GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE,
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TO THE
•irpW. QcJ-1^7|W? (ri.s:8ve«/0
GENERAL ASSEMBLY,
©F THE
STATE OF TENNESSEE,
Delivered Nov. 8, 1847,
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NASHVILLE:
PRINTED BY W. F. BANG & CO. BANNER OFFICE.
1847.
MESSAGE.
Executive Department, \
Nashville, Nov. 5, 1847. \
Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives:
You are now in the active exercise of the high trusts
committed to jmu by the people of Tennessee; and no doubt,
anxiously deliberating, for the best interests of the State. Par-
tieipating in this spirit, and willing to contribute any thing in
my power to aid you in your councils, I beg leave to submit a
few considerations on some of the more prominent subjects
before you.
In taking a survey of the State, we are not without many
causes of rejoicing. General health, domestic peace and tran-
quility, and an abundance of the necessaries of life, are strik-
ing characteristics of our present condition. And upon these
blessings, I sincerely congratulate you and our common con-
stituents. It is not your misfortune to have to legislate, under
the goadings of any pressing exigency, or amid the influences
of any domestic calamity. Hence your task is much allevi-
ated, and your responsibility diminished.
But it is not to be concealed, that there are some questions
of high importance, which, while they are not immediately at-
flicting, demand your sober and serious consideration, in re-
ference to the future.
It appears that no provision has been made to meet the first
instalment of $125,000 on the bonds issued for stock in the
Union Bank, and which is soon to fall due. Doubtless none
was practicable. It now remains to be considered, what,
means can be devised to make the payment. In addition to
4
this, is the deficiency in the profits of the Bank of Tennessee,
to meet its liabilities—amounting on the 1st of July, 1847, to
$115,243 49—making together the aggregate sum of $240,243
49, to be supplied by the Treasury, or in some other mode. I
do not hope for any increase of the profits of the Bank for the
next two years, under any new organization of that institu-
tion, or any new policy for its administration, however wise.
The last two*years have been marked by an unusual state of
things—one propitious to banking operations, but not likely to
occur soon again. On the contrary, difficulties are to be ap-
prehended tending rather to depress, than to enlarge the ope-
rations of any Bank. These, howmver, I will refer to hereafter.
Assuming then, that we cannot, upon any reasonable calcu-
lation, rely upon the Bank for the means to meet this growing
exigency, we must look to other resources. And we may re-
ly with some confidence, upon a considerable increase of pro-
fits in the Internal Improvement Companies: the amount,
however, is conjectural. Another resource may be found, in
furnishing some adequate remedy for the present defects in the
mode of valuing property subject to taxation. Much com-
plaint exists on this subject, in many parts of the country, and
there is abundant reason to believe, that it is well founded.
It is certainly right, that every article made subject to taxation,
should be valued at its cash rate in the market at the time. Of this
no honest man could complain—and by this, and only by this,
can the public burdens be equalized, and justice done to the
State. In my opinion, this can be accomplished without creat-
ing the office of Assessor, and with but little, if any additional
expense. Let the commissioner who takes the list of taxable
property, be required, first, to take an oath, that he will take
such list, at the cash value of the property in the market.
And when he returns it, let him be required to swear, in the
same terms, that he has taken such list. The Commissioner,
of course, can employ what means he pleases to arrive at the
value of property, and if he chooses, content himself with his
own judgment. I, therefore, recommend an amendment of
the present law in this particular. It is for you to determine
whether the suggestion is wholesome and proper, or whether
any better expedient can be devised. I do not hesitate to de-
clare, as my opinion, if all the complaints on this subject are
5
true, that if the true valuation of taxable property were at-
tained, it would increase this species of revenue, at least one
half, or perhaps more. I can see no objection to the cancel-
lation of the bonds which have been purchased, the discount
on which amounting to $50,816 55, will be, by so much, a
reduction of the deficit referred to.
The sale of the stock owned by the State in the Union Bank,
ought still to be made, if it can be done without too great a
sacrifice. That stock was not taken at the time, it is presum-
ed, with any view to speculation, but merely to aid in the crea-
tion of an Institution, that, it was believed at the time, would
be useful to the people. If the State is the owner of any other
stocks, which could be sold without sacrifice, it might be well
to authorize the sale of them, at least, to such extent as will
meet the present emergency.
By a fair and reasonable calculation of receipts and expen-
ditures, for several years past, and with a moderate reliance
on present resources, I think we may safely assume, that the
means on hand and to accrue within the ensuing fiscal year,
will be sufficient to meet the ordinary expenses, including ap-
propriations for the Capitol, and also the deficit in the contin-
gent fund. We have then to be provided for, the $125,000 for
stock in the Union Bank alone. This I believe can be fully
met by the increased profits from works of Internal Improve-
ments, and from the additional revenue arising from taxes on
property, by amending the mode of valuation as before men-
tioned. To avoid any possible failure, provision might be
made for a contingent loan, to be effected in the event of a de-
ficiency of means in the Treasury at the time this instalment
falls due: and which can be repaid at maturity out of any ac-
cruing funds. I think this view of our resources is correct,
and it is one, upon which I feel willing on my part, to risk the
experiment. But from the short period of time, since my in-
duction into office, I have hqd less opportunity than many of
your honorable body to make a full and thorough research
i»ito these questions. I, therefore, submit these views with
the most entire deference; hoping they may aid you in some
degree, but earnestly desirous, that they may mislead no one.
