Tract, No. 1.]
THE
SOUTH ALONE,
SHOULD GOVERN
TrHE SOUTH.
AFRICAN SLAVERY
SHOULD BE CONTROLLED
THOSE O 1ST E Y,
WHO ARE
FRIENDLY
TO IT.
Read and send to your Neighbor.
The subjec
examination c
you.
Time too, h
soon press upi
H ow then d
Is it for mi
prosperous en
Is it for SI
with certain r
Say ! and a
posts of your 1
te • and the
y concerns
es. It will
e Decision.
irity and a
be followed
n the door-
is the fate
you have chosen for those whom you cherish within.
MEN OF THE SOUTH.
The subject before you, may be disagreeable to contemplate ; and the
examination of it may be irksome. But it js one, which deeply concerns
you.
Time too, is fast hurrying the duestion to your hearthstones. It will
soon press upon you ; and you will not be allowed to postpone the Decision.
How then do you decide ?
Is it for manly RESISTANCE; to be followed, with security and a
prosperous end ?
or
Is it for SUBMISSION; and a short inglorious ease : to be followed
with certain ruin ?
Say! and after you have made your Decision, write it, upon the door-
posts of your habitations, that all who enter may know, what is the fate
you have chosen for those whom you cherish within.
MEETING IN ST. JOHN'S COLLETON.
Agreeably to a call for a public meeting of the citizens of St. John's
Colleton, to be held at Rockville, to receive the report of their delegates to
the Democratic State Convention, lately held in Columbia, a meeting was
held for that purpose on Thursday, the 7th inst.
Mr. Townsend then presented the report as one of the delegates; and
afterwards an address, in vindication of the 10th resolution of the St.
John's Colleton series, recommending the policy of a Southern Confede-
racy.
After he had concluded, Mr. Richard E. Jenkins, one of the alternate
delegates who was appointed to the late Convention, offered the following
preamble and resolution, which was unanimously adopted :
Whereas the topics discussed in the address of the Hon. John Town-
send, which he has just presented to us, being the condition of the South
in the present Union, and her gloomy prospects for the future, together with
the measures of remedy suitable to her case, are subjects of deep interest to
every Southern man, and call for his most profound meditation ; therefore
be it
Resolved, That Mr. Townsend be requested to have_his address pub-
lished in'the public prints.
After presenting the " Report of the Delegates," above alluded to, (but
which is here omitted), Mr. Townsend continued to address the meeting
as follows:
ADDRESS.
I give it as my deliberate conviction, Mr. Chairman, that the present
condition and future prospects of the South, in this Union, are such as to
forbid any trifling with her rights; but call for a full and explicit declara-
tion and acknowledgment of them. This declaration I have not seen any-
where better done, than in the platform of principles put forth by Alabama
and adopted by this Parish, when they lately appointed Delegates to the
Democratic State Convention in Columbia. Those resolutions cover the
whole ground of our rights in the Territories which are the subjects of
present dispute ; and they do this with a manliness, clearness, precision
4
and force, which leave nothing to be added to them. I think that the pre-
vailing spirit in our Convention came nothing short of the highest pitch of
these Alabama resolutions. No platform was adopted by the Convention;
because, being invited by the seceding States upon a platform of principles
already agreed upon, it was deemed courteous to them not to make any
alterations in it.
But whilst these resolutions are complete, so far as they go, towards the
declaration of our rights, no remedy is provided in them (except the with-
drawing from the National Convention may be called such), in the event
those rights are denied us. That they will be denied and inevitably lost to
us, except we apply some active Measure of Remedy, I think is as certain,
as anything future, can be considered as certain. The South, then, cannot
too soon, in my judgment, employ her thoughts in considering this remedy.
The resqlutions lately adopted by this Parish, to which I have just re-
ferred, suggest, I think, the only effectual remedy. They are as follows:
Resolutions adopted at a meeting of citizens of St. John's Colleton,
assembled to appoint delegates to the democratic
State Convention in Columbia :
Resolved, 1. That we heartily approve and endorse the action of the
Southern delegates in withdrawing from the recent Democratic Conven-
tion, and accept it as an earnest of the Southern patriot's long deferred
hope and desideratum—a united South.
2. That the Constitution of the United States is a compact between
sovereign and co-equal States, united on the basis of perfect equality of
rights and privileges.
3. That the Territories of the United States are common property, in
which the States have equal rights, and to which the citizens of every
State may rightfully emigrate with their slaves or other property, recog-
nized as such in any of the States of the Union, or by the Constitution of
the United States.
4. That the CSngress of the United States has no power to abolish
slavery in the Territories, or to prohibit its introduction into any of them.
5. That the Territorial Legislatures, created by the legislation of Con-
gress, have no power to abolish slavery or to prohibit the introduction of
the same, or to impair by unfriendly legislation the security or full enjoy-
ment of the same within the Territories; and such constitutional power
certainly does not belong to the people of the Territories in any capacity,
before, in the exercise of a lawful authority, they form a Constitution pre-
paratory to admission as a State into the Union ; and their action in the
exercise of such lawful authority, certainly, cannot operate or take effect
before their actual admission as a State into the Union.
6. That the principles enunciated by Chief Justice Taney, in his opinion
in the Bred Scott case, deny to the Territorial Legislatures a power to
destroy or impair, by any legislation whatever, the right of property in
slaves, and maintain it to be the duty of the Federal Government, in all its
departments, to protect the rights of the owner of such property in the
Territories; and the principles so declared are hereby asserted to be the
rights of tire South, and the South should maintain them.
7. That we hold all the foregoing propositions to contain cardinal prin-
dples, true in themselves, just, proper and necessary for the safety of all
that is dear to us.
8. That the enactment of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execu-
5
tion of the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character, subversive of the
Constitution, and revolutionary in their effects.
9. As the opinion of this meeting that the delegates to be appointed at
Columbia to attend the Convention, to be held at Richmond on the second
Monday in June next, should be instructed to cast the vote of South Caro-
lina as a unit, and the majority of said delegation shall determine how the
vote of the State shall be given.
10. Resolved further, As the opinion of this meeting, that if the consti-
tutional rights of the South, as hereinbefore enunciated, be not fully and
distinctly" recognized by the Democratic party; or if the results of the
approaching Federal election leave us without reasonable hopes for their
maintenance, and thus unprotected and defenceless in the Union—then it
will be the duty, as it will be the highest interest of the Southern States,
to take their destinies under their own control, and prepare, without delay,
to organize for themselves a separate and independent Confederacy.
11. That, as a united South is alone wanting to secure to us " equality
in the Union or independence out of it," we think it right and proper that
South Carolina should be represented in the Convention to be held in Rich-
mond, to aid, by her counsel and presence, in bringing about " a consum-
mation so devoutly to be wished for."
These resolutions, from the 2d to the 8th, inclusive, are taken from the
Alabama platform. A careful examination of them will justify the com-
mendation which I have bestowed upon them, as a clear and precise expo-
sition of our rights.
St. John's Colleton 10th Resolution.
'But, Mr. Chairman and fellow-citizens, it is to the subject-matter con-
tained in the 10th resolution of the St. John's Col leton series, to which the
attention of the people of the South should now be chiefly directed. It is
in these words :
"That if the constitutional rights of the South, as hereinbefore enun-
ciated, be not fully and distinctly recognized by the Democratic party; or
if the results of the approaching Federal elections leave us without rea-
sonable hope for their maintenance, and thus unprotected and defenceless
in the Union, then it will be the duty—as it will be the highest interest of
the Southern States—to take their destinies under their own control, and
prepare, without delay, to organize for themselves a separate and inde-
pendpnt Confederacy."
The foregoing resolutions were occupied in announcing the rights of the
South. The necessity of so formal announcement implies that they had
been denied, assailed, and put in danger. This resolution deals in the
modes of redress. First, by referring the matter to the Democratic party,
and obtaining from it a.full recognition and vindication of those rights in
the Union; or, failing in this, by the second mode—that of taking our case
in our own hands, and securing to us our rights out of the Union.
The proposition is calculated to invoke the profoundest attention of every
reflecting mind. It is whether our rights shall be given up, and be lost to
us, or whether we shall defend them, and secure them for ourselves and
our posterity; and then it suggests the modes by which the latter is to be
done.
We assume that no Southern man is such a craven in spirit as to give up
hi s rights without a struggle—in the Union, if possible, by the aid and
instrumentality of the only organization which has any claims to nationality;
0
or out of the Union, if necessary, by secession and revolution. The first
inquiry then is, whether the Democratic party; or any other power within
the Union, is capable, under present influences, to secure to us our rights ;
and if it shall appear that this shall fail us, then whether a Southern Con-
federacy will not be our only resort.
Democratic Party : divided.
It is inconceivable, fellow-citizens, how any reflecting man, with all the
facts before him, should so far have deluded himself, as to suppose, that the
Democratic party could be united, upon any common platform of princi-
pies, which could lead to success in the warfare they are now engaged in,
with the Black Republican party for the Presidency. After Judge Douglas
had announced his dogma of Squatter Sovereignty, and his principles had
been ratified, and adopted so generally, by Northern and Western Demo-
crats, the seeds of death were sown in the party, never again to be eradi-
cated. The Northern view on this question was in such direct antagonism,
with that entertained by the South, that it would be supposed no witchery
of the necromancer could possibly reconcile them. The gulf between the
two wings of the party, like that which separated Dives and Lazarus, was
so broad and deep, that it would have seemed to be impossible to bring
them together, in united action against the common enemy. But, nothing is
deemed impossible with the "Party Hack" or the "Office Seeker" by trade;
and they seemed to think that even this impassable chasm could be
bridged over by resorts to "expediency" and appeals to " party success."
Indifferent themselves to principles, they appeared to think that all other
men are equally so. When, therefore, they assembled in Convention in
Charleston, they undertook to cover up the difficulty which they could
neither remove nor destroy, and to accomplish by ambiguity, fraud and
indirection, what was too strong for them openly to grapple with. They
accordingly offered a platform ^which they knew was Janus-faced and
deceptive, and must necessarily operate as a swindle.
Contempt for the South.
I make no comment upon the insult and contempt to the South which
this purpose implied—a contempt for our intelligence, which could not per-
ceive the swindle; a contempt for our political morality, which would give
up our principles for the success of a party or the spoils of office ; and the
insult to our manhood, which could be driven from its propriety, by fear of
consequences and the power of numbers. But, by whatever motives prompt-
ed, the attempt to impose upon the South such a platform, failed—as every
intelligent man believed it would fail, who had not lost faith in the South—
that she still had spirit enough to assert her rights; and who did not be-
lieve, with the contemptuous North, that " she could not be kicked out of
the Union." The South had been cheated once already in that platform,
and by the ambitious Expounder of it; and she had openly declared her
intention not again to be cheated. She was insulted, by not being believed,
both by her associates in the Northern wing of the Democratic party (at
heart Freesoilers,) as well as by some of her own sons, nurtured upon her
bosom, but who, alas! had learned, also, to disparage her! x
But there were,-on the other hand, many—aye, very many of her sons—
who cherished her character with more filial reverence, and who would
believe nothing disreputable of her; who, trusting in her wisdom, and
7
neyer doubting her courage, believed that, in her own way, and in her
own good time,'she would lay aside her forbearance, and plant herself
resolutely upon her rights.
Could sons, then, like these, suppose that she would go into a National
Convention of Democrats, and, for any cause, and under any temptations,
compromise her principles or surrender her heritage of rights ? I tell you,
nay, fellow-citizens! They neyer would indulge a thought so disbon-
oring to her, as to suppose that, if principles were to be surrendered to
qnite the Democratic party, the surrender would be on her part!
But if they felt sure that the South would stand firm, they were also
persuaded that no concession would come from the Northern wing of the
party—arrogant as they are from self-conscious power, and feeling, as
they do, that they represent the majority section of the Union, which, they
are resolved, shall give law to the South.
The National Democratic Party being broken ijp, into two hostile
Wings: What is the interest, and duty of the South,
under the circumstances.
Here, now, we perceive in the bosom of the National Democratic Con-
vention two parties, with principles radically opposed and irreconcilable,
and both resolute in maintaining their ground. How, then, could union
and concert of action be expected from such jarring elements? I tell you,
sir, they were not expected; and the breaking up of that Convention, and
its failure to nominate a common candidate for the party, are precisely such
results as every well-informed man, who had given thought to the subject,
had confidently anticipated. The meeting, then, of that Convention, and
its proceedings afterwards, were watched by every earnest friend of the
South with intense anxiety, looking for the rupture.
And now I ask, can any different result be expected for the future?
There is nothing to justify the expectation—I wilj not say the hope. The
causes which led to that rupture, so far from being temporary, are perma-
nent, and increasing, day by day, in number and strength. No union,
then, on principles, may ever again be looked for in any Democratic party.
If, then, the Democratic party (the only organization which may be
called national, and is not purely sectional,) may be considered as broken
up, and the Government is to fall into sectional and hostile hands, I ask—
1st, what interest has the South in the Democratic party any longer; and,
3d, what is the position which she should take for herself in this aspect of
affairs? If her rights in the Union are not fully secured to her, is it com-
patible with her dignity to hang on to a party as a sort of dependent
u make-weight," swelling its ranks, and putting it into power, and then
receive from it, (in the persons of a few of her needy office-seekers) a few
worthless crumbs as her share of the spoils ? Can it be to her interest to
continue to be a mere appendage to a Government whose treasury she
supplies annually with more than forty millions of revenue, to receive
back, in return, only twenty millions in disbursements? Can it be to her
interest to belong to a nation, in which she is out-numbered and out-voted
by those who are her enemies—in which her dearest rights are at the
mercy of other men who have openly announced their intention to destroy
them, and who now begin to contemn us in their hearts because of our
pwiUanimity in not defending ourselves? Every feeling of dignity and
self-respect, every impulse of honor, and every motive of self-preservation,
forbid it. And may God deliver us from the apathy which will end in
such ruin and degradation 1
8
What is the interest and duty of the South, in case the Govern-
ment shall fall into the hands of the black republicans.
Regarding it then as hopeless, utterly hopeless, to depend upon any
Party, or combination, inside the Union to save us, the resolution then
propounds that question which, sooner or later, we must solve, i. e.—
what should be the action of the South in case the Government shall fall
into the hands of the Black Republicans after the approaching Federal
elections!'—and this it proposes to solve, just now, and without delay, by
recommending "that we take our destinies under our own control, and
prepare to protect ourselves under a friendly government of our own.'"1
And here I expect to be met with the babbling out-cry of the timor-
ous-v" Why, this is disunion!" and with the stereotyped croakings of the
old fogy "Union-savers"—"Why, this is revolution/" Even so, fellow-
citizens : it is disunion ! It is revolution ! Do not blink it; look it full in
the face. Become familiar with it; for the necessities of our condition
require it. Let us hear no more of the sophomoric sentimentality about
"the Union"—"the glorious Union—cemented with the blood of our
fathers, and to be cherished for the memories of the past," &c., &c. Let
us brush away these cobwebs, and look at the subject clearly, like prac-
tical and sensible men, who have to dear with a great Reality. Let us
realize to ourselves this fact, (calculated, I admit, to sink like a heavy
weight upon our hearts) : that the Union is lost ; that its spirit has de-
parted from it; and that for all beneficent purposes, for the South, it is no
longer worth caring for! That union which originally bound together
thirteen friendly States, respectful and courteous to'each other in all their
intercourse—gentle towards each other's feelings—forbearing towards
each other's private affairs—not officiously intruding, but promoting, like
brethren of one family, the interests, the peace, the honor of each other;—
that union has long since ceased to exist, between the North, and the South !
It is now the forced, and unnatural herding together of two sections—spiteful
to each other—hating each other more and more every day—with inter-
ests opposed—and the stronger section making laws which operate with
merciless severity upon the weaker section!
Is this such a union as a prudent and high-spirited man would, for him-
self, be willing to live under, or to perpetuate to his posterity? And for
the social and political intercourse between the people of these two sec-
tions;—look at the treatment of Southern men reclaiming their property
at the North ; and the well-founded suspicions, which follow Northern
men, wherever they go in the South, and the punishment which they
often receive whilst practicing among us the fanatical principles which
they bring with them from home. Contemplate the scenes in the halls of
Congress—insult and vituperation;—the vulgar threats of conscious power
on the one side, and scorn and defiance on the other; and almost every
question of legislation decided by a strictly sectional vote. Could it be
worse if the representatives of France and England, or of Russia and
Austria, in their worst days, were forced together into one hall, to legis-
late together for the interests of each kingdom—the representatives of one
nation having the decided preponderance in making laws for the other?
Could it be worse, if animals of hostile natures were forced together, into
one cage, to fight with each other, over their food ?
And is this a connection (for I cannot call it a union) such as any man
of sense and courage would seriously contend for, as desirable, for the two
sections to live under? I answer, for myself, that it is not desirable; and
9
I give it as my opinion, that "if the question was put, fairly and square-
ly, before the people of the whole South—with all the disastrous and
humiliating consequences of this unnatural connection between the two
sections fairly presented to them—that there would not be found a lieu-
tenant's squad of Southern-born men in favor of perpetuating it!"
The Causes of Non-action, in the South.
And yet it may be asked : "How, then, does it come to pass, that so
many of these people seem so quiet in their submission to it?" Several
reasons may be assigned for this remarkable phenomenon, the chief of
which are: 1st, that the conditions are not fulfilled, in having the evils of
this connection, and its consequences.fairly presented to them; 2d, that,
from the insidious nature of many of these evils—that of Federal taxa-
tion, for example—they are affected in a manner, indirect and unseen ; 3d,
from the natural apathy belonging to some men, especially among those
who, (like the agricultural population of the South), live much alone, and
apart from each other; and which encourages a sort of Micawber expec-
tation, in their troubles, that "something will turn up" to bring them
relief; and lastly (but most potent of all), the delusive hopes which are
held out to them, by those who assume to be their "political leaders," that
if they will make such a man President, or keep such a party in power,
the people need give themselves no further concern, since the President
and the party will put things straight for them. This is commonly the
advice of those "great men" (so called) who, being actually in the enjoy-
ment, or in hopeful expectation of, the honors and offices of the party or'
the President, are apt to entertain extravagant notions of what a party
and President can do. We need not, then, suppose that these "great
men" are wilfully traitors to the people, although their advice is followed
by all the fatal consequences of selfish treachery. For say, Mr. Chair-
man, what can a President or a party do for the security of the South,
even if we had their entire sympathy and fullest inclination to take sides
with us, when the Northeast, and North, and Northwest of these United
States are hoplessly abolitionized, and are now working under a "higher
law" constitution of their own ? What can a President do, albeit person-
ally, and politically^, entirely acceptable to us; in a government, the most
powerful department of which, (the legislative), is thoroughly sectionalized
and with the party even, of which he is the Representative Chief, taking
part against us with our sectional foes?
How unwise, then (for I will not be so irreverent as to say how fQolish
and absurd), is it, for the South, to be placing her dependence upon " Pres-
idents" and "parlies," when she can work out her own deliverance from
injustice and wrong by the strength of her own right arm, directed by her
own brave heart!
Assent to these conclusions would, I think, be the general sentiment of
the unbiassed and instructed mind of the whole South ; and this sentiment
would soon ripen into manly and resolute ACTION, were it not for the
fatal counsels to procrastination from their political advisers, aided by the
vrothanly fears of " Disunion," and the croakings of political hacks about
"Revolution."
Disunion inevitable.
But, Mr. Chairman, not all these croakings, nor lamb-like bleatings, nor
counselfings, can prevent it! "Disunion" and "Revolution" must come!—
10
else, under the rule of Abolitionism, and of the bad and vulgar men, who,?
like the scum, will rise upon the surface of Northern society, from the!
boiling cauldron of universal suffrage—there will be in store for the South,'
an endurance of insult and sufferings, of ignominy and degradation, which;
no people have ever submitted to, except those who were bom slaves!
What, sir! can the gentleman, born so by nature, or made so by culture
and education, submit to be ruled by some vulgar demagogue like Gid-
dings, or Wilson, or Lovejoy, or Sumner—himself brought into brief
authority by pandering to the prejudices of a vulgar sans culotte? Can a
free people, accustomed to just and sensible laws, with their families and'
property to protect, and having under keeping so sensitive an institution
as that of African slavery, consent to have interests so precious to them,1'
tampered with, by the crude experiments of a crazy and impracticably
fanaticism ?
Example of St. Domingo and the British West Indies.
Fortunately for the South, history has recorded for our warning the,
fatal consequences of such folly. Contemplate, I beseech you, fellow-citr;
izens, the example of St. Domingo; and then, after the soul has become*
sickened by the awful tragedies which were there perpetrated, then turn,,
to the British West Indies, and let that example grave deeper upon the
heart the solemn lesson, of the "Heavy misfortune of that people whose,
destinies are under the control and legislation of another people; ignorant
of their condition, insensible to their wants, without sympathy or pity, and
legislating for them after their own crude, and wild, and impracticable
theories.!"*
What difference would it make to us, whether our lives and fortunes
were controlled by Red Republican France, or Black Republican Massn-
chusetts; whether we are to be the victims of the Pharisaical self-right-
eousness of Old England philanthropy, or the Puritanical self-righteous-*
ness of New England philanthropy? France had her Santhonax; England
her Clarkson and Buxton; and the North have their Giddings, their Wil-
son, their Seward, and their Sumner. And, if it be philosophically true,
that like causes will produce like effects, what reason have we to suppose
that we of the South shall escape the dire effects of abolition frenzy here,-
when it has produced such terrific consequences everywhere else? Wheq
revolutionary France first took the disease of political fanaticism, her
theories about the "Rights of Man" were mild and harmless. But many,
months had not passed away, before the madness had so far got posses-
sion of her, that she inscribed upon her banners, "Idberte, FqiMlite, Fra-
ternite," as applicable, not only to herself, but for all the nations and
kingdoms of the earth. The civilized world took alarm at these ravings
of the frantic maniac, and closed their gates upon her. But she had some
feeble colonies, for which she had the right to make laws, and to these she
turned, to carry out her theories of liberty and philanthropy! Unhappy
St. Domingo! She had not her destinies in her own keeping; she was
governed by a nation which knew not her condition, and which was under:
the influence of theories which were entirely inapplicable to her. The
experiment was made; she wa's too weak to resist; scenes of untold mis-
ery followed; all that she had of civilization was crushed out of her, and
there she stands—a Degraded Thing—-a monument of " warning" to all
peoples, te take their government into their own hands, ana not to permit
themselves to be governed by another and a hostile people !
