REPORT
of the
SECRETARY OE AYkVi,
War. Department, Confederate States of America, )
Richmond, Novemb r 3, 1864. i
To the President of the Confederate States:
Sir : The operations of the War Department, since the date of my
last report, embrace in their scope the events of the present campaign,
which at that time had not been fully opened, and which has not yet
been brought to a close ; also, the measures instituted for the in-
crease, organisation, equipment and supply of the army, under the
laws adopted at the last session of the first Congress. The impor-
tance of the elections to occur within the United States during the
present year, the condition of their finances and a growing discon-
tent among their people, because of the duration of the war, induced
a belief that their executive and military authorities would prosecute
the campaign with extraordinary vigor, and seek to render it decisive
and final. Nor has this anticipation been disappointed. In the
winter and spring, the enemy collected a larger body of men than he
had before assembled in the field, who were commanded by his favorite
generals. His fleets were enlarged, and their armaments embraced
all the improvements that naval architecture had discovered. His
arms and equipments were of the most improved model, and whatever
was required for the success of the campaign was supplied with lavish
profusion. He opened the campaign by an attempt to obtain com-
in and over the States bordering on the Gulf of Mexico. He invaded
Florida; set on foot an expedition to sweep through Mississippi and
to effect the capture of Mobile; and he penetrated, with formidable
armies, to the western limits of Louisiana, to establish his dominion
over that State. The success of these enterprises was expected to
give him a firm hold upon these States, and to enable him to eoncen-
trate all his energies upon the campaigns in Virginia and Georgia.
33ut these invasions were defeated or repelled. My last report com-
p^unicated the victories obtained in Florida and North Mississippi,
i 2
that relieved Alabama and Florida from the invader, and I have now
to announce a series of brilliant triumphs obtained by our arms in
Louisiana and Arkansas, commencing with the signal victories of
Mansfield and Pleasant Hill, and extending into the interior of Mis-
souri, where our victorious troops were at the date of our latest
information. Almost the entire trans-Mississippi department enjoys
security and repose, and the troops, long engaged with invaders there,
may now, as in part they already are, be employed in formidable
offensive operations. But the primary object of the enemy was to
effect the capture of Richmond, and the defeat and dispersion of the
armies of Northern Virginia and Tennessee. He assembled his main
army for this purpose in April last, on the Rappahannock, under
General Grant. Another was collected on the Peninsula, under com-
mand of General Butler, to co-operate on the south side of Richmond.
A third was designed to penetrate to the James river, through the
Valley of Virginia, and the forces in Western Virginia and Iven-
tuchy were to cross the mountains and join it on its march.
It is believed that more than two hundred thousand troops were
combined for the execution of this plan in April last, and that from
fifty to one hundred thousand men have since been added as rein-
forcements. The army of General Grant was met at the Wilderness,
on the oth of May last, and defeated ; it was encountered with the
same result at Spottsylvania Court-House, on the Po, the North Anna,
and at Cold Harbor, after which it abandoned its march on Richmond
and crossed the James river to form a junction with General Butler
near Petersburg. This army of General Butler had landed on the
south side of the James river, at Bermuda Hundreds, early in May,
to co-operate with the army of General Grant, which was expected
to arrive before Richmond in a short time.- On the 16th day of May
this army met with a defeat at Drewry's Bluff, and was confined to
its entrenchments from that time until it was joined by the army of
General Grant.
The army of General Sigel, designated for the invasion of the
Valley of Virginia, was defeated at New Market, in May last, and
the troops from Western Virginia driven from the valley of the upper
Roanoke about the same time. At a later period, these armies were
united under General Hunter, and after a successful march up the
Valley cf Virginia, were encountered by General Early at Lynch-
burg and driven to the Ohio river. General Early, finding Washing-
ton City and Baltimore exposed, passed through the Valley, defeating
all opposing forces, crossed into Maryland, and penetrated to the
suburbs of Washington City and Baltimore. The cavalry raids of
Sheridan and Wilson were defeated, and the attempts to permanently
obstruct our communications have failed. The campaign, projected
by General Grant with such mighty preparation, has been frustrated,
and if he depended alone upon the meatis that were provided and
were deemed to be superabundant, his failure would be absolute. But
a proclamation has been made for the draft of five hundred thousand
men by the President of the United States, to recruit his defeated and
dispirited army and we cannot yet claim security or quiet.
3
In the great central State of Georgia, the campaign opened about
the same time, but operations have been, so far, less favorable to our
arms. Preparation had been there made, early to meet, with adequate
forces, exceeding the relative disproportion which has usually existed
with all our armies, and repel the enemy on the threshhold
of the State, but prudence or strategy led the General entrusted
with the conduct of the campaign to prefer a retreating and defensive
line of action. In consequence, our forces, though not without, on
several occasions, severely checking and punishing their adversaries,
whenever venturing direct assault, were gradually manoeuvred or
pressed back towards Atlanta, the leading objective point of the
campaign. ' When that important central point of union to various
converging lines of communication had been nearly reached, and ap-
peared about to be abandoned, a change was made in the commander,,
and a strenuous effort was made to hold and defend, by force of arms,
this place, which had become more important in a political and moral
than in a military view, from the significance the public of both sides
had attached to its possession. It was bravely held for several weeks,,
and some successes, achieved with skill and valor, for a time seemed:
to assure to us its retention, when a hazardous movement of the
enemy, which, with as much success to our arms as there was prompti--
tude in seizing the occasion by our commander, must have caused his
ruin, resulting in victory, compelled our evacuation of the city and its
occupancy by the enemy. This was felt as a serious reverse, and:
caused some depression of feeling throughout the Confederacy,,
while it was hailed with unbounded acclamation and revived hopes by
the enemy. For the time, the loss of prestige and the political effects
were unquestionably adverse to us, but results may show that its
consequences were, on both sides, strangely misunderstood and ex-
aggerated. It has liberated our army for offensive operations, while
it has chained down our enemies to the tenure of a far inland position
of no real strategical value since the breaking up of its railroad con-
nections, in the midst of a hostile population, and to be sustained
only by supplies drawn hundreds of miles by a single line of road.
The opportunities presented by such a situation have been seized and
used by our bold and enterprising leader with promptitude and energy.
Tho communications of the enemy have been cut in many places.
Our army is in his rear, and he, instead of resting securely behind
the strong entrenchments of his recent capture, is forced to come forth
to encounter his skillful adversary on ground of his cho:ce and where
defeat is ruin to the enemy, only reverse to us.
Meantime the necessity for concentration by the enemy of his
scattered forces for the invasion of Georgia, compelled the relaxation
of the bonds which have restrained the patriotic desires of the loyal
in Kentucky and Tennessee. In consequence, in different portions >
of both States, with the encouragement of some little aid from an
officer or company of our army, the people are organizing and arming;
in force, to repel their oppressors and hold their 'own country. In
fact, at this time, we have possession of larger portions of both States;
than at any period since they were overrun by the enemy, and, by the'
4
indignities and wrongs of their domination, they have roused all loyal
people to stern defiance and the resolve never to submit. Should dis-
aster overtake the army invading Georgia, the uprising of the people
behind him would probably be general, and the re-establishment of
the permanent ascendancy of the Confederacy over those important,
and abundant States be,fully secured.
Shortly after the fall of Atlanta, a series of disasters befel our
troops in the Yalley of Virginia, and contributed to the discourage-
ment then existing. But when we consider the events of the entire
campaign—the brilliant achievements of our armies in Florida, Mis-
sissippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and Missouri—the long, arduous and
successful resistance made by the army of Northern Virginia, in
which every virtue of an army arid the genius of consummate general-
ship have been displayed—the glorious defence of Petersburg and
Itichmond, the numerous successes that have crowned our arms in
Maryland, Virginia, Georgia, South Carolina and Mississippi, the
adventurous, bold and effective efforts of our cavalry under Hampton,
Forrest, Lee and others, we have cause for congratulation and re*
joicing. We have resisted the mightiest of the efforts of our enemies ;
we have encountered and defeated his largest and best • appointed
armies ; we have thwarted his best laid plans; we have shown our-
selves to be worthy of that separate and equal place among the nations
of the earth, which is our birthright, and which has been unjustly
withheld from us.
The superintendence of the measures for the increase, organization,
equipment, supply and movement of the army is devolved upon this
Department. The acts of Congress of April and September, 18G2,
" to make further provision for the public defence," and the act of
Congress in February last, " to organize forces to serve during the
war," contain the authority of the Department, and designate the
means for maintaining the efficiency of the army as to men. The war
upon the part of the Confederacy being defensive, the proportions it
was to assume depended upon the character and extent of the means
employed by the enemy for its prosecution. His scheme for the pros-
ecution of the war was to overcome all opposition by the magnitude
of his armies, and the superiority of their supply and equipment.