I need not impress upon you the duty of promptly providing
for all the public engagements, and of maintaining inviolate
6
the public faith; for such an appeal might seem to imply some
distrust. I feel no distrust. Our past history foreshadows
what will be our future policy. The honor of the State, has
never made its silent but eloquent appeal in vain, to any of
our predecessors; and the same noble vindication, I doubt not,
will be awarded at your hands. But if in your judgment, the
resources here indicated shall be deemed insufficient to meet
the demands upon the Treasury, there remains but one: other
resort, and that is, increased taxation. And in such an event,
I do not hesitate to recommend it: for I shall not shrink on
my part, from any responsibility that relates to the public honor,
or the public interest, Such a resort is always disagreeable,
and ought not to be made but upon clear necessity. This be-
ing apparent, I have no fears of the ready approval of an honest,
people. Any increase of taxes that may be found necessary,
might be greatly mitigated, in its effect, by issuing the bonds of
the State for the, amount required, payable at such dates, as
Would make them approximate par value; and then adopt a
rate of taxes commensurate with that amount, according to the
time. The revenue thus raised, would constitute a sinking
fund, to be applied each year to the payment of the bonds , as
they fell due-—and the rate of taxes in this way be compara-
tively moderate. This view commends itself, not as an eva-
sion of present payment and its attendant burdens, but on ac-
count of the probable increase of profits on the stocks belong-
ing to the State, and the enhanced value of some of the stocks
themselves, which it is fair to anticipate.
Further appropriations for the construction of the Capitol,
will of course be necesary—what amount, it will be for you to
determine. But I respectfully suggest, that a considerable
sum might be saved to the State, by hastening the completion
of that building. The salary of the Architect, and, perhaps,
some other stated aiinual allowances, would be curtailed in
the aggregate. Besides, it is desirable that that noble edifice
should be in the use and enjoyment of the State as early as
practicable. This view, contemplates heavier appropriations,
and the employment of additional labor. Economy in the end,
dictates this course, if the present resources will justify it.
Some change, it is obvious, is necessary to be made in the
Lunatic-Asylum. Whether that shall be in its entire location,
7
or by additions to the present buildings, is submitted to your
consideration. The report of the Physician of that Institution
is before you; and I shall not attempt to amplify or improve,
upon, the sound views which it presents. Much benefit has,
doubtless, arisen from this Institution already. And it is the
duty as well as the interest of the State to render its means as
efficacious as possible. The voice of humanity is continually
making its appeal in behalf of that unfortunate class of our
countrymen, and against it there is no argument.
Some change in the present organization of the Bank of
Tennessee, seems to be demanded in many quarters of the
State. This is a subject, to me at least, of no small magni-
tude; and I doubt not, it will receive at your hands, the most
patient consideration. It is now too late to discuss the poll-
cy of creating such an institution. Our only duty is, to make
the best use of it we can, for the interests of the State. The
great evil connected with the Bank, and one which was devel-
oped early in its history, is the heavy demand upon it. It has
been tasked beyond its ability. Hence it is continually sub-
ject to the temptation of overaction, in order to meet me
charge upon it; and at the same time, liable to a full share of
reproach and want of confidence, for failures that are unavoid-
able. The policy of putting the whole institution in a state
of liquidation, was urged at the last session of the Legisla-
ture, as you know, and rejected, with the exception of the dis-
continuance of a few of the Branches. The question of li-
quidation, whatever reasons existed in its favor (and there
were many) I consider as settled for the present, and so far as
public sentiment has been indicated, it is in favor of the con-
tinuance of the Bank, and to some extent at least, of the res-
toration of the Branches. Independent of this, the proposition
now is, how can we make the most money, to meet the various
demands that have been and may be, created? I believe it
can be done by the continuance of the Bank for the present,
and the restoration of the Branches. Aside from the opinion
urged by many, that the whole capital of the institution can
be safely used, a large sum has been invested, in real estate for
the use of the Principal Bank and its Branches, which cannot
be converted except at great sacrifice, and#which, from the pe-
culiar character of the buildings, would be in the main, un-
§
productive. And in a course of liquidation, there would be are
annual expenditure, for several years, in the shape of salaries,
stationery and other itettis, if not equivalent, at least not far
short of the present rate. This latter view, applies in like man-
ner to the suspended Branches, and the policy of restoring
them. Experience has proved in the main, that greater prof-
its have been made by the Branches, in proportion to their cap-
ltal, than by the Principal Bank. This remark is not intended
to imply any censure upon the administration of the Principal
Bank at any period, or to make any disparagement. The ab-
sence of competition, gives to the Branches, their only advan-
tage. There are many points in the State, where Banking
Capital is scarce, and the demand bottomed upon real resour-
ces, that are compelled to seek foreign accommodation®. And
this may be said of most of the locations that have been hith-
erto selected. Whether all the points now or heretofore occu-
pied by Branches, are the most suitable, I have not the means
within the power of many of you, of knowing. No Branch
ought to be restored, or even continued, upon the mere groundof
local accommodation, as desirable as that might be to our feel-
ings, if experience has demonstrated that it cannot be profita-
bly employed. To make profits is paramount, and is the great
desideratum at present. I would not, however, have the Bank
in any state of circumstances, peddling for patronage, or fore-
ing its accommodations: advantages thus sought, must ever be
shortlived and the consequences, both to the Bank and -the
country, disastrous.
