RACE QUESTION REVIEWED BY CHARLES SPENCER SMITH, M. D., D. D. KDITOR OF THE SUNDAY SCHOOL PUBLICATIONS OF THE AFRICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL. CHURCH, AUTHOR OF "GLIMPSES OF AFRICA," "LIBERIA IN THE LIGHT OF LIVING TESTIMONY," "THE THREE NEGRO REPUBLICS OF THE WORLD," ETC. WITH INDIVIDUAL COMMENTS AND PRESS NOTICES NASHVILLE, TENN. 1899 PREFATORY. If I live until next November, I shall have completed thirty years of active public life. In 1869 I began the labors of public life as a school-teacher in Kentucky, under the auspices of the Freedmen's Bureau, and while engaged in that vocation at Hopkinsville, in that State, in 1870, was among the first to assist in celebrating the adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Federal Consti¬ tution. I was a delegate to the first State Convention of Colored Men held in Kentucky; was a member of the House of Representatives of the Legislature of Alabama for two years, beginning with November, 1874; was a member of the Colored Men's National Convention which was held in Nashville, Tenn., April, 1876; was one of the signers of the call for the Colored Men's Interstate Confer¬ ence which assembled in Pittsburg, Pa., April, 1884; have attended religious and ■educational bodies of a national character in various places and at sundry times; have visited the great majority of the institutions in this country for the norma) and collegiate education of colored youth, and have traveled both at home and abroad almost incessantly since 1880. In 1894 I made a trip to the west and •southwest coast of Africa, for a distance of 3,000 miles, from Sierra Leone to fcst. Paul de Loanda, including a visit to Boma, the capital of the Congo Free State, and in 1896 made a tour of the West Indies and South America. These journeys were made with a specific end in view—viz., to observe the present status of the African and his descendants wherever found congregated in any considerable number in any part of the world, in order that I might be able to compare the present condition of the Negro in this country with that of h*is kinsmen abroad; and am one of the few American citizens to visit the three Negro Republics of the the world—Liberia, Hayti, and San Domingo. During the period intervening between November, 1869, and the present—I have been intimately associated with all the great political, educational, and religious movements in this country which have been directed toward the Negro's advancement. These initial statements are made simply to indicate the extent of my oppor¬ tunities to note the movements of the Negro in this country since his emancipa¬ tion, and that the words which I have written are fortified by years of experience and personal observation acquired and made while in the discharge of duties directly connected with the Negro's progress. C. S. S. CHARLES SPENCER SMITH, M.D., D.D. The idea that the American Negro was created for some specific place in the circle of human activities perished when American slavery was shot to death, and it cannot be resurrected. Faithfully yours, INDEX TO INDIVIDUAL COMMENTS. PAGE. Adams, J. H 30 Anderson, B. C 39 Argyle, ]£. M 26 Arnett, B. W 13 Atwater, A. W 28 Beal, E. L 19 Beard, A. F 23 .Beckett, W. W 41 Bell, H. C 41 Blackshear, J. J 40 Braden, John 14 Braxton, J. W 35 Brooks, W. B 26 Bruce, J. E 34 Burgan, I. M 35 Byrd, D. W 32 Caliman, D. F 39 Carew, J. A 35 Cargyle, C. C 41 Carnes, J. R 37 Carolina, F. B 32 Chappell, W. D..... 17 Chiles, A. J 39 Connor, J. M 38 Conway, W 36 Cooper, A. R.. 29 Coppin, L. J 26 Cottrell, E 32 Councill, W. H 15 Cravath, E. M 14 Cray, I. C 30 Dangerfield, VV. F 35 Davis, J. A 34 Deal, R 30 Deaver, H. M 35 Dendy, F. Y 39 Denham, T. C 27 Derrick, W. B 14 Dickerson, John.. Eason, S. H Edmondson, N. L, Epton, J. B Fisher, P. H Fitzpa trick, I. N. Flegler, S. F Fortson, T. A.... p VJE. Fortune, T. Thomas 27 Frazier, W. W , 31 Gaines, Geo. W 37 Gaines, Marshall R 15 Gaines, W. C 31 Giles, William H 35 Goins, J. Y 34 Grimes, J. G 36 Henderson, James M 16 Henderson, Jno. M 27 Hill, Richard 27 Holmes, E. P 40 Hubbard, A 41 Hubbard, P. A 33 Irwin, R. C 34 Jefferson, F. L 36 Jenifer, J. T 38 Johnson, Bishop W 38 Johnson, D. H.. 31 Johnson, W. J 20 Jones, J. A 38 Jones, J. E 38 Jones, J. Harvey 38 King, C. H 33 Laws, P. M 34 Leak, R. H. W 40 Leak, William 30 Lee, B. F 13 Lee, E. W 25 Loftin, J. B 30 Lowe, J. 1 39 Lynch, John R 31 McDonald, J. F 21 Martin, S. L 40 Martin, J. H 37 Mason, McB 40 Mayo, M. M 27 Melden, C. M 15 Miller, Kelly 18 Mitchell, John G 16 Mitchell, Lee 36 Mitchell, S. T 37 Mixon, W. H 38 Moorer, Thomas 41 Morris, E. C 23 Nelson, C. P 29 INDIVIDUAL COMMENTS RECEIVED TOO LATE FOR CLASSIFICATION. Prof. John R. Hawkins, A.M., secretary of the Educational Department of the African Methodist Episcopal Church: "Allow me to congratulate you on the high stand taken by you in your manly and masterly defense of the manhood and merit of the Negro. I firm¬ ly believe the position you take to be the proper one, and have long since concluded that we would be in a better condition had it not been for so much fawning and cringing on the part of our leaders." David Abner, Jr., A.M., Ph.D., president Guadalupe College, Seguin, Texas: " I ad¬ mire your position. It is both sound and practicable on all the questions that affect us as a people. I am with you in the thought that there is too much danger in fostering the idea that our elevation as a race depends solely upon industrial education. I am sur* that three-fourths of the intelligent Negroes of this country agree with you." C. R. Harris, D.D., Salisbury, N. C., one of the bishops of the African Methodist Episco¬ pal Zion Church: " I rejoice that the cause is so ably represented and advocated by you. If the Negro is not justly treated, it will not be for lack of presentation of the truth. May God bless your efforts in the interest of the race." J. B. Small, D.D., one of the bishops of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church: " I heartily congratulate you on your terse and manly utterances on the ' Race Problem.' It is the duty of every lover of his race to encourage and give some expression of appre¬ ciation when any man places himsel- as a true vindicator of right and justice to the much ora^essed, and especially when it is the expression of true manhood. Men who play the sycophant, expecting to receive the favor of white men, invariably miss the boon sought. The ' manly man ' is the only spe¬ cies of manhood admired. Even his enemies praise the hero." RACE QUESTION REVIEWED. r RftCE, QUESTION IS REVIEWED. Rev. C. S. Smith., the Noted Colored Divine and Orator, Gives His Views. DEFENDS THE. NEGRO RAGE. Booker Washington's Idea of Indus trial Training Pronounced Unsound. NEGROES OPPOSED TO RAPE. Political Status of the Colored Man Set Forth—Plea Made for the Whites and Blacks to Live Together in Peace. [Reprint from the Nashville. Tenn., American, January 29, 1899.] The revival of the race question is but one of the crucibles in which the Chris¬ tian religion is being tested. The theory of the brotherhood of man must evolve into a living reality before Christianity shall liave done its perfect work. It is useless to expatiate about the inferiority of the darker races and the divine right of the white race to rule them, which im¬ plies that God has delegated a part of his sovereignty to the latter. Human pride and. arrogance, engendered by the transi¬ tion from a low to a high estate, may as¬ sume such; still God is sovereign and su¬ preme, and is as jealous of his sovereignty and as unwilling to share it with any of his creatures as he was when his wrath was provoked by the Israelites when they fashioned their jewels into a golden calf. God may assign to the white race, as a part of its stewardship, the civilization and redemption of the darker races, but their civilization and redemption must be according to his plans, and not according to the dictum of race prejudice. It would be well, then, for the proud An¬ glo-Saxon to be certain of his steward¬ ship in this particular, lest in the end he should find himself as much deceived as was Cajsar when he based his conquest of the Britons on the assumption of di¬ vine right. Industrial and Mechanical Training. Yes, I am heartily in favor of in¬ dustrial and mechanical training for such Negroes as may feel that their calling is on the farm or in the factory, but I chal¬ lenge the assertion of those who claim that the only solutionofthe so-called race prob¬ lem lies in the direction of the industrial and mechanical training of the Negro. Then, again, the mechanical and indus¬ trial training of the Negro has been in progress ever since the first cargo of slaves was landed on the banks <^f the James River in Virginia. Slavery Was a School. Surprisingly strange, perhaps, but nev- " ertheless true, slavery itself furnished the slave with valuable lessons in industrial and mechanical training, and produced a grade of high-class mechanics, skilled workers in wood and iron and metals of various kinds, many of whom remain un¬ til this day, and, I regret to say, far more than can obtain employment, caused by the unreasonable and unfriendly atti¬ tude of the Trades Unions toward colored mechanics How, then, can the multipli¬ cation of Negro mechanics help to solve the so-called race problem, when those who are already skilled cannot obtain employment? In this city, to my per¬ sonal knowledge, there are a score or more of skilled Negro mechanics who are subject to enforced idleness by reason of the colorphobia which dominates the Trades Unions. Those who are disposed to advance the Negro's best interests can render him invaluable service by de¬ manding, in tones of thunder loud and long, that the Trades Unions shall cease to draw the color line, and that fitness and character shall be the only passport to their fellowship. When this barrier shall have been removed, the time for the multiplication of Negro mechanics, on anything like a large scale, will have be¬ come opportune; but not until then. ■8 RACE QUESTION REVIEWED. 'The Contra-Argument. I know full well the argument of the •contra-contendents—how that an appre¬ ciable increase in the present number of Negro mechanics would make a white "contractor independent of white mechan¬ ics when his interests might warrant the ■employment of Negro tradesmen. But it •cannot be justly claimed that this lan¬ guage rises to the force and dignity of an argument. It is at the very best but a mere theory, and one shorn of plausibil¬ ity for the reason that it apparently over¬ looks the fact that the Trades Unions, by the power of the boycott, could influence the dealers both in raw and manufactured imaterial not to sell to said contractor, :and\1ihu6 .abort his designs to defy them Iby tfche ..employment of Negro artisans. "The'.Trades Unions constitute a most po- tterit organization, and it is very difficult tfco.thwart its will. Therefore, the primal sand essential accomplishment is to influ¬ ence its directors to abandon the cruel and frigid color line. But, then, it may be answered that if the Negro mechanic cannot find employ¬ ment for bis skilled hands, let him go to .the farm and engage in agricultural pur¬ suits—learn how to scientifically raise rsweet potatoes—as the present chief reviv¬ alist of industrial training for the Negro Is wont to urge. A Pertinent Question. When am the unregistered seons of the .-genesis of creative development—when prehistoric man roamed at will, and be¬ fore God had fixed the bounds of man's habitation—in what recorded cycle of time was it written on the tablet of divine fiat that the universal position of the Ne¬ gro should be that of a tiller of the soil? It may mot be a self-evident truth that all men -are created free and equal, but it is an axiomatic verity that all men, other than imbeciles and idiots, are endowed with mental and spiritual capacities capa¬ ble of varied and illimitable expansion; and the Negro, being a man, is irremova- bly within the sphere of this axiomatic verity. Hence, unless it can bo estab¬ lished that the Negro is not an integral and component part of the original plan of man's creation, but the increment of a mere accident, the crystallization of the particles of the surplus dust that marked the creative place of generic man, it must be accepted as the corollary of the axio¬ matic verity that the Negro, in common with all the other race varieties, is en¬ dowed with mental and spiritual capaci¬ ties, capable of varied and illimitable ex¬ pansion ; and that, as a whole, his sphere of operation cannot be limited to the till¬ ing of the soil; but that his development will be marked by variety of attainments and accomplishments, thus proving him¬ self to be an originator as well as an im¬ itator. Not to Any Great Extent. Moreover, the acquisition of scientific agriculture cannot possibly profit the masses of the Negroes to any great extent, seeing that they are not the owners of the soil. By this I refer to the diversifica¬ tion of crops as the result of a knowledge of scientific agriculture. The diversifica¬ tion of crops is not dictated and controlled by the tillers of the soil, but by the own¬ ers. The plantation hand in the South exercises no choice whatever as to the number of acres he shall plant in cotton or the number he shall plant in corn or wheat or any other cereal. In this re¬ gard he must obey the mandate of his employer. In view of this, is the sugges¬ tion valueless that so far as the utility of a diversification of crops is concerned, that this advice should be pressed upon the owner of the soil rather than upon the tiller? It is the owner alone who can change the existing condition of things. The advice which Secretary of Agricul¬ ture "Wilson gave to the young white men of the South in his address at the McKin- ley banquet in Savannah, Ga., was most opportune, and should impress the pres¬ ent chief revivalist of industrial training for the Negro with the fact that in insist¬ ing on the study of scientific agriculture RACE QUESTION REVIEWED. 9 by the masses of the Negroes, lie is build¬ ing a cage for a bird that is yet to be caught; unless, perchance, the Negroes should become the owners of the soil. There can be no doubt that the practical application of the principles of scientific agriculture will increase the yield of a given crop in a stated area; but if by this it is meant that a knowledge of scientific agriculture is essential to teach the Negro how to hoe cotton and plant corn, such is as far from the reality as the east is from the west; as the Negro has long .since graduated in the accomplishment of hoeing cotton and planting corn, and his diploma was stamped on the great majority of the 10,000,000 bales of cotton which were marketed in this country last year. Therefore it would be well to aspire to add to the Negro's present limited fund •of knowledge by teaching him how to do something which he does not now know how to do. Not by Any Means New. The necessity of the Negro's training in industrial pursuits, either as a theory or a dictum, did not originate with this generation, but is coeval with his exist¬ ence on the American continent. With equal propriety might one term John Wesley the apostle of Christianity as to term the Master of Tuskegee the apostle of industrial training for the Negro. The former was simply the revivalist of a long existing doctrine; the latter is merely the revivalist of an ancient dictum, "Teach the Negro how to work;" and in reecho¬ ing this dictum has struck a popular chord in the minds, if not the hearts, of a large element of the American people, some of whom emphasize their approval by throwing dollars into his open hands. Mob Law. That " rape means rope " is quoted as a favorite expression of persons promi¬ nent in public affairs, which is to be regretted since they are in a position to influence thousands. Mob law is a menace to good government, and is de¬ structive and revolutionary in its tenden¬ cies. It is without reason or conscience, and is as uncontrollable as an exasperated bull. It does not always seek out the guilty, but demands a victim whether guilty or innocent. It does not investi¬ gate, but assumes; does not seek for truth, but takes everything for granted. The greatest danger to the South from the reign of mob law is the fact that it is an easy thing for any white villain to blacken his neck and face, his hands and arms, put on a wig of crispy hair and personate a Negro, and in that disguise commit the most nameless and shameless of crimes— for which some innocent Negro may be made to suffer. It is not known that any Negro as yet has attempted to personate a white man—that is practically impos¬ sible. The Position of the Negro as to Rape. I do not hesitate to say that the Negro is as unalterably opposed to rape as he is to murder or any other heinous crime. It is a mistake to suppose that he has no sympathy for the rapist's victim. He has compassion for the outraged and would avenge her wrongs as speedily as any one else. Moreover, the Negro, does not covet the white women of the South or of any other section. Why should he? Has he not fair maidens of his own? If a white complexion is the desideratum, can he not gratify his taste among his own peo¬ ple? Unlike the white man, whose wom¬ en are universally white, the Negro can select from among his own females varie¬ ties of colors—including white, black, and all the intermediary hues. But, in a more serious vein, I most emphatically declare that he will go as far to protect the white women and girls of the South from violence as will their own fathers, brothers, and sons. I have never yet heard a Negro of any hue or condition offer an apology for the crime of rape per se. It is not possible to organize a court with a Negro judge and jury that would fail to convict a Negro of the crime of rape where the proof warranted it. So far from palliating the crime, he devoutly 10 A'A CE Q UESTION RE VIE WED. wishes that all rapists, whether white or black, were banished from the earth. Put our sincerity to test, if you please. Let the white men of the South enter into a compact with us to go as far with us in helping to protect our wives and daughters as we will go with them in helping to protect theirs, and neither the jaws of death nor the gates of hell will cause us to falter or fail. Be this as it may, we pray God to write upon our hearts the law which enjoins us not to covet our neighbor's wife nor his daugh¬ ters. No crime that has ever been alleged against the Negro has so stung Idm as that of the charge of rape—it being ex¬ tended even to the child of tender years. He remembers with what painful solici¬ tude and unflagging watchfulness he