* See Appendix, A.
11
Now, fellow-citizens, is there nothing in this fearful history, and in that
of the abolition of slavery in the British West Indies, from which the
South may take warning, when applied to the history of abolition in the
United States ?
Progress of Abolition among the PEOPLE of the United States.
Scarcely thirty years ago, the abolition party was so small and insig-
nificant that it was greeted, even in New England, with derision and
ridicule. Now, it has overspread fifteen States of this Union; taken
possession of their political power;■ wields it to its own purposes; has
thoroughly sectionalized the country; and at the last Presidential ejection
gave to its sectional candidate, although a mere adventurer without any
claims to statesmanship, 1,341,812 votes; and that, too, against a man
irreproachable in character, and one of the most experienced statesmen
in the Confederacy. So much in evidence of its progress among the
people. And now, let us look at its advance in the government of the
country.
Progress of Abolition in the GOVERNMENT of the United States.
About the same time, (when they first began to petition for the aboli-
tion. of slavery in the District of Columbia, and it was objected to by the
South as unconstitutional, seeing that Congress had no right to grant such
a petition,) they contended for the mere right of petition, and to have their
petitions read. Advancing, step by step, they succeeded in breaking
down every rule of Congress which was placed, as a harrier in their way.
Anti-slavery petitions have since poured in, like a flood, upon Congress,
(the common Legislature of the Confederacy), couched in language the
most offensive and insulting to the people and institutions of half the
States therein represented :—petitions to abolish slavery in the forts and
dock-yards, > apd every place else, where the United States may ,hold an
acre of jurisdiction, no matter if it be within the heart of a slave-holding
State: petitions to abolish the inter-State slave trade, and petitions to
abolish the selling of slaves, and slavery itself, in the District of Column
bia. They have so far attained their ends as to have abolished the selling
of slaves in the District of Columbia, under penalty, of taking away the
negro from his master and setting him free. Emboldened by success, they
have within the present session of Congress, introduced a resolution
demanding the abolition of slavery wherever it exists; which, to the sur-
prise of ^iany, has received the support of, I believe, sixty-five of their
members of Congress. And the great Representative Head of their party,
seeing, as he thinks, that there is irreconcilable hostility between the two
forms of labor, peculiar to the two sections; declares that, in that "irre-
pressible conflict" which is about to take place, slavery must be abolished>•
and, as the North will soon have the power in the Executive and the
Judiciary, aryd as they now have it in the Legislative Departments of the
Government, that the "North must do it!"
The aim of the Black Republican Party—the total abolition of
Slavery at the South.
Are these idle words—or are they the well-considered axioms of one
who is considered the most sagacious as wpll as the most influential of the
leaders who direct the policy of political abolitionism? Let no man then
12
delude himself that the Black Republican party will stop short of the
*total abolition of slavery in the South, as soon as they get the power and
control of the Government into their own hands.' Is it the policy of the
South to wait for that to take place, or to anticipate it by putting herself
beyond the influence of their policy or the operation of their laws? I answer,
in the language of the resolution, that " both her duty and highest
interest require she should so act." By what means? The resolution
answers : " By taking their destinies under their own control, and prepar-
ing, without delay, to organize for themselves a separate and independent
confederacy
The^resolution, also, takes us out of that class (so abominable in the
eyes of Union-sentimentalists and "Union-savers")—who are known as
" Disunionists per se,"—for it makes this action to depend upon the cir-
cumstance, of the result of the "approaching Federal elections, leaving
us without reasonably hopes of maintaining our rights, and thus unpro-
tected and defenceless in the Union." Can any, the veriest poltroon,
object to this? And this leads us to the examination, of what the result
of the approaching Federal elections is likely to be.
With a Black Republican President, and Congress ; to be followed
by a Black Republican Judiciary:—what then?
Who is there so brave m hope as to suppose that the Democratic party
can carry the Presidential election, even if it be taken into the House of
Representatives?—for, in the face of the present divisions among them, I
suppose no one will claim a victory in the electoral college. The Execu-
live Department of this Goverment, then, I consider as lost to the South,
even if it be of any value to us should we gain it. The approaching
Federal elections will al^o disclose to the South that the House of Repre-
sentatives is also hopelessly lost to us by a largely increased Black Repub-
lican majority, and our feeble majority in the Senate weakened, dispirited,
and broken down by all the adverse influences which shall b'e brought to
bear upon them from Black Republican constituencies at home, and a
Black Republican Executive in Washington, will be powerless to protect
and defend us. What then?
Shall we wait until Mr. Lincoln shall be borne into Washington upon
the swelling tide of a triumphant Black Republicanism; with a surging
wave of Black Republican Representatives sweeping in after him ; and,
both together, bearing down everything before them ? Shall we put our-
selves on our good behaviour, and wait, whilst he is organizing his cabinet
and distributing his offices ; to see, what tide-waitership he will^onfer on
Louisiana and Georgia; what collectorship of customs on Florida and
South Carolina; and what little Post-office he will entrust to Alabama
and Mississippi and the rest of the Southern culprits who have dared to
find fault with the Government. Shall we wait, until, as Commander-in-
Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, he takes possession of
those engines of power to compel obedience; and of the Treasury of the
Government, to keep them on foot, and to bribe traitors amongst ourselves,
the more securely to establish his power? Shall we wait, and, "with
bated breath and whispering humbleness," permit, or aid him, in taxing
us to fill his Treasury?—to be used, if need be, to our own subjugation—
or, as it is now distributed, to foster the industry of the abolitionized North,
at the expense of the South ?
*See Appendix, B.
is
I answer, without any hesitation on my part, that it is neither the duty
nor the interest of the South, to wait in this Union, a single day after it
shall be ascertained that a Black Republican President has been elected;
but that we should proceed forthwith to organize a government for our-
selves, and withdraw from the fatal connection.
Peaceable Secession—our Right,
Our right peaceably to do this I have never entertained a doubt of; and
I think, if it be resolved on by a number of States in co-operation, bring-
ing with them sufficient power to organize a proper government, it will
not be disputed by our enemies. But if it be, I am ready to fight for it,
as every people must expect to do when their rights are invaded. Whilst,
however, 1 think that the South should be armed and equipped in every
respect, and ready and prepared for any emergency, I do not think that
the Black Republican party in this Confederacy have yet become so hard-
ened in the perpetration of wrongs and injustice, and so tenacious yet of
the spoils of the Government, as to undertake a forcible subjugation of
the South to their detestable control. The eight seceding States stand
upon principles, in the justice of which, nine other States concur with
them. The moral influence of their position, will then be very strong in
the domestic family of States of which they were lately members; and
either terms of reconciliation, satisfactory to all parties will be proposed,
and new garantees given to the South for the fullest protection of their
rights of person and property, and their unlimited expansion in the
Union ; or an amicable separation will be agreed on, as between sovereign
and independent nations—leaving each to pursue their career of prosper-
ity, as may best suit their respective circumstances.
This, will be the '' Disunion," so dreaded by the timorous; and this, the
" Revolution," so growled over by the old fogies. We do not deny, (for
we deeply feel them), the grave considerations which should accompany
the idea of a dissolution of this Union. We are aware that revolutions
are seldom otherwise, than perilous and uncertain; and that they should
never be undertaken, except with great caution, and from ample cause ;
with full preparation of means, and after a careful survey of the whole
ground. But there are Evils, which, in their actual endurance, and their
certain prospects, are so great, and so overwhelming, when they do come,
as to justify all the hazards which may belong to a revolution. We think
the condition of the South, in relation to the Black Republican party of
these United States, furnishes such a case.
Our Union was a union of White men, not of White men, a^d Negroes,
on an equality with them.
This Union was formed by men of the white race, for white men and
their posterity. It was made to secure to them the blessings of peace and
the protection of their property—of which negro slaves were a well
understood and fully recognized species. But this species of property
has constantly been warred upon, and the holders of it unceasingly villi-
fied and insulted by certain parties in the Union, whose misplaced sym-
pathies for the negro, have made them unmindful of their obligations to
their partners of the white race. Wrong, at their hands, has followed
wrong in such rapid succession, and provocation and injustice have been
heaped upon the South with such increased aggravation, that even the
most callous to such things, have lost all hope of saving the Union, and
14
now look upon its dissolution as only a question of time. I hesitate not
to say that I think the time has already come.
I intimated just now, Mr. Chairman, that when any people undertake
to break up their political ties and to assume new relations with the rest
of the world—in other words, when they have determined on a revolution—
that it becomes their duty, as wise and prudent men, carefully to survey
their whole ground. This is essential-^-for the purpose, in the first place,
of ascertaining, whether the grievances which they suffer are such as, in
the eye of reason, are sufficient to justify such a step ; 2d, whether the
measures proposed for relief are equal to the emergency; and, 3d, whether
the consequences of these measures are likely to be such, as to better their
condition.
These principles bring us to inquire—1st, what are the grievances of
which the South complains? 2d, what is the remedy suited to their case ?
and 3d, what will be the consequences of these measures;—three topics^
which can only be glanced at on an occasion like this. And now—
1 Grievances of the South.
1st. As to our grievances. I have anticipated already much which
properly belongs to this topic; but the half has not, and (for want of
time) cannot be told. When we look around over the South, and per-
ceive that deep-seated feeling of discontent which is brooding over the
minds of her whole people; when we see them worried, annoyed, fretted,
ip their political relations—it is but reasonable to suppose that there is
some Great Cause, which, like a foul ulcer, is festering within. When
we examine more closely, we find that they have been intruded upon, in
various ways, by the impertinent self-righteousness of people whose igno-
ranee and presumption are only equalled by their vulgarity. Whilst, if
let alone, and not interfered with, the kindliest feelings would grow up
between the master and his slaves, we find these feelings interrupted by
a meddlesome intrusion from abroad; and the master disturbed by suspi-
cions and uncertainty. Whilst he has a. right to quiet and peace in his
home, with all the gentle charities which belong to the relation of superior
and inferior, we find that relation ruthlessly invaded, and the slaveholder
justly indignant because an enemy has stealthily sown tares among his
wheat, and he reaps turbulence and discontent instead of respect and a will-
ing obedience, instead of a feeling of security in the possession of his
slave property, we find the slaveholder moody and irascible, because of
the doubts which an unfriendly government has thrown around the cer-
tainty of its tenure. Instead of enjoying the just fruits of his labor,
he knows that he is robbed by exhausting Protective Tariffs, and he feels
that he is impoverished, to contribute (but altogether without his consent,)
to increase the riches of those who are his enemies. Instead of the
respect and courtesy befitting among equals occupying a common hall of
legislation, the Representatives from the South and their constituents
with them, are insulted by coarse and opprobrious epithets, levelled
against themselves and their institutions. Instead of that equality of
rights which belong to them in the common property of the Territories,
the citizens of the South are thrust aside from all participation in it,
although it was by their own right arms that the rich inheritance wras
won. Their slaves are enticed away, and stolen from them. Their citi-
zens are murdered in open day, whilst lawfully reclaiming their property.
The laws for their relief are nullified, and their citizens are fined and
imprisoned in abolition jails, for attempting to bring back their slaves.
15
Their soil is invaded; their slaves are incited to insurrection,* with deadly
pikes prepared for their use; and their citizens shot doum, by armed
bands of men, driven on by that phrenzy of Abolitionism, which pervades
and controls the whole North. Irritated unceasingly by the rude intru-
sion of the subject of slavery, on all occasions, and in almost every matter
of legislation, without necessity, and in the most offensive manner; robbed
of their share in the Territorial domain; denied their right to their prop-
erty in their slaves, and the relation denounced as sinful and immoral;
plundered and impoverished, by exhausting tariff laws; governed by that
most odious of despotisms—the despotism of an IRRESPONSIBLE MA-
JORITY, composed of. vulgar and grasping men; insulted by the swag-
gering insolence of conscious power, whose fiat has gone forth, " that no
more slave States shall be admitted into this Union;" and that, in the
irrepressible conflict between slave and free labor, slavery must be abol-
ished;—and when the South, to protect herself from these evils, declares
her purpose to withdraw from a Union so odious, and from further con-
nection with a people so hostile,—this undoubted constitutional right is
denied her, and she is threatened to be overrun with eighteen millionsf of
men, to force her back into the Union, and bring her into subjection !
When we take this survey of the ground, and realize, that it is the condi-
tion of the South in this Union, I ask, in the name of a God of Justice*
what more or greater wrongs are wanting, to justify a Revolution1! Does
any one say, that this must be a picture of the imagination, and that no
people can submit to such grievances, and still claim to be free? Does
any one (still incredulous,) call for the proof and the evidence of these
things? I refer them, for proof, to the political history of the day; and
the journals and legislation of Congress, for the last forty years : from
the day, when Missouri was refused admission into the Union, because
her Constitution protected her citizens in the possession of slave prop-
erty; to the late break-up of the National Democratic party in Charleston,
because we would not submit to the dogma of Squatter Sovereignty.
Time does not permit me to dwell upon these proofs, nor recount, in
detail, the wrongs which have been inflicted upon the South from the
time (forty years ago,) when the North began to make war upon slavery,
in the case of Missouri; and when she put under condemnation and the
ban the great institution of the South ; which, as the common government of
the country, it was bound to protect. Nor shall I dwell upon the "com-
promise," so called, which was entered into, on that occasion; by which, the
North, with her usual sharpness at a bargain, appropriated to herself all
that immense domain north of 36 degrees 30 minutes ; large enough to make
ten States; and gave to the South only the barren privilege of allowing
Mi ssouriv4.o enter the Union. We shall do no more than merely to refer
to the Tariffs, for the protection of Northern industry, which were inflict-
ed with such extreme severity on Southern interests as .almost to beggar
her people, and drive them to desperation. We shall only suggest to
your recollections, in passing, the numerous abolition petitions with which
Congress was flooded, and the Representatives from the South were con-
stantly annoyed; the Wi'lmot Proviso, the Homestead Bills, and the diffi-
culty now in hand of Squatter Sovereignty. We now proceed to inquire,
in the second place, what is the Remedy for these evils, and whether it
be sufficient for the emergency.
#See Appendix, C.
f See Appendix, D.
16
The South alone should govern the South.
The measures proposed are secession and the formation of a new governs
ment for ourselves. I have sufficiently indicated the views I entertain o#
this subject. We think that the seceding States should nominate theif
own candidates for President and Vice-President, limiting their choice
within the eight seceding States,* and that they should be voted for and
supported without any reference to the candidates of any other party. A*
soon as it is ascertained, in November, that a Black Republican President
is elected, a Convention of the seceding States, and such other of th*
Southern States as may desire to cast lots with us, should immediately be
assembled, with the purpose openly declared of forming a constitution
and organizing a government. The election of a Southern Congrese
should then follow; the newly chosen Southern President inaugurated
into office, his cabinet formed, and the government put into operation
And by the fourth of March, when Mr. Lincoln takes his seat in thd
Presidential Chair, the South would have the whole machinery of her
government in complete working order to prepare for our defence, or any
other emergency. n
Is it objected that Virginia and the other border States will not join us
in such a measure? It is not expected that they will; nor is it desirable
that they should, at first. Their sympathies, however, will be all with us$
and their influence in the Northern Confederacy, will be of more benefit
to us for years, than their actual union with us. They will form a barrier
betwixt us and our enemies, should they attempt hostile aggression; thus
allowing us time to get everything ready, and to stand firmly on our feeL
A very few years will be sufficient for this—if, indeed, those States can
remain so long with the North in so unnatural a connection with Black
Republicanism. Sooner or later they must make a choice, and all the
chances are in favor of their uniting themselves with their brethren and
natural allies of the South. The "Revolution" will then be complete in
its full dimensions, and the Southern Confederacy stand out as one of the
independent nations of the earth.
Results of a Southern Confederacy: 1st, upon the Northern
Section.
Important results must follow such an event. What are these ?—which
brings us to inquire, in the third place : What are likely to be the conse-
quences of this measure of redress for the grievances of the South, and
whether it will better her condition. One of the consequences, not the
earliest, but yet not very remote, will be, that the Northern section will
be separated into two or more divisions, which will, incidentally,%etter our
condition. The common bond of union now in that section, is the plunder
of the South, through their legislation in Congress, and afterwards a divi-
sion of the spoils among themselves, amounting in various forms annually
to perhaps $105,000,000."}" The great mass of the people in that section,
are entirely innocent of all knowledge of the. source from which they
*This address was delivered on the 7th June; before the Richmond Convention h^d
met; and when, it was not anticipated, that any other States would secede from the Squat-
ter Sovereignty Convention, at Baltimore, upon the •'majority platform," which had been
adopted by the eight seceding Slates at Charleston. If the South can elect a President at
all, then no man could be more acceptable to us, than the distinguished individual nomi-
nated;—not on account merely of his intelligence, but because of his manly independence,
and his fidelity to the rights of his native South,
f See Appendix, B.
17
derive these benefits, although it is well known to the makers of their
laws. They see this copious stream of treasure flowing in upon them;
year by year; they see it lavishly expended among them, and every
branch of their industry abundantly remunerated ; and they innocently
suppose that it springs up out of the soil, as it were, of their own section;
and that they are indebted to no other people, but themselves, for their
prosperty. But, when the South shall bank up this stream, and turn
back upon herself the fertilizing current, leaving parched and dry the
hitherto luxuriant fields of Northern labor, there must necessarily spring
up there a scramble for profits which they have never before felt, since
their|union with the South. In such a scramble, New England is so
sharp, so self-seeking, so dogmatic and pertinacious, that she is not likely
to be a very agreeable partner to such co-States as Pennsylvania, New
Jersey, Ohio, Illinois and Indiana. They will, therefore, be very apt to
vote her a nuisance in the concern, and slip away from her, leaving her to
peddle her wares wherever she can pick up customers.
Results of the Southern Confederacy, upon the South : 1st, a
greater security to our institution of negro slavery.
The consequences to the Southern Confederacy will be those of a pros-
perity ; financial, commercial and manufacturing, which the South has
never before enjoyed ; and an abundant ability to defend herself against
any aggressions, no matter from what quarter they may come. And when
the South shall have taken our institution of African slavery under her
entire and sovereign control, and no other people shall consider that they
are responsible*for it, in any way; for its alleged sins, and crimes, and dis-
advantages to them, as partners in this present Union, we shall be rid of
the impertinent intermeddling with it, with which we are now annoyed;
and the institution will be established upon a basis of permanent security
which it has never yet had. There will then be no motive nor necessity
for this "conflict" between the "capital" of the South and the "labor" of
the North, with which we are now threatened, and which is considered sd
"irrepressible" that " slavery must be abolished " in order to save the
interests of the Northern section of the present Union. There will come
a conflict, no doubt, and a fearful one it will be; but not between the cap-
ital of the South and the labor of the North; but one within the population
of the North itself—between the capital of the North on the one side and
the labor of the North on the other—backed up, as that labor will be by
the irresistible power of Universal Suffrage. That fearful, because uncon-
trollable, power is now kept appeased by those enormous amounts which
are yearly transferred from the South, through the National Treasury, to
satisfy &he cravings of Northern labor. Those amounts now support the
magnificent schemes of national improvement; the building and equip-
ment of our navy and army; and many other projects which they have
contrived to make go on there, and which now give well-paid employment
and content to Northern labor. But the time must come, when this ques-
tion will have to be decided :—"Whether these magnificent enterprises
must be stopped, or allowed to languish ; or the people of the Nqrth alone,
taxed for their support." I do not pretend to say how that question will
be decided ; but in that decision there must spring up a conflict between
Northern capital and Northern labor with " universal suffrage " at its
back, in which according to my judgment, Northern capital is not likely
2
*See Appendix, F.
18
to protect itself. With labor and capital united in the same hands, the
South has no cause to fear any such disastrous conflicts, but both will
move on harmoniously and with reciprocal advantage.
Power of the South to protect herself : in men, position, and Agri-
cultural wealth.
What reflecting man can doubt the abundant ability of the South to
protect herself, and to attain a power which will cause her to be respected
among the foremost nations of the earth.
The eight seceding Stales alone, possess a territory more than three limes
as great as France, more than six times as large as Prussia, and nearly
Six times as large as England, Scotland and Ireland put together; whilst
the alliance of the other Southern and border States would increase the
territorial extent of the Southern Confederacy more than one-third. Can a
country like this, occupied by a people who from their childhood have
been accustomed to the most manly exercise, and the free use of fire-
arms—bold, hardy, restive under unlawful control—and numbering within
its borders 1,800,000 men capable of bearing arms, and who, with a few
weeks' warning, could be marshalled at every assailable point in bands
of 50,000 and 100,000—can, I say, such a country, and so peopled, be
overcome by any foreign foe ? The idea is simply absurd.