Referring to the census tables, he estimated the arms-bearing popula-
tion of the Confederate States, accessible to their control in any form,
to be less than one million of men. ITe determined to place forthwith
in the military and naval service some seven hundred thousand, and
thus to compel the Confederacy to put in requisition its entire strength ;
and since 1861 he has strained every nerve to maintain his armies at
the same standard as to numbers. He has" recruiting agencies
throughout the continent of Europe, and he has enlisted from the
negroes of this continent, it is said, some two hundred thousand sol-
diers. It is evident, therefore, that to carry on the contest, the Con-
federacy was compelled to put its entire resources in requisition.
The acts of Congress of 18G2, before mentioned, coiitain the princi-
pie, that in a struggle involving the being of a nation, every citizen
may be assigned to that position, and to perform that duty, in which
5
he can render best service. The exemption acts of 1862 and ISG3,
which followed the acts of conscription, do not contradict this princi-
pie They were designed to effect such an organization of the indus-
try*of the States as to enable us to defend ourselves with our own
resources. Cut off from the commerce of the ivorld, and destitute as
we were, at the beginning of ihe war, of magazines and arsenals from
which to draw supplies, it became apparent that our safety depended
uoon the activity and success with which our internal resources could
be developed for use. There was an imperious necessity for a protec-
tion to manufacturing, mechanical and mining enterprises, and for the
devotion of agricultural industry to the production of subsistence for
the army and people. The exemption acts of 1862 and 1853 were
liberal in the promotion of this policy, and the Confederacy has
derived from them the most beneficial results^ Notwithstanding the
embarrassment and obstruction that follow upon the use of a depre-
ciated currency, and that much of the territory of the Confederacy
lias undergone the devastation of war, an adequate supply of provis-
ions has been obtained for the army. The mobility of our armies has
been maintained by the aid extended to railroads; the manufacturing
establishments have supplied a large portion of the clothing for sol-
diers, and the mechanical, mining and manufacturing industry em-
ployed upon the production of arms and munitions of war, have
enabled us to conduct our campaigns with security and confidence.
We have been enabled to compete with a nation of artizans and me-
chanics, whose invention and skill have been stimulated by the munifi-
ceut bounty of their Government. Nor wore these results achieved
by any sacrifice, nor even detriment to the claims of the armies in the
field. The muster and pay rolls of the armies show, that through the
campaigns of 1862 and 1863, if any undue diminution is discernable,
it was due to desertion and absenteeism, more than to any deficiency
in the recruiting system that bad been adopted. But it cannot be
disguised that the duration of this war for more than three years, and
the unparalleled largeness of its proportions, and the sanguinary
nature of the warfare, have become manifest in the official returns of
our armies and of the recruiting service. The acts of Congress
during the last winter contain admissions of the fact. They provide
in no indistinct terms for the contingency that was anticipated shortly
to occur, when the capacity of our people to contribute further recruits
to the army would be more heavily taxed than at any former period.
The regulation that discharged a principal who had furnished a sub-
stitute was abrogated, and the principal was required to return to the
army. The bureau service wa3 curtailed in its efficiency by the with-
drawal of men able to perform duty in the field, and their places to
be supplied by the disabled, feeble and invalid. A large portion of
the exemptions were repealed, and details were limited to cases of
public necessity or State expediency, or confined to experts and per-
sons of skill and craft. The Department was unable to execute the
law as soon as it was promulgated without deranging all branches of
the service, and seriously crippling the operations of the armies in the
field. The dependence of those armies upon the Departments of sup-
6
ply, for efficiency and vigor, is too intimate to allow of any abrupt or
incautious disturbance of their operations. The reduction in their
service to the standard required by the act of Congress was, however,
progressing regularly in such mode as to assure against any shock or
arrest to essential operations. But the urgency of the field service,
the thinning of our own ranks under the casualties and sufferings of
the campaign, and, above all, the call of the enemy for five hundred
thousand recruits, and the extraordinary efforts they were making to
assemble overpowering hosts on every arena, but especially before and
for the capture of our capital, demanded that all available means should
be promptly employed to increase the numbers and efficiency of our
army. It became necessary not only to expedite the removal to the
army of those whom the act referred to had proposed to withdraw
from their employment in the administrative branches of the service,
but also to extend the call to all others liable to conscription for active
service. The late legislation of Congress, while subjecting classes
before exempt to service, had given a large discretion of detail, and
had manifested a desire for the liberal allowance of such, with a view
to maintain the agriculture, manufactures and industrial operations of
the country. This discretion had been used as far as seemed, at the
time, compatible with the demands of the active service, and had
withheld for these important ends considerable numbers, not exempts,
from our armies. It has been, in view of the forces being mustered
against us, deemed necessary to revoke all such details, and to enforce
rigidly the laws of conscription limiting to men capable only of light
duty, and to reserves, employment in the departments of the public
service, and thus to liberate for the field all liable to such duty, except
skilled artisans, experts, and men of science, and a few others actually
indispensable for the maintenance and supply of the armies. By sub-
jecting all others rigidly and promptly to the obligation of active ser-
vice which the law imposes; it is believed very considerable reinforce-
ments of the most efficient material are being afforded to our armies.
In addition, the law allowing the acquisition, even by impressment, if
necessary, of twenty thousand able-bodied male slaves, for employ-
ment with the armies as teamsters, cooks and the like, is being
■enforced, and the substitution of such will allow the recall to the ranks
•of many valuable men who have heretofore been detailed for such inci-
-dental service.
The reserves, too, consisting of those between 17 and 18 and those
between 45 and 50 years of age, have been organized under a com-
mander for each State, and where the State is invaded, have been
•called into active service. They have been found an efficient force to
supply guards to cities and public works, and for the large number of
^prisoners in our hands, and also as defenders,of bridges, roads and
important points, and havfe thus liberated for the field many soldiers
who must otherwise have been withdrawn from the active armies. On
several occasions, too, portions of them have been thrown with the
armies in the field as active auxiliaries. So far, wherever tried, they
have exhibited the characteristic valor and aptitude of our people for
7
military life, and have compared well with their veteran comrades in
constancy and conduct. ^ ....
These various measures, sanctioned by existing legislation, must
materially increase and reinvigorate our depleted armies, but it is
not to be disguised that they must still leave those armies relatively
•weak to encounter the hosts being summoned by the enemy for our
subjugation. Signs of exhaustion and. despair of success were, until
some late unhappy reverses to our arms, plainly manifested by our
malignant foes, and this is probably the last grand effort their means
or resolution will allow for their war of aggression and conquest. It
should be met and overcome by the early and full command of all our
men and means, and for this, additional legislation is required. It i3
my deliberate conviction, more than cnce expressed in former reports,
that the policy of exemptions to those capable of military service is
unwise, and that all men between the ages of 18 and 45, capable of
bearing arms, should, without distinction of occupation or profession,
be subjected to service, and called to the field. The few indispensa-
ble exceptions for the needs of society and the supply of the army
mifht be readily and more conveniently provided by details. Ex-
emptions by classes necessarily cover many not actually demanded
by society for the needs that, on the average, may have given plausi-
bility to the exceptions, .and such exceptions, besides inducing invidi-
ous feelings and dissatisfaction, compel a discrimination in |fre call
for service, which both delays and measurably defeats its full accom-
plishment. It is therefore urgently recommended that all exemp-
tions, except of officers actually essential to the conduct of the Ccn-
federato and State Governments, be abolished, and all of the military
age, physically capable, without distinction or discrimination, be at
once devoted to the sacred duty of defending their country in the
field. They would probably constitute as large a draft for continu-
ous service in the field as the interests of society would allow, but it
is not doubted that, with the aid of our slaves, those beyond and be-
lew the ages prescribed for active service, with the large number of
those fit only for light duty, and the partially disabled by service,
would suffice adequately to maintain necessary production and sup-
ply, both for the armies and the people.
With a view to the increase of our armies in the field, the policy
has been suggested, and has attracted some public attention, of en-
listing our negro slaves as soldiers. No compunction could be felt in
so using them, for deeply as the whites of the South are interested in
repelling the invasion, and forever liberating themselves from 'the
association or thraldom of our enemies, the negroes of the South are
even more vitally concerned. With the whites it is a question of
nationality, of honor and property. With the negroes, in its dread
issues in no distant future, it is a question of their existence as a
race. The friendship of a people, so selfish, cruel and remorseless a3
our foes, would be to the unhappy negro more fatal than to us their
enmity. In contact with them, under their pretended freedom before
the law, which in operation on an inferior race is but a license to
greed and oppression, exposed to all the vices, without the providence
8
of the civilized man, they must soon, in the language of a leader
among their professed friends, " be trampled out as a sickly exotic,"
or wither away amid the blighting influences of debauchery, pamper-
ism, crime and disease. They have, besides, the homes they value, the
families they love, and the masters they respect and depend on to
defend and protect against the savagery and devastation of the enemy.