pro¬ tected the wives and children of the Southland when their own marital and paternal protectors had been called away by the demands of war; and that he was then, though a slave, true to sacred trusts. Is he less trustworthy now that he is free? Whatever others may think, he knows that he is not. In pleading for the main¬ tenance of law and order, and that all law-breakers shall be tried according to the established forms of law, the Negro cannot be justly branded as an apologist for crime. He is by every impulse of his being disposed to law and order. He is not a revolutionist, an anarchist, nor a traitor, and I thank God that the people with whom I am identified have not yet given birth to a Judas Iscariot or a Bene¬ dict Arnold. Social Equality. Another erroneous allegation directed against the Negro is that his chief desire is for social equality with white people. Now, the Negro may be ignorant of some things—yea, many things—but of one thing he is not ignorant, and that is that social equality does not exist anywhere or among any people as a universal rule. Moreover, he knows that all white peo¬ ple are not social equals, which is equally true of all colored people. Social equality is based upon individual choice and pref¬ erence, and does not lie within the sphere of statutory enactments or police regula¬ tions. The Negro does not desire to pose as an intruder, and repels with righteous indignation every assertion that he is dis¬ posed to force his association on those who are averse to receiving it. It is not to be understood by this that he is indif¬ ferent to the rights which belong to him under the common law. He may not in¬ sist on riding in the same railroad coach with white passengers, but he does rebel against paying first-class fare for second- class accommodations, an injustice which he regards as nothing less than a bold stroke of highway robbery. He may not demand that he be allowed to eat at the same table with white people, but he does demand that he be allowed to buy some¬ thing to eat when hunger overtakes him on the highway. That cities like Chatta¬ nooga and Knoxville, Tenn., and Atlanta and Macon, Ga., should tolerate lunch counters in connection with railroad sta¬ tions which refuse colored passengers the privilege of purchasing food is, to say the least, a cankerous blot upon civilization, and in a so-called Christian community is an impeachment, a contradiction of, and a travesty on that mandate of the gospel of divine love which says: "If thine enemy hunger, feed him." You cannot find a Negro in all the land so ig¬ norant, so poor, so degraded, so destitute of the milk of human kindness as to re¬ fuse to sell a cup of coffee and a morsel of bread to a white wayfaring traveler. Do not be worried; the Negro will not seek to force an entrance into any private abode. He is delightfully happy in the circle of his own chosen associates. Will the Negro Eschew Politics 1 Will the Negro eschew politics? To this question but one reasonable answer can be given. No. Why should he? What is there in existing conditions to warrant him in voluntarily surrendering his political rights? Why invite him to do what the Revolutionary sires refused RACE QUESTION REVIEWED. 11 to do—submit to taxation without repre¬ sentation? It is estimated that the Ne¬ groes in America pay taxes on $364,000,- 000 worth of property—the accumulation of less than thirty-five years. Are the owners of these millions entitled to no representation in political affairs? Shall they contribute to the support of the Government, and yet be barred of all share in the management of its concerns? Some so-called leading (?) Negroes may announce their willingness to eschew pol¬ itics, but no manly Negro will do so. In the exercise of his suffrage the Negro has always been prompted by motives that he has regarded as patriotic. The rank and file have never placed a money value on their vote. Not all of their leaders have been wise; but some of their leaders have been wise—yea, a majority of them. His misfortune has been that he has been forced to array himself against the domi¬ nant element in the midst of whom he lives, and to him this has been a contin¬ ual source of regret. The "white Demo¬ cratic primary" in the South is as much of a Chinese wall barring the full opera¬ tion of the Negro voter as the Trades Union in operating against the Negro me¬ chanic. No Negro, though he be a Demo¬ crat, can vote in a white Democratic pri¬ mary in the South. His citizenship is scorned, and his right to exercise it is de¬ nied. Therefore, if the Negro does not vote with the wealth and intelligence of the South, it is because that element re¬ fuses him the opportunity to do so. When he seeks affiliation with this class, he is invariably met with the cry: "This is a white man's country." The suffrage of the Negro in the South may be suppressed by arbitrary constitu¬ tional amendments, a procedure which cannot obtain in the North. There he can vote at Republican, Democratic, or Populist party primaries, and his vote will be counted. To-day he holds the balance of power in Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York; and unless party politics are reorganized on lines radically differing from those of the present no political party can win in a Presidential election without his support. If the South insists on suppressing the Negro's suffrage it will eventually lead thousands of them to migrate to selected parts of the great Northwest, to the remaining Territories, New Mexico, Arizona, etc., and help to make them solidly Republican. What will be the result? A solid political North against a solid political South, with the latter always in the minority. Now, the Negro does not take kindly to the thought of being forced to leave his Southern home. He fully realizes that the Christian white people of the South are in a position to help him forward much faster than are the people of any other section. He is anxious that no strife should exist between him and those who furnish him the employment which yields him his daily bread. He would gladly help to readjust political lines so that he could have representation in the management of political affairs according to his character, intelligence, and prop¬ erty interests. He will never protest against an educational qualification in state and national elections which will be applicable to all in every essential and in every detail. In municipal elections he would not object to a property qualifica¬ tion in addition to an educational one. It is by no means a happy thought to the Negro that while his suffrage is dishon¬ ored by the Democratic leaders in the South, it is courted and honored by the Democratic leaders of the North. James Matthews, a Negro in Albany, N. Y., holds a twenty-year tenure position, with an annual salary of $5,000, by the votes of wrhite Democrats; and the highest diplo¬ matic position ever tendered a Negro was that of Minister to Bolivia, which was of¬ fered to C. H. J. Taylor by former Presi¬ dent Cleveland. The suffrage of 8,000,000 people cannot be permanently suppressed in a republic; neither is it desirable that it should be, if it could. 12 RACE QUESTION REVIEWED. Negro Domination. No intelligent Negro has ever dreamed of trying to reduce the mythical term "Negro domination" to an actuality. It is a bugbear—a ghost that was not born in the womb of his imagination, however distorted at times it miiht have been. He has never sought nor desired to domi¬ nate in political affairs, but to participate. He would not control to the exclusion of the white element if he could. His gen¬ erous nature, and his love of justice and fair play, would forbid his withholding from any person any right or privilege to which he might be entitled, and which •would contribute to his well-being in per¬ son and property. He knows full well that slavery did not furnish him with a knowledge of statecraft, and that the op¬ portunity to gain such knowledge, in an adequate degree, in a single generation, is not sufficient. He is, therefore, willing to wait and be taught, and as he advances in knowledge covets the opportunity to exercise it—whether it be in the field of agriculture, mechanics, science, law, the¬ ology, letters, medicine, the arts, military affairs, philosophy, or politics; but none of these attainments will he ever use to dominate his white fellow-citizens. He seeks, according to his worth and fitness, to participate in public affairs; he scorns the thought to dominate; he will be con¬ tent with the former, but content with nothing less. Some Things to be Learned. When the present chief advocate of in¬ dustrial training for the Negro as the speediest and most effectual solution of the so-called race problem shall have gone outside of his own bailiwick, as has the writer; when he shall have placed him¬ self in a position to observe the present status of the various elements of man¬ kind, notably in Europe, West and South¬ west Africa, South America, and the Caribbean Archipelago; when he shall have seen a woman and a dog hitched together and drawing a loaded cart through the streets of Antwerp, Belgium; when he shall have seen Hungarian women digging coal in the mines of their own native land; when he shall have looked upon the peasantry of Europe, so poorly fed, poorly clad, poorly housed, and poorly paid; when his attention shall have been directed to the fact that three-fifths of all the inhabitants of earth live in a one-room hut; that scientific agriculture is as little known to the peas¬ antry of Europe as it is to the plantation hands of our own Southland, and that the former has no more to do with the diver¬ sification of the crops than do the latter, he may at least find some of his views modified thereby; come to realize that the doctrine of the survival of the fittest will shape and govern the destiny of the Negro as it does that of all the other race varieties; that the Negro cannot be lim¬ ited to any one sphere of physical or mental operation, but will ramify every nook and corner of Americanism, add his quota to its strength, perpetuity, and adornment; and will be satisfied, though he achieves no greater accomplishment in one generation than to unflinchingly look into the jaws of death while bravely sup¬ porting the Rough Riders in their sangui¬ nary and successful charge to plant Old Glory above the crest of El Caney's heights. Conclusion. In all that I have said I have only sought to express my true convictions in a frank and candid way. That they will give offense to some—perhaps to many— I do not doubt. As to the sincerity of my purpose an approving conscience at¬ tests. I love the South, which has been the theater of my activities for nigh thir¬ ty years. That the blessings of peace may soon come to it; that the voice of discord between the races may be speed¬ ily and effectually hushed; that it may quickly rise to that high estate which it w ill reach through the development of those resources with which nature has so lavishly endowed it, is my cherished wish, my most fervent prayer. ' Charles Spencer Smith. "RACE QUESTION .REVIEWED." INDIVIDUAL COMMENTS. —The " w " is used to indicate that the contributor, whether an individual or a news¬ paper, is white. Wm. Hayes Ward, D.D., LL.D., New York City, editor of The Independent: "I thank you for sending me your arti¬ cle on the ' Race Question.' It is a sen¬ sible article and will do good." (W.) Henry M. Turner, D.D., LL.D., At¬ lanta, Ga., senior bishop of the Afri¬ can Methodist Episcopal Church, pres¬ ident. of the Home and Foreign Mis¬ sionary Society, president of the Sun¬ day School Onion of said church, and editor of the Voice of Missions: "I gladly yield sufficient space in the Voice of Missions to reprint your mas¬ terly article reviewing the ' Race Ques¬ tion.' Your defense of the Negro is both historic and philosophic, while your arguments and logic are irrefu¬ table." Benjamin W. Arnett, D.D., Wilber- force, O., one of the bishops of the African Methodist Ejriscopal Church: " I have read and reread your ' Re¬ view of the Race Question,' and am more than pleased with the manner in which you have handled the subject. It will be an eye opener to the ene¬ mies of the race. I agree with you on the cardinal points discussed. We have come too far on our way in man¬ hood's ranks to turn back without an effort to pursue our journey. You are right when you say that the salvation of the Negro depends upon the educa¬ tion of the heart, head, and hands. Your prescription—religion for the heart, education for the head, and money for the pocket—is good, and should be taken in alternate doses of the Bible, the spelling book, and the bank book. Pursue the course which you have laid out in your able and un¬ answerable argument, and you will give hope to millions of our fellow- countrymen who are scanning the heavens for a star of hope to guide* them to a haven of prosperity." Benjamin Tucker Tanner, LL.D., Kansas City, Kan., one of the bishops of the African Methodist Episcopal Church: "Allow me to congratulate you upon the ablest presentation of the question it has been my privilege to read. What yo» say of the whites man's assumed stewardship and of the labor unions is simply incomparable. I felt like saying what General Taylor in the Mexican War is credited with ordering: 'A little more shot, Captain Bragg.' So substantially is your pa¬ per written that I find it quite apropos to make a quotation from it for my new book." B. F. Lee, D.D., Wilberforce, O., one of the bishops of the African Meth¬ odist Episcopal Church, in " The Dis¬ trict Circular: " " The best article I have read on the ' Race Question ' is that of Dr. C. S. Smith in the Nashville American." Moses B. Salter, D.D., Charleston, S. C., one of the bishops of the African Methodist Episcopal Church: "Last winter, when 1 listened to the lofty strains of your eloquence and saw how you touched all hearts, I was im¬ pressed that you were being prepared for the delivery of some great utter¬ ance that would command the atten¬ tion of the nation; but little did I (13) 14 Race Question Reviewed. think, however, that it would flower out into such a matchless defense of the race, and that at a time when so many hearts were failing. Henceforth you will move along the path of duty sustained by the benedictions of countless thousands." W. B. Derrick, D.D., one of the bish¬ ops of the African Methodist Episco¬ pal Church, Flushing, N. Y.: " The conservatism which you have dis¬ played is marvelous for one of your radical temperament, and shows how well you have disciplined yourself to skillfully discuss a grave and complex subject." Hon. George H. White, member of Congress from North Carolina: "I have received and read your article on the race question with great interest. There are very few of our people who are profound thinkers and writers, and still less of them who have the manliness to express the courage of their convictions. Your letter ex¬ presses in undeniable truths our ex¬ act situation. I have shown it to quite a number of my white colleagues in Congress, who read it with much fa¬ vorable comment. We are passing through a very critical crisis. The crucial test is being applied to us, but I feel sure that we will prove ourselves equal to the emergency and come out triumphant. Public sentiment for the last few years has been molded against us from the foul and malicious false¬ hoods sent to the world through the press without contradiction. It is, therefore, quite refreshing to find here and there a man, like yourself, with the courage and ability to speak out in no uncertain tones and give the lie to the slanderer and defamer of a much-wronged—and, in the main, gul¬ lible—people." Alexander Walters, D.D., Jersey City, N. J., one of the bishops of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church and president of the Afro-American Coun¬ cil: " It is the most complete summing up of the phases discussed of the ' Race Problem ' that I have ever read. My wife was especially pleased with its diction as well as thought. Every word of your able article meets with my hearty approval. The need of the hour is just such articles to counter¬ act the baneful effects of the errone¬ ous teachings of Mr. Washington. The race owes you a debt of gratitude for such an able defense." Rev. John Braden, D.D., Nashville, Tenn., president of Central Tennessee College: "1 have just read your arti¬ cle in the American on the ' Race Problem,' and I want to say that I think you have handled the matter very wisely, judiciously, kindly, plain¬ ly, and unanswerably, so far as prov¬ ing your line of argument. I think your reference to Booker Washington wise and timely; to the demand of social equality, I think emphatically true; and as to the crime of rape, youf statements must carry conviction to the understanding of all unprejudiced minds. Your reference to the Negro in politics, I think, is perhaps as well as anything could be stated at this time. I should be very glad to see that paper circulated very extensively in the South. I presume it will be ex¬ tensively quoted, but there are many places where a tract could go which would perhaps reach where a news¬ paper would not." (W.) Rev. E. M. Cravath, D.D., president Fisk University, Nashville, Tenn.: "I read with interest your article on the Race Question Avhen it first ap¬ peared m the American. You have stated your views clearly, frankly, and in a most kindly and generous spirit. The careful reading of the ar¬ ticle will have a wholesome influence upon thoughtful people of both races " (W.) ■ Individual Comments. 