 
 366,157 
 
 10,712 
 
 90.906 
 
 133,166 
 
 101,7.5.-1 
 
 20,254 
 
 139,670 
 
 .56,455 
 
 123.9-27 
 
 i,o34,079 I 4,0;i3,:;y.5 I -i,-284,-Ji.j 
 Over all. 1.57,394 
 
 S3 
 
 66,221 
 
 42,436 
 
 80,348 
 
 27,4.50 
 
 67,071 
 
 14,l:i3 
 
 23,651 
 
 54.086 
 
 318.0.37 
 
 232,1J4 
 
 183,927 
 
 121,649 
 
 106.306 
 
 38,6:j7 
 
 74,089 
 
 78,615 
 
 166,265 
 
 185,311 
 
 93,903 
 
 34,854 
 
 1.53,.567 
 
 54,979 
 
 8,732 
 
 44,&52 
 
 120,655 
 
 656,644 
 
 115,874 
 
 S75.018 
 
 20,619 
 
 441704 
 
 18,195 
 
 58,071 
 
 107,677 
 
 57.893 
 
 45,.567 
 
 84,020 
 
 46.243 
 
 144.4l'0 
 
 91,185 
 
 60,775- 
 
 80,420- 
 
 24,647 
 
 64,415 
 
 15,275- 
 
 27,964 
 
 102,470 
 
 277,321 
 
 22-5.522. 
 
 106,845- 
 
 59,801 
 
 149,068 
 
 66,067 
 
 65,171 
 
 93,706 
 
 111,960- 
 
 131,-597 
 
 53,315- 
 
 75,7.50 
 
 208,609 
 
 28,-513 
 
 9,613 
 
 40,794 
 
 122,565- 
 
 534,611 
 
 124,208 
 
 340,821 
 
 19,948 
 
 407.428 
 
 20.779 
 
 112,312 
 
 128,191 
 
 156,428 
 
 18,316 
 
 128,.")86 
 
 67,391 
 
 114,i>49 
 
 4,4.>),4. 6,4,444,962- 
 9,4<H Pi'r'llty 
 
 In 1872 the Straight Democratic ticket (O'Conor) received 29,489 votes, and the Prohibition fcket 
 (Blaoli) 5,60S. 
 
 In 1876 Cooper (Greenback) received 81,737 votes, and Smith (Proliibiti in) 9,522 votes. Tlie " Anti- 
 Secret Society ticket" received 339 in all. There were 1,778 votes returned as " scattering'" in vari- 
 ous States. Ill Miohisran there wer^' 12,937 return.das " imperfect and scalt-.-rini." 
 
 In 1880 Weaver (Greenback) received 308,578 votes; Duw (Prohibition), 10,305; " American " ticket, 
 707, and 989 "imperfect and scattering." In L juisiaua the "regular" G.irlleld ticket p jlled 28,297 
 votes; the " Beattie" Garfield ticket, 10.340. In Virginia the"' regular " Hancock ticket polled 96,912 
 votes; the "Readjuster" HancocK ticket, 31,674. 
 
 1824. 
 1811. 
 1832. 
 
 Year. Total vote. 
 
 352,062 
 1,156,328 
 1,217,691 
 
 1836. 
 184a 
 1844. 
 
 Total vote. Year. 
 
 Total vote. 
 
 1.498,205 
 2,410,772 
 2,098,603 
 
 1848. 
 1S5J. 
 1856. 
 
 2.,S72,.S0S 
 3,142,877 
 4,063,967 
 
 Year. Total vite. Year. Total vote. 
 
 1880. 
 1864. 
 
 186-1. 
 
 4,676,8.53 
 4,024,792 
 5,724,621 
 
 1872. 
 
 1876. 
 
 6,4.31,149 
 8.424,073 
 9,299.947 
 
■240 STATISTICAL TABLES. 
 
 Electoral Vote for President and Vice-President since 1868. 
 
 
 1868. 
 
 1872. 
 
 1876. 
 
 1880. 
 
 
 Prea. 
 
 V. P. 
 
 President. 
 
 V. P. 1[ 
 
 Pies. 
 
 V. p. 
 
 Pres. 
 
 V. p. 
 
 State3-(3B.) 
 
 5 
 ; 
 
 
 y, 
 
 8 
 5 
 
 5 
 -1 
 
 1(1 
 
 
 a 
 3 
 
 
 
 f 
 
 10 
 
 t 
 
 6 
 
 a 
 
 
 .... 
 
 ft) 
 
 0. 
 
 fD 
 
 10 
 6 
 
 "'6 
 3 
 
 "ii 
 
 "is 
 
 "{'> 
 '"s 
 
 "'8 
 15 
 
 "'9 
 
 35 
 10 
 
 1'' 
 
 n 
 2, 
 — . 
 
 "e 
 3 
 
 "■4 
 
 "2i 
 
 "ii 
 
 5 
 
 "? 
 
 "is 
 11 
 
 "3 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 2_ 
 3 
 
 29 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 "'e 
 3 
 
 "ii 
 
 "ii 
 
 "i2 
 
 
 "-8 
 
 C 
 
 31 
 
 .... 
 
