ON THE
COLONIZATION SOCIETY;
AND ON
ITS PROBABLE RESULTS;
UNDER THE FOLLOWING HEADS:
The Origin of the Society; Increase of the Coloured Population ; Manumis¬
sion of Slaves in this country;
DECLARATIONS OF LEGISLATURES, A'ND OTHER ASSEMBLED BODIES, IN FAVOUR
OF THE SOCIETY
SITUATION OF THE COLONISTS AT MONROVIA, AND OTHER TOWNS; MORAL AND RELI¬
GIOUS CHARACTER OF THE SETTLERS; SOIL, CLIMATE, PRODUC¬
TIONS, AND COMMERCE OF LIBERIA;
ADVANTAGES TO THE FREE COLOURED POPULATION, BY EMIGRATION TO LIBERIA; DISADVANTAGES OF SLAVERY TO
THE WHITE POPULATION ; CHARACTER OF THE NATIVES OF AFRICA BEFORE THE IRRUPTIONS OF
THE BARBARIANS; EFFECTS OF COLONIZATION ON THE SLAVE TRADE; WITH A
SLIGHT SKETCH OF THAT NEFARIOUS AND ACCURSED TRAFFIC.
ADDRESSED TO THE HON. C. F. MERGER, M. H. R. U. S.
BY M. CAREY.
NINTH EDITION.
TO WHICH IS PREFIXED
THE IMPORTANT INFORMATION
COLLECTED
BY JOSEPH JONES, A COLOURED MAN,
LATELY SENT TO LIBERIA, BY THE KENTUCKY COLONIZATION SOCIETY,
TO ASCERTAIN
THE TRUE STATE OF THE COUNTRY—ITS PRODUCTIONS, TRADE, AND COMMERCE—
AND THE SITUATION AND PROSPECTS OF THE COLONISTS.
FOR SALE BY CAREY & HART, PHILADELPHIA.
PRICE FIVE DOLLARS PER HUNDRED.
SEPT. 17, 1834.
STEREOTYPED BY L. JOHNSON.
ADDENDUM TO THE FIFTH EDITION.
EXTRACT FROM AN ADDRESS OF THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY, DATED JUNE, 1832.
" Africa makes her appeal to our sympathy,
and charity, in a tone of earnestness and distress,
to which we are bound to listen, and which the
Board trust cannot be resisted. It is along her
dark shores, and over her immense but unculti¬
vated fields, that the Society will dispense its
richest blessings. What a night of gloom and
terror has settled, for ages, on her land! Her
immense population covered with barbarism,
given up as prey to outrage and violence, cursed
tty a traffic which has set brother against brother,
desolated families and villages, excited the worst
passions of savage nature, ruthlessly sundered all
the ties of kindred and affection, and, seizing with
merciless and unyielding grasp its bleeding and
broken-hearted victims, borne them crowded and
crushed and dying into foreign and hopeless bon¬
dage! And even now, when her cries have
pierced the heart of Christendom, when states and
kingdoms have legislated and united to put an
end to her sufferings, still torn, plundered, and
robbed of her children by the pirates of all nations;
she stretches out her hands and casts an implor¬
ing eye towards the friends of God and man, in
this free and blessed country, for that deliverance,
which she has looked for in vain to all the world
beside.
" But it is asked, will the ignorant and degraded
men of colour of this country become the best
missionaries to enlighten and regenerate Africa 1
To this we reply, that there, are men of colour
in the U. S. who are well informed and exem¬
plary Christians; that such as these have founded
our present African Colony; that the very work
to which they are called will develope their
powers, and give elevation to their character, and
finally, that plans for education and improvement
commensurate with the necessities of every settle¬
ment which may be made, enter essentially into
the views of this Society.
" If in a little more than two centuries, our own
country has, by colonization, been changed from
a wilderness into a fruitful field, if a free and en¬
lightened Nation of thirteen millions has sprung
up here, where but lately, the wolf and savage
roamed unmolested amid boundless forests, where
nature looked wild and rude as they ; if beautiful
villages, and populous cities, Halls of Legislation,
magnificent edifices, temples of justice, and a
thousand churches stand before us the monu¬
ments of our greatness; what may we not antici¬
pate for Africa from the settlement of civilized
and Christian men upon her shores 1 And by
whom can such settlements be so well founded
as by the free people of colour of the United
States 1 Does not Providence clearly invite
them to a work of unexampled promise, to their
posterity and mankind! And is not this
nation urged to assist them by the same Provi¬
dence, not less manifestly, and by motives as
numerous and great as" ever wrought upon the
human mind.
" The Managers appeal to the clergy of every
denomination, and invite them-, annually, on or
4
near the day consecrated to the memory of oui
Independence, to bring the claims of the Society
before their people, and to receive, in further¬
ance of its object, such free-will offerings as
gratitude to God and love to men may incline
them to bestow.
" They appeal to the Auxiliary Societies, and
urge them to come forward with increased power
to the work, to assist in forming other kindred
associations, and by widely diffusing information,
to excite the whole American community, duly
to consider and promote the cause.
" To their fair country-women, who are ever
first to feel for the wretched, and foremost to ad¬
minister relief, whose moral influence in society,
though their own modesty may undervalue it,
humanity and religion acknowledge to be of vast
power and unspeakable worth, Africa, darker in
her mourning than her complexion, offers in
silent grief, her plea, which it were impossible
to render more convincing by argument, or
touching by eloquence. She looks to American
benevolence as to that in which all her precious
hopes are treasured up, and for their fulfilment,
nature itself will plead more strongly than we
can, in every female heart.
" Nor would the Managers omit to say to those
who control the public press, that almost omni¬
potent engine for moving human minds to ac¬
tion, that to them belongs the power of securing
to the design of this Society, the amplest means
for its speedy consummation. Let every Editor
in the country feel himself responsible, to make
known throughout the limits of his influence,
the views, operations and success of the Society,
and that which it has been attempting in weak¬
ness, will be done with power, that which pri¬
vate charity has so well commenced, be com¬
pleted by the bounty of the States and the Na¬
tion.
" In concluding this address, the Managers
beg leave to say, that not less than one thousand
emigrants are now seeking a passage to Liberia;
that the Colony is prepared to receive them;
that funds only are wanting to enable the Society
to prosecute its enterprise on a larger scale; and
that all which can appeal to our interests, en¬
courage our hopes, or move our hearts to charity
now commends the cause of African Coloniza¬
tion to the affection and liberality of our coun¬
trymen. Nor will they, the Managers are per¬
suaded, remain insensible to the merits of this
cause. Every where meet us the indications of
its growing popularity. Justice and Compassion,
Mercy and Charity, have gone forth in fellow
ship, to plead for it, and the Managers trust in
the great Author of all good to send forth his
spirit to their aid—that Spirit—under whose di¬
vine illuminations and all-gracious but all sub¬
duing energies, men of every country and condi¬
tion shall finally rejoice in peace and love, shar¬
ers, in unity, of the same faith, and of the same
hope of the great and common salvation."
Philadelphia, Sept. 7, 1832.
PREFACE.
From the ardent opposition made to the
Colonization Society by some of our white
citizens, and by a number of the free coloured
population, it might be supposed, by those un¬
acquainted with the nature of the case, that
the emigrants were absolutely pressed, like
British seamen, and hurried off against their
inclinations—that they were here in the en¬
joyment of all the solid advantages of society,
each man " sitting under his own vine and
his fig tree, and none to make him afraid,"—
that in Liberia, they were to be, in some de¬
gree, enslaved—and that the climate was pes¬
tilential, and the soil sterile and ungrateful.
Were this a true picture of the case, the op¬
position to the Society could not be more ar¬
dent or zealcus.
Having treated on the situation of the free
coloured population of this country, (p. 27,)
we shall not, therefore, refer to it here: but so
far as regards the colony at Liberia, it is
proved, by evidence of the most undeniable
character—of American Captains, Kennedy,
Sherman, Nicholson, and Abels; by that of
Mr. Devany, a coloured man, High Sheriff
of Liberia, who had been in the colony for six
years, made a handsome fortune, and returned
to this country to visit his friends and rela¬
tions ;■—and more especially by that of a com¬
mittee of the colonists at Monrovia, appointed
to draw up an address to their brethren in
this country; that the project of colonization
has fully realized, and not merely realized,
but exceeded the most sanguine expectations
formed of it by its ardent supporters; that the
contrast between the situation of the colonists
and that of their brethren in this country, is
immensely in favour of the former; and that
the condition of the most favoured of the free
coloured population here, is inferior in many
important particulars, to that of the great
mass of the colonists, any one of whom may,
by good behaviour, aspire to the highest office
in the colony, and in ehtctious, has as free
a voice as Mr. Madison or Mr. Adams has,
in the election of state and United States'
officers.
It is, therefore, difficult 1o conceive what
good purpose can be answered by the opposi¬
tion to the plan of colonization, or by what
motive its opposers can be influenced.
There are three strong points of view, in
which this subject may be considered, which
must gain for colonization the zealous and
efficient support of every man, white or co¬
loured, who is not under the dominion of in¬
veterate and incurable prejudice. I omit
other important points, which might be
mooted.
' I. The colony has arrested the progress of
the nefarious and accursed slave trade in its
neighbourhood; destroyed some slave factories,
and liberated a number of slaves, who were on
the point of being transported across the Atlan¬
tic, subject to all the horrors of the passage,
and, if they escaped with life, to the horrors of
perpetual slavery; and there cannot be a
doubt, that at no distant day, the trade will
be annihilated on the whole of the western
coast of Africa.
II. It has been the means of securing the
emancipation of hundreds of slaves, in various
parts of the United States, who are now in a
genial climate, enjoying the luxury of free¬
dom with all its attendant blessings; and, from
the present disposition of the citizens of some
of the slave states, particularly Virginia, there
is no doubt that thousands will be emancipa¬
ted, as fast as means of transportation can bo
procured.
III. It has commenced spreading the bless-
'ings of civilization, morals, and religion
among the natives in the neighbourhood of
the colony, whom it has taught to depe-nd on
honest industry in the cultivation of the soil,
instead of the demoniac operation of setting
fire to towns and villages, for the horrible
purpose of seizing the wretched fugitives fly¬
ing from the flames, which was their former
occupation.
Now J freely appeal to Mr. Garrison, and
Mr. Lundy, the most formidable opposers of
colonization, and to their friends, and beg
them to lay their hands on their hearts, and
answer in the presence of their Maker, if
any one of those objects does not repay ten
fold the sacrifice which the whole have cost]
Among the objections—how easy to make
plausible objections!—offered to the coloni¬
zation plan, one is, that considering the im¬
mense number of the coloured people in this
country, about 2,400,000, it is impossible to
make any serious impression on them by
emigration; especially as the colony at pre¬
sent, after twelve years existence, contains
but 2,700 souls. Let us examine this ob¬
jection.
The annual increase, as I have shown, is
about 60,000. We will suppose the object
is, to keep the numbers to the present stand¬
ard, which would be a great point gained.
The expense to the government, or the So¬
ciety, will probably be $25 per head, for all
the emigrants, large and small, (taking into
consideration those who pay, or whose masters
will pay their passage,) or about $1,500,000
per annum, for that number. This sum, pro¬
vided the subject were cordially taken up by
the state legislatures and ^congress, would
not be attended with the slightest difficulty.
Indeed, if encountered with the zeal which
its importance demands, twice the sum could
be easily raised. But then the objectors em¬
phatically demand, how shall we provide for
the transportation of such a number?
It appears from Walsh's Sketches of Bra¬
zil, that there ha,ve been as many as 100,000
of the wretched negroes ravished from their
PREFACE.
native land in one year. If the wretches en¬
gaged in that' nefarious traffic could find
means of transporting 100,000 human beings
in one year across the Atlantic, surely this
powerful nation could, to accomplish the
great objects in view, and to rescue itself by
degrees from the odious stain of slavery, ac¬
complish the conveyance of 60, or even
100,000 to a land where they will be " lords
of the soil." 60 or 70,000 persons have emi¬
grated in one year from Great Britain and
Ireland.
It is asked, how shall provision be made for
such a number in Liberiathey will perish
for want of sustenance !
Can there exist any fear on this subject,
when the soil of Liberia produces two re¬
gular crops a year, with the most imperfect
culture 1*
Philadelphia, April 20, 1832.
@ "
P. S As this page was about to be put to press,
the following interesting statement was handed to
the writer, who avails himself of a chasm here, to
insert it, as a proof that sounder and more favoura¬
ble views of the Society, and of the situation of the
colony, prevail in Charleston than among some of'
the coloured people here.
" On the 6th of December, 1831, there was a meet¬
ing held in Charleston, of a number of coloured
people, for the purpose of taking into consideration
the propriety of emigrating to Liberia. The Chair¬
man, Junius Eden, after stating the object, observed
' The inhabitants invite us to come and possess the
land, to assist them to infuse into the natives, notions
of pure inoraiity, and to erect temples dedicated to
the worship of Jehovah, where the injured sons of
Africa may enter, and with united voices raise me¬
lodious songs of praise to Heaven's Eternal King.'
He said that no sacrifice was too great to be made
here in order to secure for ourselves and our chil¬
dren the blessings of social happiness in Africa, and
concluded by calling on other members of the meet¬
ing to express their sentiments.
"Charles Henry then arose and said, 'Africa, the
land of our fathers, although surrounded wilh
clouds of darkness, seems to me to be extending her
arms towards us as her only hope of relief, and call¬
* The first edition of this pamphlet, which was
distributed gratuitously, wholly at the expense of
tne writer, was published Dec. 31,1831. Two edi¬
tions, of 7000 copies, and one at Hartford in Con¬
necticut, have since been published, and it is now
«tereotyped, and disposed of at the mere cost of pa¬
per and printing, ($5 per 100 copies,) in order to give
it general circulation, in the hope of promoting a
beneficent undertaking, which the writer consci¬
entiously believes, hardly yields in importance to
any agitated in this country, since the establishment
of the present coustitution. The Theological So¬
ciety of Princeton, impressed with the same opinion
on the subject as the writer, purchased 1000 copies
—the Parent Colonisation Society 1600—and above
30 patriotic individuals 100 each, and some 200 co¬
pies. These flattering testimonials in its favour,
afford the writer the very high gratification to be¬
lieve that his labours in this cause have not been
in vain.
ing on us loudly for help—saying, ' I struggle for
light and for liberty, and call upon you by the
manes of your ancestors, to come to my help and
your rightful possession. Tarry then not, but
come over and dispel the darkness lroin your be¬
nighted land. Come, and inspire us by your exam
pie with sentiments of virtue, and wiih a love of
the duties taught by the meek and lowly Jesus.
Come and erect altars, and light them with the pure
fire of devotion to the only living and true God.
Come and enforce the empire of reason, truth, and
Christianity over our benighted minds. Be no
longer as a sentinel asleep at your post; desert not
your own people and the country of your ancestors.'
Mr. Henry concluded by submitting the following
preamble and resolutions, which were unanimously
adopted.
" Whereas it will be unworthy of us as descend¬
ants of Africa, if after the bright and inspiring pros¬
pects which are held out to us of inheriting the laud
of our fathers, we let go, by supine negligence, the
opportunity now offered by the Colonization Society
of accepting the invitation of our brethren in Libe¬
ria to inherit and enjoy alike with them a land, not
obtained by the harrowing price of blood and
treachery, but by the ■unspotted gift of heaven to
our ancestors. Therefore
" Resolved, That we take the Bible for our chart,
with a full supply Of love, hope, and faith, and
lesive the land that gave us birth, and emigrate to
Liberia, in Africa, the land of our ancestors, there
to spend the remnant of our days, in peace and har¬
mony.
" Resolved, Thrst we goto Africa as Harbingers of
Peace in the fulness of the blessing of the Gospel of
Christ, and determinad, by every virtuous deed, to
set such examples shall be worthy of the Chris¬
tian name.
" Resolved, That we who compose this meeting,
placing our only reliance in an All-wise Providence,
and supplicating his guidance and direction in our
affairs, do solemnly in his presence, pledge our faith
to each other, that we will live in Africa in union
and brotherly love as one family. And that they
who shall reach Africa first, shall select suitable
lands for the remainder; and that we will mutually
assist each other, and afford, when needed, both spir¬
itual and temporal aid; and in case of the death of
the heads of families, the surviving members shall
foster and afford the family of the deceased every
possible relief
" Resolved, That our motives fer leaving the place
that gave us birth, are honourable, just and right;
and for the purity of our intentions, we appeal to
the J udge of all the earth. And taking His word for
our standard, we will not harbour or encourage any
designs that may tend to disturb the peace and har¬
mony of this state, or by any means alienate the af¬
fections of our brethren who are held as property,
from their subordinate channel.
" Resolved, That as soon as our affairs can be
brought to a close, we will make application to be
conveyed to Liberia."
N. B. Major Barbour, a coloured man, who resided
about seven years in Liberia, where he has left his
family, and where he intends to return, is now in
this city. He was a member of the committee which
drew up the address to the coloured people of the
U. S. which is to be seen in p. 20, and which draws
such a very flattering picture of the situation of the
colony and of the colon sts.
Philadelphia, June, 1832.
LETTERS, &c.
LETTER I.
The Southampton Massacre.—Difference be¬
tween the State of Slavery in Greece and
Rome, and in the United States.— Various
Plans of Colonization.—Objects of the
Colonization Society.
to the hon. charles fenton mercer.
Dear Sir,—The tragical issue of the insur¬
rection in Southampton, in which above sixty-
whites fell a sacrifice to the vengeance of their
slaves, and subsequently to which, a great num¬
ber of slaves suffered the penalties of the vio¬
lated laws of the state, has awakened the slave
states out of their slumbers, and excited con¬
siderable attention towards our coloured popu¬
lation, and the awfiil consequences that may
ensue, sooner or later, from the admixture of
two heterogeneous castes in the country, with¬
out the least probability, at any future period,
however remote, of an amalgamation between
them, in consequence of the diversity of colour.
In this respect our situation is widely differ¬
ent from that of Greece or Rome. The great
mass of their slaves were of the same colour
as their masters, and a complete amalgamation
might take place in a generation or two.—
Against such a result, there is in this country,
an insuperable barrier.
This subject had occupied the attention of
some of the wisest and best men of the coun¬
try, for above half a century. Several attempts
were made in different provinces before the re¬
volution, to prevent the importation of slaves,
and acts were passed for the purpose; but they
were uniformly'rejected by the governors, un¬
der instructions from the British privy council
—or by that council when the acts were trans¬
mitted for royal approbation. So early as 1772,
the house of burgesses of Virginia, unanimously
agreed upon an address to the king of Great
Britain, praying him "to remove those re¬
straints on the governors of the colony, which
inhibited them from assenting to such laws as
might check so very pernicious a commerce."
" The importation of slaves into the colonies, from
the coasts of Africa, has long been considered as a
trade of grreat inhumanity, and under its encourage¬
ment, we have too much reason to fear, will en¬
danger the very existence of your majesty's
American dominions. '
" We are sensible that some of your majesty's
subjects in Great Britain, may reap emolument from
this sort of traffic; but when we consider that it
greatly retards the settlement of the colonies with more
white inhabitants, and may, in time, have the most de¬
structive influence, we presume to hope, that the in¬
terests of a few will be disregarded, when placed in
competition with the security and happiness of such
numbers of your majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects."
This and various other efforts were entirely
fruitless. The trade remained unrestrained
until the declaration of independence, when
Virginia and some other states prohibited it
altogether.
Unfortunately, the sound sentiments so ex¬
plicitly expressed by the burgesses of Virginia,
in 1772, were forgotten, or had lost their influ¬
ence in 1787, when the federal constitution was
formed. By that instrument congress was pro¬
hibited from passing laws to prevent the im¬
portation of slaves for twenty years! A courtly
style was employed. It was not thought pro¬
per to introduce the word " slaves."
"The migration or importation of such persons as
any of the slates, now existing, shall think proper to
admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior
to the year 1808; but a tax or duty may be imposed
on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars ior
each person."
In consequence of this unfortunate constitu¬
tional legitimation of the slave trade, it was
carried on for twenty years on a large scale,
and sowed a seed which has germinated with
fatal fertility, and threatens a heavy retribution.
In the discussion of the best means of avert¬
ing, or at least of .mitigating the evil to be
dreaded, from the existence among us of a
class of people, who, although free, and there¬
fore entitled to the advantages and privileges
of freemen, were, neyertheless, in a great
degree, debarred from them by the inexorable
force of public prejudice, and, in most of the
states, were subject to rules and regulations
and proscriptions, of the most oppressive and!
galling kind—in this discussion, I say, public
opinion unanimously settled down in favour
of an extensive system of colonization.
On the subject of the location, there was not
the same degree of unanimity. Some of our
citizens were in favour of selecting a portion
of the vacant territory of the United States,
and setting it apart for the purpose. Others
were, and some still are, for making an ar¬
rangement with the government of Mexico,
and sending the class in question to Texas.