The view here intended to be inculcated, is addressed to
things as they are; and not as they have been, or might have
been. If the proposition were now pending, to create this in-
stitution, I could find a hundred reasons against it. Its rela-
tive connection with other interests, or rather their dependen-
cy upon it, invest the question with its chief importance; and
hence the ground of deep public solicitude. If however, you
are satisfied, according to the opinion of some, that the Bank
cannot be safely administered, and that it is destined to ulti-
mate disaster, the sooner it is put in liquidation the better.—
The greht interests, which it would now only retard, by a grad-
ual cessation, it would absolutely destroy, by a permanent ex-
istence, if indeed it carries within it the elements of decay.—-
9
Posterity has an inheritance in this Bank, involving in a good
degree the fate of our systems of Common Schools and Inter-
nal Improvements as at present organized. Our task is there-
fore a delica,te one, and our duty sacred. I am not satisfied that
it would be good policy to multiply the Branches in any event.
Some of the reasons which vindicate the restoration of Branch-
es, do not apply to the creation of new ones. The proposi-
tion involves a new train of expenditures, and increased diffi-
culties in the way of liquidation should that be found desirable
in any short period of time hereafter. The advantages how-
ever, to be derived to the institution and the State, should
settle this, as it should the whole policy. I concur with my
immediate predecessor, if a new Bank is created, in fixing it
at Memphis, a point which presents, perhaps, the most profit-
able field of operation. In such event, I suggest that it might
be wise policy, to give to the principal board, discretion upon
the subject of buying ground and building, or of erecting a
house for the accommodation of such Branch.
I would respectfully urge upon you, an examination into
the condition, not only of this but of the other Banks. I am
persuaded, the result would not only be advantageous to the
Banks themselves, but to the country at large. This sugges-
tion carries with it no suspicion of them, nor is it so intended;
but those institutions and the people, are mutually interested
in maintaining well-founded confidence, and I know of no
means so well calculated to inspire it in the latter, as through
the inspection of their own representatives. If their condi-
tion is really safe, as I trust and believe it is, it cannot be
too well known; and if otherwise, equal reason exists for its
full developement. Their reports are severally before you,
and need no comment at my hands. The necessity of the in-
quiry here indicated finds an additional reason, in several sur-
rounding circumstances. The downward tendency in the prices
of some our principal staples, coupled with the unparalleled
commercial failurers abroad, are well calculated to excite dis-
trust and alarm. Added to this, is the dram of specie from the
United States to Mexico, to maintain our army, which has ta-
ken place to a considerable extent, and must still continue
while the war lasts. It is not to be disguised, that these agen-
eies, will have some effect upon our commerce, and of course,
10
upon the Banks themselves. These considerations are well
worthy of reflection, in devising any plan of policy in reference
to the Bank of Tennessee.
The subject of education, always important, but especially
so at this juncture, demands a large share of your considera-
tion. I know it has become, in the estimation of many, a
hacknied theme, but that does not effect its merits. This is
because so little has been done for it. A long period has elaps-
ed, since the State of Tennessee, in a spirit that promised
great results, and which excited high commendations, began a
system of common schools. Time has waned, and almost a
new generation has come vupon the stage. The authors of the
system, have, most of them gone down to the tomb, with all
their hopes and wishes for its success; and their successors have
come, but alas! how little do they find to admire in the accom-
plishment of this great undertaking. The State has almost
been transformed from a wilderness: field, and cities, and towns,
and roads, mark her great physical progress; her population
has doubled; her wealth has greatly multipled, and what is
gratifying to our pride, her character has reached the highest
places of renown. Yet this effort for popular education, has
slumbered, and languished and pined, and exists now, rather
as a memento of the past, than as a living system for future
growth and expansion. Mam* ardent friends of education
throughout the State, begin to despair of any effective public
aid, and the labors of your present session, are looked to, by
a large portion of the people with no ordinary interest. It is
a maxim with men of all parties, that virtue and intelligence
among the people, are indispensable in every free govern-
ment, to its well-being and security: and no other maxim per-
haps can be found as often in the journals of our legislation.