Next: Consider her compactness within her boundaries; her inexhaust-
ible resources in money, and all other materials towards proViding the appli-
ances of war; and her capacity, arising from these circumstances, of
resisting, or punishing, if necessary, all aggression upon her rights. With
agricultural productions the most valuable in the world, and which make
them the objects of envy to every manufacturing and commercial people,
and her friendship and alliance to be sought after by every civilized
nation, she holds in her hands the very best bonds which they can give to
" keep the peace" with her. It is a mistake, Mr. Chairman, to suppose
that England, France, Germany, Russia, and the other commercial and
.manufacturing nations of Europe, are hostile to our African slavery.
Nations (and even our sanctimonious North is not an exception,) are not
governed by sentiment, much less by sentimentality, but by their interest;
and these peoples, to whom I have just referred, are too deeply interested
in procuring the raw materials, which the South, almost alone,* can sup-
ply them with, for their manufactures, to embark in a silly quarrel with
us about the kind of labor by which these raw materials are acquired.
Not only many millions of their people are dependent upon these raw
materials for employment and for bread; not only thousands of millions of
capital are also dependent upon them for profits ; but it becomes a con-
cern of government, that these raw materials should be supplied^; since
it promotes contentment to the hungry laborer, and establishes quiet and
social order, which might not otherwise be procured, except by the terri-
ble resort to powder and lead. The South, then, need be under no appre-
hension of interference with her slave property from these nations; but,
on the contrary, may reasonably expect friendly intercourse. Indeed, sir,
no alliance would be more natural than one between these nations ana
pur Southern Confederacy. There would be no cause of rivalry and
jealousy. We, the agricultural people, would grow the raw material, and
Chey, the manufacturing and commercial people, would work it up and
Send it to their customers of the world.
*See Appendix, G.
19
Policy of England: not to abolish Slavery; but to separate the
South from the North.
Many might suppose from the past history of fanaticism in Great
Britain, and the oratorical displays in Exeter Hall, that she is in deadly
hostility to slavery everywhere, and would abolish it here, if she could.
But this, also, is a mistake. She would, doubtless, desire to abolish siav-
ery, if she supposed that it'was to exist as a permanent institution in a
united States; thus giving to her great Rival in North America, such
decided advantages over her, in their struggle for commercial ascendancy.
We should not forget that, within the last forty years, Great Britain has
changed her policy, and that burly John Bull, instead of being the bully>
of the world, has adopted the more humane and sensible policy of striving
for the mastership in commerce and manufactures. In this policy she is
encountered by the Northern Section of the United States—a Rival, which
her cheap labor and superabundant capital would not make very formida-
ble, but which, from his connection with the Southern States of the Union,
derive such preponderating advantages as to turn the scales of victory
against this veteran of Commerce. Her American Rival has the advan-
tages—first, in the raw material at his door§; second, heavy discriminating^,
duties in his favor; third, light taxes; but chiefly in the gratuitous supply
of a large amount of money thrown into his lap, which he has not worked
for; which has cost him nothing ; but which has been transferred merely by
a few paragraphs of printing, called " law," from the associate section of
the South, to the section where he carries on the contest.
Now, what would seem to be the very obvious policy of Great Britain,
under these circumstances ? Why, to obtain the raw material without
depending upon others for it, and to cripple her rival; and thus place her-
self on equality of advantages with him. Accordingly, we find Great
Britain—in pursuance of that enlightened forecast for which she is so
distinguished—first, traversing the globe in search of climate and lands
where to grow cotton; and, ndxt, setting her agents at work, both at
home and at the North, to agitate, and agitate, on the slavery question.
Think you that she is governed by philanthropy in this—to substitute
freed-negro labor for slave-negro labor in the production of cotton ? She
has discovered the folly of this ; when, in pursuance of the crude theories
of her fanatical advisers, she experimented upon the only cotton lands
which she owned, and gave up, to negro sloth and the wilderness, all her
possessions in the West Indies.* Think you that she seriously wishes to
exterminate slavery in the Southern States? By no means. She has
discovered, in her experiment in the West Indies, that these tropical pro-
ductions cannot be obtained except by steady and continuous labor, which
the freed-negxo will not give; that, without compulsory labor, the raw
material for her manufactories cannot be obtained ; and if not obtained,
that millions of her people might perish from hunger, hundreds of thou-
sands be ruined in their fortunes, and the Government itself shaken to its
foundations. Be assured, then, fellow citizens, Great Britain is too deeply
interested in slave-grown productions to desire the abolition of slavery.
She agitates the exciting subject, by her agents here and at Exeter Hall,
not to abolish slavery, but to break up the Union. If she can effect this,
she strips her Rival of all his fortuitous advantages, and so secures to herself
an unbounded ascendancy; and, with this ascendancy in commerce and
* See Appendix, H.
20
manufactures, a career of prosperity for her people which will amply
repay her for all her efforts.
Among the consequences, then, which will follow the formation of a
Southern Confederacy, I enumerate jealousy and unfriendly rivalry be-
tween the Northern section of this Union and the chief commercial nations
of Europe ; and, on the other hand, kindly relations between them and us.
An independent government for the South, indispensible, to the
development and enjoyment of her own great wealth.
The consequences, in a pecuniary point of view, will be no less striking.
The annual exports of the South, we are told, run up to the enormous
amount of over two hundred millions of dollars, which, if representing
imports to a like amount, would afford a revenue, at 25 per cent., of fifty
millions, which is thirty millions more than is allowed under the present
Union, to be expended amongst us; and would equip armies and fleets for
our protection, and still leave a large surplus for other objects of public
improvement. Under the present system, the South contributes annually
to the public Treasury forty millions of dollars, and receives back only
twenty millions; whilst the Northern section pays into the public Treasury
only twenty millions, and receives, in disbursements among her people,
forty millions. Should any one be surprised at the different degrees of
prosperity which the two sections exhibit, with these facts before him ?
What would be thought of the fairness of the contest between two farm-
ers, to prove the superior nature and productiveness of their respective
farms, if half the crop of one was forcibly taken away every year, by a
third party, and passed over to his competitor? And yet we hear the
South disparaged by her enemies, because, in her race for success, she
exhibits the signs of weariness and decrepitude, when this cruel injustice
is yearly practiced upon her. And, as if to aggravate this injustice, the
cause of this decay is attributed to slavery in the South ! Under an
independent Confederacy, this injustice will be removed, and the South
will retain that which is her own. Our institution of slavery, too, will
then redeem itself, from the unpopularity and odium, which has been cast
upon it, by the injustice of those, who have robbed it of its rights.*
Review.
And now, Mr. Chairman, to what conclusion has this examination
brought us? In my judgment, clearly to the following :
That a Democratic party no longer exists, as a great National conserva-
tive element in our country:—that being irreconcilably divided on principle,
into two opposing Wings, each, bitterly hostile to the other, it is neither
willing any longer, nor able, to afford relief to the South ; and therefore
should be thrown aside as worthless ;—that the Government of the United
States, is destined to fall, at the next election, into the hands of the Black
Republicans,—a party, whose very bond of association, is hatred of our
Institution of Negro slavery, and an open declaration of purpose to destroy
it:—that the wrongs of the South, and the hopelessness of any reformation,
on the part of our enemies, justify an entire separation from them:—that
as a measure of relief, a Southern Confederacy offers itself as fully equal to
the emergency;—and the consequences of that measure, will be, to give
security to ourselves and our property, abounding prosperity at home, and
safety and respectability among the nations of the Earth.
* See Appendix, I.
21
Why then do we palter, and waste our hours in speculations about the
availability of this man, or that; or the success of this party or that party,
whilst our measure of remedy—ample, strong, and efficacious—lies within
our reach, and it requires only manliness and resolution to stretch forth the
arm, and grasp it? S,urely, whilst engaged in this miserable game of
President making, and thereby neglecting our vital interests—the States
of the South must appear in the eyes of the Higher Intelligences above,
like children, playing vyith toys in the nursery !
That Virginia, and other border States, should adopt such a measure
with great reluctance is very natural. Their case is very peculiar and
embarrassing, and disunion must be accompanied with many perplexities
to them—but not with more or greater than they now suffer in the Union;
whilst, I think, it can be demonstrated that their condition in a Southern
Confederacy would be far better, safer, and more prosperous than it, can
ever again be in the present Union.
In presenting these views to you, Mr. Chairman and fellow-citizens, I
fulfil a duty which every citizen or section of the South owes to each other
—that of interchanging opinions and holding earnest counsel together;
with a view to arrive at wise and safe conclusions on a subject of more
profound importance than any which has occurred in our political history
since the Declaration of Independence. Indeed, sir, if my judgment be
not greatly misled by my wishes, it seems to me that we are not very far
off, from another Declaration of Independence—the independence of the
States of the South, from the Jlbolitionized States of the North.
Whilst, however, I express these opinions and wishes, and would rejoice
if the whole South could entertain and act them out'—I do so in entire
/deference to the decisions of the Convention of the " Seceding States
about to be held at Richmond." I know how essential to our success are
co-operation ■ and united counsels. With these it is only necessary for the
South to will her deliverance, and resolutely to set on foot some scheme of
measures, in character, similar to that which I have indicated, and a
triumphant future, of honor and prosperity will be before her. So think-
ing, it is but natural that they who earnestly desire these blessings for the
South, should endeavor to turn away the attention of her sons from such
beggarly vanities as President making and patching up a worthless Demo-
cratic party; and fix their thoughts upon those measures alone, from
which they may expect certain and permanent advantage.
Croakings of the Timid and the Treacherous.
But, it is said, ''the people of the South are opposed to disunion, and
will favor no measures which may lead to it." This is just as likely to
be a mistake, as to be true; as apathy and a reluctance to begin a great
undertaking may be mistaken for disapprobation, or positive hostility to it.
An arduous but necessary work is jointly to be done : but we will do
nothing towards it ourselves, because we suppose our neighbors, whom we
have not consulted with, might not be willing to aid us ! Now, what does
common sense, and common practice do in such cases? Why, the parties
interested, meet together, discuss each other's plans—reject the bad, adopt
the good. Generally, the greatest difficulty is to get the parties together
in consultation ; and the next is, to convince them that the work is neces-
sary for their safety and prosperity, and therefore ought to be done. From
various causes (many of them, perhaps, local) some portions of the South
may be more apathetic than others, and be less inclined to originate action;
22
but who supposes, without libelling them, that they are less high-toned in
honor, or less sensitive to the appeal of reason and of' argument. Let us,
then, reason with them through the public press. They will soon be
reasoning together through their delegates, in a common council, at
Richmond. Let us hope, that they will turn away their eyes from the
Federal city, and keep their hearts pure, from the polluting temptations of
its honors and emoluments, for themselves and their friends. Let us hope,
that they will not forget that they have an injured South to redeem; the
,peace of their homes to look after; the security of their property to provide
for; and the cherished safety of their wives, and daughters, and sons to
secure, against the fast approaching inroads of Abolitionism ; in compari-
son with which, the miserable intrigues for elevating this, or that mortal
man to the Presidency, become so contemptible, as to be a reproach to
their reason, and a disgrace to their manhood.
But what means this discouragement, thrown upon the effort—proceed-
ing from the unhappy misgivings of some, and the illy-concealed gratifica-
tion of others, that " the South will not act with us"—addressed to those,
who urge manly and vigorous measures of redress for our wrongs ? Whence
does it arise ? Is it the real despondency of an honest-hearted well-wisher
of the cause, oppressed by the huge difficulties of the undertaking, as
they present themselves to his mind? Or is it the secret exultation of the
man having little sympathy with the South, insensible to her^wrongs, and
who would not lift a finger to redress them, provided the effort would cost
him an atom of sacrifice, or wrould affect, in any degree, his party designs ?v
You can readily imagine, fellow-citizens, that, with two such drawbacks
upon the cause, what a burden has to be carried by those who would
achieve the independence of the South. The formerare at heart disunion-
ists, from a conviction that the Union has failed, and that a Southern Con-
federacy is our only resource. But they are vacillating, timid, uncertain
in their views; discouraged by difficulties; and whilst they bring little
practical aid to the cause, and have to be lifted themselves over every mole-
hill in the path, are the first to find fault should any measure fail, or not
come up to the full standard of their notions of success. They ardently
desire a Southern Confederacy ; but it must be obtained without difficulties
or responsibilities.
The latter class are at heart, in favor of the " Union, on any terms," and
never intend to break it up. Whilst they profess that "Disunion is only
a question of time, and that the South will have to resort to it, in order to
save herself;" that time, with them, is never to come ; and their every act
shows that they intend to prevent it, if they can. They apologize for the
North, and deny or palliate the wrongs which we have suffered frfrm them.
If these be so flagrant as not to be denied ; and if, under a sudden spasm
of patriotism, they join with their fellow-citizens in calling for redress, the
most formidable weapons with which they arm themselves for the occasion,
and recommend to their neighbors, are " remonstrance" and "resolutions"—
remonstrance with their "brethren" of the North, not to behave so harshly
to their "brethren" of the South; and resolutions, which are understood
by our enemies to mean—that " if they aggress upon us again, we will re-
monstrate, and pass resolutions again."
It is from a class of men like these, who are " Unionists per se," that
the friends of the South may expect to encounter the opposition which,
whether from within or without, will be the most embarrassing and dan-
gerous. Too few in numbers to act openly as an organized party; gov-
erned secretly by opinions which, if openly avowed and known, would
23
bring them into very ill odor with their fellow-citizens ; ashamed to show
the federal collar about their neck, with the badge of their master engraved
upon it; " Unionists, per se"'—"Submission to Northern wrongs"—they
scatter themselves amongthe bands of the Southern Resistance men, wear-
ing the same uniform and using the same pass-words, with a view to avoid
suspicion, and to conceal their real opinions, *
But what do they among these earnest men, who are endeavoring, as
well as they may, to deliver their country from Northern wrongs? Wait
awhile, and their work will show itself, in the discord and divisions which
they will stir up within these bands; and in the distrust they will infuse
against the fidelity of their leaders. Their fairest actions will be perverted,
and attributed to unworthy motives. "This man," it is insinuated, "wishes
to be United States Senator ; another aims to be member of Congress ; and
they are exciting the people, on their Federal wrongs, to attain these ends."
It is by such arts as these that the influence of these leading men, in
Southern resistance, is weakened or destroyed. Then, as to the measures
of remedy proposed : they offer nothing themselves, but oppose everything;
but, as a "friend," would oppose it. " This measure is too weak ; that too
strong, and the South will not adopt it with you." Faithful to their Fede-
ral master, and to the "Union," their policy is to embarrass, to divide, to
prevent progress in the South ; watching, in the meantime, to take advan-
tage of every mistake to advance their object. If they were to avow them-
selves what they are—" Unionists, per se"—and let it be seen that they
wear the Federal collar, their influence would be at once gone; but, acting
with the resistance men, as allies and friends to the Southern cause, they
neutralize action by arts such as I have described.
I have noticed these two classes of men—the apathetic DisunionisJ and
the active "Unionist, per se"—in order that true-hearted men may be aware
of what they may expect, and have to provide against, in their efforts to
redeem the South.
To be forewarned, is to be forearmed, and will help to prevent discour-
agement and defeat when the day of trial shall arrive.
[This address was delivered on the ?th June, and soon after published
in the Charleston Mercury. Upon publishing it in pamphlet form the fol-
lowing Notes were added:]
APPENDIX.
A.
The insurrection in St. Domingo, which was stirred up by the Aboli-
tionists of France, was marked by atrocities; like which the history of
the world has no parallel. After suffering tortures, beastialities, and cruel-
ties, which none but a Demon could inflict, and an Abolitionist contem-
plate without horror, the Whites of the Island were exterminated ; the
few alone excepted, who were so fortunate as to find refuge in the scanty
shipping, then happening, to be in the ports. In the British West India
colonies they were spared this extremity of their calamity, by the presence
of a large force of the military sent there by the government, to awe the
slaves against committing bloodshed. But the Planters were deprived of
their right, to the compulsory labour of the Negroes, under the crude and
stupid theories of the Abolitionist, that "the negro was like the White man
and would give steadylabour without compulsion." The practical expe-
rience of the Planters, as to the nature of the Negro race, knew the folly of
the theory: and against the ruin which they saw hanging over them, they
argued, they remonstrated, they petitioned, nay implored the government,
to spare them. But Parliament was then under the influence of the Abo-
litionists:—a modest race which ever* think themselves, indubitably right;
and in their morals, and religion, esteem themselves, better than all the
Saints, from Abraham to St. Paul. In the dogmatism of their arrogant
conceit, they spurned alike the warnings of the Planters, and all the teach-
ings which history gives.us of the nature, and capabilities of the Negro.
Rejecting the experience of those, who through long management of the
Negro, thoroughly understood his character, and adopting the speculative
theores of those, who had perhaps never seen a negro, and were profound-
ly ignorant of the whole subject, Parliament concocted their scheme of
Apprenticeship and emancipation; and in 1833 adopted Lord Stanley's
Bill.
History affords few examples of a Law of such vital importance, having
been passed, in pursuance of a mere speculative theory; and that too by
a parent government upon so large a number of unoffending, but feeble
colonies. But the slaves were emancipated, not only against the earnest
remonstrances of their owners, but the compensation allowed, was also
regulated by a theory of the government, and only £19 15s 4fd (less
than $100, and less than a tenth of their real value) was paid to the
owners for each slave.
Of course, the theory, upon which the whole scheme was based,—(that
is, that the negro would work as well after emancipation, as under the
restraints of his former master) being fallacious and absurd, the Planter
could obtain no labour to cultivate his lands, and they became worthless.
Estates, which before emancipation, were worth $500,000, within a few
years were reduced to a tenth of their value; but most of them became
entirely valueless ; and their owners, reduced to utter poverty, and ruin
have abandoned a country, rendered intolerable to them, by the swarms of
slothful, filthy, theiving and insolent Africans; who are fast relapsing into
25
their former, natural condition of ignorance, superstition, and barbarism !
Think you, Fellow-citizens, of the South, that these heavy calamities
would have fallen upon the People of the West India Colonies, if they had
had the power to make their own laws and shape their own policy, under
a friendly government of their own? Assuredly not. But Parliament
was omnipotent over them, in its right to legislate for them ; and the gov-
ernrnent of Great Britain was too powerful to resist, with even the shadow
of a hope of success. They therefore bent their necks, and were sacrificed
to Abolitionism !
Now there are some points of strong resemblance between those Colo-
nies in 1838, and the present condition of the South. Like them, we
belong to a Government, which will soon, be hostile to our institutions.
Like them, our Government will have the power by a strong and irrespon-
sible majority (we deny their right) to shape their whole legislation, so as
grievously to injure, and finally to destroy our Slave property; so long at
least as we consent to remain in the Union, and keep ourselves under the
operation of their laws. But beyond this, the resemblance ceases. Our
Government is not omnipotent over us; but merely the Agent of certain
sovereign and independent partners, who have agreed to unite together
for certain purposes, and have conferred upon that Agent certain defined,
specific powers; reserving to themselves all the other powers appertain-
ing to sovereignty. As sovereigns, each of the partners, or States, has a
right to construe the compact for himself, and to revoke the powers, when
he finds the Agent abusing them, to his injury, or ruin; and whilst he has
no right to impose his construction upon the other partners, they have as
little right to impose theirs upon him. There being no common umpire
agreed upon, to decide between the parties, it is the duty as well as the
right of the dissatisfied party peaceably to withdraw from the concern.
The South then has the undoubted right quietly and peaceably to with-
draw from the Union, when she finds the Agent of that Union, managing
the business contrary to the principles she originally agreed to.
There is still less resemblance between these colonies, and the condi-
tion of the South, in her power to beat off these aggressions of a hostile
Government, and protect herself, harmless, from the effects of iniquitous
laws; in the event of that government attempting to use force. The
power, and resources of the South are ample in all respects, if united in
a Government of their own, for all purposes of defence, protection, and
perfect security, within, and from without. All that she needs to inaugu-
rate for herself a career of unbounded prosperity, is, to cease those
unhappy bickerings, which divide, and paralyze her strength; and which
are stirred up and keep alive by the miserable office seekers after Federal
honors; who think only of their own advancement, and not of the interests
of an outraged South.
B.
It is much to be lamented that the People of the South, are so slow in
believing, that the settled purpose of the Black Republican party, is the
entire abolition of Slavery in the United States, as soon as they shall
obtain the power to do so. If this apathy arises from ignorance of the
approach of this great calamity, then heavy is the responsibility of those
Public Journals, which as the Chroniclers of passing events, have with-,
held this information from their patrons; and left them unwarned of the
hostile principles of a great Party which aims at their destruction.
26
Wm. Lloyd Garrison, and his wing of the Anti-slaveAy party, urge
"the speedy abolition of slavery''
Wm. Lloyd Garrison, the admitted head and mouth-piece of the Right
wing of the Abolition party in this Country, thus declares their purpose
towards the South. In an Address delivered by him at the Anti-Slavery
celebration at Farmingham, and reported in the Boston Liberator, July
20, 1860, he declares:
" Our object is the abolition of Slavery throughout the land; and whether, in the
prosecution of our object, this party goes up, or the other party goes down, it is
nothing to us. We cannot alter our course one hair's breadth, nor accept a compro-
mise of our principles, for the hearty adoption of our principles."
