COINAGE OF AEGINA By SAMUEL R. MILBANK THE AMERICAN NUMISMATIC SOCIETY BROADWAY AT 156rH STREET NEW YORK 1925 PUBLICATIONS The American Journal of Numismatics, 1866-1920. Monthly, May, 1866—April, 1870. Quarterly, July, 1870—-October, I9QT2. Annually, 1913-1920. With many plates, illustrations, maps and tables. Less than a dozen complete sets of the Jour- nal remain on hand. Prices on application. The numbers necessary to complete broken sets may in most cases be obtained. An index to the first fifty volumes has been issued as part of Volume LI. It may also be purchased separately for $3.00. The American Numismatic Society. Catalogue of the International Exhibition of Contempo- rary Medals. March, 1910. Newand revised edition. New York. 10911. xxxvi, 412 pags, $12 illustrations. $10.00. The American Numismatic Society. Exhibition of United States and Colonial Coins. 1914. vii, 134 pages, 40 plates. $1.00. NUMISMATIC NOTES & MONOGRAPHS NumIsMATIC NoTES AND MonoGRraPHs is devoted to essays and treatises on subjects relating to coins, paper money, medals and decorations, and is uniform with Hispanic Notes and Monographs published by the Hispanic Society of America, and with In- dian Notes and Monographs issued by the Museum of the American Indian—Heye Foundation. PUBLICATION COMMITTEE AGNES BALDWIN Brett, Chairman HENRY RUSSELL DROWNE JOHN REILLY, Jr. EDITORIAL STAFF SYDNEY Puitip Nog, Editor HOWLAND WoobD; Associate Editor V. E. EARLE, Assistant N/a 9 an cae f Sa 10lyvoke College COINAGE OF AEGINA BY SAMUEL R. MILBANK THE AMERICAN NUMISMATIC SOCIETY BROADWAY AT 156TH STREET NEW YORK 1924 COPYRIGHT 1924 BY THE AMERICAN NUMISMATIC SOCIETY Press or T. R. Marvin & Son, Boston THE COINAGE OF AEGINA By SAMUEL R. MILBANK Aegina, situated in the Saronic Gulf, was, in the seventh century B.c., the great commercial island of a great commercial period. She traded with Syracuse on the west and with the ports of the Euxine on the east. Her sailors steered boldly to all parts of the known world; from Ilyricum to Egypt; from the coasts of Africa and of Gaul to the Crimea. They had instilled into them by their wandering life, and by the incessant dangers that beset them on every side, a contempt for peril and a love of the unknown. Wherever a possibility of trade showed itself, there, soon, would also be found ships from Aegina. As a very necessary phase of her commercial life, which led her ships so far from home, Aegina had need of friendly ports through- out the Mediterranean world in which they NUMISMATIC NOTES Ee COs AGE could be safely refitted. Therefore, it is not surprising to find that she had a sort of connection with Sinope on the Pontus, as well as with Panticapaeum in the dis- tant Crimea. That these commercial con- nections were closely intertwined, is shown by the fact that both Sinope and Pantica- paeum, though so distant from Greece where the influence of Aegina was princi- pally felt, when they first struck coins, issued them on the Aeginetan standard.! Like a powerhouse Aegina radiated its in- fluence throughout the ancient world. She put her wares on every market, and set an example in commerce which many coun- tries subsequently thought well to follow. The efforts of the Aeginetans, however, were not wholly expended in roving the seas in search of trade. They were natu- rally great lovers of art. They built sev- eral temples in Aegina, of which the one to Aphaea, the chief local divinity, built about 475 B.c., and the one to Aphrodite, the patron of all their sea exploits, built a few years earlier, are the finest. The tem- ple to Aphaea was on the height on the NeU ViPS Ves Ek NSO Miss Oy Gal Nex northeastern part of the island, while the one to Aphrodite was in the town itself. Poth of these were hexastyle, that is, with six columns in front. The temple to Aphaea is the better preserved of the two, and its sculptures show remarkable ability in their conception and in their execution. From the scanty remains, and from what can be found in the ancient writings, the one to Aphrodite seems to have been the larger and the more beautiful. Both temples were built just before the development which came with Phidias and his pupils, and consequently in the statues that re- main to us, we find the stiff figure and the rigid smile of archaism still persisting. The front elevation of the temple to Aph- rodite has been partially restored. It is probable that the pediment was occupied by a group depicting Aphrodite speeding departing mariners. Both temples were of the Doric order. There has been much discussion as to whether Pheidon, king of Argos, struck coins at Aegina and the question is still unsettled owing to the lack of evidence AONE DMs N OGER#AC Peri THE COINAGE concerning the date of Pheidon’s rule. It is, however, possible to conjecture his dates with a fair amount of accuracy, by study- ing the passages in the ancient writings relating to that time. Herodotus,? who, however, must not be taken too literally since he often confuses the mythical with the historical in a manner most bewilder- ing to the seeker after truth, writing about 446 B.c., makes the statement that Phei- don lived circa 600 B.c., and that his son Leocedes was a suitor of Agariste, the daughter of Cleisthenes, king of Sicyon. Strabo,3 about 20 B.c., on the authority of Ephorus, said that Pheidon, king of Argos, was the tenth in descent from Temenus. The Etymologicum Magnum‘ (compiled about 900 A.D.) made the same statement, probably copying Strabo. Pausaniass (writing circa 135 A.D.), said that Pheidon celebrated the eighth Olympiad — this was in 748 B.c. The Parian Chronicle states that Pheidon was the eleventh in descent from Herakles, that is the seventh from Temenus. Herodotus, then, places