If it be once admitted, that it is the duty of the state to estab-
lish and maintain at public expense, some system of education
by which every child may attain the elementary branches of
learning (and this ought to be taken for granted) the only re-
maining question is one of means. We have not got the
means! But can we not raise the means? Most assuredly we
can, and without oppressing or injuring a single individual in
the state. The people have all along, been in advance of us
upon this subject, and in many parts of the State there is a
11
deep feeling, a burning ardor in favor of it. They will in my
opinion, submit to a moderate tax for this purpose, most readi-
ly and cheerfully, and praise the authors of it. There are
about one hundred and twenty-two thousand voters in the
State: an increase of taxes so as to make an average of one
dollar to each voter, would furnish a sum greater than our an-
nual appropriations for Schools. Would the people murmur
at such a tax as this? levied for the sole benefit of their chil-
dren, to elevate them morally and intellectually? To sustain
a system that comes to them like the bread of life, appealing
to their noblest nature, and addressing in behalf of their own
offspring, the tenderest sensibilities of humanity? A system
which seeks the humble shepherd boy, who watches his father's
flocks in the gorges of the mountain, and elevates him from
his lowly inheritance, to higher and nobler pursnits; perhaps
to thunder in the national Forum, or to lead his country's armies
to battle and to victory!
With every other appeal (and there are a hundred) patriotism
blends her soft harmonious notes; and whose ear will be deaf
to her enchanting music? It is here, in behalf of this and ev-
ery other laudable means of promoting education, that patriot-
ism in a free country, pays the offerings of her full homage; and
she will linger, and still linger around every'temple consecrat-
ed to learning, and there find the true shrine of her devotions
long after the cause of education shall have been scouted from
the halls of legislation. It seems to me, that no man who has
the soul of a Tennessean can object for a moment, and when
it is remembered by every father who educates his children at
all, that all the appropriations made to Common Schools, op-
erate as a credit upon his account for tuition, all sense of bur-
den vanishes at once.
The system, as at present organized, is inefficient, more,
doubtless from the want of adequate means, than from its
own inherent defects. Though I feel certain, that much im-
provement can be made upon the present plan, especially if
adequate means are'furnished—I wholly disagree with those,
who would suspend the Common School fund for a season,
with a view to its accumulation and with the hope of great
ultimate blessings from it, when it shall be restored. I am un-
willing to see it abstracted for a single day; for if it is, I shall
12
not expect to see its return: new demands upon it, will multi-
ply, as new emergencies may arise, until the whole fund is lost
in the vortex of change and speculation, and thousands of chil-
dren'in the State, will thus lose the only inheritance they have.
If I knew the fund could not now be increased, I would say
preserve it, in its practical use: keep it alive, like the vestal fire
upon the altar: a flame may yet be kindled from it, whose in-
cense Heaven will approve and posterity will bless.
But there is no necessity in my judgment, for delay. The
time has come for prompt vigorous exertions upon the subject:
the people need it, and I believe their hearts are in it. Let the
county courts of each county be required to raise by taxes
from the people, a sum at least equal to that which shall be ap-
propriated to the county each year. The sum thus raised could
be paid into the hands of the county trustee, who should be re-
garded as the county superintendent, and compelled to give bond
accordingly. There should also be a board of county exami-
ners, appointed by the county courts, or by some other compe-
tent tribunal, whose business it should be to examine every ap-
plicant as teacher of a Common School. And no man should
be allowed to be employed by the district commissioners of.
trustees, without a certificate of competency from the board of
examiners. This would avoid imposition by men of no qualifi-
cation, whose tuition is wrorse than useless. In this connec-
tion, I respectfully urge the appointment of a general superin-
tendentfor the State, with a competent salary. He should be
a man of talents and learning, and if possible of commanding
character—and required to traverse the State, and obtain and
impart information connected with the system and education
generally, and report to each succeeding legislature.
. Those suggestions are drawn from the plan in operation in
New York; the success of which is familiar to all who are con-
versant with the history of that State. The amount of the
annual appropriations in that State were not greater than ours,,
and like we, they had experimented with the exclusive use of
the public fund, and with like effect. The present results
there, are highly propitious and furnish the most animating as-
surances of what we may accomplish by following the example.
Education there has flourished, until I suppose, fewer children
can be fqund in that great State, within the scholastic ages, who
13
are destitute of learning, than in any other in the world of
equal population.
