ADDRESS
TO THE
-PEOPLE OF TENNESSEE
BY THE
WHIG CONVENTION,
Which assembled at Knoxville,
On Monday, the loth of February, 1S40.
KNOXVILLE/TENNESSEE .•
JAS. C. MOSES AND COMPANY.
1S40.
EXTRACTS from the Proceedings of the Whig. Con¬
vention of Delegates from East Tennessee, which
met at Knoxville, pursuant to appointment, on Mon¬
day, 10th of February, 1840.
Addison A. Anderson, Esq., offered the following resolutions:—
Resolved, That the Convention believe it indispensable to the security of public
liberty and the restoration of national prosperity, that the Administration of Martin
Van Buren be dismissed from office, and that to effect this object and in order to place
an honest patriot at the head of the Government, we will give our cordial, united and
zealous exertions to the election of William Henry Harrison of Ohio, to the Pres¬
idency, and of John Tiler of Virginia, to the Vice-Presidency,
Resolved, That a Committee to consist of one or more Delegates from each County
represented in the Convention, be appointed by the President to prepare an Address to
be presented to the people of Tennessee.
The resolutions were adopted with enthusiasm and unanimity.
The committee appointed under the second resolution are—Addison A. Anderson
and F. S. Heiskell, of Knox; Wm. G. Brownlow and Abraham Tipton, of Carter;
Elijah Embry and William Gillespie, of Washington; Wm. H. Duffield, of Sullivan ;
Orville Bradley and Orville Rice, of Hawkins; Anderson Walker, of Greene; George
Carter, Esq., of Cocke; Samuel Martin and Callaway Hodges, of Jefferson; Robert
Massengill and David McAnally, of Grainger; Charles C. Smith and Wm. Hooper, of
Claiborne; James Ross and John Chiles, of Anderson; Micajah Rogers and Thomas
C. Brabson, of Sevier; Henry Hannum and Andrew Cowan, of Blount; William
McDermott and William Heiskell, of Monroe; John Y. Smith and George L. Gilles¬
pie, of Roane; Nathan Sullens and John Atkinson, of McMinn; B. B. Cannon and
Jonathan Wood, of Hamilton.
Addison A. Anderson, Esq., from the committee appointed to prepare an Address
to be presented to the People of Tennessee, reported an Address, which was ordered
to be read.
The Address was then unanimously adopted, and, on motion of F. S. Heiskell, Esq.,
20,000 copies were ordered to be printed in pamphlet form.
Orville Bradley, Esq., offered the following resolutions, which were adopted:—
Resolved, by this Convention, That the people of East Tennessee retain an abiding
devotion to the great principles upon which General Jackson was brought into power;
viz: retrenchment and reform in the expenses of the Federal Government, and a strict
accountability in all its officers; uncompromising hostility to the patronage of the
Federal Government being brought into conflict with the freedom of elections, and to
the re-election of the President to a second term, and to allowing him by the general
and indiscriminate appointment of members of Congress to office, to establish " cor-
ruption as the order of the day," and to permitting the presidency to slide into a mon¬
archy by the establishment of a " line of safe precedents," dictated by itself; and, lastly,
the firm establishment in the administration of the government, of the doctrines of a
strict and republican construction of the Federal Constitution.
Resolved, That it was to carry out and -give effect to these principles, in a manner
which had not been attained according to their expectations, by the course of the Jack¬
son Administration, that the people of this State nominated Judge White for the Pres¬
idency.
Resolved, That our failure to elect Judge White has made it necessary to adopt the
next best, most appropriate and practicable means to attain the same great ends; and
for this purpose, the Whigs of East Tennessee will unite with the great body of the
Whig party of the United States, in the support of Harrison and Tyler.
Resolved, That these resolutions be printed with the address to the people of Ten¬
nessee, and immediately precede the same.
ADDKESS
TO THE PEOPLE OF TENNESSEE.
Fellow-Citizens : —
Since the doclafatioii of our Independence, sixty years
have gone by, attended with the various vicissitudes of peace and
War, and marked, during the greater part of that period, by an un¬
exampled degree of national and individual prosperity. Though
we are profoundly sensible of the happiness and blessings, which
for a long timej under the favor of Providence, accompanied and
grew out of a wise and prudent administration of public affairs,
we cannot but be deeply alafmed at their present gloomy and dis¬
astrous aspecti "Experience has fully shown, that our government
is strong enough to withstand the trials of war, and to pass through
successfully, those conflicts and collisions with foreign powers,
which it is the destiny of every nation to sustain. Our apprehen¬
sions of danger are ndw directed to a branch of the National Gov¬
ernment, which is rapidly consolidating within itself all the ele¬
ments of Despotism. In the march of that consolidation, public
and private interests have been prostrated, and that prosperity,
Which, with each coming' year, gave us additional cause of congrat¬
ulation, has been blighted and withered away. The causes which
have brought about this result can be exhibited more fully, by pres¬
enting you a brief review of the history of one feature in our
General Government.
The strongest doubts of the stability of the Government of the
United States, were entertained at an early period, on account of
the power conferred on the Executive. Such doubts were decided¬
ly expressed by many of the purest patriots ; and on account of
2
2
their fears from this souroe, they objected with unyielding spirit?
to the Constitution itself. These views were forcibly presented
by Patrick Henry, in the Virginia Convention, which met to de¬
cide on the adoption or rejection of the Constitution. Speaking
of the great power given by that instrument, to the President of
the United States, he observed :—^ How easy will it befor him
to render himself absolute; and it will be the subject of long med¬
itation with him, to seize the first auspicious moment to accomplish
his design." He alluded to a state of things likely to happen,
when a man, either ambitious or unprincipled, might get into the
Presidential chair.
The character and administration of the Executive department
gave origin to the first division of political parties, known in
our history, since the adoption of the Union. Some of the mea¬
sures pursued under the administration of John Adams, indicated a
design to overstep the proper limitation of the Executive power.
Those who were aware of the readiness with which this power,
if unchecked, would take to itself the entire control of the Gov¬
ernment, firmly resisted the earliest encroachment. In this contest
we find the origin of the terms " Federalist" and " Republican," as
applied to the antagonist principles which they represented. The
Federalists maintained the measures of the administration, which
they defended as proper, just and constitutional; while the Repub¬
licans resisted them, as inroads on the spirit of the Constitution,
and calculated to give Executive Power additional and undue as¬
cendancy. The Republicans were triumphant, and Mr. Jefferson
was elevated to the Presidential chair. He practiced the doctrines
of the Republican Party, vigilantly restricting the exercise of
Executive power to its legitimate objects, and jealously guarding
the patronage in his hands, from interfering in the slightest degree
with the free expression of political opinions. While he studi¬
ously exercised his trust, for high national purposes, no spirit of
faction either counselled or governed him.
During the period for which the Executive Power was in the
hands of Mr. Madison, who succeeded /Thomas Jefferson, the
freedom of opinion, and the independence of every department of
the government, were scrupulously respected. The President at¬
tempted no control over the right of suffrage or the liberty of con
science. No attempt was made, either by corruption or the ar
feitrary use of power, to govern the political condiif of States or
3
individuals. Opinion was loft free to form itself ffi*om the results
of public measures. It was during the term of Madison's service
that a portion of the party which had sustained the Executive en¬
croachments in 1797, 1798 and 1799, endeavored to get the Ex¬
ecutive Department again into their hands. They brought out a
candidate for the Presidency, and used every exertion to elect him.
Fortunately they failed in an attempt, which, had it been success¬
ful, would have brought about great and immediate public calam
ity. It was at a gloomy period of our history, when every true
American heart beat with indignation at the wrongs we had suffer¬
ed from Great Britain, and every true patriot felt that our honor
left us no alternative but an appeal to the " God of Battles." One
avowed object of the enemies of Madison was, to put down the War
Party by defeating him; and another object was, to get back Ex^
ecutive power, into the hands of that part of the Federal Party,
which still adhered to the doctrines they maintained under the ad¬
ministration of John Adams. Among the chief actors in this at¬
tempt to put down Mr. Madison, the War Party and a republican
administration, was the present President of the United States—
Martin Van Buren. He was then a member of the Legislature
of New-York, which had the disposition of the vote of the State
in the election of President; and he voted against Madison. This
vote is placed on record and cannot be denied.
The struggle by a portion of the old Federal party, to put out Mr.
Madison and regain power, being unsuccessful, the party disband¬
ed. In the subsequent political history of the country, we find
them rallying frequently on opposite sides. The questions which
agitated the nation, for many years after that period, were chiefly
on matters of expediency. The tariff had been first adopted in a
modified shape, by the republican administration of James Mad¬
ison, in the last period of his Service. This topic was for some
years an exciting one, and continued to be so, until its final adjust¬
ment by compromise. The Bank of the United States, had also
been adopted by a republican administration, and its charter signed
by Mr. Madison. These questions and others that were agitated
for many years, absorbed the public mind, while the memory of
the failure in the first and early attempts, to give ascendancy to
Executive power, prevented encroachments from being urged by
flny party from that quarter.
4
The contest, however, for Executive ascendancy has been re¬
vived within a few years, with a boldness, determination and
success unsurpassed in the history of encroachment and usurpa¬
tion. Under a different party name, the same spirit which had ap¬
parently slumbered since the failure of the effort to defeat the
prosecution of the war, and restore to power the remains of the
Federal Party, has displayed itself with new life and vigor, and has
labored with faithful and unremitting toil, to bring within Execu¬
tive control every department of the government. To a mind not
perfectly balanced by a pure and chastened love of country and
of virtue, power once enjoyed presents irresistible fascination.—
From this feeling it often occurs, when great power is committed
to the hands of one man he becomes insatiate, until that power is
made unlimited. It is a well tested truth, that " Eternal vigi¬
lance is the price of Liberty." Martin Van Buren, who came into
the presidential office under peculiar circumstances, three years
ago, is now the Executive, within whose hands is to be consoli¬
dated every element of political power. The most violent of the
old Federalists, whose leading principle was to make the Execu¬
tive strong, or comparatively absolute, have rallied round *Mr. Van
Buren. They behold in him a fixed determination to make the
Executive omnipotent in the government. They cherish in his
favor the remembrance of their ancient association with him, dur¬
ing the early period of the war, in the attempt to prostrate Mad¬
ison and overthrow a republican administration ; and with a zeal
worthy of a better cause, they are now aiding him, in subjugating
all resistance to his authority. The more moderate of the old Fed¬
eral Party, most of whom refused to join in the efforts against Mr,
Madison and the war, have been unwilling to sustain the bold and
unmeasured strides, which have been taken by the President to¬
wards absolute power.
While the Executive has been steadily looking to the concen¬
tration of all power in his hands, it is not difficult to discover his
motives, for prostrating enterprise and prosperity, an<f familiarizing
the public mind with the exhibition of corruption. A prosperous
people, buoyant with enterprise, hope and energy, and psed to
a pure administration of their affairs, were not fit materials to en-
*See Appendix No. 1.
5
dare. The action and re-action of public feeling was too vivid—the
tone and character of public sentiment was too high to witness the
existence of an absolute Executive. It was necessary to blunt the
public sensibility, by accustoming the nation to scenes of distress
and misery. It was necessary to stupify them by ruin and wretch¬
edness, in order that they might behold without resistance the stu¬
pendous fabric of despotism, which the Executive was building
up above the Constitution and the Laws. While in the progress
of this usurpation, every Executive act and measure was brought
so directly and steadily in conflict with the interests of the nation,
that its prosperity and enterprize sunk under the unequal struggle
—corruption was incessantly and lavishly applied, to dull and
deaden the love of virtue.
Turning our attention to recent legislative proceedings in our
own State, we might conclude that the full measure of Executive
triumph was consummated. The majority, in both branches of the
Legislature, passed several resolutions, which they transmitted
as instructions to our Senators in Congress. One of these resolu¬
tions, (we cannot construe it to have any other meaning) is a general
and sweeping instruction to our Senators, to sustain whatever
measures may be proposed by the administration—whatever poli¬
cy it may choose to pursue. That our Senators should be the
mere echo of Executive will, will be humiliating enough, without
placing among the archives of the State—on the journal of Le¬
gislative proceedings, the recorded evidence of her degradation
and enslavement. This is but one example out of many, showing
the progress and effect of that concentration of power which the
Executive has achieved for itself, not only over the other depart¬
ments of the National Government, but over the virtue and char¬
acter of State Legislatures.