Others, again, advocated g. settlement on the
western coast of Africa, being the natale solum
of their ancestors, the climate being better
suited to the great majority of the coloured
people of this country. The last plan was
finally adopted.
The objects of the friends of colonization
are—
I. To rescue the free coloured people from
the disqualifications, the degradation, and the
proscription to which they are exposed in the
United States.
II. To place them in a country where they
may enjoy the benefits of free government,
with all the blessings which it brings in its
train.
III. To avert the dangers t>f a dreadful col
lision at a future day ot the two castes, which
must inevitably be objects of mutual jealousy
to each other.
IV. To sprea/1 civilization, sound morals,
and true religion throughout the vstst conti¬
nent of Africa, at present sunk in the lowest
and most hid:«?c*is state of barbarism.
0
LETTERS ON THE
V. And though last, not least, to afford
slave owners who are conscientiously scrupu¬
lous about holding human beings in bondage,
an asylum, to which they may send their
manumitted slaves.
The last item has recently assumed a
greatly increased importance. Manumissions
are prohibited in some of the slave states, un¬
less the parties remove beyond their bounda¬
ries ; and the entrance of free negroes into
others is prohibited; so that manumissions
without deportation, appear to be almost
wholly at an end.
With such noble objects in view, it is truly
wonderful, that although the society has been
in existence for sixteen years, the whole of
the contributions, public and private, (except
the support by the government of the United
States, of negroes captured from slave traders)
received up to the present day, by the society
for carrying them into effect, has been but
■about $165,000, little more than a cent a head
for the entire population of the most prosper¬
ous nation in the world! a nation, moreover,
in which other objects, some of them of infe¬
rior usefulness, are most liberally supported!
This must have arisen from an- impression
entertained by many, that the scheme is ab¬
solutely impracticable. Hence, many liberal
individuals have wholly withheld their con¬
tributions. Of this opinion was the writer of
these letters, at an early stage of the exist¬
ence of the society. He regarded it as one
of the wildest projects ever conceived by en¬
lightened men; and therefore, in the language
of Sterne, respecting the monk, he was " pre¬
determined not to give them a single sous."
Mature reflection has, however, convinced
him of his error: he is now satisfied that the
project is not more benignant and beneficent,
than practicable, provided the general and
estate governments,' and public-spirited indivi¬
duals yield it a support in any degree commen-
.surate with its importance.
In the hope of converting others, as he him-
-eelf has been converted, he believes he may
render an acceptable service to his country,
rby placing before the public, in plain, una¬
dorned language, the leading features of the
case, under the following prominent heads.
1. On the early plans of colonization, and
the origin of the Society.
2. The purchase of Liberia.
3. Increase of the coloured population.
4. Expense of the passage of the emigrants.
5. Manumissions that have taken place,
with a view to emigration to Liberia.
6. Progress of the Colony, compared with
the difficulties and disasters, experienced in
the settlement of Massachusetts, Virginia, and
North Carolina.
7. Decided approbation fcjf the Society by
legislatures and other public bodies.
8. Testimonies of the prosperous situation of
the colonists,by various American captains,&c.
9. Soil and climate, commerce, and produc¬
tions of Liberia.
10. Disadvantages of slavery to the whites,
and the advantages of colonization to the free
people of colour.
11. Situation of Africa, before the irruptions
of the barbarians.
12. Effects of the colony on the slave trade,
with a slight sketch of that nefarious traffic.
April 6,1832.
LETTER n.
Early flans of Colonization.—Mr. Jeffer¬
son's and Mr. Thornton's,—Resolve of the
Legislature of Virginia.—Ineffectual Ne¬
gotiations.—Formation of the Colonization
Society.—Granville Sharpe, Anthony Be-
nezet, Paul Cuffee.
As early as the year 1777, Mr. Jefferson
proposed to the legislature of Virginia, to be
incorporated in the revised code of that State,
a plan for colonizing the free coloured popu¬
lation of the United. States. The particulars
I have not been able to obtain. There is rea¬
son to believe, that he proposed the settlement
in some of the western vacant lands. Be that
as it may, the project proved an abortion,
owing partly to the distractions and difficul¬
ties of the war, and partly to the novelty and
magnitude of the undertaking. How much
to be deplored the result! Had it succeeded,
what a source of danger and disaster would
have been dried up for ever!
In the year 1787, Dr. Thornton of Wash¬
ington, formed a project for establishing a co¬
lony of that population on the western coast
of Africa, and published an.address to those
residing in Massachusetts and Rhode Island,
inviting them to accompany him. A suffi¬
cient number of them agreed to go, and were
prepared for the expedition. But this project
failed, in consequence of the want of funds.
The public mind was not then prepared foi
affording pecuniary support. Previous to the
year 1801, the legislature of Virginia, twice
debated in secret session, the subject of colo¬
nizing the free people of colour, without
coming to any decision on it. But in 1801,
they passed a resolution, instructing Mr. Mon¬
roe, then governor of the state, to apply to the
President of the United States, and urge him
to institute negotiations with some of the pow¬
ers of Europe possessed of colonies on the coast
-of Africa, to grant an asylum, to which our
emancipated negroes might be sent. Mr. Jef¬
ferson opened a negotiation with the Sierra
Leone Company, for the purpose, but without
success. At that period, the colony was in a
very depressed and decaying state, being un¬
der the command of a private company, who
found its support extremely burdensome. They
did not choose to increase their difficulties by
an increase of the population. It was soon af-.
terwards surrendered to the British govern-
AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
7
ment* Mr. Jefferson subsequently applied to
the government of Portugal, for an asylum in
their African possessions, and equally failed.
The project was then abandoned as hopeless.
In the session of the legislature of Virginia,
in 1816, the subject was again brought for¬
ward, and the following resolution was adopted
by a large majority.
"Whereas, the General Assembly of Virginia have
repeatedly sought to obtain an asylum, beyond the
limits of the United States, for such persons of co-.
lour as had been, or might be emancipated, under
the laws of tliis commonwealth; but have hitherto
found all their efforts frustrated, either by the dis¬
turbed state of other nations, or domestic causes,
equally unpropitious to their success:
"They now avail themselves of a period, when
peace has healed the wounds of humanity, and the
principal nations of Europe have concurred with the
government of the United States, in abolishing the
African Slave Trade, (a traffic which this Common¬
wealth, both before and since the revolution, zeal¬
ously sought to exterminate,) to renew this effort,
and do therefore,—
" Resolve, That the Executive be requested to cor¬
respond with the President of the United States, for
the purpose of obtaining a territory on the coast of
Africa, or at some other place, not within any of the
states or territorial governments of the United States,
to serve as an asylum for such persons of colour as
are now free, and may desire the same, and for those
who may hereafter be emancipated within this
Commonwealth; and that the Senators and Repre¬
sentatives of this state, in the congress of the United
States, be requested to exert their best efforts to aid
the President of the United States in the attainment
of the above objects.
" Provided, That no contract or arrangement re¬
specting such territory shall be obligatory oi\ this
Commonwealth, until ratified by the legislature."
Thus the scheme of colonization, which is
now so violently denounced, in some of the
papers in South Carolina, as a conspiracy
against the rights and property of the slave
holders, and forms a part of the means whereby
the dangerous effervescence in that state has
been excited, originated with the great lead¬
ing slave state, which possesses more than a
third of all the slaves in the five original slave
states.
It appears that the idea of a Colonization
Society, originated with the Rov. Robert Fin-
ley, of New Jersey, a man of great humanity
and benevolence, who, in February, 1815,
wrote a letter to a friend,* in which he deeply
* Basking Ridge, Feb. 14th, 1815.
"The longer I live to see the wretchedness of
men, the more I admire the virtue of those who de¬
vise, and with patienee labour to execute, plans for
the relief of the wretched. On this subject the state
of the free blacks has very much occupied my mind.
Their number increases greatly, and their wretch¬
edness too, as appears to me. Every thing connected
with their condition, including their colour, is against
them: nor is there much prospect that their state can
ever be greatly meliorated, while they shall conti¬
nue among us. Could not the rich and benevolent de¬
vise means to form a colony on some part of the coast of
Africa, similar to ike one at Sierra Leone, which might
gradually induce many free blacks to gn and settle,
devising for them the means of getting there, and of
protection and support till they were established.
Could they be sent back to Africa, a threefold bene-
deplored the calamitous and degraded state
of the free people of colour, and suggested the
plan of forming a colony on the coast of Afri¬
ca, for their reception, as a means of improv¬
ing their morals and manners, and rescuing
them from the debasement under which they
labour in this country. He counted largely
on the advantages that such a colony would
insure to Africa, by the introduction of civili¬
zation and Christianity.
Full of these benevolent views, he repaired
to Washington, in December, 1816, and with
considerable efforts, assembled a meeting of
citizens of influence and respectability, among
whom were Bushrod Washington, Henry
Clay, John Randolph, of Roanoke, Col. Mer¬
cer, Elias B. Caldwell, Francis S. Key, &c.
Sic., to whom the project of' forming a Co¬
lonization Society was submitted. Bushrod
Washington presided at the meeting. The
subject was fully and eloquently discussed,
among others by Mr. Clay and- Mr. Ran¬
dolph. The latter observed, that—
" If a place could be provided for their reception
and a mode of sending them hence, there were hun¬
dreds, nay thousands, who would, by manumitting
their slaves, relieve themselves from the cares at¬
tendant on their possession."
At this meeting, a letter from Thomas Jefc
ferson, dated January 21, 1811, was read, in
which he stated his abortive negociations with
the Sierra Leone company, and with the Por¬
tuguese government. The following extracts
are taken from this letter:
" You have asked my opinion on the proposition of
Ann Mifflin, to take measures for procuring on the
coast of Africa, an establishment, to which the peo¬
ple of colour of these United States might, from time
to time, "be colonized, under the auspices of different
governments. Having long ago made up my mind
on this subject, I have no hesitation in paying, that 1
have ever thought that the most desirable measure that
could be adopted, for gradually drawing off this part
of our population—most advantageous for them¬
selves as well as for us; going from a country pos¬
sessing all the useful arts, they might be the means
of transplanting them am'ong the inhabitants of
Africa; and would thus carry back to the country
of their origin, the seeds of civilization; which might
render their sojournment here a blessing, in the end,
to that country. Indeed, nothing is more to be wished,
than that the United States would, themselves, under*
take to make such an establishment on the coast of
Africa
A society was formed; Bushrod Wash¬
ington was appointed president, and Messrs.
Crawford, Clay, Rutgers, Howard, Gen. Jack¬
son, Rev. R. Finley, &c. vice presidents. An
eloquent memorial to Congress was drawn
up, which Mr. Randolph undertook to present
to that body.
It may not be amiss to mention here the
names of the two persons, who, during the last
fit would arise. We should be cleared of them. W&
should send to Africa, a population partly civilized
and christianized for its benefit And our blacks
themselves, would be put in a better situation.
Think much upon this subject, and then please to
write me when you have leisure."—Robert Finley
8
LETTERS brraiK
century, were in the highest degree instru¬
mental in directing the public attention to
slavery, and the horrors of the slave trade.
Although numbers of persons on each side
of the Atlantic, had previously borne strong
testimony against both, the pre-eminence in
efficiency is due to Granville Sharpe, in En¬
gland, and Anthony Benezet, in Pennsylva¬
nia. The labours of the latter commenced
about 1760, and of the former in 1770.
Sharpe's career began with the case of J.
Strong, who had been cruelly treated by his
master, a planter of the island of Barbadoes,
Dy whom he had been brought to England,
and being found useless, partly by disease, and
partly by the inhuman treatment he had ex¬
perienced, was abandoned to perish in the
streets of London, or to depend on mendicity
for a support. Sharpe, becoming acquainted
with his forlorn situation, took him under his
protection, and recommended him to the care
of his brother William, a respectable physi¬
cian, by whom he was restored to health.
The brutal master asserted his claim to Strong,
as soon as he had recovered his powers of use¬
fulness. The brothers resisted the claim, and
protected Strong, for which, a prosecution was
commenced against them by the master. The
result is not stated in the life of Sharpe, but
it is highly probable that the cause of human-,
ity triumphed.
This case, however, and two others, of a
similar character, which occurred subse¬
quently, did not settle the question, whether
slavery could exist in England, which was
brought to issue by the case of Somerset, a
negro slave, (belonging to a Charles Stewart,
a Virginian,) whose liberty was claimed by
Sharpe, on the broad ground, that! the soil of
England could not be polluted by slavery.
The case was brought before Lord Mansfield,
in the court of king's bench, whose opinion
on the subject was so far unsettled, that he
declared to the counsel, on the opening of the
case—that,
" If it came fairly to the general question, what¬
ever the opinion of the court might be, even if they
were all agreed upon one side or the other, the sub¬
ject was of so general and so extensive a concern,
that, from the nature of the question, he should cer¬
tainly take the opinion of the judges upon it."
The case was argued three times, in Janu¬
ary, February, and May 1772, and the deci¬
sion three times postponed, on account of tne
doubts of the chief justice. At length, on the
22d of June, he pronounced judgment, which
concluded as follows:—
" There is no necessity to refer the question to the
judges. Immemorial usage preserves positive law,
after the occasion or accident, which gave rise to it,
has been forgotten; and tracing the subject to na¬
tural principles, the claim of slavery never can be
supported. The power claimed never was in use
here, or acknowledged by the law. Upon the whole,
we cannot say the cause returned is sufficient by the
law: and therefore the man must be discharged."
Anthony Benezet was an indefatigable ad¬
vocate of the rights of the coloured people,
and an ardent enemy of the execrable slave
trade, on which he wrote a number of pam¬
phlets, the distribution of which had a pow¬
erful effect in producing the efforts that led
to the abolition of that traffic. Several per¬
sons, belonging to the society of Friends, in
this country, had previously laboured in the
same cause of humanity, among whom were
William Burling, Ralph Sanford, Benjamin
Lay, and John Woolman. But their labours,
though highly meritorious, were by no means
so effectual as those of Benezet, who, how¬
ever, had the advantage, that he found the
public mind rather better prepared by those
estimable pioneers, for the reception of his
doctrines.
The first emigration of coloured people from
the United States to Africa, was conducted
by Paul Cuffee, an amiable, benevolent, and
liberal coloured man, born at New Bedford,
in 1759, of an African father and aboriginal
mother. In the year 1815, he sailed from
Boston, in a vessel of his own, and took with
him nine families, containing thirty-eight per¬
sons, of whom only eight paid their expenses.
The whole expense of the remaining thirty,
amounting to above three thousand dollars,
was defrayed by the noble-minded Paul Cuf¬
fee. He landed them in Sierra Leone, where
they were kindly received. Had he means,
he might, in 1816, have taken 2000 from New
England, els nearly the whole were willing to
take passage with him.
" Paul Cuffee, by industry and enterprize, guided
by an uncommon share of plain sense and practical
wisdom, arose from poverty to Opulence. He was
largely concerned in navigation; and, in many voy¬
ages, particularly to Russia, England, Africa, the
West Indies, and the Southern states, commanded
his own vessel. A man of sterling integrity and ac¬
tive benevolence, of modest and dignified manners,
he was known and honoured by persons of the first
respectability, in England and the United States."
Philadelphia, April 10, 1832.
LETTER in.
Agents sent to Africa to explore the coast
for a suitable situation.—Land purchased.
—Conflict with the natives.—Agent seized
by them.—Monrovia besieged.—In immi~
nent danger.—Colonists triumph.—Peace.
In November, 1819, the society appointed
two agents, the Rev. S. J. Mills and Mr. Ebe-
nezer Burgess, to proceed to the coast of
Africa, via England, to make the necessary
explorations and inquiries as to a suitable lo
cation for a settlement. The object of land
ing in England, was, to procure letters to the
leading men at Sierra Leone, and also to gain
such general information respectingthe coast
of Africa, as might be attainable. They suc¬
ceeded in both objects, and procured, more¬
over, recommendations from the court of Co¬
penhagen, to its colonial authorities on the
coast. They sailed from the Downs on the
7th of February, 1820, and arrived at Sierra
AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
9
Leone early in March. They visited all the
ports from Sierra Leone to Sherboro. At this
last place, they found a small colony of co¬
loured people, settled by John Kizel, a South
Carolina slave, who had joined the British in
the revolutionary wax, and at its close was
taken to Nova Scotia, from whence he sailed
with a number of his countrymen to Africa,
where he established this small settlement,
which was, at the arrival of the agents, in a
prosperous situation. By Ivizel and his peo¬
ple, the agents were kindly and hospitably
received. After gaining all the information
necessary for their purpose, they sailed from
the coast in May. Mr. Burgess arrived in the
United States in the following month.- Mr.
Mills died on the passage.
On the 2d of March, 1807, an act was
passed by the Congress of the United States,
prohibiting the slave trade, from and after the
1st of January, 1806, under heavy penalties.
Its chief features were,
I. Any person engaged in fitting out a ves¬
sel for that trade, was liable to a penalty of
20,000 dollars.
II. Any person taking on board a vessel on
the coast of Africa, any negro, mulatto, or
person of colour, was subject to a penalty of
5000 dollars.
III. All vessels of the United States, found
at sea by our cruisers, having been engaged
in the slave trade, were to be forfeited, with all
their tackle; the captain or master to be tried,
and, if found guilty, to be subject to a fine of
$10,000, and to imprisonment for not more
than ten, nor less than five years.
This act contained a clause, whereby ne¬
groes brought into the United States, in con¬
sequence of its provisions, were to be " sub¬
ject to any regulations, not contravening the
provisions of the act, which the legisla¬
tures of the several states or territories might
thereafter make, for disposing of such ne¬
groes."
By an act passed by the legislature of Geor¬
gia, on the 18th of December, 1817, all ne¬
groes, mulattoes, or persons of colour brought
into the state, in pursuance of the above act
of Congress, were directed to be claimed by
a person to be appointed by the governor,
taken to Milledgeville, and there sold, after
sixty days notice in a public gazette.
It is obvious that the law erf" Congress, abo¬
lishing the slave trade, would be a solemn
mockery, unless an asylum were provided for
the captured negroes. If landed in Georgia,
or any other of the slave-holding states, they
would be sold as slaves, and in that case, the
only effect of the law of congress would be,
to change the location of the victims from the
Havanna or Rio de Janeiro, to Augusta, or
Savannah, or Milledgeville. And the non-
slave holding states would never consent to
be burdened with negroes who could not
epeak their language, nor be able, for a long
time, to earn a support, and who would there¬
fore become paupers.
The law of Georgia, however, contained a
clause which authorised and required the go¬
vernor to deliver to the Colonization Society,
all captured negroes, landed in the state, pro¬
vided the society paid all the expenses incur¬
red by the state, since their capture and con¬
demnation.
A slaver, containing thirty-eight negroes,
was captured by one of our government ves¬
sels, and brought into Georgia. The negroes
were advertised for sale, on the 3d of May,
1819, at Milledgeville, in pursuance of the
above act The Colonization Society, then in
its infancy, availed itself of the clause refer¬
red to—paid the expenses incurred by the
state, and rescued the victims .of piratical cu¬
pidity from a perpetual slavery.
Cases of this kind which had previously oc¬
curred, drew the attention of congress to the
necessity of providing an asylum for the cap¬
tured negroes; and accordingly, an act was
passed on the 3d of March, 1819, whereby
the president was " authorized to make such
regulations and arrangements as he might
deem expedient, for the safe keeping, support,
and removal beyond the limits of the United
States, of all such negroes, mulattoes, or per¬
sons of colour, as might [in this manner,] be
brought within their jurisdiction; and to ap¬
point a proper person or persons, residing
upon the coast of Africa, as agent or agents,
for receiving the negroes, mulattoes, or per¬
sons of colour, delivered from on board vessels
seized in the prosecution of the slave trade,
by commanders of the United States' armed
vessels."
It was obvious that the objects of the go¬
vernment could be better accomplished in
conjunction with the Colonization Society,
than separately. Accordingly, in the year
1820, the Elizabeth was chartered, and took
out to the coast two agents of the govern¬
ment, one from the Society, and about eighty
emigrants. The latter wete to be employed
at the expense of the government, in prepar¬
ing accommodations for the reception of re¬
captured negroes.
They were, in the outset, extremely un¬
fortunate. They fotind it impossible to obtain
a suitable place, and " were compelled, by a
variety of untoward circumstances, to make a
temporary establishment' in the low, un¬
healthy island of Sherboro." Here they were
detained some time, endeavouring to purchase
land—and were attacked by fatal diseases,
which carried off the three agents, and twenty
of the colonists.
The colony was in a lamentable state, in
the spring of 1821. Great ^ confusion and
want of subordination prevailed, in conse¬
quence of the death of the agents. At that
time, four new ones arrived, Messrs. An¬
drews, Wiltberger, Winn, and Bacon; the
10
LETTERS ON THE
two first on the part of the Society, and the
others on that of the United States. They
brought out twenty-eight emigrants—and,
from the difficulties that had occurred in pro¬
curing land, they proceeded with the old and
new hands to the neighbourhood of Sierra Le¬
one. One of the agents, Mr. Bacon, b,eing
taken sick, returned to the United States.