No fear is entertained of their fidelty,for the feelings, as the interests
of the great mass cf the negroes, have been conclusively manifested to
be with their protectors and masters. Neither is it doubted that,
under the leadership of those whites to whom they have been habit-
uated and in whom they have confidence, they would exhibit more
steadfastness and courage than they will ever attain as soldiers of the
enemy. If any added incentive were required, from the supposed
love of freedom natural to man, it might be readily afforded by the
assurance of emancipation to all who conducted themselves with
fidelity and courage during the war. For any such action, it would
of course require the concurring legislation of each State, from the
slave population of which the negro soldiers had been drawn, because
to the States belong exclusively the determination of the relations
which their Colored population, or any part of them, shall hold. It is
not doubted, however, should it be deemed expedient so to employ and
reward slaves enlisted as soldiers, that the necessary legislation would
be ac#rded, for there is no sacrifice of property or minor interests,
which would not be made by either our " States or people, to assure
final separation from our hateful foes, and the achievement of our lib-
erty and independence. While it is encouraging to know this rc-
source for further and future efforts is at our command, my own judg-
ment does not yet either perceive the necessity or approve the policy
of employing slaves in the higher duties of soldiers. They are con-
fessedly inferior in all respects to our white citizens, in the qualifi-
cations of the soldier, and I have thought we have within the military
age as large a proportion of our whole population as will be required
or can be advantageously employed in active military operations. If,
then, the negro be employed in the war, the inferior is preferred to
the superior agent for the work. In such a war as this, waged against
foes bent with malignant persistance on our destruction, and for all
that man holds priceless, the most vital work is that of the soldier, and
for it wisdom and duty require the most fitting workmen. The supe-
nor instrumentalities should be preferred. It will not do, in my
opinion, to risk our liberties and safety on the negro, while the white
man may be called to the sacred duty of defence. For the present, it
seems best to leave the subordinate labors of society to the negro, and
to impose its highest, as now existing, on the superior class.
The reserves might remain, as now constituted, for service through-
out each State ; but, in addition, it would seem expedient that all other
white males capable of bearing arms, in even local service, should be
Organized and armed, ready to maintain the police of the country, and
to resist, within the limits of their counties, or some restricted district
contiguous thereto, the actual raids or invasions of the enemy. No
serious interruptions would thus be caused to their industrial avoca-
9
tions, Or their relations to society, and yet a greater degree of seen-
rity and confidence, and a universal sentiment of patriotic self devo-
tion would be secured. In the war waged by malignant foes, who aim
not merely against our national existence, but at the institutions of our
social system, at the property and mean9 of subsistence of all, and
contemplate nothing less than desolation to the country and expulsion
or extinction of its inhabitants, all, of whatever age, have both in-
forest and duty compelling them to stand to arms in defence, according
the measure of their ability. The country should be as one great
camp, and the wTiole people arranged in the most efficient military
organizations compatible with the maintenance of the necessary works
and production of society, for unflinching resistance to the utmost
extremity. The subjugation of a brave people, so organized and re-
solved, is an utter impossibility.
Some measures of legislation are believed to be expedient to main-
tain the number and increase the efficiency of the cavalry in thefitdd.
The policy of requiring the men to furnish their own horses was at
all times doubtful, as while affording apparently an inducement to
greater care of the animal, it interferes with discipline and impairs
efficiency. It also causes, almost of necessity, the dismounting for
long periods of those who, having lost horses, are unable to furnish
xhem speedily or at all, and the absence, often on protracted furloughs,
of the men who have sustained such losses, to procure other horses.
Under the weariness of protracted service, and the eager longing for
return home, which at times possesses even the best soldiers, this
chance of a furlough is said to more than counteract the interest of
ownership in the horse, and to constitute a premium on neglect, or
the allowance of casualties to disable their animals. A worse conse-
quence, perhaps, is the tendency and temptation of the system to
induce plundering and irregular modes of supplying themselves by
the men. Those mounted are aware of the constant liability to the
loss of their animals, and of the difficulty and expense of replacing
them, and are under constant inducement to obtain reserve horses, or
the means of purchasing them. Those dismounted are even more
strongly stimulated, by the inconveniences of their position and the
danger of being transferred to less acceptable branches of the service,
to provide themselves, even by illegitimate means. These induce-
ments are all enhanced by the limited class of casualties for which
the value of the horse lost is repaid under present law, and the delays
rmu embarrassments encountered in affording proof and obtaining pay-
inent. Horses are paid for, too, only at the valuations assessed at
the time they are taken into service, and with the fluctuations in tho
value of our currency and the enhancement of prices resulting from
the increasing scarcity of the proper horses, the value repaid is gene-
rally grossly inadequate. If the present system is to continue, it is
indispensable that there should be wider range to the casualties in
which the value is repaid, more liberality in the assessment of value
and greater facilities for prompt payment.
'I he class of men who constitute our cavalry, while among the most
spirited and active of our citizens, are yet generally, from previous
10
independent habits of life, most difficult to discipline and subject to
subordination. Entering immediately on service, they have enjoyed
few opportuities of previous drill or training, and from the detached
and often irregular service in which they are frequently employed,
they are much removed from the restraints and responsibilities of
large commands. They are but too apt, therefore, while individually
gallant and enterprising, to be wanting in organization, in discipline,
and in the efficiency and reliability which should belong to trained
troops. Our cavalry have peiformed many achievements of valor
and utility, but they have also, on occasions of great importance shown
want of vigilance or constancy, and caused disaster. These defects
are believed to spring, not from deficiencies in the men, but in the
system of selection and of training. It is believed it would be wiser
that the cavalry should gradually be constituted of men picked from
the trained and veteran soldiers for their peculiar qualifications, and
that these should be mounted and equipped at the public expense. It
might be made a penalty for the loss of their horses, through neglect
or any other than the inevitable casualties of war, that the m n should
be returned to infantry service. This would probably be found more
efficient than, under the present system, private ownership has proved,
to obviate neglect and secure due attention to the animals, while it
would remove all inducement, from self-interest, to undue caution or
escape under the legitimate hazards of war. There would be the cer-
tainty, too, that the men were trained and disciplined and habituated
to fight as infantry, which in many instances, our cavalry, from the
nature of the country or the like tactics of the enemy, are compelled
to do. It is not doubted that in this way the superiority of our cav-
airy over that of the enemy could be permanently established.
It has been more than once heretofore urged by the department,
that to maintain the number and efficiency of our army organizations
it was essential there should be some power of reducing and consoli-
dating them. The depletion of many of the organizations, during
the late wasting and bloody campaign, has made this more than ever
manifest. It is impossible adequately to recruit many of the reduced
regiments and companies, especially those from the distant and trans-
Mississippi States, and not a few are so thinned in their ranks as to
cause despondency and inefficiency. There is necessarily, too, an
undue proportion of officers to men, which adds to the expense while
weakening the force of the army. The evil is often so glaring that
a remedy is obliged, in some way to be applied. This is done at the
expense of subsequent embarrassments and confusion of legal rights,
by the temporary union by the authority of the general in the field,
ct' fragmentary companies or regiments, or more legally, though
indirectly, under the sanction of the department, by the disbandmenl
of some depleted organizations and the assignment, as by conscrip-
tion, of the men to some other. In such case, however, there is no
chance of selecting the best officers of both organizations, but there
is the injustice of depriving all the officers, however meritorious, of
the one disbanded, of their commissions. It would evidently be much
more just and beneficial to the service, that the power should exist to
11
consolidate the two, and retain the best officers of each. It is recom-
mended the power be granted.
It has been mentioned, that for the organization and control of tbe
reserves, a commander has been assigned in each State. They con-
stitute a peculiar and auxiliary force, which yet cannot, it is thought,
be justly deemed an independent army. Hence an embarassment
results, which demands the correction of legislation. They are not
entitled to order and revise the proceedings of courts martial, nor, if
a military court, as is authorized by law for each State, should be
appointed, could they have it attached to their commands, or review
its decisions. As the reserves are necessarily rather deficient in
. order and training, the restraint and influence of such tribunals are
specially necessary for their control and subordination. It is proba-
bly not necessary to give any military court, or revision of the deci-
sion of any established for the States respectively, as the power to
appoint and revise the proceedings of courts martial would suffice.
Courts might then be constituted, to sit permanently, of disabled or
invalided officers.
The condition of our gallant soldiers in the hands of the enemy
continues to engage the solicitude and interest of the Department.
The number of the captives on each side has been greatly swelled by
the vicissitudes of the present fearful campaign, though the dispro-
portion heretofore existing against us has been, by our superior sue-
cesses, greatly reduced, if not entirely overcome. It has been the
constant desire and effort of the Department to effect exchanges on
any principle of equity, and the opportunity has never been lost to
make this known to the enemy, and to obtain his concurrence. The
obligations of the cartel and the faith pledged to its observance have
been repeatedly invoked; but in vain. To such demands intimations
were conveyed that the enemy would only agree to an exchange of
man for man. So long as the enemy held, as they claimed, a supe-
riority in the number of captives, it was seen that this mode of ex-
change would leave the surplus of our captive soldiers in their hands,
without, for the time, any adequate check on the inhumanity and
cruelty they have been ever prone to exhibit towards such captives.