The policy of maintaining education in some form, at the
public expense, is as old as civilization: originating in some
States in a motive of interest, which expected more revenue
and better service from an enlightened people; in others, aris-
ing from a magnaminity, which sought the good of the people
for their own sakes. And we are not without examples at this
day, even among despotic governments, of a most striking
character.—In Austria, where power finds its security in bolts
and bars,and dungeons, and not in the intelligence and virtue
of the people, it is a law of the Empire that no person is al-
lowed to marry who cannot read, write and cypher.—This rule
would ill suit the genius of our people, but we may imagine
what a powerful incentive it would present to that portion of
our gallant young countrymen who have not yet attained these
branches of learning. We find also, by the new Constitution
of Republican Colombia, it is ordained that after 1840, no per-
son shall enjoy the rights of citizenship who is unable to read
and write."—These examples deserve to, stimulate us, though
we will not adopt the policy from which they arise-*-we can a,c-
complish the good work, without holding up the terrors of dis-
franchisement, or the evils of perpetual celibacy.
The necessity for liberal exertions on this subject, in some
form is even great in Tennessee, amid all her glory and pros-
perity in other respects—I refer you to the census table—it
speaks in the language of mute but solemn eloquence—I will
not detail its figures. The reference is made with no pleasure,
nor in a spirit of reproach upon that portion of our fellow-citi-
zens, young and old, who from want of opportunity, and from
poverty and misfortune, are destitute of education. I am en-
deavoring to plead their cause, and that of posterity: and I am
in deep earnest. I would rather participate in the honor of de-
vising and putting on foot, some scheme, which would diffuse
education to every family in the State; which would kindle up
intellectual bonfires on the mountains and all along the vallies,
than to hold any office within the gift of the people. I ask
(and it is without invoking the aid of invidious distinction be-
tween classes and conditions, for I would scorn it,) how does the
poor man of humble lot, expect to elevate his children, to the
14
level of the more favored and wealthy, except through the me-
dium of their mental improvement! There is no other way.
And this is the only mode to ensure practical republicanism a-
mong us—and to realize those theories of equal rights and eqiial
privileges which we have written in our constitutions. , Here
are the means, under which crime diminishes, morals improve,
intellect expands, public sentiment ripens and strengthens, pro-
perty multiplies, revenue increases, and the State attains true
glory. Can we not then signalize this session by acts of bfcne-
ficence, that will be felt and cherished by those who are to come
after us: that your children and mine, when they shall assem-
ble in the Halls of yonder rising Capitol, may find in this year's
journal, the origin of a system, which shall excite their grati-
tude and inspire a noble emulation, and to which they may trace
perhaps the means of filling these same honorable seats.—
Thousands of our fellow-citizens are gone to pour out their
blood in a distant land, and to gather laurels with which they
will decorate the brow of this commonwealth. Can we not
weave some noble chaplet, to add to the adornment, and let
these twin emblems of public honor repose side by side, to be
freshened by the breath of coming generations, as the evergreen
that blooms upon the summit of the mountain, is fertilized with
perpetual verdure, by each returning shower.
I may be allowed to express my deepest regrets, at the failure
of one great question of national policy, I mean distribution—•-
because it involved a rich treasure to the State of Tennessee.
Had that fund been realized, how easily could we now estab-
lish a complete system of education throughout the land.—How
much also could we not do, for the cause of Internal Improve-
ment without drawing upon the credit of the State! The Chat-
tanooga and Hhvassee railroads could be completed, and other
improvements in the Eastern and Western rivers accomplish--
ed. These means would have formed the lightning of the
steam-car, to illuminate many a dark mountain waste, and the
thunder of the steam-boat, to awaken the silence of many a
solitary steam. But regrets are unavailing, and will not sup-
ply what is wanting.
I therefore recommend an increase of the Common School
fund, to at least double the present annual appropriations—and'
so far as it cannot be done with present resources, I recommend;
15
that it be done by taxes. If anything can justify taxation, it is
the education of the children of the State.
I regret that nothing can be done at present for the different
colleges and academies, that are making a noble struggle in
another department of learning. They deserve the regard, and
if it were possible, the patronage of the State. All we can do,
is to commend them to their own private efforts, and to express
our approbation, which I do most cordially to them all, imthmtany
distinction.
In connection with the subject of Education, I suggest the
propriety of granting a charter of Incorporation, to a society
to be called, "The Washington Education Society of Tennes-
see." The object of which will be to aid in the promotion of
learning, by funds to be raised by private contribution. Such
an association, endowed with the ordinary powers, would con-
stitute a potent auxiliary to other means. The spirit of private
liberality on this subject is at present diffused—this would en-
able it to embody. The Society might exist in every section of
the State, and thus derive its means, as well as impart its bene-
fits, here and there over the whole surfaces-sustaining and aid-
ing Institutions of learning, and assisting individuals of both
sexes, who are unable to educate themselves. I am indebted to
the suggestion to public spirited individuals in private life, and
cannot too much commend its objects. It will cost nothing at
least to make the effort, and may be, and I believe will be, the
foundation of much good.