Mr. Andrews died in August, and Mr. Winn
in September.
This was a most appalling state of things,
and would have discouraged ordinary men
from a prosecution of the scheme. Fortu¬
nately, such timid counsels did not prevail.
The Society determined to persevere, trust¬
ing that more experience, and the choice of
a more salubrious situation, would guard
against a repetition of those disasters.
A new agent, Dr. Ayres, was appointed,
who, with Lieutenant Stockton, on the part
of the United States, sailed in November,
1821, and arrived on the coast of Africa in
December. On a careful examination of the
coast, they purchased the country called Mont-
serado, where the colony is now settled. The
price agreed upon, was three hundred dollars,
payable in powder and ball, fire-arms, tobac¬
co, clothing, &c.
The Africans who had been landed at Sierra
Leone, were now sent for, and affairs wore a
promising aspect, when an untoward circum¬
stance occurred, which threatened a total
failure of the scheme.
A small slave vessel, prize to an English
schooner, with thirty recaptured slaves on
board, and bound for Sierra Leone, put in for
water at Perseverance island, part of the pur¬
chased territory, where the colonists were
stationed. Having unfortunately parted her
cable, she drifted on shore, where she was
wrecked. The custom of the coast appropri¬
ates to the petty chief on whose lands a wreck
takes place, the vessel and her entire con¬
tents. King George, on whose territory the
accident happened, sent his people to take
possession. They were resisted by the cap¬
tain and crew, and were discomfited. While
the natives were preparing to renew the at¬
tack, the captain sent to the agent for assist¬
ance, which was readily granted. A boat
was instantly manned, and sent to his relief,
and a brass field piece on the island brought
to bear on the assailants, who were accord¬
ingly routed, with the loss of two killed and
several wounded. The crew and slaves were
brought in safety to land, but the vessel went
to pieces, and most of the stores and property
was lost.
This exasperated the natives, not merely
by the loss of their plunder and their men, but
by the prospect it held out of similar interfer¬
ences in future. They anticipated the total
interruption of the slave trade, which was
their principal dependence for procuring sup¬
plies of whatever they might want. They
therefore determined to extirpate the colony,
while in its feeble and defenceless state.
Only part of the goods had been delivered,
and the natives refused to receive the remain¬
der, insisting on returning what they had re¬
ceived. This, of course, the agent refused,
and they had recourse to a stratagem to ac¬
complish their purpose. They invited him
to an amicable conference, and as soon as they
had him in their power, made him a prisoner,
and detained him until he consented to take
the articles back. Then they insisted on the
colonists withdrawing from the settlement
altogether. Pleading the difficulty of re¬
moval, for want of a place to which to retire,
he was permitted to remain till he could make
a purchase of land. Meanwhile, he made an
appeal to Boatswain, one of the native kings,
who enjoyed a sort of supremacy among
them, and who, on hearing the respective al¬
legations,- gave an award in favour of the co¬
lonists, that the bargain had been fair on both
sides; that there was no ground for rescind¬
ing it; and therefore, that the natives should
receive the stipulated goods, and relinquish
the purchased territory. With this judgment
his perfidious regal brethren were forced to
comply, as he threatened them with ven¬
geance, if they proved refractory. i
Notwithstanding this favourable decision
of the dangerous controversy, the colony was
at the lowest ebb at that period. It had to
dread the vengeance of its neighbours, on the
departure of Boatswain, whose territories were
considerably remote, and before whose return,
for their defence, they might be crushed by
the overwhelming numbers of their enemies.
And, unfortunately, through the unskilfulness
of the colonial engineer, the thatch of the
store house, wherein were contained the pro¬
visions, arms, ammunition, merchandize, and
other public property of the, colony, had taken
fire, in their conflict in the defence of the
English prize ship, and the house and nearly
all its contents, amounting in value to about
three thousand dollars, assorted for the settle¬
ment, and all of the first necessity, were con¬
sumed. The powder, a few casks of provi¬
sions, and a scanty supply of other stores,
were with difficulty, rescued from the flames,
by the exertions of the colonists.
" The houses were yet destitute of roofs, for which
the materials were to be sought for, in the almost
impenetrable swamps of the country. The rainy
season had already commenced. The island (Per¬
severance,) if much longer occupied by the colo¬
nists, must prove the grave of many. Sickness was
beginning to be prevalent, and the agents were
among the sufferers. The store of provisions was
scanty, and all other stores nearly exhausted."
In this gloomy state of affairs, Dr. Ayres
determined to remove the Colonists, their pro¬
visions, stores, &c. to Sierra Leone. The
Society's agent, Mr. Wiltberger, opposed this
project; convinced that if the Colonists re¬
moved, the land purchased could not be reco¬
vered. At his instance the Colonists heroically
AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
U
rejected it, ahd determined to remain, in the
hope of a melioration of their affairs.
At this eventful period, to cheer the hopes
and to revive the courage of the settlers, a
vessel arrived from Baltimore, with a number
of recaptured slaves, and thirty-seven free co¬
loured people, under the superintendance of
the Rev. Mr. Ashmun; who, on landing,
found, to his great surprise, that the agents
had returned to America, having left the co¬
lony under the care of a coloured man.
The natives were brooding over, not only
their discomfiture in the attack on the En¬
glish vessel, but on the very unwelcome deci¬
sion of Boatswain, of the controversy about
the soil. As soon as he had retired, they be¬
gan to make preparations for an attack, in or¬
der to extirpate such formidable neighbours,
before they had gained sufiicient strength to
set them at defiance. The colonists were in
a very indifferent state to meet the attack.
" Of the native Americans, twenty-seven,
when not sick, were able to bear arms, but
were wholly untrained to their use, and capa¬
ble, in their present undisciplined state, of
making but a very feeble defence. There
were forty muskets in store, which, with re¬
pairing, were capable of being rendered ser¬
viceable. Of one brass, and five iron guns
attached to the settlement, the former only
was fit for service, and four of the latter re¬
quired carriages. Some of them had been
nearly buried in the mud on the opposite side
of the river. Not a good abattis or other
fencework, had been completed. There was
no fixed ammunition; nor, without great dif¬
ficulty and delay, was it possible to load the
only gun which was provided with a sufiicient
carriage."
The colonists, by means of " a spy in the
enemy's camp," had information of all their
plans of attack, and made all the preparation
in their power to repel them. But their num¬
ber was small, having only thirty-five effec¬
tive men. Their defences were incomplete,
and the most alarming feature in their affairs
was, that the agent, the Rev. Mr. Ashmun,
a man of the most extraordinary zeal, ardour,
and energy, was dangerously ill, confined fre¬
quently to his bed, and at times, rather deliri¬
ous, and wholly unable to attend to his duties.
" From the middle of September till the first
week in November, he continued .in an ex¬
tremely low and dangerous state; so en¬
tirely debilitated in body and mind, as to be
nearly incapable of motion, and insensible
to every thing, but the consciousness of suf¬
fering."
The attack was made on the 8th of No¬
vember, 1822, by a force of above eight hun¬
dred men. In consequence of the sickness
of the agent, and his inability to enforce his
orders personally, one pass had been neglected
to be properly defended. There, the enemy
&und an entrance, and captured one of the
guns; which, very fortunately, they knew not
how to manage. At this awfiil crisis, when
total destruction seemed inevitable, the colo¬
nists were saved by the want of discipline of
the assailants. They had captured 'four
houses, and betook themselves to plunder
them, whereby they got into confusion, and
afforded the colonists time to rally. Had the
enemy availed themselves of their first suc¬
cess, resistance, on the part of the besieged,
would have been in vain. But the latter hav¬
ing recovered from their surprise, recaptured
Che gun, and turned it on the enemy, among
whom, as they were wedged in a solid mass,
it made a horrible havoc. They lost sixty or
eighty men, and fled in utter confusion. The
loss of the colonists was nearly in the same
proportion to their numbers. They had three
men and one woman killed; two men and
two women severely wounded; and four chil¬
dren captured.
Although thus completely discomfited, the
natives did not abandon their design of ex¬
terminating the colony. They determined
to renew the attack with additional forces,
collecting auxiliaries from as many of the
neighbouring tribes as they could induce to
unite with them. The colonists, on their side,
were equally on the alert, and made incredi¬
ble exertions to prepare for repelling the as¬
sailants. They reduced the extent of their
works, and thus rendered them more defen
sible than they had been on the former at¬
tack. But the number of effective men was
less, being only thirty.
The attack was made on the' 30th of No¬
vember, and incomparably better concerted
than the former one. It took place almost
simultaneously on three sides of the fortifica¬
tions. The assailants displayed a tact and
skill that would have done credit to more ex¬
perienced warriors. But they were received
with that bravery and determination which
the danger of total destruction, in case of de¬
feat, was calculated to inspire, and were
finally defeated with severe loss. The gar¬
rison had one man killed, and two badly
wounded. The skill and talent, and energy
of Mr. Ashmun, mainly secured the triumph.
He received three bullets through his clothes,
but was not wounded.
The action continued an hour and a half,
and was renewed three times, with the ut¬
most desperation.
" There was, at this time, little surgical
knowledge, less skill, and absolutely no in¬
struments—not a lancet nor probe in the
settlement. Its little dispensary had no lack
of James's powders, and stores of febrifuges,
but for medicating broken bones, and ex¬
tracting fragments of pot metal and copper
ship bolts from the shattered limbs of the
colonists, there had been no provision what¬
ever. A dull penknife and a common razor
were substituted in the place of the first,
12
LETTERS ON THE
and a priming iron made to answer the pur¬
pose of the last."
His Britannic majesty's schooner Driver,
fortunately arrived in the harbour at this
time, and the commander kindly offered his
services as mediator, which were gladly ac¬
cepted by both parties, as they were equally
tired of " the unprofitable contest." The na¬
tive princes signed an engagement " to ob¬
serve an unlimited truce with the colony,
and submit all their differences to the arbi¬
tration of the governor of Sierra Leone."
Since that period the colonists have not
been molested. They are the objects of re¬
spect and veneration, and their friendship is
sought after by all the petty kings in their
neighbourhood.
A regular form of government was adopted
in 1824, which produced the happiest effects
on the morals and manners of the colonists.
In truth, this period may be stated as almost
the commencement of the establishment—
the four preceding years having been the
reign of anarchy and confusion.
Philadelphia, April 12,1832.
LETTER IV.
Increase of the Coloured population.
The dangers arising from the great in¬
crease of a caste in the nation, who are by
immemorial custom or prejudice, the eradi¬
cation of which can scarcely be hoped for,
cut off from all chance of amalgamation with
their fellow beings of a different colour, are
yearly augmenting by the natural horror of
slavery, which is constantly gaining strength
in the breasts of the slaves; by the unceas¬
ing discussions in our papers, especially by
those that recently took place in the legisla¬
ture of Virginia; and by the inflammatory
publications, which are clandestinely spread
among the slaves, in spite of the vigilance
and denunciations of their masters. Circum¬
stances, too, are occasionally occurring,
which tend to fan the flame; among which
may be reckoned, the general manumission
of the slaves in the royal colonies of Great
Britain, and the steady persevering efforts,
in and out of parliament in that kingdom, to
procure a total emancipation in all the Bri¬
tish colonies.
In the discussion of this subject, it is only
necessary to cast a furtive glance at the
scenes in St; Domingo, and more recently in
Jamaica, and the various insurrections plan¬
ned and attempted in this country, to be sa¬
tisfied, that the subject has not hitherto at¬
tracted that consideration in general, to
which it is entitled by its great magnitude
and importance. Although there is, we hope
and trust, no great danger of such insurrec¬
tionary attempts proving successful, yet they
may, and in ail probability will, produce re¬
petitions of the horrible scenes which took
place at Southampton, at which humanity
shudders.
On this view of the subject, it could
scarcely have been anticipated, that the
scheme proposed by the colonization Society,
of removing such of the free people of co
lour as are disposed to emigrate to thevland
of their fathers, and such slaves as are eman¬
cipated, on condition of removal to that land,
and affording strong inducement to emanci¬
pation, of whose benign effects, we have re¬
cently seen so many instances, should have
met with any opposition. It is, nevertheless,
certain, that it has been violently opposed in
two quarters, where it might have rationally
been supposed likely to meet with most fa¬
vour, in South Carolina, and among some of
the free blacks, of whom, the latter were for¬
merly decidedly in favour of the views of the
Society.
We shall, in the sequel, consider how
far the actual very depressed situation and
future prospects of the free coloured peo¬
ple, warrant their opposition to a scheme
calculated to confer on them all the advan¬
tages and blessings of freedom and indepen¬
dence, from so many of which they are de¬
barred in this country. At present, we shall
confine ourselves to the case of South Caro¬
lina. That state is by tar more particularly
interested in the success of the scheme than
any other, except perhaps Louisiana; aa
these are the only two states in which tho
slave population exceeds that of the whites.
Population of South Carolina.
Whites Slaves. ■
In 1760 131,181 107,094
1830 257,878 315,565
Thus it appears, that while the slaves
very nearly trebled their numbers in forty
years, the whites did not quite double theirs.
The relative situation of the white and co¬
loured population east of the Blue Ridge, in
Virginia, places this subject in a striking
point of view. It appears that the latter have
gained on the former in forty years, 106,176,
being more than a fourth part of the number
of whites at present in that part of the coun¬
try. To render this case more remarkable,
it is to be observed, that during this period,
the shipment of slaves from that portion of
Virginia to the more southern states, has been
carried to an enormous extent.
Population East of the Blue Ridge.
Total. ~ Majority.
Whites. Blacks. Whites. Blacks.
In 1790 314,523 289,425 25,098
1800 336,289 339,293 3,004
1810 338,553 386,942 48,389
1820 347,872 413,928 66,056
1830 375,935 457,013 81,078
The following table exhibits the increase
of the free coloured people in the United
AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
13
States, from the year 1790, to the present
time.
In 1790 59,481
1800 110,073
1810 186,466
A multiplication of
In 1820 233,530
1830 319,467
nearly six fold in forty
years, and above 33 per ct. in the last 10 years.
Number of slaves at the different periods
of taking the census.
1790 697,697 1820 1,538,128
1800 896,849 1830 2,011,320
1810 1,191,364
The disparity of increase of the white
and coloured population in the five original
slave states, deserves attention.
1790. Whiles. Slaves.
Maryland 208,650 103,036
Virginia 442,127 292,627
North Carolina 288 204 100,572
South Carolina 130,178 107,094
Georgia 52,886 29,264
1,122,045 632,593
1830. Whites. Slaves.
Maryland 291,093 102,878
Virginia 694,439 469,7?4
North Carolina 472,433 2*16,462
South Carolina 257,878 315,665
Georgia 296,614 217,407
2,012,457 1,352,136
It thus appears, that the whites, in forty
years, increased only about eighty per cent.,
while the slaves increased one hundred and
twelve. In North Carolina, the whites in¬
creased but sixty-four per cent., while the
slaves increased one hundred qnd forty-five.
Tfifc'*fiumber of slaves in Maryland has
slightly decreased, partly by manumissions,
and partly by the shipment of slaves to the
more southern states, both of which have
taken place in that state, on a large scale.
The free coloured population in 1790, was
only 8,042; whereas, in 1830, it was 52,942.
Table of the number of coloured people,
free and slaves, in the United States, at the
various periods of taking the census, together
with a statement of the numbers that will
be in the country every decennial census,
till 1880, at the rate of increase that took
place between 1820 and 1830, viz. 35 per cent.
1790
1800
1810
1820
1830
757,178
1,006,922
1,377,819
1,771,558
2,330,187
1840
1850
1860
1870
1880
3,145,552
4,246,494
5,732,768
7,739,236
10,446,968
What fearful presages arise in the mind,
when we consider that in 1880, at the pre¬
sent rate of increase, the population of the
U. S., then above 54,000,000, will embrace
■ more than 10,000,000 of a distinct race, be¬
tween whom and the majority, cordiality
can scarcely be expected! What an admo¬
nitory lesson in favour of colonization!
Philadelphia, April 14,1832.
LETTER V.
Expense of Passage.
It remains to ascertain, as nearly as possi¬
ble, the expense of emigration.
The passage is, at present, calculated at
about twenty dollars, and the expense for
the maintenance of each emigrant for six
months, at about 15 dollars; making all to¬
gether, 35 dollars.
But children from two to twelve years of
age, are taken at half price, and below two
years, free of charge; allowing for a due pro¬
portion of children, thirty dollars would be
a tolerably fair estimate tor passage and sup¬
port.
Moreover, when the situation of the co¬
lony becomes better known, and the preju¬
dices which have been industriously created
against it, are done away, many emigrants
will defray their own expenses; and many
humane and charitable masters will, as has
taken place already, pay the passage of their
manumitted slaves.
Again, for a long time to come, there /will
be, as there is at present, a great demand in
the colony for labourers; and able-bodied
men will, immediately on landing, be able
to procure employment. In a former report it
was stated, that of the whole number of emi¬
grants that arrived in one vessel, only seven
were unemployed in twenty days. Consider¬
ing all these circumstances, we might be au¬
thorized to assume an average of twenty dol¬
lars for each; but if we err at all, it is better
to err on the safe side, and assume twenty-
five.
It appears that the annual increase is a lit¬
tle above 2v>- per cent. In the first edition
we erroneously assumed 3£.
Two and a half per cent, on the present
number of coloured people in the United
States, probably 2,400,000, amounts to 60,000
annually. Supposing the object to be the
prevention of any increase, and that there¬
fore provision would have to be made for
the conveyance of 60,000 annually, at 25 dol¬
lars each, the expense would be 81,500,000.
This sum is large, and would require con¬
siderable sacrifices. But was any grand ob¬
ject ever attained without great sacrifices 1
We were, when irj a comparatively feeble
state, able to raise $100,000,000 in a year
and a half, for the support of a war. Our
revenue has been, for years, from 20 to
$25,000,000, and the national debt is nearly
paid off. The direct tax of the state of Penn¬
sylvania in the year 1815, was $730,968,
and that of Virginia, $738,036, which were
paid without any oppression of the citizens
of either. And surely, if reason and com¬
mon sense have fair play, it will not be diffi¬
cult to procure an amendment of the consti¬
tution, (if such an amendment be necessary,
which is doubted by many of our citizens) by
three-fourths of the states, allowing the ap-
J4
LETTERS ON THE
propriation of a sum necessary for the pur¬
pose ; and never did a nation make a more
useful appropriation.
There are thirteen non-slaveholding states.
There can be no doubt that these would ra¬
tify such an amendment; and from the pre¬
valence of the conviction in Maryland, Vir¬
ginia, and North Carolina, of the dangers
that menace the country from this source,
their immediate concurrence might be cal¬
culated on; and the consent of two more
would probably be had in a year or two, as
the subject came to be more fully discussed,
and of consequence, better understood.
Philadelphia, April 15, 1832.
LETTER VI.
Manumissions, with a vieio of sending the
emancipated slaves to Liberia.
Among the most promising and encourag¬
ing circumstances attending the career of
this society, are the numerous manumissions
that have taken place in almost all the slave
states, on the express condition of the freed
people being sent to Liberia.
These manumissions have occurred on a
scale that the most sanguine friends of the
scheme could not have anticipated. Entire
families have been blest with their freedom,
from the most pure motives, a conviction of
the immorality and injustice of slavery—and
in many cases ample provision has been
made for the expense of their passage, and
in some, for their support in Liberia. They
have been thus released from the debase¬
ment and degradation of slavery, and sent
to the land of their fathers, to partake of all
the happkiess that freedom and the certainty
.of enjoying all the fruits of their labour, can
inspire.
It would be endless to enumerate the cases
of this kind that have occurred. Some of
them must be recorded, that the acts and the
names of the parties, where known, may
have the applause to which they are entitled,
and, what is of more consequence, that they
may serve as stimuli to others, to follow the
noble example.
A lady, near Charlestown, Va. liberated
all her slaves, ten in nuitiber, to be sent to
Liberia; and moreover purchased two, whose
families were among her slaves. For the
one she gave $450, and for the other $350.
The late YVm. Fitzhugh, bequeathed their
freedom to all his slaves, after a.certain fixed
period, and ordered that their expenses should
be paid to whatsoever place they should
think proper to go. And, " as an encourage¬
ment to them to emigrate to the American
colony on the coast of Africa, where," adds
the will, " I believe their happiness will be
more permanently secured, I desire not only
that the expenses of their emigration be paid,
but that the sum of fifty dollars be paid to
each one so emigrating, on his or her arrival
in Africa."
David Shriver, of Frederick co. Maryland,
ordered by his will, that all his slaves, thirty
in number, should be emancipated, and that
proper provision should be made for the com¬
fortable support of the infirm and aged, and
for the instruction of the young in reading,
writing, and arithmetic, and in some art ox
trade, by which they might acquire the
means of support.
Col. Smith, an old revolutionary officer, of
Sussex county, Va. ordered in his will, that
all his slaves, seventy or eighty in number,
should be emancipated; and bequeathed above
$5000 to defray the expense of transporting
them to Liberia.