The same spirit, which in 1798 and *99, under the name of Re¬
publicanism, maintained the brunt of the contest against Execu¬
tive encroachment, has resisted with determined hostility the
more fearful encroachments of the present Executive of the Uni¬
ted States. As the storm has grown darker and the struggle waged
fiercer, threatening the total subversion of our liberty, we have
turned our eyes to our forefathers, who in '76 made battle against
the power of a British King, and we have looked back to our an¬
cestors over the water, who in all time stood forth against the pre¬
rogatives of the Crown j and as we contend for the same sacred
6
principles, we have adopted that name, sanctified by their long
and patient sufferings, aud by their glorious and gallant triumphs.
The objects which the Whigs look to, and the accomplishment of
which they believe indispensable to the preservation, as they in¬
volve the freedom and purity of our Institutions, are such as come
home to the feelings and sentiments of every freeman, and must
find a cordial approbation in his bosom. To put an end to the
arbitrary and corrupt exercise of executive power ; to put down
-the present corrupting system of rewards and punishments, by
which freedom of opinion is controlled ; to have offices disposed
of, with a view to qualification and honesty, and not treated as spoils
to be given up to the plunder of factious partizans; to restore and
establish a strict accountability in public officers; to bring back
the expenses of the government to the old standard of strict and hon¬
est economy; to limit the power of the Executive and shorten his
service to a single term; to put an end to the war which has
been carried on by the Executive against the business, the prosperi¬
ty, the interests and the long established relations of the nation—
these are the prominent objects, at whjch the Whig party aim, and
to carry out these objects, it is necessary to place at the head of
the Executive Department a man whose principles and character
are in every respect different from those of the present incumbent
of that high station.
It will be proper, here, to call your(attention to the last document,,
which emanated from Mr. Van Buren, as President of the United
States—being his Message to the present Congress. It is necessa¬
ry to review some of its principal features. Though it abounds in
many assurances, we cannot, in the unfortunate condition to which
our affairs have come, be satisfied with professions alone. It be¬
comes us to investigate principles, motives and measures; and while
this investigation should be made with candor, honesty and fair¬
ness, it is indispensable that it should be conducted with freedom
and truth, assisted by the tests of plain and practical experience.
Conscious that there had been the greatest profligacy in public
expenditures—aware that the eyes of the nation were beholding
with astonishment the wild waste of treasure that had taken
place under his administration, the President endeavors to divert
public attention by a grave treatise on economy. After a long and
labored lecture upon the necessity of a strict economy, he con¬
cludes by saying, that he had ordered the estimates to be most rig-
7
nliy curtailed, and that the expenses of the Government would
not exeed twenty-six millions for the present year. Admitting
these estimates to be correct, is it not astounding to hear an Amer¬
ican President gravely call it rigid economy to expend near twenty-
six millions of dollars in one year, in a period of profound peace,
and without any National debt? But a few years since, the stan¬
dard of ordinary economy was between eleven and twelve mil¬
lions; and when, under the administration of John Quincy Adams,
the expenditures in one year reached to thirteen millions, it was
strongly and decidedly reprobated, as too great a degree of extrav¬
agance. Yet we arc now told by the President of the United
States, that by the most rigid economy, the expenses of the Gov¬
ernment will probably not reach twenty-six millions of dollars.—■
An intelligent people will readily perceive the deception -with
which it is attempted to delude them, and will never barter away
their rights and principles for empty compliments and designing
professions.
The Sub-Treasury system is still urged by the President, in his
Message, with a determination which shows how important he es¬
teems it to the security of his power. Though often rejected
by Congress, he adheres to it with unyielding pertinacity. He
considers the permanent establishment of his control over the
money of the nation, as all that remains necessary triumphantly
to sustain and perpetuate his usurpations. He calls to our memo¬
ry, the systems of nearly all the nations of Europe. He in¬
forms us, that in twenty-two out of twenty-seven of these nations
the system he proposes is settled; and he declares his unaltera¬
ble purpose to establish it, if he can, over the inhabitants of this
country. This is perhaps the most daring insult that could be
offered, by a President of the United States, to the character and
intelligence of the American people., He brings before us the
miserable systems of hackneyed despotisms, of hereditary Tyrants
and absolute Kings, as that which he has selected for our adop¬
tion. If he wishes to stand by the side of those Emperors and
Kings, whose systems and example he considers so admirable, are
we to be placed by the side of their subjects ? Are the people of
these States to be reduced to that condition of • enslavement, in
which the dominions of those Emperors and Kings repose, whose
systems he has recommended for our imitation ?
s
The extraordinary degree of prosperity, Under which thi#
Country in times past grew so rapidly, and advanced in her career
with such bold and astonishing strides, was attributable to that pe¬
culiar system we had adopted, which was emphatically our own
and unlike any of the old and worn out systems of Europe. It
was founded in a general and mutual confidence among our citi¬
zens, and in the steady co-operation of the Government to sus¬
tain and advance their interests; in the active and encouraged spirit
of enterprize, and the industrious application of every means and
resource of individual, social and national advancement. The Ex¬
ecutive, while uniting within itself, by usurpation, corruption and
encroachment, all the powers of Government, has torn up these
foundations of our prosperity, and violently arrested our advance¬
ment. We are now called upon to adopt a new system—-new
to us, but recommended as the system of nearly all the tyrants of'
the old world. It is the system of exhausted and ruined Spain—r
of enslaved and degraded Russia-—of enfeebled and tottering Tur¬
key. In short, why are we not told at once, that, as the sun of our'
prosperity is set, and we are to be ruled by a power, corrupt, and
consolidated in the hands of one man, this system will be, from
these causes,peculiarly adapted to our situation? For ourselves
and those whom we represent, we can yet say—we want no Euro¬
pean systems, despotisms, or chains. Our foot is on the mountain;
and our step shall be as free as that of the brave pioneers who
first welcomed liberty to our mountain home. We want the
system of our fathers—a system adapted to the genius of our
institutions, our character and the ancient usages of our ancestors.*
While our country is at peace, and while the President assures
us in his message, there is every prospect of its continuance, we
are startled by the bold and undisguised recommendation of an
immense and permanent military force. The outlines are more
fully developed in the report of the Secretary of War, the adop¬
tion of which, the President urges upon Congress in the strongest
language* The recommendation of one of the ministers of the
Chief Magistrate, fixes responsibility upon the head of the Govern¬
ment. In this instance, however, the military force proposed by
the Secretary of War, is alluded to by Mr. Van Buren in his Mes¬
sage, in the most decided terms of approbation, and made a part of
*See Appendix No. 2.
9
the future policy of his Administration. It is evident, that eVery
exertion will be made to provide means amply sufficient to an-
nihilate every vestige of liberty that now remains to us. We ask
ourselves in amazement—can it be possible, that a President of the
United States would become so daring in his boldness, so confident
in his power, so reckless of his trust, as to propose, in the midst
of a long and uninterrupted peace, the establishment of an active
army of one hundred thousand men, and a corps of reserve of
one hundred thousand more? The strange and astonishing charac¬
ter of this proposition, is only equalled by the rare and unblush¬
ing audacity, with which it is submitted to the assembled Representa¬
tives of the Nation. Every citizen in the Republic, who is not
already too old, is in turn to be brought Under the operation of
this conscription; first to be drilled for four years, and then to be
in active service for four years longer.
History has recorded the conscription of Napoleon, as the most
gigantic system of imperial military despotism ever established
by an absolute tyrant. Yet the] term of active service, by his con¬
scription, was not so long as that required in the conscription pro¬
posed by the President. Napoleon had some pretext, too, for his
vast military array. He was an Emperor and engaged constantly
in War. He needed large armies to fight his battles and keep his
subjects in obedience. Nothing in the condition and situation of our
Republic, could prompt the proposal of such an armed force, but
the most ambitious and ruinous designs. The system in France
was so odious—tearing husbands from their wives and children, and
sons from their widowed mothers—that by the 12th article of the
Constitutional Charter, it was abolished forever. The system pro¬
posed by the President, is more detestable than that of Napole¬
on. It requires the Conscript to serve four years in active service,
in addition to his term of four years in the reserve. It may be urg¬
ed, that the President can, if he chooses, permit the Conscripts to
serve part of their time, in their own districts. This was always
permitted by Bonaparte. Yet, at any moment, he may order the
whole force to march to the most remote frontier, or to take up
quarters in fortified posts, and remain for whatever period he pleas¬
es, within their term of conscription. This power is arbitrary, ty¬
rannical and in every way SUch as a despot alone should exercise
or could desire. How vain has been the struggle of our ancestors
—how vain the shedding ©f so much blood, to achieve our liberty,
10
if we are now to have such military forces established and placed
• under the control of a power that already assumes to be above the
Constitution and the Laws! . '
Among the acts of the Executive, jusfly .liable to the severest
condemnation, few are more exceptionable than the constant appoint¬
ments to office of individuals, on account of their partizan violence.
The effects of making appointments on this principle, have
been and must in the nature of things continue to be, destructive
of private and public morals and ruinous to the interests of the com¬
munity. In a large majority of cases, the person appointed is
not qualified to perform the duties of the station he is placed in ;
and though he may possess intelligence enough to understand the
duties of the officd, he has not virtue to discharge them faithful¬
ly and honestly. The conduct qf a man who is put in office from
corrupt motives, will naturally correspond, with the motives* which
induced his appointment. He knows that qualification and hones¬
ty have not been considered, in bestowing office upon him. He
is conscious that the power which appointed him has not acted with
a view to securing a competent, faithful and able officer; and un¬
der these circumstances, he readily concludes that the want of hon¬
esty, fidelity and justice in him, can be excused when he beholds
such an entire absence of these qualities in those who gave him his
appointment.*
Consequences very natural, have grown out of this system of
apppointments, Violations of official duty and frauds—numerous,
and extensive—have been discovered in every part of the Union-
The departments of the Executive Government, into which any,,
even the most imperfect investigation, has been made, are found
to be'in the most corrupt and disorganized condition. The scene
of public depravity that has been exhibited, is without a parallel
in the history of this or any other country. What remains unseen
and "unknown it is feared has been more corrupt, if possible, than,
that which already is discovered. There is much, that never
will be known ; much, that is buried beneath the blackened ruins
pf conflagration, or in the depths of still more inscrutable darkness.
Notwithstanding the great number of delinquents, plunderers
and defaulters that have been detected, the Executive has neyer
attempted to bring one to punishment. In his messages he speaks,
"See Appendix No. 3.
11
t>t the importance of making their crimes felonies, and of visiting
them with severe punishment; yet the offenders enjoy the most per¬
fect impunity from the penalties of those laws that are alr&ady
in force. How different was the conduct of the President, in the
case of Tobias Watkins, who, about twelve years ago, became a de¬
faulter to an amount between three and four thousand dollars.—
When Gen. Jackson came into power, it was ascertained that this de
falcation had taken place, under the Administration of Mr. Adams.
The amount was not very large; but still official duty had been
violated, and a crime committed against the laws. A prosecution
was immediately instituted,, and Watkins was punished with se¬
vere fines and a long imprisonment. Mr. Van Buren and some of
his present cabinet were zealous in pursuit of this criminal, and
earnest in their efforts for his punishment. At that time there was
no complaint of the inadequacy of the laws, or of the absence of
power and means to bring such offenders to punishment. Now,
when there are hundreds of defaulters, the amount of whose robbe¬
ries reaches to millions, the President tells us that there is no power
or means to punish. These plunderers are upon a large scale.—
They disdained such petty robbery as Watkins was guilty of. To
say nothing of Swartwout and Price, who have retired to a foreign
country to enjoy the spoils they had gathered—there were Boyd,
Sterling, Hawkins, Beall, Stephenson, Taylor, Harris, Dickson, Ow¬
en and a host of others, who remain undisturbed in their plundered
wealth; and the smallest of whose peculations were fortunes—com¬
pared with that of Watkins. Why were not these men worthy of
prosecution for their crimes ? Why has the vengeance of the
law slumbered over them ? Why is it that they still, with impu¬
nity, riot in their ill gotten gains, while the finger of scorn is pointed
at Watkins as a convicted criminal—though his offence was less
than theirs ? What can Mr. Van Buren allege in his defence ? Is
it sufficient for him to say that the men he refuses to punish have
been his political tools—forward in assisting and promoting his de¬
signs ? For such conduct, how will he answer to impartial jus¬
tice—the offended majesty of the Laws—the insulted honor and
character of his country ? *
The President recommends, as the proper means of preventing
embezzlement of public money, that the severest penalties be
enacted against those who commit frauds and peculations. Presum-
Appendix No. 4,
12
mg such penalties to be enacted, what guaranty is there that Mr.