15 Rev. D. J. Sanders, president Biddle University, Charlotte, N. C.: "I highly approve of your able and vigorous presentation of the Negro question in the Nashville American. I am in iull sympathy with the position taken in all respects. The Negro will gain nothing by taking any other position. I reproduced your article in the Afro- American Presbyterian of last week, and have received many favorable ref¬ erences to it." Prof. W. H. Councill, Normal, Ala., president of the Agricultural and Me¬ chanical College for Negroes: "I am -very grateful for your valued letter of the 31st ult. and for the paper con¬ taining your excellent article on ' Race ■Question Reviewed.' It is a good, «trong paper, and will do much good." Prof. R. R. Wright, College, Ga., president of the Georgia State Indus¬ trial College: " I have received and read with pleasure your article enti¬ tled ' Race Question Reviewed.' It is an able article, and, in my judgment, states in a most able way the position held by many intelligent colored men. I agree thoroughly with you in your position on industrial education. I thank you for your article." Rev. C. M. Melden, Ph.D., Atlanta, 'Ga., president of Clark University: "I am in great sympathy with your posi¬ tion. 4 Industrial ' education is a fad. It overlooks the very important fact that it alone will never lift the race. Your people must have leaders who are the peers of any of any race, if the great multitudes are to be led into their promised land. Go on with your good work, and God bless you! " (W.) Prof. T. A. Fortson, A.M., Nashville, Tenn., Department of Mathematics and Librarian, Central Tennessee Col¬ lege: " I most heartily thank you for the very able article in to-day's Amer¬ ican. It is the best I ever saw on the Negro problem, and I wish to thank you especially for smashing Booker Washington's theory. I have hoped some able colored man would jump on it with both feet and annihilate it, and you have done so, to my great satis¬ faction. I am glad that your article appears in the Sunday issue of the American. More will read it than would if it appeared on any other day. In the class room here and the chapel I have declared Mr. Washington's the¬ ory dangerous, and opposed it with might and main." Rev. Marshall R. Gaines, A.M., Aus¬ tin, Texas, president of Tillotson Col¬ lege: "Thank you for the copy of the article ' Race Question Reviewed,' re¬ ceived in Saturday evening's mail. I have read it with interest and, in the main, approval. The spirit of it is ex¬ cellent. Nothing is to be gained by ranting; but when, with candor and fairness, the facts are set forth, then the seed sown will bear fruit. The crimes against life and liberty so prev¬ alent of late must serve to call the at¬ tention of thoughtful men all over our land to facts that will not down. For myself, while I am a worker in educa¬ tional and religious lines of many years' experience, my acquaintance with Negroes at close range began only about two and a half years ago. For my views and feelings in regard to some of the points discussed in your article I am dependent wholly upoi» the testimony of others, and, unfortu¬ nately, very largely upon the newspa¬ pers that are liable to be strongly prejudiced. I believe that your views in regard to ' rape ' and ' lynching' are correct and 3'our doctrine sound. With lynching tolerated, no life is safe. In regard to education, too, I think you are on the right basis. The question concerning the industrial status of the Negro—what trades are to be open for him, and all that—prac¬ tically is of great importance to him, i6 Race Question kevieweo. and one not easily settled. Theoret¬ ically, it is clear to see that he is enti¬ tled, as a man and a citizen, to hold any place for which he is fitted, on just the same grounds as any other man or citizen. Like all the rest, he must be educated on the industrial, mental, and spiritual sides of his na¬ ture to fit him for the work to which evidently he is destined. The only point to which my mind did not at once assent in your article was where you raise the question as to President Booker T. Washington's keeping in mind the fact that so many of the hu¬ man race live in ' one-room ' houses. Much credit is due for what has been accomplished, but I rejoice to see the larger homes that the better class of our colored neighbors are erecting. They are object lessons that, in my opinion, will prove powerful incen¬ tives to industry, economy, and moral¬ ity. Apparently many young colored men here are earning good wages and smoking and drinking up proceeds as fast as realized. If we can get them to save and invest in a good home, will there not be a decided gain? Keep on, brother, using the power that God has given you, with your voice and your pen, in behalf of liberty and Christian civilization." (W.) Rev. James M. Henderson, A.M., D.D., Atlanta, Ga., president of Morris Brown College: "I received your article on the ' Race Question,' and was so well pleased with its contents that I had it read to our college students. I believe the article will be very helpful in cor¬ recting many false impressions on the ' Race Problem.' " Rev. John G. Mitchell, D.D., Wilber- force, 0., dean of Payne Theological Seminary: "I am glad that you have decided to review the ' Race Question.' The repetition of a thought pregnant with the elements of revolution will revolutionize the world. The grand thought—God our Father, Man our Brother—repeated continually will produce the highest form of Christian civilization. Now if I can at any time- suggest anything of worth to you, I shall be glad to do so. I am much pleased with your first article. I would suggest you stand firmly upon* the brotherhood of man. What you have said is good in the discussion of" the ' Race Question.' I do not think that we can lay too much stress upon the Fatherhood of God and the Broth¬ erhood of Man. Of course we must encourage the industrial departments in our schools; but while doing so, we- should contend for a recognition in the various labor organizations. It would be unwise to spend time in training the hand to work when the hand can find nothing to do." Rev. M. W. Thornton, A.M., Jackson,. Miss., president of Campbell College: " I assure you that it is a source of no- small degree of pleasure to write you my congratulations, first, upon the in¬ novation your importance has made in the recognition given your thought by~ one of the leading journals of this Southland; secondly, for the sound and statesmanlike stand you have- taken, as well as the infallible prem¬ ises you have presented, from which to base your argument. I admire it for its terse expressions, which are- clear-cut and aim well at the point in view. I at once perceive that when it comes to public print, when good is to- be obtained for the race you represent through appeals by reason to the prej¬ udiced, you are cautious enough not to inflame the passions of the ears- you wish to reach, while at the same time you never in one instance de¬ grade the manliness that has always; characterized your nttr-rnnros ami stamps you unquestionably the most fearless, adroit, and able spokesman of the race to-day. Your unchallenged' Individual Comments. 17 position on ' industrial education, the Negro's position in politics, and the ••stigma of rapist,' including as it does the latest and most agitated phase of the race problem, are, I believe, direct¬ ly in accord with my unjotted views ■on the same questions. It therefore strikes a happy vein in my consola¬ tion to thus have them so logically, concisely, and beautifully expressed, •sir, by your masterful pen." Bev. W. D. Chappelle, D.D., presi¬ dent Allen University, Columbia, S. C.: " Your argument on the subjects dis¬ cussed is pungent, to the point, and timely, especially your answer to the industrial feature of Booker T. Wash¬ ington's speeches. I think you show clearly the fallacy lodged in the argu¬ ment which he makes along industrial lines. I have been impressed that he was faulty in his reasoning, and that some one ought to call attention to it. It is a strong and able presentation of the subject." Prof. George A. Woodward, princi¬ pal Gregory Normal Institute, Wil¬ mington, N. C.: I thank you for send¬ ing me the copy of the Nashville American containing your article on the ' Race Question,' and I assure you that I have enjoyed reading the same more than any other article on the great question which I have read in a long time. I have found nothing wherein I would take issue with you. I think your views are pretty gener¬ ally in accord with my own. I do not ibelieve the great problem can ever be settled permanently until it is settled in God's way: in a Christlike spirit. Our white friends must first give up their pride and prejudice before they can legislate righteously. I wish it were possible for every voter in both the North and South to read your timely article. I hope it will be cop¬ ied extensively." (W.) 2 Rev. D. J. Satterfield, Concord, N. C., president of Scotia Seminary: " I have read your article in the Nashville American with much interest. View¬ ing it as an incident of the present sit¬ uation, I am not disposed to take any exception to the contents. It is well known to all candid people that the animus of the attack upon the Negro and his friends, and which is apt to be more bitter toward the latter than the former, is directed to-day upon the cultured and refined of the race. Your paper meets the attack squarely in the defense of this class, and I do not think you state your case too strong¬ ly; but, regarded as an exposition of the status of the Negroes generally, 1 cannot see as you do. Your state¬ ments seem to me to be based on the wish rather than careful research at some points. I cannot take time to elaborate this opinion. I think you are right about the industrial idea. I have said publicly that if the indus¬ trial school is chosen as the instru¬ ment of the Negro's salvation it will hurt more than it will help him; that our Negro mechanics now are the worst men we have, because skilled la¬ bor without educated conscience only supplies more money to spend on vices; that the great demand of the Negro is trained leadership, while the industrial should come in as one of the factors of a well-rounded individual and a complete society. On the mat¬ ter of rape, of course you are right as the-question bears on the present sit¬ uation. There never was a shallower subterfuge than the plea that the lynching of Negroes is all, or even chiefly, for rape; nor has there ever yet been any rational ground for the fear that white women were the spe¬ cial object of Negro lust; but we must not close our eyes to the fact that the millions of colored people still as un¬ disciplined in morals as any heathen i8 Race Question Reviewed. are not standing still. Because they are not growing more moral they are growing more immoral, and I can see it right here in Concord. Those whom the Christian schools are not winning are running wild. The churches seem to do nothing for them, and especially in this, matter of impurity. Some¬ times the outlook is appalling. I can see no hope in it, and yet.it is only hu¬ man nature left to itself; but we must not shut our eyes to the fact that this human nature, if left to itself much longer, is sure to bring about a real state of things even worse than some imagine things are now. On the ques¬ tion of the Negro in politics, I do not think there is really any serious de¬ mand for the colored people to refrain from voting; but, on the other hand, I think that there are two ways of reaching a desired end. It may be taken for granted that any plan for combining the colored vote to secure any result not desired by the white people will lead to a combination of the white people and the most stub¬ born opposition. I am on the side of the colored people all the time, but I am sure I am doing them more good by cultivating good feeling between the two races than I possibly could by throwing my influence in the opposite direction. But I think I have said enough to give you a hint of my views. My whole soul sympathizes with these people in their bitter wrongs and in their deep degradation, which is in this day the most shameful of all their wrongs. I wish I had a thousand tongues to call for help and had the strength of a thousand to do that much .more work, but I want to see things and to show things as they are. We must try to get the nation, and es¬ pecially the Christian people, to real¬ ize that these masses of uncared for, whether white or black, are in danger themselves and a cause of danger to others." (W.) Prof. Kelly Miller, Washington, ,D. C., Department of Mathematics of Howard University: "I thank you for your kindness in sending me a copy of the Nashville American containing your article on the ' Race Problem/ It is certainly an able and vigorous presentation." Rev. I. H. Welch, D.D., Harrodsburg, Ky., president Wayman Institute: " Your timely and critical review of this much-vexed ' Race Question' is bold, forceful, and commendable in every feature. We all deplore the hos¬ tile attitude assumed by the dominant race in some localities against our peo¬ ple, and earnestly hope the relation of the two races will be more amicable and helpful in the near future. The indignation with which we frown upon a rapist, black or white, and our prompt and positive approval of sum¬ mary justice being meted out to such, discloses our determined purpose to aid in the protection of the person and virtue of American womanhood. We are a unit in our readiness to strike down any who are proved guilty of such blood-curdling crimes. The ra¬ cial feature of industrial education as advocated to-day is too limited in its extent to meet the racial demands for symmetrical training and develop¬ ment. The education of the hand to the semi or entire exclusion of the mind w7ill not prepare any race for higher civilization and citizenship. The Negro of America, with few ex¬ ceptions, has always filled the ranka of ' hewers of wood and drawers of water,' and to give him an educational training that irrevocably assigns him to the rear ranks of this class of indi¬ viduals dwarfs his mental powers and unfits him for an intelligent and useful citizenship. Any educational training that does not develop the no¬ bler instincts of its recipient and fur¬ nish a high conception and an intelli- Individual Comments. 19 geot appreciation of citizenship is a menace to progressive civilization and good government. I advocate that training for the Negro of America which will practically acquaint him with the industrial arts and prepare him for the intelligent discharge of all the duties, responsibilities, and obli¬ gations of American citizenship. Any intelligent citizen will readily concede the fact that the development of phys¬ ical energy, at the sacrifice of mental training and enlightenment, will not produce a strong and intelligent cit¬ izenship in any nationality. The first and most important duty of a nation¬ ality is to provide for the education of its citizens, which is absolutely essen¬ tial to its progress and perpetuity. Ignorance and superstition endanger the interests and existence of any gov¬ ernment. The security of a republi¬ can form of government especially re¬ quires an enlightened citizenship; therefore this country must have an enlightened citizenship to preserve and perpetuate its institutions and. present form of government. Please accept these crude lines as my entires approval of your able and logical arti¬ cle." Rev. Richard L. Beal, Hannibal, Mo.: " I feel it a duty incumbent to state that the presentation of the case by you is so clear and convincing that I have not the least doubt it is a seed¬ ling which is destined to yield a gold¬ en harvest. Divested of acrimonious sarcasm, on the one hand, which spends its puerile wrath on wave cur¬ rents of uselessness, against the brazen and invulnerable walls of the vigilant powers that be, always mak¬ ing enemies and never gaining a friend for the cause; while, on the oth¬ er hand, you have avoided the> cring¬ ing, obsequious, timeserving, sail- trimming, and truckling unmanliness, which infers in its tone that, as subor¬ dinates, we must never aspire beyond certain lines of limitation, always ac¬ knowledging our inferiority—a posi¬ tion contemptible to the dictum of rea¬ son, repugnant to our feelings, demor¬ alizing and degrading to our manhood, and counter to the genius and princi¬ ples upon which the republic is built. As a worthy race representative, you have avoided these extremes; and by your impartial and reliable testimony, gathered from contact, travel, long ex¬ perience, study, and masterly ability* you have proven that your solution of the difficulty is the only just way out of it: that our laborers and artisans be allowed the same right to vie with the other wage earners of the country- The skill with which you have han¬ dled every phase of the subject—in its- civic, industrial, domestic, social, po^ litical, religious, and varied sides—the conciliatory tone, the Christian spirit, the array of facts cited in placing your case in point before the bar of equity and justice, shows you a jurist of na mean degree, one who has gone to» his task well informed as to require¬ ments, and able to defend what he has- undertaken. It - shows that you have been prudent in untangling the skeins of false accusations placed to our ac¬ count. You have proven our loyaltjr and devotion by the statement that we have never abused the confidence com¬ mitted to us in caring for those lovedl ones left in our charge during the days of ' blood and iron.' You have not waived a point of the heated con¬ troversy, pro or con, but have consid¬ ered the facts as they stand to-day.. You have clearly defined our past and present status as servants, citi¬ zens, and soldiers in illustrating how, we have poured out our best blood in defending the nation's honor. You have shown that, as a law-abiding people, we have cheerfully submitted to the educational test of the elective 20 Race Question Reviewed. franchise, only desiring- that an equal chance be given us at the polls. As tnir spokesman, you have gone farther to champion our cause by suggesting, if need be, property-holding power as the standard by which we are to assist in the balloting in municipal matters for those who shall take charge of our local affairs. Through the whole range of the argument you have stood on the defensive, bold but equable in temper, never losing head or heart; and, with the eye of a seer, you have mapped out the course for our future. As I have previously stated, the paper is clear and convincing, and is remarkable in diction for its originality in the ad¬ vanced thought set forth. You have deservedly won the right to be placed as one of the best thinkers of the peo¬ ple. You are to be congratulated on the splendid effort, and ought to re¬ ceive the highest commendations from all classes of our race variety." Hev. W. J. Johnson, D.D., Spring- lield, O.: "I received your communica¬ tion and the Nashville American, con¬ taining an article from your pen. Al¬ low me, my dear sir, to say that, with¬ out any exception of the many articles I have read pertaining to this all-ab¬ sorbing question in papers, reviews, and magazines, your article gives the Negro race a higher standing of man¬ hood than any I have read. I applaud your article from beginning to end. Notwithstanding every condition in which he is placed from opposing forces or whatever foe he may be called upon to meet on the battlefield of life, you ask no pity or sympathy to be extended him by the opposite race because of his condition; but you do ask, and that only, that he be given a ' man's chance,' with the assurance lie will prove himself a man. Your views of the industrial and mechan¬ ical training of the Negro are very much unlike those of the great Negro apostle of Tuskegee. So far as I can detect a difference in the two separate theories, the former makes claim that industrial and mechanical training has been in practice and has been pros¬ ecuted to completion and graduation by the race for nearly three hundred years on the American continent; that he is superior in this to his tutor or in¬ structor, whoever he may be. What he wants is a removal of the prejudice that prevents his operation of that which he has attained. This is a plea for manhood. The latter's views are very much like the custom of long- ago days, when the white boy clapped while Sambo danced. His policy seems to be: You white people give us money to teach these colored boys to plow, pick cotton, make brick, and build houses, and these girls to sew and make bread. To me it seems to say to these whites, North and South: You will want to employ these boys and girls after a while for your do¬ mestic uses; and if you help me train them to work, they will give you more faithful service. A deduction of the principle says: Yes, we will give him a little learning while he is working, that he may keep his account. Does he ever make a plea for these to entex* the workshop against the prejudice that exists? Not that I have heard. Your treatment of the ' rape question ' and the subsequent ' lynchings ' is, I believe, the argument that will reach the eyes, ears, and hearts of the South¬ ern white man, and, instead of aggra¬ vating him to greater hatred by abuse, will, upon the face of the facts set forth, bring him to a consideration of helping to bring about a better and more Christian order of affairs. The possibility of the Southern white man's treatment to the colored race to the extent of driving them into the North and Northwestern States and Territories, by which Southern polit- Individual Comments. 