Phei- don as reigning about 600 B.c. Strabo, NaG Vio AS €==N-© a Ess OF Ase GaleNas quoting Ephorus, places him around 758 B.c. The Etymologicum Magnum does the same. Pausanias puts him circa 748 B.c. The Parian Chronicle dates him around 850 B.c. As has been already in- timated, the story of Herodotus seems rather undependable. This leaves but two of the dates given by the ancient authori- ties in which Pheidon might have lived. The bulk of evidence seems to place him at about 750 B.c.. Only the Parian Chron- icle puts him as far back as the middle of the ninth century. Since Pausanias, a very reliable authority, and Ephorus, an entirely independent writer, give him the later date, it is very possible that that is the correct one. But even if he did live in the middle of the ninth century, instead of in the middle of the eighth, that would not affect in the least the conclusion evi- dently to be drawn from the statement, that he did not issue coins at Aegina, for we know that the earliest electrum of Asia Minor was not struck much before 700 B.c., and the Aeginetan coins are cer- tainly later than these. And if he had AN Ds MOAN O'TG-RA PAS Ee Bac O re Nee a lived about 600 B.c., as Herodotus had said, that also, would not affect this con- clusion, because the extremely archaic style of the earliest staters proves that they could not have been .struck later than about 650 B.c. Also, although Pheidon may have had some influence in Aegina, it is very unlikely that Aegina was ever a part of his dominions.° Aegina, then, not slow to realize the im- mense superiority of coinage over all other methods of exchange and barter for her extensive commerce, struck her first coins not later than 650 B.c. These coins were the first to be issued in European Greece.7 Her mariners, voyaging to all parts of the ancient world, were among the first to learn of the invention of coinage. From the coast of Asia Minor the tales they brought back of its great convenience probably hastened the adoption of this new medium of exchange. Though all the early coins of Asia Minor are electrum, none of the Aeginetan coins, even the earliest, are any- thing but pure silver. This may be ex- plained by the circumstance that the Ae- NU Mrs A hi © NOEs On AEG oN ginetans had much easier access to silver than to gold mines. Most of the gold of the ancient world at this time came from Asia Minor and Peonia. There is one electrum coin in the Bibliothéque Na- tionale at Paris, which has sometimes been attributed to Aegina. But the fab- ric is different, the oblong incuses are very unlike any Aeginetan reverse, and even the tortoise on the obverse is very unlike the Aeginetan. So it may safely be as- serted that no gold or electrum was ever issued on the island. The standard used has been a mat- ter of much controversy. It is called the Pheidonian because it seems certain that Pheidon either originated it or made a modification of the standard then in use in the Peloponnesus, his name becoming attached to the modified one. This has also given some weight to the theory that Pheidon struck coins at Aegina, but at the same time it practically disproves the theory that he lived circa 600 B.c. There seems no good reason, however, why Phei- don might not have arranged the weights AeNSD Ss ViSOENs©.GikeAneer a> de Hwes © OF NAG and measures of the Peloponnesus in 750 B.c., and the Aeginetans have used those weights, the standard of their own island as well as of the Peloponnesus, when they first issued coins. And this is apparently exactly what happened. That Pheidon adjusted the measures and weights of the Peloponnesus is attested by the statements of several ancient authorities. Herodotus® said that he established the measures of the Peloponnesus. Ephorus? said that he invented the weights and measures called Pheidonian. Aristotle'® spoke of certain measures as being fixed by, and named after, Pheidon. The Parian Chronicle, also, spoke of the measures of the Peloponnesus as being adjusted by Pheidon. He appar- ently did not invent an entirely new sys- tem, but in a rational manner adjusted the measures, then in use, to the weights, so that a certain number of units in weight would equal a measure containing a certain quantity of water. These weights and measures became so popular on account of their convenience, that not only the Pelo- ponnesus, but also the Aegean islands, the NUEMeles MAST 1-CoN OSE Ges oe S ein el OF ABGINA QD towns of central Greece and even Athens used them in commerce for a long time — many, until the time of Alexander the Creates Several writers have believed that the standard used for the Aeginetan coins was derived from the Euboic; others have thought it was a modification of an Egyp- tian gold standard. But although the stater happens to be exactly one thirty- fifth of the Euboic mina, this may be just a coincidence. Weknow that the Aegine- tans were striving to equate their silver coins with the bronze and iron spits that had been in use before, rather than with any gold coins. Moreover it was very uncommon in Greece at the time of the beginning of coinage to find cities that issued silver coins only, striking them on a gold standard. Also, seeing that these bronze spits were made on a standard so well equated with the other measures, the magistrates would not wish to court un- popularity for their coins by issuing them on a differing standard, but would employ that one which they were using for every- ACN D2 WEO SN -OsG Rea Panes Eee aa ON AGE, thing else, and to which they had become accustomed. The relation between silver and bronze at that time was probably about 120 to 1. This is substantiated by the following facts: A pelanor—an iron spit used as money by the Spartans— weighed 9600 grains, (622 grams) which is exactly the weight of an Aeginetan mina of six hun- dred obols.'