Van Buren would carry them into effect? The law of the land,if
executed, will now inflict the heaviest fines and discretionary im¬
prisonment, in proportion to thb guilt of the offender. While the
President folds his arms and refuses to execute or attempt to
enforce the laws now in existence, why does he insult us by talk¬
ing of the passage of new laws, and the infliction of new penal¬
ties ? Yet, if there was any reason to suppose the Executive sin¬
cere, in his recommendation of additional punishment, and that he
would inexorably inflict the penalties he proposes to enact, would
such penalties remedy the evil ? We are clearly and fully satisfied
that they would not. The evil lies deeper; its roots cannot be erad¬
icated until we go back to the source of their nourishment. The
system of appointments must be wholly and radically changed be¬
fore there will be purity and honesty in those who are appointed.
Men must be selected to fill public offices, on account of their hon¬
esty and ability, and not on account of their pliancy and devotion to
the will of the Executive. When this is done; when faithful, com¬
petent and honest men are sought for and placed in office, we may
anticipate purity and uprightness of conduct, and an efficient dis¬
charge of official duty. Until this course is pursued, frauds will be
perpetrated; and the severest penalties, however rigidly they* may
be inflicted, will not prevent them. Statutes may be multiplied
and the code of Draco ransacked for penalties written in blood,
still the native corruption of the present system would adhere to
it and defy any remedy that did not operate a radical change of
the system itself. But why should we discuss the remedy of
these corruptions, by the enactment of new laws ? Is it not absurd
to suppose that the President, if he had it in his power, would
inflict death or confinement for life on men whom he now refuses
to punish with the fine and imprisonment prescribed by law ?
The encroachments of the Executive have been so extraordina¬
ry, and have so plainly evinced a determination to usurp all
the powers of government, that the attention of foreign nations is
fixed upon the tottering and perilous condition of our Republic.
Leading foreign journals constantly refer to the rapid change in
the character of our Government, and to the fact that our institu¬
tions are giving place to the elements of monarchy. They are con¬
gratulating themselves over the prospect of the speedy downfall
of our freedom, the ruin of which, they think, will forever put to
13
rest all objections to Kings, crowns and Emperois They argue
that when a nation loses its liberty and submits 1o despotic power,
it can no longer object to the forms and names which in other coun¬
tries are appropriated to designate the station and character of their
rulers. The substance of tyranny is the same, by whatever name
the tyrant may be called. A short extract will illustrate these views.
A leading London paper, the Saint James' Chronicle, says—" The
people of England may now learn a lesson of Republicanism,
from its most brilliant specimen, the Government of the United
States. It has proved a splendid failure. Van Buren, who learned
many useful tactics in this country, (England,) will bring the Dem¬
ocrats round to a rational system, of Monarchical obedience.—
Van Buren is said to be a non-talented man, but he knows human
nature; he knows his countrymen, and he has laid the finest train
that ever was conceived." This extract from a distinguished jour
nal, published at a point where full and daily information is receive
ed of the condition and progress of our affairs, shows the plain imi
pressions which the conduct of the Executive has made, not in thip.
country alone, but among an enlightened, observing and well in¬
formed portion of a foreign, though kindred people. The last and
fatal results of those usurpations, which the enemies of our insti¬
tutions think we will permanently submit to, may yet be averted.
A determined, united and patriotic effort will release our country
from the incubus which has borne it down to the earth.
While the advocates of the President are unable to find any fea¬
ture in his public policy that will bear investigation, they still at¬
tempt to delude the people with the idea that he is the friend of
popular liberty; many citizens, undoubtedly honest, have been de¬
ceived into this belief. It is unnecessary to recur again to those
acts of Executive usurpation, and of gross and glaring corruption,
which are rapidly bearing our Constitution, and freedom along with
it, to one common ruin. We will barely allude to the individ¬
ual opinions of Mr. Van Buren, expressed by him in the Conven¬
tion of New York, upon an important principle of popular liberty.
A question arose upon the limitation of the right of suffrage, wheth
er a property qualification should be required to entitle a citizen
to vote. On this question Mr. Van Buren maintained strenuous¬
ly, and supported his opinions in the most decided terms, that a
property qualification was indispensable, and should be required;
that no one should be permitted to vote, unless he was a property
14
holder. He even carried his opinions so far, as to vote that fVeS
persons of color, who possessed a given amount of property, should
be entitled to their suffrage, while he opposed giving the privilege
of voting, to old soldiers^ who though without property, yet bore
the scars of honorable wounds received in the service of their
country. There is, perhaps, no principle of popular liberty more
dear and none that will bear more^ full investigation, than the right,
which should be guaranteed to every freeman, to vote for his Repre¬
sentative. It is not a question of property alone; but whether a
citizen shall be entitled to a voice in the election of those who
have the control not only of property, but of life and liberty ?—
Life and liberty have at all times been esteemed dearer than
prpperty; and the eitizen who is always subject to be _ called forth
in time of War—who is compelled to work upon the highways—
discharge his poll tax, and must submit to the laws enacted, touch¬
ing his liberty and his life, is surely entitled to the simple, yet hon¬
orable privilege of a vote in the election of his Representative.
Against this vital and essential principle of popular liberty, Mr.
Van Buren expressed and maintained the most decided hostility.—
His vote and speech on this subject, are on record. We present
this instance in order to show how far and how justly he can be
considered, what his friends represent him to be, a friend of popu~
lar liberty*
In the South and South-west, it is frequently repeated, that Mr.
Van Buren entertained predilections for Southern rights and doc¬
trines ; or to use the language of his friends, that he is " a north¬
ern man with southern principles." We are entirely at a loss to
discover what acts of Mr. Van Buren's publie life have been of
such a character as would endear him to the affections and sym¬
pathy of the South. The questions which arose on the admission
of Missouri as a member of the Union, were of as much, perhaps
of more peculiar interest to the South, than any that have ever
been agitated by the General Government. What Was the course
of Mr. Van Buren* on that occasion? His acts upon this subject
are recorded on the journal of the New York Legislature. He op¬
posed the admission of Missouri as a State, and was iq favor of ex¬
cluding her from the Union. Why was she to be excluded? Be¬
cause she had a slave population; because she possessed that fea-
*See Appendix No, 5.
15
ture in her institutions, which is peculiar to the Southern States.—
On this occasion, involving deeply and vitally every Southern in¬
terest, Mr. Van Buren was against the South. He was arrayed
among those whose exertions, if they could have succeeded, would
inevitably have created distinct and hostile confederacies of the
States.
The features of the tariff system, which were peculiarly obnox¬
ious to the South, were voted for by Mr. Van Buren. His South¬
ern feelings prompted him, on that occasion, no 'farther thEta pro¬
fessions. His last and most exceptionable vote, on this question,
was in 1828. Perhaps there is some other period, in the political
history of Mr. Van Buren, to which his friends allude, when
they speak of his attachment to the South. They certainly cannot
point us to the period of the War. His course at that time has
been mentioned in the first part of this Address. The South and
West were then with cordial unanimity and gallant devotion, both
in the councils of the nation and in the field of battle, standing by
the honor and flag of our country, while the venerable Madison—
the wise and upright patriot—boldly and firmly maintained our
rights and character, against the haughty pretensions, the repeated
insults and the fierce attacks of our British foes. In those trying
times Mr. Van Buren was not with the South or West. His af¬
fections for Southern men and principles were then cold and
feeble. During the period We have mentioned, coming down to
1828, the attitude of Mr. Van Buren towards the South was
well defined. It was that of decided and unequivocal hostility
Later than 1828, there is no record of his course, on question^
of peculiar Southern interest. Shortly after that time, he became
connected- with the Executive branch of the government, which
terminated his legislative career. What opinions his friends may
profess for him, is entirely immaterial. .Professions cannot be ta¬
ken against the recorded acts of his public life.
Your attention has perhaps been arrested by the first official
address of the recently elected Governor of Tennessee. A part of
that address alludes to the Whig Party, in connexion with the
subject of Abolition. It is there stated that the Whigs have united
themselves with *the Abolitionists, as a nolitical party. While we
pity the spirit of malignity that could engender and give utter¬
ance to a charge so false and foul, we are utterly astounded at the
1 old and daring > Hrontery wiih which it is made. Coming as it
16
does, from a source, which, during the last canvass of the State,
called to its aid the zeal,efforts and calumnies of a press notoriously
conducted hy a thoroughly indoctrinated disciple of Abolitionism,
the charge is stamped at once with the motive of its assertion,
ai)d the hypocrisy of its origin. It was a very shallow attempt to
divert public attention from the fact, that an individual has been
^brought into the State, to conduct the leading paper of the Ad¬
ministration, whose past associations, history, principles and affec¬
tions identified him with the worst traits and the most vile and
furious doctrines of the abolitionists. This individual has now re¬
ceived a State office, from the hands of the particular friends of the
State Executive in the Legislature. It is to be hoped that the Gov¬
ernor, in his close alliance with this new State Officer, will lose
nothing of his holy horror of Abolition.
After traversing a parched and barren desert, in which there is
no green spot, it is pleasant and refreshing to reach the cool
shade and the verdant bank of a pure fountain. We now invite
your attention to a subject on which the mind can dwell with
grateful and cheering satisfaction—to thq character and services
of the distinguished and venerable patriot, whose name is before
you as a candidate for the Presidency, in opposition to Martin Van
Buren. While speaking of true greatness and the path which the
friend of his country and liberty should pursue, Gen. Harrison ob¬
serves in his letter to Simon Bolivar, " to be eminently great, it is
necessary to be eminently good." This brief sentence com¬
prises within it a striking trait in the character of its author.
Whether in the field of battle, at the head of our armies, enduring
alike with the humblest soldier the winter's cold and summer's
heat, or contending in the remote wilderness with a savage foe, who
acknowledged no principle of humanity; whether in the posses¬
sion of power almost unlimited, over a new, vast and rapidly popu¬
lating country, or treating with numerous Indian tribes for the
wild and boundless regions over which they roamed; whether act¬
ing as the Representative of his own State, in the councils of the
nation, or as the Representative of the nation m a foreign land 5 in
each and all of these situations we behold in Harrison, not only in¬
telligence, wisdom and forecast, equal to any emergency in which
he was placed, but that virtue, humanity, excellence and upright¬
ness of heart, which constitute the "eminently good" man. By
long and severe toil he has earned his laurels, and modestly he has
it
Vrorn them. A brief1" outline of some of the prominent occur*
fences of his life will be appropriate in this address and will furnish
you a part of that information important to a satisfactory and just
disposition of your suffrages*
William Henry Harrison is a native of Virginia, born on the 0th
of February, 1773. His father, Benjamin Harrison, was one of fife
signers of the Declaration of Independence. He was an active
member of the first Congress which met at Philadelphia in 1774.
At a subsequent period he was Governor of Virginia; and in every
Station which he filled, his services were zealously given to his
country. Having sacrificed the largest portion of his fortune during
the War of the Revolution, in maintaining our struggle for Inde¬
pendence, he died Comparatively poor, bequeathing little to his
children but the memory of his love and devotion to his country
and of those early lessons which taught them to imitate his exam¬
ple.
Having received a respectable education, young Harrison was
busily engaged in professional studies, when the sound of War
roused him from his peaceful and tranquil pursuits. The attacks
of the savages in the North-west had assumed a ferocious and
threatening aspect. The Indians on that frontier still waged a
desultory war after the close of the Revolution. Their occasional
incursions had retarded the growth of the border settlements, and
frequent expeditions, fitted out to chastise and keep them in check,
had resulted in disaster, if not defeat. The savages emboldened
by comparative success, and still more ferocious from the impuni¬
ty of their outrages, extended the scene of their fierce and merci¬
less butcheries far and wide. l*he gallant army sent against
them, under Brigadier General Harmar, was overwhelmed by an
artful and combined attack, and its brave soldiers were massacred
or made captive. Most of the officers were barbarously butcher¬
ed, and of the few who escaped the majority retired from service,
either disabled with wounds or worn out by the toil and suffering
encountered in the severe and arduous campaigns of a war that
required incesSant action and untiring vigilance. These scenes,
however, had no terrors for a young and ardent spirit which felt
deeply the misfortunes of our arms and burned with indignation
at the cruel and inhuman triumphs of savage barbarity. At this
critical period young Harrison hastened to the scene of hostilities.