 3 
 6 
 
 "21 
 1ft 
 11 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 "is 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 10 
 6 
 6 
 
 "i 
 
 4 
 
 "i2 
 
 8 
 "'8 
 
 "-'s 
 
 15 
 "'3 
 
 » 
 
 "io 
 
 > 
 
 "i 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 "21 
 
 15 
 11 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 "is 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 
 .. . . 
 
 "'3 
 
 5 
 
 "35 
 
 22 
 
 29 
 
 
 Alabama 
 
 8 
 5 
 5 
 
 '"o 
 
 10 
 6 
 
 t 
 
 t 
 
 t 
 
 t 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 '."3 
 
 6 
 "3 
 
 
 6 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 3 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 '"s 
 
 t 
 
 '"s 
 "e 
 
 "21 
 
 "ii 
 
 5 
 
 "8 
 
 7 
 
 "is 
 11 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 22 
 
 "s 
 
 29 
 
 4 
 
 m 
 
 
 16 
 13 
 8 
 3 
 
 "ii 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 Hi 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 S 
 
 ""7 
 
 "12 
 8 
 ■1 
 
 * 
 
 11 
 3 
 3 
 5 
 
 "9 
 21 
 
 "26 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 * 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 8 
 
 214 
 
 * 
 * 
 
 71 
 
 21 
 16 
 11 
 6 
 
 't" 
 
 7 
 
 "is 
 11 
 5 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 3 
 5 
 9 
 3o 
 10 
 22 
 3 
 2SI 
 4 
 7 
 
 ii 
 11 
 
 10 
 
 286 
 
 
 
 21 
 16 
 11 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 -j^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 t 
 
 4 
 t 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 t. 
 
 8 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 12 
 8 
 4 
 * 
 
 IJ 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 11 
 
 8 
 
 "3 
 
 3 
 6 
 9 
 
 10 
 ■)■> 
 
 "3 
 29 
 4 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 "-81...! 
 
 15!;.... 
 
 ....! 3 
 
 1 5 
 
 9| .... 
 
 Sol y, 
 
 111,:.... 
 
 }■' 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 It 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 "7 
 
 38 
 
 71 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 21 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 i 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 5 
 
 * 
 
 8 
 214 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 .... . 
 
 7 
 
 10 
 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 ^s|'::;: 
 
 ....[ 6 
 
 8 
 
 "ii 
 
 6 
 155 
 
 "'5 
 
 "io 
 
 214 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 t-'i 
 
 .... 5 
 
 iiL... 
 
 8 
 
 "ii 
 5 
 
 184 
 
 5 
 
 "io 
 
 — 
 
 214 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 11 
 
 6 
 10 
 
 286 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 West Virginia 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' in ' 11, 
 
 
 Total 
 
 4'J 
 
 18 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 47 
 
 i ""> 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 Note. — The votes of three electors from Georgia were returned in 1872 for Horace Greelev: but as he 
 ■was dead at the time the vote^ were oast in the Electoral College, it was decided not to count them. 
 *No vote. tRejeoted. {Cast on second Wednesday of December, Tf 19 Scattering. 
 
Democratic Defense of Partisan Assessment. 
 
 The present Democratic Congressional Committee assessed United States. 
 Senators $100 and Members of tlie House $50, as also the employees of the 
 United States Senate a pro rata upon their salaries for partisan purposes in 
 the present campaign. They were promptly paid. They were assessed and 
 paid upon high Constitutional grounds. The time honored doctrine of the 
 Democracy, in reference to partisan assessments, is, that all laws forbidding 
 such assessments, and even all inquiries by Congress respecting the practice^ 
 is unconstitutional and violative of the right of the citizen. As early as 1839, 
 in the Democratic minority report of the Harlan Committee, Mr. Owen, * 
 distinguished Democrat, maintains : 
 
 " The right of inquiry [into the question, whether Federal officers have con- 
 tributed money for campaign purposes] involves the right to pass laws.' 
 Congress can say the officer shall not have the right to use his money fos 
 purpose, they may say he shall not use it for another. They may say he; 
 not attend the polls ; and, putting the cap-stone to this political pillar; 
 may say he shall not vote at any election. Sanction this principle, anc 
 have a consolidated government in all its forms." . j 
 
 And this grave constitutional doctrine, the Democracy maintained 
 port of their practice of arbitrary partisan assessments, levied upoi^ 
 ployees of the National and State and municipal Governments vm^ 
 control, and enforced by threats of removal in case of failure to j 
 respond, during the whole of their long rule, up to the latest liol 
 Buchanan. All statements to the contrary are simply silly canards— j 
 falsifications of the hoary record of the Democracy. j 
 
 The Pretended Assessments of Ladies at Carlisle Indian 
 ing School an Unqualified Slander. , 
 
 The charge that the RepubUcan Congressional Committee asses 
 silver haired matron, the venerable nurse, and blooming school mam 
 Indian Training School at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, is simply an miqu 
 without justification or decent foundation. No lady of Carlisle Indiax 
 School was assessed by the Committee for any purpose, or .vasuiyi 
 or by any one in its name, to contribute to its campaign fund. >,ok 
 of the departments of the government, has been requested or anyit 
 committee, or by any one in its name, to contribute to tJie Kepulih 
 r,»i,„i ftiiHl. The charge is simply an uninitigntea slaiide-.