21 ical power would be practically de¬ feated, I think, is another strong-point in your article that will awaken the Southern politician to his own interest in keeping- the colored race there to hold, if not increase, his basis of repre¬ sentation in the national government. I have said more than I intended. I wish your article could be widely read and circulated in the North. There are many manly and brilliant state¬ ments throughout this review I should like to mention. The argument set forth in your article can stand the test of the most potent criticism without any other support to the writer." Rev. J. Frank McDonald, Macon, Mo.: " I have carefully read youf timely and pointed article on the 'Uace Question,' and am glad to say that, upon the whole, the document in many particulars stands peerless on that subject. Every point relative to the race and its interest is touched upon in a direct, potent, and scholarly manner. The death knell of 'Ameri¬ can Christianity ' is sounded, and the tocsin of the Fatherhood of God and the Brotherhood of Man is heard to ring out in the clear vault of pure re¬ ligion. The keynote is touched on Ne¬ gro agriculture. Mob law receives a fatal blow from your bludgeon of com¬ mon sense. The idea of social equal¬ ity is shown in its true light, without causing offense to the fair-minded thinkers of other races. Your polit¬ ical clause, I think, is rather forceful for ' the non.' " D. Augustus Straker, attorney at law, Detroit, Mich.: " The Nashville American of the 29th ult., containing your admirable article on the ' Race Question,' is before me; also your let¬ ter asking for my views. In brief, let me say that I concur in the views ex¬ pressed by you in toto. Especially do I indorse your views that industrial education is not the panacea for the ills and sufferings of the Negro in America. What the Negro wants is op¬ portunity, and in this he will not be found wanting in industry. The evil in the hue and cry for Negro indus¬ trial education lies in the avenue it gives our enemies to fix our walk in life to that of manual labor only. To learn trades and fit oneself for the in¬ dustries of life is a factor in the Negro problem worthy of advocacy, but to declare it the destiny assigned by God or man to the Negro race is contempti¬ ble and unworthy of any Negro assum¬ ing leadership. 1' find no fault with, the work that Mr. Washington and other industrial educators of the race are doing, except as they proclaim it as the sine qua non of Negro progress and the sole remedy for the wrongs we suffer. You have struck the keynote when you say, substantially, that more evil exists in the various organi¬ zations which exclude the Negro from the benefits of industrial pursuits than would arise if every Negro was a tramp and without a trade or profes¬ sion. Does the Negro need industrial education in the vocation of a barber? Yet how is he treated as a competent workman in this industry? If the idea that the Negro should be restricted to manual labor as our only certificate to live in this country prevails, then, indeed, our fate is fixed to be ' hewers of wood and drawers of water ' only. " 'Alas, alas, for the rarity Of Christian charity! ' " Eev. G. W. Porter, D.D., Clarksville, Tenn.: " With a pleasure mingled with peculiar satisfaction to myself I have read and reread your very able article, ' Race Question Reviewed,' as pub¬ lished in the Nashville American of January 29, 1899. To say that it is an able article is to add nothing to the fame of the writer, for numerous have been the strong articles from his pen; but this is an article of unusual merit, 22 Race Question Reviewed. striking as it does a telling blow at the chief root of all our evils as a race. Mr. Washington's idea—or, rather, the idea revived by him—of industrial training for the solution of all our race troubles has done much harm to our cause. This article combats that idea in the most sensible manner of anything that it has been my pleasure to read. It deals with the mob in a masterly way, and places the race where it properly belongs: in everlast¬ ing opposition to rape and the brute who commits this awful crime, wheth¬ er he be white or black. The social- equality bugbear is stripped of its mask and presented in its true light. It shows plainly that legislation can never regulate the social status of any people, white or black, said condition being .based purely on individual preferment. It asserts that the Negro ought M)t and will not eschew poli¬ tics, and follows the assertion with splendid reasons why. In short, the article is an array of unanswerable facts, touching almost every phase of the race question as it relates to the South especially. It is quite encour¬ aging to know that the prejudice of the dominant race has abated suffi¬ ciently to admit an article of this gen¬ eral tenor to be published through the leading papers of the country. The article may give offense to some, even to many, as in closing it seems to ap¬ prehend; but it cannot fail to strike many a true heart whose sense of truth and justice rise nobly above a malignant prejudice with the true idea that the Negro is no less a man than his apparently more fortunate brother in white." Bev. C. J. Ryder, D.D., New York, IN. Y., one of the corresponding secre¬ taries of the American Missionary As¬ sociation: "Your favor is duly re¬ ceived, together with the article which you prepared and whieh was printed in the Nashville American. I quite agree with the position which you take in the article. In my judgment, the purpose of industrial training is primarily intellectual development. I have pleasure in sending you an arti¬ cle which I wrote some time ago for the Education, in Boston, and which, as you notice, had the cordial indorse¬ ment of Expresident Hayes. Knowing Mr. Hayes somewhat intimately, I sent him the article, as I was well aware he was greatly interested in industrial training. As you notice, I especially develop this fact in this paper. Any¬ thing that separates the entity of be¬ ing as represented in a man and teaches that you can do this for his hands for the sake of his hands is a mistaken basis of education. The de¬ velopment of the body is simply for the development of the mind. The man is back of the machinery which he runs during lifetime. The neglect of this fundamental principle of edu¬ cation seems to me to be the error in the teachings which you criticise. You make a man only a more danger¬ ous animal by giving him strength and skill in the use of bodily organs when you neglect to develop his mind. In¬ dustrial training is for the sake of in¬ tellectual development, and not sim¬ ply to teach trades or tq make it a lit¬ tle easier for the human animal to get a living. In this paper which I inclose you notice that I emphasize the fact that it is industrial training, and not manual training, which we need. This involves more than the difference of terminology; it involves the difference in principle. Those who are making the industrial training a panacea of all ills and the sesame that shall open the door into the large and better future are, in my judgment, thoroughly wrong. The mind must be developed, or the man merges toward animalism. I write thus freely not simply as sec¬ retary, but as editor of the publica- Individual Comments. 23 tions of the American Missionary As¬ sociation, to which position I have re¬ cently been elected, and so perhaps the more take deeper interest in such a keen and analytical discussion as yours." (W.) Rev. A. F. Beard, D.D., New York, N. Y., one of the corresponding secre¬ taries of the American Missionary As¬ sociation: "I have just read with much interest your paper upon the 1 Race Question' published in the Nashville American of January 29. I think you have made a well-balanced and thoroughly just statement of the possibilities of the Negro people, and that you are right in your contention that the position of the Negro in the futtire is to depend' upon what he is in¬ tellectually and morally. I believe in the industrial and mechanical train¬ ing of the Negro in his education, espe¬ cially because he labors under special difficulties and hindrances to at¬ tain this training and instruction, un¬ less it is coupled with other educa- tion; but to make this the summum bonum or the ne plus ultra of desires is to make him always a subject. I am confident that you are right in the position which you take upon this phase of the education of the Negro. I wish your article could be published as a tract and widely distributed among vcur people. The assertion that when a Negro can get a mortgage upon a white man's property it will settle the question of relative position, is a great mistake. It will not prevent the white man from running out of town the Negro who had property, as was done at Wilmington." (W.) Rev. E. C. Morris, D.D., Helena, Ark., president of the National Baptist Con¬ vention and editor of the National Baptist Sunday School Convention publications: " I have read with a great deal of interest your very able article, entitled 4 Race Question Re¬ viewed,' and it gives me no little pleas¬ ure to say that it is one of the strong¬ est papers I have ever had the privi¬ lege of reading on that subject. It, in the main, embodies my own views upon that perplexing problem. I am in favor of the industrial training of the Negro, but by no means at the ex¬ pense or neglect of a higher or classic education. Both of these he needs, but neither of which will, in my hum¬ ble judgment, go very far in the solu¬ tion of the race question, but serve to aggravate the situation until the proper rule has been found and ap» plied; and that rule I think you have when you say: ' The revival of the race question is but one of the cruci¬ bles in which the Christian religion is being tested.' The test is a severe one, I admit, and carries with it an ac¬ ceptance of that doctrine which you also allude to: the ' Brotherhood of Man,' as well as the ' Fatherhood of God.' This doctrine is preached and will be practiced when the conscience of the American people has been touched by the flaming message of di¬ vine truth as borne upon the tongues of America's great preachers. When this has been effectually done, what¬ ever there is of a race problem will disappear. I agree with you in tak¬ ing issue with those who hold to the view that the Negro should ' eschew politics.' Indeed, the Negro should earnestly contend for every right guaranteed him under the Constitu¬ tion of his country. I emphasize the ' his country,' for it is his by every right by which the white man can claim it—not to dominate it, but to en¬ joy the blessings of life, liberty, and the pursuits of happiness, and to as¬ sume a reasonable part of the respon* sibilities of sustaining and carrying forward the affairs of the govern¬ ment, such as are compatible with his ability, wealth, and education. As to 24 Rack Question Reviewed. the Negro's social life, you voice a uni¬ versal sentiment when you say: ' The Negro does not desire to pose as an in¬ truder, and repels with righteous in¬ dignation every assertion that he is disposed to force his association upon those who are averse to receiving it.' Such a thing as social equality with the white race is not once thought of by the Negroes. Indeed, the same thing is true of the Negroes that is true of the white race—i. e., all Ne¬ groes are not social equals. Without further comment, permit me to thank you very sincerely for that most ex¬ cellent paper, for which I believe you will be doubly paid by the fruit it will bear when it has been fully digested by the public." Hon. C. H. J. Taylor, Atlanta, Ga.. Exminister to Liberia, Exrecorder of Deeds, and editor of The Appeal: "J have read your great article in the American. It is sense, every word of it. It is happily put. Not one phrase, word, or letter would I change from its corrected form as sent to me. I am not easily taken off my feet. In spite of this fact, I am bound to say that, taken altogether, in every way—choice of language, length of article, what is said and what is left unsaid, spirit of article, and its very pleasant close— it is the greatest race utterance of the century. Every Senator, Congress¬ man, legislator, judge, and all State, county, and township officials should have one; also every bishop and preacher of every degree in the United States, as well as all of our teachers and other men in the professions." Rev. J. P. Sampson, D.D., Philadel¬ phia, Pa.: " The article is manly, cour¬ teous, charitable, and just, with a due. regard for the best interest of the rul¬ ing classes who own the property. You do not go out of the way unnec¬ essarily, as is often done in a deceptive manner, to patronize the whites and re¬ flect upon the best people of the Negro race by putting a limitation on their intellectual possibilities in the matter of employment for no other reason than race identity. The best blood of the coimtry, descendants of the revo¬ lutionary sires, and the best families of England who came over as colonists, are in the South, the Northern colo¬ nists having long since amalgamated with the lower classes—immigrants from Europe, who have been coming- over constantly in large numbers and settling among them. Hence the South, by a greater heredity, is natu¬ rally chivalric, gallant, full of patriot¬ ism and family pride. They admire intelligence and all the no'bler graces wherever found, whether in white or colored; they despise a traitor to his race or to any worthy cause which it is struggling" to accomplish for its pro¬ motion; they have no faith in those who turn their backs upon their owu people and patronize them in order to obtain standing and popular favor with them for whatever purpose, such as they themselves, under similar con¬ ditions, would not do unless they were dishonest. Personally, 1 admire the chief advocate of industrial training for our people, but I have no faith in his policy; and I am sure in your ' Re¬ view of the Race Question ' you not only represent the intelligence and best thought of the race, but you have considered the best interest of the rul¬ ing or property classes of the South as well, with an honest desire to har¬ monize the interests of all in their re¬ spective places, conditions, and rela¬ tions to each other, without reflecting upon the claims and character of your own people in aspiring to any work or profession for which they are capable and without limitation in order that, they, like others, may make them-> selves a credit to the community in which they live. I do not doubt that Individual Comments. 