Patsey Morris, of Louisa co., Va. directed
by will, that all her slaves, sixteen in num¬
ber, should be emancipated, and left $500 to
fit them out, and defray the expense of their
passage.
The schooner Randolph, which sailed
from Georgetown, S. C., had on board 26
slaves, liberated by a benevolent individual
near Cheraw.
Of 105 emigrants, who sailed in the brig
Doris, from Baltimore and Norfolk, 62 were
emancipated on condition of being conveyed
to Liberia.
Sampson David, late a member of the le¬
gislature of Tennessee, provided by will, that
all his slaves, 22 in number, who are mostly
young, should be liberated in 1840, or sooner,
at his wife's decease, if she died before that
period.
Herbert B. Elder, of Petersburg, Va. be¬
queathed their freedom to all his slaves,
twenty in number, with directions that they
should be conveyed to Liberia, by the first
opportunity.
A gentleman in Georgia, has recently left
49 slaves free, on condition of their removal
to Liberia.
Mrs. Elizabeth Morris, of BourSon co. Va.,
provided by will 'for the emancipation of her
slaves, about forty in number.
David Patterson, of Orange co. N. C., freed
eleven slaves, to be sent to Liberia.
Rev. Fletcher Andrew, gave freedom to
twenty, who constituted most of his property,
for the same purpose.
Nathaniel Crenshaw, near Richmond, li¬
berated sixty slaves, with a view to have
them sent to Liberia.
Rev. Robert Cox, Suffolk co. Va., provided
by his will for the emancipation of all his
slaves, upwards of thirty, and left several hun¬
dred dollars to pay their passage to Liberia.
Joseph Leonard Smith, of Frederic co.
Md., liberated twelve slaves, who sailed from
Baltimore for Liberia.
Of 107 coloured persons who sailed in the
Carolinian, from Norfolk for Liberia, 45 were
emancipated on condition of being sent there.
AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
15
In the brig Criterion, which sailed from
Norfolk for Liberia, on the 2d August 1831,
there were forty-six persons who had been
liberated, on condition of proceeding to Li¬
beria ; 18 by Mrs. Greenfield, near Natchez;
8 by Mr. Williams, of Elizabeth city, N. C.;
7 by Gen. Jacocks, of Perquimans, Ohio;
4 by Thomas Davis, Montgomery co. Miss.;
2 by two other individuals; and 5 by some
of the Quakers in North Carolina. Of
those liberated slaves, 2 only were above
40 years of age, 31 were under 35, and 22
under 20.
A gentleman in N. C. last year, gave free¬
dom to all his slaves, 14 in number, and pro¬
vided 20 dollars each, to pay their passage
to Liberia,
Mrs. J. of Mercer co. Kentucky, and her
two sons, one a clergyman, and the other a
physician, lately offered the Colonization
Society sixty slaves, to be conveyed to Li¬
beria.
Henry Robertson, of Hampton, Va., be¬
queathed their freedom to seven slaves, and
fifty dollars to each, to aid in their removal
to Liberia.
William Fletcher, of Perquimans, N. C.,
ordered by will, that his slaves, twelve in
number, should be hired out for a year after
his death, to earn wherewith to pay for their
conveyance to Liberia.
A gentleman iu Kentuefey, lately wrote to
the secretary of the Society, " I will wil¬
lingly give up twelve or fifteen of my co¬
loured people at this time; and so on gradu¬
ally, till the whole, about sixty, are given
up, if means for their passage can be af¬
forded."
On board the Harriet, from Norfolk, of
one hundred and sixty emigrants, between
forty and fifty had been slaves, emancipated
on condition of being sent to Africa.
In addition to these instances, several
others might be added, particularly that of
Richard Bibb, Esq. of Kentucky, who pro¬
poses to send sixty slaves to Liberia—two
gentlemen in Missouri, who desire to send
eleven slaves—a lady in Kentucky offers 40
—the Rev. John C. Burress, of Alabama, in¬
tends preparing all his slaves for coloniza¬
tion—the Rev. William L. Breckenridge, of
Kentucky, manumitted 11 slaves, who sailed
a few weeks ago from New Orleans.
In this work of benevolence, the society
of Friends, as in so many other cases, have
nobly distinguished themselves, and assumed
a prominent attitude. They have, in North
Carolina, liberated no less than 652 slaves,
whom they had under their care, besides, as
says my authority, an unknown number of
children, husbands and wives, connected
with them 'by consanguinity, and of whom,
part went to Canada, part to Liberia, part to
Hayti, and" a portion to Ohio. In the perform¬
ance of these acts of benevolence, they ex¬
pended $12,759. They had remaining under
their care, in December 1830, 402 slaves,
for whom similar arrangements Were to be
made.
It holds out every encouragement to the
Colonization Society, that the applications
for the transportation of free negroes, and
slaves proposed to be emancipated on condi¬
tion of removal to Liberia, far exceed its
means. There are, in North Carolina and
the adjacent states, from three to four thou¬
sand of both descriptions, ready to embark,
were the Society in a situation to send them
away.
Philadelphia, April 17,1832.
LETTER VII.
Progress of Liberia.—Inauspicious com¬
mencement in Massachusetts, Virginia,
and North Carolina.
A brief comparison of the progress made
in Liberia, with the colonization of Massa¬
chusetts, Virginia, and North Carolina, will
place the first on high ground, and dispel
the doubts of the most sceptical, as to the ul¬
timate success of this magnificent and be¬
nignant undertaking, if it receive a due de¬
gree of support. Let it be observed, that the
society never made any calculation on being
able to accomplish the mighty object of their
enterprise by private resources alone. That
would have been extravagant folly. The
success must, they well knew, ultimately de¬
pend on the patronage of the general and
state governments, united. This patronage
they fondly hope to obtain, as soon as the
prejudices that have been created against
this enterprise, have been dissipated. The
society has done its duty in proving the prac¬
ticability of the scheme, and will steadily
continue its exertions on a Scale proportioned
to the means placed at its disposal. Furthex
than this it never promised.
The first expedition to Liberia, took place
in 1820; but the colonists, as has been al¬
ready stated, met with so many difficulties
and embarrassments at the commencement,
that it was not until the year 1824, that or¬
der or good government was established.
All that has been accomplished worth no¬
tice has, therefore, taken place within the
last eight years. What, then, is the state of
the case?
There are now above 2000 souls settled,
contented, happy, and prosperous; enjoying
all the apparatus of a regular government;
an improving agriculture; a prosperous and
increasing commerce; settlements rapidly
extending; a large territory, possessed of ex¬
traordinary advantages of soil, climate, and
situation for commerce, fairly and honoura¬
bly purchased, about one hundred and fifty
)6
LETTERS
ON THE
miles on the coast, and extending into the I
interior of the country thirty or forty miles;
several slave factories destroyed, and the
slaves liberated; the slave trade abolished
for about 40 miles above and below the co¬
lony ; the circumjacent aboriginals tranquil¬
izer, regarding the settlers with reverence,
and looking up to them for protection from
the ferocious violence of those hostes humani
generis, the slave traders; the attacks of a
host of confederated petty kings repelled
in 1822, in the very infancy of the colony,
and in its most feeble state; education care¬
fully attended to; the children of the natives
sent in for instruction to the schools of the
colonists; morals and religion flourishing. In
a word, the most sanguine expectations of
the founders of the colony more than real¬
ized, at this very early stage of its existence.
It may be doubted whether any colony ever
throve more, and few, so completely, in so
short a space of time.
One feature in this colony most honoura¬
bly distinguishes it from almost every other
colony, established in ancient or modern
times. Of all other colonies, the founders
were impelled by a desire of conquest; a
thirst of aggrandizement, or of the acquisi¬
tion of wealth. With no such views, were
the founders of Liberia actuated. Pure be¬
nevolence alone, inspired the illustrious
men, the Finleys, the Thorntons, the Wash-
ingtons, the Mercers, the Ashrnuns, the
Caldwells, the Meades, theGurleys,who pro¬
jected or aided in the formation of the so¬
ciety. The benefit of the colonists, and the
peace and happiness of this country, were
the objects. For the attainment of those im¬
portant objects, they devoted their time, and
their substance, and have patiently endured
the scoffs, and ridicule, and scorn, to which
their grand enterprise, in common with all
other great and novel undertakings, was sub¬
jected.
Let us now cast an eye on the early re¬
sults of the attempts at the colonization of
Massachusetts, Virginia, and North Caro¬
lina.
The pilgrims who commenced the settle¬
ment of Massachusetts, landed in December,
1620, to the number of 120; and so ill were
they provided with provisions and clothing,
and-so inclement was the season, that about
fitly of them perished in the course of the
winter and the ensuing spring.* And, al¬
though they received frequent reinforce¬
ments, there remained but three hundred
in the year 1630, one half of the whole num¬
ber having perished in the severe winter of
1629-+
What a striking contrast Liberia exhibits!
How exhilarating and encouraging to its
* Marshall's Life of Washington, Vol. I. page 49l
*" I-iem, page 102.
friends, and how useful a lesson does it hold
out to its enemies, to cease their opposition !
But inauspicious as the incipient opera¬
tions were in Massachusetts, the result was
far worse for 21 years in Virginia. The first
attempt at a settlement took place in 1585,
and was succeeded for years by several nu¬
merous reinforcements, which, in a great
measure, fell victims to their own irregulari¬
ties, or to the hostile attacks of the Indians,
whom those irregularities provoked. In 1610,
the heroic Smith, the father of the colony,
brought out a strong reinforcement, and re¬
turned home for further supplies of men
provisions, arms, and ammunition, leaving
the colony, as he supposed, secure against
any contingency, however adverse, whether
from the severity of the weather, or the as¬
saults of the Indians. But all his calcula¬
tions were miserably defeated by the worth-
lessness, extreme insubordination, and licen¬
tiousness of the colonists.
" Smith left the colony furnished with three ships
good fortifications, twenty-five pieces of cannon,
arms, ammunition, apparel, commodities for tra¬
ding, and tools for all kinds of labour. At James'
Town there were nearly sixty houses. The settlers
had begun to plant, and to fortify at five or six other
places. The number of inhabitants was nearly five
hundred. They had just gathered in their Indian
harvest, and, besides, had considerable provision in
their stores. They had between five and six hun¬
dred hogs, an equal number of fowls, some goats,
and some sheep. They had also boats, nets, and
good accommodations for fishing. But such was the
sedition, idleness, and dissipation of this mad people,
that they were soon reduced to the most miserable
circumstances. No sooner was CaDtain Smith gone,
than the savages, provoked by their dissolute prac¬
tices, and encouraged by their want of govern¬
ment, revolted, hunted and slew them from place
to place. Nansemond, the plantation at the falls,
and all the out-settlements were abandoned. In a
short time, nearly forty of the company were cut
off by the enemy. Their time and provisions were
consumed in riot; their utensils were stolen or de¬
stroyed ; their hogs, sheep, and fowls killed and car¬
ried off by the Indians. The sword without, and fa¬
mine and sickness within, soon made among them
surprising destruction. Within the term of six
months, of their whole number, sixty only survived.
These were mostly poor, famishing wretches, sub¬
sisting chiefly on herbs, acorns, and. berries. Such
was the famine, that they fed on the skins of theii
dead horses; nay, they boiled and ate the flesh of
the dead. Indeed, they were reduced to such ex¬
tremity, that had they not been relieved, the whole
colony, in eight or ten days, would have been ex¬
tinct. Such are the dire effects of idleness, faction,
and want of proper subordination."*
All the difficulties and disasters that have
occurred in Liberia, from the commencement
of the settlement till the present time,, fall
far short of a tithe of the calamities which
befel the settlers in Virginia in six months.
We have not as many details of the disas¬
ters in North Carolina. Williamson, its his¬
torian, is very brief on the subject; but he
tells enough to prove that similar disorders,
and similar disasters took place there. The
* Holmes's Annals, Vol I. page 60.
AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
17
colony was commenced in 16G8; and in
1694, " the list of taxables was only 787, be¬
ing little more than half the number that
were there in 1677," seventeen years before
" Such," says the writer, " were the baneful
effects of rapine, anarchy, and idleness."*
« Philadelphia, April 18, 1832.
LETTER YIII.
Legislative and ecclesiastical proceedings
in favour of Colonization, and of the So¬
ciety.—Connecticut, New Jersey, Ken¬
tucky, Delaware, Massachusetts, Tennes¬
see, Indiana, Pennsylvania, Maryland,tyc.
—Synod of Utica.—General Assembly of
the Presbyterian Church.—Methodist E.
Conference, <^c. cj-c.
The Colonization Society has, by perse¬
verance, and by the 'intrinsic merit of its
views, at length " won golden opinions" from
the greater part of the nation. The legisla¬
tures of fourteen states, New Hampshire,
Vermont, Connecticut, New York, New Jer¬
sey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland,
Virginia, Georgia, Tennessee, Kentucky,
Ohio, and Indiana, have passed resolutions
distinctly recommending the scheme of co¬
lonizing the free coloured population, and
most of them approving of the objects of the
Society. Eleven of those states have in¬
structed their senators, and requested their
representatives in Congress, to promote, in
the general government, measures for re¬
moving such free persons of colour as are
desirous of emigrating to Africa. And
" nearly all the ecclesiastical bodies in the
United States have, by resolutions, fully ex¬
pressed their opinion, that the Society me¬
rits the consideration and favour of the whole
Christian community, and earnestly recom¬
mend it to their patronage." It would ex¬
tend this letter too far, to enumerate the
various testimonials of individuals and public
bodies in this country and in Europe, in fa¬
vour of the Society. From Qreat Britain,
they have been of the most flattering charac¬
ter, accompanied by liberal donations. The
Society of Friends, in England, sent £2000
sterling to their brethren in North Carolina,
to aid the cause of emigration. I annex some
specimens:
LEGISLATURES.
Resolution of the Legislature of Tennessee, 1818.
" Resolved, by the general assembly of the state
of Tennessee, That the senators in congress from
this state be, and they are hereby requested and
instructed; and that the representatives be, and
they are hereby requested, to give to the govern¬
ment of the United States any aid in their power, in
devising and carrying into effect a plan which may
have for its object the colonizing, in some distant
country, the free people of colour who are within
* Williamson's History of North Carolina, Vol. I.
page 144.
the limits of the United States, or within the limits
of any of their territories."
Resolution of the Legislature of Maryland, 1819.
" Resolved unanimously, That the governor be
requested to communicate to the President of the
United States, and to our senators and representa¬
tives in Congress, the opinion of the general assem¬
bly, that a tvise and provident policy suggests the
expediency, on the part of our national government,
of procuring through negociation, by cession or pur¬
chase, a tract of country on the western coast of
Africa, lor the colonization of the free people of co¬
lour of the United Stales."
Resolve of the Legislature of Connecticut, 1824.
" Resolved, That the existence of slavery in the
United States is a great national evil, and that the
people and the States ought to participate in the
burdens and duties of removing it, by all just and
prudent measures, which may be adopted with a re¬
gard to their internal peace and mutual harmony:
and that a system of colonization, under the patron¬
age of the general government, may reasonably
be deemed conducive to so desirable an object."
. Resolve of the Legislature of New Jersey, 1825.
" Resolved, That in the opinion of this legislature,
a system of foreign colonization, with correspondent
measures, might be adopted, that would, in due
time, effect the entire emancipation of slaves in this
country, and furnish an asylum for the free blacks,
■without any violation of the national compact, or in¬
fringement of the rights of individuals; and that
such a system should be predicated upon the prin¬
ciple, that the evil of slavery is a national one, and
that the people and the Stales of this union, ought
mutually to participate in the duties and burdens of
removing it."
Of the Legislature of Delaware.
" Resolved by the senate and house of representa¬
tives of the state of Delaware, in general assembly
met, That it is requisite for our prosperity, and, what
is of more important concern, essential to our safe¬
ty, that measures should be taken, for the removal
from this country, of the free negroes and mu-
lattoes..
" Resolved, That this general assembly approve
the objects of the American Colonization Society,
and consider that those objects deserve public sup¬
port, and that they ought to be fostered and encou¬
raged by the national government, and with the
national funds."
Resolve of the Legislature of Kentucky, 1827.
" Resolved by the general assembly of the com
mon wealth of Kentucky, That they view with deep
and friendly interest, the exertions of the American
Colonization Society, in establishing an asylum on
the coast of Africa, for the free people of colour of
the United States; and that the senators and repre¬
sentatives in Congress from this state be, and they
are hereby requested, to use their efforts to facilitate
the removal of such free persons of colour as may
desire to emigrate from the United States to the co¬
lony in Africa, and to insure to them the protection
and patronage of the general government, so far as
shall be deetned consistent with the safety and in¬
terest of the United States."
Resolution of the Senate of Pennsylvania, 1829.
"Be it resolved by the senate and house of repre¬
sentatives of Pennsylvania, in general assembly
met, That in the opinion of" this general assembly,
the American Colonization Society eminently de¬
mands the support of the national government, and
that our senators be directed, and that the repre¬
sentatives in congress be requested to aid the same
by all proper and constitutional means."
18
LETTERS ON THE
Resolution of the State of Indiana, 1829.
" Be it resolved by the general assembly of the
state of Indiana, That our senators and representa¬
tives in congress be, and they are hereby requested,
in the name of the state of Indiana, to solicit the
assistance of the general government to aid the
laudable designs of the Colonization Society, in
such manner as Congress, in its wisdom, may deem
expedient."
General Assembly of the State of Ohio.
"Resolved by the general assembly of the state, of
of Ohio, That our senators in Congress be instructed,
and our representatives be requested, to use their
efforts to induce the government of the United
States to aid the American Colonization Society, in
effecting the object of their institution, which is so
eminently calculated to advance the honour and
interest of our common country."
Louisiana Legislature.
A resolution, recently presented to this body, pro¬
posing the appointment of a joint committee, to take
into consideration, the expediency of promoting the
emigration of free people of colour from that state
to Liberia, was adopted by a vote of twenty-two
against eleven.
Resolution of the Legislature of Massachusetts.
" Resolved, That the legislature of Massachusetts
view with great interest,the efforts made by the Ame¬
rican Colonization Society, in establishing an asylum
on the coast of Africa for the free people of colour
of the United States; and that in the opinion of this
legislature, it is a subject eminently deserving the
attention and aid of congress, so far as shall be con¬
sistent with the powers of Congress, the rights of
the several states of the union, and the rights of the
individuals who are the objects of those efforts."
Resolutions of the Legislature of the Slate of New
York, in the Senate, mi the 13th of April, 1832.
" Mr. Tallmadge, from the select committee, to
which was referred the memorials of the State Co¬
lonization Society, and of Wm. A. Duel* and others
of the city of New York, reported the following
resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:
" Resolved, That the senate applaud the motives,
and approve the objects of the American Colo¬
nization Society, and have full confidence in the
fidelity, discretion, and ability of its executive of¬
ficers.
" Resolved, That as the said society proposes to
remove or mitigate existing evils, and prevent or
diminish apprehended dangers, it deserves the
confidence and encouragement of the American
people.
" Resolved, That the senate commend the said so¬
ciety to the consideration and patronage of the citi¬
zens of this state.
" Resolved, That these resolutions be transmitted
to the honourable the assembly for their considera¬
tion."
The resolutions passed the house of assembly
with hardly a dissenting voice.
ECCLESIASTICAL BODIES.
Resolution of the General Assembly of the Presbyte¬
rian church of Pennsylvania, held in Philadelphia,
June, 1818.
'< We recommend to all our people to patronize
and encourage the Society lately formed for colo¬
nizing in Africa, the land of their ancestors, the peo¬
ple of colour in our country. We hope that much
good may result from the plans and efforts of this
society. And while we exceedingly rejoice to have
witnessed its origin and organization among the
holders of slaves, as giving an unequivocal
pledge of their desire to liberate themselves and
their country from the calamity of slavery, we hope
that those portions of the American union, whose
inhabitants are, by a gracious Providence, more fa¬
vourably circumstanced, will cordially, and libe¬
rally, and earnestly co-operate with their brethren,
in bringing about the great end contemplated."
Extract from the Journal of the Convention of the
Protestant Episcopal church, holden at Petersburg
on the\Zth May, 1819.
" Resolved, That this convention highly approve
of the objects of the American Colonization Society ;
and that a committee be appointed to transmit to
the president of the Society, a copy of this resolu¬
tion, and to assure him of the good wishes and pray,
eis of the committee in behalf of the benevolent ex¬
ertions of the Society."