The question of Internal Improvement demands also a large
share of your consideration. I might content myself with sim-
ply declaring my earnest wish for the success of all useful pro-
jects of improvement, consistent with the resources of the
State. But I beg leave to specify to some extent. The Hi-
wassee Rail Road, already in a state of progress, and upon
which a considerable sum has been expended, commends its
claims for additional aid. I believe this road, when completed,
will add greatly to the wealth and prosperity of a large and fer-
tile region of country, covered by a vigorous and enterprising
population. It will form a noble highway to market for a
heavy produce, that is now in a great degree excluded; and
there is every reason to believe that the stock would yield a fair
dividend. The people of that section of the State feel a very
16
li vely interest in the completion of this work; but it is rendered
evident, that it cannot be done without additional appropria^
tions by the State. How much aid is required, and'how much
can be granted, I leave to your wise deliberations. I do not
hesitate to recommend this as a fit subject for further public
expenditures. The removal of the obstructions in the French
Broad and Holston rivers, forms another subject of deep inter-
est to a large portion of the people of East Tennessee. The
expenditure of a few hundred thousand dollars, it is believed,
would carry the navigation of these rivers to the highest prac-
ticable points, and open up enlarged commercial facilities.
The construction of a road from Knoxville through upper
E. Tennessee to some point on the Virginia line, is greatly de-
sired, and lean safely say, much needed. The line of such a
road passes through an extensive country, of fine capabilities,
but unfortunately, peculiarly hemmed in by hills and mountains,
and not penetrated, I believe, but in part by a single naviga-
ble stream. The only hope of much of that population to at-
tain a market, is in the construction of this work. What char-
acter of road is most suited to that region of the State, is best
known to those representing it. A Rail Road is desired by
many. Whether this is practicable at present, depends upon
the amount of stock which could be taken by private individu-
als, and the extent to which the State should embark her credit.
I do not hesitate to recommend at least, the granting of a char-
ter for it, as a graded road, adapted to become a rail-road as
time arid circumstances shall dictate—the State taking one
half of the stock. If nothing more can be done at presentvI
am persuaded that even this would be of signal benefit to that
portion of the State, and greatly alleviate the evils under
which it labors.
Obstructions also exist in the Tennessee river between
Knoxville and the Alabama line, which materially interfere
with navigation, especially at low water. Their precise extent
and character are better known to many of your honorable
body than to me. It cannot be expected that appropriations to
the full extent of this demand can now be made; but if I am
correctly informed, an appropriation of even ten thousand dol-
lars would give material relief, and greatly enhance the navi-
gation of that river, between those points. I respectfully re-
17
commend all that can be done on this subject; and I deem it of
sufficient importance, not only to the region immediately con-
tiguous, but in its relative bearing on other sections of the
union, to urge a memorial to Congress for appropriations from
that body. Tennessee has been but a small beneficiary of the
Federal Government, in the way of Internal Improvements.
It has received less than any other State of the same age, and
has needed and merited more.
These, I believe, embrace all the subjects of internal im-
provement now agitated in E. Tennessee; and I sincerely re-
gard them all as worthy of your liberal consideration, and of
whatever aid you may deem it safe to render. A recent survey
of that end of the State, has forcibly impressed me with the
necessity of these improvements. Indeed, I know no country
which would be so much benefited by them. East Tennessee
possesses great natural resources; fertile soil; boundless min-
eral wealth and extraordinary water power, while her air is
as pure as her own mountain springs. It is capable of the
highest grade as an agricultural and manufacturing country.
And the only drawback upon all these fine resources, is in the
stern ramparts with which nature has environed it; the want of
outlets to market.
The Nashville and Chattanooga Rail Road is another project
of high and commanding importance, to which private enter-
prise is now being vigorously directed. A glance at the map,
it seems to me, settles its value. It addresses itself directly to
Middle Tennessee, and a large portion of East Tennessee, and
indirectly to the whole State. It is destined to be the great
artery to connect the body of the State with the Southern At-
lantic—thus giving to our staples of every description a choice
of markets. I have no hesitation in believing that asubscrip-
tion by the State, for stock in this road, would not only be safe,
but profitable. The advantages otherwise, to our commerce
andgeneral intercourse, are to me incalculable. While social-
ly and politically speaking, they are not less important. This
road in its present and probable future extent, would tend to
unite more closely, the three divisions of the State, and to break
down those distinctions that now exist; an end which every
Tennessean ought earnestly to desire; while its influence as a
medium of communication with several other States, would
' 2
18
have a happy effect upon our external political relations—
strengthening the bonds of union and fellowship, by the great
ties of reciprocal interest. To what extent the State should
embark in this great enterprise, is a subject for discussion and
forecast, and belongs more appropriately to you. I think
though, that much can and ought to be done; and I will only
remark further, that I feel earnestly desirous for its completion.
Much improvement is also needed in the Western District.
The growing importance and constantly increasing commerce
of that end of the State, entitle it to the highest consideration.