? Hultsch'3 gave reasons for believing that each of these iron spits was equal in value to an obol of silver. This gives a relation between the two metals of 600 tor. In Greece at about the same time the relation between iron and bronze was 5 tol. This would make the ratio between bronze and silver 120 to 1. Thus an obol of silver (16 grains or 1.04 grams) would equal an obol of bronze of 1920 grains (124.4 grams). And this is just about the weight, so far as we can discover, of the bronze spits issued on the Pheidonian standard. From this we may gather that the Aeginetan coins were not issued on a foreign standard of gold or other metal, but their weights were merely NU MEPS VATE IC 2N Oor ES Ozh A E.G Nex 11 the continuation of a standard existing in their own island, (possibly of Mycenzan origin). The standard, as far as can be ascer- tained, is as follows: Didrachm or stater... 12.57 gm. or 194 gr. Wrachiniew. ae cee 6.28 gm. or 97 er. Hemidrachm or triobol 3.11 gm.or 48 gr. Dioboliterccccietanner 2.07 gm. or 32 gr. AvimilaveremsKOloYol 54500 o0n0 1.55 g@m.or 24 gr. Ohol Answers eee I.04 gm. or I6 ger. emiopo lars eerie 52gm.or 8 gr. Tetartemorion........ 20 al, Or Al Ear, This leaves out of the calculation several unique pieces of over 200 grains. The mint-masters had no accurate means of fixing the exact weight for each individ- ual coin. They very probably were more particular to get a certain required num- ber of coins from each ingot of metal than to have each separate piece conform to an exact weight. As has been stated above, Aphrodite was worshipped by the Aeginetan people as a sea-goddess. She was the divinity looked upon as the one most helpful to AN De M-ON'O;G RAP HS | SR ee 12 Jd ett © -O=F NAG them in all their sea-going affairs. There- fore it is not surprising to find that the sea-tortoise, a creature sacred to Aphro- dite,'4 was the type placed on their first coins. Phidias, the noted sculptor, made for the people of Elis a statue of Aphro- dite Urania, resting her foot on a tortoise.'5 The fabric of the Aeginetan coins is also uncommon. There were apparently two methods of striking coins in general use among the ancients. For one known as “Anvil striking”, the reverse was let into an anvil, while the obverse die was placed in the punch. The result was very flat surfaces in the field surrounding the de- sign on the anvil side. The other method, | “Punch striking’, was to let the obverse die into the anvil, and to strike the reverse with the punch, which was usually a little smaller than the blank. The result of this method was unevenly raised or con- cave edges on the reverse. Most of the ancient mints used the latter, or, if they began with anvil striking, changed later. The reason, seemingly, for the greater use of punch striking was that the obverse, NUMA SANE AE 16 NOs OF AEGINA being usually more elaborate and more deeply engraved was more apt to break under strain, and thus needed the addi- tional support of the solid anvil. But Aegina was almost alone in using the an- vil striking just as long as she struck silver coins. The coinage of Aegina may be divided into the following periods : PERIOD I 650-600 B.C. To be able rightly to understand the reasons for the immense circulation of the coins of Aegina, one must examine her history. Tradition derives her name from Aegina, the daughter of the river-god Asopus, who was carried off by Zeus to. the island of Oenone’*. There was born a son named Aeacus, who later ruled over the island, which was then called Aegina, in honor of his mother. Aeacus was a just and im- partial ruler, and, so the tradition goes, when he died he was made a judge of the under-world. A temple was dedicated to him in Aegina. Later, many of his de- AND MONOGRAPHS TEE COUN AG E scendants also were worshipped, especially Achilles. Because of her location Aegina prospered and waxed more and more important. Her island situation gave her an advantage over the many malaria-infested sections of the mainland. Situated in the temper- ate climate of central Greece, while she kept the artistic ability of southern peoples, she was freed from their lazy idealism. Also, while she had a great deal of the sus- tained aggressiveness of northern peoples, indispensable in commerce, she was freed from their gross materialism. Her posi- tion, moreover, was the key to the entire eastern coast of Greece. All of the ship- borne commerce to and from the isthmus of Corinth had to pass nearby. Much of the coastwise trade of Greece stopped there for provisioning and refitting. These ad- vantages contributed to the growing import- ance of Aegina in the ancient world. A glance at her history will show that her peo- ple made the most of their opportunities. Jewelry slightly later than that found in Mycenzan graves of the mainland, is cited7 NeUeM Sa Aa Om NOEs bes OF = A EGT Ne 15 as evidence of the Mycenean culture hav- ing survived in Aegina for a considerable period after the mainland civilization had yielded to the invaders*. She was a member of the league of Calau- ria, a purely naval confederation, which was organized to check the piracy in the Aegean, sprung up as a result of the decay of the power of the Mycenzan princes. This league was composed of Aegina, Athens, Hermione, Nauplia, Crchomenos, Prasiae, and Troezen. Her maritime im- portance, therefore, dates back to pre- Dorian times. Her wealth slowly but surely increased with the passing years, and about 750 B.Cc., while a member of the Eretrian league, we find that she was given an important part in the war against Samos, an ally of the rival Chalcidians. As