Still, as the preponderance of numbers steadily diminished, confi-
dence increased that the prospect of speedy captures would soon ena^-
lie us to check or avenge their malignity. This consideration, in aid
of the powerful incentives, even more of humanity and gratitude
than of interest, that urged any practicable effort for the .relief and
release of our imprisoned soldiers, induced us to overlook alike our
just rights under the cartel and apprehensions of tbe probable ill
treatment of the surplus that might remain in the power of our vin-
dictive foes, and to propose exchange on the very terms intimated as
acceptable, of man for man. The offer only afforded another illus-
tration of the hypocrisy, faithlessness and inhumanity of the enemy,
for it was soon made apparent that their professed willingness was but
a pretext and a blind, and while they expected the plan would not be
acquiesced in, to conceal their own determination to make no general
exchange. They have here and there consented to partial exchanges,
12
generally effected between commanders in tlie field; but the Govern-
ment appears to have deliberately adopted the remorseless and inhu-
man policy of enforcing the captivity, with all its attendant suffer-
ings, of the prisoners on both sides during the war. They pay thus
impliedly to our gallant soldiers the tribute of admitted superiority,
while they exhibit to the unhappy victims from their army their own
ingratitude, perfidy and cruelty. One of their favorite commanders
has not even hesitated to avow, with utter disregard cf the claims of
their captive soldiers on their consideration and protection, that as the
terms of service of many had expired, they were not to be regarded
as subjects of equal exchange. It likewise appears, that as they gloa$
over the idea of being able, by their blockade and devastation, to starve
to submission a people whom they cannot subdue by arms, they cal-
eulate, in utter indifference to the sufferings that may be entailed on
their own captive soldiers, on the supplies which must be furnished
them, as an effective drain on our limited resources. Could wre, in-
deed, be so straitened as they delude themselves into believing, how
fearful must they expect to be the privations and sufferings of their
Soldiers in oar hands, since they could not expect us to starve our
gallant soldiers or people to nourish the malignant invaders, who had
sought to inflict on us the worst ills of war and famine. These cap.
tives would of course be the first unhappy victims of the famine,
which the barbarous warfare of their Government may cause. While
no such suffering has yet been entailed on them, but on the contrary,
they have, through the humanity of our Government, been provided
■as our own soldiers, yet such privations as they have had to share
with them have been exaggerated by the enemy, in part from their
delusive conceptions of our straitened condition, but more from the
diligent invention of false tales, and have been made the pretext of
wantun privations to our faithful soldiers in their hands. They com-
pel sufferings to their own soldiers by their malignant outrages against
civilized warfare, and then find in such, excuse for visiting cruelty and
starvation on our soldiers, to whom it is not pretended they could not
easily afford all the comforts and subsistence due to captives in war.
The ineffable baseness of such a course exceeds even its inhumanity,
and for either it would be difficult to find a parallel in the history of
civilized, much less Christian nations.
It is gratifying to be able to state, that since the foregoing was
written, a prospect has been afforded of ameliorating the condition of
our captive soldiers. When all overtures to the Government of our
enemies seemed vain, General Lee was instructed to make directly to
General Grant a proposition that, without releasing either Government
from the obligation of affording due provision to its captives, each
should have the right of furnishing to its own prisoners, in the posses-
sion of the other, under the direction of officers among them to be
paroled for the purpose, such additional supplies of necessary articles
as it might deem expedient to send. This was accepted, doubtless
through the influence of the commanding. General of the Federal
armies, who, however, profuse of the lives of his men in battle, could
but have sympathy and interest for the imprisoned soldier. It isvin-
13
cticative of the remorseless policy of the hostile Government, that such
concessions to the claims of humanity should have been made sooner
by the stern soldier in the field than by their statesmen in the cabinet.
As the liberty is afforded by the agreement,, with commendable liber*
ality, that supplies may be purchased in northern cities, or sent to our
soldiers in captivity directly from foreign ports, there can be but little
delay or difficulty in affording to them all reasonable supplies for the
alleviation of their unhappy state. This arrangement will be as
gratifying to our Government and people, as it is conformable to
humanity and wise policy.
The report of our Agent, of Exchange is submitted in connection
with this subject. It will display the past course and present state of
negotiations for exchange.
The operations of the several administrative bureaus of the depart-
ment have been conducted with zeal, ability and success, reflecting
great credit on their several heads. They have had grievous difficul-
ties and embarrassments to encounter from a depreciating currency,
deficiencies of labor and materials, and straitened means of transport-
ation and distribution. In addition, they have been constrained, by
the stringent legislation of Congress, to relinquish their most active .
and experienced agents and employees, and substitute them from the
more infirm and aged classes. It was not "practicable to do this
immediately, without a ruinous arrest of all the essential operations of
production and supply for the army; but,the obligation has been
steadily observed and as the exigencies of the campaign made recruit-
ment uf our armies necessary, its execution has been hastened and
enforced to the f urthest point compatible with the preservation and
continuance of indispensable works. Interferences of this kind are
inevitably so prejudicial and disturbing, that it is hoped a well de-
vised afid permanent system of providing and retaining in continuous
employment a sufficient number of artizans, experts and laborers for
all essential operations, may be devised and established, Great mis-
apprehension, it is believed, has prevailed in the public mind, both as
to the number and class of persons who have constituted the agents
and employees of the several bureaus, and much unmerited odium and
invidiousness have been excited by the erroneous supposition that
these bureaus have afforded a refuge and a shield from the legitimate
claims of military service. The aim has been steadily enjoined, and
i is not doubted in the main has been strictly observed, of engaging
and retaining as few as possible of military age, and with rare excep-
tijns. it is confidently believed, the men r.ow employed are rendering
more efficient, service to the cause than they could do even in the field.
It shoull be thoroughly understood, that only in the last necessity,
will they again be summoned or disturbed. The best vindication to
these bureaus is afforded by the results attained under all the impedi-
ments and embarrassments they have had to encounter. All essential
supplies have been afforded, and neither manufacture nor production
has so far materially diminished, notwithstanding the invasions and
barbarous ravages of the enemy in many most important fields.of ope-
ration. The army has been subsisted, clothed and provided in
14
adequate measure, and there has never -been deficiency of transports-
tion, munitions or supplies for all important operations.
. Owing to the absence of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs on a
visit in discharge of his duties to the trans-Mississippi Department,
his usual report can not be submitted. Letters received from him by
the department, give in the main, satisfactory representations of the
feelings and condition of the Indian nations. From other sources,
too, intelligence has been received of gallant services which have been
rendered by their wTarriors, during the present campaign, and there is
every reason to believe that at no time has prevailed among the nations
a stronger feeling of amity and connection with the Confederate
States.
Attention is invited to the accompanying estimates for the six
months commencing January 1st, and ending June 30, 1865, which
although large, in the existing state of the currency, are not believed
to exceed the demands of the service.
After the full exposition made in my last report of the embarrass-
ments and obstructions experienced from the disordered condition of
our currency, the impracticability of purchases without impressment,
and the deficient means of transportation and distribution, it is not
deemed necessary to repeat them. Attention, however, is specially
invoked to them, as they continue with increased and increasing
stringency, and remedial legislation, in some important particulars,
is very desirable. The impressment acts require revision and amend-
ment. There are not sufficient provisions against the removal of
property after notice of impressment, nor against its concealment
before, or after, nor is the course prescribed in case of the refusal of
the owmer to appoint appraisers as contemplated by law. The law is,
in brief, without adequate sanctions to ensure respect and enforce-
ment. Special provisions should be made for the impressment of iron
from railroads. In order to maintain the more important roads, and
sometimes to construct others demanded by imperious military con-
siderations, it is* absolutely necessary to withdraw from local or branch
roads, their rails and equipments. Although such necessity may be
manifest and acknowledged by all, it is rare the proprietors of the
special road, whose property is thus sought to be appropriated, are
prepared to acquiesce in its selection for the sacrifice. Each local
corporation finds abundant reasons for further delay or special ex-
emption in its own case,, and on them base justification of refusal to
sell, and the interposition of all possible legal obstructions to seizure
by impressment. The machinery of the act is ill adapted to the set-
tlement of the questions that arise on such impressment, and pretexts
are readily found by the corporation for obtaining injuuetions and
suspending all action on the proverbially tedious proceedings of a
suit in chancery. Local influences combine, too, to thwart and delay
action, and more than once the gravest consequences to the Confede-
racy have been risked by inability, at the juncture, to overcome such
impediments and command the required rails. The impressment of
slaves, too, should be regulated so as to secure uniformity in collec-
tion, and to relieve the authorities from dependence on the State
15
agencies. These agencies dc not generally operate with promptitude
and efficiency, and sometimes prove frustrative or abortive.