Much inconvenience is experienced, during the winter season,
for the want of good roads. The roads during much of that
season are miserable and often impassable. From the char-
acter of the soil and general face of the country, the ordinary
means of improving these roads are unavailing; and in the
absence of stone for McAdamizing, and the great distance in
many places to gravel as a substitute, I have been at much loss
what other attainable material would be adequate. It is well
worthy of inquiry, whether charcoal would not suffice, or at
least answer a very valuable purpose. I have endeavored to
obtain some data on this subject, and have been informed that
in some parts of Ohio the experiment has been made with sue-
cess. If the fact be so, it is within your reach, and deserves
consideration. A road commencing at Savannah, or some
point lower down the river, to connect with the Central Turn-
pike, and terminating at Memphis, would be of incalculable
benefit to that section of the State. Also, one commencing at
Jackson and terminating at the same point—and another com-
mencing at some point still further North and converging in the
same direction. These would not supply all that is wanting,
but they would certainly cover the main ground. One depart-
ment of expense in building roads, I mean grading, would, in
that section of the State, be inconsiderable. And I have no
doubt any one, or all these enterprises, would meet a ready
co-operation by the people. Their means would enable them,
in many places,to do much, and their necessities,I imagine, would
prompt them to vigorous exertions. All these projects, in
whatever form they may be presented, are respectfully submit-
ted to your consideration, with an earnest wish that if they
19
cannot all be promoted, that they may receive a share at least
of that patronage which it may be in your power to bestow.
I have thus briefly glanced at all the prominent species of
Internal Improvement in the different parts of the State, which
have come to my knowledge—I believe them all practicable,
useful, and highly desirable. And I wish I could see the means
for their accomplishment, as readily as I can conceive their
importance. I know and appreciate the difficulties which lie
between the preservation of the public faith and the construe-
tion of great works dependent on additional pledges of State
credit. I have felt their force in all my reflections on the sub-
ject. My reliance for the support of these great enterprises is
on the spirit of the people, which I think is fully awakened to
their importance'. They have the ability and the patriot-
ism to encounter temporary evils, for measures that must ulti-
mately ensure their own interest. Education and Internal
Improvement I regard, in a financial view, as the ways and
means, aside from the paramount general benefits to be derived.
Taxation ought never to be resorted to, except to discharge
existing obligations, and for objects, which guaranty, at least,
corresponding advantages. With these, I am never afraid to
appeal to an honest, public spirited people. And what are
present honors and public stations worth, if they are not worth
even a sacrifice at the shrine of the public interest? For my
own part, without claiming unusual disinterestedness, I ac-
knowledge no medium between a sense of public duty, and a
fear of personal responsibility. Without depreciating the im-
portance of Federal politics, I regard these two great ques-
tions, in their effect upon our local well being and prosperity,
present and prospective, as worth infinitely more than all the
Federal politics on both sides. And we have to lament those
distractions and divisions upon national questions, which have
pre-occupied the people of Tennessee, to the exclusion, too
much, of our own immediate interests. And may I exhort you,
without the imputation of arrogance, to let us close up for
once, in the breach, upon ground that is common to us all.—
Here is a field fruitful in happiness, prosperity and glory,
in which we can all labor. Here is a cause, rife with blessings
and benefits, which, if cultivated, will out live all our present
divisions, and shed a radiance and a lustre upon the destinies
20
of this growing commonwealth, long after we shall cease to
participate in its strifes, or mingle in the aspirations of the
hour.
In the Military Department I have but little additional in-
formation to communicate, which you did not learn from my
immediate predecessor. I am happy to inform you, that the
previous and late calls for Volunteers upon Tennessee, are
near being tilled. The 5th Regiment, now in rendezvous at
Memphis, I trust is complete. And the 6th is nearly made up,
and will be ready to embark by the 16th inst. for the seat of
war. These brave men, deserve great credit for enlisting in so
arduous a service, upon an indefinite term of time, and for the
promptness with which they have responded to the call.
I would gladly forego the indulgence of any remarks upon
questions of Federal policy, because they are foreign to your
deliberations; and if I trespass a little upon what I conceive
to be a rule of propriety, my apology is to be found in usage
upon like occasions, and Adiich in the estimation of many, may
make it my duty not to be wholly silent. It is not to be dis-
guised, that the war now raging between the United States
and Mexico, is a question of deep and vital interest to every
American, because its effects upon the nation and upon the
people are to be universal in a greater or less degree. While
we all rejoice at the triumph of our arms and participate in the
glory which is won to the national character, by the bravery
of our officers and men, we have to regret its indefinite dura-
tion, and the heavy cost at which every advantage is gained.