her wealth increased she was enabled to fit out additional ships, so that in 650 B.c., about the time of the commencement of her coin- age, she was one of the greatest commer- cial states in Greece, and commercially the greatest of the islands. She was one of the three favored states trading in the empo- AEN) = MUO UN- © Geka PES fee CrOan NAG rium of Naucratis, at which place she dedi- cated a temple to Zeus. She was also the entrepét of the Pontic trade, later, after Aegina’s overthrow, a monopoly of Athens. And so, on account of her immense com- merce, when Aegina introduced coinage as a medium whereby her mariners, citizens, and others should buy and sell goods more easily, it almost immediately became more than a local coinage. Her traders, wandering to all-parts of the Mediterranean world, naturally took their own money with them, so that Aegi- na’s “turtles” grew to be looked upon by most of the merchant cities at which her ships called, as the standard coinage. This state of affairs, besides requiring the mint at Aegina to strike very large quantities of coins, also prevented it from introduc- ing any really important changes in the types through fear lest the altered types might not be as acceptable to the mer- chants as the former ones. This is proba- bly the reason why there is so great a uniformity in this coinage for at least two hundred years. Whenever a coinage be- NEU WWE Seva CoN Ot Ba OF AEGINA ei comes international, this phenomenon may be observed. It is illustrated by the ‘“‘Owls”’ of Athens, and by the Pegasus issues of Corinth. The coinage seems to have been accepted as standard even after the first issuance of the Athenian “‘ Cwls’”’, for in an inscription found in the ruins of the Heraeum of Argos, which enumerated the contributors to the common fund, the sums given by the various cities are counted in Aeginetan money. These cities included Heraclea, Hypata, Aechinus, Larissa, Cie- rium and Phalanna, all in Thessaly, and Oreos in Euboea. The inscription dates from the time of the first successors of Alexander.'9 The types of this period are as follows: a. Obv. Sea-tortoise (Chelone Caouana) or common loggerhead turtle of the Mediterranean ; the ridge of the shell or- namented with a row of dots (usually Six). Rev. Incuse square divided by lines into eight triangular compartments. The die nearly always shows extensive signs of De NOD yO Nr OrGaRe A: Paes iH CON AGE, wear, bending or fracture resulting in some of the triangles being slightly ir- regular or filled to a greater or lesser degree. Pre lei-5 b. Obv. Same as obv. of (a); the division of the shell into plates is roughly indi- cated. Rev. Same as rev. of (a). PL. 1526 The denominations are the stater or di- drachm, the drachm, triobol, obol and hemi- obol. The second type is almost unique, only a few examples being known to exist. They were probably unpopular among the foreign merchants, and were immediately discontinued. The staters were, of course, the most abundant of this period, as in- deed of all the periods until 456 B.c., be- ing issued for international circulation, while the smaller denominations were only struck for local use. Counterstamps occur very frequently on Aeginetan coins, and their presence may be explained by no less than four theories. First —as the stamps or signets of bank- NEU-MIS MAP ECGeN OEE S On at et NA 19 ers or prominent merchants. Second — as the coats-of-arms of cities other than the issuing one. Third —as seals of the tem- ples to which the coins had been brought Counterstamps as thank offerings. Fourth —several dis- tinctly Aeginetan forms are taken to be some manner of mint-mark. These countermarks occur not only on AND MONOGRAPHS Wald (COMING Geld, the coins of Aegina, but on those of Elis, on the sigli of the Persian kings and on the issues of Athens which penetrated to the Asiatic markets. Of the theories ad- vanced above, the last is the least tenable, for any such distinction between mints would have been made in the dies them- selves rather than in the coins after they had come from the dies. As for the tem- ple-marks, as such they might be placed in the same category as the counterstamps of the bankers —but little more than a certification that the piece was of full weight and of good metal. Messrs. Hill, Babelon and Newell incline to the first ex- planation —that these are the symbols of bankers or important traders, and as an offset to the second of our theories, Mr. Hill remarks that though types recogniza- ble as being common to other cities do occur, they are more likely to be the sig- nets of bankers from those respective cities than the imprints of the cities, though of course not necessarily so. A comparison of the counterstamps used at Aegina with those employed on the INSUPMaIe SV il@eaNs@ A. ORD Ar Ga Ne De sigli published by Mr. Hill2° and with the ones used on the coins of Elis listed by Mr. Seltman,?' bears out to some ex- tent the first of these theories. In the case of the Olympian issues, Mr. Seltman offers suggestions for the identification of certain of the marks, although he is care- ful to add that they may have been im- pressed by cities, leaving open the question whether this or the banker-theory explains all of them. However, in support of the second theory, a coin with the fish counter- stamp, like the fish emblem of Psophis in Arcadia (PL. II, 4), has been cited as evi- dence that the Aeginetan coins were offici- ally established as a part of the coinage of Psophis. It may be noted that the sea- turtle used as a countermark, occurs on a stater of Aegina, on several coins of Elis, and on a sigli. With one exception (pos- sibly two), none of the countermarks oc- curring in the Cilician Hoard described by