Appointments have been made under the act of Congress, approved
June 14, 1864, "providing for the establishment and payment of
claims for a certain description of property taken or informally im-
pressed for the use of the army." In many instances, the agents
selected have refused to accept, and it has been impracticable to
secure others competent, in consequence of the wholly inadequate
compensation offered, which will pay a fraction only of the expenses
to be actually incurred. It is not probable the law can be executed
by the period prescribed, the 1st of January next, and it should be
continued, with a more equitable remuneration to the agents.
During the last year a few persons have gone to the United States
without permission from the Confederate authorities. Some of these
have no design hostile to the Confederacy, but others leave as in-
formers and as enemies. In some cases the act is treasonable, in
others more venial. A law is necessary to punish the cases which do
not amount to treason under existing laws.
An appropriation was made in February last for the payment for
loss of slaves who have been impressed by the Confederate authori-
ties or under State laws for the use of the Confederate Government,
and while engaged in laboring on the public defences have escaped to
the enemy or died or contracted diseases which have after their dis-
charge resulted fatally. The act of Congress did not provide for the
mode of ascertaining these losses and for the withdrawal of the money
from the Treasury. Besides the slaves impressed, there is a class of
slaves who were received by contract and others under the act of
Congress of the 17th February last, by the consent of the owner,
upon the condition that the Confederate Government should indem-
nify for loss in cases similar to those mentioned in the appropriation
bill above quoted. I recommend that an act be passed for the adjust-
ment of all these claims, and that the mode of adjustment be pre-
scribed.
In view of the more numerous uses to which negroes are being put,
in connection with our armies, as well as of the proposition already
considered of employing them as troops, it seems not inappropriate to
examine the legislation and policy of our enemies in reference to the
recruitment of their armies from the same race, and especially from
our negro slaves. In July, 1862, the Congress of the United States
passed their act, " to suppress insurrection, to punish treason and re-
hellion, to seize and confiscate the property of rebels, and for other
purposes." The traitors under this act are all those concerned in the
war between the United States and the Confederate States. The per-
sons attainted, and whose property was confiscated, are those who held
any office of honor or trust, or agency under the Confederate Gov-
eminent, or any of the States, or in any municipality, or who may
be in anywise engaged or concerned in the armed rebellion to the
authority of the United States. The liberation of their slaves was
to be a consequence of their cofiviction, and the slaves of all such
persons, who might escape or desert, or might be captured, or who
16
might fall within the places occupied by the arms of the United
States, were, by the act of Congress, liberated. The President was
authorized " to employ as many persons of African descent as he
might deem necessary and proper for the suppression of the rebel-
lion, and to organize and use them as he judged best for the public
welfare." This act of Congress was followed by the proclamations
of the President of the United States of the 22d September, 1862,
and of the 1st of January, 18G3, in the last of which he ordered and
declared that " all persons held as slaves in designated States and
parts of States are, and henceforward should be, free," and " that the
Executive Government of the United States, including the military
and naval authorities, will recognize and maintain their freedom."
The enlistment of a large number of slaves within the Confederate
States into the military service of the United States, followed upon
these acts. It was justly regarded .by the Confederate Government as
a departure from the usages of nations, and an abandonment of the
rules of civilized warfare. In the better times of tjae United States,
their Executive Government had stigmatized conduct similar, but far
more venial, " as'a warfare disclaiming.all moral influence, and inflict-
ing an outrage upon social order, and giving a shock to the very
elements of humanity." "All belligerent nations," it declared, "can
form alliances with the savage, the African and the bloodhound; but
what civilized nation has selected these auxiliaries in its hostilities I"
If there were any legal proposition that had the unanimous con-
sent of that people, it was that the Federal Government had no power
to abolish slavery in any of the States. The proclamation of their
President does not proceed from any authority d^iived from the Con-
stitution, b"t upon the assumed power to extend martial law over the
territory of the United States and the Confederate States, And the
usurpation even extends beyond this, for martial law has. reference to
military operations and military relations. Its authority is temporary
and abnormal, and deals with the events of a season ; but this is an impe-
rial edict, determining arbitrarily upon civil, social and domestic in-
stitutions and relations for all time. For a term subsequent to the
independence of the United States, negro slavery was recognized
among all the United States, as a valid relation, and its commercial
population participated in the profits of the African slave trade,,
under the laws of the. Union, within the present century. The ratio
upon which representation in one branch of their Congress, and
direct taxes are apportioned, is. adjusted upon a recognition-of the
existence of a race of bondsmen "within the, limits of the Union.
Their highest judicial tribunal has determined that slavery and the
slave trade are not contrary to the law of nations, and that the vol-
untary removal of slaves by a master to a.State where slavery does
not exist, does not prevent the renewal of the relation between mas-,
ter and slave upon their return to the State of their origin or dom-.
icil. The diplomatic correspondence and the solemn treaties of the
United States show reclamations for escaping slaves, abducted in
time of war and of peace, and the recognition of those claims by a
foreign power, and the payment of indemnity for the use of the mas—
17
ters, to the Federal Government. At this time the Constitution of
the United States contains a stipulation for the return of slaves
escaping to one State, from their owner in another State, upon his
claim. The principle that a slave withdrawn from his master in war or
peace, by desertion, capture or other act not sanctioned by the law of
the State, or the will of the master, does not change his condition
within the State to which he belongs, or prevent the right of the
master from attaching upon his re-capture, is not an exceptional or
limited one. The municipal laws of one State have no more authority
nor recognition within the limits of another than it is compatible with
the laws or policy of that State to allow. And it would be contrary
to the universal usage and practice of nations for one nation to per-
mit another, and that other an enemy, to abrogate, impair or modify
relations between classes or individuals of her population, in time of
war, by any change in their resistance, forced or voluntary. The
principle of the jus post liminiuin in regard to persons, such as slaves,
serfs, villeins, deserters, or other person to whom, it is in an£ wise
applicable, has been uniformly applied on the continent of Europe,
and as to slaves, was the law of Athens and of Rome, and from their
jurisprudence has passed into the laws of European nations.
The enlistment of slaves as a part of the army of the United State3
had but a single object. The act of Congress and proclamations which
authorized it, were formed to destroy political government and civil
society in the Confederate States. By declaring all officers and agents
of Confederate, State and municipal government to be outlaws, inca-
pable of holding or transferring property, and subject to ignominious
banishment, and declaring slaves to be emancipated and suitable for
service in their armies, they sought an entire overthrow of their so-
cial order, and determined this should be a war of massacres and con-
fusions, and not the highest trial of right between the peoples. It had
become a principle among Christian sovereigns that, however they
might prosecute their quarrels and debates by arms and acts of hos-
tility, and though they might seek the ruin and overthrow of the
forces of the State, yet they would so direct their passions as, to pre-
serve the life and good name of each other. But from the beginning
our enemy has prosecuted the war with murderous design to take the
life and to destroy the fame of the peoples of the Confederate States.
The crimes which determined the colonies to separate from Great
Britain, and to denounce her King as a tyrant unworthy to rule a
free people, are those which have been committed against us, under
circumstances of ten-fold atrocity, in the existing war, by our enemy.
"He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns,
and destroyed the lives of our people. He is at this time transport-
ing large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the work of death
and desolation and tyranny already begun, with circumstances of
cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages,
lie has excited domestic insurrections among us." Private property
is wantonly destroyed ; female honor outraged; whole districts of
unarmed and unresisting population are ravaged and laid waste, old
men, helpless women, weak and feeble children, the infirm and super-
18
anuated slave population, have been exposed to starvation and misery
by the systematic, cruel and persevering effort to destroy the food
and raiment of an entire poeple. A war conducted on such prin-
ciples, with such objects and by such alliances, involved necessarily
the abandonment of all laws, usages, conventions, mitigating influ-
ences or humanizing considerations and restraints. The enemy who
adopts such a system proclaims in advance his desire, as well as his
design, that the war shall become one for mutual extermination. In
a contest with such an enemy, the Confederacy may exercise a very
liberal discretion in the employment of any agencie"s or instrumen-
talities that are within their reach for the public defence. Should,
therefore, either policy or necessity dictate it, the enlistment of slaves
or any other population as auxiliaries would be entirely justified by
the atrocities that we have suffered. It would be impossible to find
any ally so unrestrained as the enemy against whom he would be
employed.
Respectfully submitted.
JAMES A. SEDDON,
Secretary of War.
REPORT OF TBI AGENT OF EXCHANGE.
Richmond, Va., November 1, 1864.