About the time of his arrival at Cincinnati, the Indians had
4
18
achieved another victory in the signal defeat of St. Clair, by their
confederated forces, near the Miami towns. In the very cold
winter of 1791—'92, immediately after the defeat of St. Clair, Har¬
rison, not then nineteen years old, marched on foot, at the head of
a small band, with his knapsack on his back, to one of the most ex¬
posed and distant frontier posts. His march was through a perfect
wilderness, infested by savages, rendered more fierce and blood¬
thirsty by their recent slaughter of the armies of Harmar and St.
Clair.
The Government, alarmed at the succession of disasters which
attended our arms, adopted prompt and efficient measures to
raise new forces. These were placed under the command of Gen¬
eral Anthony Wayne, a brave and able officer. Harrison joined
Wayne's legion with the commission of a Lieutenant; and soon
afterwards was appointed by Gen. Wayne one of his aids-de¬
camp. In this capacity he acted during the campaigns of '93 and
594. His bravery and conduct in the different actions which were
fought, and throughout the various service in which he was en¬
gaged, were repeatedly noticed in terms of the highest com¬
mendation by the commanding officer. At the rapids of the
Miami of the Lake, the last battle was fought on the 20th of Au¬
gust, 1794. The action was desperate, fierce and bloody. The
confederated Indian tribes sustained a total defeat, so disastrous that
they were compelled to sue for peace. Harrison was in the hot¬
test of the fight and bore himself with the most daring and intrepid
gallantry. General Wayne, in his despatch to the Secretary of
War, speaks of him in the highest terms, as one of those officers
" who rendered the most essential service, by their conduct and
bravery, exciting the troops to press for victory."
When hostilities had entirely ceased, and there was no longer
active service, Harrison retired from the army. Shortly after his
retirement he was appointed Secretary of the North-western Ter¬
ritory. To the duties of this office were added those of Governor,
ex-officio, which he was called upon to discharge. When the
Territory became entitled to a Representative in Congress, he was
elected by a large majority to fill that station. During his ser¬
vice, at this early period, in the national councils, he succeeded in
carrying through a measure on which alone, if his character as a
patriotic, faithful and able public servant rested, it would be perma¬
nently secure, and entitle him to the lasting gratitude of his country.
19
The public domain was at this time Bold only in large tracts*
Four thousand acres was the smallest quantity sold. The inevi¬
table consequence was, that purchases were made almost exclusive¬
ly by speculators. The poor man, who wanted a home, was ex¬
cluded from any chance of getting it from the government; and
if he bought at all, it was at an increased price, of the original
purchaser. Harrison's first public effort was made in favor of the
rights of the honest emigrant. He earnestly entreated the atten¬
tion of Congress, and notwithstanding the strength of a very de¬
cided opposition, he succeeded in having a Committee appointed
to investigate the subject. He was made Chairman of this Com¬
mittee ; and drew up a very powerful argument, in the shape of a
Report, appealing to the justice and intelligence of Congress and
vindicating, in the most forcible and convincing manner, the rights
and claims of the bold and enterprizing pioneers. He argued, that
they came to the wilderness seeking a spot they might call their
own, and where they might rear in independence, and beyond the
reach of want, their young and increasing families; that the
Government by its existing policy, placed it out of their power to
become the purchasers of land, except from speculators, at ad¬
vanced prices; and that reason, justice and wisdom, alike required
an alteration of the system. Together with this report, Harrison
presented a bill providing for the disposition of the public land, in
such quantity as would enable the emigrants to procure homes,
though their means were limited. Against a very active and
strenuous opposition this bill was finally passed. Harrison gave
every energy and the most untiring attention to the accomplish¬
ment of this important object. The whole Western and South¬
western country is deeply indebted to him for his honorable and
ardent zeal on that occasion. Humanity, gratitude and justice,
unite in doing honor to a public servant who has faithfully, devo¬
tedly and successfully toiled to bring happiness and independence
to the door of honest and laborious industry.
In the year 1800, that region extending over the present States
of Indiana, Illinois and Michigan, together with the " vast coun¬
try beyond, was constituted a Territory, and Harrison was appoint¬
ed its Governor. His powers were made almost unlimited—in¬
cluding the appointment of all officers—the complete control of
the Legislature—the entire management of Indian affairs, and in¬
vestiture of eminent domain in the settlement of all claims to land
20
tb« French and British Governments, or by Courts of Commas
dants claiming to make grants—with full and final discretion to re¬
ject or allow any part, or the whole of such claims. The whole of
Upper Louisiana, comprising an immense tract of country, was, af-
ter the purchase of that Territory, added to his government, with
similar extensive and discretionary power. Under such strong
temptation, combined with ample and unbounded authority, how
rarely do we find that official character remains pure and uncon-
taminated ! Yet here was a man so honest, that he was above temp¬
tation—so just, that he never abused his power—of such scrupulous
integrity, that he even refused a considerable part of that com¬
pensation allowed Ifim by the laws. This part of the history of
Gen. Harrison confers upon him, as a man and a Statesman, the
highest honor.
Throughout his long and arduous service, as Governor of the
North-western Territory and of Upper Louisiana, embracing a pe¬
riod of thirteen years, General Harrison enjoyed the entire regard
and confidence, not only of the successive administrations of Jef¬
ferson and Madison, but of the people whose interests were com¬
mitted to his hands. He negotiated thirteen treaties with numer¬
ous tribes of Indians, by which immense tracts of land, amount¬
ing to more than sixty millions of acres, were ceded to the United
States and made accessible to enterprize and civilization. Vast
sums of money passed through his hands in the course of his official
duty, every cept of which was faithfully and honestly applied and
accounted for. He even refused the ordinary perquisites, which
by law he was permitted to receive. He would take no fees for
Indian licences, which were worth several thousand dollars; and for
the thirteen years he acted as Indian Commissioner, the whole
sum of money he was willing to receive did not amount to more
than has been paid in a single year, under the present Admin¬
istration., to a commissioner whose duties and responsibilities were
far less onerous and important. To all solicitations and induce¬
ments addressed to his interest he was cold and impracticable.—
Among these was the pressing offer of A. Cohoutean, who was
proprietor of three fourths of the land on which the city of St
Louis is erected. He proposed to give Gen. Harrison one half of
his interest if he would use his influence in directing public atten¬
tion to that point. The proposition, though it presented the assur-
nntnMTrtp.d was unhesitatingly rejected. Many
21
might have thought its acceptance would have been no breach
of official duty. But Harrison felt that public virtue, to be pure
must be perfectly stainless; and every application directed in any
degree to his interest, though no official action might be involved?
he met with determined and unyielding resistance. Too high
an estimate cannot be placed on the worth and character of a pub¬
lic man whose conduct is so pure and upright. It was the custom
of the Romans, to visit with execration those praetors whose admin¬
istrations were only marked by the groans and miseries of their
provinces; while to the just, virtuous and faithful Governor, they
awarded the highest civic triumphs and the honors of the Consul¬
ship.
Tecumseh, a crafty, warlike and renowned Indian Chief, togeth¬
er with His brother Olliwachica, the prophet of his tribe, whose
character combined consummate art with the most savage treache¬
ry, exerted themselves about the year 1811, with such address
and cunning, that they succeeded in forming a union among the
North-western and Western tribes, with the view to a bold and
simultaneous attack upon all the settlements in the valley of the
Mississippi. By one bold stroke they expected to annihilate the
power of the whites, and re-establish their ancient ascendancy.—
Twelve hundred warriors had assembled on the Wabash near the
mouth of Tippecanoe, and extensive preparations were arranged to
embody the whole cf the Indian forces. The most prompt and en¬
ergetic measures were required, to avert the danger of this threat¬
ening and powerful combination. Harrison immediately collected
a force consisting of about eight hundred men, and marched with
expedition through a desert and uninhabited region to Tippeca¬
noe. In accordance with the orders of the President of the Uni¬
ted States, he sent a flag of truce, as a last effort for peace. A pa¬
cific answer was returned, abounding in assurances, and stating that
the chiefs would meet him the next day in council and adjust all
difficulties. Well acquainted with Indian character, Harrison care¬
fully selected the ground of his encampment and ordered his troops
to be ready at a moment's warning. The result proved that the
treachery of the enemy had been correctly anticipated. About
two hours before day light, a furious charge was made by the sava¬
ges upon the encampment, accompanied with the fierce yells and
wild war-whoop, with which they express their barbarous ferocity
irt-ir"" thirst for blood. The combat soon became general,
22
and was maintained on both sides with unyielding courage and ob¬
stinacy. The Indians fought with the most desperate valor, con¬
tending hand to hand, and only giving way to daring and repeated
efforts of the most determined and intrepid bravery. Harrison ex¬
posed himself in every part of the action, fighting by the side of
his men. The following extracl is taken from the journal of a pri¬
vate soldier who was in the action. The journal was published in
1816. ||e says—" Gen. Harrison received a shot through the rim
of his hat. In the heat of the action, his voice was frequently
heard and easily distinguished, giving his orders in the same calm,
cool and collected manner with which we had been used to receive
them on drill or parade. The confidence of the troops in the Gen¬
eral was unlimited." The complete defeat which the Indians sus¬
tained, disconcerted all their measures and subdued the bold and fe¬
rocious spirit of their warriors. Mr. Madison, in a special mes¬
sage to Congress, spoke of the conduct of Gen. Harrison and his
troops in the highest terms. Alluding to the battle of Tippecanoe,
he says—" Congress will see with satisfaction the dauntless ; spirit
and fortitude victoriously displayed by every description of troops
engaged, as well as the collected firmness which distinguished their
commander, on an occasion, requiring the utmost exertion of valor
and discipline." The following Resolution was passed by the Ken¬
tucky Legislature" Resolved, That in the late campaign against
the Indians on the Wabash, Governor Wm. H. Harrison has, in the
opinion of this Legislature, behaved like a hero, a patriot and a
general; and that for his cool, deliberate, skilful and gallant con¬
duct in the late battle of Tipjjecanoe, he deserves the warmest
thanks of the nation." Similar resolutions were passed in Indiana,
Ohio and Virginia. It is unnecessary to say any thing farther of
other and numerous testimonials, which exhibit the importance and
gallantry of this achievement.
After the declaration of war in 1812, Harrison received from
' Kentucky a mark of confidence, which conclusively shows .the
extraordinary regard, respect and estimation in which he was
held by those who had the opportunity and means of knowing
thoroughly his character and abilities. Though a citizen of Ohio,
he received the commission of a Major General in the Kentucky
militia, and the command of two thousand troops that had been
ordered for immediate service. This commission and command
were given h,im by the particular advice and recommendation of
23
Isaac Shelby, than whom no one understood better, or estimated
more correctly the worth, character and abilities of those he knew.
From a long and thorough acquaintance with Gen. Harrison, both
in his civil and military career, Governor Shelby entertained until
his death, the highest regard, esteem and respect for him, and al¬
ways spoke of him as an able, brave and tried commander and an
honest, upright man. Such was the opinion of one who knew Har¬
rison well, having served with him in the field and council. The
gallant veteran, whose youth was trained to arms, and who in his
old age girded on his sword and went forth to battle with the spir¬
it of his earlier years, would not be likely to award the laurels
due to the soldier, at least, unless they had been fairly earned.
It is daily promulgated, from a ferocious partizan press, that
Wm. H. Harrison has performed no services, either civil or mili¬
tary. The bitterest denunciation, is heaped upon him. The best,
the noblest and most honorable actions of his life are distorted by
vile calumny, into cowardly and disgraceful conduct. Is it thought
that you will be governed by the low and despicable abuse poured
out upon a brave and honest man who has served his country and
defended it with his life ? Is it expected that your estimate of Gen.
Harrison will be drawn from the loathsome slanders of factious and
ungenerous adversaries ? Will you not rather be governed in your
estimate of him by the opinions of those gallant spirits, who by
his side laid bare their breasts, where the storm of battle raged the
wildest, and by his side reposed on the same tented field of triumph
and glory ? The recorded evidence of those brave men, who
fought with Harrison, in many hard contested and gloriously won
battles, who have known him well, in civil and military life, speaks
one language. It is full, conclusive and unanswerable. With one
voice, his compatriots have awarded him the character of a skilful,
brave, humane and successful commander, while the enduring mon¬
uments of his civil services, remain on the archives of the nation,
and are inscribed in the gratitude and affections of the inhabitants
of that vast territory, whose government he so long, faithfully,
honestly and ably administered.*
In the Fall of 1812, Harrison received the command of the
North-western army. The enemy on that frontier, kept the field
with a superior force assisted by hordes of savages, who gave no
* See Appendix No. (5.