Resolution of the General Assembly of the Presbyte¬
rian^ church.—Session of the Assembly, May 31st,
"The objects and plans of the American Society
for colonizing the free people of colour of the Uni¬
ted States, having been stated to the general assem¬
bly, and the same having been considered and dis¬
cussed, the assembly resolved, That in their opin¬
ion, the plan of the Society is benevolent in its de¬
sign, and, if properly supported and judiciously and
vigorously prosecuted, calculated to be extensively
useful to this country and to Africa. The situation
of the people of colour, has frequently attracted the
attention of this assembly. In the distinctive ana
indelible marks of their colour, and the prejudices
of the people, an insurmountable bar has been
placed against the execution of any plan for the ele¬
vating their character, and placing them on a foot¬
ing with their brethren of the same common family
In restoring them to the land of their fathers, the
assembly hope the way may be opened, not only for
the accomplishment of that object, but for introdu¬
cing civilization and the gospel to the benighted na¬
tions of Africa. From the information and state¬
ments received, the assembly believe, that the pro¬
posed colony in Africa may be made a powerful
auxiliary, in the efforts which are now making to
abolish the iniquitous traffic in slaves, carried on in
Africa, and happily calculated to lay the foundation
for the gradual emancipation of slaves in this coun¬
try, in a legal and constitutional manner, and without
violating the rights, or injuring the feelings of our
southern brethren.
" With these views, the assembly feel it a duty
earnestly to recommend the American Society for
colonizing the free people of colour of the United
States to the patronage and attention of the churches
under their care, and to benevolent individuals
throughout the union."
Extract from the minutes of the Presbytery of Fay-
etteville, N. C., Monday, 14th October, 1819.
" Resolved, That the presbytery do heartily ap
prove of the object proposed by the American So¬
ciety for colonizing the free people of colour of the
United States; and that they do sincerely wish, and
fervently pray, that the said society may meet with
the most abundant and speedy success.'
At a meeting of the Synod of Virginia, in Winches¬
ter, on the 23d October, 1819, the following resolu¬
tion was unanimously adopted.
"Whereas, the synod of Virginia are informed of
the existence in our country, of an association of in¬
telligent and patriotic citizens, under the title of the
American Colonization Society, the object of which
is, to send out to Africa, $uch free persons of colour
as may be willing to go: and, whereas, there is rea¬
son to hope that this enterprise, if conducted with
proper discretion, will produce the happiest effects,
particularly in aiding to communicate the glad ti¬
dings of the gospel to an interesting quarter of the
globe ; and to meliorate the condition of a degraded
portion of our population; while it promises the
means of alleviating evils which our own country
has reason to deplore.
" Resolved unanimously, That the synod of Vir-
AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
19
ginia do recommend, and they do hereby cordially
recommend to all the members of the churches and
congregations under their care, to aid the design
of the said Society according to opportunity and
ability, by their countenance, their contributions,
and tneir prayers to Almighty God for its success."
At an annual meeting of the Convention of the Con¬
gregational clergy of Connecticut, at Hartford,
May 2d, 1827:
" Resolved, That this Convention does cheerfully
recommend the American Colonization Society, to
the charitable consideration of the Congregational
churches in this state, as an institution worthy of
the patronage of individuals, of the states, and of the
nation.
"Resolved, That this convention cordially ap¬
proves of the measures proposed by several ecclesi¬
astical bodies in our country, of making collections
in the churches, for the American Colonization So¬
ciety, on the Sabbath immediately preceding or suc¬
ceeding the 4th of July, and that they recommend
such annual collections to churches and congrega¬
tions in this state."
Extract from, the Minutes of the Baptist General
Convention of the State of Ohio, May 28,1827.
" Resolved, That this convention highly approve
of the objects of the Colonization Society, and that
we recommend to our ministers and brethren gen¬
erally, to use their influence to advance its inter¬
ests."
Ohio Methodist Conference.
" At a special meeting of the Ohio Local District
Conference of the Methodist Episcopal church, held
June 18 th, 1827:
" Resolved, That this conference cordially ap¬
prove the benevolent objects of the American Colo¬
nization Society, and that all the preachers within
its jurisdiction be, and they are hereby earnestly re¬
quested to deliver public addresses, and to take up
public collections, in support of the colonization
cause, on the 4th day of July, annually, or on the
Sabbath immediately preceding or succeeding" that
day, wherever it may be found practicable."
Resolution of the Lutheran Synod.
At a meeting of the Evangelical Lutheran church,
of West Pennsylvania, Mifflin, Sept. 30,1827, the
synod,
"Resolved, That this synod highly approve of
the institution and proceedings of the American
Colonization Societv, and most earnestly recommend
its interests and advancement to the prayers and
patronage of all the churches under their care."
Resolutions cf the General Conference of the Metho¬
dist Episcopal church, May, 1828.
"Resolved, 1st That this conference highly ap¬
prove of the objects proposed, arid the measures
taken by the American Colonization Society, in re¬
ference to the colonization of the free people of co¬
lour on the coast of Africa.
"2d. That this conference look to the settlement
of Liberia, as opening a door for the diffusion of all
the benign influences of the gospel, over the conti¬
nent of Africa; and therefore recommend it to our
ministers and members, to aid, by their exertions
and influence, in'the formation and support of aux¬
iliary societies, and the making annual collections
to aid in carrying into effect the benevolent designs
of the parent institution."
Resolution of the Synod of TJiica, N. Y. 1829.
" Resolved, That all clergymen within the bounds
of this synod be, and they hereby are, most ear¬
nestly requested, to take up collections and sub¬
scriptions yearly, on or near the fourth of July, as
a proper mode of aiding the funds of the Coloniza¬
tion Society; and that, as far as practicable, they
enable their people to understand the history, de¬
sign, progress, and prospects of the Society."
Resolution of the General Assembly of the Presbyte¬
rian church, 1830.
" Resolved, That it be recommended to all the
churches under the care of the general assembly, tc
take up collections lor the Colonization Society, on
the next 4th of July."
Resolution of the Philadelphia Conference of the
Methodist Episcopal church, 1831.'
" Resolved, That the Conference highly approv¬
ing of the plan and purposes of the American Colo¬
nization Society, do recommend that collections be
taken up throughout the churches within our
bounds, so far as is practicable, on the 4th of July
next, in aid of the funds of the above Society."
From the General Synod of the Dutch Reformed
church.
" Resolved, That this synod cheerfully recom¬
mend to the patronage of the churches under their
care, the American Colonization Society.
""Resolved, That whenever meetings shall be
held on the 4th of July, it be earnestly recommended
to have collections made in behalf of this insti¬
tution."
Resolution of the Baltimore Methodist Annual Con¬
ference.
" Resolved, by the Baltimore annual conference,
in conference assembled, That we highly approve
the objects of the American Colonization Society,
and that we wi.Il use all prudent means to promote
its success, by taking up collections in aid of its
funds, on the Sabbath preceding or succeeding the
4th of July, in all places where it is practicable "
Resolution of the New York Methodist Annual Con¬
ference.
u Resolved, That each preacher in charge, be ad¬
vised, with the consent of the official members, to
take up a collection m one or more of the principal
congregations of his circuit or station, in behalf of
the Colonization Society, on the 4th of July next, or
on the Sabbath immediately preceding or succeed¬
ing that day."
The following resolution ivas passed, at the late ses¬
sion of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian
Church, May 1832.
" Whereas, it is the opinion of this body, that Afri¬
can colonization is eminently calculated, to benefit
a long-persecuted and deeply-injured race, by fur¬
nishing to the free people of colour an opportunity
to escape from the oppression which they suffer in
this country—by removing the obstacles to the vo¬
luntary emancipation of the slaves; and especially
by the facilities it affords for suppressing the horrid
traffic in human flgsh on the coast of Africa, and
for the introduction of Christianity and civilization
into that benighted continent. Therefore,
" Resolved, That it be earnestly recommended to
the pastors of all the churches under the care of the
General Assembly, to bring the claims of the Ame¬
rican Colonization Society before their respective
congregations; and that it be recommended to the
churches, to take up collections in aid of its funds
on the 4th of July, or some Sabbath near it."
GRAND JURY.
Resolutions of the Grand Jury in Ross county, Ohio,
March, 1827.
"Wherea3, the benevolent scheme to colonize
the free people of colour on the continent of Africa,
merits the decided concurrence and entire appro¬
bation of the members which compose the grand
jury:
" Therefore resolved, That we, the members of
this grand jury, do hereby concur in the great and
benevolent plan, instituted by the American Colo¬
nization Society at Washington city, for the purpose
of colonizing the free people of colour on the con¬
tinent of Africa; and do recommend it to the pa¬
tronage of the good people of this county."
20
LETTERS
ON THE
LETTER IX.
Situation of the Colonists in Liberia.—Soil,
and Climate.—Productions and Com¬
merce.—Morals and Manners.—Testi¬
mony of a Committee in Monrovia,—Of
Captain Nicholson.
The subjects discussed in this letter, are of
paramount importance. Whatever consider¬
ations of policy, ia regard to this country,
might plead in favour of the scheme of colo¬
nization, it would not have the sanction of
the friends of mankind, of those who com¬
miserate the depressed condition of the co¬
loured population of the United States, if
the situation of the emigrants were not ma¬
nifestly improved. To place this vital point
on a basis as firm as the rock of Gibraltar, I
have collected what may be regarded as a
superfluity of testimony; as that of any one of
the parties would be sufficient tc remove all
doubts from the minds of all persons open to
conviction. But it seemed right, in such a
case, " to make assurance doubly sure."
Of a circular, forwarded by a committee of
the inhabitants of Monrovia, to their brethren
in the United States, dated September 1827,
the following is the 'substance:
EXTRACT.
" As much speculation and uncertainty continues
to prevail among the people of colour in the United
States, respecting our situation and prospects in
Africa; and many misrepresentations have been put
in circulation there, of a nature slanderous to us,
and, in their effects, injurious to them; we felt it our
dutv, by a true statement of our circumstances, to
endeavour to correct them.
" The first consideration which caused our volunta¬
ry removal to this country, and the object, which we
still regard with the deepest concern, is liberty—li¬
berty, in the sober, simple, but complete sense of
the word; not a licentious liberty, nor a liberty
without government, or which should place us with¬
out the restraint of salutary laws—but that liberty
of speech, action, and conscience, which distin¬
guishes the free, enfranchised citizens of a free
state. We did not enjoy that freedcnn in our native
country; and, from causes which, as respects our¬
selves, we. shall soon forget forever, we were certain
it was not there attainable for ourselves or our chil¬
dren. This, then, being the first object of our pur¬
suit in coming to Africa, is probably, the first object
on which you will ask for information. And we
must truly declare to you, that our expectations and
hopes, in this respect, have been realized. Our
constitution secures to us, so far as our condition al¬
lows, " all the rights and privileges enjoyed by the
citizens of the United Statesand these rights and
privileges are ours:—we are proprietors of the soil
we live on, and possess the rights of freeholders. Our
suffrages, and., what is of more importance, our senti¬
ments and our opinions, have their due weight in the
government we five under. Our laws are altogether
our own: they grow out of our circumstances; are
framed for our exclusive benefit, and administered
either by officers of our own appointment, cr such as
possess our confidence. We have a judiciary, chosen
from among ourselves; we serve as jurors in the
trial of others ; and are liable to be tried only by
juries of our fellow-citizens ourselves. We have all
that is meant by liberty of conscience. The time and
mode of worshipping God, as prescribed to us in his
word, and dictated by our conscience, we are not
only free to follow, but are protected in follow¬
ing.
" F orming a community of our own, in the land of
our forefathers; having the commerce, and soil,
and resources of the counny, at our disposal; we
know nothing of that debasing inferiority with which
our very colour stamped us in America: there is no¬
thing here to create the feeling on our part—nothing
to cherish the feeling of superiority in the minds of
foreigners who visit its. It is this moral emancipa¬
tion—this liberation of the mind from worse than
iron fetters—that repays us ten thousand times over,
for all that it has cost us, and makes us grateful to
God and our American patrons, for the happy change
that has taken place in our situation. We are not so
self-complacent as to rest satisfied with our improve¬
ment, either as regards our minds or our circum¬
stances. We do not expect to remain stationary.
Far from it. But we certainly feel ourselves, for
the first time, in a state to improve either, to-any
purpose. The burden is gone from our shoulders;
we now breathe and move freely; and know not,
(in surveying your present state) for which to pity
you most—the empty name of liberty, which you
endeavour to content yourselves with, in a countiy
that is not yours, or the delusion which makes you
hope for ampler privileges in that country hereaf¬
ter. • Tell us, which is the white man, who, with a
prudent regard to his own character, can associate
with one of you, on terms of equality ? Ask us,
which is the white man who would decline such
association with one of our number, whose intellec¬
tual and moral qualities are not an objection ? To
both these questions, we unhesitatingly make the
same answer:—There is no such white man.
" We solicit none of you to emigrate to this country.
for we know not who among you prefers rational in¬
dependence, and the honest respect of his fellow men,
to that mental sloth and careless poverty which you
already possess, and your children will inherit after
you, in America. But if your views and aspirations
rise a degree higher—if your minds are not as ser¬
vile as your present condition—we can decide the
question at once; and with confidence say, that you
will bless the day, and your children after you,
when you determined to become citizens of Line
ria.
" But we do not hold this language on the bless¬
ings of liberty, for the purpose of consoling ourselves
for the sacrifice of health, or the suffering of want,
in consequence of our removal to Africa. We en¬
joy health, after a few months' residence in the
country, as uniformly, and in as perfect a degree, as
we possessed that blessing in our native country.
And a distressing scarcity of provisions, or any of
the comforts of life, has, for the last two years, been
entirely unknown, even to the poorest persons in
this community. On these points there are, and
have been much misconception, and some malicious
misrepresentations in the U. States.
" The true character of the African climate is not
well understood in other countries. Its inhabitants are
as robust, as healthy, as long lived, to say the least,
as those of any other country. Nothing like an epi¬
demic has ever appeared in this colony; nor can
we learn from the natives, that the calamity of a
sweeping sickness ever yet visited this part of the
continent. But the change from a temperate to a
tropical country is a great one—too great not to af¬
fect the health more or less—and, in the cases ot
old people, and verv young children, it often causes
death. In the early years of the colony, want of
good houses, the great fatigues and dangers of the
settlers, their irregular mode of living, and the hard¬
ships and discouragements they met with, greatly
helped the other causes of sickness, which prevailed
to an alarming extent, and were attended with great
mortality. But we look back to those times as a sea¬
son of trial long past, and nearly forgotten. Our
AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
21
houses and circumstances are now comfortable;
and, for the last two or three years, not one person
in forty, from the middle and southern states, has
died from the change of climate. The disastrous fate
of the company of settlers who came out from Bos¬
ton in the brig Vine, eighteen months ago, is an ex¬
ception to the common lot of emigrants; and the
causes of it ought to be explained. Those people
eft a cold region in the coldest part of winter, and
arrived here in the hottest season of our year. Many
of them were too old to have survived long in any
country. They most imprudently neglected the
prescriptions of our very successful physician, the
Rev. Lott Cary, who has great experience and great
skill in the fevers of the country; and depended on
medicines brought with them, which could not fail
to prove injurious. And, in consequence of all
those unfortunate circumstances, their sufferings
were severe, and many died. But we are not ap¬
prehensive that a similar calamity will befall any
future emigrants, except under similar disadvan¬
tages. •
" People now arrivi7ig, have comfortable houses to
receive them ; tvill enjoy the regular attendance of a
physician in the slight sickness that may await them;
will be surrounded and attended by healthy and happy
people, who have borne the efftcls of the climate, who
will encourage and fortify them against that despon¬
dency which, alone, has carritd ojf several in the first
years of the colony.
" But yoa may say, that even health and freedom,
as good as they are, are still dearly paid for, -when
they cost you the common comforts of life, and ex¬
pose your wives and children to famine, and all the
evils of want and poverty. We do not dispute the
soundness of this conclusion either; but we utterly
deny that it has any application to the people of Li¬
beria.
" Away with all the false notions that are circula¬
ting about the barrenness of this country: they are
the observations of such ignorant and designing
men, as would injure both it and you. A more fer¬
tile soil, and a more productive country so far as it is
cultivated, there is not, we believe, on the face of the
earth. Its hills and plains are covered with a ver¬
dure which never fades: the productions of nature
keep on in their growth through all the seasons of
the year. Even the natives of the country, almost
without farming tools, without skill, and with very
little labour, make more grain and vegetables than
they can consume, and often more than they can
sell.
" Cattle, swine, folds, ducks, goats, and sheep, thrive
without feeding, and require no other care than to
keep them from straying. Cotton, coffee, indigo, and
the sugar cane, are all the spontaneous growth of our
forests; and may be cultivated, at pleasure, to any
extent, by such as are disposed. The same may be
said of rice, Indian cof-n, guinea corn, millet, and
too many species of fruits and vegetables to be enu¬
merated. Add to all this, we have no dreary win¬
ter here, for one half of the year to consume the pro¬
ductions of the other half. Nature is constantly
renewing herself, and constantly pouring her trea¬
sures, all the year round, into the laps of the indus¬
trious. We could say, on this subject, more; but
we are afraid of exciting, too highly, the hopes of the
imprudent Such persons, we think, will do well
to keep their rented cellars, and earn their twenty-
five cents at the wheelbarrow, in the commercial
towns of America, and stay where they are. It is
only the industrious and virtuous that we can point
to independence, and plenty, and happiness, in this
country. Such people are nearly sure to attain, in
a very few years, to a style of comfortable living,
which they may in vain hope for in the United
States; and, however short we come of this charac¬
ter ourselves, it is only a due acknowledgment of
the bounty of Divine Providence to say, that we ge¬
nerally enjoy the good tilings of this life to our en
tire satisfaction,
" Our trade is chiefly confined to the coast, to tho
interior parts of the continent, and to foreign ves
seis. It is already valuable and fast increasing. It
is carried on in the productions o£ the country, con¬
sisting of rice, palm oil, ivory, tortoise shell, dyo
woods, gold, hides, wax, and a small amount of cof
fee : and it brings us, in return, the products and
manufactures of the four quarters of the world.
Seldom, indeed, is our harbour clear of European
and American shipping; and the bustle and throng
ing of our streets, show something, already, of tho
activity of the smaller seaports of the United States.
" Mechanics of nearly every trade, arc carrying on
their various occupations; their wages are high, and
a large number would be sure of constant and prof la
ble employment.
" Aot a child or youth in the colony, but is provided
with an appropriate school. We have a numerous
public library, and a court house, meeting houses,
school houses, and fortifications sufficient, or nearly
so, for the colony, in its present state.
" Our houses are constructed of the same materials,
and finished in the same style, as in the towns of
America. We have abundance of good building
stone, shells for lime, and clay, of an excellent qua¬
lity, for bricks. Timber is plentiful, of various kinds,
and fit for all the different purposes of building and
fencing.
" Truly we have a goodly heritage : and if there
is any thing lacking in the character or condition of
the people of this colony, it never can be charged
to the account of the country, it must be the fruit
of our own mismanagement, or slothfulness, or vices
But from these evils we confide in Him, to whom
we are indebted for all our blessings, to preserve
us. It is the topic of our weekly and daily thanks¬
giving to Almighty God, both in public and in pri
vate, and He knows with what sincerity, that wo
were ever conducted, by his Providence, to this
shore. Such great favours, in so short a time, and
mixed with so few trials, are to be ascribed to no¬
thing but his special blessing. This we acknow¬
ledge. We only want the gratitude which such
signal favours call for. Nor are we willing to close
tills paper, without adding a heartfelt testimonial of
the deep obligations we owe to our American pa¬
trons and best earthly benefactors, whose wisdom
pointed us to this home of our nation, and whose ac¬
tive and persevering benevolence enabled us to
reach it Judge, then, of the feelings, with which
we hear the motives and doings of the Colonization
Society traduced; and that, too, by men too igno¬
rant to know what the Society has accomplished;
too weak to look through its plans and intentions;
or too dishonest to acknowledge either. But, with-,
out pretending to any prophetic sagacity, we can
certainly predict to that society, the ultimate tri¬
umph of their hopes and labours, and disappoint¬
ment and defeat to all who oppose them. Men may
theorize, and speculate about their plans in Ame¬
rica, but there can be no speculation here. The
cheerful abodes of civilization and happiness which
are scattered Over this verdant mountain—the flou¬
rishing settlements which ar? spreading around it—
ths sound of christian instruction, and scenes of
christian worship, which are heard, and seen in this
land of brooding pagan darkness—a thousand con¬
tented freemen, united in forming a new christian
empire, happy themselves, and instruments of hap¬
piness to others—every object, every individual, is
an argument, is demonstration, of the wisdom and
goodness of the plan-of colonization.
" Where is the argument that shall refute facts
like these ? And where is the man hardy enough
to deny them ?"
.22
LETTERS ON THE
Extract of a letter from Capt. Nicholson, of the U.
S. ship, Ontario, to the Hon. Henry Clay.
"Washington, March 17, 1828.
" Having visited the colony of Liberia, on my re¬
turn to the United States, from a cruise in the Me¬
diterranean, I cheerfully comply with your request,
by presenting to you such views of its present con¬
dition and probable growth, as occurred to me in
the course of that visit
' The soil in the possession of the colonists is rich,
Ond will produce a superabundance for the support
of the colony, as well as for external commerce. Su¬
gar, cotton, coffee, rice, and various trees and plants,
yielding valuable dyes, and medicinal gums, can be
cultivated with success.