Hon. James A. Seddon,
Secretary of War :
On the 2d of May last, I had the honor to submit to you a detailed
report, not only of the operations of the Bureau of Exchange up to
that date, but also a full statement of the principles that had gov-
erned its action. Since that date, there have been several deliveries
of prisoners on both sides, embracing chiefly, but by no means ex-
clusively, sick and disabled men. I have assurances that further and
larger deliveries of this class of prisoners will be made during the fall
and winter.
At the time of my last report, we insisted upon the release of ail;
prisoners, the excess to be on parole. The enemy refused to comply
with this plain requirement of the Cartel, and demanded, when a de-
livery of prisoners was made, an equal number in return. Seeing a
persistent purpose on the part of the Federal Government to violate
its agreement, our authorities, moved by the sufferings of the brave
men who are so unjustly held in northern prisons, determined to abate
their just demands, and accordingly, on the 10th of August last, I
offered to exchange the prisoners respectively held by the two bel-
ligerents, officer for officer and man for man. I only stipulated that
the officers and men who had been longest in captivity should be the
first delivered, where it was practicable. Although this offer was
substantially what had often been proposed by the Federal authorities,
and would have left in their hands whatever excess of prisoners they
might have had, yet it was not accepted.
Some time in September following, I received a reply from a quar-
ter to which I had not directed my communication, inquiring whether
the Confederate authorities intended to treat recaptured slaves as
prisoners of war, and suggesting that a favorable answer would re-
move " a principal difficulty in effecting exchanges." My own firm
conviction is that even if we were to agree to the unjust demands of
the enemy in this respect, we would not secure a general exchange.
While the reason for their refusal is more truly stated in the letter of'
General Sherman to General Hood, yet I think it very doubtful,
whether they would agree to a general exchange, even if we consented:
to treat recaptured slaves as prisoners of war and delivered those whose=
term of service had not expired. I am satisfied their course is the^
result of a conviction forced upon them by the events of the war, that
a Confederate soldier is more valuable than a Federal. The miseries
20
of tens of thousands of their own people are as nothing when weighed
against a calculation. We can only hope that the pressure brought
to bear upon the Federal authorities by the friends and relatives of
the prisoners held by us may force a change of policy.
I cannot state with any certainty the relative proportion of pris-
oners respectively held by the two Governments. The Federal au-
thorities have as yet failed to furnish me with any reliable lists,
although often promising to do so. They hold an excess of officers,
and I think I can safely assert we have an excess of rank and file.
Lately, 1 have consummated an arrangement for the release and
exchange of all naval prisoners. A partial delivery has already been
made, and another is daily expected, which will fully carry out the
agreement. Some deliveries and exchanges have also taken place in
the trans-Mississippi country, through the agents of this office. They
will probably again occur, whenever the enemy has any prisoners in
that region to give as equivalents. An error respecting special
exchanges seems to prevail both amongst our people and captive sol-
diers. The Federal authorities, with a malignity congenial to them,
in the hope of causing irritation on the part of our prisoners towards
their Government, have basely and falsely represented to them, that
special exchanges are being constantly proposed by us. A long
time ago I communicated to you the many grave objections to any
such system. My views met your entire approval, and I have
accordingly constantly refrained from making special exchanges,
though frequently urged to do so. The officers and soldiers delivered
to us were in all cases selected by the enemy, and those of theirs
who were sent in return were designated by us. This was not a
system of special exchange in any sense of the term. If the
officers and soldiers sent to us had been specially asked for, or if
their return had been caused by any special action of the Confederate
authorities in their individual cases, there would have been ground
for the belief that special exchanges were being made. The efforts
of the Government have been directed to the release of all our
prisoners, without any discrimination in favor of particular per-
sons. To have pursued any other plan would not only have
showed partiality and favoritism, where all have tried to do their
duty faithfully, but would have given to the enemy the opportunity of
making selections from their own prisoners in our hands to such an
extent as would have precluded all hope of a general exchange. With
very rare exceptions, I have never known what officers or men were
on the flag of truce boat, until I visited it. Under your instructions,
all of our prisoners have been considered as occupying the same posi-
tion, and each one on his return has been received with as much wel-
come as any other. I repeat, therefore, that no special efforts have
been used to secure the release or exchange of particular per-
sons, and every line of policy which would put any one of our pris-
oners in a more favorable position than that occupied by the others,
has been carefully avoided. The published correspondence of this
.office shows the entire readiness of our Government to return an
equivalent for any Confederate officer and soldier sent within our
21
lines. Who that equivalent shall be, we have reserved the right to
determine, and when the selection is made and the party delivered to
the Federal authorities, it is simply the return of an equivalent, and
not a special exchange. To refuse to return the equivalent would be
to doom the officer or soldier to hopeless captivity, after liberty had
dawned upon him.
I am happy to be able to announce that an agreement has recently
been made with the Federal authorities, by which each Government
may send contributions of food and clothing to the prisoners held by
the adverse party. We are at liberty to make our purchases either in
Europe or a Northern city. When the details have been fully
arranged I will communicate them to you.
The enemy still continues the arrest of non-combatants. I have
been notified by the Federal authorities that " all white persons
between the ages of seventeen and fifty, residents of the Confederate
States, captured by United States forces, will be held and deemed to
be soldiers of the Confederate army, and will be treated as prisoners
of war and held for exchange." In view of their practice and this
declaration, the course to be pursued by us towards non-combatants
who are residents of the United States, or who, being citizens of the
Confederate States, are hostile to our cause, becomes a subject of the
gravest importance. After much reflection, I am fully convinced that
the only effectual method of preventing the outrages which are being
daily perpetrated upon our loyal non-combatant citizens, is to cause
the arrest of every citizen of the United States who may be within
our reach, and of such citizens of any one of the Confederate States
as are known to be inimical. We have tried every other plan without
much avail. At present, we have so small a number in confinement
that an exchange of man for man would release but very few of the
many held in Northern prisons. If the plan suggested worked no
other result, it would furnish us, in the event of an exchange, with
more material. I know there are very many grave objections to this
course, but yet I think it may almost be safely stated that the horrors
under which our non-combatant population are now suffering can
hardly be increased. When we have resorted to such arrests as are
made by the enemy, there is some chance that the whole system will
break down by the sheer weight of its gigantic misery.
Respectfully, your obedient servant,
ROBERT OULD,
Agent of Exchange.
ESTIMATES.
War Department, C. S. A., )
Richmond, October 8th, 1864. 5
I estimate that there will be required for the incidental and con-
tingent expenses of the army, during the six months commencing
January 1st, 1865, and ending June 30th, 1865, the sum of two
hundred and fifty thousand dollars.
JAMES A. SEDDON,
Secretary of War..
ESTIMATE for the War Department and its Bureaus for the half
year ending June 30, 1865.
There are at present employed two hundred and sixty clerks,
but in consequence of the rapid increase of the business of
the Government, I would suggest that an appropriation be asked for
the payment of at least three hundred. These, with the Secretary of
War, Assistant Secretary, Chief of Bureau, Disbursing Clerk, and
five messengers, will require, at the present rates paid, under the
head of
Compensation of Secretary of War, Assistant' Secretary, Chief of
Bureaus, clerks, messengers, &c., $615,750
Under the present high charges, I must suggest that the contin-
gent fund be increased, viz.:
For incidental and contingent expenses of the War Depart-
ment, $175,000
Bespectfully submitted,
ALFRED CHAPMAN,
Disbursing Clerk War Department.
To the Hon. James A. Seddon,
Secretary of War.
Approved:
James A. Seddon,
Secretary of War.
24
ESTIMATE FOR FUNDS.
Time estimated
for
Six months commencing the Stationery, (of all kinds,)
1st day of January, 1805, and Postage,
ending 30th day of June, 1865. (Telegraphing,
For the fiscal year. (Carpenter's work,
For the use of the Adjutant Furniture,
and Inspector General's De- Watchman's salary,
partment, C. S. A. Hire of porters,
Incidetal and miscellaneous expenses
$15,000 00
7,000 00
8,000 00
6,500 00
3,500 00
2,000 00
5,000 00
5,000 00
$52,000 00
I certify, on honor, that the above estimate is correct and just, and that the
funds are required to meet the contingent expenses of this office, for the fiscal
year ending June 30, 1865.
S. COOPER,
Adjutant and Inspector General.
A. and I. G. Office, Sept. 29, 1864.
Approved:
James A. Seddon, Secretary of War.
[A.]
ESTIMATE of the (mount required hy the Quartermaster's Department
for disbursement for the public service of that Department for six
months, commencing January Is/ and ending June 30th, 1865, viz :
Regular Supplies.