Mr. Newell, occur on the Aeginetan coins so far as I have been able to examine them. Nor do any of the triskeles or tetraskeles which are frequent on the sigli, and which ASN) VE OsNG@s GaReAC RSS fie a CORN AGE would reasonably be accepted as marks of Lycian bankers, appear on the Aeginetan staters -— which is just what one would expect. The mark ‘disc in a square”’ (Hill, No. 2) occurs in all four sources. The proportion of the forms occurring both at Olympia and Aegina is slight; and of the two, the Aeginetan are simpler and more primitive. There is but slight evidence against the banker-theory, if one accepts the proviso that for a like reason temples may also have counterstamped coins and that civic types such as the turtles men- tioned above are probably badges of patri- otic citizens rather than of the city in- volved. PERIOD II 600-550 B.c. This period saw Aegina’s prosperity and influence grow steadily. Throughout the entire Mediterranean world, her money, her ships, her sailors, were to be found. But also during this period, there was a development of that hostility to Athens which slowly increased until it broke out into a war in which all of the prosperity of NUMisMATTC-NOTES OF AEGINA 23 Aegina faded. Of course the underlying reason for this animosity was commercial rivalry, and all the incidents of the long conflict may be directly traced to that. Herodotus, who often combines the fic- titious with the authentic, assigns another reason for the dispute. While he is the only authority for the tale, it shows that Athens and Aegina were hostile even in early times, since the story would hardly have originated had not these two cities been traditional enemies. The Epidaurians who, it is said, were the original colonizers of Aegina, had two images of their patron divinities, the one of the goddess Damia, and the other of the goddess Auxesia. These two statues were made of olive-wood, which had been obtained from the Athe- nians. In payment for the wood, the Athenians exacted an annual offering of animals, from the Epidaurians, to the Athe- nian divinities Athene Polias and Erech- theus. The Aeginetans, seemingly, were hostile to the Epidaurians, and so one night in about 570 B.c., some of -their young men made a raid and carried off -AND MONOGRAPHS de CONES Ga the two images. The Athenians did not mind who had the statues, so long as the offerings were received regularly, and so they did nothing at first. But the Aegine- tans had no intention whatever of sending offerings, and when the day set for the giving of the tribute passed by without any sign, the Athenians made an attack on Aegina, but were repulsed. This whole incident has a mythical atmosphere, the more so, in that the Athenians were said to have been repulsed by the intervention of the images themselves, who bowed their heads and made strange sounds, so terrify- ing the Athenians that they were easily overpowered by the Aeginetans. Would it not, therefore, be safer to ascribe the growing hostility of these two cities to their commercial relations? The Aegine- tan merchants were the natural rivals of those of Athens, and this trade rivalry might easily have been converted into real enmity by any slight clash between the two. The following are the types of this period : — NUMISMADIC NOTES | OF AEGINA a. Obv. Same as obv. of Period I (a). Rev. Mill-sail pattern incuse, 1.e., four deep triangular depressions, so disposed as to form the arrangement known in heraldry as gyronné. A. Rev. Same, but . Obv. Same, but A (obol). Rev. Same, but no letter. Bronze coin types: | a circle; in the midst of them, A. NUMISMATICG NOTES OF AL GIN A 45 Rev. Incuse of conventional Aeginetan pattern. 15mm. Pe EVs ek b. Obv. Two dolphins swimming upwards, between them, A. Rev. Similar to rev. of (a). 15 mm. Pe lve 2 No plausible explanation has as yet been put forward for this change from the sea- tortoise to a land turtle. Is it not pos- sible that the land turtle was considered sacred either at Thyreatis, or at Sparta, probably as the symbol of some god or goddess? If this were so, then the change in type might be explained by the desire of the Aeginetans to show gratitude to their helpers in time of need, while still retaining on their coins a type enough like the original to be accepted as genuine by the merchants of other cities. This is hardly more than a supposition, but at least it may be considered possible, and there is no other theory which seems any more So. These coins are fairly numerous, though they are not found in as many distant A-N=D MO N-O'G:R APES THE COINAGE places as the earlier staters. Their num- bers show, however, that the coinage of Aegina was still ‘‘standard”’, even while the island itself had lost its prestige. The workmanship on the obverse is far better than that on the coins before 431 B.c. For the first time in that long series, does the type approach anything like fine art. Even this lasted but a short while, for towards the end of the period, as shown by (c), we find decidedly careless execution. Bronze coinage appears during this period for the first time in the history of the island. One of the principal reasons for this was that all the silver for the coins came from foreign states. Upon the res- toration of the inhabitants, the merchants naturally recommenced trading. But this was on not nearly so extensive a scale as formerly, chiefly because the Aeginetan ships had been almost entirely destroyed. Therefore there was much less silver com- ing into the island through the channels of trade. Bronze was obtainable in far greater quantities than silver, since there were many copper mines in the Peloponnesus NUE i Vira ee IN Oars Our 2AeH iG Nex 47 near Aegina. The