" The children born in the country, are fine look¬
ing, and I presume can be raised as easily as those
of the natives. All the colonists with whom I had
communication (and with nearly the whole of them
did I communicate, in person, or by my officers,) ex¬
pressed their decided wish to remain in their present
situation, rather than return again to the United
States. I cannot give vou better evidence of the
prosperity of the colony, than by mentioning, that
eight of my crew, (coloured, mechanics,) after going
ashore two several days, applied for and received
their discharge, in order to remain as permanent set¬
tlers. These men had been absent from their coun¬
try upwards of three years, and had among them
nearly two thousand dollars in clothes and money.
Had they not been thoroughly convinced, that their
happiness and prosperity would be better promoted
by remaining among their free brethren in Liberia,
they would not have determined on so momentous
a step as quitting the United States, perhaps forever,
where they had ad left friends and relatives.
"The appearance of all the colonists, those of
Monrovia as well as Caldwell, indicated more than
contentment. Their manners were those of free¬
men, who experienced the blessings of liberty, and
appreciated the boon. Many of them had, by trade,
accumulated a competency, if the possession of from
three to five thousand dollars may be called so. As
a proof of the growing importance of the commerce
of the country, more than one hundred hogsheads
of tobacco had been imported, during the last year,
and the demand was increasing. Ivory and cam¬
wood are now the prominent articles received in
exchange, for foreign imports ; otheV dye-woods, and
many medicinal gums and roots, will be hereafter
brought in, as 'they are already known to exist in
the interior.
" The importance of this colony, as regards the
native tribes of the coast, is, in my estimation, great.
They already begin to perceive, that it is civiliza¬
tion and the blessings of religion, which give supe¬
riority to man over his fellow man. They had sup¬
posed it was the white skin; but now they see in
their neighbourhood, men of tlieir own colour, en¬
joying all tnoso advantages, hitherto deemed pecu¬
liar to the former. This has elicited a spirit of "in¬
quiry, which must tend t( (heir benefit. The phi¬
lanthropist mp,y anticipate the day, when our lan¬
guage and our religion will spread over tliis now
benighted land. The slave trade will cease, as the
colony progresses", and extends its settlements. The
very spot where noiv exists a free people, was a de¬
pot for the reception of manacled slaves. This fact
alone is entitled to consideration, and ought to
arouse the zeal of the friends of humanity every
where.
" 1 take leave to mention, that the climate is
much like that of all similar latitudes; and as the
land is rich, and most of it still in woods, we must
expect that bilious fever will sometimes prevail;
but I do not think it more unhealthy to the coloured
people, than our extreme southern coast; and as the
soil of Liberia becomes clear and cultivated, I have
no doubt it will be found as healthy as any other
southern latitude. It was, I believe, never intended
that the white man should inhabit this region of the
globe ,• at least, we know that the diseases of this
climate are more fatal to him, than to the man of
colour. They luxuriate in the intense heat, while
a white man sinks under its exhausting influences.
JOHJS B. NICHOLSON."
LETTER X.
Subjects continued.—Letter from Captain
Sherman—from Captain Kennedy—from
Captain Weaver—from Captain Abels.
Extract of a letter fro-m W. E.,Sherman, Captain
of the Liberia, which carried the Colonists to Li¬
beria, in January, 1830, to Mr. Edward Hallo-
well.
" Philadelphia, May 10,1830. .
" Monrovia, at present, consists of about ninety
dwelling houses and stores, two houses for public
worship, and a court house. Many of the dwellings
are handsome and convenient, and all of them com¬
fortable. The plot of the town is cleared more than
a mile square, elevated about seventy feet above
the level of the sea, and contains seven hundred
inhabitants. The streets are generally one hundred
feet wide, o.nd, like those of our good city, intersect
each other at right angles. The Colonization So¬
ciety have an agent and a physician there.
" The agent is the chief magistrate of the colony
and the physician his assistant No white people are
allowed to reside in the colony for the purpose of
trade, or of pursuing any mechanical business, such
being intended for the exclusive benefit of the co¬
loured people. The colonial secretary, collector of
customs, surveyor, and' constables, are appointed
by the agent—the vice-agent, sheriff! treasurer, and
all other civil officers are elective, and all the offi¬
ces except that of the agent and physician are filled
by coloured people.
" The court holds its sessions on the first Monday
in every month; juries are empannelled as with
us; and its jurisdiction extends over the whole co¬
lony. The trials are, principally, for larceny, and
the criminals are generally natives, who commit
thefts in the settlements. A few instances of kid¬
napping have occurred; these depredations were
committed on the recaptured Africans. To the ho¬
nour of the emigrants be it mentioned, that but jive
of their number have been committed for stealing or
misdemeanor, since 1827.
" Two native kings have put themselves and their
subjects, (supposed to amount to ten thousand,) under
the protection of the colony, and are ready, should it
be thought necessaiy or expedient by the settlers,
to put into their hands, arms, to make common cause
with them, in case of hostilities by any of the na¬
tives ; which, however, is not anticipated, as the
most friendly disposition is manifested by ail the na
tives of the country, from whom any danger might
have been apprehended.
" There is much hospitality to be found in Mon¬
rovia, and among the inhabitants a greater propor¬
tion of moral and religious characters than in this
city. / never saw a man intoxicated, nor heard any
profane swearing during the three weeks I was among
them..
" The two houses for religious worship, are Baptist
and Methodist—The Baptists have three, and Me¬
thodists five preachers, all intelligent coloured men,
merchants and traders, residing among them; so
that the people have nothing to pay for the support
of ministers. Five German missionaries, some minis¬
ters and teachers, reside there, a portion of whom
preach at the Methodist church occasionally.
" It has been objected that the climate is very un¬
healthy—this is true, as it respects the whites, Imt
erroneous as respects the coloured people. Those
AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
23
from the middle and northern, states, have to undergo
what is called a seasoning—that is, they generally
take the, fever the first month of their residence, but
it has rarely proved fatal, since accommodations
have been prepared for their reception ; those from
Georgia, the Carolines, and the southern parts of
Virginia, either escape the fever altogether, or have
it very slightly. Death occurs there, indeed, as in
other places; but Dr. Mechlin, the agent, assured
me that the bills of mortality would show a less
proportion of deaths, than those of Baltimore, Phila¬
delphia or New York. W. E. SHERMAN."
Letter from Captain Kennedy, of the U. S. ship
Java, to the secretary of the Society.
" Norfolk, June 22, 1831.
« Sir—I have the honour to acknowledge the re¬
ceipt of yours of the 11th inst. requesting my opi¬
nion of the condition and necessities of the colony
at Liberia.
" I hope I need not assure you, that it aflords me
great gratification to comply with your request, and ,
to lay before you a statement of the facts which pre¬
sented themselves to me, during the visit I made
to Montserado, in the frigate Java, under my com¬
mand.
" The wisdom and talent which distinguish the
councils of the Society to which you belong, and
the vast materials which your experience and zeal
have enabled you to collect, cause great diffidence
on my part, in the suggestion of any new plan of
operations. I was, however, not an idle observer,
during my stay among the colonists, and the con¬
clusions which pressed upon my mind, as the re¬
sults of my inquiries, shall be most cheerfully sub¬
mitted for your better judgment and consideration.
" It may not be improper to observe in the outset,
that my inquiries were commenced under auspices
very unfavourable to the practicability of the scheme
of your Society; for while, I trust, I yielded un¬
feigned acknowledgment of the piety and purity of
purpose which governed its worthy and disinter¬
ested projectors, yet the vast difficulties attending
the prosecution of their labours, and the very prob¬
lematical results, in the want of success, left an im¬
pression upon my mind, altogether unfavourable to
the institution—under these impressions, therefore,
I commenced .my inquiry with great caution. I
sought out the most shrewd and intelligent of the
colonists, many of whom were personally known to
me, and by long and weary conversations, endea¬
voured to elicit from them any dissatisfaction with
their condition, (if such existed,) or any latent design
to return to their native country—neither of these did
I observe; on the contrary, I thought I could per¬
ceive that they considered that they had started into a
new existence; that, disencumbered of the mortify¬
ing relations in which they formerly stood in society
—they felt themselves proud of their attitude, and
seemed conscious, that while they were the found¬
ers of a new empire, they were prosecuting the
noble purpose of the regeneration of the land of
their fathers.
" I was pleased to observe that they were im¬
pressed with the vast importance of a proper edu¬
cation, not only of their children, but of the children
of the natives; and that to this they looked confi¬
dently as the means of effecting their high object,
namely, the civilization of their benighted brethren
in Africa.
"I observed, with great satisfaction, that their
children, in many instances, could converse in the
languages of the tribes by which the colony is sur¬
rounded. Thus the obstacles which formerly em¬
barrassed its commerce with the interior, and which,
by the by, are even now but few, must, in a very
short time, cease entirely to exist. Most of the ar¬
ticles of traffic which can be profitably used in bar¬
ker with the natives, are familiar tc* your readers;
but there are yet some which have not employed
the enterprise of our citizens, and of those embraced
in their speculations, many improvements in quality
might ad\ antageously be enumerated. The inha¬
bitants of King Boatswain's town, (one hundred nnd
eighty miles up the Sr. Paul's ri\er, and twenty
miles from it, which empties into the bay of Mont¬
serado,) interchange with the most friendly disposi¬
tions towards the colonists.
" It gives mo pleasure lo state, that the colonists
are turning their attention to the cultivation of cof¬
fee. That this article of produce is to prove a source
of vast wealth to the colonists there can bo no
doubt; the labour and expense of its cultivation
will be comparatively small; indeed, they have but
to dear av\ ay the forest trees, and the plantations
are ready to their hands. There are two descrip¬
tions of the plant indigenous—one, a shrub, evidently
the same as the Mocha, but yielding a hrrry of supe¬
rior flavour; the other a tree, frequently attaining
the height of 40 feet: a specimen of the latter, I
brought with me to Cuba, in the Java, and left with
Mr. Shaler, our Consul, for the Botanic Garden of
that city.
" That there are many vast resources, yet unde¬
veloped in Liberia, no one can entertain a doubt;
that they will soon be brought forth, and made avail¬
able by the enterprise and intelligence of the colo¬
nists, is equally unquestionable. How earnestly
then, should every philanthropist apply himself to
aid and advance the operations of a society, the ob¬
ject of which is, not only to elevate so large a por¬
tion of our fellow beings from the degrading rela¬
tions in which they stand towards the rest of the
human race, but to redeem from the thraldom of
ignorance, superstition and vice, a whole continent!
That these great results are, under Providence, to
be accomplished, is a conviction to which I have
been brought by actual experience and scrutinizing
observation. EDWARD P. KENNEDY."
" P. S. It would be well, perhaps, to state, that, in
a conversation with one of the Kroos, or Kroomen,
I was informed by him, that he came with his wife
from Timbuctoo by water, with the exceptipn of
twenty-five miles, the distance that city stands from
the Niger; he came down the St. Paul's to Mont¬
serado."
Extract af a letter from Captain Weaver, who visited
the Colony in 1831.
" Washi?.gton, Jan. 1, 1832.
"The charge of unhealthiness against Liberia, for
the coloured races, cannot be supported. It is the
birthplace of the black man, to which his constitu¬
tion is peculiarly adapted; and though estranged
for a time from his native clime, nature will un¬
doubtedly triumphantly resume her sway, whene¬
ver he returns to the land of his fathers. Africa is
the black man's home, 'physically. Morally, he
should aspire for a residence within her bounda¬
ries. He is there, the lord of the soil—all mankind
are there his equals—the distinction of colour is there
against the white man; for in Africa, he is a sort of
"lusus naturce," an object to be pointed at by the
finger of curiosity, an abject of dread for his power,
and of haired for his avarice. Sir, I have faith in
the success of the colony of Liberia—you have
many difficulties to encounter; but they are not in¬
surmountable. If our government will deign to
foster that colony,-a very short time will suffice to
render it of great importance, in a commercial point
of view, independent of home considerations. In
the tobacco trade, we can have no rivals. The
north and the south are deeply interested in the
prosperity of our sable colony. The north will find
a vent for her surplus manufactures, and the south
a home and a refuge for a portion of its population,
which every good citizen must wish to see speedily
transferred thither—I mean the free coloured popu-
24
LETTERgHJN TIM-
lation of the United States. The cost of transporta¬
tion is, by many persons of intelligence, deemed an
insurmountable barrier. Avarice brought them
here! Shall we make the painful admission, that
that vice so far exceeds the combined virtues of a
christian community, as to render its deeds irrevo¬
cable ? No, Sir; it is in the power of the American
people, with a due understanding of the case, and
of the magnitude of the object, to effect much by a
simultaneous movement"
Letter from Captain Abels, of the schooner Marga¬
ret Mercer, dated Washington Feb. 10, 1832.
" Having just arrived in the United States, from
the colony of Liberia, to which place I went as mas¬
ter of the schooner Margaret Mercer, and where I
remained thirteen days, during which time I was
daily on shore, and carefully observed the state of
affairs, and inquired into the condition of the peo¬
ple, 1 venture to state some facts in regard to the
circumstances and prospects of the colony. On the
14th of December I arrived, and on the 15th went
on shore, and was received in the most polite and
friendly manner by the governor, Dr. Mechlin, who
introduced me to the ministers and principal inha¬
bitants. All the colonists appeared to be in good
health. Alb my expectations in regard to the aspect
of things, the health, harmony, order, contentment, in¬
dustry, and general prosperity of the settlers, were
more than realized. There are about two hundred
buildings in the town of Monrovia, extending along
the Cape Montserado, not far from a mile and a
quarter.* Most of these are good substantial houses
and stores, (the first story of many of them being of
stone,) and some of them handsome, spacious, paint¬
ed, and with Venitian blinds. Nothing struck me
as more remarkable, than the great superiority, in
intelligence, manners, conversation, dress, and ge¬
neral appearance, in every respect, of the people
over their coloured brethren in America. So much
was I pleased with what I saw, that I observed to,
the people, should I make a true report, it would
hardly be credited in the United States. Among
all that I conversed with, I did not find a discon¬
tented person, or hear one express a desire to return
to America. I saw no intemperance, nor did I hear
a profane word uttered by any one. Being a. minis¬
ter of the gospel, oil Christmas day I preached both
in the Methodist and Baptist church, to full and at¬
tentive congregations, of from three to four hun¬
dred persons in each. I know of no place where
the Sabbath appears to be more respected than in
Monrovia. I was glad to see that the Colonial
Agent, or Governor, is a constant attendant on Di¬
vine service, and appears desirous of promoftng the
moral and religious welfare of the people. Most of
the settlers appear to be rapidly acquiring property,
and I have no doubt they are doing better for them¬
selves and their children in Liberia, than they could
do in any other part of the world. Could the free
people of colour in this country, but see the real con¬
dition of their brethren who have settled in Africa,
I am persuaded they would require no other motive
to induce them to emigrate. This is my decided and
deliberate judgment."
Extract of a letter from Mr. Mechlin, Colony Agent.
" As to the morals of the colonists, I consider them
much better than those of the people of the U. S.;
that is, you may take an equal number of the inhabit¬
ants from any section of the Union, and you will
find more drunkards, more profane swearers and
Sabbath-breakers, $fc., than in Liberia. Indeed, I
know of no country where things are conducted
more quietly and orderly than in this colony. You
* This is a great increase since the visit of Captain
felierman, two years before.
rarely hear an oath, and as to riots and breaches of
the peace, I recollect of. but one instance, and thai
of a trifling nature, that has come under my notice
since I assumed the government of the colony. The
Sabbath is more strictly observed, than 1 ever saw
it in the United States. Our Sunday schools are
well attended, not only by the children of the colo¬
nists, but also by the native children who reside
amongst us. The natives themselves are so well
acquainted with our strict observance of this day,
that you never find them offering any thing for sale,
nor can you hire them to work for you; I mean
those who have been amongst us, and at all ac¬
quainted with our customs." ""
Extract from an Essay cm the African Slave Trade,
said to be written by a distinguished British naval
officer, who passed three years on the African coast.
From the Amulet, a London annual for 1832.
" On the subject of Sierra Leone, and the causes
of its failure, so much has been said, that it would
be superfluous to repeat it here. Public expectation
has not, certainly, been answered; but that these
experiments are not of a fanciful or impracticable
nature, is completely proved by the success which
has attended the colony which came next in succes¬
sion on this coast This is a bold promontory, called
originally Monte Serrado, but corrupted, as all
names are, by negro pronunciation, into Mesurado.
The American Colonization Society located here a
number of free people of colour, the offspring of
African slaves, bom in America and liberated.
" The settlement consists of two ^establishments'
The first is Monrovia, on Cape Montserado, and the
other Caldwell, seven miles up the river St Paul.
The whole population amounts to about three hun¬
dred families, comprising more than 1500 persons,
(2500 at present) who have each farms allotted to
them, some in the lower and some in the upper set¬
tlement A regular and most improved system of
husbandry is insisted on.
" Nothing has tended more to suppress the slave
trade in this quarter than the constant intercourse and
communication of the natives with these industrious
colonists. The American agent, Mr. Ashmun, took
every opportunity and means in his power to extin¬
guish a traffic so injurious in every way to the fair
trader; and at Cape Montserado, £ood and correct
information was always to be obtained of any slave
vessel on the coast, within the communication or
influence of the colony. This active, respectable,
and intelligent man is since dead; but his spirit
still actuates all his people.
" The character of these industrious colonists is
exceedingly correct and moral: their minds strongly
impressed with religious feelings; their manners se¬
rious and decorous; and their domestic habits re-
markably neat and comfortable. Those who have
visited them, speak highly of their appearance and
mode of living. "They are a comely apd well-formed
race of negroes—neat and clean in their persons—
modest and civil in their manners—and regular and
comfortable in their dwellings. Their houses are
well built, ornamented with gardens and other
pleasing decorations, and on the inside are remarka¬
bly clean—the walls well white-washed, and the
rooms neatly furnished.
" The complete success of this colony, is a proof
that negroes are, by proper care and attention, as sus¬
ceptible of the habits of industry, and the improve¬
ments of social life, as any other race of human be¬
ings ; and that the melioration of the condition of the
black people on the coast of Africa, by means of
such colonies, is not chimerical. Wherever the influ¬
ence of this colony extends, the slave-trade has
been abandoned by the natives, and the teace-
ful pursuits of legitimate commerce esta¬
blished in its place."
AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
LETTER XL
Subjects eontinued.-Examination of 3tr.De-
vany, High Sheriff of the Colony of Libe¬
ria, before a Committee of Congress, on
the 26th and 21 th of May, 1830.
"This Committee consisted of the Hon.
C. F. Mercer, Mr. Everett of Mass. Mr.
Rose, Mr. Williams, Mr. Vance, Mr. Denny
and Mr. Kincaid. Just before the adjourn¬
ment of Congress, Mr. Francis Devany, one
of the earliest, most intelligent and respect¬
able settlers in Liberia, who had, for some
time, held the office of High Sheriff in the
Colony, arrived in Washington, and, as he
had resided in Africa for more than seven
years, had discharged faithfully and usefully,
the duties of several responsible offices, and
had been and continued to be engaged in
extensive trade, it was deemed important,
by Mr. Mercer, Chairman of the Committee
just mentioned, to receive his testimony,
respecting the geography, climate, soil, na¬
tural and civil History, municipal Govern¬
ment, manners, productions, commerce, nav¬
igation, arts and improvements of the Colony
of Liberia.
"Mr. Devany stated, in reply to queries put to
him by the Hon. Mr. Mercer, Judge Spencer, and
others, that the Colonists labour under very serious
inconvenience, for want of a National Flag, un¬
der which to sail. A number of vessels are owned
by them, which might, and would be engaged in
commerce to this country, but which are laid up at
present for want of a flag. Mr. Devany himself
owns one, "which cost him a thousand dollars.
Another Colonist owns a vessel that cost 06,000.
Both these valuable vessels are now laid up, and
going to decay, as the owners do not consider it safe
to venture them at sea, under existing circumstan¬
ces. Besides these, there are five or six others
owned in the Colony, of smaller value. These are
engaged in a coasting trade of very confined ex¬
tent; the greatest distance to which they venture to
go, is as far as Sierra Leone. The object of their
apprehension is not the hostility of the European
powers, but the pirates who infest those seas. The
British and French have bodi behaved in the most
friendly manner towards the Colonists.
"The prevailing morals of the Colonists are good.