1st. In the regular supplies of the Quartermaster's Department,
consisting of fuel for the officers, enlisted men, guard, hospital store-
houses and officers, of forage in kind for the horses, mules and oxen
of the Quartermaster's Department at the several posts and stations
and with the armies in the field, and for the authorized number of offi-
cers horses, horses for the several corps of artillery, including bed-
ding for the animals, of straw for soldiers bedding and of stationery,
including blank books for the Quartermaster's Department, certificates
for discharged soldiers, blank forms for the Pay and Quartermaster's
Departments, and for printing of division and department orders and
reports:
Forage, $44,649,720 00
Fuel, 7,272,115 00
Straw, 2,742,292 00
Stationery, 1,725,900 00
$56,390,027 00
Carried forward,
$56,390,027 00
25
Brought forward,
$56,390,027 00
Incidental Expenses.
For the incidental expenses of the Quartermaster's
Department, consisting of postage on letters and
packages received and sent by officers of the army
on public service, expenses of courts martial and
courts of inquiry, including the additional com-
pensation of judges advocate, recorders, members
and witnesses, while on that service, under the
act March 16, 1862, extra pay to soldiers em-
ployed under the direction of the Quartermaster's
Department in the erection of barracks, quarters,
storehouses and hospitals, in the construction of
roads and other constant labor for periods of not
less than ten days, under the acts of August 4,
1854, and May 1,1863, including those employed
at division and department headquarters, expenses
of expresses to and from the frontier posts and
stations and armies in the field, of escorts to pay-
masters and other disbursing officers, and to trains
where military escorts cannot be furnished, ex-
penses of the interment of officers killed in battle
or who may die when on duty in the field, or at
the posts on the frontiers, or at other posts and
places when ordered by the Secretary of War, and
of non-commissioned officers and soldiers, author-
ized office furniture, hire of laborers in the Quar-
termaster's Department, including the hire of in-
terpreters and guides for the army, compensation
to clerks of officers of the Quartermaster's De-
partment, compensation of wagon and forage mas-
ters, for the apprehension of deserters and ex-
penses incident to their pursuit. The purchase
of travelling forges, blacksmiths and shoeing
tools, horse and mule stores, and nails, iron and
steel for shoeing, hire of veterinary surgeons,
medicines for horses and mules, picket ropes and
for shoeing the horses of the corps named, 8,213,160 00
Transportation of Officers Baggage.
For mileage or the allowance made to officers of the
army for the trifnsportation of themselves and
their baggage when travelling on duty without
troops, escorts or supplies,
#
Carried forward,
$65,103,187 00
500,000 00
26
Brought forward,
$65,103,187 00
Transportation Troops and Supplies.
For transportation of the army, including the bag-
gage of the troops, when moving either by land
or water, of clothing, camp and garrison equip-
age, from the several depots to the troops in the
field, of horse equipments and subsistence from
the places of purchase and from the places of de-
livery under contracts to such places as the cir-
cumstances of the service may require them to be
sent, of ordnance stores and small arms from the
foundries and armories to the arsenals, fortifica-
tions, frontier posts and army depots, freights,
wharfage, tolls and ferriages. The purchase and
hire of horses, mules and oxen, and the purchase
and repair of wagons, carts and drays, and of
ships and other sea-going vessels and boats re-
quired for the transportation of supplies and for
garrison purposes, for drayage and cartage at the
several posts, hire of teamsters, transportation of
funds for the pay and other disbursing depart-
ments, the expense of sailing public transports
on the various rivers and for procuring water at
such posts as, from their situation, require it to
be brought from a distance, and for clearing
roads, harbors and rivers to the extent which may
be required for the actual operations of the troops, 62,067,433 33
For hire or commutation of quarters for officers on
military duty; hire of quarters for the troops, of
store-houses for the safe-keeping of military
goods; of grounds for summer cantonments and
for temporary frontier stations, rents and repairs
of wharves for hutting troops; and for repairing,
altering and enlarging buildings at the estab-
lished posts, and for the purchase of materials
Barracks and Quarters.
therefor,
8,768,000 00
Clothing, Camp and Garrison Equipage.
For the purchase of the necessary materials for
clothing, camp and garrison equipage, and for
pay for labor, &c., necessary to the fabrication
of the same,
42,622,974 00
JL
Carried forward,
$178,561,644 33
27
Brought forward, $178,561,644 S3
Property Impressed.
To pay for property impressed into the service of
the Confederate States, under appraisement, and
said property having either been loBt or applied
to the public service, 1,000,000 00,
Horses Killed.
To pay for horses of volunteers, killed in battle,
under act No. 48, sec. 7, and for which provision
is to be made, 2,000,000 00
Prisoners of War.
Hire of prisons for the safe-keeping of prisoners of
war, offices, &c., &c., act of 21st May, 1861, 500,000 00
Tax in Kind.
For the hire of clerks, agents, teamsters, laborers
and employees, rent of offices and store-houses,
purchase of material, labor for building, store-
houses, incidental expenses required in collect-
ing and receiving the tax in kind, 4,125,300 00
Total, $186,186,944 33
Form of Appropriation.
For service of the Quartermaster's Department, $186,186,944 S3
A. R. LAWTON,
Quartermaster General.
Quartermaster General's Office, )
Richmond, Oct. 8, 1864. >
Approved:
J. A. Seddon,
Secretary of War.
28
[B]
ESTIMATE of the amount required to pay the Army of the Confede-
rate States for six months, from the 1 sc January to the 30th June,
1865.
One Corps of Artillery.
1 colonel, $210 per month, $210
2 lieutenant colonels, $185 per
month, 370
12 majors, $162 per month, 1,944
40 captains, $140 per month, 5,600
80 first lieutenants, $100 per
month, 8,000
40 second lieutenants, $90 per
month, 3,600
4 assistant quartermasters, $140
per month, 560
4 assistant commissaries, $140
per month, 560
4 surgeons, $162 per month, 648
8 assistant surgeons, $110 per
month, 880
40 first sergeants, $27 per
month, 1,080
160 sergeants, $24 per month, 3,840
160 corporals, $20 per month, 3,200
80 buglers, $20 per month, 1,600
40 farriers, $20 per month, 800
40 blacksmiths, $20 per month, 800
3440 privates, $19 per month, 65,360
4 quartermaster sergeants, $28
per month, 112
4 sergeant majors, $28 per
month, 112
4 chief buglers, $28 per month, 112
4 adjutants, $110 per month, 440
Pay for one month, $99,828
One corps for six months, $598,968
Six corps for six months, $3,593,808
One Regiment of Cavalry.
1 colonel, $210 per month, $210
Amount carried forward, $210 $3,593,808
29
Amount brought forward, $210 $3,593,80S
1 lieutenant colonel, $185 per
month, 185
1 major, $162 per month, 162
10 captains, $140 per month, 1,400
10 first lieutenants, $100 per
month, 1,000
20 second lieutenants, $90 per
month, 1,800
1 surgeon, $162 per month, 162
2 assistant surgeons, $110 per
month, 220
10 first sergeants, $27 per
month, 270
40 sergeants, $24 per month, 960
40 corporals, $20 per month, 800
20 buglers, $20 per month, 400
10 farriers, $20 per month, 200
10 blacksmiths, $20 per month, 200
600 privates, $19 per month, 11,400
1 quartermaster sergeant, $28
per month, 28
1 sergeant major, $28 per
month, 28
1 chief bugler, $28 per month, 28
1 adjutant, $110 per month, 110
1 assistant quartermaster, $140
per month, 140
1 assistant commissary, $140
per month, 140
40 cents per day for use and risk
of horse one month, 8,796
Pay for one regiment one month, $28,639
Pay for one regiment six months, $171,834
Pay for 104 regiments six months, $17,870,736
One Regiment of Infantry.
1 colonel, $195 per month, $195
1 lieutenant colonel, $170 per
month, 170
1 major, $150 per month, 150
10 captains, $13 ) per month, 1,300
10 first lieutenants, $90 per
month, . _ 900
20 second lieutenants, $80 per
month, 1,600
Amount carried forward, $4,315
$21,464,544
30
Amount brought forward,
$4,315
1
surgeon, $162 per month,
162
2
assistant surgeons, $110 per
per month,
220
1
assistant quartermaster, $140
per month,
140
1
assistant commissary, $140
per month,
140
1
adjutant, $100 per month,
100
1
sergeant major, $ 2 8 per
month,
28
1
quartermaster sergeant, $28
per month,
28
1
principal musician, $28 per
month,
28
10
first sergeants, $24 per month,
960
40
sergeants, $24 per month,
960
40
corporals, $20 per month,
800
20
musicians, $19 per month,
380
600
privates, $18 per month,
10,800
1
ensign, $90 per month,
90
Pay for one month,
$18,461
$21,464,544
Pay for 6ix months, $110,766
Pay for six months, 547 regiments,
Field and Staff.
200 generals, $500 per month, $100,000
400 aids-de-camp, $ 1 3 5 per
month, 54,000
163 brigade quartermasters, $162
per month, 26,406
159 brigade commissaries, $162
per month, 25,758
500 chaplains, $80 per month, 40,000
73 cadets, $90 per month, 6,570
60,589,002
Pay for one month,
Pay for six months,
$252,734
1,516,404
Signal Corps.