mint-masters, there- fore, in order to strike as many staters as possible, for only these coins ever had in- ternational circulation, followed the exam- ple of the majority of the other states, im- poverished by the long wars, and struck nearly all the local issues in bronze. These are the first coins to break away from the custom of placing a tortoise on the obverse. They retain, however, the usual five-com- partment pattern on the reverse, a form which had become almost as familiar as the tortoise itself. PERIOD VI 375-350 B.C. Athens, from 404 B.c. until the end of Greek autonomy, had not the slightest cause for fear or jealousy of her ancient rival, Aegina. That island, once an im- portant factor in every situation that con- cerned the affairs of Greece, was in this period a neglected pawn in that exciting game that was to come to such a spectac- ular climax in the conquests of Alexander the Great. Still, since man has always ONE Ni OUNFOrG Ree eS 48 ee CON AcGee c. Obv. Similar to (a). d. Obv. Similar to (c), but with A tol. and been very averse to changing his habits quickly, the Aeginetan coins were looked upon as the most reliable medium of ex- change. Indeed, an Athenian of that time once said ‘‘ Virtue and wisdom are con- quered by tortoises ’’. The following are the types on the silver coins of this period : a. Obv. Land turtle, similar to obv. of Per- iod V, no letters on the obv. Rev. Usual form of rev. but with diago- nal downward tor. and A |[| anda dol- phin in the divisions. Didrachms. PIAL A b. Obv. Similar to (a). Rev. Similar to (a), but with A, If and dolphin in the divisions. Didrachms. Pee tee? Rev. Diagonal downward to l. and with Al, — and dolphin in the divisions. Drachms. Pie hive Ietost Rev. Diagonal downward tol., A and | NUM IT SMA TIC N OF Es OF 7 EGAN 49 in the divisions, no dolphin. Drachms. 1d Gesil Ee el e. Obv. Similar to (d). Rev. Similar to (a). Drachms. Pies Mies f. Obv. Similar to (d), but with C or cres- cent to l. Rev. Diagonal to 1., and with letters A and @ in the divisions, the A being lower. Triobols only. Pile. g. Obv. Similar to (d), but with A only. Rev. As rev. of (d), but with A and 4 in the divisions. Obols only. h. Obv. Similar to (d). Rev. Similar to rev. of (d), but with x in upper r. division. Hemiobols only. Pr Lk -8 The bronze coins of this period have the same types as those of the preceding period. PERIOD VII 350-320 B.c., or later. The silver coinage of this period is chief- ly of importance because by 320 B.C. or a little later, the Aeginetans ceased from coining silver. Thus these coins are the AND MONOGRAPHS EE =-CxO EN AG last examples of that long line of ‘“‘ Tor- toises’’, which stretched back three hun- dred years or more to the time when Greece was in her infancy, and when the name of Athens was hardly known in the outside world. For three centuries these coins had been “standard” over the length and breadth of the ancient world, civilized and barbarous. But when Alex- ander of Macedon gained ascendency over the enfeebled Greek states, Aegina discon- tinued all attempts at commerce, and, there being practically no trading, silver became unnecessary, and the mint con- fined itself to issuing the small bronze coins which were to form the only cur- rency of the island until Rome stopped even this. At this time Aegina followed the ex- ample of Athens, by placing the initials of magistrates, or mint officials on her coins. But, unlike Athens, these initials were never in the form of monograms. Also, there were fewer varieties. The following are the types on the silver issues : INGUPIMET Sry iA sl"@eaN OO) Teas OF Af®GrnaA 51 a. Obv. Land turtle, same as obv. of Period VIG se AS Rev. Incuse square of usual Aeginetan pattern; in three compartments N | and dolphin. Pry si*6 b. Obv. Same as obv. of (a); A I. Rev. Similar to rev. of (a), in one, two or more compartments , N |, E Y, A |, Or AIKAIO. Obols only. Pye bE 0263 The types on the bronze coins of this period are as follows: Obv. Two dolphins swimming upwards, between them A, Rev. Incuse square of regular Aeginetan pattern; in one or more compartments A, AL, Ad, Or (NO 2 aime Na Ol DNV 2. PERIOD VIII 320-130 B.c. Aegina, being most unimportant after 320 B.C., had very little written about her. It is, therefore, impossible to give a detail- ed account of her history during this period. ACN D> MO NOGA PES ee = C10: EN BG, Although she was not friendly with Mace- donia, she did not participate in the revolt of some of the Greek states upon the |death of Alexander. This was principally because Demosthenes, the great Athenian orator, was the chief instigator of the revolution, and Aegina had always hated Athens. This revolt was called the “Lamian War’’, because the Greek allies at its commencement had besieged Lamia, which was being held by Antipater, re- gent of Macedonia. However, Antipater conquered in the battle of Crannon, and thereby ended all further Greek resistance to Macedonian supremacy. Aegina probably joined the Achaean league, when it was at its height under the able leadership of the Sicyonian gen- eral Aratus, in 229 B.c. But if she did, she played a small part in the wars which followed shortly with Sparta and with the Aetolian league, for we find no mention of the numbers or conduct of her soldiers. The island finally came under the domina- tion of Pergamum. -When Attalus III, that cruel profligate, died, instead of giv- NeU WEIS MaAsTe be *zN OES OF AEGINA 29 ing his half-brother the kingdom, he be- queathed it, together with Aegina, to Rome. Aristonicus, his half-brother, nat- urally resented being deprived of his in- heritance, and collecting a strong force, he captured Apollonis and Colophon in Ionia, and the island of Samos. He then