Mr. Devany had witnessed but one fight among them,
during his residence there, and that was occasioned
by a sort of political quarrel with a coloured man
from Sierra Leone, who, partaking of the jealous
spirit which prevails among some persons there, had
spoken in an abusive manner of the American Col¬
ony and its Government. Larcenies, under the
value of five shillings, are punished by fine. Those
above that sum, by imprisonment and whipping. No
instance of capital crime had yet occurred.—Where
the laws of the Colerny are silent, resort is had to
the laws of the United States, so that no crime can,
through any de'ficiency of that kind, be committed
with impunity. The courts, when sitting, are well
attended. Witnesses are brought up by a process
of subpoena, as in the United States. Some instan¬
ces of intemperance have occurred, but the habit
is confined to two persons only, and does not go to
such an extent, as to be of serious injury to the fami¬
lies of the individuals, who are blacksmiths. They
have three churches, frame buildings, one of them
with a steeple■ One belongs to the Baptists, another
to the Methodists, and one, not yet finished, to the
Presbyterians. Divine service is attended three
times on Sunday, and also on Tuesday and Thurs¬
day evenings. The Sunday Schools are attended
by many of the native children. All who can be
decently clad, are in the habit of attending.-But such
as are not clothed, will not come. The natives in
the neighbourhood of the Colony are adopting our
mode of dress; the men wearing pantaloons, and
the Women a cloth garment, covering nearly their
whole person. They were formerly but very
slightly covered; but now females in that situation
will not pass through the town, but take a circuit¬
ous route to avoid observation. No dancing is prac¬
tised ; the religious part of the comrounity having
prevailed in discouraging it. Several of the neigh¬
bouring tribes have voluntarily put themselves un¬
der tie laws of the Colony, and sought its protec¬
tion. On the death of old Xing Peter, a celebrated
chief in the neighbourhood, his head man, called
Long Peter, made an efiort to usurp the Govern¬
ment of the tribe. But they fled to the Colony for
protection; in consequence of which delegates were
sent among th'em, and the matter was compromised,
by appointing Long Peter as head man, but not as
King. The chief acquiesced in this arrangement,
and the people were satisfied and returned to their
employment. The natives of this tribe have adopt¬
ed our dress, and many of the children attend the
schools in the Colony.
" A very active trade is carried on at Monrovia.
A Colonist, by the name of Waring, will have sold'
goods this year [1830] to the amount of $70,000.
Mr. Devany's own sales amount to between 24 and
$25,000. Being asked how much he considered
bimself as worth, he replied that he computed his
property at §20,000, and would not be willing to
take that sum for it. Ho has been in the Colony
seven years, and had but little property when he
went there. Coffee is very abundant in the higher
and more rocky grounds; on sandy soil it is not so
plenty.—The produce of the plants is very various;
from some trees enough may be gathered to fill a
pocket handkerchief of the largest size, while oth¬
ers will not yield more than half a pound. It re¬
sembles the coffee of Java, being white and of large
grain. There is another kind, of smaller grain, but
this is but little used. The Colony as yet has not
made coffee an article of export, the Colonists not
having had time to engage in the regular cultiva¬
tion of the plant. They gather, however, enough
for their own consumption. They export dye-
woods, of different kinds, hides, ivory, palm oil, and
rice. Tho French, in particular, are desirous of
trading in the last article. Provisions are plenty,
and in order to keep up the native trade, they are
sometimes taken in greater quantities than can be
consumed. The traders refuse none that is brought
in. The Colonists in general are well satisfied with
their situation. The exceptions are very few, and
consist of some old women and persons of very
weak capacity, such as the Colonists would be glad
to get rid of On the tables' in Monrovia may be
found beef, mutton, fish, fowls, ducks, and occasion¬
ally a turkey or a roo,st pig, together with the fruits of
the country, which are very various. Coffee and tea
are used for breakfast.
"The health of the Colony is in general good.
From ten days to six weeks after their first arrival,
strangers are liable to attacks of ague and fever;
but after that time they are usually healthy. Mr
Devany had travelled up the St. Paul's river till he
came to a series of falls extending in all about 10 or
12 miles, in which space the water often falls per¬
pendicularly 20,30, and 50 feet •
" They gave the master of one of their schools a
salary of $450.' This he did not consider sufficient,
and engaged in businessaapublic surveyor; incon¬
sequence of which the school had somewhat de¬
clined, but they had the prospect of getting another
26
LETTERS ON THE
teacher. They are desirous of having white men*
competently educated, to teach their schools; in
which capacity only, and in that of clergymen,
white persons are allowed to reside in the Colony.
A newspaper is published in Monrovia, by Mr.
Russwurm, a coloured man, and a graduate of a col¬
lege in Maine. He published a paper some time
since in New York. He has now upon his list be¬
tween 2 and 300 subscribers.
" Being asked how the Agents .of Government
tieated the Liberian Colonists, Mr. Devany replied,
' perfectly well, entirely to their satisfaction.' They
placed them on a footing of perfect equality, as
much as if no distinction of colour existed. The
people had great respect for the agents, but still felt
themselves at the head of their own society. Much
activity and emulation prevail; each settler endea¬
vouring to push his own fortune by all proper and
honourable means. If one builds himself a com¬
fortable house this season, his-neighbour will endea¬
vour to have as good a one the next. But this com¬
petition is attended with no ill will. A plat of the
town is drawn and laid off in lots, and when new
settlers arrive, they employ a lottery to fix their se¬
veral situations; each being allowed in the town a
quarter of an acre, and 15 acres in its neighbourhood,
which he is at liberty to cultivate for himself. Some
who wish to become farmers, and settle at a dis¬
tance, are allowed small farms of 50 acres. The
soil is cultivated with ease. Ploughs are not yet in¬
troduced. They have some mules which they
brought from the Cape De Verds. There are also
a few oxen; but these, not having been early bro¬
ken, do not work to advantage. The late lamented
Mr. Cary, however, had a yoke which he broke
himself, and which worked very well. They had
had some horses, but these not being well mana¬
ged, had.died. Others, however, could readily be
procured at the Rio Pongas. The climate is mild
and uniform; the thermometer never being lower
than 68°, nor higher than 88°, save perhaps one
day in a season, when it has been known to rise to
91 degrees. There is a constant sea-breeze, and
Mr. Devany had seen the weather quite cool ,• not
cold enough however to produce frost. The hou¬
ses have no chimneys except to the kitchens; but it
is customary, in the cooler feather, to use small fur¬
naces with charcoal. Many of the houses are built
of stone, others of logs, weather-boarded. Some of
these are painted white, with green Venitian blinds.
They have gardens abounding with vegetables,
and various native fruits. There is a species of
sour orange, that seems indigenous to the soil, be¬
ing found in abundance. The seed of the sweet
orange has also been brought from Sierra Leone,
and succeeds well. The Tamarind is also plentiful,
and the Colonists have now received seeds from
America, and are endeavouring to raise various
West India fruits. The pine-apple is common, and
they have a species of cherry growing in large clus¬
ters like grapes. The palm-tree abounds, and is of
great value; palm-oil is worth from five to six cents
a pound. They take it in trade from the country
people at from eight to ten cents a gallon, and the
gallon contains from seven to eight pounds."
♦White men are exposed to great danger from the
climate; it is much better to educate coloured people in
this country, and send tliem to the Colony.
Philadelphia, April 20th, 1832.
LETTER XII.
Disadvantages to the white population ari¬
sing front slavery.—Hardships of the co¬
loured populationin the slave states.—Con¬
trast of the situation of the Colonists at
Idberia.
In stating the disadvantages to the white
population arising from slavery, I shall confine
myself to the declarations of slave-holders
themselves, whose practical experience ena¬
bles them to decide; and to whose testimony,
therefore, there can be none of those excep¬
tions taken, to which theoretical views would
be justly liable.
" To provide fot (iie free negro a country, is alike
the dictate of humanity towards him, and of policy
towards ourselves. While he remains here, no
white labourer will seek employment near him.
Hence it is, that in some of the richest counties east
of the Blue Ridge, the white population is station¬
ary, and in many others it is retrograde. Virginia,
once the first state in numbers, as she is still in terri
tory, has become the third, and will soon have to de¬
scend to the fourth rank. The valuation of the lands
of New York, exceeds the estimate of all the lands and
slaves in Virginia."—Richmond and Manchester Co¬
lonization Society.
" Experience has taught us, that slaves add no¬
thing to our wealth. Where they exist, labour is
not only high, but badly performed ; and the com¬
munities growing up around us, which are clear of
this evil, flourish over us, and by their cheapness
of labour, nicer mechanism, and more abundant in
dustry, are making us tributary. The progress of
light—the conduct of other nations—and particu¬
larly that of our South American neighbours, in li¬
berating their slaves—the growing belief of the
disadvantages of slavery, with other causes, contri¬
bute to increase the conviction that slavery is cm
evil, and that its consequences may, one day or other,
become terrible."—Kentucky Colonization Sqciety.
" Slavery is ruinous to the whites—retards im¬
provement—roots out an industrious population,
banishes the yeomanry of the country— deprives
the spinner, the weaver, the smith, the shoemaker,
the carpenter, of employment and support This
evil admits of no remedy—it is increasing, and will
continue to increase, until the whole country will
be inundated with one black wave covering its
whole extent, with a few white faces here and
there, floating on the surface. The master has no
capital but what is vested in human flesh—the fa¬
ther, instead of being richer for his sons, is at a loss
to provide for them—there is no diversity of occu¬
pations, no incentive to enterprise. Labour of every
species is disreputable, because performed mostly by
slaves. Our towns are stationary, our villages almost
every where declining—and the general aspect of the
country marks the curse of a wasteful, idle, reckless
population, who have no interest in the soil, and care
not how much it is impoverished. Public improve¬
ments are neglected, and the entire continent does
riot present a region for which nature has done so
much, and art so little. If cultivated by free labour,
the soil of Virginia is capable of sustaining a dense
population, among whom labour would be honoura¬
ble, and where ' the busy hum of men' would tell
that all were happy, and that all were free."—
Speech of T. Marshall, of Fauquier Co. in the legis¬
lature of Virginia.
" The effect of slavery on our national prosperity,
is well worth consideration. Our political power
is fast passing away; our relative influence in this
union rapidly decreasing; and should it be dissolv¬
ed (which God avert!), with such a canker preying
on our vitals, who can foresee the point of political
imbecility to which we may ultimately arrive ? But
no more of this—my national love recoils at the
view.
" Whilst one ht«lf of our population are taught to
look on labour as degrading, or are unable to pro
cure employment, should their pressing wants over¬
come this feeling,• the whole class of labourers have
a direct interest in doing and saving as little as pos¬
sible, so that they barely screen themselves from
AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
27
Eurushment I do not say this is always the case ;
ut such is unquestionably, the effect: and if we
compare it with a system in which each one has a
direct interest in producing and saving as much as
possible, the difference in the result throughout a
whole community, would be astounding. Let us
trace the effects of the two systems a little further,
in a picture, one part of which will be familiar to
many . Take the case of a man in Virginia, having
a capital of $10,000 vested in lands and negroes,
with a family of ten children. It is sufficient while
together, for their comfortable support. As the
children grow up there is no want of steady labour,
on the farm, even if they have been so fortunate as
to escape the idea that it would be degrading. The
surplus of the estate affords not the means of educa¬
tion beyond the ordinary instruction of a country
school. As they grow up, they must imitate their
neighbours in dress and habits. The girls find am-
Sle employment in making up their own dresses, or
ttle ornaments for their own persons, the young
men must have horses, and perhaps a slave occa¬
sionally to feed and elean them.—With neither em¬
ployment nor intellectual amusements to keep them
at nome, they seek company at the public places in
their neighbourhood. Money must be had; and the
resources of the farm, drained to the utmost, leave
no capital for improvement, even should the father
escape inextricable embarrassment Finally, the
old people die, and leave a family of sons, unaccus¬
tomed to labour, unfit for professions, helpless, and
too probably vicious from indolence. The property
is divided: and each share, too small to support
them in their accustomed courses, even until they
determine on what is to be done, is most commonly
wasted in vice and sensuality. . .
'• View, on the contrary, a family of equal num¬
bers and capital, vested in land and stock, in a non-
slave holding community. The daughters are com¬
pelled to assist their mother in all the domestic
, labour. If there be a son of sprightly and promising
talents, he is educated for a profession, and thus
provided for. The wants of the farm demand the
services of the others in sumn»r, and in winter
they receive the rudiments of a plain education un¬
til the time at which they may be put to trades or
business. As they arrive at age respectively, the
small earnings of industry the parents may have
saved, are applied in establishing them in tha pur¬
suit of their choice. Finally, the person dies, and
leaves the real estate (burthened, perhaps, with
legacies) to the sons, thus compelled to industry, un¬
til they have families of their own. when the saihe
process is renewed. In this way, is the community
continually supplied with an industrious class or
labourers. No.capital is dissipated by the system,
but a continual accumulation; which extending
through a whole community for a series of yearg,
will sufficiently account for the difference in pros¬
perity'between the slave and non-slave holding
States, without resorting to the Tariff, or the oppres¬
sion of the Federal Government.
" These and other causes, which, in.the limits of a
few newspaper essays, it would be impossible to
enumerate, must continually cause our white popu¬
lation'to diminish as the .black increases."
Richmond Enquirer.
It was stated by Col. Mercer, ic the late
Virginia Convention, that in 1817, the lands
in that state were valued at $206,000,000
In 1829, at 96,000,000
ThaJ; the former period, the •
slaves averaged ' $300
In 1829, 150
In an address delivered by Mr. Key, be¬
fore the Colonization Society, some time
since, he asserted that in one county in Ma¬
ryland having but few slaves, the increase
of population between 1810 and 1820,
amounted to many thousands; while in an¬
other, having an equal number of slaves and
whites, there was a decrease of almost a fifth
of its entire population. " Lands of similar
quality," he added, "bear very different prices
in the two districts; for farmers will not
migrate to a slave country—and there is the
same difference in many other particulars."
It is difficult to account satisfactorily, for
the hostility displayed towards the Coloniza¬
tion Society, by so many of the coloured peo¬
ple, and by some of their influential friends
among the whites. That the situation of the
cblonists in Liberia, is at least equal to that
of the most fortunate and favoured of their
class in this country, will not admit of a
doubt, from the unimpeachable testimony ad¬
duced in Letter IX—and that it is incom¬
parably superior to that of the great mass of
them in our towns and cities, is equally indis¬
putable. Few of these are engaged in trade
or commerce, or have any hopes of elevating
themselves to that situation. Nine-tenths of
them are in subordinate and menial situations,
and likely thus to remain, at low wages.
That they labour under the most oppressive
disadvantages, which their freedom can by no
means counterbalance, is too obvious to admit
of doubt. I waive ail inquiry whether this
be right or wrong. I speak of things as they
are—not as they might or ought to be. They
are cut off from the most remote chance of
amalgamation with the white population, by
feelings or prejudices, call them what you
will, that are ineradicable. The situation of
the majority of them, is more unfavourable
than that of many of the slaves. " With all
the burdens, cares,-and responsibilities of free¬
dom, they have few or none of its substantial
benefits. Their associations are, and must
be, chiefly with slaves. Their right of suf¬
frage gives them little, if any, political influ¬
ence, and they are practically, if not theoreti¬
cally,excluded from representation and weight
in our public councils." No merit, no services,
*io talents, can ever elevate the great mass of
them to a level with the whites. Occasion¬
ally an exception may arise. A coloured in¬
dividual, of great talents, merits, and wealth,
may emerge from the crowd. Cases of this
kind,.are to. the last degree, rare. The co¬
loured people are subject to legal disabilities,
more or less galling and severe, in almost
every state in#" the "Union. Severe regula¬
tions have been recently passed in Louisiana,
to prevent the introduction of free people of
colour. Whenever they "appear, they are to
be' banished in sixty days. The strong oppo¬
sition to the establishment of a > negro college
in New-Haven, speaks in a language npt to
be mistaken, the jealousy with which they are
regarded." And there is no reason to expect,
that the lapse of centuries will rpake any
28 LETTERS
change in this respect. They will always,
unhappily, be regarded as an inferior race.
They are, moreover, chased from state to
state. The colony that was lately expelled
from Ohio, was originally obliged to leave
Virginia, by the rigour of its laws, on the sub¬
ject of free coloured people. They were but
a few years in Ohio, when a law of that state,
obliging them, under a penalty, to give $500
security for their good behaviour, and that
they shall not become chargeable, was ordered
to be put in force against them. With the
provisions of this law, they could not or would
not comply. They accordingly removed to
Canada, where, to judge from some of the
papers of the province, they appear to be re¬
garded with jealousy.
A corps of Philadelphia volunteers quite re¬
cently passed through Providence, on its way
to Boston. It was accompanied by Johnson's
coloured band, whose skill and talents are
celebrated wherever they are known. But
such was the jealousy of their colour, that
they were not allowed to play in the city.
This is a small affair, but it shows the strength
of feeling on the subject " Straws show
which way the wind blows."
A case has recently occurred in North
Carolina, which speaks volumes on this sub¬
ject. There is, it appears, a law in that
state, which subjects any free coloured per¬
son who enters it, to a fine of $500, and, in
the event of non-payment, to be sold as a
slave. A person of this description lately en¬
tered the state—was prosecuted under the
Law—and, not being able to pay the fine, was
actually sold.
Of the cruelty and hardship of those pro¬
ceedings, no disinterested person can doubt.
They are intended as security from danger.
How far they are called for, or justified by
that motive, or whether they do not increase,
if not create the danger sought to be avoided,
is not the present purpase to inquire. Our
object is, to show by contrast, the strong in¬
ducements the free coloured people have, to
emigrate. Under the excitement produced
by the Southampton massacre, a police act
of extreme rigour was passed by the legisla¬
ture of Virginia, at its last session:—
" This act prohibits the slaves, free negroes, and
mulatto preachers, whether ordained or licensed,
from preaching or holding any meeting for religious
•or other purposes, either by day or night, to be pun¬
ished with stripes, not exceeding thirty-nine lashes
for every offence; any person being authorized to
apprehend the offender without a warrant previ¬
ously obtained; it also prohibits all negroes, &c.
from attending any such preaching or meeting con¬
ducted by negro preachers, or even by white
preachers in the night time, without a written per¬
mit from their owners, masters, or their agents, to
be punished for every offence in like manner; any
person, however, is permitted to take his slave will
him to hear religious instruction, conducted by
a white minister in the night; slaves of any one
ON THE
owner not prevented from assembling at any time,
for religious devotion; no free negro to be suffered
to keep or carry any gun or military weapon, the
arms and ammunition to be forfeited to the in¬
former, and the offender to be punished with stripes
as aforesaid; and it takes away from the county
courts the power to grant permission to keep or
carry such weapons, as heretoforo; it declares it
felony, punishable with death, for any slave, free
negro, &c. to assault and beat, wilfully and mall
ciously, any white person, with intent to kill; pun¬
ishes with stripes lor the first offence, and with
death the second, any slave, free negro, &c. who
shall hereafter write, print, or cause to be written
or printed, any book, pamphlet, or other writing,
(or knowingly circulate the same,) advising persons
of colour in this state to make insurrection, or to re¬
bel ;• and if the offender be a white person, imposes &
fine of not less than one hundred, nor more than
one thousand dollars; punishes with stripes freene
groes, &c. guilty of riots, routs, unlawful assemblies,
trespasses and seditious speeches.
" The act to be given in charge to the grand ju¬
ries ; and the attornies, for the commonwealth re¬
quired to lodge an information of any violation of
its provisions in their knowledge, or of which they
have cause to suspect any person, before the pro¬
per court or jury. To take effect on the first of July
next."
A law lately passed in Georgia, subjects to a
quarantine of forty days, all vessels having free co¬
loured persons on board. This law prohibits all in¬
tercourse with such vessels, by free coloured per¬
sons or slaves, and directs that the captains who
bring them shall, under penalty, take them back.
It renders q. capital offence, the circulation of pam¬
phlets of evil tendency among the slaves or domes¬
tics of the state. It imposes a penalty for teaching
free persons of cplour to read or write.
A law, lately passed in Maryland, directs the re¬
moval from the state, of all slaves manumitted after
its date.
" Here, the black man is degraded. You may
call him free. Y<j(i may protect his rights by legis¬
lation. You may invoke the spirit of humanity and
of Christian benevolence to bless him; but still, he
is degraded. A thousand malignant influences
around him, are conspiring to wither all that is
manly and noble in his nature."
Such being the situation of the free co¬
loured people in this country, with scarcely
a hope of a speedy change, surely they ought
to long as eagerly for a settlement in the land
of their ancestors, as the captive tribes of Is¬
rael hungered for a return to the land of Ca¬
naan.
What a contrast to their situation in Libe¬
ria ! There they will be lords of the soil, and
have every inducement and every opportu¬
nity to cultivate their minds, They will not
be borne down by that sense of inferiority,
from whose goadings they cannot escape
here, and which is enough to depress minds
the most highly gifted. According to their
respective merits they may aspire to any of
the offices of honour, and profit, and influence,
in the colony. The bar, and the bench, and
the medical profession, will be open to then!
from which they are debarred here by an im¬
passable barrier.
May 1,1832.
AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
29
LETTER XIII.
Effects of the Colony of Liberia in restrain¬
ing the slave trade.— Utter inadequacy of
the efforts of the British and other cruisers.
—Slight sketch of the horrors of that ne¬
farious traffic.