24
quarter, either to the fallen or the vanquished. Our troops,though
brave, were without experience and required discipline. At first,
they were practiced in expeditions which served to make them fa¬
miliar with war and formed the habit of combined and concentrated
action. An extract from the General Orders, issued on the return
of one of these expeditions, will show the nature of the operations,
in the first opening of the campaigns, and Will also illustrate the hu¬
mane and generous character of the commander in chief. In thi^
General Order, Harrison says—The character of this gallant de¬
tachment, exhibiting, as it did, perseverance, fortitude and bravery
would, however, be incomplete, if in the midst of victory they
had forgotten the feelings of humanity. It is with the sincerest
pleasure that the General has heard, that the most punctual obedi¬
ence was paid to his orders, in not only saving all the women and
children, but in sparing all the warriors who ceased to resist; and
that even when vigorously attacked by the enemy, the claims of
inercy prevailed over every sense of their own danger, and this he¬
roic band respected the lives of their prisoners. Let an account of
murdered innocence be opened in the records of heaven, against
our enemies alone. The American sdldier will follow the example
of his government, and the sword of the one will not be raised
hgainst the fallen and helpless, nor the gold of the other be paid for
the scalps of a massacred enemy." This extract from the orders
of Gen. Harrison, strongly indicates the tone and character of his
ifiind. It contains the sentiments of a brave man, whose heart,
while it revolted with horror at the savage atrocities of the enemy,
btill beat with feelings too noble, honorable and magnanimous to
Seek retaliation on .a prostrate and defenceless foe.
In the early part of May, 1813, occurred the memorable defence
bf Fort Meigs. This position, while garrisoned by a small body
of troops, was threatened by an overwhelming force of the ene¬
my. The post was an important one, and its defence was necessa¬
ry to secure the successful operations of the campaign. Harrison
threw himself into the Fort, and resolved to maintain it, against the
Combined British and Indian forces. Gen. Proctor, relying upon
his great superiority in numbers, sent an officer, demanding in the
most peremptory manner, the surrender of the Fort. Harrison
returned this reply—" Tell Gen. Proctor,'* said he," that he knows
his force ancl I know mine, and if he takes this Fort, he will take
it in a way that will do him mote honor than a thousand surrerH
25
s." Ani gallantly did he redeem his pledge. Ifhe British
and Indians made their first approaches on the 28th of April. They
erected immediately a number of batteries. Traverses were made
Within the fort, and every operation of the enemy was met with
skill, and defeated with the most determined bravery. An inces¬
sant cannonading was maintained from the British lines until the
5th of May. On that day a band of Kentuckians, under the com¬
mand of Green Clay, fought their way to the fort; and Harrison
immediately ordered a sortie, which was conducted with daring
and invincible spirit. It was one of the boldest, most desperate)
bloody and successful actions of the war. A force of the enemy, more
than double in number, were driven from their positions—their
cannon were spiked and a large number of prisoners taken. Proc¬
tor was compelled to abandon the siege, and retired with a dispirit¬
ed and defeated army.
Having by a succession of skilful movements and brilliant ac¬
tions driven a superior force out of our Territories, Harrison fol¬
lowed up his success and carried the wax* into Canada. After a
hot pursuit, he came up with the army of Proctor on the 5th of Oc¬
tober. The enemy had taken up a strong position, with the riv¬
er Thames on the left and a swamp on the right. The united
force of the British and Indians was about three thousand, while
the number of our troops did not exceed twenty-five hundred. As
the American army advanced, Proctor extended his line. Harri¬
son immediately ordered the regiment of mounted Kentuckians
to charge on the point where the enemy's line had been extended
and weakened. The charge was made in the most gallant manner
and attended with the most complete success. The whole army
of Proctor was defeated and captured in an hour; together with
artillery, stores, ammunition and several pieces of brass cannon,
Which Hull had surrendered. They had originally been taken
from the British in the Revolution, and it added to the triumph, td
find among the spoils of the vanquished these proud memorials of
the achievements of our ancestors. The thanks of Congress td
General Harrison, were expressed in the warmest manner, for this
great victory. Langdon Cheves observed, on the floor of Con¬
gress, that " the victory of Harrison was such, as would have se¬
cured to a Roman General* in the best days of the Republic, the
honor of a triumph." The Governor of Pennsylvania, in his mes¬
sage to the Legislature, speaking of the victories in the North-wesh,
5
%
Says—The blessings of thousands of women and children, tea*
eued from the tomahawk and scalping knife of the merciless sav¬
age, rest on Harrison and his gallant army." Complimentary noJ
tices of a! similar character were bestowed on Harrison and his ar¬
my, by the State Legislatures, and from every quarter of the
Union.
The battle of the Thames closed the war in the North-wrest.—
The country was freed from the terrors of savage butcheries, and
the invasion of a foreign enemy. Harrison and his brave army,
no longer needed in active service, returned to their homes, and
resumed the occupations they had laid aside at the call of their
country. It is sometimes urged, that Harrison should have contin¬
ued in the army until peace was made 5 and reproaches are cast up¬
on him by the malignant spirit of faction, because he retired when
the war in his own division was terminated. He would be re¬
proached still more, if he had remained in command when there
was no enemy to fight. Other Genferals had been placed over the
armies in the North, the South, and the South-west, and to them
was committed the task of bringing to a close the war in their res¬
pective divisions.
It will be proper to notice some circumstances which attended
the defence of Fort Stevenson, on Lower Sandusky, during the
campaigns in the North-west. At the period alluded to, Maj.
Croghan was in command at that station. The army of Harrison
Was in front of a far superior force, and it became necessary to con¬
centrate the detachments, in order more effectually to strengthen
the body of the army, and to sustain any movement in front or in
line, that might be required. Fort Stevenson was garrisoned by
a small body of men, commanded by Croghan. The fort was not
an important one, and in accordance with the plan adopted for
strengthening, and giving effect to the operations of the main body
of the army, Croghan with his detachment was ordered to evacuate
fort Stephenson and concentrate upon the central position. The
order was not obeyed, and it became the duty of the commanding
officer to call Croghan to Head Quarters, to answer for his disobe¬
dience. Croghan hastened to satisfy his commanding officer, up¬
on this apparent breach of his duty. He informed Gen. Harrison,
that when his orders were received, the enemy had already taken
up such a position that the danger of attempting to bring his men
out of the fort was greater than the hazard of defending it; and it
27
would be impossible, surrounded and pressed by a very superior
force, to get his men off in safety. Harrison immediately told
Maj. Croghan that he was not apprized of his situation, and
restored him to his command, with orders to maintain the fort if
possible. This duty was performed by Croghan, in the bravest
and most satisfactory manner. The enemies of Gen. Harrison,
unable to find any thing more important, have taken hold of this
transaction and endeavored to make something of it. They would
have us believe that they are better judges of military affairs than
Gen. Harrison—who fought many battles and achieved glorious
victories, never having been defeated in a single action, nor failing
to bring any one of his campaigns to a successful and brilliant termin¬
ation. Some who have undertaken to give their opinions on this
subject, go so far as to say, that Gen. Harrison should have made an
immediate advance on the enemy after the attack on Fort Stevenson.
Though a brave and skilful General may satisfy those who are in the
field with him, bearing the brunt of war, of the propriety of his
plans and movements, which his comrades have an opportunity of
seeing and knowing, yet it is very difficult to please the fastidious
tastes of these warriors on paper, who, though they have never seen a
battle, are still very competent, at least in their own estimation, to
decide upon military merit. Owing to these difficulties, it will be
readily perceived how Gen. Harrison has incurred the censure of
some, in regard to the defence of Lower Sandusky. In order,
however, that no misapprehension should be left upon the minds
of impartial men, the orders of Gen. Harrison to Croghan, and
his conduct on that occasion, have been placed in their proper light
by the officers of the army, including Croghan himself.
An address, in relation to the whole of this affair, was voluntari¬
ly published by the general fiield and staff officers. They ex¬
pressed " regret and surprise, that charges, as improper in form as
in substance, should have been made against Gen. Harrison, during
the recent investment of Lower Sandusky." The address goes
on to state, that " he who believes, with our disposable force,
and under the circumstances which there occurred, Gen. Harrison
ought to have advanced upon the enemy, must be left to correct
his opinion in the school of experience. On a review of the
course there adop'ed, we are decidedly of the opinion that it was
such as was dictated by military wisdom, and by a due regard to
our circumstances, and to the situation of the enemy. And with
28
g ready acquiescence, beyond the mere claims of military duty, we
are prepared to. obey a general, whose measures meet our most de¬
liberate approbation, and merit that of his country." ' All the offi¬
cers of the army, including Cioghan, signed this address. Major
Croghan also published a further statement upon this matter, dated
from Lower Sandusky, (Fort Stevenson) in which he says:—"I
have, with much regret, seen in some of the public prints, such
misrepresentations, respecting my refusal to evacuate this post, as
are calculated, not only to injure me with military men, but also
to excite unfavorable impressions, as to the propriety of Gen. Har¬
rison's conduct, relative to this affair. His character as a military
man, is too well established to need my approbation or support.
But his public service entitles him, at least to common justice.—
This affair does not furnish any cause of reproach. If public opin¬
ion has been misled respecting his late conduct, it will require but
a moment's cool, dispassionate reflection to. convince them of its
propriety. The measures recently adopted by him, so far from
deserving censure, are the clearest proofs of keen penetration and
able generalship." This is the language of Croghan concerning
this transaction. With honorable men, and with those who seek
for truth, these puhlicatiops would forever put to rest the slanders
which are circulated upon this subject. Yet it will be remem.
bered that in the Roman triumphs, the representation of virtue
was immediately followed, by the images of detraction and calum¬
ny, illustrating the truth, that virtue, however pure, cannot escape
the effects of malice and envy.
After retiring from the army, Gen. Harrison engaged in culti¬
vating his, farm, apd attended to the duties which devolve upon a
private citizen. Ha was, however, called upon by Mr. Madison
in a short time, to adjust treaties with some of the Indian tribes.
This was cheerfully undertaken, and successfully accomplished.—-
In 1816, he was elected to the. House of Representatives in Con¬
gress, in which station he remained for several years. He was
the decided and efficient advocate of the admission of Missouri
into the Union. On this question he acted with the most enlarged
and patriotic views of public justice and policy, and looked to the
interest and happiness of our whole country, and the permanent
security and maintenance of the Union.
In 1824, Gen. Harrison was elected to the Senate of the United
States *, and in 1828 ha was appointed Minister to the Republic of
29
Colombia. His letter to Simon Bolivar, while in this station, is
the just and feeling tribute of a patriot, to the freedom and Consti¬
tution of his country, and is a noble, manly, and able exposition of
the pure principles of liberty. In a foreign land, he maintained,
the same inflexible resistance to the encroachments of power,
which his ancestry did to the usurpation and prerogatives of the
British crown; and while he beheld the rapid consolidation of all
power in the hands of one man, he raised his voice, and in the
spirit of reason, philosophy, philanthropy and freedom, he called
upon Bolivar by the solemn duty and obligation which he owed to
himself, for the sake of his own glory, and to his country for the
sake of its happiness, to lay a broad and sure foundation for the
advancement and perpetuity of virtue and liberty.
It will not be inappropriate to refer briefly to the charge made
against Gen. Harrison, upon the question of Abolition. This charge
having been made only by the most venal and profligate of the sup¬
porters of the present administration, could scarcely be considered
worthy of notice, if we look alone to the source from which it
comes. But upon the important question of slavery, the conduct
and opinions of Gen. Harrison, furnish the strongest evidence of
his liberal and enlarged views as a statesman, and his possession of
a high degree of moral courage and independence as a man. His
course on the admission of Missouri, is conclusive proof of his
patriotism, his sincere devotion to the Union, and his elevated
superiority to sectional considerations. His speech at Vincennes,
made in a non-slaveholding State, and at a time when Abolition
was actively agitated, had the happiest effect in quieting the excite¬
ment of public feeling, and diffusing just and sound and constitu¬
tional views on this subject. We give an extract from a paper
friendly to the administration, which, from a sense of justice,
declared the charge to be entirely unfounded. The Charleston
Courier, an administration print, uses the following language in
reference to Gen. Harrison: " The recent and truly patriotic ex-,
hibition of his views on the slave question, connected with the late
denunciations of him by the Emancipator and the Anti-slavery
Almanac, constrain us, from a sense of justice, to acquit him of
any present alliance with Abolitionism. We cheerfully make him
the amende honorable, and record with pleasure the evidence of
his fidelity to the constitutional rights of the South." These full
and conclusive admissions, coming as they do from an adversary,
30
set this matter completely at rest. The charge will only be repeated
by those who have lost all regard for justice, truth and honor, a
proper sense of which should be preserved, even in the heat of
political struggles.