-—"I am for meddling with Slavery everywhere: -attacking it by night and by
day, ' in season and out of season' (No, it can never be out of season)—in
order to effect its overthrow." (Loud applause). "Higher
yet, will be my cry. Upward and onward. ' No union with slaveholders.' Down
with this slaveholding Government. Let 'this covenant with death and agreement
with hell,' be annulled. Let there be a free, independent, Northern republic, and the
speedy abolition of Slavery, will inevitably follow. (Loud applause). So I am
labouring to dissolve this blood-stained Union, as a work of paramount importance."
" Our mission is to regenerate public opinion."
I am aware, that many of the Black Republicans (but by no means a
majority) disavow, from motives of policy, (looking to party success, and,
the spoils of office), these sentiments of the Garrisonian wing of th„e
Anti-Slavery party, as extreme, and going farther than they intend. But
when analyzed, the difference between the Garris_onian, and the Black
Republican wings of the Great Anti-Slavery Party, is just that, between
the advanced Guard of an army which goes ahead as pioneers, to remove
obstructions, and prepare the way, (or as Garrison expresses it, to "regen-
erate public opinion ;")—and the main body of the army which soon move3
forward and occupies the ground, which has thus been prepared for them.
The ultimate design of both is the same; only the main body advances
more cautiously so as to ensure success.
The Black Republican wing,—heretofore more cautious in their
avowals of purpose : but now more arrogant, as the South
becomes more yielding.
But the stolid apathy of the people of the South, so unexpected, after
their brave words of threatening and defiance, in their Legislatures, and
State Conventions, together with the apparent pusillanimity and womanly
Weakness, which mark their conduct, and the facile acquiescence with
which when brought to the pinch, they part with their rights, in worthless
compromises,—these, have so justly excited the contempt of the Anti-
Slavery party, that caution is no longer deemed necessary, and even the
Black Republican wing begin now to throw off all disguise. No fears of a
dissolution of the Union, (a union so valuable to them) are now indulged.
In the mouth of a miserable Sympathy hunter, smarting under the
memory of the Gutta percha which his innate vulgarity brought upon
him,—our Institution of Slavery may be befouled as a " Barbarism ;"* and
the Southern slave-holder insulted by the coarsest language, in the pres-
ence even of his representatives ; and all this, it is now expected, may be
done, with Impunity. "Aggression after aggression, has been submitted
* "Barbarism of Slavery." A speech delivered in the Senate of the U. S. at the last;
session of Congress.
27
to; insult upon insult has been given to a whole Section, and not resented:
the South so loves the Union, that < she cannot be kicked out of it;' she is
so afraid of the North; so afraid of her own slaves, without the protection
of the North that she dare not break up the Union : she will submit to
any indignity; bear any injustice ; suffer any wrong; be taxed to any
extent for the benefit of the North, for the privilege of being united with
them."
Such is the Northern sentiment which we have built up there, by our
apparent cowardice in grappling with our enemies; and by our miserable
vacillation in defence of our rights, whilst occupied in the frivolous pur-
suit of making this, or that man, President !
It should surprise no one then, that the people of the South should be
regarded as a frivolous, and blustering, but cowardly race; and that our
enemies, acting upon these convictions, should treat us with the contempt
and scorn, which were poured out upon us, by the Abolition orators in, and
out of Congress, during the last Session, and since. We accordingly find
that the South, being now regarded as the timid sheep in the hands of the
shearer, and too spiritless to resist; and that all apprehension of conse-
quences being removed,—the Leaders of the Black Republican party deem
caution and concealment of their designs no longer necessary, and have
begun to shadow forth less and less obscurely, their ulterior designs. Hear
what Mr. Lincoln said, nearly two, years ago, in his contest, with Judge
Douglas, in Illinois, to obtain the U. S. Senatorship :
Mr. Lincoln, claims that " Slavery must be exterminated from the
South."
"I believe this government cannot endure permanently, half slave, and
half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved ; I do not expect the
house to fall, but I do expect that it will cease to be divided. It will be-
come all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will
arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest
in the belief, that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates
will push it forward, until it shall become alike lawful in all the States,
old as well as new, North as well as South."
Of these two alternatives, who supposes that Mr. Lincoln expected any
to occur, except the one which his party is aiming to bring about ; and
that one,—the " extinction of slavery." Now, this Mr. Lincoln,-—is boast-
ed of, as being the original Enunciator of the bloody maxim of the "ir-
repressible conflictclaims from Mr. Seward, the honor of its paternity ;
and has received the honor for it, by being the selected Standard bearer of
the enemies of our Institution ; and has all the chances in his favor, of
ruling over us, provided we will let him. He is represented, as a man very
inuchof the " John Brown" order, in principles and personal appearance;—
as 'Mean, and long, and lank ; and crooked as the specimen rails of his
own splitting, and straggling and awkward in his gait:" with "intellect
without cultivation; naturally inclined to impracticable abstractions; and
very apt to get straddle of hobbies and very apt to keep straddle of them,
to the latter end :"—" whose doctrine is that the people of the North must
conspire to exterminate slavery from the South;" who "claims equality for
the negro with the white race;" and "boldly declares; that the constitution
does not affirm the right of property in slaves :" and being " the warm
personal friend and political supporter of the notorious Owen Lovejoy, and
of the equally notorious Joshua R. Giddings, no men would enjoy, if he
be elected, his confidence in a greater degree."
28
From such a man, with such antecedents, and such counsellors, what
has the South a right to expect when he becomes elected, but that like
another Caiaphas, "who was high priest that same year," he should carry
out his bloody counsels ; if it be only to prove his sagacity, by the accom-
plishment of his predictions. Miserable indeed is the fate of that people,
who have for their Ruler, a fool, or a fanatic, who is hostile to them !
In representing the evidence to show, that the ulterior aim of the Black
Republicans, is the total extinction of Slavery, I confine myself to the de-
clared opinions of the Representative men of that party, who guide and
control their measures.
Mr. Sumner :—that with a Black Republican President in power,
" Slavery must die."
Passing by Mr. Seward, for the present, we will now hear what Mr.
Sumner, a Massachusetts Senator, declares to be the purpose of the party.
On the subject of negro equality, he says :
" As -well deny arithmetically, that two and two make four, or deny geometrically,
that a straight line is the shortest distance between two points, as deny the axiomatic,
self-evident, beaming truth, that all men are equal — " In vin-
dicating this principle, the Republican party undertakes a grateful duty, in which
they are moved alike by justice to a much injured race, excluded from its protection."
" We shall help to expel the slave oligarchy from all its seats of national
power, and drive it hack within the States. This alone is worthy of every effort; for
until this is done, nothing else is completely done."
After the South, shall have thus been deprived of all power, in the national
government to protect herself, he next proceeds to delight his audience,
with the consequences of that measure, so intensely gratifying to them,
" Postrate the slave oligarchy, and the national government will be at length divorced
from slavery, and the national policy be changed from slavery to freedom. Postrate
the slave oligarchy, and the North will be admitted to its just share in the trusts and
honors of the republic. Postrate the slave oligarchy, and a mighty victory of peace
will be won, whose influence on the future of our country and of mankind, no imagi-
nation can paint. Postrated, exposed, and permanently expelled from illgotten power,
the oligarchy will soon cease to exist as a political combination. Its final doom may
he postponed, hut it is certain. Languishing, it may live yet longer, but it will surely
die. Yes, fellow-citizens, surely it will die,—when disappointed in its purposes,—
driven back within the States, and constrained within these limits, it can no longer
rule the Republic as a plantation of slaves at home; can no longer menace Territo-
ries with its five-headed device to compel labor without wages; can no longer fasten
upon the constitution an interpretation which makes merchandise of men, and gives
a disgraceful immunity to the brokers of human flesh, and the butchers of human
hearts ; and when it can no longer grind flesh and blood, groans and sighs, the tea^i
of mothers and the cries of children into the cement of a barbarous political power!
Surely, then, in its retreat, smarting under the indignation of an aroused people, and
the concurring judgment of the civilized world it must die ;—it may he, as a poisoned
rat dies, of rage in its hole. (Enthusiastic applause.) Meanwhile all good omens are
ours. The work cannot stop. Quickened by the triumph, now at hand,—with a Re~
publican President in power, State after State, quitting the condition of a territory,
and spurning slavery, will be welcomed into our plural unit, and joining hands
together, will become a belt of fire about the slave States, in which slavery must die."
The address, in which these purposes of the Black Republican party
are thus proclaimed, and which were received'with such "enthusiastic
applause," as we are told,—was delivered in the great conservative city of
New York, on the invitation of the "Young Men's Republican Union" :
and before an audience so large, that the immense hall of the "Cooper
Institute" was crammed, in every part, to its utmost capacity; each
29
individual of whom, had paid 25 cents for the delight of listening to such
sentiments! This is noteworthy, as indicating the feelings of oup
"brethren" at the North, towards us; and what we may expect from
them, when they get us completely in their power.
It wras to have been expected, that when a creature, so really contempti-
ble, as Charles Sumner,—although "Senator," so called, from Massachu-
setts,—who, under the frivolous, but false pretence of injuries received,
ran away from his duties in Washington, and went yelping over Europe
like a whipped hound,—was about to deliver a harangue, he would be
avoided by people of good taste, from contempt for the man.
It might also have been expected, that after he returned home, and had
delivered himself of the intensified venom which he had been accumu-
lating for two years, and had distilled to highest proof, in revenge for the
guttapercha;—that after he had abused the privilege of the Senate and
vilified and outraged the South, by one of the most extraordinary harangues
which hatred and malignity could compound, or vulgarity belch forth,*—
after conduct such as this, it was to be expected, I say, that he would have
been froivned upon, by every patriotic friend of the Union, who had a
proper regard to the courtesies which were due to their co-States of the
South. Instead of this, however, we are left to infer, from the enthusiasm
with which he was received, that these very insults to the South, and the
bitterness of hatred, with which he assailed her people, ivere the deeds of
merit, which recommended him to the favor of his audience. The incense
which was offered him, is reported as follows:
" Mr. Sumner appeared on the rostrum precisely at eight o'clock, and was received
with an outburst of excited enthusiasm which defies all description. The applause
with which he was greeted was unanimous and intense. Cheer after cheer arose,
loud and vociferous ; men stood up and waved their handkerchiefs and their hats till
scarcely anything else could be seen; the ladies clapped their little hands, and shouts
of applause were heard from every part of the room. Mr. Sumner all the while stood
calmly bowing in response; and it was not until several minutes had elapsed that the
commotion ceased."
It would then be a dangerous mistake in the people of the South, to
suppose, that these are the sentiments of Charles Sumner alone. On the
contrary he is only the Mouth-piece of those men in the Black Republi-
can ranks, who are destined to shape its measures. The very violence of
his hostility to the South, is just the quality which makes him so popular
with his party: and this is in conformity with a principle, to which His-
tory bears undivided support,—and that is, that in all Parties founded oil
passion, instead of reason (like the abolition,) moderate men soon lose their
influence, and the more violent, and extreme in their views, take their
place, and govern the party, What then can the South expect from such
raving fanatics as Sumner, and his followers, as Rulers and Masters !
"Long John" Wentworth :—that, if the Union be preserved, under
Black Republican Presidents, for a few years,—then, " Emancipa-
tion of all the slaves."
We have heard the savage vauntings of Black Republicanism, from the
East, now let us listen to the threats of the ferocious Bully from the North
West. I make extracts from the "Chicago (Illinois) Democrat."
Taking for his text, the bloody proposition of the " Irrepressible Con-
*See his Speech entitled " Barbarism of Slavery."
30
flict" of "honest old Abe," as he is called;—(really honest, there is not a
doubt, he will be found, (as "old John Brown" was honest) in carrying
out his scheme of the "extinction of slavery")—the Editor of that paper
thus announces the purposes of his party, in relation to the South.
"We might as well make up our minds to fight the battle now, as at any other time.
It will have to be fought, and the longer the evil day is put off, the more bloody will be
the Contest when it comes. If we do not place slavery in the process of extinction
now, by hemming it in, where it is, and not suffering it to expand, it will extinguish us,
and our liberties."
(Just "old Abe's" and Mr. Seward's notion. Silly enough, if they
really believe in it, but sported by them, most probably, merely as clap-
trap). The editor proceeds—
" Let the South threaten dissolution. Let them secede if they dare, when Lincoln
is elected. They would have a nice time of it indeed. Why without the protection
of the army and navy to-day, they could not hold their slaves a twelve-month. Do
they forget their abject terror, when invaded by John Brown, and a handful of fol-
lowers. Do they not remember that he held the whole State of Virginia at bay for
days, and only yielded at last to the soldiers of the General Government. Dissolve
the Union indeed! We would like to see the South get along, with its three millions
of slaves, with no means of preventing a general rising of them, and a hostile people
all along their borders."
This extract claims attention, 1st, for the utter ignorance of that party,
which it displays, as to the condition of the South, and our ample, and over-
whelming power to protect ourselves, and resist the aggressions of " hostile
people all along our borders;" and 2nd, for the thorough contempt which
they appear to feel for our manhood:—which however I am constrained to
admit they have too much cause to cherish, when I consider the wrongs
and insults which they have inflicted upon us, and which we have so
passively borne.
The Editor next refers to the late Insurrection of Slaves, which the
abolitionsts attempted to stir up in Texas; and thus palliates, if not justi-
fies it.
" The instigators of the plot are said to have been the white men who were driven
from their homes in Texas for their free soil sentiments.
" If so, it only shows that when one wrong is done another will surely follow in its
train. The eternal doctrine of compensation will vindicate itself. Wrong begets
wrong, as surely as wheat sown in the earth will produce wheat.
" If this be so, what retribution must be yet laid up for those who for years have
oppressed four millions of their fellow men, robbing them of their wages, tearing from
them their wives and children, beating them like beasts of burden, destroying them body
and soul f
" Justice sleeps, but never dies."
But this "sleeping justice,"—of servile insurrection, (to be instigated by
the arts and falsehoods of northern abolitionists, misleading our Slaves)—
may be avoided. How? By the following programme; which has been
so considerately prepared for us, by our "brethren,"—the "friendly"
Thugs of Black Republicanism.
" if the union be preserved, and if the Federal government be adminis-.
tered for a few years by Republican Presidents, a scheme may be devised,
and carried out, which will result in the peaceful, honorable and equitable
EMANCIPATION of ALL the SLAVES.
"The States must be made ALL FREE, and if a Republican government
is intrusted with the duty of making them FREE, the work will be done
without bloodshed, without revolution, without disastrous loss of property.
The work will be one of time and patience, but it must be done !"
31
These are the alternatives offered you, Fellow Citizens of the South :—
Servile Insurrection, to be instigated by Black Republicans : or,—the
emancipation oj all your slaves. Whether of them, do you choose? You
are not offered anything which you claim, and have a right to claim under
the Constitution of our country :—protection to our slave property in the
Territories;—the rendition of our fugitive slaves;—abstaining from med-
dling with them at home, or elsewhere, with a view to impair their value,
or disturb the peace, or safety of their owners;—and that forbearance,
civility, and courtesy, which are due to us, as equals under a common
government. None of these, are you permitted to have :—but after being
"prostrated;" "permanently expelled;" "driven back within the States";
and subdued, and brought under absolute subjection, then the "manacled
dastard" will be allowed the privilege, to decide,—Whether the raving
abolitionist shail be left to light the fires of insurrection around his dwel-
ling; or whether avoiding this by the emancipation of all his Slaves, he
shall be allowed to sink to the level of equality with his former bonds-
men,—a degraded, and (because cowardly) a despised beggar !
I ask again Fellow Citizens of the South,—Whether of these do you
choose? The prompt and indignant reply is—"we reject both !"
But, by what course of measures will you avoid, or drive back these
threatened dangers? This is the momentous question, which now presses
upon the South for their decision. If decided in the spirit of courage
and resolution, which meets the danger more than half way, and with a
united front,—their condition will be that of honour, and safety—saje for
themselves, and safe and prosperous for their posterity But if unhap-
pily, timid, or treacherous, counsels should guide their decision, and they
again back down, and pursue the expedient of temporizing and compro-,
mise, it will be a dark and gloomy history, in which the disastrous conse-
quences shall be written !
Who is "Long John Wentworth" ?
But it may be said that I claim too much importance for the opinions of
the Journal, and the Editor, from whom we have been quoting. Certainly,
this would be so ; if they were the sentiments merely of an individual,
and he, one of no position, rather than those of a leading mind, which
controls' the actions of vast multitudes behind him- What, then, is tjie
"Chicago Democrat," and what of the Editor, who directs its politics ?
I find the answer, so aptly prepared for me, in a Journal which is, per-
haps, one of the most independent, influential, and wide-spread, of any
in the United States, that I readily adopt it. It says—
" The ' Chicago Democrat' is a paper possessing more largely the confidence of' Old
Abe,' than any other newspaper in Illinois.
" The editor of said paper is his Honor John Wentworth, Mayor of Chicago, fami-
liarly called ' Long John,' from his altitude, which is six feet six, or two inches more
than that of the original rail splitter himself. A man of such proportions and of the
official position of Wentworth, and of his skill, activity, zeal and power as a political
editor, cannot be doubted as a man who speaks by authority, when he undertakes to
proclaim the principle and purposes of his Presidential candidate an d the party sup-
porting him.
" Having thus established" the semi-official character of the aforesaid leading edit-
orials of our Chicago cotemporary, let us see what they are. Taking the ' irrepressi-
ble conflict,' as proclaimed by ' Old Abe' in 1858 as his platform, Mr. Wentworth, in
a review of a late editorial of this journal on the subject of disunion, proceeds to show
that the ' game of scaring and bullying the North,' is ' but the old game which has
been used time and time again, to scare the North into submission to Southern
32
demands and Southern tyranny ;' that' we might as well make up our minds to fight
the battle now as at any other timethat ' if we do not place slavery in the process
of extinction by hemming it in where it is, and not suffering it to expand, it will
extinguish us and our liberties;' and that against this work of ' hemming them in,'
the Southern States will not dare the ruinous experiment of seceding from the Union:
for that ' the only thing that can prevent a complete and bloody slave insurrection
throughout the Southern States is the preservation of the Union.'
" Thus satisfied that the Northern mission of extinguishing slavery in the South
maybe safely undertaken, Mr. Wentworth tells us that 'ascheme may be devised and
carried out which will result in the peaceful, honorable and equitable emancipation of
all the slaves ;' that ' the States must he made all free;' that' the work will be one of
time and patience, but it must he done? We are next assured that it is only their
fear of the general government which prevents, at this moment, ' a general insurrec-
tion among the slaves in the border States;' from which it follows that, with the
removal of thfs fear, there will be an insurrection which will make ' the peaceful
emancipation of all the slaves' an easy task.
" With the outlines of the republican programme for the abolition of slavery thus
presented by an editor fully possessing the confidence of Mr. Lincoln, is it any wonder
that the alternative of secession and a Southern confederacy should be agitated in
the South ? What means this peaceable ' extinguishment of slavery?' 'We presume
it means its exclusion from the Territories, and its removal from the District of Colum-
bia, navy yards, dock yards, &c.,by act of Congress; next, the suppression of the inter-
State slave trade, and the repeal of the Fugitive Slave law; and next, the habeas corpus
processes of Lysander Spooner in regard to slaves. In brief, with a Congress, an
Executive, and a Supreme Court all of the same model and the same mind, it would
not be a difficult matter, under an abolition interpretation of the constitution, so to
cripple this vital Southern institution of slavery as soon to render even a faithful Vir-
ginia field hand, now worth over a thousand dollars, utterly worthless to his master.
" And such, we doubt not, is this peaceful republican programme for the conversion
of all the States into free States. Are not Southern men aware of this ? Do they
not know that within the Union they have fallen completely under the overshadowing
power of the North, and that this anti-slavery republican party have taken possession
of the North? Is it not patent to all the world that the ' one idea' of this party is the
extirpation of slavery; and, to say nothing of the hazards of a servile revolt, is there
not something in this item of two thousand millions of dollars involved in slave prop-
erty calculated to rouse the resistence of Southern men to the point of war against a
deliberate moral and political crusade, whose object is the destruction of this property?
" There may be reason to apprehend, as indicated by Mr. Wentworth, that, with
the election of Lincoln, the fear being removed from the minds of Southern slaves in
regard to the general government, they may rise in a bloody insurrection against their
masters. Should this terrible calamity occur, or anything in the form of a servile
conspiracy, upon the heel of Lincoln's election, unquestionably the next thing will be
a general movement in the Southern States towards secession and a Southern con-
federacy."—N. Y. Herald.
My design in the present Note, being, 1st, to bring together the various
evidence which go to prove, that the intention of the Black Republican
party stop at nothing short of the total abolition of Slavery in the South :
and 2d to show the ardent temper, with which they are pressing upon us,
this calamity,—Mr. Seward, the Senator from New York, now claims our
notice. But as this duty, has already, been so admirably performed ; and
in addition to this, as so much cumulative testimony, bearing upon the
same point, has been brought together by Mr. Breckinridge, the distin-
guished Senator from Kentucky, and now selected, for his talents and
manly bearing, as the Representative Chief of the Southern Democratic
party, for the Presidency,—I gladly avail myself of his work, as already
prepared to my hands; and offer it, as something much better than I could
furnish. I make my selection from the " N. York Day Book," July 21st,
1860; containing the
"Substance of a Speech delivered by Hon. John C. Breckinridge, in the
Hall of the Hou se of Representatives at Frankfort, Dec. 21st, 1859."