Allusion was made, in the preface, to
three of the leading results of the Coloniza¬
tion Society, any one of which, ought to in¬
sure it universal patronage. One only, its
effects to annihilate the slave trade in the
neighbourhood of the colony, shall be touched
on here. Such has been the consequence,
also, of the colony at Sierra Leone. The ex¬
periment of years has proved, that the only
effective mode of extirpating the slave trade,
is by the establishment of colonies along the
coast.
The efforts of the national vessels stationed
there, have proved wholly unavailing. The
total number of slaves captured by British
vessels, and emancipated, in nine years, from
1819 to 1828, was, according to Walsh,
" only 13,281, averaging about 1400 per an¬
num," although, "during that period, it is
supposed there were annually transported as
slaves, from different parts of the coast,
100,000 human beings.''''*
To prove the immense importance of sup¬
pressing this traffic, which, except in one
place, is annihilated for nearly two hundred
miles, partly north of Sierra Leone, and partly
south of Liberia, it may not be improper to
give a sketch of it, in the words of an eye
witness to some of its horrors; for although
this nefarious traffic has been long consigned
to the general execration of mankind, yet not
one person in five hundred, is probably aware
of the hideous barbarity of the demons incar¬
nate by whom it is carried on, or of the in¬
tensity of the sufferings and agonies of the
ill-fated victims.
Mr. Walsh v/as on board the North Star,
Capt. Arabin, a British vessel of war, sta¬
tioned on the coast of Africa, to capture
slavers, which, after a chase of 300 miles, cap¬
tured a Brazilian vessel, of which he gives
the following account.
"When we mounted her decks, we found her
fall of slaves. She was commanded by Capt. Jose
Barbosa, bound to Bahia. Sho was a very broad
decked ship, with a mainmast, schooner ringed, and
behind her foremast was a large formidable gun,
which turned on a broad circle of iron on deck, and
which enabled her to act as a pirate, if her having
speculation had failed. She had taken in on the
coast of Africa, 336 males, and 226 females, making
in all 562, and had been out 17 days, during which
she had thrown overboard 55! The slaves were all
enclosed under grated hatchways, between decks.
The space was so low that tltey sat between each
other's legs, and stowed so close together, that there
teas no possibility of their lying dovm, or at all
changing their position night or day. As they were
shipped on account of different individuals, they
* .Notes of Brazil, Vol. II. p. 268.
E
were all branded like sheep, with the owners marks
of different forms. ^5j|^ .. v ■
3S[
" Thjse were impressed under their breasts, or
on their arms, and. as the mate informed me, with
perfect indifference, " queimados peloferro quento—
burnt with the rkd-hot iron!" Over the hatch¬
ways, stood a ferocious looking fellow, with a
scourge of many twisted thongs in his hand, who
was the slave-driver of the ship, and whenever he
heard the slightest noise below, he shook it over
them, and seemed eager to exercise it
" The circumstance which struck us most forci¬
bly, was, how it was possible for such a number of
human beings to exist, packed up and wedged together
as tight as they could cram, in low cells, three feet
high, the greater part of which, except that immedi¬
ately under the grated hatchways, was shut out from
light or air, and this, when the thermometer, exposed
to the open sky, was standing in the shade, on our
deck at 83 deg. The space between decks, was di¬
vided into two compartments, 3 feet 3 inches high.
The size of one was 16 feet by 18, and that of the
other 40 by 21; into the first were crammed the wo¬
men and girls ; into the second the men and boys:
226 fellow creatures were thus thrust into one space,
288 feet square; and 336 into another space 800 feet
square, giving to the whole, an average of 23 inches,
and to each woman not more than 13 inches, though
many of them were pregnant.
" The heat of these horrid places was so great, and
the odour so offensive, that it was quite impossible
to enter them, even had there been room.
" They were brought upon deck, and after en¬
joying for some time, the unusual luxury of air.
some water was brought: it was then that the extent
of their sufferings was exposed in a fearful manner.
They all rushed like maniacs towards it No en¬
treaties, or threats, or blows could restrain them: they
shrieked, and struggled, and fought with one another,
for a drop of this precious liquid, as if they were ra¬
bid at the sight of it. There is nothing which slaves
in a mid-passage suffer from so much as want of
water.
" It is sometimes usual to take out casks filled
with sea-water, as ballast, and when the slaves are
received on board, to start the casks, and refill them
with ffesh. On one occasion, a ship from Bahia ne¬
glected to change the contents of the casks, and
on the mid passage found, to their horror, that they
were filled with nothing but salt water. All the
slaves on board perished!" pp. 262, 3, 4.
To heighten the enormity of this "sin
crying to heaven for vengeance," it is as¬
certained, that in cases of scarcity of provi¬
sion, the slaves are often remorselessly
thrown overboard. On board a vessel some
time since, thirty nine negroes became
blind, and twelve had lost an eye. They
were thrown into the fathomless ocean. A
single vessel, the Protector, took on board
at Mozambique 807 slaves, of whom 339
died on the voyage.
The Maria Primeira, a Portuguese ship,
took on board upwards of 500 slaves. This
number was reduced to 403 in consequence
of extreme crowding, before she was cap¬
tured, and brought into Sierra Leone.
Nearly 100 more died soon afterwards, from
diseases contracted on board.—(Transac~
Hons of the London African Association.)
30
LETTERS ON THE
The following heart-rending picture of
the slave trade has been drawn by Sir
George Collier, who was employed on the
coast of Africa, to suppress it.
" Such is the merciless treatment of the slaves,
that no fancy can picture the horrors of the voyage.
Crowded together so as not to have the power to
move—linked one to the other by the leg—never
unfettered while life remains, or till the iron shall
have fretted the flesh almost to the bone—forced
under a deck, as I have seen them, not thirty inches
in height—breathing an atmosphere the most putrid
and pestilential possible—with little food and less
water—subject to the most severe punishment, at
the caprice or fancy of the brute who may command
the vessel—it is to me a matter of extreme wonder
-that any of these miserable wretches live the voy¬
age through. Many of thein, indeed, perish on the
passage, and those of them who remain to meet the
shore, present a picture of wretchedness language
cannot express."
Whoever considers the preceding revolting
facts, will acknowledge, that if the Coloniza¬
tion Society did no more than rescue one
thousand human beings annually, from such
a fate, (and the breaking up of the trade on
the adjacent coast, must have rescued thou¬
sands,) since the regular organization of the
colony in 1824, it would have.repaid all its
receipts ten fold. Put the whole of the re¬
ceipts into one scale, and the rescue in the
other, and the former will kick the beam.
Philadelphia, May 6, 1832.
LETTER XIV.
Of Africa before the irruption of the Barba-
rians.
Those who argue, from the present
state of the coloured population of this
country, against the prospect of a high de-
giee of civilization in Africa, reason from
very imperfect data. Here the coloured
people have laboured, and still labour, un¬
der almost every possible disadvantage. In
most of the southern states, slaves are de¬
barred from the attainment of the rudiments
of knowledge. And even in states free
from slavery, the coloured people have lit¬
tle opportunity of cultivation. Condemned
by poverty, almost universally, to the low¬
est occupations, they have neither time nor
means to improve themselves. But they
will not suffer much, on a fair comparison
with whites of the same grade. The best
criterion, however, by which to judge, is
the progress they have made in Liberia,
where they escape the degradation to which
they are exposed here. Of their improve¬
ment in morals, and manners, and habits,
the testimony of Capts. Sherman, Kennedy,
Nicholson, and Abels, &c. from which I
have made .large quotations in the preced¬
ing pages, precludes all doubt. It may be
confidently stated, that none of the American
colonies made greater advances in the same
space of time than they have done in the
eight years that have elapsed since the es¬
tablishment of order and good government
in 1824. The contrast between the Colo¬
nists of Liberia and the people of the Uni¬
ted States, is not so great as between the
inhabitants of Great Britain at present, and
those in olden times, when the, latter paint¬
ed their bodies, had no chimnies to their
houses, lay upon straw on the ground, cov¬
ered themselves with skins fastened with
skewers, and were tenants in common with
the pigs which partook of the hospitality of
their houses.
Hannibal, Hanno, and Jugurtha, all great
warriors—the first equal to any in the an¬
cient world, were Africans. Terence, the
dramatist, was also an African.
" By the same process, by which the colonization
of the coast tends to the suppression of the slave trade,
it promotes the civilization of the interior of the conti¬
nent of Africa. This is a topic, which, as it seems
to me, has not received its share of consideration.
Of this mighty continent, four times as large as Eu¬
rope, one third part at least, is within the direct reach
of influences, from, the west of Europe and America,
—influences, which, for three hundred years, have
been employed through the agency of the slave
trade, to depress and barbarize it; to chain it down
to the lowest point of social degradation. I trust
these influences are now to be employed in repair¬
ing the wrongs, in healing the wounds, in gradually
improving the condition of Africa. I trust that a
great reaction is at hand. Can it be believed that
this mighty region, most of it overflowing with tro¬
pical abundance, was created and destined for eter¬
nal barbarity? Is it possible, in the present state
of the public sentiment of the world, with the pre¬
sent rapid diffusion of knowledge,—with the pre¬
sent reduction of antiquated el-rors to the test of
reason, that such a quarter of the world will be per¬
mitted to derive nothing 'but barbarianism, from in¬
tercourse with the countries which stand at the head
of civilization? It is not possible.
" I know it is said, that it is impossible to civilize
Africa. Why ? Why is it impossible to civilize man
in one part of the earth more than in another? Con¬
sult history. Was Italy—was Greece, the cradle of
civilization ? No. As far back as the lights of tra¬
dition reach, Africa was the cradle of science, while
Syria, and Greece, and Italy, were yet covered with
darkness. As far back as we can trace the first ru¬
diments of improvement, they came from the very
head waters of the Nile, far in the interior of Africa;
and there are yet to be found, in shapeless ruins,
the monuments of this primeval civilization. To
come down to a much later period, while the west
and north of Europe were yet barbarous, the Mediter¬
ranean coast of Africa was filled, with cities, acade¬
mies, museums, churches, and a highly civilized popu¬
lation. What has raised the Gaul, the Belgium, the
Germany, the Scandinavia, the Britain of ancient
geography, to their present improved and improving
condition ? Africa is not now sunk lower, than most
of these countries were eighteen centuries ago; and
the engines of social influence are increased a thou¬
sand fold in numbers and efficacy. It is not eigh¬
teen hundred years, since Scotland, whose metro¬
polis has been called the Athens of modern Europe,
the country of Hume, of Smith, of Robertson, of
Blair, of Stewart, of Brown, of Jeffrey, of Chalmers,
of Scott, of Brougham, was a wilderness, infested
by painted savages. It is not a thousand years,
since the north of Germany, now filled with beauti¬
ful cities, learned universities, and the best educa¬
ted population in the world, was a dreary, pathless
forest."—E. Everett.
Christianity and civilization "were early in
AMERICAN" COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
31
troduced into Africa. There were several
provincial councils held there. At one of
them, held in Carthage, in 397, the canon of
the Roman Catholic Bible was settled. Ano¬
ther was held in the same place in 410—
and two others at Milevi. In the fifth cen¬
tury, the number of Catholic bishops in Africa,
was four hundred. Origen, Tertullian, Cy¬
prian, and Augustine, among the great lights
of Christianity in their day, were Africans.
And it is not too much to expect that future
Hannibals,.and Terences, and Cyprians, and
Augustines will arise, to defend and illumi¬
nate that now benighted country. Should
such a result take place, the merit will, in a
great degree belong to the illustrious founders
of the Colonization Society.
Philadelphia, May 10, 1832.
APPE
ljdter from, the Hon. James Madison, to the Secre¬
tary of the Society, the Rev. R. R. Gurley.
" Montpelier, December 29,1831.
" Dear Sir—I received, in due time, your letter
of the 21st ult. and with due sensibility to the sub¬
ject of it. Such, however, has been the effect of a
painful rheumatism on my general condition, as
well as in disqualifying my fingers for the use of the
pen, that I could not do justice " to the principles
and measures of the Colonization Society, in all the
great and various relations they sustain to car own
country and to Africa," if my views of them could
have the value which your partiality supposes. I
may observe, in brief, that the Society had always
my good wishes, though with hopes Of its success
less sanguine than were entertained by others,
found to have been the better judges; and, that I
feel the greatest pleasure at the progress already
made by the Society, and the encouragement to en¬
counter remaining difficulties, afforded by the ear¬
lier and greater ones already overcome. Many cir¬
cumstances, at the present moment, seem to concur
in brightening the prospects of the Society, and
cherishing the hope that the time will come, when
the dreadful calamity, why:h has so long afflicted
our country, and filled so many with despair, will
be gradually removed, and by means consistent
with justice, peace, and the general satisfaction:
thus giving to our country the full enjoyment of the
blessings of liberty, and to the "world the full bene¬
fit of its great example. I never considered the
main difficulty of the great work, as lying in the de¬
ficiency of emancipations, but in an inadequacy of
asylums for such a growing mass of population, and
in the great expense of removing it to its new home.
The spirit of private manumissions, as the laws may
permit, and the exiles may consent, is increasing
and will increase; and there are sufficient indica¬
tions that the public authorities in slave-holding
states, are looking forward to interpositions in dif¬
ferent forms that must have a powerful effect.
With respect to the new abode for the emigrants,
all agree, that the choice made by the Society, is
rendered peculiarly appropriate by considerations
which need not be repeated; and if other situations
should not be found eligible receptacles for a por¬
tion of them,'the prospects in Africa seem to be ex¬
panding in a highly encouraging degree.
" In contemplating the pecuniary resources needed
for the removal of such a number to so great a dis¬
tance, my thoughts and hopes have been long turned
to the rich fund, presented in the western lands of
the nation, which will soon entirely cease to be un¬
der a pledge for another object. The great one m
question is truly of a national character, and it is
known that distinguished patriots, not dwelling^m
slave-holding states have viewed the object in that
light, and would be willing to let the national do¬
main be a resource in effecting it.
" Should it be remarked, that the states, though
all may be interested in relieving our country from
lhf coloured population, are not all equally bo ; it
NDIX.
is but fair to recollect, that the sections most to be
benefited, are those whose cessions. created tho
fund to be disposed of.
" I am aware of the constitutional obstacle which
has presented itself; but if the general will be re¬
conciled to an application of the territorial fund to
the removal of the coloured population, a grant to
Congress of the necessary authority could t>e car¬
ried, with little delay, through the forms of the con¬
stitution.
" Sincerely wishing an increasing success to the
labours of the Society, 1 pray you to be assured of
my esteem, and to accept my friendly salutation.
JAMES MADISON."
Extract of a letter from the Hon. John Marshall,
Chief Justice of the United States, dated Rich-
mond, December 14, 1831.
" The great object of the Society, I presume, is to
obtain pecuniary aids. Application will undoubt¬
edly be made, I hope successfully, to the several
State Legislatures, by the societies formed within
them respectively. It is exusmely desirable that
they should pass permanent laws on the subject:
and. the excitement produced by the late insurrec¬
tion, makes this a favourable moment for the friends
of the Colony to press for such acts. It would be
also desirable, if such a direction could be given to
state legislation, as might have some tendency to
incline the people of colour to migrate. Tliis, how
ever, is a subject of much delicacy. Whatever may
be the success of our endeavours to obtain acts for
permanent aids, I have no doubt that our applica¬
tions for immediate contributions, will receive at¬
tention. It is possible, though not probable, that
more people of colour may be disposed to migrate
than can be provided for, with the fund the Society
may be enabled to command. Under this impres¬
sion 1 suggested, some years past, to one or two of
the Board of Managers, to allow a small additional
bounty in lands, to those who would pay their own
passage in whole or in part The suggestion, how¬
ever, was not approved.
" It is undoubtedly of great importance to retain
the countenance and protection of the general go¬
vernment. Some of our cruizers stationed on the
coast of Africa would, at the same time, interrupt the
slave trade—a horrid traffic, detested by all good men,
and would protect the vessels and commerce of the
colony from "pirates who infest those seas. The-
power of the government to afford this aid, is no(, I
believe, contested. 1 regret that its power to grant
pecuniary aid, is not equally free from question. On
this subject, Ihave always thought, and still think,,
that the proposition made by Mr. King, in the Se¬
nate, is the most unexceptionable, and the most ef¬
fective that can be devised.
" The fund would probably operate as rapidly as
would be desirable, when we take into view the-
other resources which might come in aid of it; and
its application would be, perhaps, ltsa exposed to-
S2
LETTERS; ow.
those constitutional objections which are made in
the south, than the application of money drawn
from the treasury and raised by taxes. The lands
are the property of the United States, and have
heretofore been disposed of by the government, un¬
der the idea of absolute ownership."
THE AFRICAN CHIEF ENSLAVED.
BY W. C. BRYANT.
Chain'd to the market place he stood,
A man of giant frame;
Amid the gathering multitude,
That shrunk to hear his name.—
All stern of look, and strong of limb.
His dark eye on the ground; ▼
And silently they gaz'd on him,
As on a Con bound.
Vainly, but well, that chief had fought,
He was a captive now:
Yet pride, that fortune humbles not
Was written on his brow.
The scars his dark broad bosom wore,
' Show'd warrior true and brave;
A prince among his tribe before,
He could not be a slave.
Then, to his conqueror he spake—
" My brother is a king;
" Undo this necklace from my neck,
" And take this bracelet ring:
" And send me wherQ my brother reigns,
" And I will fill thy hands
" With stores of ivory from the plains,
" And gold-dust from the sands."
" Not for thy ivory, or thy gold
" Will I unbind thy chain;
" That bloody hand shall never hold
" The battle spear again!
" A price, thy nation never gave,
" Shall yet be pp id for thee;
" And thou shalt be the Christian's slave,
" In lands beyond the sea."
Then wept the warrior chief: and bade
To shred his locks away ;
And one by one, each heavy braid
'Before the warrior lay.
Thick were the plaited lbcks, and long,
And deftly hidden there,
Shone many a wedge of gold, among
The dark and crisped hair.
" Look! feast thy greedy eyes with gold,
" Long kept for sorest need:
• Take it—thou askest sums untold,
" And say that I am freed :
' Take it—rtiy wife, the long, long day
" Weeps by the cocoa tree,
" And my young children leave their play,
" And ask in vain for me."
" I take thy gold—but 1 have made
" Thy fetters fast and strong;
' And ween, that by the cocoa shade
" Thy wife shall wait thee long."
Strong was the agony that shook
The captive's frame, to hear—
And the proud meaning of his look,
Was cnang'd to mortal fear.
His heart was broken—craz'd his brain,
At once his eyes grew wild;
He struggled fiercely with liis chain,
Whimper'd, and wept, and smil'd;
Yet wore not long those fatal bands;
And once, at close of day,
They drew him forth upyn the sands,
The foul hyena's prey.
DEATH OF ASIIMUN.
BY MRS. SIGOURNEY.
Whose is yon sable bier ?
Why move the throng so slow ?
Why doth that lonely mother's tear,
In sudden anguish flow ?
Why is that sleeper laid
To rest, in manhood's pride ?
How gain'd his cheek such pallid shade ?-
I spake—but none replied.
The hoarse wave murmur'd low,
The distant surges roar'd—
And o'er the sea, in tones of woe,
A deep response was pour'd
I heard sp.d Afric mourn,
Upon her billowy strand ;
A shield was from her bosom torn,
An anchor from her hand.
Ah! well I know thee now.
Though foreign suns would trace
Deep lines of death upon thy brow—
Thou friend of misery's race;
Their leader, when the blast
Of ruthless war swept by;
Their teacher, when the storm was past.
Their guide to worlds on high.
But o'er the lowly tomb,
Where thy soul's idol lay,
I saw thee rise above the gloom,
And hold thy changeless way.
Stern sickness woke a flame,
That on thy vigour fed—
But deathless courage nerv'd the frame,
When health and strength had fled.
Spirit of power—pass on!
Thy homeward wing is free;
Earth may not claim, thee for her son—
- She hath no chain for thee:
Toil might not bow thee down,
Nor sorrow check thy race—
Nor pleasure win thy birthright crown.—
Go to thy honour'd place!
LIBERIA.—BY THE SAME.
Winds! what have ye gather'd from Afric's strand,
As ye swept the breadth of that fragrant land ?
The breath of the spice-bud—the rich perfume
Of balm, and of gum, and of flow'ret's bloom?
" We have gather'd nought but the heathen's pray'r
" And the hopeless sigh of the heart's despair."
Waves! what have ye heard on that ancient coast,
Where Egypt the might of her fame did boast?
Where the statue of Memnon saluted the morn,
And the pyramids tow'r in their gianf? scorn ?
"We have heard the curse of the slave-ship's crew,
" And the shriek of the chain'd, as the shores with¬
drew."
Stars! what have ye seen with the glancing eye,
From your burning thrones in the sapphire sky ?
" We have mark'd a gem, as it brightly glow'a
" On Afric's breast, whence the blood-drop flow'd;
" Pure light it shed on the dreary sod,
" Like the mystic stones of the priest of God;
" And we chaunted mat hymn which we sang at
"first,
" When the sun from the midnight of chaos burst."
, Hartford, Con.