We certainly have the same right to pass judgment upon the
policy which led to a war and that with which it has been pro-
secuted, as we have upon the policy of any thing else. There
is nothing magical or sacred in the question of war, that should
seal the lips of discussion, or silence or terrify the spirit of
comment. I acknowledge no such orthodoxy in politics, or any
thing else. And the spirit which demands a blind compliance,
or an unwilling acquiescence in this or any other question, is
itself at war with all that is sacred in the rights of the freedom
of thought and of speech. I believe, and believing it, I have
dared to proclaim, that this war might, could and ought to have
been avoided: that the rights and dignity of the nation could
have been vindicated by a little more forbearance upon the
21
questions immediately at issue; by time; by temperate coun-
sels, without an appeal to the last resort of nations. I believe
that this war is a national blunder, a great calamity, the full
effects of which, upon the peace and happiness of the country,
no human sagacity can foresee. It is becoming an absorbent
of a nation's blood and treasure: a canker to a nation's repose.
What! no calamity, when ten thousand brave men have alrea-
dy been sacrificed upon its altars, and the god that presides
over it is still unappeased? No calamity, when the list of its
expenditures has swelled to near or quite a hundred millions!
and the end is not yet. Peace, like the treasures of the rain-
bow, still recedes and eludes our anxious grasp. I am aware
that these sentiments, in the estimation of some, imply a want
of patriotism, a sort of new-fangled treason; and such charges
have been preferred, but oftener insinuated, by sources not
wanting in respectability. Be it so. With all due respect to
those who differ with me, such charges deserve to be loathed,
detested and defied. They are unworthy of the spirit of re-
publicanism—indeed they have no affinity with that noble
creed. The spirit which prompts them, is one of rank intoler-
ance, and grossly despotic: and in other ages, and under other
circumstances, would have proscribed Martin Luther as a here-
tic, and sent Hampden to the scaffold. I arraign the patriotism
of no man. It is a maxim with me, that all men love their
country, and desire its prosperity and its glory, whatever their
political views may be—self-interest is generally an adequate
motive, even when true integrity fails. And to those who dif-
fer with me, I freely accord the existence of the same high and
noble motives. And I may ask here, what could not have been
accomplished by the United States in her commerce and trade,
in the arts and in every element of happiness and prosperity,
by the use of the vast sums which have and will yet be^ex-
pended? It would have raised the smile of joyous life, the
bustle of business, and the hum of civilization, in many a re-
gion where nature still reign in all her darkness and solitude.
Does this view form no subject of regret? Is there no loss in
this, to say nothing of the loss of that invaluable, living, human
capital, which cannot be restored? The sober sense of the
country will settle all these questions.
But while I have no concurrence with those, whose policy I
22
conceive led to and precipitated the country into this war, I feel
as little concurrence and sympathy with others, who are op-
posed to the prosecution of the war. That I believe to be a
false position, in any and every view of the national rights, and
national dignity and authority. The nation is committed to
the war, by its constitutional authorities—and the voice of the
nation is imperative upon the people. I feel and appreciate
the obligation in its fullest extent. The nation desires peace,
but peace can be attained, now only through war. And what-
ever might have been done in the earlier stages of it, by with-
drawing the army and establishing a line of posts, according to
the advice of great and good men, I fear that time has past.
This policy now, I fear, would only heighten the exasperation
of the Mexican people, and make the consequences still more
disastrous, by rendering the attainment of any permanent peace
indefinite. In my judgment, the motto, "to conquer peace," is
now made indispensable; there is no other alternative. Then
let the nation's power be summoned to a mighty effort, and
let it break upon that devoted country, peal after peal in one
unceasing note of thunder! Let the public right arm be made
bare, and the sword remain unsheathed until peace is extorted.
The public interest requires this—commerce, both domestic
and foreign, demands it—our currency, which must be affected
by such a powerful continuing cause, claims it. Quiet and
repose, business and thrift, of every description, now begin to
make their loud appeal. I am satisfied, that economy, both of
blood and treasure, dictates this policy. And it is to be regret-
ted, and with me the regret has been co-eval with the war itself,
that a large force was not called into prompt requisition at the
beginning. Peace would have crowned the effort, as I verily
believe, long since. Had the volunteer force, of 50,000 men,
been called into service, immediately upon their grant by Con-
gress, the moral effect at that juncture might have induced
peace. And what could not such a force, added to the regular
army, have done, in the posture of affairs then in Mexico? The
whole country could have been overrun long since, and peace
extorted, and at less than half the present loss of life and trea-
sure. Our army, though equal to Roman legions, has been too
small to follow up its victories, as has been proven at every
stage of the war. As to the questions that lie behind the at-
23
tainment of peace, they are to my mind full of difficulty—
speculation alone can now reach them. I trust that all ground
of apprehension may disappear under the influence of wise and
harmonious counsels.
These views are submitted with the profoundest respect to-
wards that portion of you, who, I know, differ with me. And
having presented, as well as I have been able, all that I have
deemed important, I close this communication with the tender
of my best wishes for the success of your labors, and your
personal and individual well-being; hoping that the results of
the session may meet the approbation of your constituents,
and the smiles and approval of an all-wise Providence.
N. S. BROWN.