1 major, $150 per month,
10 captains, $130 per month,
10 first lieutenants, $90 per
month,
$150
1,300
900
Amount carried forward,
$2,350
$83,569,950
31
Amount brought forward, $2,350 $83,569,950
10 second lieutenants, $80 per
month, 800
30 sergeants, $24 per month, 720
Pay for one month, $3,870
Pay for six months, 23,220
Reserves.
Same as one regiment of infantry.
Pay for one month, 18,461
Pay for six months, 110,766
Pay for six months, 35 regiments, 3,876,810
Pay of officers in Richmond.
#
Pay of officers on duty in the office of the Adjutant
and Inspector General's department, Quartermas-
ter General's, Medical, Engineer, Ordnance and
Subsistence Departments in Richmond,] 210,000
Tax in kind.
Pay of officers, etc., in receiving and collecting the
tax in kind, 1,226,418
Total, $88,906,398
Form of Appropriation.
Pay of officers and privates of the army, volunteers, militia, etc.,
$88,906,398
Quartermaster General's Office, >
Richmond, Va.f October 10, 1864. )
A. R. LAWTON,
Quartermaster General.
32
Confederate States of America,
Subsistence Department,
Richmond, Va., Oct. 4, 1864.
ESTIMATE OF FUNDS required for the purchase of Subsistence
Stores and Commissary Property for six months, ending June 3D, 1865:
For rations for 400,000 men for 181 days, at
$2.02375 per ration,
For six rations tobacco each for 400,000 men, at
two dollars,
$146,519,500 00
4,800,000 00
There will be furnished from the tax in kind, sub-
sistence worth, say,
Balance estimated to crhdit of the appropriation on
January 1st, 1865,
151,319,500 00
31,319,500 00
$120,000,000 00
70,000,000 00
$50,000,000 00
Amount actually required to be appropriated by Congress, fifty
million dollars.
The balance ($70,000,000) is caused by tho fact that this bureau
has been unable to obtain for the army the full ration estimated for.
Respectfully submitted,
L. B. NORTHROP,
Commissary General of Subsistence.
Approved:
James A. Seddon, Secretary of War.
ESTIMATED cost of one hundred rations.
Kations.
60
40
100
60
50
100
100
100
100
1O0
60
25
15
Articles.
Meal,
Flour,
Salt,
Beans,
Bice,
Coffee,
Sugar,
Vinegar,
Candles,
Soap,
Bacon,
Beef,
Sorghum,
Quantity.
75 pounds,
45
2 quarts,
. 4
5 pounds,
6
12 "
4 quarts,
1} pounds,
4 "
20 "
25 "
45 gills,
Price.
$5 per bushel,
50 cents per pound,
$5 per bushel,
6 " "
30 cents per pound.
$5
g « <«
2 50 per gallon,
3 per pound,
1 "
3 " "
75 cents per pound,
$10 per gallon,
Amount.
$ 7 50
22 50
75
1 50
30 00
36 00
2 50
4 50
4 00
60 00 '
18 75
14 06}
$202 374
S3
Confederate States of America, )
Surgeon General's Office, Richmond, Ya. )
ESTIMATE for fumh required for the Medical Department Confederate
States Army, for the period of six months, commencing January 1,
1865, and ending June, 3D, 1865 :
For purchase of medical and hospital supplies :
Medicines, $8,000,000
Instruments, 200,000
Books for hospital and regimental records, 100,000
Hospital stores, 2,000,000
Bedding, 2,000,000
Furniture, dressings, &c., 2,000,000 $14,300,000
For purchase of hospital clothing required by act of
Congress, approved September 27, 1862, entitled
" An act to better provide for the sick and wounded
in the army, in hospitals," 500,000
For purchase of 312,000 gallons alcoholic stimulants,
required for Medical Department, for medical andhos-
pital purposes, for an army of 500,000 men, 4,000,000
For establishment and support of military hospitals, 100,000
For pay of private physicians employed by contract, 250,000
For pay of nurses and cooks not enlisted or volunteer, 350,000
For pay of hospital stewards, 100,000
For pay of matrons, assistant matrons and ward-ma-
trons, $350,000
For pay of ward-masters, 200,000
For pay of hospital laundresses, 150,000
Total, $20,300,000
S. P. MOORE,
Surgeon General C. S. Army.
Approved :
J. A. Seddon,
Secretary of War.
ESTIMATE of funds required by the Ordnance Department, C. S. A.,
from 1st January, 1865, to 3iith June, 1865 :
For ordnance service in all its branches, $3 0,000,000, namely :
For service at arsenals, armories and depots, $15,000,000
For purchase of ordnance and ordnance stor es abroad, 5,000,000
Carried forward,
3
$20,000,000
34
Brought forward, $20,<UM»,()()()
For purchase of ordnance and ordnance stores in the
Confederacy, 5,000,000
For service of the trans-Mississippi Department, 5,000,000
$30,000,000
J. GORGAS,
Colonel, Chief of Ordnance.
Approved:
James A. Seddon,
Secretary of War.
Richmond, October 10, 1884.
Hon. James A. Seddon,
Secretary of War :
Sir : I have the honor to request that application may be made to
Congress for an appropriation of fifteen millions of dollars, to be ex-
pended " for the purpose of making purchases of cotton, naval stores
and other produce, under the direction of the President, to meet the
engagements of the Government, and to purchase necessary army,
navy and other supplies." ^
Verv respectfully, your obedient servant,
THOS. L. BAYNE,
Lieutenant Colonel, in charge of Cotton and Foreign Supplies.
Approved:
James A. Seddon,
Secretary of War.
Confederate States of America, \
War Department, >
Engineer Bureau, Richmond, Va., Oct. 27, 1864. )
Hon. James A. Sebdon,
Secretary of War :
Sir : I respectfully request that the following may be inserted after
the word "laws," in the estimate for loss of slaves, submitted by this
office: " Or voluntarily sent to the Confederate authorities, and ac-
cepted by them, without other special contract," which estimate will
then read as follows :
Estimate for loss of slaves which have been impressed by Confederate
authorities, or under State laws, or voluntarily sent to the Confed-
erate authorities, and accepted by them, without other special con-
tract, for the use of the Confederate Government, and while en-
gaged in laboring on the public defences, or other public works,
35
have escaped to the enemy, or died, or contracted diseases, which
have, after their discharge, resulted fatally, one million five hun-
dred thousand dollars, $1,500,000
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. F. GILMER,
M< jor General and Chief of Bureau.
Approved :
James A. Seddon,
Secretary of War.
Engineer Bureau, September 30, 1864.
Estimate for engineer service in all its branches, including the col-
lection and distribution of railroad iron for the six months, com-
mencing January 1 st and ending June 30th, 1865, $10,000,000
(Ten million dollars.)
J. F. GILMER,
Major General and Chief Engineer Bureau.
Approved:
James A. Seddon,
Secretary of War.
Engineer Bureau, September 30, 1864.
Estimate for loss of slaves which have been impressed by Confederate
authorities, or under State laws, for the use of the Confederate
Government, and while engaged in laboring on the public defences
have escaped to the enemy, or died, or contracted diseases which
have, after their discharge, resulted fatally, $1,500,000
(One million five hundred thousand dollars.)
J. F. GILMER,
Major General and Chief Engineer Bureau.
Approved:
James A. Seddon,
Secretary of War.
36
ESTIMATE of funds required for Nitre and Mining service for six
months, commencing January 1 st and ending June 3i)th, 1865.
Nitre,
Iron, east and rolled,
Lead,
Copper,
Other metals,
Total required,
Approved:
James A. Seddon,
Secretary of War.
$2,500,000
6,500,(HH)
1,700,000
1,300,000
500,000
$12,500,000
Respectfully submitted,
J. M. St. JOHN,
Colonel and Chief Bureau.
APPROXIMATE ESTIMATE of the expenses of conscription prnd of
the arrest and return of deserters and absentees, and all the servkes as-
signed to the Bureau of Conscription, including pay of oifcers, sup.
porting forces, mileage, postage, stationery, telegrams, office rats, fuel,
and extraordinary and contingent expenses, in the States of Virginia,
North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Ten-
nessee, Kentucky, Florida and East Louisiana. For six months, com-
mencing January 1st, 1864, and ending June 30th, 1864.
States. • Total of Expenses.
Virginia, $257,828
North Carolina, 325,365
South Carolina, 197.828
Georgia, 408,440
Alabama, 408,440
Mississippi, 408,440
Tennessee, 100,000
Kentucky, 100,000
Florida, 100,000
East Louisiana, 75,000
Bureau of Conscription at Richmond, Va., 44,772
Grand total, $2,426,114
JOHN L. PRESTON,
Brigadier General and Superintendent.
Approved:
James A, Seddon,
Secretary of War.