Another of those reckless slanders, which are uttered with the
bitterest feeling of party hostility, is a charge which is made only
by the most abandoned tools and profligate partizans of the cor¬
rupt faction in power. This charge has doubtless found its way
among many honest men, who will always be prepared and willing
to surrender misapprehensions, and act with manly magnanimity,
when truth, honor and justice demand it at their hands. It is
said of Gen. Harrison, that while a member of the Ohio Legisla¬
ture, he voted to sell free ivhite men for debt. This statement is
paraded in large capitals, in the venal presses in the pay of the
administration, from one end of the country to the other. Can
they be so stupid as to think—are they so confident in the blind¬
ness of others as to believe, that they can gull and delude the people
with such wretched stuff—such contemptible contrivances of
knavery and falsehood ? The vote of Gen. Harrison which has
been alluded to, so far from operating injury or suffering to any,
was calculated to ameliorate and relieve the condition of those who
might incur the penalties of the criminal law. It had no reference
whatever to debtors; to them the bill under consideration had not
the most remote, contingent, or possible application. So far as this
class of citizens was concerned, Gen. Harrison had uniformly and
decidedly voted against all imprisonment for debt.
In reference to the facts on this subject, there are two letters,
from Gen. Harrison himself, extant; one written in 1821, to an
editor in Cincinnati, and the other in 1836, to John H. Pleasants.
The following extract is taken from the fir§t letter. In this he says,
" no such proposition was ever made in the Legislature. The act to
which the writer alludes,, has no more relation to the collection of
debts, than it has to the discovery of the longitude. It was an act
for'the punishment of offences'against the State, and was passed
by the House of Representatives, under the impression that it was
the most mild and humane mode of dealing with the offenders for
whose cases it was intended." "Par from advocating the abomin¬
able principle attributed to me, I think that imprisonment for debt,
under any circumstances, but where fraud is alleged, is at war with the
principles of our Constitution, and ought to be abolished." In the
31
fteeond letter written to John H. Pleasants, Gen. Harrison says : " S<j
far from being willing to self men for debts, which they are unable
to discharge, I am, and have ever been opposed to all imprisonment
for debt. Will those who have made an unfounded and malicious ac¬
cusation, refer to the journals of the Senate of the United States,
2d session, 19th Congress, page 325? It will there be seen, that I
wasoneof the committee which reported a bill to abolish imprison¬
ment for debt. When the bill was before the Senate, I advocated
% .
its adoption, and on its passage, voted in its favor. See Senate
journal, 1st session, 20th Congress, pages 101 and 102." "The
vote which I gave in the Ohio Legislature, concerned alone the
treatment of malefactors, convicted of crimes against the public."
It is needless to multiply extracts upon this subject. The charge
was stated by those alone who set truth and honor at defiance.—
The great body of the American people have already set the seal
of condemnation upon its falsehood, the infamy of which is only
surpassed by the degradation and corruption of those who first gave
it utterance.
You are already apprized that the political principles of Gen.
Harrison are of the pure Republican school. If he should be elect¬
ed to the Presidency, we have every assurance in his past life, and
solemn pledges, that he will faithfully restrict Executive powei
within its proper and legitimate limits, and restore purity to the
various branches of the Executive government. The considera¬
tion that he will serve but four years, is of the utmost importance.
If a precedent can be established, restricting the service of the
President to a single term, it will contribute greatly to insure a
just and impartial discharge of his duties.
The name of John Tyler, of Virginia, has been presented to you
as a candidate for the Vice Presidency, in connexion with that ot
Gen. Harrison for the Presidency. This gentleman has served for
a long timfe as a Senator in the councils of the nation. His char¬
acter as a statesman, is identified with the great principles and
practices of Republicanism. To the doctrines of this faith he has
conformed his political life. While distinguished for ability, hon¬
esty and patriotism, in the discharge of his public duties, he has
been equally conspicuous for his firm, unyielding and unconquer¬
able resistance to Executive encroachment. He was honored by
receiving a large majority of your suffrages, at the last election
for the Vice Presidency; and since that time his political course
32
has been such &s to prove, satisfactorily, that your confidence OA
that occasion was not misplaced.
We cannot too strongly urge upon your consideration the fact
that Gen. Harrison is now and has been for many years a private
citizen. In the calmness and seclusion of domestic life; in the
cultivation of its pure, happy, and peaceful associations, his mind
has been accustomed to look Upon his Country with unmingled love
and devotion to its welfare. He feels not the burning passions of
party malignity; and is not prepared to visit, with the vengeance
of a fierce proscription, the freeman who may honestly differ with
him in political opinion* In the exercise of power, we have every
guaranty that he would respect the Constitution, the Laws, and the
spirit of Liberty. The mature experience of a long and unsullied
life, habitual association and familiarity with his fellow-citizens,
in their social relations, their interests and pursuits, together with
the respect and solicitude he would carry into public station, for
the wants, the necessities, the wishes and happiness of the whole
community in which he has so long been a private member, assure
us that, we may look to Gen. Harrison with confidence, certainty,
and a just reliance that he will, in the administration of public
affairs, bring back the Constitution to its native vigor and purity,-
and return to the upright, Sound, and patriotic usages which
Characterized the better days of the Republic.
The most virtuous, just, and patriotic citizens, cannot expect to
escape calumny and abuse. Though the history of Harrison
exhibits so many great services in war and peace, such honesty and
such purity of life and principle, as entitle him to the love, respect
•and gratitude of his country, yet he is denounced and vilified as
'One unworthy of public confidence, and entirely destitute of either
honor, courage, or virtue. It is due to the long tried patriot, who
has with fidelity, zeal and success discharged the most laborious
and difficult civil trusts; it is due to the braVe and gallant old sol¬
dier, who has borne your flag in glory and triumph, through many
a hard foughjt field, that you should stamp with indignation and
proud disdain the foul and ungenerous exertions that are inces¬
santly made to injure his fair fame and just renown. He has never'
been importunate for office. In retirement he has passed many
years of his life. The brightest page in the history of a free
people, is that which records their gratitude and justice. The
hearts of the brave and the free will ever beat with generous
33
emotion and siiicere admiration towards the veteran who has defend¬
ed the rights and honor of his country in war, and respected her
Constitution and laws in peace.
In a review of the life, character and public cofiduct of William
Henry Harrison and Martin Van Buren, we are forcibly reminded
of truth, honesty, patriotism and virtue on one side—of insincerity,
selfishness, art and unscrupulous ambition on the other. At the
most trying periods in the liistory of our Republic, we find their
course marked according to the different characters of the men.—
Harrison, in his youth, put to hazard his life, in a remote wilderness,
in the midst of the fiercest savages, to defend his country. When,
at a subsequent period, he was fighting through severe and laborious
campaigns, to sustain our rights and honor, Mr. Van Buren was
signalizing his first entrance into public life, by insidiously and
artfully contriving and combining to put down the venerable and
patriotic Madison—to hutnble and degrade the brave men who
were periling life and fortune for their country. When Mr. Van
Buren failed in this design, and saw that the tide of public indig¬
nation would overwhelm him, he turned and advocated the war.
But the gloomiest period was then passed, and the day-star of hope
was brightly shining upon our arms. If his| support had been
earlier, it might have been thought more cordial and sincere.
The §ame contrast is exhibited in the conduct of these distin¬
guished individuals, at other periods of our history. Harrison,
though from a non-slaveholding State, boldly Sustained the admis¬
sion of Missouri as a member of the Union. He advocated the
interest of liis country, and risked the consequences. VaO Buren
opposed the reception of Missouri into the Union. While looking
to sectional prejudices, he forgot entirely the interests and happiness
of the gr;eat body of his countrymen. The former has for many
years lived in retirement, apart from political strife, engaged in the
peaceful occupation of agriculture, unembittered and uncorrupted
by the spirit of intrigue or faction. The latter, elevated to the
Presidency by Executive influence, has devoted his attention to
analyzing and bringing together the elements of political power,
and hasliyed from the commencement of his pqblic life up to lb"1
present time, in the midst of active and incest, anl inLugae, If
faithful services, honest zeal, ?m uncorrupted fieart, and spotless
virtue, united with abilities which have been distinguished both in
peace and war, are, recommendations for the highest office in the
34
gift of a great, nation, you behold these qualities eminently combined
in the mind and character of Wm. H. Harrison. On the other
hand, if selfish ambition, the unscrupulous and arbitrary exercise
of power,the most flagrant partiality and injustice in the execution
of the laws, united with a love of intrigue, and the practice of
acknowledged and unbounded corruptions, be recommendations to
the first station in our country, these qualifications are illustrated
in the history, character and administration of Mr. Van Buren.
It is your d ty to judge between them; and as that judgment
shall be pronounced, will be, perhaps, for weal or Woe, the destiny
of our common country.
Ebenezer Alexander,
Isaac Andrews,
Thomas Anderson,
Samuel Anderson,
James Anderson,
Addison A. Anderson,
Drury P. Armstrong,
Aaron Armstrong,
Robert Armstrong,
James H. Armstrong,
Moses Armstrong,
G. W. Arnold,
J. M. Ashurst,
John Atkinson,
I. P. Ally,
B. F. Badgett,
Wm. J. Baker,
Hyram Barry,
Henry Baldwin,
Abraham Barb,
James M. Barnett,
Wm. Bayless,
C. II. Baker,
Wm. Bales,
Isaac Bayles3,
Thomas Baker,
Marcus D. Bearden,
Samuel Bell,
Thomas Bennett,
James S. Bell,
P. Benjamin,
John Bearden,
M. R. Bellows,
James Bell,
James W. Bicknell,
E. Birdseye,
A. Blackburn,
E. P. Blooni,
John Bogle,
George Bond,
John Boyd,
M. I. K. Bowen,
Samuel Bowman,
James S. Boyd, '
John W. Bounds,
James Bosworth,
Thomas C. Brabson,
Felix Brown,
, J. Brooks,
A. K. Bradford,
Orville Bradley,
Reese Brabson,
Joel K. Brown,
Wm. Brookes,
John Brown,
Wm. G. Brownlow,
John W. Burnett,
David Burnett,
Joseph Burnett,
Alex. Campbell,
David W. Carter,
Thos. J. Campbell,
J. B. Cannon,
Wm. R. Caswell,
Samuel P. Carter,
S. Calloway, sr.,
John 0. Cannon,
J. M. Campbell,
George W. Carter,
Geo. W. Carmichael,
David Campbell,
Henry Carnes,
Wm. S. Calloway,
George Cardwell,
James W. Campbell}
B. B. Cannon,
John Campbell,
Peyton Carter,
James Calloway,
James Cardwell,
Alexander Caldwell,
James Carnes, sr.,
Robert Campbell,
Ninian Chamberlain,
Walter Christian,
P. P. Chesher,
John Chiles,
Jacob P. Chase,
Solomon Clapp,
Wm. J. Clark,
A. W. Tb Clendenen,
James Clift,
S. T. Cox,
James Coleman,
James A. Coffin,
James H. Cowan,
Hugh Copeland,
Robert F. Cook,
Robert Cox,
Archibald Cobb,
Charles Coker,
Andrew Copeland,-
Curd Cox,
Thomas Conner,
Archibald Collins,
James Cocke,
John Courtney,
William Conner,
Robert Craighead,
Joseph Crippon,
Thos. G. Craighead,-
Bar ne* Craw lord,
Pleasant Crew,
J. P. N. Craighead,
Jesse Cunningham,
John T. Curl,
Charles Curd,
Michael Davis,
John T. Davis,
D. Dearmond,
David A. Deaderick,
P. Dickinson,
John M. Davis,
Rich'd L. Dearmond,
Wm. H. Dufficld,
Win, Dick,
Joseph Davenport,
John Douglass,
John Duncan,
J. S. Davis,
Samuel Douthet,
Thomas Draper,
Wm. Eckle,
Samuel Edgar,
A. W. Elder,
Elijah Embree,
Grant England,
Edward Epps,
Wm. Evans,
D. Everett,
Benj. Ferguson,
John B. Findlay,
Daniel Fisher,
M. R. Folsom,
John Foster,
James P. Ford,
George Foust,
Austiu Fox,
Robert Fleming,
Wm. B. French,
Samuel Flannagan,
Peter French,
M. M. Gaines,
Robert Gallaher,
Harris Gammon,
Thomas Galbreath,
George Gallaher,
Wm. Gamble,
George Gault,
A. G. Gentry,
Samuel George,
Aaron Gentry,
p. George,
George L. Gillespie,
Samuel (iibson,
Daniel Gibbs, *r.,
Nicholas Gibbs,
Wm. S. Gillespie,
Jacob Gibbs,
Wm. Goodrich,
John Goss, jr.