25 the better class of white people in ev¬ ery Southern community would heart¬ ily indorse the line of thought as set forth in your admirable paper. Just as the dallying with the peace treaty in Congress was the cause of the loss of American lives by the attack of the insurgents in the Philippines, so the unnecessary utterances by the chief advocate of industrial training for our people, for the limitation of our edu¬ cation, have largely been the cause of the friction, outrages, race riots, etc., in the South, as has been indicated by a member of the United States Senate in his reference to his utterances against his own people." Rev. G. E. Taylor, D.D., Brenham, Texas: " Ycur review and treatment of the ' Race Question ' is, in my opin¬ ion, the ablest presentation of the sub¬ ject that has ever been made. Your review fully comprehends the entire situation, and most ably discusses ev¬ ery phase of that absorbing and per¬ plexing question now engaging the at¬ tention of the best minds of three con¬ tinents, among whom are statesmen, lawyers, doctors, and ministers, as> well as persons of other professions and callings. I do not know whom to congratulate most, you or the people —you for your wise and able counsel or the people upon having such a wise counselor and safe leader. Your po¬ sition is the result of careful study and close observation. Your premises and conclusions are logical and youi- position tenable. Unlike a majority of writers when writing to Southern papers, you do not in the least sacri¬ fice the truth and slander your race in order to get a hearing; but, on the contrary, you boldly present facts, and depend tipon them alone for argu¬ ment, and which are so potent and convincing that they are like nails driven in a sure place. It is a manly a-nd courageous stand for the right; and then you do not use the fire- flinging and blood-flinging argument which so often operates against us, but prefer to use the keen blade of truth, which is always effective, be¬ cause it is born of God. While the ar~ ticle is pointed, straightforward, and cutting, it is conservative. Such arti¬ cles being circulated through one of the leading newspapers of the South cannot help doing good for the race. While we all admit that Mr. Booker T. Washington is doing a great work—a very much-needed work, and, there¬ fore, great good for the race—I have all along maintained that his position was ' a curry-favor one,' having for its main object the loosening of the purse strings of the money holders, whose thoughts were vehicled through him. Your arraignment of the poli¬ tics of the South is a climax. While the South is solid in its purpose to prevent what they are pleased to call ' Negro domination,' it does seem to me that you present the most reason¬ able plan to perpetuate the political power of the South, if it would adopt it and thereby save it from permanent minority influence; and the plan is a simple one: ' Treat the Negro as a cit¬ izen and a voter right.' I have long since held that the best way out of po¬ litical difficulties was to be perfectly independent in politics; but how can we become independent and scatter our votes, when all party doors except Republicanism are closed against us? " Rev. E. W. Lee, Macon, Ga.: " Your views are ably set forth. They are manly, and yet conservative. No fair- minded man can take offense at any sentence. I have never agreed with Mr. Washington's views. I said at the time his famous Atlanta speech was made that it had done the Negro more harm than any utterance since the New England dinner speech by Henry 26 Race Question Reviewed. W. Grady. I indorse every sentiment ■expressed in your article." Eev. L. J. Coppin, D.D., Philadelphia, Pa., editor the Allen Endeavor Visitor: " I have just read the paper which you were good enough to send me. If I understand it—and I think I do—it is a straightforward plea for simple jus¬ tice for the Negro, the same as for any other man, with the presumption that under like conditions he needs and de¬ serves the same training and opportu¬ nities as others. It is also, and neces¬ sarily, a plea for the application of the Golden Eule. This we have a right to expect at the hands of a Christian na¬ tion. I, therefore, most heartily agree with its doctrines, and pronounce it an able and manly statement of the case." Eev. C. T. Shaffer, M.D., Philadel¬ phia, Pa., secretary of the Church Ex¬ tension Society of the African Meth¬ odist Episcopal Church: "Your favor and article, ' Eace Question Eeviewed,' came duly to hand, and was read with a great deal of interest and, 1 trust, profit; and after this careful perusal of the article, I am free to say I con¬ sider it a strong, thoughtful, and un¬ compromising presentation of the facts of the case. As a review, it is sufficiently comprehensive to cover and embrace almost every phase of the subject, dealing with them under their respective heads in a manly and straightforward manner. I, therefore, very heartily commend the article as a review of the subject." Mr. W. H. Stokes, M uncle, Ind.: " To make us a people there must not be any special lines. We must be like other Americans: engage in all mat¬ ters and affairs that go to make up true manhood and womanhood. As your article says, the trades -unions are the great barrier to our success as artisans; but I. am happy in the fact that they are making great prepara¬ tions, and some time in the near fu¬ ture they will, when they get better footing, launch a ticket, and 0! won't we get even with them? Just think how we will slaughter them from stem to stern! However, there is so much truth drawn out in the: point of mobs as to victims, and most especially in the matter of a white man losing his identity by besmirch¬ ing himself to commit a crime; and, on the other hand, the divine Provi¬ dence has made it a matter of impossi¬ bility almost for one of us to do so. There is no room for criticism. My wife would be glad to see some more equally as fine, and we all appreciate it." Rev. W. B. Brooks, Kansas City, Kan.: "The 'Race Question' as re¬ viewed by you meets my hearty ap¬ proval, so far as I clearly comprehend your sayings. However, I think that every man should be educated in par¬ ticular for that position in life that God and nature have best fitted him. On all other subjects treated by you in the paper we agree verbatim." Eev. P. G. Simmons, Anniston, Ala.: " You have swooped down on me again with one of the ablest docu¬ ments it has ever been my privilege to read. You have outdone yourself in this paper, ' Eace Question Re¬ viewed,' in a plain and simple man¬ ner and without one word of abuse. You have spoken my sentiments on all the subjects discussed. I indorse it as being a medium that will re¬ dound to much good for our people. The composition is without fault." Eev. E. M. Argyle, Grenada, Miss.: " I have carefully read your ' Race Question Eeviewed' in the Nashville American of January 29, 1899. I am convinced of the fact that they are the most manly utterances I have read in years. They show you to be thor¬ oughly acquainted with the Negro's Individual Comments. 27 environments in the South. They also show that if the Negro is given equal chance he can, and will, ascend to the higher civilization long since attained "by his Anglo-Saxon brother. There is no cringing or cowardly pandering for popularity, and there is no appeal to the arrogant prejudices of the haters of the race's progress; but, all in all, it is a manly defense of the Negro in all trades and professions, and is an earnest appeal to the casual scoffers of the race to study the Negro better. I commend you for the position you take, and only wish we had a thousand C. S. Smiths in the United States to defend the Negro at the bar of public opinion." Rev. J. M. Henderson, M.D., New York City, editor the Methodist Her¬ ald: "Your splendid reply to the prej¬ udiced views of the South concerning the Afro-American is before me. A man who thinks thus clearly, fearless¬ ly, and soundly, and who can speak -with the strength and backing of so extensive acquaintance with the race as you can, is one whom we need at this hour above all others." Mr. T. Thomas Fortune, New York, N. Y., editor of the New York Age: " I have read with much interest your re¬ view of the situation as published in the Nashville American. It is a clear- cut and able presentation from your point of view, and contains many solid truths which I am glad the readers of the American had forced upon them." Prof. Richard Hill, Nashville, Tenn., chief of the Negro Department of Ten¬ nessee Centennial, 1897: " For the able and convincing way you have stated our case, expressing the thoughts and convictions of every true, manly, thoughtful Negro, accept my sincere gratitude, my hearty congratulations." Rev. N. L. Edmondson, Florence, Ala.: " I have received your article and perused its contents, and must say it should meet the hearty co-operation of every thoughtful mind, especially of the Negro race. First, your views upon the industrial training are clear and practical, and cannot be disputed. Secondly, upon mob violence you have said all that reasonably could be said by any man of the race; in fact, it places the Negro in his proper sphere as a man for protection of virtue. Thirdly, as a politician, it meets my approval; for I have often said it seems as if he is an absolute failure. His environments seem to be getting worse; and if things continue at the same ratio, I v;ill agree with you that he will be compelled to migrate to the extreme Northwestern States, Territo¬ ries, or to Africa. I conclude by say¬ ing, sir, that we are proud of your views." Dr. F. A. Stewart, A.M., Nashville, Tenn., Professor of Pathology, Me- harry Medical College: " I consider that you have done a distinct service for the race by the manly and schol¬ arly way in which you discussed the several topics which appeared in your paper. That is certainly one way— and a good one—to help solve the so- called ' Negro Problem.' " Rev. M. M. Mayo, West Point, Miss..: " On my arrival from West Point, Miss., I found ' Race Question Re¬ viewed.' I had just read in the Chris¬ tian Recorder what Dr. Johnson said about it, and longed to see the arti¬ cle; but I must confess the half had not been told or hinted at. Your ar¬ ticle is the best thing I have seen touching the race question. It is the truth, the whole truth, from begin¬ ning to end." Rev. T. C. Denham, D.D., Waco, Texas: " I have read your article crit¬ ically close. I am certain that it will be fruitful and effective. Your posi¬ tion is perfectly tenable. The defense you make for the race, to say the least, 28 Race Question Reviewed. is manly. Your premises are sound; your deductions, logical. I have al¬ ways maintained that ' industrial ed¬ ucation ' is not a Moses to the race. The Negro's condition, being the same, needs the same tuition as any other race. Whatever makes races great, as a general thing, will make ours great; at least it should, unless, as you say, ' the Negro is the dust of cre¬ ation.' I would like to expatiate, but that would be inopportune. Please ac¬ cept my heartiest indorsement of the article. I think, after a crucial test, it will be found one of the ablest in¬ struments ever forged in behalf of a persecuted people." Rev. A. W. Atwater, Uniontown, Ala.: "The only criticism I make is that it is a big thing for the race and backbone for yourself in speaking so plainly. It ably defends the Negro race. I am shouting over the manner you have placed the master of Tuske- gee before the world. All you have said in your article is true, and it has my hearty approval and indorsement." Rev. L. Sturges, Elizabeth, N. J.: "I have just read your article with much pleasure; and, according to my mind, you are very correct. I am glad you take the stand you have in refer¬ ence to the ' Race Problem,' and I hope you will continue your remarks on the points you set forth, because I be¬ lieve that you are right." Rev. L. H. Smith, Savannah, Ga.: "I have, with great profit and pleasure, read your excellent article on the ' Race Question ' which appeared in the Nashville American of the 29th ult. Every thoughtful person, especially of our own United States, should care¬ fully read it and sincerely thank you for your wise, patriotic, and highly Christian sentiments on the ' Negro Problem.' You are, indeed, one of the few worthy spokesmen or writers of our inhumanly-treated, misrepresent¬ ed—and, consequently, wrongly judged—people, who, occupying a proper position, has, with manly judg¬ ment, stated our condition, the rem¬ edy therefor, in a way that, if duly considered and timely acted upon, will be most highly and lastingly beneficial to the whole people of these United' States. I thank you, and trust God will abundantly bless your labors." Rev. W. D. F. Pyle, Ennis, Texas: " I beg to say that I should commit a. trespass against my manhood and my race, and possibly a wicked sin against, my Maker, not to fully indorse such a strong argument of facts. I see noth¬ ing to be criticised. I do not condemn. ' industrial education.' Of course the- negro ought to be master of every¬ thing that constitutes the greatness of races, but he doesn't need it just now. I view Ham not in the light of aiv alien, as do others, but as a prodigal,, who, when he reflects and exerts the becoming volition and in the right di¬ rection, will some day be embraced by a forgiving and loving Father. I would to Heaven all men would thus fearlessly speak their honest convic¬ tions! " Rev. J. A. Jones, D.D., Chattanooga,. Tefin.: " Your article in the American is before me. I have read it over care¬ fully from first to last, and then re¬ read it. Then I considered and notedi with scrutiny special features of the document. The more 1 consider the article as a whole, the more I see in it. I also observe by ' reading between, lines ' that almost as much has beeni implied as is found in the text. I con¬ sider it the only great exposition of the ' Race Question' that has fallen; under my eyes appearing in a white newspaper. There will be no reply ta it, for it is unanswerable. In reading your article, I am reminded of a giant with a huge maul dealing effectual blows in splitting a knotty log which Individual, Comments. 29 has baffled the efforts of all the pig¬ mies who have before attempted it." Rev. I. N. Fitzpatrick, Opelika, Ala.: After critically reading1 your article, Race Question Reviewed,' which ap¬ peared in the Nashville American on •Sunday, January 29, 1899, I have no hesitancy in pronouncing it a gem of facts. In your philosophic exegesis .you have buried potentialities and the¬ ory under the monument of practical truth. If the leaders of the dominant race in this country, as well as the .great theorists of our own race, would read and digest what your article con¬ tains, the sunlight of better days for the American Negro and America would soon kiss the horizon of the Western Continent and rise in splen¬ dor upon a peaceful, prosperous, in¬ dustrious, and happy people. Allow me to thank you for your bold effort to vindicate the race." Rev. C. Pierce Nelson, Columbia, S. -C.: "I am in receipt of your letter; and, after careful perusal, I am pleased with its contents, and really think that it deals with issues up to date. I have no comments to make, further than to say that we need more such articles." Rev. H. Leon Trapp, Houston, Texas: M I have, with much pleasure and de¬ light, at my leisure moments, careful¬ ly read your defense, entitled ' Race ^Question Reviewed,' g-iven to the peo¬ ple of the United States. I consider it to be a master effort of statesman¬ ship. As a moral, religious, and political philosopher, your profound thought and candid expressions easily place you in the front rank of logical thinkers. Your position is clear and your forecast correct. You, sir, more than any living man, have at last placed the Negro properly before the Amer¬ ican people. Your explanation of the principles of the doctrine of the Fa¬ therhood of God and the Brotherhood of Man has gone like the whirlwind against the giant oaks of misunder¬ standing that have stood and will mol¬ lify the intensity of the heat of the sun that has poured its relentless rays upon us for a quarter of a century. You have done what few have dared to do: speak the truth. It is justly con¬ sidered to be the greatest speech of the century. God bless you! 'As thy days, so may thy strength be.' " Rev. John Dickerson, Hamilton, 0.: " Your very able article ought to be read by every race man in the United States. It is full of good, wholesome thought. It is as a nail driven in a sure place, as gold tried in the fire. I have passed it around to be read by many of my friends, and to a man they are loud in their praise to you for such an able article." Rev. J. B. Epton, Savanilah, Ga.: " I have carefully read and reread your masterly article on the ' Race Quea* tion.' Your reference to the so-called leader of the industrial and mechan¬ ical training for Negroes is sound from beginning to end. In fact, your thoughts on rape, social equality, and politics are deep and weighty, and should be read and appreciated by ev¬ ery Negro. We are glad to know that one of our Southern newspapers has opened its columns for the discussion of this great subject, and that it has been discussed by one of the leaders of the Negro race of to-day—not of to¬ morrow, but of to-day." Rev. A. R. Cooper, Macon, Ga.: "I have carefully read your article, and commend it from start to finish. The facts produced meet my hearty ap¬ proval. ,1 never did, and do not now, agree with Booker T. Washington's ' wild-cat' idea of industrial training as a solution of the so-called ' Race Question.' It is more of a ' Grace Question.' The Negro now under¬ stands better than any other race how 3° Race Question Reviewed. to raise cotton and corn. What we need is diversified training so as to be able to fill any position in the higher pursuits of life as well as in its lower walks." Rev. R. Deal, Palestine, Texas: " Your defense of the Negro race is grand and to the point. It is full of thought and good logic. It is wide- sweeping, and nothing narrow about it at all." Rev. J. H. Tyson, Ardmore, I. T.: "Any all-round man, let him be white or black, who believes in the Father¬ hood of God and the Brotherhood of Man could have said nothing less. The very idea of confining our race to industrial pursuits is unfair, and very unfair indeed. The great question to agitate is to get knowledge, for knowledge is power; and it is what the Negro heeds, not only in one sphere, but in all. They should be able to master the situation from the grubbing of the forests to the tilling of the mellow soil, from the kitchen to the parlor, from seamstress to clerk¬ ship, from the blacksmith shop to the sculptor's studio, from justice of the peace to Supreme Judge, and from Congress to the White House." Rev. William Leak, Athens, Texas: " I heartily indorse all that you say, particularly your references to Negro mechanics before the war. I was ap¬ prenticed to learn the blacksmith's trade when I was fourteen years of age." Rev. Isaac C. Cray, Lyons, Ga.: "I sincerely indorse every word which you have written relative to the ' Race Question.' It will doubtless be highly esteemed and cherished by all fair- minded persons." Rev. T. N. M. Smith, Savannah, Ga., editor of The Southern Weekly News: " It is one of the best articles on the subject that I have ever read. May we soon have something else from you on the same subject." Rev. J. B. Lofton, D.D., Columbus, Ga.: " You have uttered one solid truth, fearless of friend or foe. I take it to be the very core of the solution of the ' Race Problem,' if such there be. God help you to continue to stand up for righteousness, though you may at times stand alone." Rev. J. H. Adams, D.D., Athens, Ga.: " The article, ' Race Question Re¬ viewed,' and your letter soliciting my opinion as to the merits of the same have been received and given special perusal and consideration. First, I compliment and congratulate you on the article and on having the honor of expressing your views through the col¬ umns of a leading Southern newspa¬ per. Your views concerning the stew¬ ardship of the Anglo-Saxon are to the point. The attack upon Booker T. Washington's idea of industrial train¬ ing is a very forcible, thoughtful argu¬ ment. Indeed, the Negro has been on the plantation all of his days. There are other spheres for him to range in than that of scientific agriculture, and he will never attain that which he de¬ serves or reach the heights of fame until he learns to do something which he does not now know how or what, to do. I admire Mr. Washington for his- energy and intellectual attainments; but as to his ideas, I do not fully agree. If the Negro should become the owner of the soil, then his ideas and plans would better fit. I also concur with you on the rape question. It is a set¬ tled fact that the better class of col¬ ored people are opposed to such. We have wives and daughters in our homes as well as any other race; and should any, white or black, attempt to or infringe on their rights, we would protect them to the farthest extent possible. As we do not want our fe¬ males raped, we do not care to rape Individual Comments. 