33
Testimony of Vice-President Breckinridge.
The extract is a long one : but I am persuaded, that no Southern man,
who is duly impressed, with the profound importance to him, of the topics
discussed, will consider it tedious ; but will peruse it, with that high grat-
ification with which I have read it, recently, for the first time. After dis-
cussing several topics of a more general nature, Mr. Breckinridge con-
tinued as follows :
" Fellow-citizens, I propose now to offer you some reflections on another aspect of
public affairs. We have been speaking of questions that concern Kentucky no more
than the other States; but we may soon have to meet questions that come nearer
home—;fireside, hearthstone questions. I disclaim the spirit of an alarmist or a dema-
gogue ; yet, since I have been acquainted with public affairs, there never was a time
when the interests of this Union were in so much peril, or when the feelings of the
people were so much alienated as at this hour. Certainly, if the aspect of affairs at
Washington is in the slightest degree indicative of the feeling elsewhere, this state-
ment is mournfully true.
•' The danger springs from the character and purposes of a political organization
in this country called the Republican party. I do not think that we yet fully realize
in Kentucky the aims of this party, what it intends, and the probable consequences of
Us success in the United States; nor do I think that the masses of the northern people
at all realize the consequences which will be sure to follow any attempt to' execute
its proclaimed purposes. At first it seemed to limit its aims to the exclusion of slavery
from the Territories; but, like all aggressive organizations, its course has been con-
tinually onward. The rear rank of the Republican army marches up and encamps
on the ground occupied by the advanced guard, months before, while the advanced
guard has been marching steadily forward.
" We claim only those rights guaranteed to us by the Constitution, which is the
bond of the American Union. Among the clearest of them are the right to the return
of fugitives from labor, and the right to live in peace with our domestic institutions,
after the manner of our fathers; and it is as clear a violation of the Constitution to
refuse these rights as if the instrument were torn into fragments. It is the purpose
of the Republican party to abolish slavery in the United States. I know that many
men of worth and ability in its ranks do not propose to press the issue to this conclu-
sion. But they cannot control the party, and soon they must fall into the ranks and
imbibe its spirit or sever their connection with it forever.
" To show the spirit and purpose of this organization, I present to you a few proofs
from many thousands of a kindred character.
From Black Republican Platform of 1856: 4< Slavery—a Relic of
Barbarism."
The first is a portion of the Republican platform adopted three years
ago, but beyond which they have now far advanced :
" Resolved, That with our Republican fathers, we. hold it to be the self-evident
truth that all men are endowed with the inalienable right to life, liberty, and the pur-
suit of happiness, and that the primary object and ulterior design of our federal gov-
ernment were to secure these rights to all persons under its exclusive jurisdiction;
that as our Republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national
territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property
without due process of law, it becomes our duty to maintain this provision of the
Constitution against all attempts to violate it for the purpose of establishing slavery
in the Territories of the United States by positive legislation, prohibiting its existence
or extension therein.
" A careful scrutiny of this resolution will reveal the fact that the Republican party
make the doctrine of negro equality a portion of their political creed—and intend to
develope this idea whenever the federal government has exclusive jurisdiction—and
by a forced construction of the Constitution they claim jurisdiction far beyond the
point we can allow it. Accordingly, as soon as they obtain power they will not only
3
34
prohibit slavery in the Territories, but will abolish it in the District of Columbia, and
in the forts, arsenals and dockyards throughout the southern States—and will put an
end to the coastwise and internal trade, which they already announce that no other
slave State, in any latitude, shall ever be added to the Union. I give you these facts
without comment, and only beg you to be assured that in my opinion they are far
short of the ultimate purpose of the controlling spirits of that organization.
"Again, I read from the same platform:
"' Resolved, That the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power over the
Territories of the United States for their government, and that in the exercise of this
power it is both the right and the imperative duty of Congress to prohibit in the Ter-
ritories those two relics of barbarism—polygamy and slavery.'
" Is this the spirit of our revolutionary ancestors ? Is this the spirit of the Consti-
tution ? Did our forefathers, fresh from the revolution, and all glowing with their
sublime efforts in the noblest contest ever waged by man, unite to form a bond of
Union which recognized, and in many respects protected, in most of the then exist-
ing States, ' a relic of barbarism ?' Are fifteen States of the Union, in the opinion
of the rest, defiled by a crime fit to be classed with polygamy f Yet this is the insult
put upon us, and upon the memory of our ancestors and theirs by the rambling and
spurious philanthropists of these later times. If it be a relic of barbarism, spreading
over half the body politic, can these worthy gentlemen do less in justice to their own
consciences than labor to extirpate it f
" The party with this platform carried a large majority of the non-slaveholding
States at the last Presidential election.
From Mr. Seward :—that in the irrepressible conflict which is to be
STIMULATED BETWEEN THE NoRTH AND SOUTH THE UNITED STATES
must be entirely a FREE LABOR nation.
"Nor is this all. I could produce to you the declaration of its representative men
in all parts of the Northern States, going infinitely further than anything I have read.
To show the ultimate purposes of the Republican party, I quote its policy as shad-
owed forth by its eminent leader. Do not weary of a few extracts, for these utterances
are the rallying cry of millions of men. I hold in my hand a speech delivered only last
year at Rochester, by Mr. Seward, a Senator from New York, who is to-day the most
influential pubjjc man in the Union, on whose words millions hang, and by whose
directions millions move. That distinguished gentleman uttered the following lan-
guage:
"' Our country is a theatre which exhibits, in full operation, two radically different
political systems—the one resting on the basis of servile or slave labor, the other on
the basis of voluntary labor of freemen.' *****
"' The two systems are at once perceived to be incongruous. But never have per-
manently existed together in one country, and they never can.'
* , * * * * * * * *
"' Hitherto the systems have existed in different States, but side by side within the
American Union. This has happened because the Union is a Confederation of States.
But in another aspect the United States constitutes only one nation. Increase of
population, which is filling the States out to their very borders, together with a new
and extended net-work of railroad and other avenues, and an internal commerce,
which daily becomes more intimate, is rapidly bringing the States into a higher and
more perfect social unity or consolidation. Thus these antagonistic systems are con-
tinually coming into closer contact, and collision ensues.'
" Yes, ' collision ensues,' and his prophecy was fulfilled in less than twelve months
after it was made.
"' Shall I tell you what this collision means ?'—' It is an irrepressible conflict
between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States must,
and will, sooner or later, become entirely a slaveholding nation, or entirely a free
labor nation. Either the cotton and rice fields of South Carolina, and the sugar
Slantations of Louisiana, will ultimately be tilled by free labor, and Charleston and
lew Orleans become marts for legitimate merchandise alone, or else the rye fields
and wheat fields of Massachusetts and New York must again be surrendered by their
farmers to the slave culture and to the production of slaves, and Boston and New
35
York become once more markets for trade in the bodies and souls of men. It is the
failure to apprehend this great truth that induces so many unsuccessful attempts at
final compromise between the slave and free States, and it is the existence of this
great fact that renders all such pretended compromises, when made, vain and
ephemeral.'
"At a later period, in the Senate of the United States, the same Senator uttered
the following language: (I well remember the occasion and the language).
" 'A free Republican Government like this, notwithstanding all its constitutional
checks, cannot long resist and counteract the progress of society.'
" ' Free labor has at last appeliended its rights and its destiny, and is organizing
itself to assume the government of the Republic. It will henceforth meet you boldly
and resolutely here (Washington) ; it will meet you everywhere, in the Territories
and out of them, wherever you may go to extend slavery. It has driven you back in
California and in Kanzas, it will invade you soon in Delaware, Maryland, Virginia,
Missouri, and Texas. It will meet you in Arizona, in Central America, and even in
Cuba.'
* * * * * * * * * *
"'You may, indeed, get a start under or near the tropics, and seem safe for a
time, but it will be only a short time. Even there you will found States only for free
labor to maintain and occupy. The interest of the whole race demands the ultimate
emancipation of all men. Whether that consummation shall be allowed to take effect,
with needful and wise precautions against sudden change and disaster, or be hurried
on by violence, is all that remains for you to decide." ' The white man needs this con-
tinent to labor upon. His head is clear, his arm is strong, and his necessities are
fixed.'
"'It is for yourselves, and not for us, to decide how long and through what further
mortifications and disasters the contest shall be protracted before freedom shall enjoy
her already assured triumph.
"' You may refuse to yield it now, and for a short period, but your refusal will only
animate the friends of freedom with the courage and the resolution, and produce the
union among them, which alone is necessary on their part to attain the position itself,
simultaneously with the impending overthrow of the existing Federal Administration
and the constitution of a new and more independent Congress.'
" Gentlemen, is this the Constitution, this the Union your fathers founded ? Re-
member that these principles are not peculiar to Mr. Seward; with some marked
exceptions, they are the principles of the Senators and Representatives of that party
in Congress—of the body of its press, and of the great mass of the people who com-
pose the organization. Upon what times are we rapidly driving! Could such
principles have been sustained at the epoch of the Revolution—at the epoch of the
Constitution ? Did not the Constitution languish in the Convention, until stipula-
tions were inserted to guard and protect our rights ? Were they not put in thaj;
instrument by the great and good men who framed it, and ratified by the States for
themselves and for posterity? And are not the citizens of all the States bound to
respect our. constitutional relations, and give the' Southern States peace in this Union ?
Was it not formed for the peaceful pursuit of common interests, and for the protec-
tion of persons and property ? How do you receive the announcement that an irre-
pressible conflict is raging between the States which shall result in the emancipation
of the southern slaves, leaving you only the alternative to surrender at discretion, or
to yield to violence ? It is idle to shut our eyes to the issue offered by this party. It
is folly to attempt to turn over a volcano. It is vain to cry peace, peace, when there
is no peace.
Testimony from Helper's "Impending Crisis"—the hand book of the
Black Republicans.
"As a further proof of the spirit and character of tlie Republican party, I hold
in my hand a book which is of little consequence as the expression of the opinions
of its author, but becomes of immense significance, endorsed as it is by the eminent
Senator from whose speeches I have read, and by some sixty-eight Republicans of the
House of Representatives, who represent a constituency of seven millions of people. It
36
is a book called ' The Impending Crisis of the South,' its reputed author being a
person named Helper, who pi-ofesses to be a North Carolinian. As a sample of its
contents hear the following:
"' The slaveholding oligarchy say we cannot abolish slavery without infringing on
the right of property. Again we tell them, we do not recognize property in men.
*******«£**
"'For the services of the blacks from the 20th of August, 1620, up to the 4th of
July, 1869, an interval of precisely two hundred and forty-eight years, ten months
and fourteen days, their masters, if unwilling, ought, in our judgment, to be com-
petted to grant them their freedom, and to pay each one of them at least sixty dollars in
hand.'
" The sum necessary to carry out this notable scheme, amounting to several hun-
dred millions of dollars, it is proposed to raise by confiscating two crops of southern
cotton. The whole book is atrocious and incendiary in the highest degree; yet it
has received the written endorsement of the Representatives of seven millions of
American citizens, and among them the gentleman who is the candidate of the whole
Republican party for Speaker of the House! It is true that some of his friends say
he endorsed it without having read it. But if this be true, I am informed that he
has refused, again and again when called on, to disavow these sentiments on the
floor of the House; and yet with this significant silence he continues to receive the
unbroken vote of his party.
" The nature of the issue we must finally meet is further shown by the non-action
of many States. What can be clearer to an unperverted mind than the duty of
every State to prevent its people from trespassing on the rights and property of the citi-
zons of a sister Statef The comity of nations would require this between alien com-
munities, and surely the bonds of our Constitutional brotherhood should not be
weaker than the comity of nations. Yet few or none of the Northern States have
adopted measures to prevent th% spoliation of our slave property, and to enter them at
most points to reclaim this description of property is an unwelcome and dangerous
errand. Nor is this all. About one-half of the Northern States (all Republican
States I think) have passed laws making it a criminal offence for their citizens to give
any assistance in the rendition of fugitive slaves. This is not the case in regard to
any other property; but they hate slavery, and will trample on so much of the Con-
stitution as recognizes and guards it.
" The natural result of all things is alienation, discord, and finally hostile collisions.
Gradually we approach the crisis, until at last the more advanced disciples begin the
' irrepressible conflict' in a logical way, and ' collisions ensues.' The ignorant and
fanatical, throwing off even the forms of social and political duty, invade with
violence a Southern State; and, though I am far from asserting that the great mass
of the Republican party contemplated the late atrocious proceedings in Virginia,
yet I assert, with a profound conviction of its truth, my belief that the horrible
-tragedy is but the forerunner of a blazing border war, unless the spirit they are
fomenting in this land can be arrested by a general outbreak of conservative opinion.
The very manner in which their leaders and the organs of public opinion, with the
marked exceptions I have referred to, comment on the act, is enough to startle every
lover of his country. They regret it, they deplore it, they even condemn it, because it
was against law, and they stand for the law. These are the honeyed and qualified
phrases with which they characterize the most atrocious act of treason, murder and
rapine combined that ever polluted the soil of Virginia; and then, as if afraid that
their rebukes were too severe, they immediately proceed to eulogize the man and his
motives.
" The proofs might be accumulated to the bulk of a volume, but I forbear. You
need not be told that I have not presented them in a spirit of disloyalty to the Con-
stitution and the Union. I love both as devotedly as any man who hears me. But
the time has come for the true friends of the Union to look impending dangers in the
face, and he best serves his country who honestly proclaims the perils that menace it.
And, now, under the responsibilities that surround me, and by the warrant of the
proofs I have presented, and of many others which are easily accessible, I charge that
the present and ulterior puiposes of the Republican party are:
37
The present and ulterior purposes of the Black Republican party:—
the overthrow of slavery, and the utter ruin of the south.
"To introduce the doctrine of negro equality into American politics, and to make it
the ground of positive legislation hostile to the Southern States;
" To exclude the slave property of the South from all Territory now in the Union,
or which may hereafter be acquired;
" To prevent the admission, in any latitude, of another slaveholding State;
" To repeal the Fugitive Slave Law, and practically refuse to obey the Constitution
on that subject;
" To refuse to prevent or punish, by State action, the spoliation of slave property;
but, on the contrary, to make it a criminal offence in their citizens to obey the laws of
the Union, in so far as they protect property in African slaves;
" To abolish slavery in the District of Columbia ;
" To abolish it in the forts, arsenals, dock yards, and other places in the South where
Congress has exclusive jurisdiction.
" To abolish the internal and coastwise trade.
" To limit, harrass, and frown upon the institution in every mode of political action^
and by every form of public opinion.
" And, finally, by the Executive, by Congress, by the postal service, the press, and
all other accessible modes, to agitate without ceasing, until the Southern States, with-
out sympathy Or brotherhood in the Union, worn down by the unequal struggle, shall
be compelled to surrender ignominiously, and emancipate their slaves.
" Hence, I repeat that the spirit and purposes of the party are utterly at tear with
the Constitution and the great objects for which it was formed. If that instrument is
allowed to remain permanently violated in any of its vital provisions, what hope have
we for our institutions and liberties ? Broken in one important part, it must soon
fall to pieces. The triumph of the principles would subvert southern society, and deso-
late one of the fairest regions of America; while, in the end, it would be equally disas-
trous to all parts of the Union.—The Republican masses do not realize the actual
condition of things, nor the convulsions that may ensue. Perhaps even the leaders
do not, for they laugh derisively at our remonstrances. And yet these aggressions can-
not be countenanced. Resistance in some form is inevitable.
" Some members of the Confederacy may contemplate it in the form of a separate
political organization. Kentucky, while a single ray of hope penetrates the thick
darkness, will resist under the Constitution and within the Union. Resistance, I
repeat, is certain. Oh, that the millions of our northern brethren could know this
truth, and know also that it springs, not from an insulting or arrogant spirit, but from
the simple instinct of self-defence. It is idle to suppose that we will surrender our inter-
ests without a struggle from the apprehension of failure. Those who think so have
read history to little purpose. There is no example in any age of a spirited people
who have been deterred from defending their vital rights upon such ignoble grounds. I
remember, when a boy, reading the oration of Demosthenes for the crown, on sua
occasion when his accuser, going behind the forms of the proceedings, arraigned him
as the author of the public misfortunes, because he had aroused the Greeks to a last
struggle for their country against Philip of Macedon. The result had been fatal to
Athens. He defended himself by the memories of those who had died at Platea, at
Marathon, at Salamis, and of all their heroes who reposed in the public monuments.
He stirred their souls by recitation of Grecian glories, and then—' What though we
failed, we did our duty; we acted to the spirit and character of our ancestors. The
result is such as God gives to each.' Reanimated by an appeal so noble and so true,
the dead body of Athenian liberty for an instant sprang upon its feet, and although
the man accused was the enemy of their master, Alexander, those degenerate Greeks,
touched with some portion of their ancestral courage, rose out of the depths of their
national abasement, and crowned the world's great orator as a public benefactor.
"We cannot delude ourselves with the thought that the dangers that menace us
are afar off,\ nor should others delude themselves with the thought that there will be
no resistance. Constitutional resistance we contemplate to the latest moment, even
against unconstitutional attacks. But when the subject of contest reaches the homes
and firesides of a people, who is wise enough to predict or control the progress of
-events ?
38
" I have seen th'e growing evidences for the last few years, culminating recently
into proof of the determination of the Republicans to take possession, if possible of the
government, for the purposes I have described. And I have seen in the Representa-
tives of the lower southern States a most resolute and determined spirit of resistance.
In the meantime I perceive a sensible loss of that spirit of brotherhood—that feeling
of love for a common country—that favor of loyalty—which are at last the surest
cement of the Union; so that in the present unhappy state of affairs, I was almost
tempted to exclaim that we are dissolving iveek by week and month by month. The
threads are gradually fretting themselves asunder; and a stranger visiting Washing-
ton might imagine that the Executive of the United States teas the President of two
hostile republics. Our wisest and best men observe this growing feeling of alienation,
and it has become with them the subject of anxious thought and conversation. They
are alarmed; it is not craven terror, it is the noble fear that patriots feel for an
imperilled country.
"Perhaps the most imminent danger springs from the possible action of certain mem-
bers of the confederacy. The representatives from South Carolina, Georgia, Ala-
bama, and Mississippi, not to mention other Southern States, say that they represent
their constituents—nay, that they scarcely go so far as their constituents—and most
of them declare that they are ready at an_y moment for a separate organization. Some
of the Southern Legislatures have passed resolves of this character—and we may
safely assume that it is the true feeling of the people. God forbid that such an event
should occur! God forbid that the step shall ever be taken! We have other, and I hope
adequate remedies. But do you not perceive that in such an event the difficulties that
surround us would be fearfully augmented ? Do you not remember when South Caro-
linain 1832, arrayed herself against the General Government upon a question of policy
connected with the collection of taxes, the issue shook the Union to its centre ? What
were the circumstances of that day ? Andrew Jackson was President of the United
States, and he was a native of South Carolina; the question at issue was not nearly so
vital as those that now convulse the country; few of the other States sympathised with
the movement of that little State; Ilenry Clay was alive, and with Calhoun and Web-
ster, and other very eminent statesmen, laboured to restore tranquility—and yet the issue
then made imperilled the Union of the States in the judgment of the wisest and best men.
How much more alarming is the aspect of affairs to-day—wide-spread disaffection
through the South—an unrelenting feeling, growing daily stronger in the North. Clay,
Calhoun, and Webster dead, and none, alas! to fill their places. Now is it not clear
to the dullest comprehension, with the government in the possession of & hostile and
aggressive majority, if several of the Southern States take steps towards separation,
the whole system would be involved in the utmost peril ? Speculate as we may, such
is the nature of our system that it is in the power of two or three States to put a stop
to the harmonious and regular action of the Government. I will not enlarge on the
difficulties which would then surround us. They occur to, and appal every thought-
ful mind. When the sad day comes, in which that step shall be taken, no earthly
vision will be wise and keen enough to look through the darkness, and discern a port
of safety.
" These are some of the facts it becomes the people of Kentucky to observe and
ponder well. I have thus, fellow citizens, in simple and temperate language, pur-
posely avoided ornaments of rhetoric and epithets of passion, attempted to expose the
character and purpose of the Republican party, and have alluded to the immediate
dangers that threaten the country. A political party expects soon to take possession
of the Government, whose animating principle is hostility to the institutions of fifteen
States. What it intends to do, I have tried to show : that it will be resisted, is as cer-
tain as that a brave people never submitted to have a great federal bond insultingly
broken, and their essential rights taken from them without a struggle. The power of
two or three States, indeed of one State, to precipitate the issue, invest the subject
with great danger. We stand, not in the presence of spectres and shadows, but of
great and terrible realities. I see on one side, an unrelenting purpose of aggression, and
on the other a dauntless determination to resist."
39
Will the South surrender to enemies so deadly : or what?
Mr. Breckinridge in thus giving warning to his Constituents of those
dangers which are steadily and rapidly advancing upon them, and threat-
ening their ruin; has performed the duty of a faithful Watchman over
their interests ; and has entitled hims^f to the gratitude of the whole
South. It is much to be regretted, that his example has not been more
generally followed, on their return home, by all the Representatives from
the threatened region.
And now, Fellow Citizens of the South, with this array of facts before
you;—facts, which to every one, (except to the mind which is steeped in
sloth, and in a mere animal insensibility,) must carry the unwavering
conviction,—That the settled purpose of the North is to emancipate our
slaves, and spread ruin over our fair country. What do you intend to do?