C. M. Gossett,
Wm. Go wens,
George Graves,
Henry G. Graves,
Wm. Graves,
George Groves,
P. S. Hale,
Thomas Hall,
Joseph Hamilton,
Henry Hannum,
G. M. Hazen,
Obadiah Hall,
John Hansard,
Isaac B. Havely,
P. 3. Harrelson,
M. Hays,
F. S. Heiskell,
Benjamin Henry,
Hugh Henry,
Joseph Hedrick,
Joseph R. Henderson,
Wm, Heiskell,
Morgan Hendrix,
James Hickey,
M. Hill,
James Hickman,
Cornelius Ilickey,
0. H. P. Hill,
John Hillsman,
Elijah ilickey, sr.
Elijah Hickey, jr.
Cailoway Hodges,
Wm. Homer,
Wm. Hooper,
Joseph B. Hodges,
David L. Hope,
Horace B. Houston,
Daniel Hommel,
Alex. Hudihurg,
Henry Huflaker,
Thos". W. Humes,
Robert H. Hynds,
J.sa ic Hynds,
James Jack,
Bynum Jarnagin,
A. G„ Jackson,
Spencer Jarnagin,
Austin Jenkinsr
Wm. Jett,
Jeremiah Johnson,
David Johnson,
Uriel Johnston,
E. B. Johnson,
T. P. Johnston,
S. II. Jordan,
Andrew T. Jones,
Samuel M. Johnston,
Samuel Johns,
Jonathan Johnson,
Stephen Julian,
Wm. S. Kennedy,
A. Keener,
Alexander Kennedy,
A. Kelly, jr.,
John M. Kennedy,,
Richard Keyhill,
Robert King,
John T. King,
Francis Kirby,
Joseph L. King,
W. Kirkpatrick,
Tf D. Knight,
Andrew Koottr
Matthew Knox,
A. A. Kyle,
George Lama,
T. J. Lamar,
John M. Lea,
James Legg,
Wm. LedgerwoocL
Preston J. Lea,
Robert Lindsay,
Moses Lisb}%
John Little,
Moses Lindsay,
Jacob Lonas,
Hannibal Love,
Absalom Looney,
C. J. W. Low,'
Thomas B. Love,
Caleb Low,
Willi ui LfMVry
John L w,
G i -
Xik, »» .O XiliLbldl,
Daniel Lyon,
A. Lytle,
M. R. Lyon,
36
Richard Marshall,
Win, Majors,
Samuel Martin,
Robert Massengill,
M. R. May,
John Martin,
Win. Maybeld,
G. VV- Mayo,
James R. Martin,
James Maxwell,
Lemuel McBee,
Matthew McClung,
Levi McCloud,
A. McCampbell,
Daniel McCallum,
Hugh L. McClung,
Samuel McCammon,
D. C. McAmis,
James McCarty,
Andrew McCall,
-Matthew McClellan,
J. McCarroll,
Robert McBath,
W. P. H. McDermott
Edward McDuffee,
David McAnally,
Chas. J. McKinney,
Robert McKamy,
David McMahan,
James McNutt,
James McLain,
Wm. McPherson,
Janies McMillan,
Milton McSpadden,
Daniel Meek,
Peter Merriman,
Joseph Meek,
Jacob Miller,
John Michaels,
Wm. Michaels,
John Monday, sr.,
James Morrow,
Jas. C. Moses,
Wm. Morris,
Peyton Moulden,
Samuel Morrow,
Wm. Moorfield,
Samuel A. Moore,
Austin Moore,
John Morris,
Alexander Murphy,
James Murray,
Joseph Mynatt,
John Mynatt,
Gordon Mynatt,
Pryor Nance,
Wm. Nelson,
John Nestor,
James W. Nelson,
Henry B. Newman,
James Nelson,
John Nichol,
James H. Norman,
R. W. B. Oliver,
John F. Pate,
Nathan Parker,
James Park,
James W. Paxton,
Jeremiah Pate,
Jesse Parker,
A. C. Peck,
John Petree,
John Pickett,
Robert Pickens,
Jonathan Pickle,
Joseph Plumley,
, James L. Porter,
Samuel Pride,
Charles Price,
John Pryor,
W. B. A. Ramsey,
Calvin M. Reed,
Wm. Reeve,
Jesse Reneau,
, Thomas B. Reid,
J. T. Rhoton,
Matthew Rhodes,
Charles Roberts,
A. Roberts,
Samuel R. Rodgers,
M. A. Rollins,
M. C. Rogers,
John Roper,
Wm. Rogers,
James Ross,
Thomas Rodgers,
Benjamin Rudder,
H. L. Rutherford,
Michael Rule,
Edward Ruth,
Lloyd Rutherford,
Wm. Sawyers,
Floyd Seay,
James Seaton,
Thomas Sharp,
Henry Shipe,
Oswell Sharp,
Michael Shutterlv,
Matthew Simpson,
John Singletary,
Charles Sinnickson,
Eli Skaggs,
Michael Smith,
Wm. Smedley,
Charles C. Smith
John Y. Smith,
James R. Smart,
Jackson Smith,
Wm. Smith,
John Smith,
M. J. SpiJlman,
Samuel Sterling,
Jefferson Stone,
James Swan,
Leonard M. Swingle,
Wm. Swan,
Harvey Swan,
Jacob Tarwater,
P. L. Temple,
David Thompson,
Boyd Thomas,
Robert Thompson,
I. D. Thornton,
Jesse M. Thompson,
Matthew Thompson,
Martin Tindall,
Isaac Tipton,
Matthias Tillery,
Abram Tipton,
Joshua Tindall,
David B. Tipton,
J. Trout,
James W. Turner,
John Underwood,
Henry Underwood,
Campbell Wallace,
Anderson H. Walker,
Caswell L. Walker,
Wm. Wales,
Orange Warrick,
Joseph Watt,
John Webb,
John Wear,
Wm. Weaver,
John Wells,
J. C. Westerfield,
John Weaver
Hugh A. M. White,
J. G. Whitson,
37
George M. White,
Mat. Whitenbarger,
James Williams,
Jonathan Williams,
James Wilson,
James Wilhite,
Wm. Williams,
Wm. Wilner,
John Williams,
Benjamin Wilkins,
Jesse J. Williams,
Samuel D. Williams,
James Witten,
Joshua Williams,
Clement Woods,
Jonathan Wood,
Joel Yarnell,
Robert D. Young,
J. C. Young.
APPENDIX.
!Vo. 1. The following are the names of some of the violent Federalists, who now
support Mr. Van Buren, and who say they have not changed their principles.
1st. Levi Woodbury, now Secretary of the Treasury, who was elected Governor of
New Hampshire, by the Federalists, in 1823.
2nd. James Buchanan of Pennsylvania, now a Van Buren senator in congress, who-
is the author of the severest libel upon the Democracy of the days of Jefferson and;
Madison ever perpetrated, and who in that libel declared, "if he had one drop of Demo¬
cratic blood in his veins, he would let it out."
3d. Ruel Williams, who is charged upon the strongest authority, with assisting to
burn James Madison in effigy in 1812.
4th. Henry Hubbard of New Hampshire, now a Van Buren senator in congress,,
who was prime mover in getting up the meeting at which delegates were chosen to the
Hartford Convention, from New Hampshire.
5th. Garret D. Wall of New Jersey, a Van Buren senator in congress, who said in
the senate in 1838, and published it to the world, "Here, sir, in the presence of the
American people, I avow that I was a Federalist, and acted with that party zealously
and actively, so long as their flag waved in New Jersey."
6th. Samuel Cushman of New Hampshire, who said during the war, "he hoped to,
God that every American soldier who marched to Canada, would leave his bones there."'
Mr. Cushman is a Van Buren member of the house of representatives in congress.
7th. I. H. Prentiss, a Van Buren member of congress from New York, who, during
the war, edited a paper at Cooperstown—in which he said, " It is with great sensa--
tions of indescribable pleasure, that I find myself enabled to announce the complete
triumph of the Federalists. If my humble labors in the cause have produced the
change in favor of Federalism in this county, then I have arrived at the acme of my
hopes, the summit of all my wishes. The frightful Hydra of Democracy, begins to
droop its head before the heaven derived spirit of Federalism." "Democracy," (he
states farther,) "a monster wild as that which roams the Lybian wastes, and joys to.
drench his tusks in blood—a pestilence that spreads contagion over the whole extent of.
our country—a pernicious blast, that withers every thing it touches." This man
Prentiss, who wrote this during the war, is now a confidential supporter of Mr. Van
Buren.
8th. Gouverneur Kemble, Henry Vail, John C. Broadhead, Van Buren members of
congress; and Mr. Gilpin, Solicitor of the Treasury; W. Wilkins, late minister to
Russia, and Mr. Bancroft, collector of Boston, were all old and violent Federalists,
and are now leading Van Buren men.
G. J. Ingersol of Pensylvania, a leading supporter of Mr. Van Buren and a candidate
for congress, wrote a letter and published it, in which he acknowledged, " that had he
been old enough to be capable of reason and reflection, during the revolutionary war,
he should have been a tory." '
All these men detested the Democracy of Jefferson and Madison—but they love the
Democracy of Martin. Van Buren.
Among the many others who might be added to this list, is John Kennedy of Ten¬
nessee, Indian commissioner under Mr. Van Buren and a warm friend to his Democ¬
racy, who was a Federalist during the war, and refused to illuminate his house or join
in the rejoicing, when the news of an American victory would come.
39
&0. 2. To show the glaring inconsistency of Mr. Van Bitten and his leading
friends, in regard to the sub-treasury, a single reference will be sufficient. In 1835,
in answer to Gordon's proposition for a sub-treasury, James K. Polk, at present Gov¬
ernor of Tennessee, said, "It may well be questioned, whether the honest security
which the most wealthy individuals could give, could make the public deposites safe at
the points of large collection." "A corporation may be safer than an individual
agent, however responsible he may be, because it consists of an association of individ¬
uals, who have thrown together their aggregate wealth, and are bound in their corpo¬
rate character, to the extent of their whole capital stock for the deposite. In addition
to this, the Secretary of the Treasury may require as heavy collateral security, in
addition to their capital stock paid in from such corporation, as he could from an indi¬
vidual collector or receiver, which makes the government deposite safer in the hands of
a bank, than it could be with an individual." Gov. Polk also argued, and Mr. Van
Buren and the administration journal, "The Globe," argued in the same way—that it
would bring the purse of the nation njpch nearer to the President, and that the princi¬
ple of the measure was anti-republican. Truth remains the same, but Gov. Polk, Mr.
Van Buren, the Globe, all have changed.
Wo. 3. The following are a few of the defalcations:—Sam. Swartwout, one mil¬
lion, two hundred and twenty-five thousand, seven hundred and five dollars and sixty-
nine cents.
William M. Price, seventy-two thousand dollars.
These gentlemen have run Off. The following persons are still here, defaulters—
together with a great many men, none of whom has Mr. Van Buren ever attempted to
punish:—
Littleberry Hawkins, 100,000 00
S. W. Brail, 10,620 19
Gordon D. Boyd, 50,937 29
R. H. Sterling, 10,733 70
William Linn, 55,962 00
John H. Owen, 30,611 00
M. J. Allen, 26,691 57
B.F.Edwards, 3,315 76
Benj. R. Rodgers, 6,624 83
Samuel W. Dickson* 11,231 90
Wiley P. Harris, 109,178 08
William Taylor, 23,116 18
Uriah G. Mitchell, 54,626 55
Jas. W. Stephenson, 43,294 04
$251,387 34 $285,555 75—536,943 09
The sum total among these few is five hundred and thirty-six thousand dollars and
something over. The whole being near two millions of dollars, exclusive of tlje vast
amount not here stated. When we consider the ruin of the price of produce, and the
plunder of our public money by sub-treasurers, who go unpunished, are we prepared
to be still farther ruined and humbugged by this administration 1
Wo. 4. A brief reference to the correspondence between Harris and the Secretary
of the Treasury, Mr. Woodbury, shows the fearful corruption of this branch of the gov¬
ernment. After many letters had passed—Harris' defalcation still increasing—the
Secretary finally declared that he would not permit him to stay in and take any more
of the money. Just at this moment, John F. H. Claiborne, an administration member
of Congress from Harris' State, wrote to Mr. Woodbury and says, Gen. Harris is "one
of the main pillars of the democratic cause. His family and connexions are very influ¬
ential, and all of them are co-operating in the arduous Struggle we are now making.