31 any one else's. Yes, we're opposed to such. You struck the key. No, we do not care for social equality; I don't. You are quite pointed on this line, and give a sound and logical discourse. You bespeak my sentiments. Your argument on Will the Negro eschew politics? ' is right, perfectly so. The Negro has no right to eschew politics. Let him deal in it with all his might; for his rights, if any, are involved in it. I do not seek to say any more than you. I indorse the political argu¬ ment; and not only that part, but I indorse the whole article. So- far as I see, your article is to the point, and I commend you very highly for the able defense of our race." Major John R. Lynch, Washington, D. C., exmember of Congress, former¬ ly Fourth Auditor United State3 Treasury, now paymaster in the Unit¬ ed States army: " I have read your strong and able article on the 4 Race Question.' It is one of the best I have read. I fully indorse every word in it. You have expressed my own views and opinions better than I could ex¬ press them myself. I would not add to it or take away from it a single word or sentence. It is not only a strong-, manly, and able defense of the race, but its spirit, tone, and temper will commend it to public favor and thoughtful consideration by every in¬ telligent person in the country. I thank you for it and congratulate you upon it." Rev. William W. Frazier, Selma, Ala.: " I think it is the best and most forci¬ ble article I have ever read on that all- absorbing theme of to-day. It should be printed in pamphlet form and read and digested by every educated Afro- American on this continent. It com¬ pares most favorably with anything- I have ever read written by an Afro- American. You are entitled to rank among the brilliant galaxy of ad¬ vanced thinkers and writers who shall surely immortalize themselves by their writings upon the 4 Race Prob¬ lem,' as did Frederick Douglass and others upon the question of slavery." Rev. W. C. Gaines, Macon, Ga.: 441 embrace this opportunity, though late, to compliment your article on the 4 Race Question,' and particularly your demurrer against Mr. Booker T. Washington's false theories; I am glad that we have such an able man as yourself to make such a reply and to show to the world that we have oth¬ er men of fame and ability besides him." Rev. D. H. Johnson, editor Christian Quiver, Abbeville, S. C.: 141 consider it the best and ablest presentation upon the so-called ' Race Problem' that I have ever read. I have won¬ dered why some master mind did not take up the cudgel against Washing¬ ton's teachings before now. I am glad you have spoken out for the race from such a manly standpoint, for a people must consider themselves to be men to be accorded the rights and privileges of such. I think President Miller, of our State Agriculture Col¬ lege is aping Washington. I lose re¬ spect for a man when I learn that he is imbibing the Washington idea re» garding the Negro, because he (Wash¬ ington) seems to have the ear of the press, which wants the Negro to re¬ gard himself as inferior and menial." Rev. S. D. Roseborough, Savannah, Ga.: 44 I have read and reread the arti¬ cle with the most profound interest. It is the most unbiased, simple, plain, and clear-cut. discussion of the subject I have ever known to appear in * Southern daily paper. I have never attempted a public discussion of the subject through the press or other¬ wise. I have made it a study, how¬ ever, for over twenty years; and the claims set forth in your article are all that the self-reliant, industrious Negro asks for. When the white man learn* 32 i Race Question Reviewed. to keep the laws which he makes and to do to others as he would have oth¬ ers do to him, the ' Race Problem ' will be solved, and not until then. The Afro-American will not be satisfied when he has to pay for what he does not get, and be ostracized by those who are inferior to him materially, in¬ tellectually, and otherwise. He knows that, as a race, the white man is his superior, and yet that in individual cases the Negro is the superior of some white men." Calvin Ray burn, attorney at law, Bloomington, 111.: "I most heartily concur in the sentiments uttered. I remember with pleasure the many conversations we had upon this and kindred topics at the time you were a resident of this city, and I am pleased to note that you have not allowed the subject to pass from your mind. I have been waiting for some time to hear that you were giving your atten¬ tion and active thought to this great subject, and I believe that you are on the right track. The ' Race Problem ' is not the ' White Man's Burden.' It is a burden which the colored race must assume and struggle with with¬ out assistance, or with but little as¬ sistance, if it gets any, from the white man, until it works out its own salva¬ tion. The white man has for more than two hundred years proved his inability to bear this burden. Every decade has shown weakness and a constant tendency to shift the burden upon other shoulders, or even deny that a burden exists. The course pur¬ sued by the people who have had most to do with the black race in the last twenty years has demonstrated that such people are out of sympathy with the spirit of the age, and have turned their backs on the amendments to the Federal Constitution, and have adopt¬ ed constitutions in some of the States and enacted laws in others which are in derogation of the Federal Consti¬ tution, which guarantees to the peo¬ ple of the. respective States a republi¬ can form of government. You have clearly demonstrated that social equality does not exist in this or un¬ der any form of government, and that it is a matter of choice; but there are inalienable rights which not even ' choice ' should be permitted to be de¬ nied or even ignored. A man cannot be held guiltless who abandons his manhood, and this is true of a people or a race. A people, to exist for any length of time after it has assumed the responsibility of sharing in gov¬ ernmental affairs, must insist upon the exercise of all the rights which fol¬ low upon or attach to responsible fac¬ tors in governmental affairs." (W.) D. W. Byrd, Nashville, Tenn., pro¬ fessor of languages in Central Ten¬ nessee College: " I fully appreciate your excellent and timely article. It is a splendid statement of right views upon the question of our education. I shall reproduce the article in the March number of our college journal, and feel it will accomplish much good, as we send copies to the alumni of the medical and literary depart¬ ments and friends of the school." Rev. F. B. Carolina, Little Rock, Ark.: "I heartily indorse every sen¬ tence of your able article. Were it in my power, I would have it published in every paper in the land." E. Cottrell, Holly Springs, Miss., one of the bishops of the Colored Methodist Episcopal Church of Amer¬ ica : " I heartily indorse your views on the subject. I congratulate you more upon your success in having these views published in one of the leading dailies of the South. I volcw the sentiment of a goodly number ol the race when I say we thank the Nashville American for the publica¬ tion of such unvarnished facts, where they may be read by intelligent white Individual Comments. 33 people. Emphasize, reiterate, repub- lish your views on the above subject.'" ^ Rev. p. w. Wade, Little Rock, Ark.: Your article on the ' Race Question' is a matchless one. You entered the field with well-poised lance, catching1 the antagonist in the joints at every thrust, and you cannot be downed by sarcasm or contempt. The men and women who are educated under Mr. Washington's influence can but feel that they are inferior to the dominant race. What we need to solve the problem is more respect for ourselves, the concentration of our moneys, and a business carried on by Negroes which, will be felt in the money world should we withdraw it. Encourage our people to go West or anywhere else in large numbers, and colonize, build a town, and feel that they are at home anywhere under the sun. I think our young men ought to be es¬ pecially appealed to. It is not a ques¬ tion of knowing trades or picking cotton, but a question of money or its equivalent. We want something which somebody else wants besides our mus¬ cle." Rev. G. R. Norman, Nashville, Tenn.: " It is one of the best articles which I have had the pleasure of reading on the question discussed. In many re¬ spects your thoughts are new, and far in advance of those usually expressed on the subject." Rev. H. B. Parks, D.D., New York City, secretary of the Home and For¬ eign Missionary Society of the Afri¬ can Methodist Episcopal Church: " Your article on the ' Race Question ' takes its place among the best discus¬ sions upon that subject which have appeared in any of the journals for years. I am highly pleased for many reasons." Rev T. R- Sinkfield, Roanoke, Va.: " It is the most weighty, timely, and far-reaching article on the subject dis¬ cussed which has ever appeared in public print. I accept every expres¬ sion in it, believing them to be in¬ spired of God." Prof. W. S. Scarborough, A.M., Wil- berforce, O., vice president of Wilber- force University: "I have just found time to give your excellent article a careful reading. I congratulate you. The masterly handling of the subject sustains your record as a writer and debater. I am grateful to you for sending it to me. It is an able expo¬ sition of the subject, clear and logical from beginning to end. The race has no abler defender than yourself, not only when its special interests are at stake, but in all matters of public policy." Rev. P. A. Hubbard, Manitou, Col.: "According to my way of thinking, it is the ablest discussion of the subject that has yet been presented." Rev. George W. Prioleau, chaplain Ninth Cavalry, U. S. A.: "I have heard you many times, have read many of your speeches and extracts, but I have never read one which comes up to your last. Permit your humble servant to congratulate you. Those sentiments are the expressions of a true leader. We want no cringers or compromisers. We want bold, fear¬ less men as our leaders. We have too many men—so-called leaders—who do more harm by their thoughtless and radical expressions and their compro¬ mises than they do good. It was the effort of your life. Please continue to advocate the same doctrines. May God bless you." Rev. C. H. King, Raleigh, N. C.: " It is by far the best resume of the ' Race Question' which I have evet read. It places you to the front as one of the greatest leaders the race has to-day or has ever had. The only criticism I have to make is that you seem to favor a qualified suffrage. 34 Race Question Reviewed. Under such a rule as will be applied to the Negro, very few, if any, of them will be allowed to vote. This being1 a fact, I think it is dangerous for any Negro to even seemingly indorse it. Otherwise I accept your article as a fine production and worthy of your noble self." Rev. James W. Walker, Selma, Ala.: " Permit me to express my appreci¬ ation for such an able article. • I think it is just what the country was hun¬ gering for. I regard it as scholarly, plain, manly, and irrefutable. God give you long life, a keen intellect to discern the truth, and a manly spirit to proclaim it." Rev. A. H. Ross, Covington, Ky: "How true is the opening sentence of your article: ' The revival of the race qiiestion is but one of the crucibles in which the Christian religion is being tested! ' How true, and how often have I asserted that henceforth our race would have to lift its burden and plea for justice and humanity out of the catalogue of heartless and deaf demagogism into the realm of moral¬ ity and Christianity! Your perora¬ tion is simply sublime, so diplomatic: ' I love the South.' Yes, we love the South better than those who make diplomatic stageplavs through our daily journals for commercial, politi¬ cal, and mercenary purposes." Rev. R. C. Irvin, Helena, S. C.: "I re¬ gard your article as strong and well founded. I thank God for such talent in our church." Mr. J. E. Bruce (Bruce Grit), Al¬ bany, N. Y,: "I am in full accord with your views, and shall say so in my own way in the near future." Rev. J. A. Davis, Macon, Ga.: "Your statement concerning the Negro's sen¬ timent about rape and its attitude in government affairs, and the strong reasons you give and facts presented, would aid us much if properly consid¬ ered by the right parties." Rev. S. F. Flegler, Marion, S. C.: " The clearest evidence of a people's fitness for citizenship in any country is the character of their aspirations and qualifications. Second-hand qual¬ ifications leave us but half prepared to discharge the duties of citizenship, and for us to accept such a position would only go to show that we have no true aspirations, and hence that we do not need the same qualifications as other citizens. I am pleased with the just and true stand which you have taken in defending the race." Rev. J. Y. Goins, San Antonio, Texas: " How true and rightly said that which the Negro most needs to be taught is that which he does not now know! Let those, therefore, who have a clear knowledge of economy and an honest way of acquiring wealth put forth shining examples for the less fortunate. Your views on the rape question should be sounded loud and long throughout these Unit¬ ed States. I suggest as a help to the solution of the ' Race Question ' that we faithfully support Negro lawyers, doctors, business men, and mechan¬ ics; have our own college presidents, and vote for our own men." Rev. W. O. P. Sherman, Hawkins- ville, Ga.: "Allow me to say that I fully indorse every word of your arti¬ cle, and am satisfied that you voice the sentiment of the majority of the true and intelligent Negroes of the South. Such able and timely articles will do more to force the opposers of the race to respect us and accord us a respect¬ ful standing than will three hundred of the Booker T. Washington kind. Accept my congratulations and thanks for the article." Rev. P. M. Laws, D.D., president Preachers' Union, Dallas, Texas: "The Preachers' Union of this city indorses your digest of the 'Negro Problem' —first, because of its feasibility; sec¬ ondly, because it reveals a cause which Individual, Comments. 35 if followed will lead us to a glorious ef¬ fect for the tfood of all. The article should be put in pamphlet form and scattered to the ends of the earth." ^ev* J- A. Carew, Grenada, Miss : Your masterly, able, and pointed pro¬ duction is indeed a treat. Your argu¬ ment makes the crack in the dark more visible." Rev. Wm. H. Giles, Asbury Park, N. J.: "^ou do not contend that the acme of the race is restricted to the de¬ velopment of a certain side of our nature, but for the highest development of the entire nature. The Negro can only be¬ come great by the same training and de¬ velopment which make other races great; and, as I understand it, this is what you contend for. I am with you. Push the battle to a finish." Rev. J. W. Braxton, Kansas City, Kan.: "The article as a whole meets my hearty approval, believing it to be the true and only solution of the great race problem." Rev. H. M. Deaver, Pine Bluff, Ark.: "I admit that Mr. Booker T. Washing¬ ton is a scholarly man, but he is not the one to advocate the Negro's rights at the bar of public opinion, especially at this critical period. I highly commend your logical and manly utterances." Rev. B. W. Roberts, D.D., Pales¬ tine, Texas: "You score a grand point on the theory of the Brother¬ hood of Man when you say: ' It must evolve into, a living reality before Christianity shall have done its per¬ fect work.' You put it to them hard when you challenged the assertion of those who claim that the only solu¬ tion of the so-called ' Race Problem ' lies in the direction of the industrial and mechanical training of the Negro. I agree with you when you unhesitat¬ ingly say that the Negro is unaltera¬ bly opposed to rape. Your views on ' Mob' Law,' ' Social Equality,' ' Will the Negro Eschew Politics? ' and ' Negro Domination ' ought to be read ■not only by our own people, but by every white man and woman in the South. You are right, and may God help you to continue in welldoing1." Rev. I. M. Burgan, D.D., president Paul Quinn College, Waco, Texas: "I have not the time or the physical or mental energy to say just what I would like to say about your very commendable effort. Especially do I commend the bold and thoughtful statement that we have more work¬ men than we have chances to work, and that if our skilled working- pow¬ ers were employed the ' Race Prob¬ lem ' would be in a fair way of solu¬ tion. Many are now conceding to you the place which I gave to you years ago—in the very front rank as an ad¬ vanced thinker." Rev. J. W. Rankin, D.D., Corsicana, Texas: "Your position on the 'Race Question' is an honorable, straight¬ forward, and fearless one. It is the ablest defense of the race which it has been my pleasure to read. You have expressed thoughts which I have- long entertained with regard to the so-called ' Race Problem,' and it seems; to me that you were divinely inspired" to think and write in this instance as. I have never known you to write be¬ fore. Thank God for men who cane bestir this great nation with words from the heart of manhood and right¬ eousness! " Rev. W. F. Dangerfield, Vicksburg", Miss.: "It is the grandest production that I have ever read on the great ' Race Question.' I wish it were in the home of every family in the land. I pray God that you may live long- and do the race much good." Rev. J. W. Whitesides, Pine Blufl^ Ark.: "The article referred to meets my fullest and heartiest approval. I fully concur with the whole trend of thought advanced in your argument. 36 IiAce Question Reviewed. The facts adduced in sustaining your position are incontrovertible, add pages to the volume of Negro man¬ hood, and put in motion a force that will assert itself in the disputation of many things which have been said de¬ rogatory to the Negro as a man." Rev. W. Conway Smith, editor The Golden Rule, Lafayette, La.: "Allow me to congratulate yon on your noble defense of the race. It is most timely, and I would be pleased to know it were read by every Negro tinder the sun. In my opinion, a few more arti- ■cles like it would engender better feel¬ ings in the white race toward the Ne¬ gro." Rev. Lee Mitchell, Memphis, Tenn.: " You have produced the ablest and most satisfactory paper on the ' Ne¬ gro Problem' that it has been my pleasure to read. You have doubtless expressed the sentiment of every in¬ telligent, liberal, and lofty-minded Hegro and white person in this coun¬ try. We need more men like you and Bishop Turner, who are fearless when the Negro race demands a spokesman. 