What should be our course of measures, to meet, or counteract their de-
signs? Forcible emancipation, (they call it ''peaceable," "equitable," but
nothing can be peaceable, or equitable, which does not meet our willing
consent)—forcible emancipation is certain, if we remain in the union,
under the control of a hostile people, to make laws for us, and to shape
the policy of the Government. To be safe, and prosperous, we must be
ruled by ourselves, or our friends and not by aliens, or our enemies. It is
recorded among the heavy calamities of the children of Israel, that "they
that hated them, ruled over them;"—that "their enemies also oppressed
them and they were brought into subjection under their hands." Our sub-
jection must come only from a sensual and inglorious sloth, if they who
hate us, rule over us ; for we have the right to throw off their rule, and
power enough to protect ourselves, and make the act harmless.
The only substitute for this course, (except abject, downright, slavish
submission, to those who hate us), is, the recommendation that " the Re-
publican party must be overthrown." How? By what means? Not, I
presume, by invasion and physical power. Because, although we have
ample power to protect ourselves, and beat them back if they invade us,
they have greater power to do the same to us.
Not at the ballot box, I presume; because, there, they cannot be reached
by us ; and if it were otherwise, they vastly outnumber, and can over-
whelmingly out-vote us.
Not by "moral suasion," I presume;—by argument, by reason, and
appeals to their generosity, and justice;—by none of these;—because,
they have all been tried and failed;—failed like the soft influences ad-
dressed to the deaf adder,—failed although ?" charming never so wisely."
But when, in the history of human, (not angelic) nature, was it ever
known, that the avaricious and needy man, voluntarily, gave up his power
legally to plunder and enrich himself:—when, that the ambitious politi-
cian, generously, relinquished his power to rule : or when was it ever heard
of, that the crazy fanatic, or "one-idea" man, was ever reasoned out of his
hobby, whether harmless or dangerous ! How then is " the Republican
party to be overthrown," compounded as it is of classes of men like
these ? It is simply an impracticability, which can never be accomplished:
and amounts, when analyzed, merely to a hope, and that a most delusive
one. It is the retreat which the mind takes, from a disagreeable and
embarrassing subject; which it is loth to strip bare, and contemplate in
all its rough and knotty, and sharp outlines.
Every expectation then, of safety to the South and our institutions,
based upon a Reform, which is to take place in the Black Republican
40
party, either originating within itself,.or to he communicated from with-
out, will prove to be utterly fallacious, and delusive ; and must operate, (by
inducing passiveness, and the encouragement of delusive hopes) most dis-
astrously upon the South. Let us not look, for our welfare, to those who
hate and despise us; and who despise and contemn us, only the more,
because we look to them, and depend upon their forbearance: But let us
look, for our welfare, to those who wish us well,—to OURSELVES alone:
and then we shall be sure of a friendly care for our interests.
Cease, then, MEN of the South, to turn your eyes in meek supplica-
tion, or hoping submission, to such people, as Seward, and Sumner, and
Lincoln, and the sullen gangs of fanatics which surround them. Turn
your backs upon the North and all its delusive hopes : and with your faces
to the friendly South, blow the trumpet of defiance, to our enemies, and
rally our waiting hosts, in defence of our rights. Heed not the word
" Danger," so apt to be cautiously whispered by pantalooned old women.
u 'Tis dangerous to take a cold, to sleep, to drink. But I tell you my
lord fool out of this Nettle Danger we pluck this
flower Safety," and so the united South will prove, when, in a Southern
Confederacy, they shall place themselves and their slaves under the pro-
tection of a friendly government;—greater safety than they have ever
enjoyed, from the northernmost border, where the Slave now yields his
services, to the southernmost limit, where he is now, or hereafter may
be held. And this result, will be ensured, by a scheme of measures,
which will be devised, and set 011 foot, by a Government, which is resolved
to.protect, and not destroy the Institution.
c.
The insurrection which broke out lately in a part of Texas, was con-
cocted it seems by Northern Abolitionists, whom a too confiding people
had allowed to get admission among them, and prowl among their slaves.
It seems that their plan was to fire the little towns, in different, and dis-
tant places, at the same time'; destroy as much property as they could;
murder the white inhabitants; and then after securing as much plunder,
as they could carry, "fight their way," as it is expressed, but more prop-
erly run their way to Mexico. It does not appear that they contemplated1
at all, keeping possession of the country.
Now, how utterly Satanic, does such a scheme appear to a humane and
well regulated mind ? And who but an insane man, demoralized by the
principles of Abolitionism, could concoct, or carry it out, except with-the
liveliest horror. Contemplate it for a moment, in the every day aspect of
Plantation life. Here is a quiet ancl peaceful community, with the kind-
liest relations existing between the Masters and their slaves,—frequent
good offices passing between them; and gentleness and friendliness mark-
ing their intercourse ; the inferior cared for, in sickness, and in health, his
wants all supplied, and his comforts provided for;—a gentle condescen-
sion descending from the Superior; met by deference, respect, and pften-
times a sincere affection, proceeding from the inferior; and a generous
confidence interchanged between both. Amidst this peaceful scene, the
sneaking Abolitionist appears,—his sentiments unknown, and his pur-
poses concealed. Perhaps he presents himself openly to the master and
partakes his hospitality; and from amidst his own household, begins to
practice his diabolical arts of treachery, and bloodshed. Perhaps he
selects some retired place of concealment; finds out the vicious, and dis-
41
contented, (for such there are among the Slaves, as among the low, and cor-
rupt of every colour, and country) whose crimes have been punished, and
who resent this, with sullenness. To such he addresses his arts, in dark-
ness, and in secrecy: he palliates their faults; magnifies their grievances;
foments their discontent; and encourages revenge against his master.
Then follow the Temptations:—the hopes, and profits of success; assist-
ance from the Abolitionists (who are represented as near at hand,) to
murder the Whites; to rob, destroy, and plunder their property; and
when all this has been done an easy and certain escape, to some friendly
territory, near at hand; where he will be free, and never more work; and
living the life of the wealthy gentleman, do nothing but eat, drink and
sleep ! With such alluring, but delusive temptations, artfully applied by
an unprincipled man, to the poor, ignorant, and degraded Slave,—(de-
graded and demoralized by his vices)—is it surprising, that a few of them,
are occasionally enticed away to their ruin, by the artful falsehoods of the
Abolitionist? And is it surprising that the Planter, knowing the imbecil-
ity and viciousness of some of the race, and the mischief of allowing
them to be tampered ivith, should resent with the fiercest indignation, this
officious, this insulting, this most unwarrantable intermeddling with his
peace and his rights? Whilst leaving his own home, and intruding him-
self, with sucl\ fiendish purposes, upon the peaceful homes of other men,
what does the insane and malignant Wretch deserve but to be shot down,
like any wolf, or wild cat, which is found prowling, around the quiet sheep
fold ! And the deplorable consequences to the poor, ignorant slaves too,—
whom they have entrapped by their arts, and enticed away by their false-
hoods, from their allegiance to their masters,—what baseness of inhuman-
ity marks their conduct to them! In the case of the recent insurrection
in Texas, we are informed, that three of the crazy Abolitionists, who
instigated it have been hanged; hut, unhappily, they have dragged down
with them, in the same just, but melancholy doom, perhaps half a hun-
dred miserable Slaves; who, but for their meddling, might have lived
happily and peaceably with their masters, to end of their natural days.
It is worth remembering, that this Texas insurrection seems to have
been conducted, as far as it went, upon a settled programme, which the
Abolitionists of the North have prepared for us in all such invasions ;
called "Plan for the abolition of Slavery." As these machinations of
our enemies are but little understood by the people of the South, 1 think
it well that they should be informed of them. They were exposed to the
public in a
u Manifesto, of the New York Democratic Vigilant Association, to their
fellow citizens of the State and country,"
and were published by the "Executive Committee'' of that Association,
appointed,—"To collect the details of the history of the affair at Harper's
Ferry, and if it prove that there be any connection between the conspira-
tors, and any political body at the North, that sum of money be
appropriated to disseminate the facts, and make known to their Southern
brethren our utter condemnation of the instigators of the movement." In
performing this patriotic duty, the Executive Committee, (composed, we
are informed, of " thirty-one men of the city of New York, of vast wealth,
high social position, commanding influence, and indisputable title to be
believed,") put forth an " Address," to the people, from which I shall
make some extracts.
Address of the "Executive Committee of the New York Vigilant Asso-
ciation."
42
" Fellow Citizens : The community was thrown into consternation on
the 17th inst., by the appalling intelligence that a formidable outbreak,
headed by Northern Abolitionists, had broken out at Harper's Ferry, in
Virginia, with the avowed object of arousing the colored population."—-
* "It will appear that Northern Abolitionists have
long contemplated a war of races; that preparations for it have been slowly
and deliberately made; that the recent invasion of the South, was not
intended to be an isolated one; that its active agents were supplied with
money and arms horn the Kansas Free State fund, and by sympathizers
in the North; and that the documents exposing their Rules of future
action, are founded upon the principles laid down in the speech deliv-
ered by the Hon. Wm. H. Seward, at Rochester, on the 25th October,
1858." —
" It has been discovered that a Central Association was organized some
time ago, which adopted the following plan for the abolition of slavery.
Among its founders were Mr. John Brown, known familiarly as " Ossa-
watomie" Brown, Mr. H. Kagi, Gerrit Smith and many others, some of
whom, as has been revealed, subsequently established subsidiary associa-
tions in different towns and cities of the country."
Plan for the Abolition of Slavery.
" When a human being is set upon by a robber, ravisher, murderer, or
tyrant of any kind, it is the duty of the bystanders to go to his or her
rescue, by force if need be. In general, nothing will excuse men in the
non-performance of this duty, except the pressure of higher duties (if
such there be,) inability to afford relief, or too great danger to themselves
or others.
' " This duty being naturally inherent in human relations and necessities,
governments and laws are of no authority in opposition to it. If they
interpose themselves, they must be trampled under foot without ceremony,
as we would trample under foot laws that would forbid us to rescue men
from wild beasts, or from burning buildings."
"On this principle, it is the duty of the non-slaveholders of this coun-
try, in their private capacity as individuals—without asking the permis-
sion or waiting the movements of the government—to go to the rescue of
the slaves from the hands of their oppressors.
" This duty is so self-evident and natural a one, that he who pretends
to doubt it, should be regarded either as seeking to evade it or as himself
a servile and ignorant slave of corrupt institutions or customs.
- " Holding these opinions, we propose to act upon them, and we invite
all other citizens of the United States to join us in the enterprise. To
enable them to judge of its feasibility, we lay before them the following
programme of measures, which, we think, ought to be adopted, and would
be successful:—
" 1. The formation of associations throughout the country, of all persons
who are willing to pledge themselves publicly to favor the enterprise, and
render assistance and support of any kind to it.
"2. Establishing or sustaining papers to advocate the enterprise.
"3. Refusing to vote for any person for any civil or military office
whatever who is not publicly committed to the enterprise.
"4. Raising money and military equipments.
"5. Forming and disciplining such military companies as may volun-
teer for actual service.
43
"6. Detaching the lion-slaveholders of the South from all alliance with1
the slaveholders, and inducing them to co-operate with us, by appeals to
their safety, interest, honor, justice and humanity.
"7. Informing the slaves (by emissaries to be sent among them, or
through the 'non-slaveholders of the South) of the plan of emancipation,
that they may be prepared to co-operate at the proper time.
"8. To encourage emigration to the South of persons favoring the
movement.
"9. When the preceding preliminaries shall have sufficiently prepared
the way, then to land military forces (at numerous points at the same
time) in the South, who shall raise the standard of freedom, and call to it
the slaves and such free persons as may be willing to join it.
"10. If emancipation shall be accomplished only by actual hostilities,
then, as all the laws of war, of nature and of justice will require that the
emancipated slaves shall be compensated for their previous wrongs, we avow
it our purpose to make such compensation, so far as the property of the
slaveholders and their abettors can compensate them, and we avow our
intention to make known this determination to the slaves beforehand, with
a view to give them courage and self-respect, to nerve them to look boldly
into the eyes of their tyrants, and to give them a true idea of the relations
of justice existing between themselves and their oppressors.
" 11. To remain in the South, after emancipation, until we shall have
established, or have seen established, such government as will secure the
future freedom of the persons emancipated. ^
"And we anticipate that the public avowal of these measures, and our
open and zealous preparation for them, will have the effect, within some
reasonable time—we trust within a few years at furthest—to detach the-
government and the country at large from the interests of the slaveholders ;;
to destroy the security and value of slave property ; to annihilate the commer-
cial credit of the slaveholders, and finally to accomplish the extinction of
slavery. We hope it may be without blood.
"If it be objected that this scheme proposes war, we confess the fact.
It does propose war—private war, indeed—but nevertheless war, if that
should prove necessary; and our answer to the objection is, that in revo-
lutions of this nature it is necessary that private individuals should take
the first steps. The tea must be thrown overboard, the Bastile must be-
torn down, the first gun must be fired by private persons, before a new
government can be organized or the old one be forced (for nothing but
danger to itself vvill force it) to adopt the measures which the insurgents
have in view. 4
"If the American government, State or national, would aboNsh slavery,
we would leave the work in their hands. But as they do not, and appa-
rently will not, we propose to force them to do it, or to do it ourselves in
defiance of them.
"'If any considerable number of the American people will join us, the
work will be an easy and bloodless one ; for slavery can live only in quiet,
and in the sympathy or subjection of all around it.
" We, the subscribers, residents of the town of , in the county of
, in the State of , believing in the principles, and approving
generally of the measures set forth in the foregoing 'Plan for the Abolition
of Slavery,' and in the accompanying address ' To the non-slaveholders of
the South,' hereby unite ourselves in an association, to be called the League
of Freedom, in the town of , for the purpose of aiding to carry said,
44
plan into effect,* and we hereby severally declare it to be our sincere inten-
tion to co-operate with each other, and with all other associations within
the United States having the same purpdse in view, and adopting the same
platform of principles and measures."
Together with this general plan of association, the manner in which its
members intended to carry out its objects, was drawn up for secret circu-
Jation among those from whom it was hoped would lend it assistance in the
South. It reads as follows -
Plan of the Abolitionists : for secret circulation.
" Our plah, then, is—
"1. To make war (openly or secretly, as circumstances may dictate)
upon the property of the slaveholders and their abettors—not Tor its destruc-
tion, if that can be easily avoided, but to convert it to the use of the slaves.
If it cannot be thus converted, then we advise its destruction. Teach the
slaves to burn their master's buildings, to kill their cattle and horses, to
conceal or destroy farming utensils, to abandon labor in seed time and
harvest, and let crops perish. Make slavery unprofitable in this way, if it
can be done in no other.
"2. To make slaveholders objects of derision and contempt, by flogging
them whenever they shall be guilty of flogging their slaves.
"3. To risk no general insurrection until we of the North go to your
assistance, or you are sure of success without our aid.
"To cultivate the friendship and confidence of the slaves; to bonsult
with them as to their rights and interests, and the means of promoting
them; to show your' interest in their welfare, and your readiness to assist
them; let them know that they have your sympathy, and it will give them
courage, self-respect and ambition, and make men of them—infinitely
better men to live by, as neighbors and friends, than the indolent, arrogant,
selfish, heartless, domineering robbers and tyrants who now keep both
yourselves and the slaves in subjection, and look with contempt upon all
who live by honest labor.
"5. To change your political institutions as soon as possible, and, in the
meantime, give never a vote to a slaveholder; pay no taxes to their gov-
ernment, if you can either resist or evade them; as witnesses and jurors,
give no testimony and no verdicts in support of any slaveholding claims;
perform no military, patrol or police service; mob slaveholding courts,
jails and sheriffs; do nothing, in short, for sustaining slavery, but every-
thing you safely can, publicly and privately, for its overthrow."
The document in question continues :—
"We are unwilling to take the responsibility of advising any general
insurrection, or any taking of life, until we, of the North, go down to take
part in it, in such numbers as to insure a certain and easy victory. We,
therefore, advise that for the present, operations be confined to the seizure
of property, and the chastisement of individual slaveholders and their
accomplices, and that these things be done only so far as they can be
done without too great danger to the actors.
"We especially advise the flogging of individual slaveholders. This is
a case where the medical principle, that like cures like, will certainly
*Does not this suggest to the South the pressing necessity of our having " Leagues of
Defence" ; in every community, or Beat Companies in the whole South, ready to act at any
moment as circumstances may require.
If our enemies combine to invade, and destroy, we should combine also, to defend and
promptly punish them.
45
succeed. Give the slaveholders, then, a taste of their own whips. Spare
their lives, but nqf their backs. The arrogance they have acquired by the
use of the lash upon others, will be soon taken out of them, when the same
scourge shall be applied to themselves. A band of ten or twenty deter-
mined negroes, well armed, having their rendezvous in the forests, coming
out upon the plantations by day or night, seizing individual slaveholders,
stripping them and flogging them soundly, in the presence of their own
slaves, would soon abolish slavery over a large district.
"These bands could also do a good work by kidnapping individual slave-
holders, taking them into the forest, and holding them as hostages for the
good behavior of the whites remaining on the plantation; compelling them
also to execute deeds of emancipation, and conveyances of their property to
their slaves. These contracts could probably never afterward be success-
fully disavowed on the ground of duress, (especially after new governments,
favorable to liberty, should be established,) inasmuch as such contracts would
be nothing more than justice; and men may rightfully be coerced to do
justice. Such contracts would be intrinsically as valid as the treatise by
which conquered nations make satisfaction for the injustice which caused
the war.
" The more bold and resolute slaves should be encouraged to form
themselves into bands, build forts in the forest, and there collect arms,
stores, horses—everything that will enable them to sustain themselves and
carry on their warfare against the slaveholders.
"Another important measure on the part of the slaves will be to disarm
their masters, so far as that is practicable, by seizing and concealing their
weapons whenever opportunity offers. They should also kill all slave-
hunting dogs, and the owners, too, if that should prove necessary.
" Whenever the slaves on a plantation are not powerful or courageous
enough to resist, they should be encourged to desert in a body, temporarily,
,especially at harvest time, so as to cause the crops to perish for want of
hands to gather them.
" Many other ways will suggest themselves to you, and the slaves, by
which the slaveholders can be annoyed and injured, without causing any
general outbreak or shedding of blood."
It must be stated here, in justice to Gerrit Smith, that he has publicly
denied that he was a participant with John Brown, and the others who
devised, and put forth these diabolical "Plans"; although he admits that
"John Brown was his beloved friend, and obtained loans and gifts of money
from him, whenever applied for."
From this " Manifesto of the New York Democratic Association," the
South may learn that there are at the North a few honorable and intelli-
gent men, still faithful to their obligations to us, under the Constitution :
but that there are on the other hand, very many, constituting the great
mass of the population, who devise and would practice upon us the greatest
barbarities, against our lives and property, and the foulest indignites upon
our persons, as men. Is it possible that we can continue to live in apoiiti-
cal union, with men like these, who entertain feelings of such bitter malig-
nity towards us?—especially when we know, that it is through that Union
with us, that they possess so many more opportunities of carrying out their
schemes of ruin, than they would otherwise have?
D.
This blood-thirsty, ferocious threat was thrown out at the last session of
Congress by the Hon. Owen Lovejoy, first, I believe, and by several other
46
Black. Republican members afterwards, with a view to intimidate the south
mgainst seceding from the Union. t
It is of a piece with the following fiendish aspiration of Joshua R. Gid-
dings, who is, equally with Owen Lovejoy, the warm personal friend of
Mr. Lincoln; are now his ardent political supporters, and doubtless will
be, his chosen advisors.
" I look forward to the day/' said Mr. Giddings, " when there shall be a
servile insurrection in the South ; when the black man, armed with British
bayonets, and led on by British officers, shall assert his freedom, and wage
a war of extermination against his master; when the torch of tfye incendiary
shall light up the towns and cities of the South, and blot out the last vestige
of slavery. And though I may not mock at their calamity, nor laugh when
their fear cometh, yet I will hail it as the dawn of a political millennium."
The conflagration of cities, and an insurrectionary army of slaves, Bri-
tish officered and British armed, would certainly be terrible calamities;
and are just such no doubt, as the Black Republicans have in store for us,
when they get us in their power; and Mr. Lincoln, aided by such men as
'Giddings, Lovejoy, Sumner, &c., shall have the making of lawss for the
.hated South. Then, (I mean that fast approaching time, when they shall
.have us in their power, and shall make laws for us)—then, they may so shape
-the policy of the government, as to make every thing work against the
;South. They may keep the armories at the North actively engaged in
ananufacturing arms, of the most approved kind, and fill their own arsenals
with these : and by a system of revenue, skillfully devised, the South may
4>e taxed to the very verge of poverty; and out of the Treasury which she
jfills, these arms might be paid for. They might then arm every man of
the Black Republican North with these " Sharp's Rifles," or other im-
proved arms; and send none to the South; or, (if to preserve appearances),
only those which are worthless and cast away. After thus impoverishing
the South, so as to disable her from making her own arms, and after dis-
arming her by keeping from, her people those which their.own money has
paid for,—then, may be consummated the fiendish purposes which Mr.
Giddings so gloatingly dwells upon, and his party meditates for the South.
But will the South ever permit such a time to come upon her ; when, al-
lowing herself to be fettered by a hostile and irresponsible Majority, she
finds herself taxed to poverty, and without arms to protect herself? I think
not. But if she do! then,
she will deserve all these calamities ; with the scorn of all
brave and honorable men piled upon them—to add to their bitterness J
But how will the South wo? permit this?