added to his victories by defeating the pontifex maximus, P. Licinius Crassus Mucianus. However, his success was short-lived, and in 130 B.c. the Roman general Marcus Perpenna defeated and captured him. Soon afterwards he was executed. His resistance had kept the Romans busy for three years, so it was not until 130 B.c. that they were able to take over complete control of the empire of Attalus. With that year, therefore, the coinage of Aegina ceased temporarily, for the Romans at that time allowed comparatively few of the conquered Greek cities to issue coins. Throughout this period a desultory bronze coinage was kept up. The rarity of these coins proves that very few were minted. The island was much reduced in population, and the few people that re- AND MONOGRAPHS 54 ih CO NAG i mained on it were poor and not at all in- dustrious. Therefore they did not need an abundance of coins. The following are the coin-types of this period : a. Obv. Bucranium. ep Wolphine=t. soeneatm,. Ail or A. 15 mm. its JIE b. Obv. Bucranium. Al. Rev. Dolphin 1., above, N|; beneath, AP]. 15mm. PL. 1V3°5 Cea Ooge eb rowat. ou All lel: Rev. Ram’s head within a border of dots. iP ROrehie AN lee us mani ee LV 67 d. Obv. Prow t.- AIEINA. Rev. Ram’shead1., beneath, A. 17mm. e. Obv. Head of Zeus r., laureate within a border of dots. Rev. Naked archaic statue of Apollo r., holds in r. hand laurel branch bound with fillet, and in 1. hand strung bow. A\/T 1 N@H 16 mm. eee ees f. Obv. Similar to (e). Rev. AITINH. Serpent, head upward, to 1. of temple key (?). Pie. VO NUE o vies 1 © NOES OP As Galina 5b The type on the reverse of (e) is appar- ently a copy of an early work of Aegine- tan art. Unless this were so, the extreme archaism of the statue would seem unex- plainable. PERIOD IX _ 193-221 A.D. Imperial Coinage We know nothing about the history of Aegina from the time when she was taken by Rome in 130 B.c. until nearly an hun- dred years later. When open war broke out between Antony and Octavian, Aegina was again used as a pawn in the affairs of men, but for the last time. Antony was greatly in need of allies, and he felt that if he could once win over Athens, many other states would follow her example. Therefore, in order to gain her favor he granted her Aegina. When he was so dis- astrously defeated near Actium in 31 B.c. all his plans came to naught, and shortly afterwards Octavian revoked the grant, and allowed Aegina a quasi-freedom. When Septimius Severus assumed the imperial power, he allowed many of the AINEID “MO @ NO "GER ALP HS AE OO Ne AsG Greek cities to resume coinage of bronze. Among these Aegina was included, and for less than a score of years she minted small bronze pieces. Upon the assassina- tion of Caracalla and the ensuing confu- sion, this right of coinage lapsed, and from then on Aegina never issued any coins, either silver or bronze. This list of Imperial bronzes includes all the types known to the author, but does not pretend to be complete. New types are constantly being identified ; of some of these only one example is known, and that example in a private collection and unpublished. SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS a. Obv. Laureate head of Septimius Seve- (uss Wee Kee Oe ee > HiIAOG. EAS Rev. AIFEINHT@N. Zeus, nude, strid- ing r., holding thunderbolt and eagle (probably statue of Zeus Panhellenios). 23 mm. PiskVeto b. Obv. Bust of Sept. Severus r., crowned NUMISMATIC NOTES OF AD GIN A Si) with laurel and wearing the paludamen- tum. Rev, Hermes carrying ram, facing. Inscr. as on (a). 20mm. PralV S11 - Obv. Same as obv. of (a). Rev. Small temple, tetrastyle, prostyle. Inscr.as on (a). 23 mm. Pi elLyeet2 - Obv. Same as (a). Rev. Inscr.ason (a). Hermes, facing 1., carrying aram. 21 mm. Pie lyr 3 - Obv. Same as (a). Rev. Inscr.as before. Hecate triformis ; each of the two visible arms holds a long torch, =23 rams: PRAY - 14 Obv. Same as (a). Rev. Inscr.as before. Woman ina stola, holding r. hand to her mouth, and with a cornucopiae in her 1. hand. 23 mm. PreiNeers - Obv. Same as (a). Rev. AIFEINHT@N. CAA. Two fe- male figures standing. . Obv. Same as (a). Rev AIPEL..... Helmeted Athena to r. with spear in her r. hand, the 1. resting ona shield. 22mm. PLA 16 ASN) MeO NrOsG RUArE HS I ae ON A Gil a. Obv. A.KA.M.AV.ANT@NEIN. Lau- - Obv. M.AVP.ANT@NEINOC. Simi- . Obv. Bust of Geta r., head bare. A. 7 Rev. AIFEIN HTN. Neptune, three- CARACALLA reated bust of Caracalla wearing the paludamentum. ; Rev. AIFEIN HTON. Nude figure of Zeus striding to r., holding thunderbolt and eagle. 24 mm. Pu. V3 lar to (a). | Rev. AIFEIN HTN. Zeus, holding thunderbolt in r. and sceptre in 1. hand, standing beside Aphaea. Sestini is the source of this descrip- tion —heis copied by Mionnet, but Im- hoof-Blumer in citing this piece in his “Num. Comm. on Pausanias”’ notes that neither the engraving nor the de- scription is to be trusted implicitly. GETA CEP Tl.FETAC.KAI. quarters to 1., with trident in 1. hand| and dolphininr. 17mm. Rie 2A NSUENE Sei Asie eN Ores O-F SAW GaN % Be) = oa . Obv. Same as (a). Rev, lPerow lye Wana, PEaves5 Second variety. Pu. Vs 6 FULVIA PLAUTILLA, wife of Caracalla Obv. POVABIA PAAVTIAAA. Bust om Plautillators: Rev. AIFEIN HTQN. Woman seated to 1., her r. hand extended, and holding a sceptre in her 1. (Pallas?). 22 mm. Pin View, - Obv. POVABIA PAAVTIAAA. — Simi- lar to (a), but with a tiny cornucopiae at her |. shoulder. Rev. Hecate triformis, two arms only visible, each holding along torch. Inscr. ason(a). 22 mm. PEERS. - Obv. Same as (b). Rev. Inscr.as before. Aphrodite draped, holding branch in her r. hand and an apple in 1. (Venus Victrix) - Oby. Same as (b): Rev. Hermes carrying ram to r. (copy of astatue?). Inscr.as before. 