'The Negro wants, and must have, all the requisites that belong to a cul¬ tured race, regardless of what a few parasitic Negroes may think or say." Rev. J. G. Grimes, Bastrop, Texas: "Your article on the 'Race Question' must have been written by inspira¬ tion. I have read and reread it, and I am sure that you did not write it merely for favor or a big name. You have stated the facts just as they are. Unlike some of our leaders, you have not deemed it necessary to> humiliate your race in order to gain a hearing from the white people. With others, I pray that the spirit of inspiration may touch you again. Words fail, and language is inadequate, to ex¬ press all that I wish to say by way of indorsement." Rev. J. S. Wood, editor the Afro- American Review, Mattoon, 111.: "We are going to publish every word of your article in a double number of the Afro-American. You and Dr. Shaffer have sounded the keynote; and, so far as your ideas are concerned, we shall send them on the wings of 25,000 cop¬ ies of the Afro-American Review over all the land so far as they will extend. The time has come, it seems to me, when our words of wisdom and ad¬ vice should be sounded far and near. We have yet a battle to fight, and your humble servant will endeavor to ren¬ der what assistance he can with voice and pen." Rev. A. K. Woods, Jesup, Ga.: "I am utterly disgusted with some of the leaders (?) of our race, who aver that if the Negro is to be saved he must work out his salvation in the field. Lynching excepted, the Negro in the West Indies is engaged in every voca¬ tion that the white man in this coun¬ try is engaged in, and the Negro in this country should strive for the same opportunities." Mr. Charles Stewart, general news¬ paper correspondent, Chicago, 111.: "At the time of the publication of your article I had just met with a mis¬ fortune in Mississippi, and have been busy ever since, and did not get time .to go through it until this week. Much credit is due you for the man¬ ner in which you have discussed this matter. It is a comprehensive review of the ' Race Question; ' and while we cannot agree on all things, it must be admitted that the race must come to many things in your article before there is anything like a solution to the problem. Your position on the ' Negro's Opinion as to Rape,' 4 Social Equality,' and 'Politics,' as well as 'Negro Domination,' furnishes food for thought." Mr. F. L. Jefferson, Steelton, Pa.: Individual Comments. 37 As one who takes deep interest in ev¬ erything' pertaining to the 'Race Question,' I want t(> thank you for j our very excellent article which ap¬ peared recently in tlie Richmond Planet. I had begun to think that all of our leaders were either dead or sleeping-, and to find one against whom the pronunciamento, ' Mene, Mene, Tekel, Upharsin,' has not been placed is, to the thinking1 men of our race, a pleasure indeed. We, the rank and file of the race, have been looking long* and anxiously for some one who would lead us aright, and what have we found? Some have, by their writ¬ ings and speaking, led us to Mexico and the far West; some have taken us across the billows of the Atlantic to sunny Africa to meet and greet our dear cousins many generations re¬ moved; I believe some of them are so highly inflated with sociological gas that they would suggest the coloniza¬ tion of Mars, did they not foresee that the white man would soon claim own¬ ership by right of prior and telescopic discovery; some have suggested money as the means of lifting us up; and some, ' Let the Negro learn to la¬ bor,' as if we had not already learned that, as you so wisely say in your pa¬ per; and has money made the Jew proof against the attack of the Rus¬ sian? It is, sir, as you suggest, wise enough for us to learn to labor; but, above all, we want to learn to be men; to stand up for our rights, and to de¬ mand them from our legislators. . . . To enumerate all the points that the young men thank you for would be wearisome to you; but we feel that you are courageous and manly, living as you do in the South, and that you care not for the few dollars that su- pineness anlans. With all this there is to be read between the lines of the com¬ ments on the address which Rev. C. S. Smith has carefully inserted in a broadside of his paper called the Bu¬ gle Blast a curious indignation at the reputation which Booker Washington has achieved among the serious and reflecting minds of the country. " When Negroes who have influence declare that the utterances of such a man as Booker Washington have done harm to the race, when intelligent Ne¬ groes issue counterblasts against doc¬ trines which have for thousands of years been the basis of all real racial progress, it must be admitted by even hopeful minds that- the Negroes have still a long and tedious journey before them. " The Rev. Charles Spencer Smith, whose article we are discussing, leaves carefully out of view all of Booker Washington's plans, and leaves it to be inferred that he proposes the train¬ ing of the hand and muscle as the aim and end of race progress. The truth is, as all who have indorsed Booker Washington's views clearly under¬ stand, the mechanical and industrial training which he advocates with so much power and truth are mere ele¬ ments in his plan. They are to go hand in hand with other forms of ed¬ ucation, and they fit in with the high¬ est. The Negroes who are pursuing him with such shallow criticism as we have indicated do not seem to under¬ stand or appreciate the purport of a mechanical and industrial training. They pretend to see in it a scheme to confine the Negro race within the lim¬ its of mechanics. " This idea shows itself all through the Rev. C. S. Smith's article. What would be said of a prominent white man who protested against the study of astronomy in the schools on the ground that it would compel the race to spend its time in stargazing? The lines of study prescribed in the schools are not intended to impart knowledge, but to train the mind into Press Notices. 55 "the habit of logical thinking-, so that it may transform into knowledge the information that comes to it from ev¬ ery side and source. Students ait school do not study surveying because they expect to become civil engineers or practice drawing because they ex¬ pect, to become architects. The whole purpose of the elemen¬ tary education that is taught in schools and colleges is to form the mind and perfect it for receiving and assimilating the real education that is to be gained by practicing the real af¬ fairs of life. Thus Booker Washing¬ ton's programme embraces a mechan¬ ical and industrial training, not only because it imparts skill to the hands, but because it forms in the mind a habit, as it were, of industry, and im¬ parts to the character a strength and solidity comparable to those qualities which carry the country-raised boys so rapidly forward when they secure positions in towns and cities. " Rev. C. S. Smith thinks that the Neg'ro ' is irremovably in the sphere of the axiomatic verity; ' that 'all men, other than imbeciles or idiots, are en¬ dowed with mental and spiritual ca¬ pacities capable of varied and illimita¬ ble expansion; ' and, therefore, 'as a whole, his sphere of operation cannot be limited to the tilling of the soil.' It will be observed that Rev. C. S. Smith's ' axiomatic verity' consti¬ tutes a very large order indeed. It certainly has not been found to be true even of the white race that ' all men other than imbeciles and idiots, are endowed with mental and spiritual capacities capable of varied and illim¬ itable expansion.' 'Varied'—yes; but * illimitable '—that is a little too much. Even if "this wonderful ' axiomatic verity' stood the strain of facts, it •would still be true that the best and highest minds this country has pro¬ duced have begun their careers at the plow and as tillers of the soil. "Another taste of Rev. C. S. Smith's logic will, we are sure, be sufficient for our readers. He says: ' Moreover, the acquisition of scientific agricul¬ ture, cannot possibly profit the masses of the Negroes to any great extent, seeing that they are not the owners of the soil.' It is hardly necessary to point out the depressing character of this sort of talk. It is as far away from hope as it is from common sense. Because the Negroes are not the own¬ ers of the soil they are never to be¬ come owners of any part of the soil— this is the argument; and it has noth¬ ing to rest on but a desire to criticise Booker Washington and a keen and an anxious purpose to belittle him, and thus hurt his influence vfith the Negro race. " The whole article on which we are commenting, as careful readers will perceive, is plausible enough to arouse the enthusiasm of all Negroes who are jealous of Booker Washington, but it falls to pieces the moment it is exam¬ ined. What is Rev. Smith's solution of the ' Race Problem? ' Politics and the professions. Are mechanics and agricultural pursuits too ignoble for the Negroes? Will mere industry pre¬ vent the ' illimitable expansion' of their capacities? "Although thousands of them are owners of the soil and hundreds of others are acquiring farms, and al¬ though the great mass of the race is engaged in farming, yet ' the acquisi¬ tion of scientific agriculture cannot possibly profit' them! This may be said to be the keynote of the whole ar¬ ticle." The Appeal, Atlanta, Ga., March 25, 1899: " The column and a half editorial in the Constitution on Dr. C. S. Smith's ' Race Question Reviewed ' shows that he hit the nail in every instance on its axiomatic head. More: On the first 56 Race Question Reviewed. round Dr. Smith makes the Atlanta Constitution recant from a position it has taken and defended for the last two years. Its settled position has been that the Negro in this country need never hope for any¬ thing- but labor, except those obscure offerings not desired among respect¬ able whites. Dr. Smith has whipped this paper into a corner, as it now admits itself to be thoroughly in line with Washington, who believes that in his way all things will come to the Negro." Paul Quinn Weekly, Waco, Texas, March 25, 1899: "THE ATLANTA CONSTITUTION'S VIEW OF DR. SMITH'S ARTICLE. " In its issue of March 12, the At¬ lanta Constitution prints editorially more than a. column of comment on Dr. C. S. Smith's ' Race Question Re¬ viewed.' Among other things, that paper says: " ' The Rev. Charles Spencer Smith, whose article we are discussing, leaves carefully out of view all of Booker Washington's plans, and leaves it to be inferred that he proposes the train¬ ing of the hand and muscle as the aim and end of race progress. The truth is, as all who have indorsed Booker Washington's views clearly under¬ stand, the mechanical and industrial training which he advocates with so much power and truth are mere ele¬ ments in his plan. They are to go hand in hand with other forms of edu¬ cation, and they fit in with the highest. The Negroes who are pursuing him Avith such shallow criticism as we have indicated do not seem to understand or appreciate the purport of a mechan¬ ical and industrial training. They pretend to see in it a scheme to confine the Negro race within the limits of mechanics. This idea shows itself all through the Rev. C. S. Smith's article. What would be said of a prominent white man who protested against the study of astronomy in the schools on the ground that it would compel the race to spend its time in stargazing? The lines of study prescribed in the schools are not intended to impart knowledge, but to train the mind into the habit of local thinking, so that it may transform into knowledge the in¬ formation that comes to it from every side and source. Students at school do not study surveying because they expect to become civil engineers, nor practice drawing because they expect to become architects. The whole pur¬ pose of the elementary education that is taught in schools and colleges is to form the mind and perfect it for re¬ ceiving and assimilating the real edu¬ cation that is to be gained by prac¬ ticing the real affairs of life. Thus Booker Washington's programme em¬ braces a mechanical and industrial training, not only because it imparts skill to the hands, but because it forms in the mind a habit, as it were, of in¬ dustry and imparts to the character a strength and solidity comparable to those qualities which carry the coun¬ try-raised boys so rapidly forward when they secure positions in towns and cities.' " It must be remembered that Dr. Smith's view is indorsed by prominent men of both races. Therefore it can¬ not be said that the discussion of the problem involves a race issue. It is merely a matter of logic on the one side and sentiment and false pride on the other. Those who claim Mr. Washington's idea is that Negroes are mere ' drawers of water and hewers of wood ' are either ignorant of the in¬ dustrial plan or unmindful of the plain facts of history and race progress. We do not disparage Dr. Smith's views on this question, nor do we encourage any one who may have ulterior ob¬ jects in view in assaulting the posi¬ tion of the Doctor, but we do think it cowardly to run away from plain facts and logical conclusion. How Dr. Press Notices. 57 Smith or anybody else can see that special industrial training" for the Negro in his present condition in the South which condition has already wedded him to the soil—can harm, re¬ tard, or in any way hinder the Negro from rising out of his present condi¬ tion is certainly a new way of reach¬ ing" logical conclusions, and a way which, if persisted in, is destined to wreck an already misguided and mis¬ directed race. How could ownership of the soil, which is included in the industrial scheme, reduce the number of Negro merchants, doctors, or law¬ yers? Would not Negroes who own their farms be better able to follow the bent of their mind with reference to other callings than Negro ten¬ ants? " The Baptist Leader, Selma, Ala., March 25, 1899: " ' RACE QCTESTION.' " Constitution Comment Fails to Con¬ fute—Rev. Smith's Argument Sound —Moral Training First—Industrial Training Second. " It seems almost presumptuous for such a clever editor as that of the Bap¬ tist Leader to put forth an antago¬ nistic comment on an able editorial of the Atlanta Constitution; yet there are occasions, crises, and turns in af¬ fairs of things when a word from the most insignificant, would not be out of place. We feel that such an occasion is now on. A turning point in Negro history in this country is on, concern¬ ing which no Negro can afford to be in¬ different. Some weeks ago we pub¬ lished an able article by Rev. C. S. Smith, D.D., on ' The Negro Question Reviewed.' Many readers of this paper will remember a review of the speech of Prof. Booker T. Washington, be¬ fore the Teachers' Association in Sel¬ ma Ala., in 1895, we published, and the hot discussion that followed, in which Dr. Burwell figured conspicuously, representing Professor Washington's views. We took the position then that industrial education was an element in the solution of the Negro problem, but not the solution; and unless held in proper relation to pure intellectual training, it would operate against the Negro's best interest and highest ele¬ vation. Rev. Smith more ably and happily stated our position in his arti¬ cle on this race question in the Nash¬ ville American. The Constitution re¬ published this article on March 12r 1899, and commented upon it. This venerable journal, which has been styled the ' Southern Bible,' used many words in its effort to show fallacies in the argument of Rev. C. S. Smith. The editor states that the article is ingenious. When one has read the comment, he will be convinced that the ingenious article is met by an in¬ genious reply from the Constitution, which is calculated to maintain the faith of every devotee in his old Bible; but it will fail to proselyte ' a great many influential Negroes.' We fail to see any confutation of Rev. Smith's argument in the editorial. Our fail¬ ing to see may be due to a hopeless condition of the mind referred to by the Constitution or to something else; but the fact is, the cunning comment has failed to catch \is. On Rev. Smith's reference to slavery as a mechanical and industrial training school, the Constitution says: ' The logical infer¬ ence from this is that the race is there¬ fore well trained in industrial and me¬ chanical pursuits. The race has been in training" for more than two hun¬ dred years, therefore what need for further training? ' " The few words that the Constitu¬ tion quoted in its comment of this reference might justify his conclu¬ sion, but the logical inference from what Rev. Smith said on that point is it will take more than industrial train¬ ing to solve the Negro problem, and that industrial training should be lim- 58 Race Question Keviewed. ited with regard to range of subjects and number of persons to be taught, and in regard to time given to such education. He says he heartily in¬ dorses ' industrial and mechanical training for such Negroes as may feel that their calling is on the farm or in the factory.' He- cautions the Negro youth against being carried away in the tidal wave of the industrial doc¬ trine and against putting all his time and strength in learning a trade with a view to ready money, by showing him that there are scores of skilled carpenters, etc., out of employment, cannot get anything to do, and tells him how the trades unions are operat¬ ing against him. But the mind is led entirely away from this point in the Constitution's comment. " The Constitution is quite right when it infers that there is a decided disinclination among the Negroes to accept Mr. Booker T. Washington as a leader or give credence to his views and plans. The Negro cannot convince himself to give the major part of the little time he has to spend in school to that which has been the basis of all racial progress for thousands of years in the past, and he has been in a part of the past and has acquired much of that basis in the past. " The "Constitution says mechanical and industrial education as an aim or end of race progress is not proposed by Professor Washington, that the training of the hand and miiscles are only elements in his plan. To this we reply it is unfortunate that Mr. Wash¬ ington has so magnified his elements as to overshadow his plan. That this is true the comments of some of the best men of the race are evidence. If his plan is set forth so obscurely that the intelligent of his race cannot see it, the ignorant will most probably take the elements and miss the plan. " This brings us to the objection we raised on this subject three years ago. What the Negro needs is strength, but spiritual strength. An uncouth boy from the country, put in an industrial school with an inherited capacity and an acquired ability for physical exer¬ cise, take readily to his trade, he ac¬ quires the art; but his weak mind and little time given to study prevent his knowledge of the science of the trade from being perfect. He graduates and goes out into the world with a trained hand and poorly trained brain; hence a mind too weak to guide the hands. As a rule, such an educated boy is a failure. In case he is a .failure, the training of the muscles has been an end of race progress instead of an ele¬ ment in a plan; hence the plan is a failure in its practical working when applied to the Negro- in industrial schools. " The regime of this government calls for men of thought, of character, good morals, and a developed mind. Higher education *is in line writh this demand. While Professor Washing¬ ton's plan takes in trained muscles applied to the hig-hest intellectual training, such a happy and systematic development is not obtained in these industrial schools of the South once in ten years. Not one out of every hundred graduates from these schools has intellectual development enough to conduct a successful peanut farm or to understand the elements of the Taw of reciprocity. Hence the edu¬ cation has failed of the purpose' which the Constitution says it is for— namety, ' to form the mind and per¬ fect it.' ' Mechanical and industrial training imparts to the character strength and solidity,' says the Con¬ stitution; and, proceeding farther, it- declares: ' The best and highest minds, this country has produced have begun their careers at the plow and as tillers of the soil.' The logical inference here is that Professor Washington's scheme is the best scheme of educa¬ tion for all peoples, and is necessary to impart strength of character to the Press Notices. 