I answer;—By withdrawing herself from the control of this hostile Ma-
jority; and placing herself under the protection of a friendly government
of her oivn. This done, and a Southern Confederacy inaugurated, every
thing else follows as necessary, and unavoidable sequences. She will have
the right to tax herself, in any form, and to any extent, which may seem
to herself best: She will have the right to arm herself, " to the teeth," if,
she pleases, with the most improved implements of warfare, from the
"Colts' revolver," to the mighty'"Paixhan," or "rifled Armstrong;" and
what is more, she will have an ample treasury, out of which to pay for all
these, and a thousand other materials for her defence, an<J progress.
" Whence the treasury" it may be asked. As an independent, sovereign,
confederacy, the South will have the control of her own customhouses;
and with a duty of 25 per cent, on her imports of $200,000,000, she will be
-able to foot up the snug amount of $50,000,000 for her Federal purposes;
47
with no Northern abolitionists, to spend it, as now, on objects hostile to
her. Or if she needed a revenue of $75,000,000 as she might do, at start-
ing her machinery of separate government, this can he accomplished, with-
out her people much feeling the burden ; since the revenue would be spent
among themselves (and not as it is now, among a foreign people) and thus
fertile, with capital, every pursuit of business.
But'this fearful array of eighteen millions of people, which Mr. Lincoln's
friend Lovejoy, and Mr. Lincoln's supporters, Hickman, and others,—■
members of the Black Republican Congress of the United States of North
America,-—threaten to pour down upon the South to overwhelm her 1 What
of these ?—A force like this, of such awful numbers, requires certainly, to
be looked after: and therefore to soothe the nerves, of the anxious ".old
women" of the South, pantalooned as well as petticoated), we proceed to
Reconnoitre this huge, but really mythical host.
It is a very singular, but yet undeniable fact, which is disclosed to us
by the popular Elections of 1858 and 1859, (and which, I am persuaded
will be ratified again, in the Presidential election of 1860, soon to take
place)1—that, whilst the Black Republican party have control of a suffi-
cient number of States to give them a decided majority of votes in the
"Electoral college," for president, and to give them a control of the House
of Representatives, (to be followed soon by a control of the Senate, and
Judiciary) that there is nevertheless a large majority of the People of the
United States opposed to that Party. At the popular elections in the dif-,
ferent States, above alluded to, it is stated, that there were 3,855,646 votes
cast. Of these 1,347,934 were given by the Black Republican party; and
2,467,712 were cast by those who were opposed to that partymaking
the heavy majority against them of 1,119,778. As a Party then, so great-
ly outnumbered by those opposed to them, they "Can do nothing against
the South by physical power. The dangerous nature of their power con-
sists in their having a controlling majority in the government of the coun-
try;—in making the laws, upon which our property, our safety, our lives,
our liberties depend ; and in so shaping the policy of the government, ac-
cording to their crude theories, and their hatred to us, as to turn all the ad-
vantages and profits of the Union to themselves, and making it the instru-
ment of robbery, poverty, degradation, and ruin to the South. And all
this, they can do by such artful devices, as not to violate the forms of
the constitution.
The condition of the South in sxxch e. connexion (it would not be a Union)
would then be aptly illustrated by that of some insect, strong in itself, but
which has sillily entangled itself, in the meshes of a spider. With mode-
rate exertions at first, it could easily break through, and free itself from the
danger. But it prefers to be quiescent for awhile. Fatal hesitation ! Its
artful enemy instantly dashes forth from his hiding place, and fastens a
cord around the wing. The struggle )s commenced, with much, but not
with all the strength the Insect possesses ; many of the meshes are snap-
ped; but another indiscreet pause is again indulged in. The enemy again
rushes out, and fastens another cord about another and more important
member. The struggle is renewed; but now more feebly. Another rush,
and another member is tied fast. The case becomes alarming, and greater
and more prolonged efforts are put forth to break the cords. But alas ! the
case has become desperate ; weakness and fatigue have begun. The ene-
my perceives this, and is less stealthy and cautious in his attacks. Another,
and another cord is bound about the victim. The struggle becomes weak-
er, fainter;—whilst the cords are drawn tighter and closer: and now, the
48
last spasm, and the struggle ceases altogether ! Every member and joint
are now bound fast: and the victim, powerless and in despair, is at the
mercy of its enemy ! And such mercy !—the mercy which the spider shows
to the insect, which he devours. The mercy which the abolitionist will
show to the Slaveholder when he gets him in his power !
It is not then by any physical force which the Black Republican party
can now put forth, that the South need indulge any apprehension; but
from the Laws which they, will pass, taking away her rights, and inflicting
upon us wrongs :—stealthily, cautiously, at first, lest we break through
their meshes, and form a government for ourselves; but advancing in
boldness, as they find, that by the loss of one right after another we become
weaker and weaker; until at length, unable to resist them, we submit
to their mercy,—the mercy of the spider to the silly insect!
But it may be asked, how does it happen, that with so large a majority
now against them, of the voters in the United States, the Black Republican
party will have so large and irresistible a majority in the General Govern-
ment-of the Union? It arises from the fact that they have the control of
the Free Soil States; which are entitled to the largest representations in
Congress, as well as in the Electoral College for President. Whilst the
united vote of the whole South, with scarcely an exception, amounting,
(in round numbers) to 1,128,000 is resolutely against them, together with
large minorities in the Free Soil States, composed of other political parties
-—and amounting to 1,292,000, which are also against them,—the mere
fact that they have the majorities (although some of them very small as
yet) in the Free Soil States to which I have alluded, give them the whole
representation from those States, in Congress. But although this was the
state of the popular vote last year, it must be admitted that the minorities
Jn the Free States, against them, are rapidly melting away, and will in a
few years be absorbed by that party.
The popular vote of the South is now greater and stronger in relation to
that party, than it will ever be again : and we now have greater power to
resist them, than we shall ever again have; especially with the aid of
such large minorities now against them, in their own States.
E.
We have adopted here, (on the principle :>f abundant caution, and with
a view to place our Estimate beyond dispute, as a point in the argument),
the very low figure assumed in the Address,—$105,000,000.
It comprises the following Items;—which show the profits which the
North derive from its connection with the South; or, to adopt the more
forcible language of.the author of the work, "Southern Wealth and
Northern Profits,"—" the annual load which Southern industry is required
to carry," whilst united to the North.
Customs per annum, disbursed at the North, $20,000,000
Profits of manufactures, 20,000,000
Profits to Importers, in Northern cities, 16,000,000
Profits to shippers, on the exports of Southern industry,
and on the imports, in return 30,000,000
Profits to agents, brokers, commissions, &c... 5,000,000
Capital drawn from the South to the North, 14,000,000
Total per annum, $105,000,000
I am aware, that, in reducing the amount to this figure, I am very far
49
below the estimate of the intelligent author 01 the work above named.
He estimates these "burdens on the South" at $231,500,000 annually;
and I am well persuaded, how presumptuous it is, for any one to differ
from an Author who is so well posted up in the facts, and statistics belong-
ing to the subject, as well as in the principles of Political economy, appii-
cable to them.
But, considering the low figure ot §105,000,000, as assumed, for the
sake of the argument, let any one pass it through his mind, and well
ponder it. One hundred and five millions for one year;—one thousand
and fifty millions, for ten years;—two thousand, one hundred millions
(§2,100,000,000) of dollars, for twenty years; and so on, at that rate, for
any number of years! The Southern mind stands amazed, and almost
incredulous, at these immense amounts ; and cannot well realize the fact,
until he scrutinizes the Items; and then he perceives, by what indirect,
concealed, and round-about processes these sums are extorted from his section
of the Union. He can then propound to himself, with the proper empha-
sis, the question asked in the address,—"Should any be surprised at the
different degrees of prosperity, which the two sections (the abolitionized
North and the Slave-holding South) exhibit, with these facts before him."*
What would not two thousand, one hundred millions of dollars (§2, 100,-
000,000), have accomplished for the South in twenty years, if she had
been an Independent Power, to disburse it for her own benefit ?—Direct
Trade with its thousand ships, and wealthiest instrumentalities, would
have been established; and every city of the South, on the whole line of
coast, from Baltimore at the North, to Galveston at the South, would have
been flourishing under wits enriching influence. Domestic manufactures
would have occupied every water power, and the whole South,—wealthy,
and equipped, and armed at every point,—would have been able to defend
herself against the world. And for what does the South barter away these
priceless"advantages? Direct trade, domestic manufactures, safety and security
to her slave institutions?—Why, for the privilege of being united to a people
who hate those Institutions,—would destroy her property, and reduce her
to beggary and degradation. It would be a singular "Account Current/*
between the North and the South, if the balance sheet was struck accord-
ing to the facts. It would read somewhat after this form:
Dr.
The Slave-holding States,
( in account)
( current j
CR.
with the Free Soil States.
Insults in Congress
Denunciations everywhere.
Hate and contumely on all occasions
Southern Slaves excited to insurrection
Southern towns burnt down .. .
Southern houses—ditto and rifled
Southern soil invaded, her people killed and
property destroyed
Constant efforts to abolish slavery
00
00
00
00
00
00
00
00
Paid to the North for
these, $105,000,000 to
§231,000,000, annually.
As I cannot possibly form an estimate of the value ot these items, I
leave it to some " conservative Union-saver to fill up the blanks. It
would be wise, however, for every Southern man to inquire, if such a
Humbug Union is worth preserving, to perpetuate annually an account
current like this ? If the partnership be not broken tip, and such accounts
4
50
soon closed, at the end of twenty years, or perhaps less, there is every
probability, froih present indications, it will be finally closed by the death,
or bankruptcy of one of the partners, with the following last items on the
balance sheet,
Dr. Cr.
The Southern States, in account current with the Free Soil States.
1880.
The Slaves emancipated in all the Southern
States .
Four thousand five hundred millions of slave
property destroyed . .
A like amount of landed,—ditto, ditto
The planters ruined, and reduced to poverty-..
Negro equality proclaimed by Congress
In an insurrection of the negroes, one million
two hundred and sixty thousand of them
killed by the Whiles
Most of the former Slaves in a state of star-
vation; having given themselves up to de-
bauchery and idleness
00
00
00
00
00
00
00
1880.
Paid by the South,
duringthe last20years
for the privilege of re-
maining in the Union,
whilst the Black Re-"
publicans were pre-
paring to emancipate
her Slaves, from $2,-
100,000,000 to $4,600,-
000,000.
Again, I will not attempt to estimate the value of the above items;
which the South will have to pay for, at so heavy a cost; but leave the
blanks again to be filled, by the conservative " Union Saver," or his co-
labourer,-—the Abolitionist. Whether, the fearful record just given, shall
appear twenty years hence, on the last page of the account Book, between
the South and the North; or whether it shall appear a little sooner, or a
little later, no one can predict with anything like certainty. But that
that, or some other record of similar import, will be entered up against
the South, if she do not soon deliver herself out of the hands of her ene-
mies, and place her slave institutions under a government of her own,
which will be friendly to them, I regard to be as certain, as anything on
earth can be considered certain. The South has but one, of two courses
to pursue—submit now; take her ease for a few years; and meekly pre-
pare herself, for the destiny, which awaits her :—or gathering up her
energies, resist now, and place her rights within her own citadels of
impregnable security.
Which will she choose ?
F.
This notion, on the part of the people of the North, that they are
" responsible for slavery," and all that is connected with it, because we
are united to them under a common government, is at the foundation of
all the intermeddling, with which they annoy us. They claim that they
are not only justified, but that it is their duty, as citizens of the same
"Nation," (for such is their view, of what the Constitution converts the
partial Union of these independent States into)—to redress all the evils
which they suppose to exist, within the boundaries of the whole confede-
racy. Looking therefore., upon slavery, as they do,—as " a sin," a
" curse," a "disgrace," a " barbarism," (and I don't know what else that
is vile); and persuading themselves that they are connected with it, in
51
such a way, as to become participants in this "sin," "curse," &c., they
set up a claim, as of right, to "ameliorate,'7 or abolish it altogether, just
according to their notions in regard to it.
This arises from an entire misconception, on their part, of the nature of
our Federal compact, and the limited functions of the Federal government.
They suppose that the Union, made us one consolidated nation, or People ;
under one omnipotent Government, like the British Parliament. We con-
tend that it only brought together, sovereigp and independent communities,
under their respective State organization ; that these appointed a common
Agent; and delegated to him certain specified, and defined powers, beyond
which he could not act; and.reserving to themselves, all the other powers
which belong to sovereign nations; that they still continue separate, and
independent, and might become again, perfectly sovereign communities,
whenever they may withdraw from their Agent the powers which they
had previously delegated to him.
Proceeding upon their theory of our government, so false in itself,
and so destructive to the independence and sovereignty ot the individual
States, our enemies claim the right to interfere with the internal affairs of
the respective States, and reform ' ithin them, whatever they may fancy
to be wrong. In conformity also with this theory, they deny the right of
a State, to withdraw her citizens from the operation of hateful laws, by
seceding from the Union.
Their UNION WITH US, claimed by the Abolitionists, as their
right to interfere with slavery at the south : sentiments
of Lincoln, Garrison, Seward, &c.
Testimony might be piled upon testimony, to prove that the abolitionists
at the North found their "right," and their "duty," as they call it, to
abolish slavery in the South, on the ground of their being connected with
us in the same government, and being bound together in the same Union.
It is the staple argument, in all the harangues, pf both the Garrisonian,
and the Seward and Lincoln schools; with this very important difference,
in the mode of action, of the two schools.
Garrison and his school, proclaim their deadly hostility to slavery; and
their fixed determination to destroy it; under the constitution if they may ;
but in defiance of the constitution if they can : but finding that the con-
stitution does recognize the right of the slave-holder to his slaves, and
does guarantee to him, its protection when threatened with insurrec-
tion, and its restoration to him when absconded,—he meets these difficul-
ties in hjs way, by cutting the knot, which he cannot loose; by proclaim-
ing to his applauding followers-—" No union with slave-holders. Let this
covenant (alluding to the constitution), with death, and agreement with hell,
be annulled. Let there be a free, independent,; Northern Republic" !—-
leaving a free, independent, Southern Republic, to be also formed.
Now this is at least consistent, and devoid of hypocrisy. If through
the constitution and Union they have become connected with slavery, and.
cannot get rid of it;-—and if by this connection with it, their conscience
becomes burdened, as with a great " sin—the only course they have, as
religious, and conscientious men, is to sunder their connexion with it; and
with that dissolution of the Union, their responsibility for it. Such is
the mode of action, which the religious and conscientious abolitionists pro-
pose, to themselves in dealing with slavery under the restraints of the
constitution.
52
Different is the scheme of the political abolitionist, or Black Republican,
This hybrid,—(the compound of Fanatic and Political Knave)—as fanatic,
has resolved on " the total extinction of slavery;" and as political knave,
he professes that he will do it according to the forms of the constitution :
in the meanwhile holding fast to all the profits of the* sin, and threatening
the South with military coercion if she withdraw; and remove from him
the responsibility of which he exclaims. Such, his consistency; his
disinterestedness; his purity of motive!
As a citizen of a great confederation of Independent States, in some ot
which slavery exists, the man of Massachusetts, New York, or Illinois,
professes to feel that the purity of his political righteousness is stained,
because Georgia and Virginia are guilty of the sin, of holding men in
slavery. " It can, and must be abolished, and you and I must do it,"
says Mr. Seward to his Northern hordes. " There is a higher law than
the constitution, which regulates our authority over the domain."
In like manner, Mr. Sumner, in addressing a New York audience,
where there was no negro slavery, thus justifies his attacks upon the insti-
tution in other States.
"And now, fellow citizens, what is Slavery ? This is no question merely of curiosity
or philanthropy, for when the national government, which you and I at the North help
to constitute, is degraded to he its instrument, and all the national territories are pro-
claimed open to its barbarism, and the constitution itself, is perverted to sanction
its pretensions, the whole subject logically and necessarily enters into our political
discussion. (Applause). It cannot be avoided, it cannot be blinked out of sight.
Nay you must pass upon it by your votes at the coming election. Futile is the plea
that ice at the North have nothing to do with slavery" " Nor can the holy war be
ended, until the barbarism now dominant in the republic is overthrown, and the Pagan
power driven from our Jerusalem."
Here he claims the right to overthrow slavery and drive it from the
United States, on the ground that the People of "the North helped to
constitute the government." Ralph Waldo ^mmerson, more than four
years ago, proclaimed the incompatibility of the two1 systems existing
together in the same country; and two years before Mr. Lincoln had
promulgated it in Illinois and Mr. Seward had re-echoed it in New York,
he had announced the " irrepressible conflict" ; for which it becomes the
South, resolutely to prepare. In a speech delivered at Concord, Mass., in
1856, he thus announces the principle which lies at the foundation of
Political Abolitionism:
"I do not see how a barbarous community, and a more civilized community can
constitute one State. I think we must get rid of slavery, or we must get rid of free-
dom."
In June, 1858, Mr. Lincoln announced the same principle, as follows:
" I believe this government cannot endure permanently, half slave, and half free.
Either the opponents of slavery/ will arrest the further spread of it, &c.,or its advocates
Will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States."
A few months later in the same year we hear Mr. Seward announcing
to his followers the same doctrine :
" Shall I tell you what the collision means ? It is an irrepressible conflict, between
opposing and enduring forces. And it means that the United States must and will,
sooner or later, become a slave-holding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation."
Such is the foundation principle of the Black Republican platform, as
expressed by the New England Poet, the Western Hoosier, and the "New
York Politician." It means, when interpreted, that African slavery at the
South, because of the Union of the States, is to be warred upon, until it is
tl utterly extinguished" ; and all the States become free; for, said Mr.
Lincoln in a speech delivered in Chicago 16th July, 1858 :
" I have always hated slavery as much as any abolitionist. I have always been an
old line Whig. I have always hated it, and I always believed it in a course of ultimate
extinction. If I were in Congress, and a vote should come up on a question whether
slavery should be prohibited in a new territory, in spite of the Dred Scott decision I
would vote that it should."
ISow every plea, excuse or palliation which they urge, to justify this
" right,'' which they claim, to meddle with our slave property, and to war
on it, to its extinction, is to be found in the fact, That they consider them-
selves parts of the same nation with us, and co-actors with us in the same
government; and that as long as they are so, they are partakers with us, in
the sins and crimes, and abominations of slavery, such as they are pleased
to regard them.
If they were really truthful, and sincere, in this, as their motive, we
might respect their conscience, and soon relieve it. "Gentlemen we release
you from all your obligations to us, and we withdraw all of ours to you.
We dissolve the connection, heretofore existing between us. We have no
longer any interest in you ; nor you, any in us. Whatever be our rnisfor-
tunes, our failings, or our crimes: they are our own; and you are no
longer responsible for them. We leave you in peace; not unreasonably,
expecting the same from you ; and that justice, simple justice shall mark
our intercourse in future."
Would not such a proposition be fair, and meet the approval of every
just and Christian man :—that they, who, from a misapprehension of their
relative duties to each other, cannot live together as companions, without
wrangling and hatred, should separate, and live, alongside of each other,
peaceably, as neighbors. Can any one object to this : especially, when it
is considered, that the bond of their companionship, is of such a nature, as
to give to each of the parties the undoubted right to separate, whenever
either of them may judge, for himself, that his happiness requires it?
But will the party, complaining of the ofFensiveness of our association
with them, be willing that we should separate from them. Is the pollu-
tion of our political morals, which they alledge against us, sufficiently
strong to overcome the avaricious longings which they have, for the enor-
mous pecuniary profits and other advantages, which they derived from their
connexion with the slaveholding South. I am persuaded not, and that
they will cling, fast hold, to us ; as long as we shall allow, these conscien-
tious gentlemen, to embrace us. Such is the anfinating principle of the
"irrepressible conflict." The South is to be Warred upon until "slavery
is extinguished; "—but? says Mr. Lincoln, " I do not expect the Union to
be dissolved,—I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect, it will cease
to be divided ; it will become all one thing " ;—that is, the South free by
the forcible emancipation of her slaves. Their idea is, to satisfy the fa-
natical half of the Hybrid, by giving up slavery to be extinguished by it;
and at the same time, to gratify the political half of the ravenous Beast, by
keeping the South under its power, ever to be preyed upon-—and to min-
ister to its advantage!
Such, fellow citizens cyf the South, is the scheme of measures which is
devised for your destruction :—which it becomes us, to oppose ourselves to,
now, and promptly :—else, we shall reap for ourselves hereafter, the con-
tempt of the brave, and leave to our children a heritage of poverty. And
all this is assumed to be done,—because they say being members of the
same Union with them, and subject now to the same government,—they
54
are interested in slavery, and they have a right to interfere- How easy then
to take away from them this plea. Dissolve the connexion with them and
make us two people. Stand in the relation to them, of slave-holding Bra-
zil, and slave-holding Cuba; which they do not molest;—because as for-
eign nations, they think, (and think correctly,) that they have no right to
interfere with their domestic concerns. But, as long as we continue
united to them as members of the same political family, and as long as we
allow them to claim us as " Brethren" ; we may expect them to exercise
the prerogatives of " Brethren" ; ^nd reform our morals, according to their
notions of that sacred relationship, i. e., by exciting our slaves to insurrec-
tion ; by destroying our property; and burning down our towns, as they
are now doing to their " Brethren" in Texas.
a.