23 mm. PEN ec Obv. Same as (b). DINED VG INGOTG ReAS PSs > TEE CO rN AGE Rev. Inscr. as heretofore. Neptune (?) facing 1., holding trident or sceptre (?) in his 1. hand, and a dolphin in his r. 21 mm. Pie ckO Obv. Same as (b). Rev. Nemesis (?) drapedinastola, holds in r. hand a patera, and in 1. a cornu- copiae. Inscr. as before. 21 mm. Pi VE Second var. 19 mm. Rue\ S12 - Obv. Same as (b). Rev. Victory walking to r., holding crown | in her r. hand and palm in her 1. Inscr. | as before. 22mm. Pies Vieel 3 Second var. 19mm. PL. V, 14] - Obv. Same as (b). | Rev. Bearded terminal figure. Inscr. as| before. 18 mm. iD Vee: NUMISMATIC NOTES | OF AG IENA 61 NOTES 1 Gardner. History of Ancient Coinage, p. 200. 2 Herodotus, VI, 127. 3 Sharloo, like, sabi, Cla, JUL. Be. 4 s.v. Obeliskos. 5 Pausanias VI, 22. 6 Head. Historia Numorum, p. 395. 7 Head. op. cit. p. 394; Fox, Corolla Numis- matica, p. 34. 8 Herodotus, VI; 127. WStrabo, Bikes vaiiye © lem vil ene = 10 Pollux, X, p. 170. 11 Gardner. op. cit. p. 112. 12 Gardner. l.-c. pp. 116-120 and 5; Svoronos. Rev. Num. Belge, 1900, p. 113-129. 18 Hultsch. Metrologie, p 535. 14 This theory has been assailed by some author- ities, but nevertheless it seems to be the only one that meets all the facts of the case. 15 Pausanias VI, 25. 16 Pausanias IT, 29. 17 Encyclopaedia Britannica: Article ‘‘Aegina”’. 18 Encyclopaedia Britannica: Article ‘‘ Aegean Civilization’’. 19 Rhangabé. Ant. Hellén. No. 2346. Hill. Jour. Hell. Studies. Vol. 39, p. 116. Seltman. Temple Coins of Olympia, p. 5. 2 Head. op. cit. p. 397. See Weil, Zeit. f. Num. XXV, 52, for Greek text; and also cf. Gardner in Jour. Hell. Studies (1913), p. 150. Rey IRS fe) i & ACN Ds ON OrGaRvay el \ eo She ea oe ee \ AnkWNnHH OM MAN AWNBW NH PLATE I E. T. Newell Boston Mus. of Fine Arts Boston Mus. of Fine Arts Amer. Num. Society S. R. Milbank Berlin Bee Vien @rentiica iA H. A. Greene E. T. Newell E. T. Newell Boston Mus. of Fine Arts S. R. Milbank Bei ©. Attica: 143 THE COINAGE Wt. 12.10 grm. 12.44 12.40 12.08 12.36 12.18 0.89 1.40 2.77 1.10 12.25 12.05 12.20 D232 12.00 Toes NUMISMATIC NOTES OF AEGINA 63 I2. Sow HOD MIAN HWNH PLATE II Athens Nat. Num. Museum Wt. Athens Nat. Num. Museum Athens Nat. Num. Museum B. M.C. Attica, 99 R. B. Seager Coll. E. T. Newell Berlin E. T. Newell E. T. Newell W. Gedney Beatty Berlin In the trade E. T. Newell W. Gedney Beatty E. T. Newell E. T. Newell In the trade B. M. C. Attica, 123 grm. 11.86 11.48 12.18 2.98 2.96 2.77 2.90 0.90 12.21 0.90 12250 12.20 T2220 5.62 I1.86 AN D-MONOGR A PHS nit CO NAG PLATE III Metropolitan Mus. (Ward, 515) Wt. 12.09 grm E. T. Newell 12.24 E. T. Newall 5.74 S. R. Milbank 5.506 E. T. Newell 5.84 Metropolitan Mus. (Ward, 516) 5.61 B. M. C. Attica, 185 2.80 B. M. C. Attica, 204 0.43 S. R. Milbank 0.89 1B, IML (Cy Aviatea,, Oe 0.70 E. T. Newell 0.75 E. T. Newell 0.76 B. M. C. Attica, 201 0.78 Berlin 0.75 NUNES wVrAt IT € NOT ys Si Sh es ee ee ee Oss EG Nes 65 PLATE IV (Bronze) Milbank Milbank CeAttican222 Milbank C. Attica, 227 IR R. M. IR. M. 1 oe nna R. Milbank Dr. N. Petsalis (Athens) Dr. N. Petsalis (Athens) Obv. Brit. Mus. Rev. Berlin Vienna E. T. Newell Brit. Museum Paris E. T. Newell Berlin 8. 8. BE S. 1B}. Vi S. HOR FO WOR CO De ON CRE eo! 4 iS) Se eS S & DARD AGING ID WE.OsN OrGRaASrs ins Le ie | C/O NG laa) iS) el mM BW Sow HOOD OT OAN BW ND H PLATE V (Bronze) BaVieGAttica.238 Berlin Paris Paris Berlin British Museum Vienna Berlin Berlin Dr. N. Petsalis Obv. Brit. Mus. Rev. Berlin Vienna Vienna Berlin Vienna NOUMTS MATIC NOTES AEGINA Plate | PERIOD I (1-6). PERIOD Il (11-12). PERIOD III (10, 13-16). 64 ; be ; oy ieeemenel a aint AORN in cecsaammgei hn et Seen sat oy sae: CERES PDA hf eee te Dacia “ sauces int , Ta dectanabaaeeatavane lt RESELL ag NE a ies i i oe Plate II AEGINA PERIOD V (9-18) PERIOD IV (5-8) AEGINA Plate III PERIOD VI (1-5, 7-8) AEGINA | Plate IV PERIOD V (1) PERIOD VII (2-3) PERIOD VIII (4-9) PERIOD IX (10-16) AEGINA Plate V spire Baan per qanine nemeenterr me Fey ia & NUMISMATIC NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS 5 PL PS OS bt d tele Be OGD OR dD om No Oe en ae OLE OE POM et ie dah ain Fo tht 8. AG ira G aS Oe ar ee aS? Be 1 Sydney P. Noe. Coin Hoards. 1921. 47 pages. 6 plates. 5oc. 4 Howland Wood. The Mexican Revolu- tionary Coinage, 1913-1916. 1921. 44 pages. 26 plates. 2.00. 6 Agnes Baldwin. Five Roman Gold Me- dallions. 1921. 103 pages. 8 plates. $1.50. 7 Sydney P..Noe. Medallic Work of A. A. Weinman. 1921. 31 pages. 17 plates. $1.00. 8 Gilbert S. Perez. The Mint of the Philip- pine Islands. 1921. 8 pages. 4 plates. 50c. L.D. Computing ages. 25 »plates. e First Seleucid 21. 40 pages. 8 French Orders and Opages. 35 plates. Dollars of 1858. NuMISMATIC NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS (Continued) 13 R. B. Whitehead. Pre-Mohammedan Coin- age of Northwestern India. 1922. 56 pages. 15 plates. $2.00. 14 George F. Hill. Attambelos I of Characene. 1922. 12 pages. 3 plates. $1.00. 15 M. P. Viasto, Taras Oikistes (A Contri- bution to Tarentine Numismatics). 1922. 234 pages. 13 plates. $3.50. 16 Howland Wood. Commemorative Coin- age of United States. 1922. 63 pages. 7 plates. $1.50. 17 Agnes Baldwin. Six Roman Bronze Me- dallions. 1923. 39pages. 6 plates. $1.50. 18 Howland Wood. Tegucigalpa Coinage of 1823. 1923. 16 pages. 2 plates. 5c. 19 Edward T. Newell. Alexander Hoards—_ II. Demanhur Hoard. 1923. 162 pages. 8 plates. $2.50. Harrold E. Gillingham. Italian Orders of Chivalry and Medals of Honour. 1923. 146 pages. 34 plates. $2.00. Edward T. Newell. Alexander Hoards — III. Andritsaena. 1924. 39 pages. 6 plates. $1.00. 22 C. T. Seltman. A Hoard from Side. 1924. 20 pages. 3 plates. $1.00. 23 R.B. Seager, A Cretan Coin Hoard. 1924. 55 pages. 12 plates. $2.00.