They are true democrats." "We are now in the midst of an electioneering campaign.
Gov. Runnels, R. Walker, Maj. B. W. Edwards and myself, constitute the democratic
Van Buren ticket. It will be a close contest." This is part of Claiborne's letter, and
though it was plain that Harris had, according to his own returns, plundered an im¬
mense amount of the public money, Claiborne's letter was sufficient. He (Harris)
was a capital "Democrat" of the modern sort, Claiborne said, and had "influential
connexions." He was not only permitted to remain in office, but when he was satis¬
fied, he resigned, and was perrhitte^l to nominate his successor, Boyd. Boyd, of course,
trod in the footsteps of his illustrious predecessor, and plundered more than fifty
thousand dollars for his sharei
40
Mb. 5. In 1826, Mr. Van Buren was a member of the Convention of New York,
which met to amend the constitution. The following is extracted from "Reports of
proceedings and debates of the Convention,"—pages 276-7. The right of suffrage
was the subject under consideration. "Gen. Root enlarged upon the remarks of the
gentleman from Niagara, (Mr. Russel,^ who mentioned two instances in his own town,
where two revolutionary soldiers, one of whom fought with Montgomery under the
walls of Quebec, and another under Wayne at Sloney Point, would be disfranchised
if this provision were stricken out. But the honorable gentleman from Otsego, (Mr.
Van Buren,) is opposed to this clause." Mr. Van Buren replied to Gen. Root. It is
proper here to remark the effect of striking out the clause, which Mr. Van Buren pro¬
posed should be struck out. It disfranchised these revolutionary soldiers. The clause
provided they should vote. Striking it out, took away this privilege. Mr. Van Buren
was for striking out. " Mr. Van Buren observed, that it was evident, indeed some
gentlemen did not seem disposed to disguise it, .that the amendment proposed by the
honorable gentleman from Delaware, contemplated nothing short of universal suffrage.
In relation to the exclusion of soldiers who fought at Quebec and Stoney Point, it was
the duty of the committee to guard against impressions, which sympathy in individual
cases may excite." Mr. Van Buren went on to say, that the military lands had been
bestowed on the soldiers—and as an argument why they should not be permitted to
vote, he urged the following views and in these words: "Few of them (the revolu¬
tionary soldiers) are now living, and of that few the number is yearly diminishing. In
fifteen years, the grave will have covered all those who now survive. It is unwise to
hazard a wholesome restrictive provision, because its operation affected these individu¬
als." Such were the sentiments of Martin Van Buren ! When the old soldier had
grown grey, fighting for liberty, he was to be denied a share in its privileges, because
he was poor, and old, and would soon die. At least so thought Mr. Van Buren. " Mr.
Van Buren continued his remarks. He said, "We have already reached the verge of
universal suffrage. There was but one step beyond. I cannot consent to confer it,
(the right of voting,) with an indiscriminating hand." We have seen already a speci¬
men of Mr. Van Buren's discrimmating hand; he discriminated the old soldiers, so
that they should not vote. Now we'll see a further instance of his discrimination. A
proposition had passed the convention, that those who had resided a year in the State,
and who were legally citizens, should be entitled to vote. Mr. Van Buren in reference
to this proposition said, " I have this day hinted at the numerous objections which I
had to the proposition, which the other day passed this convention, in regard to the
right of suffrage; objections which I intended to have made; and by which, when
fully argued, I know I would be fully able to convince every member of this convention,
of the dangerous and alarming tendency of that precipitate and unexpected prostration
of qualifications." Mr. Van Buren went on to say, that those who had no property
had no interest in the government, and observed that by this freedom of suffrage " the
just equilibrium between the rights of those who have and those who have no interest
in the government, could, when thus surrendered, never be regained, except by the
sword." One instance further of Mr. Van Buren's discrimination. In page 134 of
the debates of the convention, the following proposition, it appears, was reported by the
committee:—"Every white male citizen of the age of 21 years, who shall have resided
three years in the State, &c., shall be entitled to vote," &c. A motion was made to
strike out "white," so as to leave it equally applicable to black and white, and for tiffs
motion Mr. Van Buren voted!—page 262. lie was willing to grant to blacks, a privi¬
lege he denied to revolutionary soldiers !
Mo. 6. We begin with the testimony of Col. Richard M. Johnson, now Vice-
President of the United States. Col. Johnson said, (in Congress)—" Who is Gen.
Harrison 1 The son of one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, who
spent the greater part of his large fortune in redeeming the pledge he then gave, of
" fortune, life and sacred honor," to secure the liberties of his country. ^
"Of the career of Gen. Harrison I need not speak—the history of the West, is his
history. For forty years he has been identified with its interest, its perils and its
hopes. Universally beloved in the walks of peace, and distinguished by his ability in
the councils of his country, he has been yet more illustriously distinguished in the field.
41
"During the late war, he was longer in active service than any general officer: ho
was, perhaps, oftenerin action than any of them, and xevek sustained a defeat."
James Madison, in a special message to Congress, Dec. 18, IS 11, said:—" Wfftlst it
is deeply lamented that so many valuable lives have been lost in the action which took
place on the 7th ultimo, Congress will see with satisfaction the dauntless spirit of for¬
titude victoriously displayed by every description of troops engaged, as well as Lite col¬
lected firmness which distinguished their commander on an occasion requiring the ut¬
most exertions of valor and discipline."
James Madison,in his message to Congress, Nov. 1812, said:—"An ample force from
the States of Kentucky, Ohio, Pennsylvania and Virginia, is placed, with the addition
of a few regulars, under the command of Brigadier General Harrison, who possesses
the entire confidence of his fellow-soldiers, among whom are citizens, some of them
volunteers in the ranks, not less distinguished by their political stations than by their
personal merits."
In Mr. Madison's message of Dec. 1813, the compliment was extended, as follows •
" The success on Lake Erie having opened a passage to the territory of the enemy*
the officer commanding the North-western arms, transferred the war thither, and rapidly
pursuing the hostile troops, fleeing with their savage associates, forced a general action,
which quickly terminated in the capture of the British and dispersion of the savage
force.
" This result is signally honorable io Major General Hahhisok, by -whose military
talents it -was prepared?'
The following tribute of praise was paid* to Gen. Harrison, in 1811, by eleven of the
officers who fought under his banner at the battle of Tippecanoe :—
"Should our country again require our services to oppose a civilized or a savage foe,
we should march under Gen. Harrison with the most perfect confidence of victory and
fame.
Joel Cook, Ji. B. Burton, Nathan Adams, A. Hawkins, Josiah Snclling, O. G.
Burton, C, Fuller, G. Gooding, J. D. Foster."
Extract of a letter from Col. Daviess, who was killed at the battle of Tippecanoe,
Aug. 24, 1811:—"I make free to declare, that I have imagined there were two mili¬
tary men in the West, and General Harrison'is the first of the two."
Message,of Simon Snyder, Governor of Pennsylvania, Dec. 10, 1813:—"Already
is the brow of the young warrior, Croghan, encircled with laurels, and the blessings of
thousands of women and children rescued from the scalping knife of the ruthless savage
of the wilderness, and from the still more savage Proctor, rest on Harrison and his gal¬
lant army."
In the Legislature of Indiana, on the 12th Nov. 1811, the Speaker of the House of
Representatives, Gen. Win. Johnson^ thus addressed Gen. Harrison:—" Sir, the House
of Representatives of the Indiana territory, in their own name, and in behalf of their
constituents, most cordially reciprocate the congratulations of your Excellency, on the
glorious results of the late sanguinary conflict with the Shawnee prophet, and the tribes
of Indians confederated with him ; when we see displayed in behalf of our country,
not only the consummate abilities of the general, but the heroism of the man, and
when we take into view the benefits which must result to that country from those ex¬
ertions, we cannot, for a moment, withhold our meed of applause."
"■Legislature of Kentucky, Jan. 7, 1812.
"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Kentucky,
That in the late campaign against the Indians upon the Wabash, Gov. Wm. Henry
Harrison has behaved like a hero, a patriot, and a general; and that for his cool, delib¬
erate, skilful and gallant conduct in the battle of Tippecanoe, he well deserves the
warmest thanks of his country and his nation."
Gen. Anthony Wayne, in his Letter to the Secretary of War, giving an official
account of his sanguinary Indian battle, in 1792, said:—"My, faithful and gallant
Lieutenant Harrison, rendered the most essential service, by communicating my orders
in every direction, and by his conduct and bravery, exciting the troops to press for
victory."
7
42
.» directing the medals to be struck, end together with the thanks of Con-
.esented to Major General Harrison and Governor Shelby, and for other pur¬
ges. Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States
"of America in Congress assembled, That the thanks of Congress be, and they are
hereby, presented to Major General William Henry Harrison and Isaac Shelby, late
Governor of Kentucky, and through them to the rfficers and men under their com¬
mand, for their gallantry and good conduct in defeating the combined British and
Indian forces under Major General Proctor, on the Thames, in Upper Canada, on the
fifth day of October, one thousand eight hundred and thirteen, capturing the British
army, with their baggage, camp equipage and artillery ; and that the President of the
United States be requested to cause two gold medals to be struck, emblematical of this
triumph, and presented to General Harrison, and Isaac Shelby, late Governor of Ken¬
tucky. H. Clat, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
John Gaillard, President of the Senate,pro tern.
April 4, 1818.—Approved, James Monroe.
Governor Shelby to Mr. Madison, May 18, 1814, says:—"I feel no hesitation to
declare to you, that I believe Gen. Harrison to be one of the first military characters
I ever knew."
Col. Richard M. Johnson to Gem Harrison, July 4, 1813, says:—" We did not want
to serve under cowards or traitors ; but under one [Harrison] who had proved himself
to be ■,uiise, prudent and brave."
Commodore Perry to Gen. Harrison, August 18, 1817, says:—"The prompt change
made bj' yoti in the order of battle on discovering the position of the enemy, has al¬
ways appeared to me to have evinced a high degree of military tat.ent. I con-
cifr with the venerable Shelby in his general approbation of your conduct in that cam¬
paign."
The opinion of the Hon. Langdon Cheves, of the importance of the victory of the
Thames, and the bravery of Gen. Wm. H. Harrison :—" The victory of Harrison was
such as would have secured to a Roman General in the best days of the Republic,
the honors of a triumph ! He put an end to the war in the uppermost Canada."
Sentiments of the Hero of Fort Stephenson, Col. Croghan, now of the War Depart¬
ment:—"I desire no plaudits which are bestowed upon me at the expense of General
Harrison.
" I have felt the warmest attachment for him as a man, and my confidence in him as
an able comfttander remains unshaken. I feel every assurance that he will at all times
do me ample justice; and nothing could give me more pain than to see his enemies
seize upon this occasion to deal out their unfriendly feelings and acrimonious dislike;
and as long as he continues, (as in my humble opinion he has hitherto done,) to make
the wisest arrangements and the most judicious disposition, which the forces under his
command will justify, I shall not hesitate to unite with the army in bestowing upon
him that confidence which he so richly merits, aud which has on no occasion been
withheld."
Lastly, we come to the neat compliment of Thomas Ritchie, editor of the Richmond
Enquirer, the leading organ of the Coalition in the South, who now brandishes his old
"chapless sword with two broken points," and threatens devastating war upon the con¬
queror of the British and Indian Coalition of the West! The Richmond Enquirer
said:—"Gen. Harrison's letter tells us every thing that we wish to know about the
officers, except himself. He does justice to every one but Harrison—and the world
must therefore do justice to the man, who was too modest to be just to himself."
UTo. *7. The following is the resolution for which Mr. Van Buren voted in the New
York Legislature, when it was proposed to admit Missouri into the Union:—Resolved,
That our Senators be instructed, and our Representatives in Congress requested, to
oppose the admission as a State into the Union, of any Territory, not comprised as
aforesaid, (that is, in the old States,) without making the prohibition of slavery therein
an indispensable condition of admission." Such was Mr. Van Buren's friendship to
Missouri and the South.