Few Southern men appear to be aware, (or it aware, appear disposed,
to make proper use) of the immense influence which the Southern (and
particularly the " Cotton States") exert, over the chief commercial nations
of Europe, and especially Great Britain. I make an extract, from a most
valuable work, (which I have been so fortunate as to meet with, since the
Address was prepared)—entitled, <' Southern Wealth and Northern
Profits" ; which should be in the hands of every southern man. The
author, after a valuable array of Statistics, remarks :
" Ot 3,651,000 bales of cotton delivered for consumption in 1859, the United
States supplied, 2,880,000 bales, and with these large deliveries, the stock on hand at
the close of the year did not increase. Under these circumstances, there is little sur-
prise that the question of cotton supply should become so anxiously discussed, (in
Europe). The ' London Cotton supply Reporter' of Feb'y 3d, remarks :
u Upwards of 500,000 workers are now employed in our cotton factories; and it
has been estimated that at least 4,000,000 persons in the country are dependent upon the
cotton trade for subsistence. A century ago Lancashire contained a population of only
300,000 persons; it now numbers 2,300,000. In the same period of time, this enor-
mous increase exceeds that, on any other equal surface of the globe, and is entirely
owing to the development of the cotton trade. In 1856 there were in the United King-
dom, 2,210 factories, running 28,000,000 spindles, and 209,000 looms, by 97,000 horse
power. Since that period, a considerable nnmber of new mills have been erected,
and extensive additions have been made to the spinning and weaving machinery of
those previously in existence. The amount of actual capital invested in the cotton
trade of this kingdom, is estimated to be, between £60,000,000 ($300,000,000) and
£70,000,000 sterling—($350,000,000.) _
" The quantity of cotton imported into this country in 1859 was 1,181-f million
pounds weight; the value of which at 6d. per lb. is equal to £30,000,000 sterling, (or
$150,000,000). Out of 2,829,110 bales of cotton imported into Great Britain ; Ame-
rica has supplied us with, 2,086,000,—that is 5-7ths of the whole. In other words, out
of every 7 lbs. imported from all other countries into Great Britain, America has
supplied 5 lbs. India has sent us about 500,000 bales; Egypt about 100,000; South
America 124,000, and other countries between 8,000 and 9,000 bales. In 1859, the
total value of the exports of Great Britain, amounted to £130,513,185; of which
£47,020,920, consisted of cotton goods and yarns. Thus more than one-third, or £l,
out of £3, of our entire exports consists of cotton. Add to this, the proportion of
cotton, which forms part of £12,000,000 more exported in the shape of mixed wool-
ens, haberdashery, millinery, silks, apparel and stocks. Great Britain alone consumes
annually £24,000,000 worth of cotton goods.
" Two conclusions therefore may safely be drawn from the facts and figures now
cited:—first, that the interests of every cotton worker are bound up with a gigantic
trade, which keeps in motion an enormous mass of capital, and this capital, machinery
and labor depend for five-sevenths of its employment upon the Slave States of, America
for prosperity, and continuance:—Secondly; that if a war should at any time break
55
out between England and America, a general insurrection take place among the
slaves, disease sweep off the slaves by death, or the cotton crop should fall short in
quantity, whether from severe frosts, disease of the plants, or other possible causes,
employers would he ruined, and famine would stalk abroad among the hundreds and
thousands of work people who are at present fortunately well employed.
" Calculate the consequences for yourself. Imagine a dearth of cotton, and you
may picture the horrors of such a calamity, from the scenes you may possibly have
witnessed when the mills were running only ' short time.' Count up all the trades,
that are kept going out of the wages of the working classes, independent of builders,
mechanics, engineers, colliers, &c., employed by the mill owners. Railways would
cease to pay, and our ships would lie rotting in their ports, should a scarcity of the raw
material for manufacture overtake us"
Such is the commercial and manufacturing view of the question, from the
leading Journal in Great Britain devoted to those interests more especially.
I now give the views of the leading political Journal of that country, to
show the influence of cotton on the social and political interests of that
mighty nation. 1 quote again from the work " Southern Wealth and North-
ern Profits" p. 39.
" The future increase of supply in human clothing, must come altogether from
cotton, and every effort to increase the supply, of that article, ends only in a despair-
ing appeal to the United States. The discussion of the question draws that fact; and
practical English sense shows itself strongly in the following rebuke, contained in the
' London Times,' to Lord Brougham and his confreres:
" ' The import of cotton into this country, has since the import duty was abolished,
increased sixteen fold. Having been £63,000,000, it is now £1,000,000,000.
" ' This is one of those giant facts, which stand head and shoulders higher than the
crowd,—so high and so broad, that we can neither overlook it, nor affect not to see it.
It proves the existence of a thousand smaller facts that must stand under its shadow.
It tells of sixteen times as many mills; sixteen times as many English families, living
by working these mills; sixteen times as much profit, derived from sixteen times as
much capital engaged in this manufacture. It carries after it sequences of increased
quantity of freights and insurances, and necessities for sixteen times the amount of
customers to consume, to profit, the immense amount of produce we are turning out.
There are not many such facts as these arising in the quiet routine of industrial his-
tory. It is so large, and so steady, that we can,steer our national policy by it; it is so
apparent to us, that we should be reduced to embarrassment if it were suddenly to
disappear. It teaches us to persevere in a policy which has produced so wonderful a
result; its beneficial operation makes it essential to us to deal carefully with it, now we
have got it.'"
"Lord Brougham and the veterans of the old Anti-Slavery Society, do not, we
fear, share our delight at this great increase in the employment of our home popula-
tion. Their minds are still scared by those horrible stories, which were burnt in
upon them, in their youth, when England was not only a slave-owning, but even a
slave-trading State. Their remorse is so great, that the ghost of a Black manis
always before them. They are a benevolent and excellent people; but if a black
man happened to have broken his shin, and a White man was in danger of drown-
ing, we much fear that a real anti-slavery zealot, would bind up the black man's
leg, before he would draw the white man out of the water. It is not an inconsist-
ency, therefore, that while' we see only cause of congratulation in this wonderful
increase of trade, Lord Brougham sees in it the exaggeration of an evil he never
ceases to deplore. We, and such as we, who are content to look upon society as
Providence allows it to exist,—to mend it when we can, but not to distress ourselves
immediately, for evils which are not of our creation,—we see only the free and intel-
ligent English families who thrive upon the wages, which these cotton bales produce.
Lord Brougham sees only the black laborers who, on the other side of the Atlantic,
pick the cotton pods in slavery. Lord Brougham deplores that in this tremendous
importation of a thousand millions of pounds of cotton, the lion's share of the profit
goes to the United States, and has been produced by slave labor. Instead oi
23,000,000, the United States now sends 830,000,000, and this is all cultivated by
slaves. There is every reason to believe, that the supply of this universal necessity
56
will for many years to eome, fail to keep pace with the demand, and in the interest
of that large class of our countrymen, to whom cotton is bread, we must continue to
hope that the United States will be able to supply us in years to come, with twice as
much as we bought of them in years past."
H.
It is too great an effort of candor and magnanimity to expect of a Nation,
that it will publicly acknowledge a great political blunder, by openly re-
tracing its steps. We may therefore not expect that Great Britain will
ever attempt to undo the romantic absurdity which she committed, in
the emancipation of the slaves in her West India colonies. But, with her
present experience, of the utter failure of the whole scheme, and of her
great mistake in following the crude theories of her crack-brained fanatics,
with even a Lord Brougham at their head j—I think we may safely infer
(judging from the tone of her leading journals) that if the act of emanci-
pation was now to be done for the first time, she would most decidedly es-
chew it. The "London Times"—which may be styled the " monarch
of the English press"; and exerts a greater sway over British opinion than
ail the other papers put together, thus alludes to that event.
" There is no blinking the truth. Tears of bitter experience—years of hope de-
ferred, of self-devotion unrequited, of poverty, of humiliation, of prayers unanswered,
of sufferings derided, of insults unresented, of contumely patiently endured,—have
convinced us of the truth. It must be spoken out, loudly and energetically, despite
the wild mockings of ''howling cant." The freed West India negro slave will not till
the soil for wages; the free son of the ex-slave is as obstinate as his sire!! He will
cultivate lands which he has not bought, for his own yams, mangoes, and plantains.
These satisfy his wants; he does not care for yours. Cotton, and sugar, and
coffee, and tobacco—he cares little for them. And what matters it to him, that the
Englishman has sunk his thousands and tens of thousands, on mills, machinery, &c.,
which now totter on the languishing estate, that for years have only returned beg-
gary and debt. • He eats his yams, and sniggers at' Buckra.'
" We know not why this should be; but it is so. The negro has been bought with
a price,—the price of English taxation, and English toil, lie has been 'redeemed
from bondage,' by the sweat and travail of some millions of hard-working English-
men. Twenty millions of pounds sterling,—one hundred millions of dollars, have
been distilled from the brains and muscles of the free English laborer, of every degree,
to fashion the West Indian negro, into a free and independent laborer. 'Free and
independent' enough he has become, God knows, but laborer he is not; and so far as
we can see, he never will be. He will sing psalms and quote texts; but honest, steady
industry, he not only detests, but despises!
" We wish to Heaven, that some people in England,—neither government people,
nor parsons, nor clergymen,—but some just-minded, honest-hearted, and clear-sighted
men would go out to some of the Islands,—say Jamaica, Dominica, or Antigua, not
for a month, or three months, but for a year, would watch the precious protege ot
English philanthropy,—the freed negro,'—in his daily habits; would watch him as
he lazily plants his little squatting; would see him, as proudly rejects agricultural
or domestic service, or accepts it only at wages, ludicrously disproportionate to the
value of his work. We wish too they would watch him, whilst with a hide thicker
than that of a hippopotamus, and a body to which fervid heat is a comfort, rather
than an annoyance, he droningly lounges over the prescribed task, on which the
intrepid Englishman, uninured to the burning sun, consumes his impatient energy,
and too often sacrifices his life. We wish they would go out, and view the negro, in
all the blazonry of his idleness, his pride, his ingratitude, contemptuously sneering at
the industry of that Race, which made him free; and then come home, and teach the
memorable lesson of their experience to the Fanatics, who have perverted him, into
what he is!"
The contemptuous scorn with which the whole disastrous experiment,
5?
together with its advisers and promoters are here alluded to, indicate the
opinions which intelligent Englishmen now entertain on that subject; and
jiow little countenance they would give, towards the emancipation of the
Slaves in the Southern states; which would work so much more disas-
trously, upon ail their great interests, than their crazy experiment has
done."
I think then that we may confidently expect no hostile intermeddling
with our Institution from any of the great powers of Christendom ; but on
the contrary, if they did not extend to it an active support and protection,
seeing: that their own prosperity so much depends upon it, that they would
at least regard it with the kindness of friendly neighbors. The only real
danger to which it is exposed, arises 1st from the deadly hostility with
which it is pursued by the majority Section of our own country, into whose
fatal hands, we, and it, are likely soon to fall: and 2d from that unaccount-
able Apathy in the South, which fails to see the approaching danger; and
adopt effectual measures for our safety.
I-
It was not convenient, within the limits of an Address, embracing so
many topics, to give to this, more than a mere passing notice. But the
consequences to the South, of having an Independent Government of her
own, in promoting her public and private wealth, and developing her
manufacturing and commercial resources, are such, as to excite the admi-
ration of any one who will carefully examine the subject. Such govern-
ment will be the basis, and can be the only basis of DIRECT TRADE;
and the establishment of Domestic Manufactures, within her borders.
Both depend upon large capital; which can never accumulate at the
South, so long as the government, directed by Northern policy, transfers
the profits of Southern labor to'enrich the North. Direct trade enriches
all who are engaged in it, populates and builds up cities, multiplies the
varieties and numbers of artizans, and trades, and so spreads wealth, and
adds to the convenience of the surrounding communities. It is therefore
the policy and interest of our cities and especially of our merchants, to
establish Direct Trade. But our merchants of the South, (I speak of
them as a class), are too feeble, in capital, to contend xyith the enormous
wealth accumulated in the Northern cities, by the policy §f the govern-
ment, to which I have just alluded. Although our merchants have the
basis for the most profitable commerce, in the enormous amount of domestic
produce, furnished by the South, for exportation, they are without the cap-
ital (and ever will be whilst in the Union), either to control the shipping
necessary to carry it, or to establish those instrumentalities, at home, or
abroad, which are necessary to success.
Now the 1st effect of a Southern confederacy, and of having a friendly
government will be the p^ Ration of the present Northern policy, and
the substitution of a Southern; which will prevent our wealth from being
thus carried away from us.
The 2d effect will be, (by levying duties upon imports, from the North,
the same as from the rest of the world), to make it the interest of our mer-
chants to " import direct"—thus avoiding the double duties which they
would have to pay ; first to the Northern confederacy for landing there,
and second to the Southern confederacy, where these imports properly
belong. Southern merchants will then do the business of the South, and
our Southern cities reap the richest reward.
58
From these two consequences of the Southern confederacy, there will
spring up a mercantile capital, within a few years, which will he super-
abundant for all purposes of commerce.
But this will not be all. From this accumulation of capital, and from
the wealth and other advantages which Direct Trade will diffuse all
around j aided by discriminating duties in favor of articles manufactured
within the Southern confederacy. Manufacturing capital will flow in
upon us, and all of those Domestic Manufactures suited to our wants, will
be produced amongst us. What Northern manufacturer, now flourishing
under the bounty which he receives from a patronizing Northern policy,
amounting to from 20 to 50 per cent., could compete with a Southern man-
ufacturer, within the South; when the circumstances under which the
former now comes here, shall be completely reversed : his bounty with-
drawn, an<j transferred to his Southern competitor, who will then wield it
against him. If the Shoemakers of Massachusetts, for example, ground
down to the point of starvation, by the Head Shoemakers, such as Hon.
Henry Wilson, the Senator from that State, are compelled to resort to
"Strikes" and "Trade Unions" to squeeze out of their masters, a slight
additional pittance to eke out their existence, what will be the effect when
these bounties are withdrawn, and the profits of these masters diminished
or destroyed, by having to meet their Southern competitors having so
many advantages in their favour. If they can barely now live, with a
large bounty in their favour, how will they fare, when they shall have to
pay out of their profits the present amount of those bounties in the form of
duties at the custom houses, before they will be allowed to sell their wares
within the territories of the Southern confederacy ! In such a case the
Shoemakers, and their masters of Lynn, and elsewhere must cease to be
shoemakers, and take up with another trade; or transfer their capital
where they can make it profitable; and what place so suited, as within
the bounds of the Southern confederacy, when they will escape the duties
at our custom house, and find good customers besides.
The establishment of Domestic Manufactures, and of Direct Trade, with
all their immense profits, may then be confidefitly expected, as the conse-
quences of an independent, and friendly government of our own, whilst
it is the most faJ(Vxious of all expectations, to-look for them under our
present circumstances. The exactions made upon us, by the selfish and
unequal policy of the North, so long as we continue in the Union, will
ever present the accumulation of capital at the South, whilst we assist,
by our submission to the wrong to "pile it up" at the North. Since
delivering this Address, I have seen this subject very forcibly presented
by a writer in. the city of New York,—"Thomas Prentice Ketteil, late
editor of the Democratic Review." In his Treatise on " *Southern
Wealth and Northern Profits," we find these^pmarks:
" We have followed briefly the progress which e^uMyational Section has made in
the production of wealth, and have shown that the greatest results, by all odds, have
attended the Southern system." " When we turn however to accumulation and pos-
session, a different state of affairs presents itself. Neither the West, nor the South,
bold much of what they produce. Wealth once extracted out of the soil by labour,
evinces a strong affinity for the North and East; and then piles up, in a magnitude,
I —
' *:This is a work of extraordinary ability; filled with valuable statistics and important
facts; from which the Author makes the most statesman-like deductions. It should be
examined carefully by every Southern man. The unequal operation of the government
laws in fostering the interests of one section of the Union, at the expense of the other, is
impartially, but forcibly presented; and should nerve the South, to a resolute demand of
all her rights and a fixed determination, to be satisfied with nothing less.
whf^i dazzles the observer. As the opulent always become purse-proud, so does the
affluent North regard with a degree of haughtiness, the vei-y useful sections, which
pour riches into her lap. Exercising the prerogative of wealth, she assumes the right
to dictate manners, and morality, to those who are less thrifty in worldly matters/'
"It is the nature of capital to accumulate, and the more so, when the laws are
framed to favour that accumulation. From the earliest period of the government the
federal revenues have been derived from duties on the goods imported. The duties
have not been levied with a single view to revenue, but have been so adjusted as to
afford the largest protection to Northern manufactures. In other Words, to tax the coil*
sumers of goods West and South, for the support of the Eastern manufactures. The
amount of customs so collected, in the last 70 years, reaches eleven hundred millions of
dollars; a large portion of which was disbursed at the North ! This sum has been paid
mostly by the South and West, into the Federal treasury, on goods imported. The
sum of these, may be 20 per cent., of the quantity home manufactured, and the value
of which has been increased in the ratio of the duty. If, however it is assumed, that
the home-made goods have been enhanced in value, only to the extent of the customs
revenue, then the Eastern manufactures have obtained eleven hundred millions of
dollars, as tribute from the South and West!! That large sum has been taken from
agricultural industry, and added to manufacturing industry.
" The fisheries of the Eastern States drew $5,000,000, as bounties paid to those
engaged in them, out of the federal treasury, to the date of the abolition of those
bounties. The North enjoyed a monopoly of the carrying trade; foreign vessels being
excluded. These, and other circumstances, draw the surplus capital from the agricul-
turist, into the coffers of the manufacturer. « The accumulation of capital thus brought
about, became invested in stocks, Banks, Insurance Companies ; all which drew large
profits, on credits granted to other sections. The North has $600,000,000 so invested;
of which $356,318,000 are in banks alone, which draws $60,000,000 per annum, from
the earnings of the other sections. The frequent pilgrimages from all sections to the
Eastern cities, for the purchase of goods, and in pursuit of pleasure, form a large item
of cost, charged upon goods, that is paid by the consumer. The profits of other
business may be approximated as follows:
Bounties to fisheries per annum, $ 500,000
Customs, per annum, disbursed at the North, - - 40,000,000
Profits of manufacturers, ----- 30,000,000
Profits of Importers, ------- 16,000,000
" Shipping imports and exports, - - 40,000,000
" on Travelers, ------ 60,000,000
" Teachers and others at the South sent Nor'h 5,000,000
" Agents, Brokers, Commissions, &c. - 10,000,000
CapLal rh awn from the South, - - - 30,000,000
Total l. om these soir ees, - - - $231,500,000
" This is an annroximation of the annual Load which Southern industry is require$'
to carry ; and t neans of paying it depends upon black labor.
The heavy drain of capital thus created, prevents an accumulation at the South\
.! I promotes it as effectually at the North , where every such accumulation, only
accelerates the drain. If we take the aggregate of these items for 10 years only, tjiq
result is the enorjnon" sr- of $2,315,000,000; and allowing 20per cent, qf the sum
only, as the ag eg; 50 years, the amount is 2,770 millions qf dollars earned
at the South, and ad northern accumulation!!
"The fishing bo 4es alone, as we have seen, reach $12,844,000 mostly paid to
Maine and Massac husetts. It is not therefore a matter of surprise, if we find *e
North very rich, and tne South showing much sloy accumulation. No matte, now
greet may be the production of wealth at the Son-.., it pours off into the Northern,
coffers as rapidly as it is accumulated; and, singularly enough, the recipients of that
wealth are continually upbraiding the South with its creation. As we have seen, up
the quotation from the '■London Times,' contained in a former chapter, English
om.non sense detects the absurdity, not to sr y the indecency, of such conduct, and is
posed, at least, to be civ 11, un/1 they ca^ do better."
Nov: these are start'ing and should ' press the. .selves deeply on
the southern mind. Even if we diminish, or reject altogether, some of the
items, as debateable (those for example, of the profits from Travelers and
Teachers) how enormous have been the pecuniary advantages, which the
North has extracted from the South, by the Union. No wonder then that
they should threaten us with fire and sword, if we attempt to leave them.
They have no love for us, and we have given them cause, to have no
respect for us; but they love tile ''profits" of the connexion; and they
intend, if they can, to keep us, as subject colonies, to minister to them, for
that purpose. Hundreds of millions of dollars, taken from the agricultural
industry of the South, and transferred as a tribute through the operation of
unjust laws, to the industry of the North ! Is any one surprised, that the
South thus robbed, is left poor; whilst the North, the robber, overflows
with wealth, and 4< strengthened! himself in his wickedness." u Thousands
of millions,—the lawful earnings of the South, added, during the progress
of the Government, to Northern accumulation" ! I ask again, is any one
surprised that the North should overflow with capital, to enable her to
undertake any, the most gigantic schemes of public improvement, or
private enterprise ; whilst the South, thus stripped bare of her profits, and
left destitute of capital, is unable to build a ship to establish Direct Trade,
or to start one enterprise of Domestic manufacture !
Such are the pecuniary results to the South, of her Union with the North.
And when we add to these disastrous results, the contumely, and injustice
which we receive, (or which are meditated) at their hands; and find the
South willing to submit these extortions, and continue still united with
the men who offer these indignities,—I ask again, should any one be
surprised that the North should feel more and more contempt for us, and
should encroach more and more upon our rights, until, with the incoming
of the Black Republican Administration, (which I regard as certain) they
should drive us to the wall, and spurn us, as the most degraded, and
contemptible of dastards! And such will be the verdict of angels, and of
me v,'if the South submit to a rule so detestible, but which, with courage,
she Van so easily throw off!