59 Negro—it being understood he needs strength of character—and to bring1 him to the highest plane of elevation to which he must come, as some of the best minds of this country came by the way of the plow; hence he must be taught to plow. This argument is plausible; but if the field or farm "work gave strength of character and formed the basis of success of Wash¬ ington, Lincoln, and Garfield, the Negro cannot be sadly lacking in strength of character. If his work on the farm has done for him what it did for some of ' the best minds of this country,' he has a basis very nearly formed for rapid progress; hence need not spend a great deal of his time while in school in industrial training to complete it. Many need not spend any time in school to acquire such a basis; it is complete when they enter school. But it seems in most of these industrial schools the boy that has less need of industrial training is called on most to do work. Here he has forced on him what adds but little to his character or to his knowledge. In such a case, Rev. Smith and some in¬ significant Negroes look upon the in¬ dustrial training to be virtually loss of time, money, and strength. Well does the Constitution say the best and high¬ est minds of our country began at the plow. They did not remain at the plow. They went with what they got at the plow into school and got some¬ thing else. But the tendency for the Negro is to go from the plow on the farm to the plow in scliool. There are a few Negro leaders who think upon that'solid character gotten at the plow on the farm should be built the super¬ structure of intellectual training in the schoolroom, and our friend Booker T. Washington has a hard task before him to convince us to the contrary. " We believe in the superiority of mind to matter, hence the control of matter by mind. We cannot afford to pay less attention to that which gov¬ erns than we do to that which is gov¬ erned. The tools and drill that pre¬ pare the hands to serve cannot prepare the mind to govern. To the influence they may exercise must be added that of the imagery of the classics, the speculation of science, the revelations of metaphysics, the difficulties of mathematics, and the wisdom of his¬ tory—subjects that make up higher education; to regulate and cultivate the taste, to broaden the vision, to cre¬ ate lofty sentiment, to formulate higher ideals, and to develop strength in the person that shall master mat¬ ter and its forces. A person of lofty sentiment and noble ideals, with his moral nature regulated, cannot be lazy; hence the piano is not a curse in a log hut. " The developments of higher edu¬ cation lead to industry; does industry equally lead to higher 'education? Does a farmer become a lawyer as readily as a lawyer can become a farmer? The strength of mind the lawyer has received of the higher edu¬ cation will enable him to become a farmer in three years, while the little strength of mind of a primary educa¬ tion would prevent the farmer from becoming a lawyer in nine years. " We favor higher education in that it imparts fine feelings, gives culture, refinement, politeness. No amount of mechanical and industrial training will elevate the Negro without this culture; hence our plea for higher education, as a producer of it, for him. There is nothing he needs to-day more than true manliness, gentleness, tidi¬ ness, politeness, and respect for prom¬ ises and obligations. The learning of trades seem to have nothing in it to give these indispensable virtues or grace to any practical degree. Pro¬ fessor Washington has these graces oi higher education by contact with the best people of the country. Some of the great railroad systems are threat¬ ening to turn off all their colored fire- 6o Race Question Reviewed. men because of their deficiency along these moral lines. They get drunk, the employers say, and fail to answer to the call of duty; they allow them¬ selves to be garnisheed for debt; they do not aspire; their ideals are low. Their need is not industrial training, but moral training. " It is this moral training about which our poor heart is anxious; hence we are reluctant to decide to accept as leader one whose scheme of education in its practical working develops a tendency toward leaving these essen¬ tials uncared for or toward having them considered second in importance to physical development. This ten¬ dency is a tendency toward dethroning God and enthroning the almighty dol¬ lar in the heart of men. That this ten¬ dency does exist, you have only to pay a little attention to the life of our young folks' to be convinced. Almost every organization to-day, religious or what not, has for its chief aim money. Men are joining the church and leav¬ ing the church with sole regard to money advantages. This apostasy is due, to a great extent, to the material¬ istic arguments and discussions car¬ ried on by the apostles of industrial education. In view of facts it is nat¬ ural for the spiritually minded, view¬ ing this question from a religious point of view, to object to Professor Wash¬ ington as their sole leader, even if there was no jealousy of his fame in their bosom. Professor Washington speaks as a natural man and says: Educate toward holding your job and getting a job. The spiritual man says: Edu¬ cate with an eye single to the glory of God; regulate yourselves in proper relation to God and you will never be without a job, though the skilled workmen from the North may swarm the South like bees. " We do not object to the mechanical and industrial education, but we ob¬ ject to it holding the first place in any plan of education, let that education be for white or black folks; and with the Negro in view of his past training —in work and in morals—in the insti¬ tution of slavery, the moral and spirit¬ ual training is of first importance. In¬ dustrial training should be select and special, while moral and spiritual training should be general—given to every student. " Now the conclusion of the whole- matter: We would not have the me¬ chanical department taken from our schools; neither do we aim to injure the fame and reputation of our illus¬ trious Booker T. Washington; but feeling with Rev. Dr. Smith and others called upon to do something to coun¬ teract the retrograding tendency that has accompanied industrial doctrine and its agitation of recent years, we have spoken at length on this sub¬ ject. If our efforts shall serve in any degree as a check to evil results grow¬ ing out of the doctrine, our purpose will be fully accomplished." The Afro-American Review, Mattoon, 111.: " The article of Rev. C. S. Smith, D.D., on the ' Race Question Reviewed,r is without a doubt a masterly presen¬ tation of one of the gravest and most difficult economic problems of the times. In characteristic language of eloquence, logic, and earnestness he tells the South and the nation that the Negro is a man capable of the- finest feelings and the highest en¬ dowment; that he is a citizen, peace¬ ful and patriotic, worthy of every priv¬ ilege of civil franchise, and that his most dangerous foe is in the thought and theory that he must, by nature and training, forever remain a ' hewer of wood and drawer of water' because his skin is black. Through the lenses of Southern glasses the editor of the- Atlanta Constitution attempts to an¬ swer Dr. Smith by a weak defense of Booker T. Washington's one-sided theory of solving the intricate diffi¬ culty. Says the editor: Press Notices. 6i ' The article is ingenious enough to catch the attention and meet the approval of that large body of Negroes who take only a superficial view of Booker Washington's teachings. We are not surprised to find, therefore, that a great many influential Negroes are giving enthusiastic indorsement to this cunning protest against the sober and serious programme which has been outlined by the founder of Tus- kegee Institute.' " The only effective way of settling this whole race question is to give the Negro what is justly due him as a ■citizen of a great, free republic. This is the gist of Dr. Smith's able plea, and it is the only way to secure ab¬ solute safety to the body politic." The Brotherhood, Mississippi: " LOGIC OF THE SITUATION. " Dr. C. S. Smith, of Nashville, swung his blade of rhetoric over his head the other day and aimed an awful blow at the anatomy of Booker T. Washington. We saw the flourish and the flash thereof, but the steel—the thing that mutilates or kills*—we have seen neither that nor the quivering flesh of Booker T. lying about. " Now the logic of the situation is just this: The colored people, if they rise at all, must rise, as all great races have risen, on a broad and compact in¬ dustrial foundation. " Higher education, of course, is in¬ dispensable, but it will never be re¬ spected, since it never can be ade¬ quately supported until it rests se¬ curely on the back of the industries. All talk about trades unions, boycotts, nonownership of soil, and such thing's as operating permanently against the colored man's industrial advancement is nothing but the lisp of an infant. There is nothing less powerful than divine intervention that can keep down a people who are up in the industries. When Dr. Smith can point out a peo¬ ple who are up in the industries and down in the scale of well-being, his contention will have more of argument and less of declamation to recommend it." W7eekly Express, Dallas, Texas, Feb¬ ruary 25, 1899: " Rev. C. S. Smith, Nashville, Tenn., has written a very able and compre¬ hensive review of the race problem as it affects the United States. He dis¬ agrees with Booker T. Washington on the industrial education cure for exist¬ ing ills, taking the position that the Negro is an American citizen, and that nothing short of American liberty will satisfy him. He makes no mistake in this contention." Our Church, Portsmouth, Va., March, 1899: " The article on the race question by Rev. C. S. Smith, D.D., so widely published throughout the United States, stamps the writer of the arti¬ cle as one of the greatest thinkers of the race. This, however, is no new revelation to those who know Dr. Smith, for it has been well known to the leading minds of the race that Dr. Smith has few equals and possibly no superiors when it comes to a question of depth of thought and a demand for a race defender." The Age, Atlanta, Ga., March 11, 1899: " Booker Washington is on the right line. He is worth all the Smiths and other critics of his work that you could corral in a score of years. The future of the Negro, as a rule, for the next twenty years, depends on the kind of education that Washington's school g-ives. While higher education must go along with it, every institu¬ tion that would do the Negro good must adopt Washington's theory and practice in producing the finished stu¬ dent. Outside of a few business men, the ever-present gospel writer, and a few spittoon washers who, during leisure hours, write for ' weakly ' news- 62 Race Question Reviewed. papers, the race must depend upon the manual laborer, the mechanic, and the well-educated agriculturist for suc¬ cess that may come to it. We fear that those that come from such schools as Washington's will have to carry the burden of the fight. Forbid it, Al¬ mighty God! Yet we feel that God will not forbid it, as the Negro him¬ self seeks oppression; and the more skilled laborer, the better for him; and the seeing- that he can better accom¬ plish g-ood results by first learning- how to work for a dollar by that labor that white men began with, he will be best off." The Florida Sentinel, Jacksonville, Fla., March 3, 1899: " INDUSTRIAL TRAINING. " The very able article which ap¬ peared some weeks since in the Nash¬ ville American, by Charles S. Smith, D.D., dealing- with the Negro as a po¬ litical and industrial factor, was an exceedingly well-prepared paper and is doubtless read with much interest by the thoughtful Negroes of the country. " Dr. Smith discussed the question at length on industrial training, but he did not make his position clear to us. The mechanical and industrial training- the Negro obtained as a slave was, in a manner, parrotlike when compared with the intellectual-indus¬ trial training- afforded the black boys and girls in our institutions to-day. To our mind the system of industrial training as pursued at Tuskegee, Hampton, Florida State Normal, and similar schools is the turning point in the evolution of Negro progression. " The New York Age editorially re¬ fers to Dr. Smith's article in a plausi¬ ble way. The Age says: " ' The contention of Dr. Smith that " the mechanical and industrial train¬ ing of the Negro has been in progress ever since the first cargo of slaves was landed on the banks of the James River," and that inferentially he does not need therefore any industrial training, does not amount to anything. A Mr. Bassett showed recently in a thoughtful article in the New Haven Daily Leader that the sort of training we received imder the slave system and have been getting since in the usual way bears the same relation to the training given in such trade schools as the Troy Polytechnic, the Hampton, and the Tuskegee Insti¬ tutes, and the like that chalk bears to cheese. Special preparation has got to be made by those who expect to excel their fellows in any given pur¬ suit. The progress made in all lines of activity makes special preparation necessary. We need such* a ground¬ work, because the increment of our labor for two hundred and fifty years was absorbed by white men and is now a part of the accumulated capital of the republic, over which we have no control whatever. We are to build from the ground up. WTe can best do this by giving our children the educa¬ tion necessary to enable them to hold their proper places in the basic oecu- pations and industries of the nation. The exceptions can go to Harvard, Yale, Atlanta, and the like, if they want to, and the more of them that do' it, the better.' " Campbell Colleg-e Journal, Jackson, Miss., March, 1899: " ' RACE QUESTION REVIEWED/ BY DR. C. S. SMITH. " The article from the pen of that distinguished churchman, Dr. C. S. Smith, on the ' Race Question Re¬ viewed,' and as appearing in a lead¬ ing" journal of one of our Southern cities, more than expresses the com- mendableness of the opinions of this erudite spokesman, .from the stand¬ point of his brother in white. " Strong, bold, uncompromising; fair, reasonable, and generous, is the position most creditably taken by its Press Notices. 63 author. For this very reason, our sur¬ prise is greatest that a paper of the standing- of the Nashville American would accept, to say the least, be the medium of the circulation of such a production from the pen of a Negro. " More remarkable still is the fact that Dr. Smith is no stranger to the press of his city. That a professional Negro nomad of the road or an indi¬ vidual whose opinions were little re¬ garded could have met such recogni¬ tion before the reading public at the hands of this Southern journal is the greatest absurdity. We therefore conclude: Smith was known, his doc¬ trine sound—reasonable, at least; worthy of the consideration, of a preju¬ diced and powerful caste." The Southern Watchman, Mobile, Ala.: " Dr. C. S. Smith, of Nashville, Tenn., in an article printed in the Nashville American recently, takes the trades unions throughout the country to taw about discrimination against the Negro, and declares that we have more skilled mechanics and farmers now than the white man will let work. He believes that the Negro is capable of doing anything that the white man can do, and, therefore, should not be confined to any special trade or profession; but, like the white man, he should be educated and given a chance in the race of life a&d* left to enter whatever trade or profes¬ sion nature has fitted him for. To all of which we say: 'Amen.' " Voice of Missions, Atlanta, Ga.: " The race issue, reviewed by Dr. C. S. Smith, of Nashville, Tenn., as found in this paper, is an able treatment of that perplexing question. We have a host of novitiate statesmen, white and colored, who are ever and anon at¬ tempting to treat the vexed question; and they are equivocating, shuffling responsibilities, and cowardly ambig¬ uous when the most essential phase of the so-called problem is touched. Not so, however, with Dr. Smith." He de¬ mands every right, privilege, and civil and political immunity for our race claimed by others, and establishes his argument by a masterful logic that no one not possessed of the devil would assume to deny. Eight is right, and any policy not founded upon right will not stand. His review will bear the closest scrutiny, and ranks him among the foremost representatives of our race. Eead it, and read it again."